Integrated Watershed Management - Studies and

Transcription

INTEGRATED WATERSHED
MANAGEMENT
– Studies and Experiences from Asia –
Edited by
Michael Zoebisch, Khin Mar Cho, San Hein and Runia Mowla
Language and Production Editor
Robin N. Leslie
On-line eBook
All parts of this book may be downloaded for personal and scientific use.
Produced and published with funding from Danida – Danish International
Development Assistance – under Programme Support to the Integrated
Watershed Development and Management Area of Study at the Asian Institute
of Technology
Published by
Asian Institute of Technology – AIT
P.O.Box 4, Klong Luang, Pathumthani 12120, Thailand
www.ait.ac.th
© Asian Institute of Technology
All rights reserved
August 2005
ii
CONTENTS
Preface ...................................................................................................................
vii
1. Institutions and Rural Development
Community Development Groups and Watershed Management Activities
in Dhading District, Nepal
..............................................................................
Arjun Kumar Thapa
1
Institutional Analysis of Watersheds “With” and “Without” External Assistance
in the Hills of Nepal
....................................................................................
Shrutidhar Tripathi
17
Community Development Groups and Farm Conservation in Chhabdi Watershed, Nepal
Gehendra Keshari Upadhyaya
39
Institutional Coordination for Watershed Management in Dhading District, Nepal
Puspa Ram Thapa
.........
57
Linkages among Land, Water and Forest Resources and Their Institutional Dynamism
in Chitwan District, Nepal ..................................................................................
Kanchan Thapa
75
Differentiating Active and Passive User Groups for Watershed Management
in the Western Hills of Nepal
..........................................................................
Basan Shrestha
95
Participation of Disadvantaged People in Watershed Management
in Makawanpur District, Nepal ..........................................................................
Dandi Ram Bishwakarma
113
Integrated Natural Resource Conservation: People’s Perceptions and Participation
in Nepal
.........................................................................................................
Shiva Kumar Wagle
131
Forest Land-use Dynamics and Community-based Institutions in a Mountain Watershed
in Nepal: Implications for Forest Governance and Management.
........................
Ambika Prasad Gautam
151
Institutional Development for Community-based Natural Resource Management
in Upland Areas of Thailand
.............................................................................
Nitaya Kijtewachakul
197
iii
2. Managing Forest Resources
Impact of Community Forestry in the Middle Hills of Nepal:
A Case Study of Tinau Watershed
....................................................................
Vijay Singh Shrestha
219
The Impacts of a Community Forestry Project in a Northwest Watershed of Cambodia
Chan Danith
245
Institutionalizing Forest User Groups Via Community Forestry in Tanahun District, Nepal
Rameshwar Pandit
263
Evaluation of the Initial Results of Natural Forest Allocation to Thuy Yen Thuong Village,
Central Vietnam ................................................................................................
Ngo Tri Dung
Prospects for Institutional Sustainability in Community Forestry in Nepal
Narendra Prasad Shah
...................
281
299
Community Forestry and Its Impact on Watershed Condition and Productivity in Nepal
Krishna Prasad Ghimire
313
Prospects for Commercial Production of Non-timber Forest Products in Nepal
Shree Bhagwan Prasad Gupta
331
..........
Participation in Natural Forest Resource Management in Pursat Province, Cambodia
Ouk Kunka
...
351
Market Analysis of Major Products from Community-managed Forests
in the Foothill Watersheds of Nepal
................................................................
Bhim Nath Acharya
371
Capacity Assessment of the Development Planning Process for Community Forestry
in Nepal ...........................................................................................................
Bhoj Raj Khanal
391
Prospects for Promoting Non-timber Forest Products in the Mountains of Nepal
Bishnu Hari Pandit
.......
413
Local Irrigation Institutions in Changing Watershed Conditions:
A Study of Jhikhu Khola Watershed
.................................................................
Kanchana Upadhyay
425
3. Water Resources Management
Performance Indicators for Irrigation Management in Indonesia
Murtiningrum
iv
.................................
445
Strengthening Water User Communities to Improve Irrigation Management in Cambodia
Keang Ngy
Flood Control and Water Resource Management of the Day River Basin, Red River Delta,
Vietnam
.................................................................................................
Ngo Van Sinh
Water Demand Forecast and Management Modelling in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal
Pratistha Pradhan
459
477
......
497
.............................
515
Application of the AnnAGNPS Model for Watershed Quality Assessment
in the Siwalik Hills of Nepal ...............................................................................
Sangam Shrestha
531
Assessment of Groundwater Potential for Irrigation in Bangladesh
Shahriar Md. Wahid
Water Balance Analysis in Ea Knir Catchment, Daklak, Vietnam
Tran Thi Trieu
...............................
557
.......................................
581
Land-use Adjustment Based on Watershed Classification Using Remote Sensing and GIS
Aye Thiha
601
Farmers’ Participation in Irrigation Management in Vietnam
Pham Phu Ngoc
4. Understanding Watershed and Land-use Dynamics
Land Suitability Assessment and Participatory Land-use Planning and Management
in a Microwatershed of Orissa, India
...............................................................
Sharmistha Swain
615
Determinants of Soil Erosion in Tropical Steeplands: A Case Study of Kim Noi
Sub-watershed, Vietnam
..................................................................................
Le Thi Thu Huong
637
Impact of the Land Allocation Programme on Land Use and Land Management in Laos
Phonesane Vilaymeng
657
GIS-assisted Erosion Risk Assessment in the Chittagong Hill Tract, Bangladesh
Md. Moqbul Hossain
...........
677
.............
703
Development of a Location-specific Soil Resistance to Erosion (SRE) Index:
A Case Study from Northeast Thailand
...........................................................
Binaya R. Shivakoti
719
Gender Analysis for Land Management and Conservation in Central Vietnam
Tran Thi Hai
v
Determination of a Location-specific Soil Hydraulic Quality (SHQ) Index:
A Case Study from Northeast Thailand
.............................................................
Mohammad Gausul Azam
739
Dynamics of the Physico-Chemical Erodibility Factors of Soil under Different
Management Scenarios in the Watersheds of Chiang Mai, Thailand
...................
Assefa Gizaw Meka
761
Land-use Changes and Their Driving Forces in Northeastern Thailand
Khin Mar Cho
.....................
Factors Influencing Land-use Change in Areas with Shifting Cultivation in Bangladesh
Golam Rasul
777
797
5. Integrated Land Management
The Sustainability of Traditional and Modern Agricultural Land Use in Vietnam
Nguyen Dinh Thi
..........
813
...................
835
Farming Systems in Northeastern Thailand: Characterization and Implications
for Sustainability
...........................................................................................
Md. Mainul Hasan
855
Farmers’ Approaches to Soil-fertility Management in the Hills of Nepal
Basu Dev Regmi
Community-based Fishery Management in Battambang Province, Cambodia
Nom Sophearith.
...............
867
Women in Land Management and Conservation: A Case Study from the Middle Hills
of Nepal ..........................................................................................................
Shabnam Shivakoti Aryal
885
Traditional Cottage Industry Development in the Upper Andhikhola Watershed, Nepal:
Problems and Prospects
..................................................................................
Megh Bahadur Nepali
911
Effects of Poverty Alleviation and Sustainable Natural Resource Management
in Lao PDR ......................................................................................................
Liengsone Somphathay
929
Contribution of Agroforestry to Livelihoods in Bara and Rautahat Districts, Nepal
Lal Bahadur Prasad Kurmi
.......
937
Impacts of the Upland Conversion Project in the Yangtze River Watershed on Farmers’
Livelihoods
......................................................................................................
Shao Wen
945
vi
Preface
Integrated watershed management is an effective means for the conservation and development
of land and water resources. As an interdisciplinary approach, it integrates the socio-cultural and
economic as well as the biophysical and technological aspects of development. An over-riding concern
of integrated watershed development is the improvement of the livelihoods of local communities on a
sustainable basis. This requires balancing their economic needs and expectations with environmental
concerns so as to avert degradation of the natural resource base, in particular soil and water components.
Governments and development institutions are increasingly recognizing that full community
participation is essential for sustainable watershed development. With growing local participation,
indigenous knowledge is now significantly influencing the planning, design, and implementation of
watershed development programmes. Long-term changes and development are more likely to be
adopted if communities have a say in the decision-making process. Sustainability also increases if
local resources are more efficiently utilized and the use of or need for external inputs is minimized.
This book has been published in electronic format to target the vast audience that the world wide
web serves. It highlights different aspects of integrated watershed development for resource-poor
smallholders in Asia. The papers are syntheses of research projects, which were undertaken by
students of the Asian Institute of Technology (AIT) in Bangkok between 2000 and 2004.
The contents provide an overview of a broad spectrum of current issues of significance and
concern for rural development in the higher altitudes of Asia. The studies exclusively deal with smallscale and community-level watershed development. The overall focus is on the people’s perspectives
of development and their roles and options in this process. Very different scenarios of typical smallholder
mountain farming and forest-user communities are described and analysed from their socio-economic
and biophysical perspectives. Constraints to and options for development are discussed.
The book is structured into five thematic sections, which cover the institutional, socio-economic,
and biophysical aspects of watershed management.
1. Institutions and rural development explores the roles of community-based institutions and
local watershed management.
2. Managing forest resources focuses on different models of forest utilization, with emphasis
on community-forestry experiences from Cambodia, Nepal, and Vietnam.
3. Water resources management discusses water use and water allocation for communitymanaged small-scale irrigation schemes.
4. Understanding watershed and land-use dynamics introduces approaches for the evaluation
of watershed resources, the driving forces for land-use change, and the effects of land use on
land quality.
5. Integrated land management gives examples of different watershed-management
approaches and their effects on the livelihoods of local communities.
The book contributes to the wider discussion on people-centred and people-initiated integrated
development. It demonstrates that resource exploitation and the well being of the people are intrinsically
related. The contents reveal that sustainable development is not possible without the conservation of
natural resources.
vii
Because of its broad scope and the wide range of original source material, this book is also a
“reference manual” on current issues and trends for researchers and development practitioners who
are concerned with participatory approaches in small-scale community-level watershed development,
particularly in Asia.
The editors
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
The Integrated Watershed Management Programme at AIT
Since 2000, the Asian Institute of Technology (AIT) has been implementing the interdisciplinary
postgraduate degree programme ‘Integrated Watershed Development and Management’ (IWDM).
The programme was developed in cooperation with the Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University
(KVL), Denmark, and DHI – Water and Environment, Denmark, and has been funded by the Danish
International Development Assistance (Danida).
The programme has adopted an interdisciplinary and integrated approach to education, research,
and development, combining on-campus with outreach activities aiming at enhancing education and
action-oriented research in the region.
The main disciplines and fields of studies contributing to the programme are regional and rural
development planning, agricultural systems, natural resources management, and water resources
management. Courses are offered at Master and PhD levels. Since 2000, more than 50 students have
graduated and are now disseminating the knowledge they have acquired throughout Asia.
The editors can be contacted via e-mail at:
Michael Zoebisch: [email protected]
Khin Mar Cho: [email protected]
San Hein: [email protected]
Runia Mowla: [email protected]
Robin N. Leslie, language and production editor: [email protected]
viii
Integrated Watershed Management: Studies and Experiences from Asia
Edited by Michael Zoebisch, Khin Mar Cho, San Hein & Runia Mowla. AIT, Bangkok, 2005
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT GROUPS AND WATERSHED MANAGEMENT
ACTIVITIES IN DHADING DISTRICT, NEPAL
Arjun Kumar Thapa1
Introduction
Nepal is situated in the central Himalayas and has several watersheds, which are drained through
three major river systems: the Sapta Koshi in the east, the Karnali in the west, and the Sapta Gandaki
in the middle. Of the total watershed area of the country, 0.4, 1.5, and 11.7 percent of the watersheds
are in very poor, poor, and fair condition respectively. Land and water are the major natural resources
available in Nepal; more than 90 percent of the population depends on these resources for their
livelihoods. The slopes of upland areas, which were once covered with forests and vegetation, have
been heavily degraded and converted to agricultural land. Soil erosion from these areas has not only
reduced productivity, but also caused flooding, pollution, and loss of life and property downstream. A
recent estimate of such soil loss is 271 million m3 /year. A typical hill watershed contributes total
sediment of 21 t/ha/year — between 1-2 mm of soil depthr per year (APROSC, 1997).
The Department of Soil Conservation and Watershed Management (DSCWM) under the Ministry
of Forest and Soil Conservation (MFSC), is mandated to conserve and manage watersheds using a
community-based approach with the broad objective of raising the income of rural families by
contributing to improvement of the ecological conditions of the watersheds. A major effort by the
DSCWM over the last two decades has been the mobilization of local people through the formation of
Community Development Groups (CDGs) and involvement of members in all stages of watershed
management activities. In 1996, HMG/DSCWM/DANIDA launched a pilot project to establish CDGs
as non-governmental organizations; as such, the strengthening of local institutions would lead to the
sustainable use of scarce and dwindling natural resources in the watershed. The CDGs have carried
out various watershed management activities with the assistance of the District Soil Conservation
Office (DSCO) in the study area.
In the past DSCO implemented watershed management activities according to its policies and
strategies; these were mainly based on annual physical targets rather than programme sustainability.
According to Karki and Sharma (1999), the past approach to watershed management consisted of
top-down planning, implementation, and monitoring of watershed management activities. Targets were
fixed based on the budget available and the programme was entirely guided by the government.
Finally programme personnel abandoned the users once programme support was withdrawn. Bogati,
(1999) indicated that the institutional aspect, which plays a vital role not only for effective implementation
of programme activities but also for the sustainability of development activities, has been ignored.
Development activities frequently fail in the long run due to the lack of local viable institutions that are
able to carry out both management and maintenance.
1
MSc. Thesis (Ref. No. NR-01-08), Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand. August 2001.
Examination Committee - Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti (Chair), Dr.Gopal Bahadur Thapa, Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch
1
Therefore, there is a need to study organizational performance and its sustainability, as well as
factors influencing performance in terms of effectiveness, efficiency, and sustainability. So, the overall
objective of the study is to analyse the performance and organizational sustainability of selected
CDGs in the study area.
The study area
Adam Khola sub-watershed was selected for the study; it comes under the jurisdiction of two village
development committees, Kumpur and Kelleri (Figure 1) of Dhading District. Geographically the area
lies between 27º 47’ and 27º 50’ latitude and 84º 50’ and 84º 57’ longitude with physical coverage of 1
907.8 ha (Hansen et al., 1995). The climate is mostly sub-tropical humid and warm temperate humid.
As the study area is in the Middle Mountain region of the country, hills and mountains dominate most
of the topography. The northern part of the study area has steeper gradients than the southern side.
There is also some small flat land area with gentle slopes to the northeast. The total forest area in the
watershed is 365.4 ha which is equivalent to 19.2 percent of the total study area. The types of
vegetation depend on slope gradient and other aspects.
Figure 1. The study area in Dhading District
The study area comprises agricultural land, forest land, shrubland, and grazing land. According to
Hansen et al. (1995), 36.2 percent (690.5 ha) of the watershed area is covered by irrigated land and
18.2 percent (347.8 ha) by non-irrigated land. Similarly 19.2 percent (365.4 ha) of the total area is
occupied by forest land, 16.2 percent (310 ha) by shrubland, and 10.2 percent (194.1 ha) by grazing
land. The condition of the sub-watershed is poor, mainly due to deforestation, overgrazing, cultivation
on marginal land, stream bank cutting, gullies, and landslides. Occurrences of both natural and humaninduced erosion have been reported (Hansen et al., 1995).
There are 16 CDGs comprising 666 households within the study area. Among the 16 CDGs, four
groups, namely Amelichap, Chotetar, Janachetana, and Bungeshwori were selected using the following
criteria: high demand by the local people; types and numbers of activities accomplished; accessibility
to the road and market facilities; and the number of households included in the organization. The
2
Amelichap and Janachetana groups were considered as accessible areas with higher numbers of
households (AAHNH). The Bungeshwori and Chotetar groups were considered as areas difficult to
access with lower numbers of households (ADALNH).
DSCO/DANIDA has been assisting CDG watershed management since1996. The CDGs are
important local institutions for the welfare of the community and continuity of watershed management
activities in the future. DANIDA has also supported different DSCOs that assist CDGs with watershed
management activities.
Demography of the study area
Family size has been correlated with labour contribution (Adhikari, 1996). Relatively large household
size means relatively more labour for farming. Therefore it was assumed that the rate of participation
differs among the family size. Based on the number of individuals in the households, Shrestha (1991)
has classified the household size into three different groups: Small = (1-4), Medium = (5-7), and Large
= (> 8). Based on this classification the sampled households were categorized accordingly. Most of
the families fall into the medium category.
The general assumption is that people of working age can contribute relatively more than people
of non-working age. People of working age are more aware of development activities and their
potential contribution for development activities is higher. Therefore, the respondents’ age is an important
determinant of participation as it affects labour contribution and involvement in decision making
(Adhikari, 1996).
The law prohibits employment in any activity below the age of 16 (Paudel, 2000). However, in
practice, farming households use their children, even as young as 10, to collect fodder and fuelwood;
fetch water; carry manure to the farmyard; shepherd livestock; or look after their siblings while the
parents conduct farming activities.
The age of the respondents ranges from 17 to 75 years. Most of the respondents interviewed in
each of the CDGs belonged to the economically active group (about half of the respondents were
young and adult). This group formed about 90 percent of the available human resources in each CDG.
In most cases the average age of the respondents was around 41 years.
There is a strong social caste system in Nepal. The ethnic groups prevalent in the study area are:
Brahman, Chettri, Gurung, Kami, Damai, Sarki, Magar, and Newar. Based on ethnic composition,
Janachetana CDG is a heterogeneous community whereas Bungeshwori comprises three-fourths of
the Magar community. Of the total households sampled in Amelichap, nearly two-thirds of the community
is Brahman; this applies to Chotetar also. The Gurung community is the least prevalent comprising
only 3 percent of the sampled households in Janachetana CDG.
Ninety-five percent of the respondents are subsistence farmers who have fragmented parcels of
land averaging 1 ha. With no alternative off-farm activities, farming is the only option. Only a negligible
percentage of the respondents are engaged in services and business. It is obvious that sources of
financial income for the local people are very scarce. Some family members in Bungeshwori CDG
work elsewhere.
Household earnings are a significant determinant of socio-economic status. Respondents were
asked about their household income from different sources. The mean annual income of Bungeswori
CDG was relatively higher, as household members work in services. Farmland is the most important
asset and a strong indicator for determining the socio-economic status of the households. The farmland
3
is divided into two types: Bari land (non-irrigated) and Khet land (irrigated). In the study area, most of
the farmers have rain-fed farmland.
Performance of Community Development Groups
The CDGs devise a community development plan that is supposed to reflect development perspectives
as perceived by the community, addressing natural resource management and other development
needs. The plan is the basis for approaching different line agencies for support. With technical assistance
from DSCO, CDGs directly implement programme activities via people’s participation.
Fundamentally, the community development committee (CDC) is responsible for coordination
among CDG members and concerned offices for managing and accomplishing programme activities.
In this regard the performance of the CDGs was studied for conflict resolution, information sharing,
satisfaction derived from programme activity, benefit sharing, decision making, people’s participation,
and transparency. Efficiency, work accomplished according to the plan and available resources, technical
soundness of the accomplished work, resource utilization, and use of cost-effective methods were
considered also.
Performance of the CDGs in the Water Source Protection Programme
Water sources are springs and kuwas (small irrigation ponds). Water source protection refers to
vegetative and structural erosion control measures applied in the source and its catchments and all
distribution systems. The objective of this programme is to improve the quality and regime of water
through conservation of soil and water. Preventive as well as the rehabilitative measures have been
taken to avoid possible water-induced damage by integrating different watershed management activities.
Activities like tree and grass plantation, diversion canal and check dam construction, and gully plugging
are conducted. In some cases, potable drinking water facilities are also provided. The most tangible
benefit is the availability of drinking water.
Effectiveness
Conflict resolution for resource allocation
CDGs with more households had lower levels of conflict than CDGs with fewer households because
they had more available resources. In this regard more than half of the respondents agreed that there
has never been dispute among the members for resource allocation. However, in Bungeshwori disputes
occur due to the scattered distribution of the households and allocation of resources to areas where
most people live, disregarding remoter inhabited areas.
Information sharing
Effective communication is as much a basic prerequisite to the attainment of organizational goals as
effective application of group dynamic techniques (Dwivedi, 1979), while lack of information and
communication lead to passiveness, dissatisfaction, complaints, and low community participation. In
order to assess communication and sharing of information among community members, they were
asked how often they deliver (share) information with other members. This occurred most frequently
in Janachetana CDG. The site office situated at Bhaldanda (Janachetana CDG) and the local motivators
4
appointed by DSCO facilitated information dissemination and sharing among community members.
This was less effective in Amelichap.
Satisfaction
Satisfaction derived from the programme
There was a significant difference in satisfaction among the members regarding programme activity
(Table 1). Respondents from Chotetar followed by Amelichap expressed comparatively higher levels
of satisfaction. The lowest level of satisfaction was found in Janachetana. These differences can be
attributed to the variation in the number of households benefiting directly. The lower level of satisfaction
in Bungeshwori can also be attributed to the lower number of beneficiaries.
Table 1. Levels of satisfaction derived from the programme activity
Category
CDG
Amelichap (N=35)
Chotetar (N=14)
Janachetana (N=6)
Bungeshwori (N= 24)
Not satisfied
Middling
Satisfied
Fully satisfied
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
2
3
5
5.7
4.5
20.8
2
2
28
7
5.7
14.3
41.8
29.2
17
3
27
11
48.6
21.4
40.3
45.8
14
9
9
1
40.0
64.3
13.4
4.2
Source: Field Survey (2001)
Note: No. = number, % = corresponding percentage of the total number of respondents, N= number of sampled households
Benefit sharing
Benefits (cash income savings from programme activities and drinking water facilities) derived from
programme activities are shared among members. This is decided by the CDC and the beneficiaries.
They formulate acceptable norms and rules and assure equitable benefit sharing. Most of the
respondents were satisfied with benefit sharing. The lower level of satisfaction expressed in Janachetana
could be attributed to most of the households not having access to the drinking water system developed
with financial and technical assistance from DSCO. In Amelichap (satisfied with the drinking water
facility), a secondary benefit is the irrigation facility derived from the wastewater from the drinking
water system. Conversely, in Bungeshwori the lowest level of satisfaction was recorded.
Decision making
The role of CDG members in decision making is an important aspect for smooth running of programme
activities. There are two opposing schools of thought regarding the decision-making structure: one
asserts that local organizations need strong executive leadership to deal decisively with the environment;
the other relies more on maximum consensus and widespread participation of individuals in decision
making. Heller (1973), cited in Joshi et al. (1997) suggests that the success of a local organization in
terms of decision-making structure is important. MacKenzie (1993) found that consensus is important
not only for reaching an acceptable decision but also for building long-term trust and support for
outcomes (MacKenzie 1993 cited in Margerum 1999).
5
Decision making for implementing rules and regulations
Decision making was effective in AAHNH (Janachetana CDG) where more than half of the sampled
households agreed to make consensus decisions. This is attributable to the higher literacy rate, exposure
to the external environment, frequent contact with outsiders, and cooperation of local leaders.
ADALNH had weaker decision making, (Chotetar CDG). Members who break rules are punished.
Punishments are recorded in the CDG constitutions, developed by the CDG members. More punishment
was found in Janachetana and less punishment in Amelichap.
Decision making for resource allocation
Since the resources are scarce and people’s demands are higher, different CDGs have different
decision-making processes: by committee members, in the assembly, and by the elite (or their influence).
This was effective in Janachetana, followed by Amelichap. This is attributable to the higher literacy
rate and the positive attitude towards programme activities.
Participation in programme activities
People’s participation is viewed as a dynamic group process in which all members of a group contribute
to the attainment of common objectives, share the benefits accruing from group activities, exchange
information and experience for common interest, and follow the rules, regulations, and other decisions
made by the groups (Mishra, 1996). Organizational reasons for participation in collaborative efforts
include efficiency, access to resources and reduction of uncertainty through the development of
collective rules (Wood and Gary, 1991 cited in Margerum, 1999). Furthermore, Colfer and Wadley
(2001), specify that increased participation provides a means for conflict resolution and empowerment.
People’s participation is the basic input that the people can provide. Poor local people can contribute
labour in lieu of cash. There was good participation in Amelichap but this was not so evident in
Janachetana. Lower levels of participation and interest are because the majority of the respondents
are getting benefits from the Nepal Water for Health (NEWAH) programme rather than the programme
assisted by DSCO.
Transparency maintained in programme activity
Removal of mistrust, apprehension, and misunderstanding among the CDG members is essential not
only for smooth functioning of the programme but also for establishing effective and long-term
partnerships within the community. In order to maintain transparency about programme activities,
especially financial aspects, provisions are made in the CDG constitution; for example, the treasurer
should disclose income and the expenditure of resources at the general (community) assembly.
In this context, an obligatory provision is made to open a joint account between the CDG chairperson
and treasurer or secretary in a nearby bank; all transactions are conducted through their joint signatures.
Proper documentation is also essential for transparency. Therefore training on record keeping has
also been given to CDG members for proper archiving. The higher level of satisfaction with transparency
was in Janachetana CDG (Table 2). This can be attributed to the higher frequency of meetings and
the higher numbers at the meetings, as well as the higher literacy rate. The respondents in Chotetar
expressed a lower level of satisfaction. Less than one-fourth of the respondents expressed their full
satisfaction (Table 2) for transparency maintained within the community. The majority were dissatisfied.
One-fourth of the sampled households, which is the highest figure among the studied CDGs, was
annoyed about auditing.
6
Table 2. Satisfaction regarding transparency
Category
CDG
Amelichap (N=35)
Chotetar (N=14)
Janachetana (N=67)
Bungeshwori (N=24)
Not satisfied
Somewhat satisfied
Satisfied
Fully satisfied
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
3
2
1
3
8.6
14.3
1.5
12.5
6
4
11
2
17.1
28.6
16.4
8.3
14
5
25
9
40.0
37.7
37.3
37.5
12
3
30
10
34.3
21.4
44.8
41.7
Efficiency
Efficiency comprises achieving existing objectives with acceptable use of resources (Carnall, 1995).
It was obvious from the study that financial resources are scarce and the resources made available
by the agency concerned as well as community contributions (financial) were not sufficient to meet
the needs of the local people.
Work accomplishment according to the plan and budget
For each and every activity a budget and plan are prepared with the assistance of field technicians for
programme implementation. While preparing the estimates, local people are informed about their
contributions in conducting programme activities and the cost to be borne by the concerned agency.
Timely accomplishment of the activity with desirable use of resources is necessary. Respondents
from Bungeshwori CDG expressed the highest level of satisfaction for work accomplishment according
to the prepared plan and budget.
Technical efficiency
Technical soundness is important. Respondents were asked to judge the quality of accomplished
activity. In Chotetar, most of the respondents were very positive about programme activity because
they regarded it as important. During a field visit it was also found that the system was functioning
well and delivering efficient services to the resource users.
Efficient utilization of resources
Mishandling of physical and financial resources causes considerable damage to the people and
ultimately leads to economic loss. Respondents were asked if they thought resources were being used
efficiently. Most of the respondents in Bungeshwori believed that resources had been utilized efficiently
(Table 3). In Amelichap, respondents were not so confident about this.
7
Table 3. Accomplishment of work with efficient utilization of resources
Category
CDG
Amelichap (N=35)
Chotetar (N=14)
Janachetana (N=67)
Bungeshwori (N=24)
Don’t know
Somewhat agree
Agree
Fully agree
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
-
-
2
6
5
1
5.7
42.9
7.5
4.2
16
6
27
8
45.7
42.9
40.3
33.3
17
2
35
15
48.6
14.3
52.2
62.5
Priority to adopt cost effective methods
As financial resources are scarce, care needs to be exercised about choosing cost-effective methods
for constructing development activities. Choice of bioengineering techniques, alternatives for high
cost materials, use of locally available skilled human resources, and generation of maximum people’s
participation in programme activities are considered in this context.
Performance of CDGs in the trail improvement programme
According to Sthapit (1994), a “trail” refers to the existing trail (narrow path), which is susceptible to
gully formation that causes erosion upslope or downslope, thus inconveniencing human and livestock
traffic. Trail improvement refers to the vegetative and structural measures applied to protect the trail
from erosion and to improve the trail for general traffic. The main objective of this programme is to
reduce erosion from unmanaged trails, protect them from erosion, and to improve the trail for general
traffic.
Effectiveness
Method for dispute resolution
Janachetana CDG had fewer conflicts among the members (Table 4). Most respondents agreed that
there had never been conflict for resource allocation. In Amelichap and Bungeswori CDGs only onetenth of the respondents indicated no conflict. This indicates that they are relatively ineffective in
resolving problems compared to the other two CDGs. Some respondents were interested in other
programmes.
8
Table 4. Dispute for resource allocation
Category
CDG
Amelichap (N=35)
Chotetar (N=14)
Janachetana (N=67)
Bungeshwori (N=24)
Frequently
Sometimes
Seldom
Never
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
2
3
14.3
12.5
9
7
9
9
25.7
50.0
13.4
37.5
13
4
21
10
37.1
28.6
31.3
41.7
13
1
37
2
37.1
7.1
55.2
8.3
Information sharing among the members
Respondents were asked how often they reported programme activities. The best information sharing
was in Janachetana because members were interested in the programme and found it useful. In
Bungeshwori, information was reported by the katuwal (a local person appointed by the villagers to
deliver messages). He is responsible for delivering messages that are of concern to the villagers.
Every household is obliged to provide cash or in-kind support for his services. However, despite this
arrangement, most messages were delivered mutually by fellow members at meetings and informally
during personal visits.
Satisfaction derived from programme activity
The trail improvement programme is in high demand by local people in the study area because everyone
benefits equally. The direct benefit being easy traffic for local people as well as livestock. Some
people have complained about soil-erosion problems due to the poor condition of trails. The 24
respondents from Bungeshwori were mostly satisfied with implementation of the trail improvement
programme. (This CDG is quite distant from the highway and they need easy and frequent access to
reach it.)
Benefit sharing
One of the direct benefits is savings. Usually not less than 10 percent of the total programme cost is
deposited in the CDG bank by each group. The rest is obtained from external assistance and distributed
among the beneficiaries who are involved in construction work. None of the respondents, except
Chotetar, was dissatisfied with benefit sharing in the programme. Chotetar members had a low level
of participation. Apart from cash income, it is difficult to quantify other benefits. It is assumed that the
major benefit is trafficable roads.
There was a significant difference in decision making in the CDGs. Relatively effective decision
making occurred in areas accessible to infrastructure facilities. Again, higher literacy rates and interest
in the programme are reasons for better performance.
9
Level of participation
This was higher in Bungeshwori (Table 5). Higher satisfaction encourages higher participation and
greater interest. Local farmers were interested in cash income from the programme but in one case
(Janachetana) respondents indicated pressure by other members — households who did not participate
in the programme would not receive benefits from the CDG. In Chotetar participation was lower.
Table 5. Level of people’s participation in the trail improvement programme
Categories
CDG
Amelichap (N=35)
Chotetar (N=14)
Janachetana (N=67)
Bungeshwori (N=24)
Not good
Middling
Good
Excellent
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
-
-
2
2
2
1
5.7
14.3
3.0
4.2
23
11
42
8
65.7
78.6
62.7
33.3
10
1
23
15
28.6
7.1
34.3
62.5
Note: No. = number, % = corresponding percentage of the total number of respondents, N= number of sampled household
Satisfaction with transparency
Janachetana CDG expressed highest satisfaction for transparency. Nobody was dissatisfied. About
one-tenth of the respondents in Bungeshwori and Amelichap were dissatisfied. The level of satisfaction
was also lower in Chotetar and Bungeshwori.
Efficiency
This programme is labour intensive and good management of human resources is crucial. For efficient
utilization of resources and time, local people arbitrarily divided the work among different sections.
Each ad hoc group is responsible for the assigned management tasks. Most respondents in Bungeshwori
and Janachetana agreed that the work had been accomplished according to the prepared plan and
budget. Janachetana and Bungeshwori CDGs were more efficient. This higher efficiency is attributed
to the higher level of people’s participation (Table 6) and their self-generated interest.
Table 6. Work accomplishment according to the plan and budget
Category
CDG
Amelichap (N=35)
Chotetar (N=14)
Janachetana (N=67)
Bungeshwori (N=24)
Never
Sometimes
Most often
Always
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
-
-
1
4.2
5
4
3
2
14.3
28.6
4.5
8.3
26
8
30
7
74.3
57.1
44.8
29.2
4
2
34
14
11.4
14.3
50.7
58.3
10
Work should be accomplished with an acceptable standard of quality. However, in the rural context
there is no hard and fast rule regarding the quality of work to be measured. Therefore it is difficult to
judge quality of work in the rural context especially where the work has been accomplished by local
people. In response to technical efficiency of the trail improvement programme, no one was dissatisfied
with the quality of work.
Priority to adopt cost-effective methods
In order to minimize programme cost, discussions are held among beneficiaries about adopting costeffective methods during surveying and preparing estimates with field technicians. Respondents were
asked how many precautionary measures had been taken to adopt cost-effective methods to reduce
programme cost. With the exception of Amelichap, more than two-thirds of the respondents in all of
the CDGs consented to prioritize cost-effective methods. A field visit revealed that all of the construction
work had been done using locally available resources and in most of cases, bioengineering techniques
had been used for plugging small gullies and diversion channels.
CDGs and conservation ponds
Ponds are hydrological lifelines in rural areas. In this study, conservation ponds refer to small ponds
constructed principally for trapping wastewater/runoff to reduce soil erosion and to enhance soil
moisture availability to the crops. The CDC, with CDG members, selects appropriate locations for
conservation pond construction. Twelve and eight ponds were constructed in Janachetana and
Amelichap respectively; Chotetar and Bungeshwori had one conservation pond each. Since the
establishment of conservation ponds, beneficiaries have derived cash income by selling off-season
vegetables like cauliflower, cucumber, beans, lady’s fingers, chili, squash, and tomatoes. Mostly, the
vegetable products are sold directly to local middlemen and sometimes in Kathmandu Vegetable
Wholesale Market.
Effectiveness
Disputes in benefit sharing
The main benefit is irrigation facilities. Despite the lower number of households more disputes occurred
in ADALNH compared to AAHNH because no strict rules and regulations had been formulated. The
fewer disputes in AAHNH are attributable to the good relationships among the members and a good
conflict resolution mechanism within the community
Information sharing among the members
Sharing of information regarding programme activities was effective in AAHNH (Table 7). In this
regard, 52.2 percent of the respondents agreed to share information at meetings. Again, the good
relationships among the members was the primary factor. In ADALNH (Chotetar) only about onefourth of the respondents communicated under the “Always” category; poorer relationships among
members were responsible for this low level.
11
Table 7. Information sharing among the members
Category
CDG
Amelichap (N=35)
Chotetar (N=14)
Janachetana (N=67)
Bungeshwori (N=24)
Don’t care
Sometimes
Most often
Always
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
3
-
21.4
-
8
3
7
22.9
4.5
29.2
18
6
29
9
51.4
42.9
43.3
37.5
9
5
35
8
25.7
35.7
52.2
33.3
Satisfaction derived from the programme
The respondents from AAHNH were more satisfied with the programme because of the cash benefits
derived from off-season farming practices. The ADALNH were less satisfied.
Benefit sharing among the members
Irrigation (the main benefit) enhanced cash income as beneficiaries sold their off-season farm produce
to the nearby market. In this regard the AAHNH were pleased with the programme, although benefit
sharing is not relevant in this context; the respondents were satisfied because of higher income.
It was compulsory for every household to participate in maintenance of the system. No one was
allowed to use water out of turn. Better consensus decision making was prevalent in accessible areas
with higher populations. In areas where people had been deriving more benefits, better rules and
regulations were exercised compared to lower income-generating groups.
People’s participation in programme activity
The AAHNH was effective in mobilizing people’s participation compared to the ADALNH, benefits
being the powerful motivation factor. Some sources of cash income were dubious.
Transparency maintained among the members
Good mutual understanding among the members, community decision making by consensus, frequent
meetings, and proper record keeping help to maintain good transparency among the members in
AAHNH. This is not the case in ADALNH.
Efficiency
There was no significant difference between the CDGs regarding work accomplishment. This indicates
that all of the CDGs work efficiently in the conservation pond programme. Some of the respondents
12
in ADALNH complained about delay in budget release and untimely availability and delivery of
construction material which hampered programme activities.
Accomplishment of work with efficient utilization of resources
A more or less similar level of efficiency was observed in all of the CDGs (Table 8). Besides human
and financial resources, the important material resource in this activity was cement, which is expensive
and perishable.
Table 8. Accomplishment of work with efficient utilization of resources
Category
CDG
Amelichap (N=35)
Chotetar (N=14)
Janachetana (N=67)
Bungeshwori (N=24)
Don’t agree
Somewhat agree
Agree
Fully agree
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
1
1
1
2.9
1.5
4.2
3
3
10
5
8.6
21.4
14.9
20.8
17
4
20
6
48.6
28.6
29.9
25.0
14
7
36
12
40.0
50.0
53.7
50.0
Note: No. = number, % = corresponding percentage of the total number of respondents, N = number of sampled households
Technical efficiency of accomplished work
Most of the work was accomplished by the local users without the external assistance of skilled
human resources. The ponds constructed in the study area were in good condition and operating well.
In Chotetar, service delivery (required quantity of water) was unavailable from the pond.
Priority to adopt cost-effective methods
Beneficiaries made maximum use of locally available resources in order to reduce the cost of the
programme. Nevertheless, the responses reveal that they are not very effective in adopting costeffective methods, probably because of their dependency on external resources, especially cement,
which elevates the cost of construction as well as adding financial burden.
Sustainability of CDGs
A legitimized and effective organization is essential to achieve goals. Therefore the CDGs were
formed to develop sustainable management of institutions for the continuation, maintenance, and
dissemination of skills related to soil conservation and watershed management practices. The basic
objective underlying the formation of CDGs has been to search for alternatives that could be sustained
in the future (APROSC, 1997). Most donors report a strong correlation between the sustainability of
development outcomes and the effectiveness of institutional intervention (Morgan and Qualman, 1996).
Furthermore, they also clarify that achieving some sort of institutional sustainability is an ongoing
process rather than an end state.
13
People’s attitudes
When the funding and the implementing agencies withdraw support from the project area it is the
people’s attitude and participation that determines the future of the system. Therefore whether the
system can be sustained or not depends mostly upon the household’s degree of responsibility, i.e. the
programmes have been implemented for their benefit and they themselves should take care of the
system. Respondents revealed that they are more interested in direct benefits like water source
protection, income generation, and irrigation canal improvement rather than programmes with longer
gestation periods before benefit distribution.
ADALNH respondents expressed their reluctance to contribute to programme activities, Mainly
because watershed management is dependent on external resources and resources allocated by DSCO
are insufficient to run the programme. Also local people are relatively poor at record keeping of
financial transactions.
Necessity of people’s participation in watershed management
The policy of the watershed management programme is to involve local people in every stage of the
programme so they can manage the resources by themselves and fulfill their basic needs by generating
income.
Most of the respondents strongly expressed the need for people’s participation for watershed
management. No one disagreed.
Political support
The CDG as an institution is inevitably a part of village political life and political support to development
work; this enhances smooth and effective functioning of development programmes. Therefore the
stronger the political support the better the success of the particular programme activity will be.
Overall political support for watershed management activities to CDGs was not encouraging. This is
attributable to lack of coordination with local leaders and their biases.
Human resource development
The development of local human resources has been the focus of DSCO for effective watershed
management and organizational sustainability. User group capacity building is crucial for the formation
of viable user groups. Training is gradually increasing and extending to a wider audience of farmers.
The training includes adult literacy, account and record keeping, income generation, skills’ development,
nursery techniques, bee keeping, horticulture, vegetable production, and mushroom production. If the
types of training requested by the farmers differ from the regular training (e.g. agriculture, livestock,
cottage industries etc.) being conducted by DSCO, then DSCO coordinates with line agencies to
provide the requested training. Most of the respondents from Chotetar expressed their full support for
human resource development. However in Janachetana and Bungeshwori, respondents perceived
comparatively lower levels of human resource development.
Fund mobilization
The promotion of group savings as the basis for revolving credit facilities for group members has also
been an important factor in sustaining community-based groups. Presently the main sources of income
14
are savings from the programme activities, monthly savings, membership fees, and interest from
investment. However the user groups are accumulating funds in an impressive manner by pooling
individual resources. In this manner most of them are now saving money. User groups are found to be
lending money at a rate of 24 percent per month for CDG members. Despite the higher interest rate,
farmers reported they are willing to accept the charge, promising to repay within the time frame fixed
by the CDGs. Community organizations with more households, especially Janachetana, invested saving
funds. Only nominal funds were mobilized for purchasing improved varieties of seeds, goats, urea,
and household utilities.
Formal registration
The formal registration of the CDG affords the organizational status of NGO. However there are
some legal problems with the formally registered organizations (Karki and Sharma, 1999). A CDG
registered under the NGO framework is always a non-profit making corporate body. Thus the NGO
framework is not helpful in promoting the individual profit-sharing expectations of CDG members.
Participation in maintenance work
Participation in water source protection was relatively better in areas where there is a scarcity of
drinking water. In most cases, the respondents seemed to have reduced interest in participating in
maintenance work (Chotetar and Amelichap) compared to participation at the programme
implementation stage. Money is being extracted from saving funds (Chotetar and Amelichap) for
drinking water system maintenance. However most of the work needs higher labour contribution.
The highest rating of more than one-third, for the water source protection programme, belonged to
Janachetana; percentage-wise, Bungeswori had the highest rating of 58.3 percent for the trail
improvement programme; a more or less similar rating was found in all of the CDGs for the
conservation pond programme. This difference in the level of people’s participation indicates that
participation in maintenance work depends on their needs.
External support
There has been some support in dissemination of technology and programme activities. Remarkably,
Janachetana has been successful in drawing significant resources from NEWAH for the drinking
water system programme and Janachetana households are benefiting. This indicates that the
Janachetana CDG is running its programme activities efficiently.
Conclusion
Most of the households depend on subsistence agriculture due to scant opportunity for off-farm
activities. This has a negative effect on land productivity, which ultimately leads to a decline in the
socio-economic condition of the watershed inhabitants. In this regard the CDGs are playing an important
role in the better management of watersheds and socio-economic improvement. The CDGs nearest
to infrastructure facilities with higher numbers of households were better at watershed management
activities. Democratic decision making for resource allocation and benefit sharing as well as
transparency and communication is essential to reduce disputes and maintain good relationships among
the members. Positive attitudes, higher participation in programme activities, sufficient funding and its
mobilization, external assistance, and favourable political support (coordination) are fundamental for
the better performance and sustainability of the community organization.
15
Literature cited
Adhikari, R. 1996. Participatory Rural Development in Nepal: Comparative Study of GO, NGO
and Locally Initiated Projects in Syangja District. Asian Institute of Technology, Thailand.
APROSC. 1997. Socioeconomic Studies of Selected Sub-Watersheds in the Districts of Rasuwa,
Nuwakot and Dhading, (Vol. IV), Base Line Survey and Institutional Development Modalities
of Kumpur Sub-Watershed Dhading. Nepal/Denmark Watershed Management Project, Project
Support Office, Kathmandu. Nepal.
Bogati, R. 1999. DANIDA Supported Soil Conservation and Watershed Management Program
in Nepal. Proceedings of DANIDA’s Third International Workshop on Watershed Development,
Kathmandu, Nepal.
Carnall, C.A. 1995. Managing Change in Organizations. Prentice Hall, London.
Colfer, C.J.P. & Wadley R.L. 1999. Scoring and Analysis Guide for Assessing Human Well
Being. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), Indonesia.
Dwivedi, R.S. 1979. Human Relation and Organizational Behavior. Mohan Primlani, Oxford and
IBH Publishing Co., India.
Hansen, J.M.; Shrestha, B.D. & Pudasaini, B. 1995. Biophysical Survey of Dhading, Rasuwa
and Nuwakot Districts and Selected Sub-Watersheds. Department of Soil Conservation, Ministry
of Forest and Soil Conservation (MOFS) and Danish International Development Assistance
(DANIDA), Kathmandu, Nepal.
Joshi, N.; Jali, N.M. & Hamid, A.H. 1997. Organizational structure, performance and participation:
forest user groups in the Nepal Hills. In G. Shivakoti, G. Varughese, E. Ostrom, A. Shukla and G.
Thapa (eds). People and Participation in Sustainable Development: Understanding the
Dynamics of Natural Resource System. Proceedings of an International Conference. Institute
of Agriculture and Animal Science /Tribhuvan University, Rampur, Chitwan, Nepal.
HMG/CBS. 2000. Statistical Pocket Book, Nepal. National Planning Commission Secretariat, Central
Bureau of Statistics, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Karki, B.B. & Sharma, R.K. 1999. Community Development Group Registration Study. Development
Vision, Nepal.
Margerum, R.D. 1999. Integrated Environmental Management: The Foundation for Successful
Practice, Environmental Management. Springer Verlag, New York Inc., Vol. 24, No. 2, pp.158.
Mishra, B. 1996. A successful case of participatory watershed management at Ralegan Siddhi
village in District Ahmadnagar, Maharastra India. In P.M. Sharma and M.P. Wagle (eds). A Case
Study of People’s Participation in Watershed Management in Asia, part 1: Nepal, China
and India. PWMTA-WMTUH-FARM, Field Document No. 4, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Morgan, P. & Qualman, A. 1996. Institutional and Capacity Development, Result Based
Management and Organizational Performance. Canadian International Development Agency
(CIDA).
Paudel, G.S. 2000. Farmer Led Management Practices in the Hills of Nepal: A Comparative Study
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Department of Soil Conservation and Watershed Management, Kathmandu, Nepal.
16
INSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS OF WATERSHEDS “WITH” AND “WITHOUT”
EXTERNAL ASSISTANCE IN THE HILLS OF NEPAL
Shrutidhar Tripathi1
Introduction
Mountain and upland watersheds constitute 25 percent of the earth’s land surface. However, little
understanding of mountain specificity by planners and policy-makers and the inability of development
efforts to harness local niches have aggravated economic woes and threatened prospects for mountain
development. The Hindu Kush-Himalaya is one of the youngest mountain systems in the world and
thus subject to high rates of natural erosion. Rivers originating in the region carry much more silt than
those originating elsewhere. Furthermore, prevailing socio-economic conditions contribute to serious
erosion and watershed instability.
The Himalayan Kingdom of Nepal is experiencing environmental and ecological degradation
which increases soil erosion thereby reducing farm productivity. Cultivation on the mountainous terrain
has raised questions about the suitability of intensive land-use practices that threaten the condition of
watersheds where soil-erosion rates are already high owing to the fragile ecosystem.
The ever-increasing population in the hills of Nepal has increased pressure on natural resources.
With no access to better quality lands and no off-farm employment opportunities, local people have
removed forest and grass cover to fulfill their basic needs for food, fodder, fuelwood, and timber.
Nepal is reported to have the highest livestock density per unit of cultivated land in the world. Assorted
species of livestock are sources of draught power, dairy products, meat, and manure. Therefore,
reducing the number of livestock directly impacts farm productivity as most of the farming activities
are carried out with livestock. Hill farming requires the net transfer of nutrients from the forest and
rangeland, through fodder and leaf litter, to animals. Fodder and grasses are used to make up the feed
deficit and leaf litter is mixed with dung to fertilize the farmland. Due to limited arable land with highly
fragmented and small land-holdings; low productivity; extension of cultivation to less productive marginal
and steeply sloping land; decline in the use of organic manure; and lack of improved agricultural inputs
and off-farm employment opportunities, poor farming households have to rely on the forests and
public land for livestock rearing.
The watershed management programme was initiated by the Department of Forest in July 1966
through the project “Survey and Demonstration for the Development and Management of the Trisuli
Watershed — A Pilot Project”. In most cases, policies and programmes for mountain watersheds had
been designed and implemented using a centralized top-down approach, which allows little scope for
adjusting to situations at the local level. This type of compartmental approach often proved to be
unsustainable in the context of Nepalese mountain watershed management.
1
MSc. Thesis (Ref. No. RD-01-11), Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand. August 2001.
Examination Committee - Dr. Gopal B. Thapa (Chair), Prof. Karl E. Weber, Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch
17
The top-down approach has numerous pitfalls, especially the non-involvement of watershed
inhabitants in management planning, which questions the success and validity of the programmes
(Chambers, 1993; Brooks, 1993).
Currently, bottom-up planning has been encouraged to muster farmers’ participation for the
sustainability of watershed management projects, with emphasis on increasing productivity while
conserving the resource base. The concept of integrated watershed management planning has been
institutionalized and a participatory group approach has become mandatory as a means to plan,
implement, and maintain programmes while sharing benefits. Developing sense of ownership, generating
self-help attitudes among local people, reducing the cost of project implementation, and sustaining the
achievements of the project are some reasons to motivate people to participate in watershed
management. An integrated watershed management project needs to address all the problems in the
watershed area be they socio-economically related or natural resources related. A number of watershed
management projects have been completed and are running in the hills of Nepal. A successful watershed
management project is expected to have positive spillover effect in adjacent watersheds with similar
socio-economic and biophysical conditions.
In mountain watersheds, the level of community development, including the socio-economic
condition, influences the extent of natural resource management (NRM) and the knowledge and
capacity of the community. One of the major indicators to assess the level of community development
is the presence and functionality of community level institutions. High public participation in resource
management activities can be expected only in those communities where local institutions are functioning
well because these institutions act as a binding force among otherwise scattered people. Community
forest groups, irrigation groups, and drinking water management groups are working in the field of
NRM, whereas agricultural groups, cooperatives, and savings/credit groups are associated with natural
resource conservation for improving social cohesion and enhancing the economic condition of the
local people. Therefore, institutional analysis has become a useful tool in the field of communitybased NRM for understanding how local communities manage resources and how improvements in
management can be initiated. The Begnas Tal-Rupa Tal (BTRT) Watershed Management Project
had applied a participatory approach to watershed management. Involvement of existing local institutions
and the formation of new local institutions was mandatory to get the local people involved in project
activities. This project was initiated in 1985, completed its first phase in 1989, and a second phase in
1994. Various reports and papers on the BTRT Project have claimed that the institutional building of
local organizations like the Community Development Conservation Committee (CDCC), user groups,
cooperatives, and local NGOs are some outstanding examples of the achievements of the BTRT
project.
This research has studied the impact of the functioning of all kinds of local institutions in relation
to the management status of natural resources. The common approach/technique for impact evaluation
is to compare “before” and “after” situations, which heavily relies on baseline data and/or the memories
of the settlers. As far as this researcher knows, so far, no one has conducted any research to appraise
institutional aspects in relation to watershed management by comparing two watersheds “with” and
“without” incentives.
Soil-erosion rates vary significantly according to location, slope gradient, and land-use type but
the estimated rates — 60 t/ha/year of average soil loss in the upper Andhikhola Watershed of the
western region; and 33 t/ha/year in the Tinau Watershed of the central region provide sufficient clues
that resources are being degraded at a considerable rate. Increasing cropping intensity has been
sought as an alternative to declining crop yields and food deficits. Cropping intensification demands
higher amounts of inputs including farmyard manure (FYM) and chemical fertilizers (Schreier et al.,
1995). But, declining resources required to produce FYM and farmers’ inability to purchase chemical
18
fertilizers have impeded increases in farm productivity. The hill farmers have traditionally followed
integrated soil-management practices based on their indigenous knowledge.
Local organizations are being mobilized by a number of watershed management projects. Viable
local institutions enable people’s participation in planning, implementation, and maintenance of project
activities (Jensen, 1995). The main thrust of institutional building in watershed management is to
examine management procedures that secure better performances from local organizations. Institutional
capacity, which guides the institutional performance, can be strengthened to improve the work
performance of local organizations. In the past, grassroot institutions have managed forest, rangeland,
and water resources successfully in the hills of Nepal (Gurung, 1995; Poudel, 1997; ICIMOD, 1986).
Mountain watershed plans are targeted at the more marginalized groups in the watershed, such
as women, the landless, and marginal farmers. Any watershed management activities should serve to
address equity in the watershed where most investment is taking place on the land. Until recently,
programmes and projects aimed at improving the socio-economic conditions of the people tended to
be initiated, designed, and implemented by top level agencies and institutions without systematic
consultation and involvement of the intended beneficiaries.
Participation in watershed management is an area that has failed to capture the needs and
aspirations of watershed inhabitants. The social, economic, institutional, and biophysical conditions in
the watershed are expected to be better than areas without any projects. Accomplishment of objectives
is better with a high degree of people’s participation. The specific objectives are: to assess the status
of farmland, forest, and grazing land resources from watershed settlers’ perspectives; to assess the
structural and functional systems of local organizations and their role in the management of natural
resources; to evaluate the efficiency of local institutions in mustering public participation in natural
resource conservation and management; and to suggest policies for strengthening local institutional
capacity for watershed management.
The study area
Two watersheds, namely, Begnas Tal-Rupa Tal Watershed, hereafter referred to as the “Project
Watershed” and Kali Khola Watershed, hereafter referred to as the “Non-project Watershed” were
selected (Figure 1). The Bijayapur Khola River separates these two watersheds.
The Non-project Watershed was selected because its biophysical and social structure is sufficiently
similar and comparable with the Project Watershed. In addition, it is accessible and close to the
Project Watershed. Therefore, it was easy to collect data from both watersheds in a given period of
time.
Biophysical and socio-economic conditions of the study area
Biophysical condition
Project Watershed
The Project Watershed is located 10 km northeast of Pokhara City. It covers an area of about
173 km2 including two major lakes — Begnas Tal and Rupa Tal. The watershed is characterized by a
complex and heterogeneous topography with mazes of irregular ridges and spurs, and gentle to very
steep slopes. It has steep north- and south-facing slopes of 40-65º and 35-40º respectively. The elevation
19
Pokhara
Study Area in
Kaski District
Figure 1. The study area in Kaski District
20
ranges from 600 m at the valley bottom to 1 417 m at Thulakot. The valley bottom is characterized by
relatively low relief, gentler slopes, and a lower dissection index (<0.3/km2 ). The sloping margins of
lowlands are subject to intensive terrace-forming; as a result the area is prone to erosion. Hillside
slopes are moderate and occupy around 45 percent of the area; they are densely populated. The
elevation ranges from 760 to 1 070 m comprising Tari and Bari lands. This part of the watershed is
mostly dry. There are surrounding highly elevated ridges and spurs, exceeding 1 070 m. Thin layers of
soil, steep slopes, and low soil moisture permit either pasture or forest land uses (Basnet, 1992).
The Syankhudi Khola and Dobhan Khola rivers drain the watershed. The Syankhudi Khola and
its tributaries drain into the Begnas Tal, whereas the Dobhan Khola and its tributaries drain into the
Rupa Tal. The former has 76 stream segments and drainage density of 5.5 km/km2 whereas the latter
has 180 stream segments and drainage density of 5.09 km/km2 . The area receives about 70 to 90
percent of the annual rainfall from the southwest monsoon in the rainy season. Natural vegetation
accounts for nearly 40 percent of the total watershed area. The predominant species of the subtropical forests are Katus (Castanopsis indica), Chilaune (Schima wallichii), and Sal (Shorea
robusta); other species include Ebgelhardtia spicata, Syzygium cumini, Myrica esculenta, and
Rhus javanica. Temperate forest species include Quercus glaunea, Euraya accuminate, Prunus
cerasoides and various species of Rhododendron. The general types of soil in the Project Watershed
are alluvial at the valley bottom and laterite soil on the hill slopes. Loamy soil at higher altitudes and on
steep slopes is less favourable for cultivation owing to low soil depth and leaching (Basnet, 1992).
About 50 percent of the land is under cultivation with slightly more cultivation of Bari lands (rainfed)
than on Khet land (irrigated). Khet lands are located in the low-lying areas around lakes and rivers.
The population density is 233 persons/km2 whereas agricultural density is as high as 535 persons/km2 .
The average literacy rate is 67 percent (male 86 percent and female 48 percent) which is far greater
than the national average of 33 percent (Basnet, 1992).
Non-project Watershed
The Non-project Watershed is located in the upper Pokhara Valley of Kaski District, about 15 km
from Pokhara City. Most of this watershed occurs in the valley bottom, which is nearly flat. Major
land-use types are forests, scrubland, grazing land, and agricultural land (Table 1). A large area of
land was converted from forest and scrubland into agricultural land between 1957 and 1988. Nearly
all scrublands in the watershed are remnants of former forest lands. The total area under scrub- and
grazing land declined by about 41 percent (nearly 443 ha) from 1957 to 1978. As a result, agricultural
land use in the watershed increased by about 33 percent, i.e. 27 ha/year between 1957 and 1988
(Thapa, 1990).
Table 1. Non-project Watershed (land use)
Land use
Forest
Pasture and scrub
Agriculture
A
B
C
-8.2
-41.1
+32.8
-1.2
-24.1
+7.5
-9.3
-55.6
+42.7
Source: Thapa (1990)
A = Proportionate change between 1957 and 1978
B = Proportionate change between 1978 and 1988
C = Proportionate change between 1957 and 1988
21
The climate is sub-tropical and sub-humid; the monsoon rainfall is characterized by hot and wet
summers, and cold and dry winters. In the forests of higher altitudes, the predominant species of trees
are Arundinaria intermedia (Nigalo). In the middle region, Fratrinus floribundas (Langri), and
Quercus lanuginosa (Baajh) are predominant whereas in the lower section Shorea robusta (Sal),
Schima wallichii (Chilaune), Castanopsis indica (Katus), Myrica esculenta (Kafal), Debregesia
salicifolia (Dar), and Alnus nepalensis (Utis) are predominant tree species. The general types of
soil in the watershed are alluvial on the valley bottom and laterite soil on the hill slopes.
Social conditions
Watershed settlers live in heterogeneous social conditions in terms of household structure, available
labour force, occupations, and employment patterns. These factors determine the overall economic
condition of households. The farm household is the fundamental unit of the farming systems. It has its
own scope within which household members interact to satisfy their requirements. Household size,
age structure, gender, educational level, occupations, farm size, land types, and other farm resources
are the major variables influencing the farm household’s income and ultimately the level of their
participation in resource management activities.
Table 2. Gender composition in the two watersheds
Gender
Male
Female
Total
Gender ratio
Project watershed(n=103)
Non-project watershed(n=109)
f
%
Mean
f
%
Mean
249
281
530
0.89
47
53
2.42
2.73
5.15
289
308
594
49
51
2.65
2.85
5.5
0.96
Source: Household survey (2001)
f = Frequency
The gender ratio in the Project Watershed was slightly lower than the Non-project Watershed,
i.e. there were more women than men in both the study watersheds (Table 2). But 96 percent of the
households in the Project Watershed and nearly 84 percent of the households in the Non-project
Watershed were headed by men. Most of the population in the Project Watershed had primary level
education while nearly one-fourth of the population had secondary level education in the Non-project
Watershed. Up to primary level, the percentage of women was higher but above primary level, men
dominated.
Economic condition
Household income came from crop farming and livestock raising, and from non-agricultural sources.
The economic status of the household depended largely on the land-holding size, total production, and
number of livestock.
Agricultural systems
In an agrarian society, as in the study area, land-holding size has significant importance in determining
the overall economic condition of the household. The average land-holding in the Project Watershed
22
was nearly 13.5 ropani per household (1 ropani = 0.05 ha), which was slightly higher than the Nonproject Watershed. However, the average size of Phantkhet, which is considered the best quality
land, was nearly double in the Non-project Watershed. Tarikhet shared the largest proportion of the
total land size in both watersheds. The average number of parcels per household was about three in
both watersheds; however, land fragmentation in the Non-project Watershed was slightly higher due
to relatively lower average land-holding size. The size of average land cultivated per household was
smaller than the average land-holding size. This was because farmers did not farm in Kharbari or
jungle land (Table 3).
Table 3. Area cultivated by land type
Type of land
Project Watershed(n = 103)
Average area
per hh in ropani
Phantkhet
Tarikhet
Gharbari
Bari
Average
1.7 (2.9)
5.2 (6.9)
3.5 (3.0)**
2.0 (2.9)**
12.3
Percent of
total land
13.4
42.4
28.0
16.3
100.0
Non-project Watershed(n = 109)
Average area
per hh in ropani
1.9 (2.9)
4.4 (4.0)
2.0 (1.6)**
1.0 (1.6)**
9.3
Percent of
total land
20.9
47.6
21.0
10.5
100.0
Source: Household survey 2001
NB: * Significantly different at 0.05 confidence level (two tailed t-test)
** Significantly different at 0.01 confidence level (two tailed test)
Figures in parentheses are standard deviations in the respective category
1 ha = 20 ropani
Three percent of the households in the Project Watershed were landless. Small farmers who
constituted 44 percent of the total households in the Project Watershed and 37 percent in the Nonproject Watershed owned only 17 percent of the total land. Medium farmers, who represented 30
percent in the Project Watershed and more than 50 percent in the Non-project Watershed, owned 50
percent of the total farmland per household.
Millet occupied third position in terms of production per unit of land in the Project Watershed
while this applied to maize in the Non-project Watershed. The average income from fruit farming per
household in the Project Watershed was significantly higher than the average income from fruit
farming in the Non-project Watershed. About 68 percent of the total households in the Project Watershed
and 80 percent of the total households in the Non-project Watershed had food deficits from their own
production. The average number of large ruminants per household in the Project Watershed was
significantly higher than the Non-project Watershed but in contrast, the average income from large
ruminants in the Non-project Watershed was significantly higher than the Project Watershed. In the
Non-project Watershed, medium farmers dominated livestock raising.
Cropping systems
Altogether 19 types of cropping pattern in the Project Watershed and 16 types of cropping pattern in
the Non-project Watershed were observed. In the Project Watershed, more farmers practised fruit
cultivation and coffee farming than in the Non-project watershed. Normally, farmers’ choice over
specific types of cropping pattern depends upon land types, irrigation facilities, access to technology,
access to market, and farmers’ preference over certain crops. Adoption of agroforestry was also
observed more in the Project Watershed. According to farmers of the Project Watershed, coffee
23
farming, in this area, was introduced by the BTRT project. In the Project Watershed, cropping intensity
was highest in the Gharbari followed by Bari, whereas in the Non-project Watershed, the highest
cropping intensity was observed in the Bari land followed by Gharbari. The average cropping intensity
was higher in the Non-project Watershed than the average cropping intensity in the Project Watershed.
Three agricultural cooperatives were operating in the Non-project Watershed. In a subsistence economy
with small land-holdings, crop diversification ensures farmers’ food supply.
Role of local institutions in agricultural systems
The types of local institutions operating in the Project and in the Non-project Watersheds and their
objectives differed; thus differences in watershed agricultural systems were observed. In the Project
Watershed, the BTRT project had promoted conservation farming during project implementation via
the CDCC. According to local farmers, the BTRT project informed farmers of the importance of
farmland management and techniques to manage farmlands. The effect was reflected by higher
cropping diversification in the Project Watershed. Cooperatives play a significant role in enabling
local farmers by providing technical as well as credit support. Local institutions can motivate farmers
to adopt innovations. The main focus of the BTRT project was resource conservation; hence the
farmers in the project area were more concerned with resource conservation than farmers in the nonproject area. Contrariwise, cooperatives were promoting intensive use of farmland resources to increase
production in the Non-project Watershed; hence farmers were using their farmland more intensively
than farmers in the project area.
Major problems in the farming systems
Lack of quality inputs was a constraint perceived by farmers in both watersheds. For many farmers
in the Non-project Watershed lack of farm labour was another constraint, but this was not the case in
the Project Watershed. Inadequate access to extension services plagued both watersheds (Table 4).
Table 4. Major problems in farming
Major problems
Lack of water for irrigation
Lack of quality agricultural inputs
Insufficient farm labour
Inadequate access to the extension service
and disease problems
Natural disaster
Total
Project Watershed
(n=103)
(n=109)
f
%
f
%
83
66
10
28
38.2
30.0
4.6
13.4
75
36
37
26
40.8
19.6
20.1
14.1
30
217
13.8
10
174
5.4
f = Frequency of response
For livestock raising, insufficiency of water, feed, fodder and grazing space hindered farmers in
both watersheds. Disease too was noted by both groups but rated higher in the Non-project Watershed.
24
Household cash income from non-agricultural sources
Of the total number of people involved, 70 percent in the Project Watershed and 80 percent in the
Non-project Watershed were male. In the Non-project Watershed, more women worked as waged
labourers. In terms of the total average income from the non-agriculture sector, the highest average
income came from petty business followed by the service sector in the Project Watershed. These two
sectors shared more than three-fourths of the total average non-farm income per household. Average
income per household from the service sector, from pensions, and from remittances in the Nonproject Watershed was higher (most people being involved in the service sector inside and outside the
country).
Status of farmland, forest, and grazing land
In an agrarian society land is the major means of sustenance for the people. The amount of farm
produce entirely depends upon the quality of land especially in those areas where farmers are not able
to supply additional inputs to the farming system. In addition to this, farmers in mountain watersheds
largely depend upon their surrounding natural resources to fulfill their various household requirements
such as fodder, fuelwood, and timber and non-timber forest products. Farmers of both watersheds
were asked about their opinion on the status of natural resources based on their observations of the
last 20 years.
Soil erosion from farmlands
The intensity of soil erosion in different types of land varied. Phantkhet was not highly prone to
accelerated soil erosion and landslides because they occurred on the valley floor. Gharbari and Bari
were characterized by convex levelled terraces. Soil erosion in all types of land in the Non-project
Watershed was increasing, while it was decreasing in the Project Watershed. Within the Project
Watershed, decreasing soil erosion was highest in Bari because of tree planting over the last 20
years. In the Non-project Watershed, 65 percent of the respondents believed that soil erosion in Khet
was increasing.
Land productivity
The study revealed that land productivity in both watersheds was decreasing. About half of the
people of both watersheds experienced decreasing crop yields in Khet. About 54 percent of the total
respondents in the Project Watershed and 47 percent in the Non-project Watershed thought that the
productivity of Bari land was also decreasing.
Farmland management
Farmlands were degrading in both watersheds. Loss of fertile topsoil due to soil erosion and decrease
of land productivity due to nutrient mining were two major reasons. However, watershed settlers
have been practising various kinds of land management practices to mitigate the rate of soil erosion
and nutrient mining.
25
Household involvement in land management
There were more households adopting farmland management practices in the Project Watershed; 90
percent adopted land management practices in Tarikhet whereas only 24 percent performed land
management practices in Phantkhet. In the Non-project Watershed, most households conducted land
management activities in Bari land while few households adopted land management practices in
Gharbari. Bari lands were cultivated most intensively. External intervention by the BTRT in the
Project Watershed improved farmland management practices. In the Project Watershed, about 89
percent of the households had trees in Gharbari whereas 65 percent of the households had trees in
Gharbari in the Non-project Watershed. Similarly, in case of Bari lands, more households had trees
in the Project Watershed.
Legume cultivation
Legumes convert unavailable atmospheric nitrogen into available nitrogenous nutrients. Growing
legumes as an intercrop with maize predominated in both watersheds. In the Project Watershed,
about 48 percent of the households adopted legume cultivation whereas only about 28 percent of the
households adopted legume cultivation in the Non-project Watershed. In the Project Watershed, most
farmers grew legumes in Gharbari while non-project farmers opted for Phantkhet to grow legumes
(Table 5).
Table 5. Legume cultivation
Land types
Phantkhet
Tarikhet
Gharbari
Bari
Project Watershed(n = 103)
Non-project Watershed(n = 109)
No. of household
with particular
types of land
f
%
No. of households
with particular
types of land
f
%
31
65
97
55
3
3
43
14
9.7
4.6
44.3
25.5
41
87
85
40
11
16
4
6
26.8
18.4
4.7
15.0
NB: f = frequency of response
% = Percentage of households which practised legume cultivation in respective types of land
Legume cultivation was not very popular in the study area mainly because most of the farmers
were unaware of the multiple benefits of legume cultivation. Besides, shortage of labour and relatively
small land-holding size were also reasons why farmers were not interested in practising legume
cultivation.
Application of chemical fertilizers and organic manure
Farmers applied chemical fertilizers and compost or FYM. Application of mineral fertilizer in both
watersheds was very low. Of the total amount of chemical fertilizers applied, nearly 57 percent in the
Project Watershed and about 67 percent in the Non-project Watershed was applied in Gharbari only.
Availability of FYM and compost largely depended upon the total number of livestock per household
and availability of leaf litter. Non-project farmers applied higher amounts of compost and FYM than
project farmers.
26
Fertilizer sufficiency
Seventy percent of project farmers and 41 percent of non-project farmers thought that the amounts of
fertilizer they were applying were insufficient. However, the overall situation in the non-project area
was better in terms of fertilizer sufficiency. Most project farmers were unable to apply the recommended
doses of chemical fertilizer owing to their low income from non-farm sources.
Fodder availability
Farmers needed fodder to raise livestock; and leaf litter to make compost and FYM. Community
pasture and forests, national as well as community forests, are sources of fodder. The severity of the
problem was highest in community pasture (57 percent project respondents and 40 percent nonproject respondents). Fodder availability from private land was decreasing in both watersheds; however,
the magnitude was higher in the Project Watershed. Non-project households considered growing
fodder in their own fields because they observed rapidly decreasing availability of fodder in the forest
and community pasture.
Status of important resources
The Project Watershed was in better condition in the context of state of forest area and quality of
prevailing forests. Total forest area has increased over the last 20 years (it has been decreasing in the
non-project area).
Dependency on forest and grazing land
Generally both watersheds depended on fuelwood. Forests can be divided into two categories based
on the management of this resource. Most project households harvested forest products from the
community forest, whereas for non-project households, very few had access to the community forest.
Most non-project households entered the national forest to extract forest resources. Only one community
forest operated in the Non-project Watershed. Local people in the Non-project Watershed were not
eager to take over forest as community forest because of conflicts among users; however, they had
formulated some rules to manage their surrounding forest.
Harvesting of forest products
In the study area, watershed settlers harvested forest products from community forests and national
forests.
Community forests
Community forests were the only source of forest products for the people of the Project Watershed
(also livestock grazing). In the Non-project Watershed, about one-tenth used the community forest
for fodder collection, followed by livestock grazing — the rest used national forest. This shows that
non-project households had greater access to community forest.
27
National forest
Most non-project households relied on national forest for the extraction of all kinds of forest resources.
As in the community forest, the frequency of fodder collection was highest. Frequency of fuelwood
collection occupied second position followed by frequency of livestock grazing in the Non-project
Watershed. Access to national forest was relatively easy.
Settlers’ suggestions for improving the status of resources
Responses obtained from the non-project households were more valid than the project households
because the latter lacked interaction with national forest. More than 56 percent indicated the need for
forest guards and fencing to prevent illegal extraction of forest products and to control intrusion by
livestock. For community forest, most people thought that there was a need to develop a feeling of
ownership and responsibility among forest users by creating awareness and providing capacity building
training to forest user groups. Conflicts among the users to utilize group funds had started to take
place in some of the community forests. Some respondents thought that the area of grazing land had
decreased over time, mostly because of encroachment, which had aggravated pressure of livestock
on existing grazing land. Respondents further suggested that patches of degraded grazing land should
be provided to the local community so people could plant grasses and fodder trees to supplement the
fodder and grass requirements and improve the resource status at the same time.
Local institutions
More local institutions operated in the Project Watershed. The number of community forest user
groups (C-FUGs) was highest (8), whereas in the Non-project Watershed, only one C-FUG was
found. Two community development groups operated in the Project Watershed; no such group was
found in the Non-project Watershed. The BTRT project had formed many community development
groups to implement its programme. According to respondents, during the project period, project staff
used to organize group meetings that discussed community conservation and development issues.
Most mother groups and savings-credit groups were of this type. C-FUGs focused mainly on the
management of forest resources. Agricultural cooperatives and agriculture development groups strove
for agricultural development in both watersheds. C-FUGs were also formed by the BTRT project. In
the Non-project Watershed, mother groups organized tree-planting in wasteland. In the Project
Watershed, all but one savings-credit group were established by the Village Development Program.
Three-fourths of C-FUGs were established by the BTRT project. People of the Project Watershed
admitted that it was project inspiration that motivated them to form user groups. To take over forests
as community forest, the formation of user groups was a precondition, hence, people formed groups
with project assistance. In most instances, conservation groups formed by the project to carry out
plantation activities were merged to form a C-FUG. To implement these package programmes, a
service centre took the initiative to form specific groups such as vegetable farming group, fruit cultivation
group, and bee keeping group. All mother groups of both watersheds and community development
groups in the Project Watershed had yet to be registered. Community development groups were
formed by the BTRT project.
Membership
In some instances, membership rules provided distinct identifications to groups, for example some
institutions had rules to include only economically marginal households such as groups formed under
28
the Small Farmers Development Program. Community forestry and mother groups belonged to this
type. In large inclusive groups, higher castes and rich people always dominated in decision making.
Similarly, one of two youth clubs and an agricultural development group in the Project Watershed did
not have any members belonging to lower castes, as there was not a single lower caste household in
their areas. But in the two agricultural developmental groups in the Project Watershed and in the
single agricultural group in the Non-project Watershed, lower castes were not group members though
there were some lower caste households. Extension agents held full authority to form agricultural
development groups.
People’s involvement in local institutions
About 78 percent and 64 percent of the households were members of at least one local institution in
the Project and in Non-project Watersheds respectively. Most households that were members of any
local institution indicated that they did not have spare time to join. More than one-fourth of nonmember households posited unawareness about the presence of such local institution or apathy towards
them as reasons for not being members of any local institution (Table 6).
Table 6. Membership of local institutions
Project Watershed
Member of at least one institution
Reasons for not joining any group
• No time
• Unaware of or not interested in local institutions
• No improvement in economic condition of
households through group activities
• Ignored by the society
f
%
f
%
80
78.0
70
64.0
20
9
2
64.5
29.0
6.5
28
16
2
52.8
30.2
3.8
0
0.0
7
13.2
f = frequency of households
Some households in both watersheds had membership in more than one institution. Being members
of more than one institution had both advantages and disadvantages from the watershed management
perspective. Households were not able to attend every meeting and group work organized by institutions.
The absence of some members in group work discouraged other members who participated in group
activities. Most households joined groups with the expectation that they would be able to use group
resources in times of need. The settlers became members of mother groups and savings-credit
mobilization groups so that they could get credit easily and use other group resources free of charge.
Motives behind joining groups
With the exception of households belonging to agricultural development groups, most households in
both watersheds joined local institutions for community development activities. People formed
agricultural development groups for their tangible benefits. About one-fourth of the households in the
Project Watershed were members of C-FUGs because of the abundance of such groups, but in the
Non-project Watershed only 7 percent of households were C-FUG members as there was only one
C-FUG. More households were involved in savings-credit groups in the Non-project Watershed. For
other groups, most households were members because their friends and neighbours suggested this.
29
Role of local institutions in farming systems and in farmland management
Provision of support services including agricultural credit, training, and extension services is essential
to enable farmers to adopt conservation measures. All local institutions in both watersheds contributed
to agricultural systems and farmland management. The majority of farmers in both watersheds
considered the activities were conducive to agricultural production and land management.
C-FUGs
Significantly more C-FUGs operated in the Project Watershed contributing both to agricultural production
and farmland management. Many project households were motivated to manage their farmland by
planting trees through C-FUGs, of which some had their own tree nurseries. C-FUGs provided credit
to households for farming. One C-FUG had bought an improved breed of male buffalo for crossbreeding. In order to promote livestock raising, this group had planted grass species around the
community forest area. C-FUG members were also involved in construction and maintenance of
irrigation canals. Through C-FUGs, many farmers received training on fruit farming, apiculture, and
livestock development.
Agricultural development groups
Agricultural development groups were found in both watersheds. Members of an agriculture
development group in the Project Watershed practised apiculture with the support of the District
Agriculture Development Office. Similarly, in the Non-project Watershed, a vegetable production
group became the main motivational factor for a large group of farmers to start vegetable cultivation
at a commercial scale. Agricultural group members shared their experiences with fellow farmers who
were interested in following them. Many members of agriculture development groups received training
on farmland management practices from the District Agriculture Development Office and the District
Soil Conservation Office. The trained farmers planted fruit and fodder trees on their farmland for
multiple benefits. In the Non-project Watershed, however, planting of fodder trees and forages was
not widespread. Farmers who were raising livestock, particularly the improved breed, planted fodder
trees and forages on their farmland for commercial purposes.
Mother groups
Mother groups were very effective for mobilizing women in both watersheds. Most mother groups
were generating group funds from group savings and voluntary donations. They were using their
group funds to provide credit to members for any purpose. In addition to social and infrastructure
development activities, mother groups also worked in land management and resource conservation
activities. Members of these groups organized and actively participated in tree and shrub planting
activities on community barren lands. In some mother groups, there was a system of labour exchange.
Mother groups in both watersheds were functioning effectively. As a consequence, mother groups of
the Project Watershed were working more in resource management activities than mother groups in
the Non-project Watershed. Mother groups of the Non-project Watershed concentrated more on
community development activities.
30
Youth clubs
There were two youth clubs in each watershed. Performing community development activities was
the main objective. The clubs also organized tree plantation activities in the Project Watershed near
the lake. One club also mobilized its members to motivate local people to conduct resource management
activities.
Savings-credit groups
These groups were promoted either by the Small Farmers Development Program or by the UNDPsupported Village Development Program (VDP). These groups were generating group funds by
regularly collecting savings from members. These funds were used to provide credit to members at
low interest rates. Group members were provided with various training related to production and skill
development by the programmes. Village level specialists assisted local farmers. Many households
practised vegetable farming, livestock raising, and fruit tree planting because of these savings-credit
groups. Households obtained credit for initial investment at low interest rates. Earlier, they used to
borrow from moneylenders at 60 percent interest; subsequently they obtained credit at 18 percent
interest.
Agricultural cooperatives
Three agricultural cooperatives operated in the Non-project Watershed; there was not a single
cooperative in the Project Watershed. A cooperative in the Non-project Watershed was promoting
dairy farming. As a whole, local institutions in the Project Watershed were paying more attention to
farmland management and resource management than local institutions in the Non-project Watershed.
Regarding agricultural system promotion, local institutions, specifically cooperatives, of the Non-project
Watershed were more effective than local institutions in the Project Watershed. Farmers in the Nonproject Watershed put little effort into managing farmlands and other resources compared to farmers
in the Project Watershed. Most often farmers adopted new land management techniques when they
realized the effect of land degradation on crop production. Since, farmers of the Non-project Watershed
were using their farmlands intensively with scant regard to land management, this land was degrading.
Functioning of local institutions
The objectives of established local institutions can be achieved only when they function effectively
and efficiently. There are many seen and unseen factors that directly or indirectly influence the
overall functioning of local institutions. These factors largely depend upon the social structure, social
norms and their practice, which vary.
Rules and regulations
Rules help in maintaining discipline among group members; however, there is always the possibility
whereby institutions without written rules can function better than institutions with written rules.
Almost four-fifths of local institutions in the Project Watershed and 70 percent of local institutions in
the non-project area had written rules. All C-FUGs had their operational and managerial rules in
written form in both watersheds. Two-thirds of mother groups in both watersheds did not have rules
in written form. This was mainly because local women formed these groups, and they thought that
written rules were not necessary. Similarly, one-third of agricultural development groups in the Project
31
Watershed and the only agricultural development group in the Non-project Watershed did not have
written rules. Some mother group members indicated that merely having strong and sound formal
rules did not ensure better output if the member were not committed. Similarly, for agricultural
development groups as well, two-thirds of the total did not have written rules, while the only agricultural
group in the Non-project Watershed did not have rules in written form.
Group meetings and participation
The functioning of local institutions also depended upon how frequently the group members met.
Group meetings generate information flow among group members. All mother groups in the Project
Watershed met regularly every month but in the Non-project Watershed, mother groups only met
when they needed to conduct a group activity. The agricultural development group in the Non-project
Watershed functioned better than the Project Watershed. Some members from savings-credit groups,
C-FUGs, mother groups, and local development groups did not attend group meetings regularly because
group activities could not be performed due to inadequate resources.
Decision making
Most C-FUGs in the Project Watershed practised “majority vote” decision making. In the Nonproject Watershed, “influenced” decision making was practised in the only C-FUG. There was no
significant difference in decision-making criteria of C-FUGs between the Project Watershed and the
Non-project Watershed. Mother groups in the Project Watershed were more effective in this respect
than the mother groups of the Non-project Watershed.
Conflicts
Frequent conflicts among group members hinder effective functioning in local institutions. In all types
of institutions, except for the agricultural development group, there were more conflicts among group
members in the Project Watershed than in the Non-project Watershed.
Group activities
C-FUGs normally undertook activities related to NRM. Agricultural development groups in the Project
Watershed organized NRM activities but those in the Non-project Watershed did not organize such
group activity. Mother groups, youth clubs, and cooperatives were more concerned with community
development activities. C-FUGs were involved in forest protection, forest thinning, and harvesting of
forest products. Forest protection was the most critical aspect of user group forestry. Users of some
community forests in the Project Watershed also planted trees in open spaces, while the C-FUG in the
Non-project Watershed was waiting for District Forest Office support to obtain tree seedlings.
Overall functioning of local institutions
Within the Project Watershed, there was not much deviation in the level of functioning of institutions.
Agricultural development groups were poor in terms of functioning in both watersheds. Some institutions
like C-FUGs in the Project Watershed were functioning very well and some institutions such as
cooperatives in the Non-project Watershed were functioning almost equally well as C-FUGs in the
Project Watershed.
32
Sustainability of local institutions
Erskine argues that to achieve sustainability in development it is necessary to improve local opportunities
for enterprises, wealth, and job creation by helping people attain self-reliance through self-generated
and self-sustaining economic and social development. Functioning of local institutions is an essential
precondition to become self-reliant in the context of the study area for self-sustaining economic and
social development. Local institutions need to perform certain well-defined activities over time with
no or minimum external support. Sustainability cannot be measured in absolute terms.
Human resource development
Training helps in building up managerial ability and confidence among local people contributing to
community development, and conservation and management of natural resources. Assessing the effect
of training is more important than the number of training events conducted and number of people
trained. Households in both watersheds had attended six types of capacity building or skills’ development
training (Figure 2). Agricultural development training incorporated developing farmers’ skills to practise
vegetable farming, apiculture, agroforestry, and crop cultivation. Nearly one-fifth of the total households
in the Project Watershed had received training on NRM, whereas in the Non-project Watershed a
negligible number of households had attended such training.
Training types
HH attending
at least one
training
Local
development
Skill
development
Saving-credit
Institutional
devt
NRM
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Agriculture
Trained households (%)
Capacity building of households
Project Watershed
Non-project watershed
Figure 2. Capacity building of households
Overall, local institutions in the Project Watershed received more training than local institutions in
the Non-project Watershed. All C-FUGs of the Project Watershed had attended training on account
keeping and resource management, whereas C-FUGs in the Non-project Watershed did not receive
any kind of training. C-FUGs in the Project Watershed had been operating ever since the BTRT
project was implemented. The BTRT project provided various types of training to the then formed CFUGs for effective management of forests. In addition, these C-FUGs were well-recognized by the
District Forest Office, and thus, had opportunities to attend training organized by the District Forest
Office. Agricultural groups in the Project Watershed were also better trained than agricultural groups
33
in the Non-project Watershed. About 65 percent of the total number of trained members came from
C-FUGs in the Project Watershed, whereas not a single member of the C-FUG in the Non-project
Watershed received training. According to local respondents, the BTRT project played a vital role in
providing training to local people and to local institutions that they initiated. Community development
user groups were very good in terms of trained human resource in the Project Watershed, while in the
Non-project Watershed, cooperatives were also found to have well-trained members.
Income generation and mobilization
Internal fund generation by local institutions strengthens them financially and permits them to take
responsibility for resource management and community development. Local institutions can mobilize
their group funds to solve pressing problems related to resource management and community
development as well. Thus, fund generation activities, sustainability of local institutions, and watershed
management are associated.
More than two-thirds of local institutions in the Project Watershed and more than one-fourth of
local institutions in the Non-project Watershed collected money regularly from members. All savingscredit groups in both watersheds regularly collected money from members. Two-thirds of mother
groups collected money from members regularly in the Project Watershed, whereas only one-third of
mother groups followed suit in the Non-project Watershed. Only one-fourth of C-FUGs did likewise
in the Project Watershed, while only community forest in the Non-project Watershed was collecting
money from members regularly.
Table 7. Financial obligation for members
Institution/groups
Mother groups
Savings-credit groups
Youth clubs
Forest user groups
Community development
Agricultural cooperatives
Agriculture development
Total
Project Watershed
Yes
No
2 (66.7)
5 (100)
1 (50.0)
2 (25.0)
2 (100)
2 (66.7)
14 (60.9)
1 (33.3)
0 (0.0)
1 (50.0)
6 (75.0)
0 (0.0)
1 (33.3)
9 (39.1)
Yes
1(33.3)
3 (100)
1 (50.0)
1 (100)
3 (100)
1 (100)
10 (76.9)
No
2 (66.7)
0 (0.0)
1 (50.0)
0 (0.0)
0 (0.0)
0 (0.0)
3 (23.1)
Source: Institutional survey (2001)
About 66 percent of local institutions in the Project Watershed and nearly 70 percent of local
institutions in the Non-project Watershed were using their group funds to provide credit to members
(Table 7). About 90 percent of credit institutions in the Project Watershed and 84 percent in the Nonproject Watershed faced loan default problems.
Ability to devise and amend rules
A local institution’s ability to devise and enact rules is also considered as an important contributing
factor for their sustainability. Social systems are not static anywhere in the world. They change over
time with changing socio-economic conditions and people’s preferences, attitudes, and needs. Therefore,
local institutions are expected to have capacity and authority to develop new rules and amend existing
34
rules for their sustainability. Institutions need to modify their existing rules and regulations according
to changed needs and preferences of their members with due consideration of their overall objective.
Rules are to facilitate better functioning of local institutions not to prevent group members from taking
advantage. In this regard, the majority of local institutions in both watersheds were capable and able
to annul old rules and regulations and formulate new ones.
Linkages to external organizations
More households adopted land management practices in the Project Watershed than in the Nonproject Watershed. In the Project Watershed, 90 percent of households adopted land management
practice in Tarikhet whereas only 24 percent of households did so in Phantkhet. In the Non-project
Watershed, most households conducted land management activities in Bari land while few households
did so in Gharbari. External intervention by the BTRT project in the Project Watershed was the
major reason for improved land management practices.
Local people’s attitudes towards and perception of local institutions cannot be ignored while
assessing sustainability. Watershed settlers’ positive attitudes towards local institutions become an
important factor for generating sustainability. About 52 percent of project respondents and nearly 69
percent of non-project respondents considered that local institutions were very important for carrying
out local development activities. Similarly, 42 percent of project households and 28 percent of nonproject households thought that local institutions were important for NRM. The overall performance
of local institutions in the Project Watershed is better than in the Non-project Watershed.
Generally, local institutions in the Project Watershed were inclined more towards sustainability
than local institutions in the Non-project Watershed. However, some institutions, such as cooperatives,
in the Non-project Watershed were significantly better than institutions in the Project Watershed in
terms of sustainability. Similarly, some institutions of the Project Watershed were worse than the
Non-project Watershed, for example community development groups.
Conclusion
Besides biophysical conditions, local institutions can significantly influence the production system
adopted by watershed settlers. Local people were widely practising conservation farming like
agroforestry, including fruit and coffee cultivation, in the Project Watershed. There is no significant
variation in regard to local institutional set-up and overall functioning between the Project and the
Non-project watersheds. Though most of the local institutions were established by the BTRT project
in the Project Watershed, locally established institutions in the Non-project Watershed were also
equally well structured. Despite the fact that BTRT project-established institutions were heavily
supported by the project in terms of capacity building and resource generation, nearly all institutions,
except C-FUGs, have either already collapsed or are on the verge of collapse. Failure of projectestablished local institutions in delivering services laid the foundation to start new local institutions
such as savings-credit groups and mother groups, which were playing roles that project-established
groups should have played. The investment of the BTRT project in capacity building of institutions is
not justified, as these institutions could not run by themselves after project termination. In terms of
structure, some institutions were well structured in both watersheds such as C-FUGs, community
development groups, and agricultural cooperatives. Most of the local institutions were engaged in
community development and income-generating activities. NRM-related activities are thought to fall
primarily in the domain of C-FUGs and community development groups since the project established
them for this purpose. The assumption that local institutions are managing natural resources better in
35
the Project Watershed than in the Non-project Watershed, is valid with respect to farmland and forest
resource management. For natural resource conservation and management, local institutions in both
watersheds were not so successful in generating people’s participation, as they should have been.
Hence, the assumption that people’s participation in natural resource conservation and management
activities in the Project Watershed is significantly higher than in the Non-project Watershed is rejected.
High participation of non-members in group activities in the Non-project Watershed shows that local
people are in the thrust of resource management.
In short, the BTRT project created many local institutions at the village level in the Project
Watershed to implement its programme. Those institutions were provided with every kind of financial,
material, and technical support with much emphasis on human resource development to conduct
resource management activities. But, as evidenced by this research, the project’s investment in
aforementioned activities was in vain because the enhanced capabilities and strength of the projectestablished institutions was neither reflected vividly in their functioning nor in terms of resource
management and conservation activities. Overall, it can be concluded that a watershed management
project does not make any positive difference in resource management and rural livelihoods in the
long run if local institutions, through which project activities are implemented, do not function well.
The weakly planned current projects have prevented local institutions from achieving sustainability.
Any integrated watershed management project should address all problems in the watershed
giving due consideration to household level problems. The fact that local people can think of and
participate in resource management only with full stomachs should be realized by and reflected in the
activities of future watershed management projects.
Literature cited
Basnet, K. 1992. Population Pressure and Responses in Terrace Cultivation: A Case Study of Begnas
Tal – Rupa Tal watershed, Pokhara, Nepal. A dissertation submitted for the Degree of Doctor of
Philosophy in Geography, Banaras Hindu University, U.P., India.
Brooks, K.N. 1993. Challenges in Upland Conservation: Asia and Pacific. FAO Regional Office,
Bangkok.
Chambers, R. 1993. Challenging the Professionals Frontier for Rural Development. Intermediate
Technology Publications, London.
Gurung, J.D. 1998. Mountain Women of the Hindu Kush-Himlayas: The Hidden Perspective.
Issues in Mountain Development 98/6. ICIMOD, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Hacket, S.C. 1998. Environmental and Natural Resources Economics: Theory, Policy, and the
Sustainable Society. M.E. Sharpes, New York.
ICIMOD. 1986. Managing the Watersheds. Report of the International Workshop on Watershed
Management in Hindu Kush- Himalayan Region. ICIMOD, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Jensen, J.R.; Seth, S.L.; Sawhney, T.; & Kumar, P. (eds.). 1995. Watershed Development:
Ensuring Issues and Framework for Action Plan for Strengthening a Learning Process at
All Levels. Proceedings of Danida’s First International Workshop on Watershed Development.
WDCU Publication No. 1, New Delhi, India.
Paudel, G.S. 1997. Integration of Livestock Development with Forest and Rangeland management
for Sustainable Development in Syangja District, Nepal. A thesis submitted in the partial fulfillment
of the requirements of the degree of Masters of Science, AIT, Bangkok.
36
Schreier, H.; Shah, P.P.; & Brown, S. 1995. Challenges in Mountain Resource management in
Nepal: Processes, Trends, and Dynamics in Middle Mountain Watersheds. Proceeding of a
workshop held in Kathmandu, Nepal. ICIMOD/IDRC/ UBC, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Thapa, G.B. 1990. Integrated Watershed Management in the Upper Pokhara Valley, Nepal. A
dissertation submitted in the partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of
Technical Science, AIT, Bangkok.
37
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT GROUPS AND FARM CONSERVATION
IN CHHABDI WATERSHED, NEPAL
Gehendra Keshari Upadhyaya 1
Introduction
Nepal is a mountainous country with diverse natural resources (CBS, 1994). Farm conservation
activities have been implemented through the Department of Soil Conservation and Watershed
Management (DSCWM) since 1992 in the form of watershed management projects. Watershed
management activities were initiated in Tanahun District because the conditions of the watersheds of
the district were highly degraded. Buldi, Chhabdi, and Chiti watersheds were first, second, and third
priority watersheds for watershed management activities in Tanahun. Prioritization of watersheds for
conservation within the district has been completed, and the implementation of conservation activities
in these watersheds has been continued on a priority basis since 1992. The Chhabdi Watershed
Management Programme has already completed four years of implementation (DSCO, 1997).
The total area of Chhabdi Watershed is 21.04 km 2 and covers parts of Ghansikuwa,
Pokharibhanjyang, and Keshabtar Village Development Committees (VDCs) and Ward No 1 of the
Vyas Municipality of Tanahun District. An integrated crop-livestock system is predominant. Widely
used practices to maintain and improve farm productivity through soil improvement are the use of
forest litter, farmyard manure (FYM) and compost, and moisture conservation by constructing small
ponds and applying mulches. The farmers have developed terraced cultivation systems in order to
minimize soil erosion. The population exerts increasing pressure on the limited farmland and forest
resources. As a result farm productivity has declined. Since the forest is also an important component
of the farming systems, the sustainability of hill agriculture also depends on how farmers manage,
protect, and utilize their farm and forest resources (Basnyat, 1995).
The gradual decline in soil fertility due to soil erosion, the reduction of productive forest area, and
the misuse of fertilizers and agrochemicals are the major agricultural and environmental problems in
Nepal. The farmers as well as agricultural scientists have realized that declining soil fertility and
productivity ultimately affect farm productivity and hence farming income. Therefore, the farmers
have formed Community Development Groups (CDGs) in the watershed in order to carry out farm
conservation measures. The CDGs support the farmers on an individual basis for farm conservation
activities and on a community-group basis for conservation work.
Farm ponds that are effective in the upland area for proper water utilization and conservation
may not work well for the lowland area. The soil-conservation cropping systems practised by upland
users are not effective in the lowlands of the watershed. Degradation in the area shows that traditional
local conservation practices are inadequate to conserve the soil and its productivity. Thus we need to
know the difference between the upland and the lowland CDG efforts on conservation.
1
MSc. Thesis (Ref. No. AS-02-13), Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand. August 2002.
Examination Committee - Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch (Chair), Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti, Dr. S. L. Ranamukhaarachchi
39
The CDGs of Chhabdi Watershed have been implementing different farm conservation activities
with financial and technical assistance from the Natural Resource Management Sector Assistance
Program (NARMSAP). All activities for soil conservation and watershed management are specifically
focused on land-productivity conservation and improvement, protection of development infrastructures,
natural disaster prevention, extension of conservation education, developing and designing social and
community initiatives, and self-reliance mechanisms.
This comparative study targets conservation interventions in the uplands and lowlands of the
watershed. It will help to determine the range of farmland degradation (especially the erosion hazard
scenario) of different land units within the small watershed. It will also help to guide the CDGs to aim
for long-term sustainability in planning and implementing farm conservation. The main objective of
the study is to identify and evaluate the differences in conservation approaches of the CDGs between
the upland and the lowland areas of the watershed and their effects on watershed conservation and
land productivity.
Selection of the study area
Chhabdi Watershed of Tanahun District in the Western Development Region of Nepal was selected
(Figure 1) and is 148 km west of Kathmandu. Chhabdi River flows from the Middle Mountains. It
drains into the Seti River that ends in the Narayani River.
Selection of CDGs
There are altogether 16 CDGs with 859 households in the study area. The total population is 5 679
(DSCO, 2000). According to DSCO official records, 10 of these CDGs were established in the first
year of the project and were formally registered with the Chief District Office as non-governmental
organizations (NGOs). Among the 16 CDGs, four groups — two in the uplands and two in the lowland
areas — were selected from those established in the first year, based on the overall fund disbursement
for farm conservation. Accessibility to the highway and market facilities and the number of households
included in the organizations were also selection criteria.
Socio-economic setting of the study area
Livestock are important components for farmers’ livelihoods. Very limited off-farm income opportunities
exist in the watershed, mainly in the form of waged labour. Some of the farmers in the lowland areas
operate small tea stalls and groceries. In the past some of the Magars joined the Indian or British
armies. In the lowland areas Brahmin and Kshetri families sell milk daily to Damauli town.
Demography
Households
The people in the watershed area settled there a long time ago. There are 231 households in Vyas
Municipality, 154 in Keshabtar VDC, 141 in Pokharibhanjyang VDC, and 333 in Ghansikuwa area
within Chhabdi Watershed (Table 1).
40
Chhabdi
Watershed
Tanahun District
Figure 1. A map of the study area
41
Table 1. CDG households
Area
VDC
CDG
Lowland
Ghansikuwa
Keshabtar
Ghansikuwa
Keshabtar
Furlunge
Chhabdi
Tamung Dharadi
Kulung Manjhthar
Upland
Total no. of
households
in the CDG
No. of sampled
households
in the CDG
72
71
68
71
30
30
30
30
Ethnicity
Tanahun District is rich in cultural diversity with many ethnic and caste groups, such as Magars
(26.09 percent), Brahmans (15.21 percent), and Chhetris (12.07 percent) — the dominant castes. In
the study area there are Brahmans, Chhetris, Baishyas (Magar and Newars) and Sudras (Kamis and
Damais). The Magars dominate in the upland areas; 83.3 percent of the households were male led.
Population
For the study, two CDGs from the uplands and two from the lowland areas were selected. The
distribution of the households of the CDGs is shown in Figure 2.
No of family
member
Family Size Distribution
8
6
4
2
0
Furlenge
Chhabdi
Average Family size.
Lowland
Tamung
Kulung
CDGs
Average No of male family members
Upland
Total CDGs
Average No of female members
Figure 2. Distribution of households in the CDGs
In Nepal, the age group above 16 years is generally considered to be the most active group. On
average 4.0 persons/family are the active human resources available in the study area. In terms of
human resources, there are very few landless people (< 1 percent of the population) who are also
members of the CDGs. They contribute to soil-conservation activities as waged labourers.
Education and occupation
There are 11 primary schools, two lower secondary schools, and two high schools in the area. This
indicates a high level of importance accorded to education. The level of education has much influence
on the conservation status of the locality. A field survey showed that the average household head in
the lowlands is more educated than the average household head in the uplands. About 62 percent of
people in the CDGs has good formal education. This is equivalent to the overall educational level in
42
Tanahun District (63 percent). The role of household heads in farm conservation activities is vital.
They give and share ideas that are important for farm conservation.
Land-holdings and land tenure
The land-holding size is the basic parameter to assess the household economy. The average size of
land-holding of the sampled households in the watershed is 0.66 ha/household. This is below the
national average of 0.96 ha/household (CBS, 2000). In the uplands people hold more Bari (nonirrigated) land and less Khet (irrigated) land, whereas lowland people hold more Khet land than Bari
land. The value of lowland, especially rice fields, is five times higher than that of uplands, for example
maize fields. The farmers own most of the agricultural land in the watershed area. Renting land is
rare.
Household income
The main source of household income in the study area is agriculture. Other income-generating
activities are waged labour and micro businesses like running small groceries and tea stalls, or outmigration for work. The annual household income of the lowland farmers is slightly higher
(NR7 378.00) 2 than that of the upland farmers (NR4 483.00). The survey revealed that both the net
family household income and net expenditure for materials for land conservation (such as bamboo,
compost, and plant saplings) are higher in the lowland CDGs. Net family household incomes also vary
with the location of the CDG.
CDG income
Background
The CDGs in the study area are the institutional basis for implementing soil-conservation and watershed
management activities. The surveyed groups developed community development plans that reflect
the development perspective as perceived by the community, and that address problems at the farm
level as well as the watershed level. For effective mobilization of CDG income, fund administration
and proper accounting are crucial. The field survey showed that groups like the Furlunge (lowland)
and Tamung Dharadi (upland) maintained good financial records whereas the Chhabdi (lowland) and
Kulungmajhthar (upland) did not. There are differences in administrative practices and group
management between the groups in the upland and lowland areas.
Sources of income of the CDGs
Membership
The Community Development Committee is an executive body of the CDG that verifies the
income of the CDGs by issuing receipts. A voucher is prepared for each income and expenditure
separately. Two separate income and expenditure ledgers are maintained for the bank account.
2
US$1.00 = NR72 (June 2004).
43
Regular savings
The more successful CDGs generally exercise regular saving schemes in order to strengthen and
mobilize internal resources. Each member is supposed to have a passbook. The savings are also
recorded in the savings record.
Others
The CDGs can apply for funds from other agencies. All members receiving the service from the
activity pay fees as a service charge, recorded in the service charge register. Funds raised in these
groups are spent on maintenance of conservation works.
Local people’s attitudes and perceptions
Attitudes and perceptions towards the CDGs were very positive in the context of both farm conservation
and community development; but they differed between the upland and the lowland locations of the
area. Positive perceptions of the conservation issues were higher in the upland areas than in the
lowlands. Perceptions about agroforestry in relation to reducing erosion were also similar. The
perceptions on crop rotation, cropping systems, available conservation extension, land slope, terrace
improvement, and management and crop productivity management were significantly different between
the upland and lowland areas. The upland farmers were positive about almost all of the conservation
activities whereas lowland farmer considered only three activities useful.
Linkages with other institutions
The successful groups established linkages. Furlunge CDG made contact with the National Social
Service Co-ordination Committee (NSSCC). The nature of the present support is a grant from DANIDA
(NARMSAP). The Furlunge CDG and the Tamung Dharadi CDG were the best resource mobilizers
and the most active groups of Chhabdi Watershed. Kulung Manjhthar CDG had the highest balance
of funds that indicated inactiveness (slow implementation), indolence (only conducting an activity
after other groups have done so), and inability to mobilize resources within time-frames. Chhabdi
CDG utilized the resources to some extent but failed to collect sufficient savings due to inactivity
among community members and their inadequate and static leadership.
Land-use and conservation practices
There are various types of land use and conservation activities practised in the watershed to optimize
the limited land resources. Population increase also challenges the conservation of the agricultural
land area and water and forest resources. The reduction of the livestock population is good on the one
hand, but on the other hand there are no alternatives to fill the income gap that was filled by livestock
formerly.
Land-use and cropping patterns
Forest covers about 49 percent and cultivated land approximately 41 percent of the total land area in
the district. Land-use intensity is generally highly dependent on the suitability of the land. There are
seven major classes of land suitability according to physiography, suitability, limitations, and hazards.
44
The arrangement of classes reflects decreasing opportunities and intensities of land use. Land erosion
hazards generally increase from Class I to Class VI.
Land use in Chhabdi Watershed
The land use of a watershed is important in the context of land and water conservation. The land-use
scenario generally gives a picture of the degree of vulnerability of the land to erosion and potential
conservation measures. The land-use scenario of Chhabdi Watershed is presented in Table 2.
Table 2. Present land use of Chhabdi Watershed
Land use
Area (ha)
Distribution (%)
Sloping terraces
Level terraces
Fans/tarsValleys
Forests
239.41
249.49
83.16
171.36
1 360.87
11.38
11.86
3.95
8.14
64.67
2 104.29
100.00
Source: DSCO (1997)
Most of the land of Chhabdi Watershed belongs to slope Class IV (Table 3). The watershed has
very good forest cover, which is positive from the conservation point of view. Agriculture and forestry
are the major land uses. The main concern of the study was agricultural land use and its effects on
crop yields in the upland and lowland areas of the watershed, and soil and water conservation at the
farm level. These factors directly relate to the conservation of the farms. The distribution of slopes in
the watershed is shown in Table 3.
Table 3. Slope distribution in Chhabdi Watershed
Slope class
I
II
III
IV
V
Total
Slope (%)
Area (ha)
Distribution (%)
0-3
3-15
15-30
30-60
>60
136.08
108.36
131.04
1 696.05
32.76
2 104.29
6.5
5.1
6.3
80.5
1.6
100
Source: DSCO (1997)
The total average land-holding in the uplands is 0.60 ha/household whereas it is 0.71 ha /household in
the lowlands. Average Bari land owned by upland farmers (0.52 ha /household) is significantly more
than in the lowland areas of the watershed, with only 0.24 ha/household. The average Khet land
owned by lowland farmers is 0.46 ha/household. This is significantly more than for the upland farmers
(0.07ha/household).
45
Cropping patterns
Summer and winter are the two distinct seasons prevailing in the watershed area. The cropping
patterns and systems are greatly influenced by these seasons. The majority of farms in the uplands
grow maize relayed with millet. Paddy and leguminous crops are grown in the lowlands. Soybean is
cultivated on the bunds of rice fields. Lentils and black gram are cultivated to utilize the moisture of
the field after the rice harvest.
The people in the study area mainly practise monocropping as the first priority (46 percent),
mixed cropping (44 percent) as the second, and agroforestry (10 percent) as the third priority. This
shows that there is the potential risk of nutrient mining by monocropping because of insufficient
application of nutrients in the form of fertilizers and manure. Monocropping especially refers to maize
in the uplands and rice in the lowland CDG areas. Mixed cropping comprises maize/soybean or
maize/millet as relay crops. Atocarpus lacoocha, Ficus nemoralis, and Bauhinia purpuria are the
most common species grown by the farmers.
Major crops
Maize and rice are the major cereals grown in the watershed. Millet, buckwheat, soybean, black
gram, and lentil are minor crops. There is very limited production of vegetables and fruits in the
uplands. Some of the lowland farmers have started to grow fruits and vegetables on a limited scale.
The major fruit trees in the upland areas are citrus, peach, and pears. Banana, jackfruit, litchi, guava,
and pineapples are grown in the lowland areas.
Cropping intensity
The ratio of total cropped to total cultivated area (i.e. cropping intensity.) does not exceed 120 percent.
This is mainly due to lack of irrigation facilities, especially in the lowland areas. Consequently, most of
the rice fields in the lowlands are without a crop during winter, and they are opened for free grazing
within the community.
Livestock
Farmers in the watershed area, both in the uplands and lowlands, feel that livestock are the major
contributing and income-generating component of the household. However, the livestock population in
the watershed area (mainly cattle, buffalo, and goats) has decreased dramatically over the last 20
years due to the lack of human resources. The people are very reluctant to clean cattle sheds because
they do not want to soil their hands with cattle dung.
Land productivity
Land productivity refers to the capacity of the land to contribute to yields. There are several traditional
ways in which farmers assess land productivity. Other ways are the assessment of soil quality (colour,
texture, and structure) and the opportunity for irrigation and drainage provision. The amount of fertilizer
and manure that is required on the farmland is another consideration. The higher the amounts needed,
the lower the productivity of the land. The field surveys revealed that the value of the land was also
governed by the yield of the crops together with other factor such as irrigation, and proximity to the
market and the road.
46
Degradation in different land uses (erosion hazards on the farm and watershed levels)
The field survey showed that there is continued degradation of both uplands and lowlands at the farm
level and the watershed level. Nutrient replenishment to the soil after crop production is low. Traditionally,
compost is applied to the fields in heaps and incorporated into the soil later. The farmers heap at least
15 dokos/ropani (5.89 t/ha) of compost on the farmland first at 3-5 m intervals, and then spread the
material after the soil has attained sufficient moisture and the final land preparation is carried out.
Sunshine and rainfall lower the quality of the exposed compost on the field. Conservation-oriented
farmers incorporate the compost with these factors in mind.
Comparative scenario of the seriousness of erosion
The majority of the respondents in the upland areas felt that splash and sheet erosion were very
serious. The majority of the respondents in the lowlands felt that stream bank erosion followed by rill
erosion were the most serious types of soil erosion. Very few respondents in this area believed that
splash and sheet erosion were serious. The majority of the respondents in the lowlands felt that
stream bank erosion is the most serious type of erosion in the area. On the other hand, Furlunge CDG
respondents felt that rill erosion was the most serious form of erosion in their locality.
Farm-level degradation
Most of the hill farms are characterized by convex terraces. Very often, irrigation is not only beneficial
to hill agriculture but it is also a source of soil erosion if the irrigation structures are not maintained
properly. Overflow and leakage from the irrigation channels, and the collapsing of the irrigation intake
dam are major problems. Soil erosion and problems associated with irrigation are the major causes of
degradation of the sloping terraced land (Ojha, 1997). Land degradation is a foreseeable ecological
consequence of inappropriate land use and management.
Erosion hazard ranking by Furlunge CDG
A ranking of erosion-related problems (having hazard potential) in relation to farm conservation was
made by the farmers. Furlunge, a lowland community group, in toto gave the top rank to the degradation
of trails that pass by and through the farms and hamlets. The respondents expressed that the degraded
trails were the “nutrient carriers” from their farms to the Seti River and the source of the small gullies
in the farms and in the hamlets.
Erosion hazard ranking by Chhabdi CDG
Chhabdi lowland CDG ranked stream bank erosion first because their valuable lowland rice fields
near the river course are affected every year by the collapse of embankments. Second was terraceriser failure. Farm landslides and gullies, soil moisture stress, and keeping land fallow were ranked
third, fourth, and fifth respectively.
Erosion hazard ranking by Tamung CDG
The upland CDG, Tamung Dharadi, ranked the diminishing water resources first followed by farm
landslides and gullies. The group has faced drying water resources that has led to increased time
needed for transport of drinking water. When there is a sudden rise of the water table, plenty of water
47
emerges suddenly in the vicinity of the water source around the original spring. The abrupt rise of the
water table during the rainy season makes the land very slippery and vulnerable to erosion.
Erosion hazard ranking by Kulung Manjhthar CDG
The hill-top CDG Kulung Manjhthar ranked farm landslides and gullies first because they feel that the
landslides are due to the failure of slopes during the rainy season. Terrace-riser failure was second.
Their livelihoods are based on terrace cultivation and they have been facing terrace-riser failures
every year. Soil moisture stress, keeping the land fallow, and stream bank erosion were third, fourth,
and fifth respectively.
Conservation
Seasonal climate changes, the small sizes of land-holdings, and scattered and isolated settlements
influence the farming system and determine the nature of farmers’ survival strategies. The remoteness
and inaccessibility of villages, the poor socio-economic conditions of the people, and an underdeveloped
market economy also influence the types of crops grown and livestock raised. Cereals, the main
staple food, are highly valued by all farmers. Vegetables, spices, and fruits are potential cash crops.
Forests and other natural resources are maintained as individual forests, community and leasehold
forests, and government forests. Experience has shown that individual forests are the best-managed
forests followed by community forests. Forests are associated with the people from birth to death,
and even after death to provide wood for cremation.
Forests contribute to animal raising and crop production by providing food. Forests contribute to
and compliment agricultural and livestock production and promote the quality of life of the rural
households by providing many nutritious wild fruits, vegetables, and tubers as well as medicinal herbs
and other non-timber forest products. Farmers have strong concerns about the decreasing fertility of
the land.
Successful CDGs aim to improve their cropping systems through an integrated approach combining
rational land utilization and increased cropping intensity on Khet land as permitted by the climate and
the available natural resources. On sloping marginal land, the plantation of hedgerows, of bushy
perennial fodder and grasses, coffee, bamboo, medicinal herbs, fodder, and forest trees is emphasized.
Existing conservation efforts ranked by the CDG farmers
The people are applying different conservation measures to cope with the erosion problems. The
different conservation options were ranked according to the perceptions of the farmers. There were
10 conservation options available for implementation of the conservation activities by the CDGs. Out
of these each respondent was requested to allocate a rank for each conservation effort according to
its actual implementation. However, CDGs have changed and now envisage conservation measures
for the future to cope with erosion hazards and to maintain or enhance the productivity of the land.
48
Table 4. Overall summary of existing (actual) conservation efforts by the CDG farmers
Lowlands
Existing conservation efforts
(measures followed)
Uplands
Active and
successful
Less active and
unsuccessful
Active and
successful
Less active
and
unsuccessful
Furlunge
Chhabdi
Tamung
Kulung
Manjhthar
4
4
1
2
1
2
5
3
5
3
Rank
Use of conservation ponds
Stream bank protection
Terrace improvement and management
Compost use on farmland
Crop and residue management
Farm gullies and landslide treatment
Practice of agroforestry
Use of crop rotation & green manure
4
1
2
3
5
1
2
3
5
4
Summary of existing conservation efforts by the CDG farmers
The major efforts in farm conservation by the farmers in the watershed were explored. The study
showed that the first priority of the upland CDGs was terrace improvement and management, compost
use was second, and agroforestry ranked third. Trail improvement and water source protection and
use were not ranked. Crop and residue management and crop rotation and green manuring were only
ranked fifth by the lowland CDGs, and were ignored by the upland CDGs. Agroforestry was ranked
third by all CDGs, except Chhabdi.
Potential conservation measures (conservation measures envisaged for the future)
Presently, NARMSAP supports the farmers and CDGs in the study area. This programme cannot
support the people and CDGs forever. The people and the CDGs have to sustain the implementation
of conservation activities at the farm and watershed levels by themselves in the future.
Summary of potential conservation measures of the watershed area
These are the conservation measures envisaged for the future by the CDGs of both the upland and
the lowland areas. If we consider the watershed as a whole, the first priority is stream bank protection,
the second is water source protection and its rational use, and the third is trail improvement. For the
lowland area, stream bank protection, trail improvement, and water source protection ranked first,
second, and third. These results may help planners and policy-makers to develop more realistic
watershed management and conservation projects that build on local initiative and participation.
Adoption of new conservation technology
Before the introduction of the NARMSAP project to the watershed area, farmers were expected to
adopt and implement new conservation technologies. Indigenous knowledge should not be discounted
by science. Terracing, runoff diversions, crop rotation, and green manuring are very old indigenous
conservation practices.
49
Use of conservation ponds
Conservation ponds have been common in the area for a long time. There is much evidence of the
existence of old ponds for use by cattle and for irrigation. Some are also used for runoff storage
during the rainy season. Therefore, conservation ponds are a traditional technology in the watershed
area.
Stream bank protection
This activity is an old practice. The farmers used bamboo, stones, and forest litter to protect their land
that is located near the stream bank. Nowadays the technology has been modified by the use of costly
gabion boxes. Therefore this measure is a modified traditional conservation technology.
Terrace improvement and management
Many terraced lands are being severely degraded because of their convex nature. Terrace improvement
has been widely practised in the watershed area. Therefore terraces in the watershed are traditional
but their improvement (slope correction of the terrace bench, runoff diversion, provision and planting
of grasses and fodder for the risers and bunds) and management is appropriate.
Compost use on farmland
Farmers have been applying compost to their farmland since antiquity. This practice is traditional. The
compost is carried in dokos (baskets made of bamboo) to the nearby farmland. The simple freegrazing system has been developed into the permanent cattle shed and compost pit system.
Trail improvement
The foot trails in the hilly areas are characterized by the provision of stone steps and landings (leveled
portions of the trail). Villagers who have the means (financial and physical) maintain their trails in an
excellent condition. The other villagers do not. There are trails in the watershed that have been
constructed by past generations. These trails are degraded at different points of the structure.
Water-source protection and use
In the distant past it was a tradition to conserve and maintain the springs, kuwas and pandheros
(traditional types of water sources in the villages). Nowadays concrete structures are used and
polyethylene pipelines are laid to supply water directly to nearby hamlets.
Crop-residue management
Most of the crop residue, especially from maize, millet, and leguminous crops like lentils were
incorporated into the soil in the past when there was plenty of fodder for the livestock from the nearby
forest. In the upland areas of the watershed, the stalks and root portions of maize and millet are still
incorporated into the soil.
50
Farm gullies and landslide treatment
The farmers did not know the engineering structures to stabilize the gullies and landslides on their
farms. But they were planting grasses and trees in the subsided and gullied areas of their farms. They
also practised bhal tarkaune (runoff diversion) to protect their farms from landslides.
Practice of agroforestry
Agroforestry has been practiced in the watershed area since antiquity, the technology being passed
on from generation to generation. The farmers of the watershed were growing fodder and forest
trees side by side with crops in the same parcel of land.
Use of crop rotation and green manuring
The farmers grow leguminous crops on their farms and they also apply green manure to some extent.
This practice has been modified through training provided by different agencies (District Agriculture
Office and DSCO). This has led to a more systematic application of legumes and green manuring in
the farming system.
Discussion
Institutional aspects of CDGs
Formation of CDGs, operation, vision, and planning
CDGs are based on already existing groups wherever possible. New groups have been formed to
cover the whole watershed. All of the CDGs in Chhabdi Watershed are registered with the District
Administration (DAO) Office because all of them want to be legally recognized. All of the CDGs in
the study area are registered as local NGOs under the Societies Registration Act of 1976.
All CDGs undergo a planning and replanning exercise every year. For planning and implementation
purposes, successful, sustainable, and strong CDGs allow their members to split into two groups of
male and female members. The proposed plans of the two separate groups are merged into a common
single plan for the CDG. Yearly replanning of the CDGs is much influenced by the inflow of knowledge
and resources to the CDGs. All CDGs receive help from DSCO to achieve financial and technical
support for activities that cannot be supported through DSCO. All of the CDGs were competitive in
better accomplishment of conservation activities. The output of the plan is completely dependent on
the area potential plan, members’ experience, CDG networking, internal, and external resources. The
area potential plan is a plan that describes the pocket area of the potential income-generating and
conservation activity to be implemented in the future (Figure 3).
51
Technical support from
GO/NGOs
Literacy classes
Extension materials
Internal resources
CDG networking
CDG
Vision
and
Plan
Members’ experience
Training
External resources
Area potential plan
Study tour
School conservation education
Figure 3. Factors influencing the vision and plan of the CDGs
Source: Hertmann (2001).
Income generation and public auditing
All CDGs in the study area had been provided with a budget by the project. Active CDGs like
Furlunge and Tamung Dharadi were likely to get short-term benefits from this fund. Many income
generation activities (IGA) were not land based, affording good opportunities to the landless people of
the groups. However, there was still much more to be done in favour of the underprivileged and the
women of the CDGs, even for the successful groups like Furlunge and Tamung Dharadi.
Most of the successful CDGs underwent public auditing process shortly after completion of the
activities. Public auditing satisfied the queries of the general members. Public auditing was a trustbuilding exercise between government offices staff and the CDGs. Complete transparency occurred
in the public auditing of these institutions.
CDGs and sustainability
The government is now giving thought to what needs to be done to foster local institutions/CDGs and
the kind of support structures required. A greater political commitment is needed to achieve the
sustainability of these groups. Common socio-economic interests can form a strong bond between all
the members of the CDGs, including the VDC.
Institutional capacity building
The CDGs are also village-level NGOs, which are normally involved with organizing labour contributions
for the implementation of conservation measures, and the operation and maintenance of these activities.
Most executive members are not aware of their responsibilities and management authority. For the
growth of local institutions, all members need to follow institutional norms, which are transparent, and
politely communicate the organization’s limitations, and respect for rules and regulations to the users.
52
It has been widely accepted that in order to promote sustainable CDGs, members’ involvement is
essential in all phases of planning, designing, implementation, and benefit sharing. A properly designed
and implemented community mobilization process leads to the emergence of self-governing institutions,
which act as sustainable organizations for development. This will enhance development in many other
areas of rural life including the vital area of farm conservation and watershed management.
Coordination between agencies
A basic concern is that support mechanisms are forthcoming only when projects are ongoing and will
subsequently disappear as soon as projects are terminated. Clearly, a reasonable time frame is essential
to ensure that projects are transformed into a sustainable framework. Confidence building of the
CDGs has become an urgent need. Therefore, DSCWM/NARMSAP introduced the District Technical
Group (DTG) and the Field Technical Group (FTG), especially for coordination between line agencies
and those at the field level, including the CDGs. The FTG was especially designed for the field level.
Involvement of women
There was very little involvement of women at the beginning of the project, but this gradually developed
towards the end. In order to make women equal participants in all development activities, it is not
sufficient to introduce constitutional and legislative measures ensuring equal rights and opportunities
for women. What is needed is the creation of general awareness and a change of attitudes by both
sexes, and dissolving age-old, arbitrary, deeply-rooted prejudices and discrimination against women.
However, a greater effort is still needed to help women build their self-confidence, undertake independent
actions, become integrated in decision-making processes within communities, and participate in the
development process.
SWOT analysis of the CDGs in the context of on-farm conservation
Intensive discussions were conducted to explore the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats
(SWOT) in relation to farm conservation from the viewpoint of the institutions. Each CDG was asked
to express individual viewpoints. The study showed that successful CDGs have active leadership. All
CDGs have human and other resources to some extent but some of these groups lack dynamic
leadership. Inadequate technical knowledge and slow assembly of members at meetings were the
main weaknesses of the CDGs. But there were also threats for the successful groups regarding the
management of conservation measures on a sustainable basis. The detailed SWOT scenario is given
in Table 5.
53
Table 5. SWOT and farm conservation
Issues
Furlunge CDG
Chhabdi CDG
Tamung CDG
Kulung CDG
Strengths of
the CDG.
Resources
Labour
Active leadership
Resources
Labour
Resources
Labour
Active leadership
Resources
Labour
Weaknesses
of the CDG.
Slow assembly of
membersInsufficient
education
Low farm income
Low technical
knowledge
Inadequate technical
knowledge
Low leadership
interest
High expenses.
Opportunities
for the CDG.
Interested to form
cooperatives
Demonstration plot
establishment
Conservation efforts
after the phasing out
of NARMSAP.
High commitment
to building a meeting
hall
Favourable
implementation
capacity at the
moment
Good prospects
for new IGA in
the CDGs
IGA training
Improved grass
farming,
Neem (Azadiracta
indica) and kadam
cultivation efforts
Broom grass
plantations
Honey bee culture
Threats to
the CDG.
Difficult to continue
the ongoing
conservation efforts
Cautious about
group upliftment
No timely
repayment of
loans
Very little public
participation
Too many gullies
are to be treated in
the future.
Many resources and
much labour needed
Marketing
roblems,
Leadership
transfer problem
Erosion hazard scenario of the CDG area at the watershed level
Upland CDG area
The household owners of the upland CDGs were asked about the seriousness of erosion in their area.
This resulted in a distinct erosion-hazard scenario for the upland areas. Almost ninety-seven percent
of the upland respondents reported that splash and sheet erosion was very hazardous and serious in
their area. The remaining respondents reported landslide hazards in their locality.
Lowland CDG area
Forty-eight percent of the household heads from this locality reported that stream bank erosion was
very hazardous in their locality. Forty-five percent of the household heads reported that the rill erosion
was very hazardous.
Erosion hazard scenario at the farm level in relation to conservation
The study showed that in the lowlands, stream bank erosion was ranked first, followed by degradation
of trails, and diminishing water sources in the lowland area (Table 6). Upland CDG area household
heads ranked farm landslides and gullies first, diminishing water sources second, and terrace-riser
failures third.
54
Table 6. Overall ranking of erosion hazards in relation to farm conservation by area
Erosion hazards in relation to farm conservation
Lowland
Furlunge
Farm landslides and gullies
Stream bank erosion
Terrace-riser failure
Diminishing water source in the village
Degradation of trails
Moisture stress on the farm
Upland
Chhabdi
Tamung
5
1
4
3
2
Kulung
1
5
3
2
4
All problems related to erosion were significantly different between upland and lowland areas in
relation to farm conservation. The study also showed that successful CDGs had fewer hazardous
issues than unsuccessful CDGs. Therefore it is interpreted that with more successful CDGs there will
be fewer erosion hazards in the CDG area. There are some reasons associated with these erosion
hazards (Table 7).
Table 7. The reasons for erosion hazards as presented by the household heads
Problems that induce
erosion hazards
Reasons according to the household heads
Stream bank erosion
Destruction of the rice field by flooding of the Chhabdi Khola in the lowland areas
of the watershed eventually result in the loss of property and production during
the period
Farm landslides & gullies Lives and properties are endangered by this problem in the uplands of the
watershed
Degradation of trails
Trails are conduits for runoff that carries away nutrients from the farmland;
ultimately this affects production
Diminishing water source Landslides and gullies occur when there is an abrupt emergence of spring
in the village.
water during the rainy season due to the sudden rise of the groundwater table
Terrace-riser failure
Decrease in yield in the crop production area
Conclusion
The current land-use patterns and conservation measures were identified and evaluated in the upland
and lowland areas of the watershed. The socio-economic status of the CDGs and the farmers were
evaluated in relation to their actual conservation efforts, perceptions, and attitudes. Erosion hazard
scenarios for the upland and the lowland areas in relation to farmers’ attitudes and perceptions of land
degradation and land management were determined.
Maize-based cropping patterns in the uplands and rice-based cropping patterns in the lowlands
have been practised continuously. Farmers in both upland and lowland areas of the watershed have
large families but small land-holdings. Therefore there is tremendous pressure on the land. The main
erosion hazards in the lowlands are stream bank erosion followed by degradation of trails and diminishing
water sources in the villages. In the uplands farm landslides and gullies, diminishing water sources,
and terrace-riser failure are considered serious even with the application of existing conservation
measures. All of the CDGs have changed their focus from actual conservation efforts to conservation
measures envisaged for the future. The ranking of erosion hazards, actual conservation measures,
55
and conservation measures envisaged for future, has proved that the farmers have modified their
emphasis on priorities and measures for conservation.
The adoption of new technology for farm conservation is not the challenge. The farmers believe
that they should modify and apply the right traditional conservation measures at the proper location to
address the actual erosion hazards prevailing in the watershed.
Some of the CDGs are dynamic institutions because of their improving and developing structure,
guided by active leadership and production-oriented conservation methods. Legal authorization is
assured with the registration of these institutions and their yearly renewal of licenses or certificates as
NGOs at the District Administration Office. Effective implementation of conservation activities through
networking with other institutions is a distinct characteristic.
The current farm conservation activities are not adequate to maintain land productivity. The
farmers want to implement potential conservation measures (conservation measures envisaged for
future) to maintain land productivity in the future via their own efforts and resources.
Literature cited
Basnyat, B.B. 1995. Nepal’s Agriculture Sustainability and Intervention: Looking for New
Directions. Wageningen University, Netherlands.
CBS. 1994. The Hilly Areas of the Country are Very Prone to Soil Erosion. CBS, Kathmandu,
Nepal.
CBS. 2000. Statistical Pocket Book, Nepal, 2000. CBS, Kathmandu, Nepal.
District Soil Conservation Office. 1997. Subwatershed Management Plan of Chhabdi Khola
Chitikhola (Tanahu District), Tanahun, Nepal.
District Soil Conservation Office. 2000. Soil Conservation Booklet. (Nepali Version: BhuSamrakshan Pustika), Damauli, Tanahun, Nepal.
Hertmann, P. 2001. One hamlet – one group – one plan in line with decentralization. Steps towards
a new watershed management strategy in Nepal. (An unpublished paper.) NARMSAP / SCWMC,
Kathmandu, Nepal.
Ojha, E.R. 1997. Agricultural Terracing Development Perspectives. Ratna Pustak Bhandar,
Kathmandu, Nepal.
Thapa, G.B. 1996. Land use management and environment in a subsistence mountain economy in
Nepal. Agriculture Ecosystems & Environment, 57: 57-71.
56
INSTITUTIONAL COORDINATION FOR WATERSHED MANAGEMENT
IN DHADING DISTRICT, NEPAL
Puspa Ram Thapa1
Introduction
The Hindu Kush-Himalaya is one of the youngest mountain systems in the world. Rivers in this region
carry much more silt than those in other regions. Mountain watersheds are susceptible to soil erosion,
landslides, and rapid loss of habitat and genetic diversity, owing to their fragile ecosystems, which are
characterized by steep slopes, weak rock structure, and poor soils.
Mountain people depend on watershed resources for subsistence. The Middle Hills of Nepal
occupy 68 percent of the total area. The overwhelming majority of the hill people are farmers; the
average land-holding size is less than 0.5 ha, compared to 1.7 ha in the Terai (plains). Rapid population
growth, deforestation, unemployment, and land degradation are the major causes of poverty.
Diverse types of formal and informal institutions exist in the watersheds with different or overlapping
objectives, which have both direct and indirect implications on the management of natural resources.
Community development groups (CDGs) are directly involved in natural resource management.
Agricultural groups, cooperatives, and savings/credit groups are implicitly associated with natural
resource conservation by improving social cohesion, production, and the economic condition of the
local people. In Nepal, many international development agencies and non-government organizations
(NGOs) are involved in soil conservation and watershed management activities. Local government
organizations (GOs), District Development Committees (DDCs), and Village Development Committees
(VDCs), are now required to formulate and implement local development. However, these organizations
lack management and technical capabilities to carry out development and conservation activities
effectively.
Watershed management programmes have been implemented in 22 districts of Nepal with
DANIDA support under the Natural Resources Management Sector Assistance Program
(NARMSAP). Several new institutions have been created for implementation of soil conservation
and watershed management activities, while existing organizations have not been taken into
consideration.
There may be duplication of activities due to implementation of conservation and development
projects by several agencies through several community based organizations (CBOs). Likewise, the
central level agencies, in many instances, have created their own community groups for implementation
of their programmes. Besides duplication of activities, conflict is created between different CBOs.
Lack of coordination and cooperation may result in the misuse or inefficient use of development
funds. Some CBOs may receive financial help from several agencies, while others may not.
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Gopal B. Thapa (Chair), Dr. Apisit Eiumnoh, Dr. Rajendra P. Shrestha
57
Management projects are coordinated effectively by NGOs, GOs, and CBOs, making efficient
and effective use of scarce resources. Coordinated action strengthens the existing institutions.
Institutional development and strengthening is indispensable for the continuation of activities implemented
by external agencies.
The major objective of this research was to study the prospects for coordinated planning and
implementation of watershed management activities by CBOs with support from the local government,
GOs, and NGOs.
The study area
Kumpur sub-watershed (KSW) was selected for the study; it is under the jurisdiction of three VDCs,
namely Kumpur, Sunaulabazar, and Kalleri (Figure 1) of Dhading District. KSW covers an area of
about 59 km2 , accounting for three percent of the total area of the district. Since 1996, DSCO/
DANIDA has been assisting CDGs in implementing watershed management activities in this subwatershed.
Selection of CBOs
There are altogether 56 CBOs numbering 2 514 households in KSW. The CBOs are local institutions
directly involved in the execution of watershed management activities supported by DSCO/DANIDA.
Two CBOs from the upper part of the watershed and three from the lower part were selected for the
survey (Figure 1). Two had homogenous ethnicity while heterogeneous ethnic groups characterized
the other three. The Sattaledanda and Baghmara forest user groups (FUGs) were selected from the
existing FUGs in KSW. Small farmers’ cooperatives (Sunaulabazar and Kumpur) were selected for
institutional survey. Grassroot level local government (Kumpur, Sunaulabazar) and Kalleri VDC were
institutions surveyed at the local level.
Selection of development line agencies
At the district level, the District Soil Conservation Office (DSCO), District Forest Office (DFO),
District Agriculture Development Office (DADO), District Livestock Service Office (DLSO), District
Irrigation office (DIO), and District Water Supply Office (DWSO) were chosen for the study. The
Women Development Office (WDO) and Cottage Industry Development were also selected, as they
are also implementing activities related to watershed management. According to the Local Self
Governance Act (1999), the District Development Committee (DDC) is the coordinating body for all
development and conservation activities executed by all district level line agencies. The Forest and
Environment Protection Society (FEPS) and the Nepal Agro-Forestry Foundation (NAF) were two
NGOs selected for the study, as both are engaged in watershed management activities.
Profile of the study area
Location
The KSW is not a “typical” watershed or catchment in the sense that the area has several distinctly
different catchments with separate outlets. KSW is divided into four smaller micro-watersheds, namely
Adamkhola, Bijulikhola, Sukaurakhola, and Thoppalkhola.
58
China
India
India
Figure 1. Map of Nepal and Dhading District
59
Climate
The climate is mostly sub-tropical humid and warm temperate humid. The monthly mean maximum
varies from 19ºC in winter (January) to 26.6ºC in summer (June). The monthly mean minimum
temperature ranges from 7.4ºC (January) to 20.6ºC (June).
Topography
Approximately 83 percent of KSW has slopes of 30º. The lowlands comprise river terraces and
gentle to rugged topography is found in the upper part of the watershed. The main river systems are
the Adamkhola, Bijulikhola, Sukaurakhola, and Thoppalkhola. There are also numerous small river
systems, which directly drain into Trishuli River.
Natural vegetation
The types of vegetation depend on slope and aspect. The northern face of the mountain is well
vegetated with mixed broad-leaf forest. Other species found in the watershed area are: Schima
wallichi, Magnifera indica, Syzygium cumini, Aegel marmelos, Garuga pinnata, Bauhinia
purpurea, Bauhinia verigata, and Ficus spp.
Land use
The study area comprises arable land, forest land, shrubland, and grazing land (Table 1); 36.2 percent
of the watershed area is covered by irrigated land (Khet) and 18.2 percent by non-irrigated land
(Bari). Similarly 19.2 percent of the total area is occupied by forest, 16.2 percent by shrubland, and
10.2 percent by grazing land.
Table 1. Land-use categories of the study area
Land-use type
Area (%)
Non-irrigated land
Irrigated land
Shrub
Grazing
Forest
Total
22.2
21.9
24.9
10.3
20.8
100.0
Source: APROSC (1997)
Watershed condition
The condition of KSW is poor mainly due to deforestation, overgrazing, cultivation on marginal land,
stream bank cutting, and gullies and landslides. About fifty percent of the forests are not handed over
as community forestry with concomitant users’ rights. The critically degraded conditions of the
catchment area are the root cause of unpredictable amounts of sediment generated during high intensity
rainfall. River cutting also damages the in-takes of many farmer-managed small irrigation systems.
60
Ethnicity
The most prevalent ethnic groups found in the study area are Newars, Brahmins, Gurungs/Ghales,
Magars/Majhis, Chhetris, and Kamis/Damais/Sarkis. Based on ethnic composition, Nepalgaon CDG
is a heterogeneous community whereas the homogenous Magar community characterizes Kafalchhap
CDG. Similarly Changetar CDG is composed of Brahmin households, and most of Bungchung CDG
is Ghale. Majhis are traditionally fishers, a low caste and an underprivileged group.
Land holdings
Based on HMG/CBS (2000), land holdings are divided into three different categories: small, medium,
and large. In the watershed area the land holdings are fragmented and more than ninety percent of
the households depend on these fragmented parcels of land to eke out a living Thapa (2001). Most of
the farmers have rain-fed farmland.
Literacy
According to the APROSC baseline study report (1997), the overall literacy rate of the population
over five years of age was estimated at 60 percent. Male and female literacy rates were estimated at
36 and 24 percent of the total literacy rate in KSW. The literacy rate is highest in Adamkhola microwatershed (65 percent) and lowest in Bijulikhola (50 percent). Among the ethnic groups, the highest
percentage of literacy was reported among the Brahmin/Chhetri community (71 percent) followed by
Newars (66 percent), and Ghales (60 percent).
Occupations and employment
Women accounted for fifty-one percent of the total population involved in agriculture. Agriculture
was a secondary occupation for over 61 percent of the respondents followed by waged labour
(29 percent) in all micro-watersheds. Three percent were engaged in trade. Women were also involved
in cottage industries such as woodwork, bamboo and rope making.
Existing institutions and organizational structure
Institutions have become an important component in the watershed management context. In many
situations, local organizations are needed to acts as channels through which local people can participate
in the development and implementation of rural development programmes. For watershed management
to become a popular endeavour with good promise of success, what is required in the organizational
context is a pluralistic political system, which has a broad democratic base, bears public accountability,
decentralizes decision-making power, and has a provision of checks and balances for political and
administrative power (Thapa, 1993).
61
District level institutions
NGOs
Formerly, FEPS was working for natural resource management. The main objective of FEPS was to
create awareness about conservation and protection of forests and to help local people to develop
forest management skills and institutional mechanisms.
Later, FEPS was mainly engaged in assisting groups to prepare community forest operational
plans and to conduct training programmes on community forest management.
FEPS coordinated activities with the District Forest Office and Regional Training Centre, Lalitpur
(DANIDA). The main work of FEPS was to facilitate community forest handover and management.
NAF is another NGO working in Dhading District conducting similar work. Presently, the GalaundiPokhare Khola Watershed Management programme uses NAF to implement different watershed
NAF had good coordination with DSCO during the pre-planning stage of watershed management
activities. NAF also had multidisciplinary staff. Both institutions employed female motivators as group
facilitators for their fieldwork.
District line agencies
DSCO is a government organization responsible for planning and implementing soil conservation and
watershed management activities in the district. DSCO has two types of programme: the first is a
regular annual programme that is implemented from the government’s regular budget. The second is
a donor-supported programme. The name of the pilot project was the Nepal-Denmark Watershed
Management Project (NEP_DKWMP). This project was designed and implemented to generate
experience as a model for the implementation of the Soil Conservation and Watershed Management
Component (SCWMC) of the Natural Resource Management Sector Assistance Program
(NARMSAP) of His Majesty’s Government of Nepal (HMG/N). One of the main aims behind
implementing this project was to develop replicable participatory planning and implementation based
on watershed management programmes.
The DFO is the organization responsible for the protection and management of national forest
through scientific management. The community forestry programme has been supported by DANIDA
since 1990. The programme was divided into two stages: Pre-formation and Post-formation support.
Training activities were designed for user groups and DFO staff to promote and facilitate the community
forestry programme. The leasehold forestry programme was a target group programme, designed for
small farmers who were below the poverty line. The Agricultural Development Bank and DLO
offices were the line agencies affiliated with the leasehold forestry development programme, whereas
the DFO coordinated and looked after administration formalities for implementation of the leasehold
forest programme.
DADO was the organization responsible for agricultural extension in the district. The extension
programme comprised training, demonstrations, field visits, and workshops. It had major extension
activities on cereal and cash crop production, crop protection, horticultural development, vegetable
farming, soil-fertility management, and integrated pest management and fisheries’ development. The
DLSO was an organization working in the sector of livestock development in the district. The livestock
development programme was divided into veterinary services and livestock management activities.
62
The DLSO had six livestock service centres and eight sub-centres within the district to serve villages.
The DLSO implemented extension activities and a pocket package (demonstration) programme for
selected types of cattle. The DLSO was also engaged in fodder tree seedling production, improved
grass seed production, and distribution of seeds of improved grass to user groups. The DIO was
responsible for planning, implementation, and management of irrigation system within the district. It
had only district level staff at district headquarters to implement different water supply projects within
the district.
The Dhading Women Development Office had one liaison office and three field offices within
the district. Women’s development programmes comprised savings-credit schemes; informal education;
public health; child care activities; training on awareness creation; training programmes on account
and record keeping, leadership development and resources’ mobilization, and skills’ development;
study tours; and income generation activities. The major activities of the CSIDB were conducting
various training programmes on skill development and entrepreneurship; providing information on
rules and policy for industrial establishment; conducting industrial feasibility studies; providing industrial
project schemes of feasible industries to entrepreneurs; and registering or renewing cottage and small
industries.
District Development Committee (DDC)
The DDC is an elected body responsible for the overall development of the district. The chairs and
vice-chairs of all VDCs in the district elect the chair and vice-chair indirectly. DDC members are also
elected indirectly on an Illaka or sub-district basis. Each of Illaka’s VDC chairs and vice-chairs
elect one representative to the DDC. Members of parliament of the concerned district are ex-officio
members of the DDC. The DDC’s overall plan embodies what VDCs and municipalities plan and
undertake.
Local level institutions
Several institutions are functioning at the local level for natural resource management and community
development: The VDC, Ward Committee (WC), Small Farmers’ Cooperatives (SFC), GOs, and
CBOs are the major institutions at the local level.
VDC
The VDC is a grassroot level autonomous political institution. VDCs can implement programmes with
regard to forests, vegetation, biodiversity, and soil conservation in the village development area. Each
VDC is divided into nine wards; administered by elected ward committees. VDCs are required to
construct and implement village level projects through user committees (UCs). UCs are entitled to
collect service charges from users who use the services of the project.
Small Farmers’ Cooperatives
Cooperatives are also engaged in physical development work such as irrigation canal improvement,
fruit-tree planting, trail improvement, and support for leasehold forestry development. Federated groups
of cooperatives at the ward level can handle the natural resource management work within their
ward. These cooperatives have the following objectives: To facilitate credit to small farmers for
agricultural activities; to mediate between small farmers and the Agriculture Development Bank; to
63
raise the socio-economic status of small farmers through the creation of income and employment
opportunities; and to develop the market system and linkages for small farmers.
CBOs
CBOs in the study area comprise: CDGs, FUGs, WCs, the Progressive Youth Club (PYC), and
Majhitar Samudaik Kendra (MSK). CDGs are new institutions responsible for the execution of
watershed management activities. They were formed on a settlement/cluster basis and their size
depends on village cluster size. The number of members varies from 25 to 105 households. Each
CDG has an executive committee, comprising members from 5 to 13 households. Besides soil
conservation, the groups carry out community development activities.
FUGs are registered in the District Forest Office (DFO). Executive committee members are
elected from among group members and their tenure depends on the provision made in the respective
group’s constitution. Forest resources such as timber, fuelwood, and NTFPs are collected according
to the forest operational plan. There are five registered community forests with a total forest area of
99 ha. All committee members are directly elected from local people.
The WC is responsible for ward level planning and implementation of development activities
supported by the VDC and the DDC. It has 15 executive committee members, excluding a threemember advisory committee.
Government organizations (GOs)
Government service centres are local level institutions working at the village level; one service centre
should cater to four to five VDCs. Service centres implement activities according to guidelines received
from concerned district offices. Generally people visit service centres for necessary advice and services.
Service centres also serve as bridges between user groups and concerned district line agencies.
Coordination in watershed conservation and development planning
Dale (1992) defined coordination as the harmonization of work undertaken by different bodies within
an organization, through specific mechanisms realized through the execution of specific tasks, which
are commonly the responsibility of specific core parts of the organization. Coordination is a tool for
promoting integration, in other words, it is a means for promoting linkages of various sorts. It is
needed not only to secure teamwork and cooperation but also to prevent conflicts that may arise,
while working together to achieve certain stated objectives.
Planning process and coordination
Planning is a continuous process, which involves decisions about alternative ways of using available
resources, with the aim of achieving particular goals at some time in the future. Coordination plays an
important role in the successful implementation of any plan or programme, no matter how competent
the organization. During the planning process at the district level, generally the DDC and other
government line agencies organize four to five meetings. NGOs organize up to four meetings in the
process of planning (Table 2).
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Table 2. Frequency of planning meetings
No. of planning meetings
Government
Five times
Four times
Three times
Total
NGO
4 (44.4)
2 (100)
5 (5.6)
9 (100)
2 (100)
NB: Figures in parentheses are percentages
FEPS and NAF hold planning meetings according to donor requirements. In general, they hold
planning meetings four times a year and the participants are staff and user group representatives
(Table 2). They discuss community activities and prioritize them.
There is lack of trust between NGOs and government institutions. Government institutions perceive
NGOs as highly paid and informal contractors with the incentive of tax-free provision. NGOs carry
out activities on a short-term basis. All government institutions are trying to practise for intra- and
inter-agency consultation for planning. Effectiveness in coordination between the agencies depends
on the interpersonal relationships of the officials.
DDC: planning process and coordination
The Local Development Officer (LDO) working under the DDC arranges a meeting of all district line
agency officers, NGO representatives, and representatives of the Association of Trade and Industries
in order to prepare the programme for the forthcoming fiscal year. The DDC arranges a meeting of
the plan formulation committee for further elaboration of the proposed activities.
The District Development Project Coordination Committee (DDPCC) has about 30 days to air
its views. The DDC chair heads this committee. This committee comprises the vice-chair and all
conveners of the four plan formulation committees, all development-related district line agency chiefs,
and the LDO. The LDO acts as a member-cum-secretary of the project coordination committee.
Initially, plans are prepared by the ward assemblies and then submitted to the VDC. VDCs propose
the plans at village assemblies for discussion. Village assemblies discuss the proposed plans, and
approve them on a prioritized basis. After approval of plans by the assemblies, VDCs submit the
proposed plans to the DDC for approval. The remaining proposed activities from ward assemblies
and user groups are sorted out and sent to the concerned line agencies for consideration under their
plans.
The joint plan formulation committee, in principle, can facilitate coordination to some extent. The
chair allows 15 to 20 minutes for each development officer’s programme presentation. For example,
a farmer-managed irrigation canal improvement programme is jointly implemented by the DSCO,
DIO, DADO, and the DDC in the district. Farmers’ groups can approach more than one agency for
assistance. In such circumstances, funds are likely to be allotted by more than one development
agency, if the programmes are not presented by the development agencies to the joint plan formulation
committee. In KSW, DSCO takes care of all farmer-managed canals to prevent duplication.
65
DADO: planning process and coordination
DADO has a District Agriculture Development Committee (DADC), formed by guidelines in the
Agriculture Perspective Plan (APP). Although the DADC meeting is held once a month, there is no
mutual discussion between members as expected by the APP. Moreover, so-called farmers’
representatives are village level leaders affiliated with different political parties. Most of the time,
these representatives attend meetings at different offices to receive meeting allowances. Thus, their
opinions and inputs do not reflect farmers’ real needs. The DADC is especially designed for coordination
between the district level line agencies, including farmers’ group representatives, NGOs, and the
private sector for implementation of the long-term Agriculture Development Plan. DADO has worked
according to guidelines provided by the ministry and the department. As a result, impact on the planning
process has not been effective as targeted by meetings and workshops.
DSCO: planning process and coordination
DSCO is the government line agency for implementing soil-conservation and watershed management
programmes. DSCO has been implementing a sub-watershed management programme in the KSW.
The programme has been supported by the NEP-DKWMP since July 1996. The project intends to
integrate ward, VDC, and district level planning and implementation processes. All project activities
are implemented through DSCO. At the district level, coordination and integration take place through
the District Technical Group (DTG). DSCO plays a role as member secretary of the DTG. DSCO
staff are mainly mid-level technicians and motivators.
Planning process and coordination at the local level
VDCs have a mandate to formulate and implement village level development plans financed by their
own resources, development block grants received from the government (Rs.500 000/year), and from
projects or NGOs which may happen to be in place. At the local level, the VDC is the focal point for
coordination because it is the grassroot level government organization. Budget ceilings and planning
guidelines are provided by the DDC to the VDC for village level planning. Similarly, district line
agencies will provide guidelines to service centres for annual plan formulation.
Planning
The VDC will initially conduct one meeting for planning, and then the ward chair will start planning
work or arrange ward assembly for annual planning. Cooperatives and CDGs have adopted planning
workshops and most CBOs have been pursuing planning meetings (Table 3).
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Table 3. Planning process by organization
Statement
Types of organization
CDGs
Sensitization for planning
Planning workshop
Planning meeting with
implementing agencies
Y
N
Y
N
Y
Socialorgs.
FUG
Cooperatives
5(100)
2(100)
2(100)
2(100)
3(60)
2(40)
5(100)
1(50)
1(50)
1(50)
2(100)
1(50)
2(100)
N
1(50)
2(100)
Local gov’nt
3(100)
3(100)
2(66.7)
1(33.3)
Source: Institution Survey (2002)
NB: Figures in parentheses are percentages
Coordination with CDGs
The FTG was designed to maintain coordination between CDGs and the VDC during planning. The
FTG consists of field technicians of DSCO. Mid-level technicians from different line agencies are
supposed to support communities during the plan preparation period.
A case study: Pipaldanda drinking water supply project
Pipaldanda is a village in Kumpur VDC situated in Ward No. 3. Cultivation depends on rainfall.
Pipaldanda is a one-village cluster of Parewatar CDG. Settlers are homogenous Magars. There are
nine households. The upland area is cultivated with maize, millet, beans, and lentils. Local people from
Pipaldanda approached the VDC for a permanent drinking water supply. But the VDC had inadequate
funds for nine households. The estimated budget was NRs. 150 000.
Initiative
The VDC chair took the initiative to provide a permanent drinking water supply for Pipaldanda village.
The VDC chair talked with Parewatar CDG members about the drinking water problem at Pipaldanda.
The chair made a commitment with the CDG to provide some funds, if the CDG would include the
water supply project for Pipaldanda in its annual work plan. Then CDG executive committee members
arranged planning meetings and discussed with Pipaldanda villagers about contributing unskilled labour.
Required materials such as cement, iron rods, faucets, and water tanks would be supplied using funds
available from DSCO.
Coordinated decision
The VDC chair coordinated planning and execution of the work with DSCO and CDG members. He
arranged a meeting for planning, designing, and estimation of the work. Mid-level technicians and
motivators from DSCO, and CDG executive members were present at the meeting. The meeting
allocated responsibility: the VDC would purchase polythene pipes at NRs.25 000, DSCO would provide
other material and skilled labor costs for masonry, and the users would provide physical labour for
transportation and construction work.
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Chhangetar Community Development Group: A case study
Chhangetar CDG of Dhading District is situated in the mid-hills. The major crops grown are maize
and millet. In rain-fed areas, villagers cultivate only one crop per year, whereas in irrigated areas they
grow cash crops such as vegetables. Some fodder trees are grown on the terrace risers. A dense
mixed forest with regenerated Shorea robusta is situated on the uphill side of the CDG, and has been
handed over to the group as their community forest.
Problems
About 30 years ago, Chhangetar area was covered with degraded sub-tropical Shorea robusta forest
from which people collected forest products. Heavy grazing and collection of fodder and bedding
materials led to forest degradation. Decreased land productivity, and fodder and bedding material
scarcity were the major problems faced by the farmers. Gradually people migrated to the foothills.
Initiative
In 1997, the people of Chhangetar discussed their problems, their future, and possible solutions among
themselves. They decided to visit Adamtar field centre of the DSCO to seek assistance. DSCO staff
and community held discussions and agreed on the following:
§ Mobilization of people for planning, implementation, maintenance and monitoring of activities
§ Demarcation of boundaries and the formation of a CDG and community development committee
as an executive body
§ Rehabilitation of the degraded micro-watershed through the joint efforts of DSCO and
Chhangetar inhabitants
§ Contribution of locally available materials e.g., unskilled labour, sand, stone, thatching materials
and bamboo by local people
§ Provision of locally unavailable materials, like skilled labour, technical support, and transportation
of materials by DSCO
§ Creation of a maintenance fund and pursuance of all follow-up work by the CDG
Implementation
The people demarcated the boundaries and formed a CDG, which covered about 95 ha of land and
included 37 households. The villagers conducted a meeting in the presence of DSCO staff (mid-level
technicians and motivators), and identified the main problems:
§
§
§
§
§
§
§
§
Widespread gullies, landslides and stream bank erosion
Lack of vegetation cover
Poor condition of irrigation canals
Scarcity of drinking water
Lack of off-season vegetable farming
Decreasing productivity of land
Poor condition of foot-trails
Poor sanitation
68
In the first year, they decided to improve the irrigation canal and to plant bamboo culms, grass,
fodder seedlings, and other multipurpose species which control stream bank erosion. They mainly
used vegetative measures to minimize stream bank erosion and to control gully expansion. Training on
group mobilization, leadership building, account and record keeping, and rehabilitation measures were
given by DSCO. Study tours were conducted for the CDG members. The members visited various
rehabilitation areas of Tanhun, Palpa, Pokhara, Dhankuta and Ilam districts. Conservation ponds
proved to be very cost effective, but required much labour. The ponds are currently utilized to store
water for irrigation of off-season vegetables
Coordination in implementation
When CDG members realized that the area had high potential for off-season vegetables, they decided
to get training on vegetable cultivation. The DSCO organized a meeting with the Chief of DADO.
DADO sent staff to Chhangetar for a feasibility study and preparation of a field-level training
programme, for the CDG members only. One assistant agriculture officer and one junior technician
discussed with CDG members and prepared the field-based training schedule. DADO staff and CDG
members agreed on the distribution of responsibilities to conduct the training. Altogether 35 households
took part in each training event. The CDG implemented physical construction and income generation
activities (raising goats, cultivating ginger, and planting fruit trees).
Benefit from activities
The economic benefits have been categorized into quantifiable and non-quantifiable benefits. These
are described below.
Quantifiable
§ Income from the sale of green vegetables (beans, cucumber, pumpkin, cauliflower, radish) A
farmer received NRs20 000 to 25 000/0.05 ha through the sale of vegetables
§ 33 out of 37 households used the conservation ponds to irrigate their vegetable farms
Non-quantifiable
§ There has been a major change in attitude (positive)
§ Compost making has increased due to stall-feeding. This has contributed to an increase in
vegetable as well as cereal crop production
§ Conservation plantation on marginal lands, grass plantation on risers and wastelands, and
bamboo plantation in gully and landslide areas have increased vegetative cover and added leaf
litter; this has helped to improve the quality of the soil
§ Easily available small-sized timber, fuelwood, fodder, and bedding material from the community
forest
§ Newly grown fodder/grass species have helped stall-feeding
§ Women are saving time in fetching water due to water source protection
69
Coordination among development agencies for sericulture in Kumpur sub-watershed:
A case study
Background
Mulberry plantation was a source of fodder for goat raising due to very small-scale planting. The
United Nations Development Program launched the Sericulture for Rural Development Program in
1997/1998. The programme had close coordination with the Silk Association of Nepal (SAN). SAN
was a national level NGO working for the promotion of sericulture development in Nepal. Kumpur
VDC was selected for the sericulture development programme.
Initiative
The Nepalgaon CDG chair was convinced about the feasibility of the sericulture development
programme as he had visited sericulture development activities in Ilam District implemented by SAN.
After discussion with household members, he contacted SAN personnel to get technical support for
mulberry cultivation within his community group. One technician was provided to study the potential
for mulberry cultivation and to teach cultivation techniques. Finally, it was agreed to utilize CDG funds
to promote mulberry plantation within the CDG area. DSCO had already set a priority to promote
mulberry plantation in and around the farmland because the mulberry seedlings would prevent soil
erosion, supply fodder for livestock, and improve people’s livelihoods via sericulture.
Coordination
Institutions involved for the promotion of sericulture are the Sericulture Development Program (SRDP)
under UNDP; the Silk Association of Nepal (SAN); the Sericulture Development Office (SDO);
DADO; DSCO; and the CDG. SAN forms a group where there is no existing group and where there
is a group, the CDG manages the sub-group for promotion of mulberry planting. SAN also prepares
the training package for the farmers and implements the training package at field and central levels.
Nepalgaon CDG was responsible for selection of farmers to establish mulberry nurseries and plantation
work.
Implementation
The CDG established one mulberry nursery with technical support from DADO and a budget was
arranged from DSCO; this was allocated according to the CDG’s annual programme. Interested
CDG members planted all seedlings. After two years, farmers were able to supply mulberry seedlings
to their neighbours for extension of mulberry cultivation within the CDG area. Silkworm eggs are
hatched at the Sericulture Development Office (SDO), Dhunibesi, Dhading District. One-week old
silkworms are supplied to farmers by SDO. Masks and Japanese sprayers were distributed to three
CDGs free of charge. Farmers can harvest cocoons four times in a year.
70
Coordination mechanism for watershed conservation and development:
stakeholders’ perspective
Coordination workshop
A workshop was conducted to address the views and suggestions of stakeholders engaged in watershed
management activities. All stakeholders attended the workshop with keen interest and actively
participated in discussion about planning and implementation of watershed conservation and
development activities. Participants from district line agencies realized the need for coordinated planning
and implementation of the District Development Plan. They also realized the problem of duplication
of activities, inefficient resource use, and mishandling of scarce funds due to lack of coordination in
planning and implementation of conservation and development activities. The creation of new CBOs
without taking into consideration existing CBOs had discouraged community efforts. Similarly, NGOs
were working independently in planning and implementation. VDC chairs were interested in supporting
the development activities implemented in their VDCs.
Suggested planning mechanism at the district level
Service centre plans should be formulated in cooperation with VDCs. NGOs should also consult with
VDCs for plan formulation, and they should be guided by the DDC. The planning section of the DDC
should be strengthened by employing appropriate capable staff and by providing training to the existing
planning staff. The DDC has to develop a master plan for each sector and has to set the vision. This
would facilitate coordination and follow up during the planning process. The DDC, VDCs, and service
centres should prepare their plans in coordination with CBOs, as they have direct contact with the
villagers and are aware of local constraints and opportunities.
Suggested implementation mechanism at the district level
The existing coordination system between the DDC and line agencies should be strengthened. Meetings
have to be organized with sufficient time for discussion with line agencies. While implementing the
line agencies’ programme, there is a communication gap between the concerned agencies, which has
created management problems. Therefore the DDC has to create a forum for interaction among the
line agencies during implementation. NGOs should also work within the district development-planning
framework. In this regard, they have to submit their programmes to the DDC prior to implementation.
They also have to maintain close coordination with the DDC during the programme implementation
period.
Suggested planning mechanism at the local level
At the local level, VDCs, WCs, government service centres, SFCs, and CBOs are working for
watershed conservation and development. There are two VDC level SFCs in the study area.
Cooperatives should liaise with local level institutions such as the CDG, FUG, Agriculture Service
Center, Livestock Service Center, Women Group, and farmers’ groups for effective planning. The
Women Group should interact with cooperatives during their discussions on their savings-credit schemes
and they should also consult the VDC chair or Ward chair.
71
FUGs are working without consulting the VDC and other agencies. FUGs should invite the
VDC, Agriculture and Livestock Service Center, CDG, and SFCs during their planning meetings.
There is no interaction among the Agriculture Service Center, Livestock Service Center, and farmers’
groups during their planning agenda. The irrigation water users’ group and drinking water users’
group should consult the VDC during the initial study of projects. The VDC should be the focal point
for local level planning.
Suggested implementation of coordination at the local level
CBOs have to maintain close coordination with the VDC during project implementation. They have to
conduct meetings with VDCs before activities are implemented and meetings should concentrate on
estimated budget, working procedure, and beneficiaries. Ward committees have to monitor and
encourage CBOs, which have implemented activities effectively.
Conclusion
District office representatives of all institutions are not formally notified at the beginning about the
project concept and their perceived roles in the project. Unless and until the roles of each of the
district-based institutions are made clear and the mechanism for their involvement in planning and
implementation is specified, it will be difficult to attain the objective of integrated sub-watershed
management.
The DTG and FTG have been formed for coordination of watershed management and development
activities. They have facilitated some coordination among district level line agencies through direct
personnel contacts, regular meetings, and establishment of common working procedures. From the
analysis it was found that the DTG could not coordinate activities effectively. As a result, interagency coordination for planning and implementation did not work effectively. Line agencies have
increasingly realized the need for coordinated planning and implementation of conservation and
development activities.
Since several line agencies are engaged in watershed management-related activities according
to objectives set by their concerned ministries, there is a need for coordination between agencies at
different hierarchical levels. Both horizontal and vertical coordination are important for the successful
planning and implementation of watershed management programmes. Horizontal (inter-agency)
coordination is extremely important for efficient planning and implementation of multi-sectoral
programmes.
The existing coordination mechanism at the district level is simply limited to compilation of sectoral
plans prepared by line agencies. The Local Self-governance Act (1999) has emphasized the
empowerment of DDCs and VDCs by making them responsible for coordination in planning and
implementation of all district development plans. District offices are accountable to the concerned
departments and ministries, which provide required budgets and have administrative control over
lower level line agencies. The Decentralization Act (1999) recognized the DDC as a coordinator of
overall local level development and conservation activities. It has not been provided necessary authority
for administrative and financial control over line agencies and other developmental agencies.
72
Literature cited
Dale, R. 1992. Organization of Regional Development Work. Ratmalana, Sri Lanka.
Thapa, G.B. 1993. Managing Mountain Watershed in Upper Pokhara Valley, Nepal. Monograph,
Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok.
Thapa, G.B. 2001. Changing approach to mountain watersheds management in mainland South and
Southeast Asia. Journal of Environmental Management.
73
LINKAGES AMONG LAND, WATER AND FOREST RESOURCES AND THEIR
INSTITUTIONAL DYNAMISM IN CHITWAN DISTRICT, NEPAL
Kanchan Thapa1
Introduction
Nepal has a rich tradition of community efforts in natural resource management (NRM). The farmermanaged irrigation system (FMIS) has special status in the national economy and food security system
and symbolizes democratic values (Pradhan, 2000). Customary norms have delineated water as a
community resource with rights and community governance structures for the management and
utilization of water by village societies. Apart from these community-based values and norms, state
policies and practices have historically been conducive to reinforcing community roles in NRM. As a
community resource, water has been well conserved by farmers and used carefully for cultivation.
Innumerable traditional canal systems built by farmers since antiquity are still functioning. The
enactment of the 1854 Penal Code (Muluki Ain) during the Rana period (1846-1951) was a significant
landmark in the development and management of canal irrigation systems in the country. The
development of irrigation in Nepal can be categorized into two phases (Shah 2001): (1) Prior to the
mid-1950s, farmers developed numerous irrigation facilities in the hills and in the Terai using their
own resources; (2) from 1956 to 1970, emphasis was on developing infrastructure in the form of
government-financed medium and large projects.
Forest resources have also been exploited for different purposes from the household level for
fuelwood needs to national trading activities for non-timber forest products (NTFPs) and timber. The
ownership of forest resources shifted to the government in 1950 after the end of Rana rule.
Nationalization of private forest was launched in 1957 to protect forest resources. The forest protection
Special Act enacted in 1968 provided forest officials with powers to strengthen the forestry service to
protect the forest. Property rights in joint property ownership have been secured via the participatory
approach. Successful community forest management has evolved with benefit sharing among the
rural poor, including women. There has been a change in resource use to institutional arrangements
that govern the resource base. Farmers are able to operate and maintain irrigation infrastructures
effectively and receive reliable water supply.
The research was performed in the irrigated and partially irrigated area of Chitwan District (Figure
1). The criteria for the selection of the irrigated area were: the irrigation system’s long duration; the
existence of locally managed irrigation systems and water-users’ committees (formal or informal);
community forest development in the catchment area; and intensification of agricultural land use
across the irrigated command area.
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti (Chair), Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch, Dr. Rajendra P. Shrestha
75
The criteria for the selection of the partially irrigated area were: an upland area where the
farming system was partially irrigated; community forest development in the catchment area. East
Chitwan was chosen as the study area and two study sites were selected in the northeast of Chitwan
District.
N
A
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K
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IN
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ST U D Y A R E A
R oa d N e tw or k s
B o un da r y o f the S tud y A r e a
B H AN D A R A
BIRE ND R A N AG AR
C H AI N P U R
K H AI R A H A N I
KO RA K
LO TH AR
P IP L E
P IT H U W A
R A T N A N A G A R N . P.
S H A K T IK H O R
S ID D H I
C
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Figure 1. Map of study area
76
K
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S o u rc e : N P C , 2 0 0 2
Biophysical and socio-economic condition of the study area
Description of the study area
Chitwan District is located in the southwestern corner of the central development region between
o
o
o
o
longitude 83 35’ to 85 55’ east and latitude 27 21 to 27 45’ north covering an area of 2 510 km2 .
Politically, Chitwan District is divided into 38 Village Development Committees (VDCs) and one
municipality (Bharatpur Nagarpalika). About three-fourths of the area is the Chitwan Valley; the
lands have high agricultural potential and are relatively flat to almost completely flat.
Physiography and water resources
The Chitwan Valley is made up of terraces of various ages formed by the Narayani and Rapti river
systems. The general slope of the valley floor is towards the south and southwest. Many streams flow
into the valley from the Mahabharat and Churia hills, which are either seasonal or ephemeral in
character and the volume of the water flow declines during the dry season. The Rapti River is the
main water resource in Chitwan; it flows from the northeast to the southwest and ultimately joins the
Narayani River system. Perennial rivers like the Lothar and Manahari flow from the eastern boundary.
The Dhongre Khola originates from the Lothar River and the Budhi Rapti River emerges from the
jungle of KuchKuche located along the banks of the Rapti River.
Forest resources
The forest resources of Chitwan District consist of sub-tropical evergreen forest at an elevation
ranging from 141 to 1 100 m, and sub-temperate evergreen forest which lies at an elevation above 1
100 m. According to the management regime, forest types consist of national forest, community
forest (including buffer zone community forest) and leasehold forest, protected areas, and private
forest. The forest area of Chitwan District comprises 106 572 ha of forest land (including private
forest). Most of the areas under national forest are being handed over to communities under the
community forest programme.
The climate of Chitwan Valley is sub-tropical monsoon with hot and humid summers and cool dry
winters. The months from June to September are hot, humid, and uncomfortable. November through
o
February are the winter months and the winter temperature can be as low as 7 C in December and
January. Over 75 percent of the annual rainfall occurs during the monsoon from June through September
with average annual rainfall of 2 000 mm. July and August are the wettest months.
The soil of Chitwan Valley constitutes various sediments from the Rapti and Narayani rivers and
their tributaries from higher Himalayan mountains, Mahabharat and Churai hills. Sandy loam and
loam are the most dominant textural classes of the surface soil with a few patches of sandy clay loam
and silty clay loam as well. The soil of East Chitwan is heavier in texture than West Chitwan. The
Chitwan Valley soils are among the most fertile in the country. Relatively high content of organic
matter with an average of 2.8 percent reflects the recent agricultural history of the valley.
Forest, agricultural lands, pasture/grazing lands, settlements, and waste lands are the major landuse types. Rapid deforestation and land clearing for cultivation are the major factors responsible for
land-use change in Chitwan Valley. Denudation of arable land along the banks of the Rapti River is a
serious threat to agricultural land in eastern Chitwan.
77
Study sites
Among the 36 VDCs in Chitwan District, Chainpur and Korak VDCs were selected for the research.
Chainpur VDC represented community forest in irrigated land, while Korak VDC represented
community forest in partially irrigated land.
Chainpur VDC
Chainpur VDC lies in between two watersheds, the lowland area of the Kair Khola Watershed and
the lowland area of Ladari Khola Watershed. The total area of Chainpur VDC is 2 822 ha. The area
has a sub-tropical humid climate characterized by three distinct seasons: a hot, rainy monsoon; a
warm, dry winter; and a hot, very dry, windy pre-monsoon. There are 2 002 households.
Korak VDC
Korak VDC lies in the upland area of Pumpa Khola Watershed, which is adjacent to the Kair Khola
Watershed. The total area of the VDC is about 5 074 ha. The population according to 2001 data was
about 6 129. The literacy rate of the whole population is about 52 percent. Chipleti Parsa Bazaar is
the nearest market place for the buying and selling of daily commodities. The Kalika community
forest was selected from this partially irrigated area in order to draw comparisons with the irrigated
area in Chainpur VDC.
Description of the irrigation systems and forest management
Kankali Irrigation Systems (KIS)
Kankali Irrigation System (KIS) is located in Wards 8 and 9 of Chainpur VDC. The intake of this
irrigation system is located in the vicinity of the Kankali community forest in northeast Chainpur while
its command area falls within Wards 8 and 9 of Chainpur. In general this irrigation system has been
able to provide considerable support to strengthen the economic status of the inhabitants of the village.
Historical perspectives
KIS was formerly called the Bhutiya Irrigation System and was managed and operated by the farmers
themselves. The system is about 41 years old. During 1985, the irrigation system was rehabilitated
and improved with technical assistance from the Asian Development Bank financed East Rapti Irrigation
Project (ERIP).
Physical infrastructure
KIS, at present, is about 4.4 km long, which includes an idle length of about 1 000 m. The alignment of
the canal, initially, passes the Kankali community forest, running parallel to the flow of the Kair Khola.
The main canal runs from north to south with several branches. Water is diverted into this system
through its permanent head-work after water is divided with the Pithwa Irrigation System from the
same source (Kair Khola). The head-work is a permanent cement/concrete-gated diversion weir.
Since the canal passes the forest and along the flow of the Kair Khola, the canal is protected upstream
by the forest and downstream by gabion check dams along the banks of the Kair Khola.
78
Biophysical characteristics of the irrigated area
KIS is situated along the foothills of the Mahabaharat Range. It is situated in the lowland area of the
Kair Khola Watershed. The soil type of the command area ranges from fine loam to coarse to
medium loam. The major land uses are forest, agricultural land, and barren land.
Socio-economic characteristics
The average size of the sampled households was approximately six members per household. Out of
the total respondents, 27 percent were illiterate while 26 percent had higher-level education. Threefourths of the respondents were dependent on agriculture, while 16 percent depended on service and
business as their main source of income; the remainder relied on business and waged labour related to
agriculture as the main source of income. The ethnic composition of KIS consisted of Brahmins,
Chetris, Newars, Tamangs, Magars, Gurungs, Chepangs, and Lamas. Seventy-six percent of the
population comprised higher caste people and 24 percent comprised middle caste people.
Table 1. Area currently irrigated by KIS
Mean area
Minimum area
Maximum area
Khet
Bari
0.620
0.066
1.980
0.340
0.099
0.660
Source: Household Survey (2002)
Agricultural perspectives
Table 1 indicates the area irrigated by KIS. Two crops were planted in both Khet (irrigated land) and
Bari (non-irrigated land). About 10 years ago, the major crops were monsoon paddy, wheat, mustard
in both Khet and Bari. But due to the seasonal bias of irrigation, the cropping pattern was mainly
paddy-fallow-maize. Now the farmers grow three crops in Khet and two crops in Bari. Table 2
shows the difference in production since 10 years ago and the present.
Table 2. Total production of crops between two periods
Crops
Rice (monsoon) *
Wheat
Maize
Maize (winter)*
Total production
present (t)
Average production
10 years ago (t)
2.31
0.28
0.98
0.14
1.47
0.19
0.82
0.06
Source: Household Survey (2002). * Significantly different at the 0.01 level (paired T-Test)
Irrigation water management of KIS
KIS has been very effective in ensuring good water management. Farmers grew crops mostly in the
Khet region of the command area. The irrigation system was designed to increase agricultural production
and cropping intensity. An informal water users’ association was formed during the construction
phase, called the Kulo (Canal) construction committee. It negotiated with the District Forest Office
79
(DFO) for the use of forest products from the national forest (now the Kankali community forest) in
the irrigation system. The association was formalized in the late 1980s.
Forest management of Kankali community forest
With the enactment of the Forest Act (1993) and Forest Regulation (1995), the government initiated
the community forest programme under the Ministry of Forest. The Chitwan DFO implemented the
community forest programme in Chainpur VDC. Prior to the formation of the community forest, the
Chitwan area forest office looked after the forest and there was massive forest degradation.
Description of the partially irrigated area
Biophysical characteristics
The major type of land use is forest, agricultural land, and barren land. Hardwood forest (broad-leaf
sal forest) predominates. Agricultural land and forest occupied 366 and 437 ha in 1999 respectively
whereas the figures were 195 and 537 ha in 1978 respectively (Bhalla et al., 2000).
Socio-economic characteristics
The average household size in the study area was 6.3. persons (Table 3). Most of the households
were nuclear. There was almost equal distribution of gender.
Table 3. Population distribution in the partially irrigated area
Total
Average population per household
Maximum population per household
Minimum population per household
Household
population
Malepo
population
Female
population
215
6.32
12
2
115
3.38
8
1
100
2.94
6
1
The educational status was very low. About 44 percent of the respondents had only been educated
to the fifth grade. Most of the respondents worked in the nearby market place as porters and sought
other available waged labour. The major ethnic groups were Tamang, Gurung, and Lama (middlecaste). There were other occupational castes such as Biswakarma (lower caste). Out of the total
sample, 82 percent was middle class and the remaining 18 percent was lower caste. The average
land-holding size for Khet was 0.47 ha with a minimum of 0.06 ha and a maximum of 1.88 ha of land.
In Bari, the average landholding was 0.24 ha with a maximum of 0.49 ha of land. In Khet, 59 percent
of the households had their own land (less than 0.56 ha) while 20 percent of the households had their
own land ranging from 0.56 to 1.12 ha.
80
Agricultural perspectives
Maize and finger millet were widely grown in Bari. Upland rice was also cultivated. Over 10 years
there have been no changes in the number of crops grown in Bari. The main reason might be the lack
of water and poor agricultural inputs. Most of the area was under fallow, which was commonly
observed (Table 4).
Table 4. Cropping pattern in the partially irrigated area
Cropping pattern in Khet
Cropping pattern in Bari
Paddy-wheat-fallow, maize
Paddy-fallow-maize
Maize-millet-fallow
Regarding the cropping intensity of Khet and Bari separately, the mean cropping intensity in
Khet was 165 ha and while the cropping intensity for Bari was 179 ha. Most of the crops had low
output. Rice, however, had high productivity while wheat had the lowest output in comparison with
other crops.
Forest management of Kalika community forest in the partially irrigated area
During 1990, the Birendra Nagar VDC initiated protection of the forest. The forest office finally
recognized the constitution of the forest after much lobbying with the DFO. The constitution
documented the association as Kalika Community Forest User Group and the forest as Kalika User
Group Forest. For every forest product, users had to pay a minimum fee for utilization of the forest
products (except fodder, leaf litter, and grass).
Development and management of the community forest
Water adequacy in the irrigated area
Most of the area under cultivation in KIS is Khet, although Bari is found. Agricultural fields are sited
in close proximity to irrigation systems. Almost half of the respondents reported that there have been
changes in water availability in their fields. Currently water availability during the monsoon is sufficient
for the entire command area.
Water availability index
The water availability index (WAI) has been calculated for the monsoon, summer, and winter seasons
at two different periods. The WAI from the tail- and head-ends increased during all seasons indicating
an increase in water availability situation as the intake is approached. Water availability situation has
improved during the last decade. During the summer, water is generally low, but partially sufficient in
winter, which is consistent with the weighted average. At the tail-end, except during the monsoon
season, users have faced serious scarcity of water during both summer and winter.
Fifty-one percent of the respondents feel that cropping patterns have changed or increased in
number each year because of changes in water availability.
81
Water adequacy in the partially irrigated area
Most of the agricultural lands are located in the lower region and are situated about 8-25 m from the
banks of the rivers (Pampa and Kali Khola). Water availability is improving (Table 5). Water in the
monsoon season remains adequate while in the other seasons water supply is insufficient.
Water availability index
During the monsoon season, water remains adequate in the area around streams and rivers. Moreover,
natural spring water is also used for agricultural and drinking purposes. Most of the settlements were
established after encroachment into the forest area, where shifting cultivation prevailed but now the
majority of the former shifting cultivation areas have been permanently converted to agricultural land.
In the summer and winter, water remains scarce. The WAI shows that water is insufficient over the
area.
Table 5. Changes in cropping in the partially irrigated area
Change in cropping pattern
Percentage of the respondents
Increasing
Constant
Decreasing
34
66
-
Total
Total no. of respondent: 30
100
Explaining the dynamics of forest and water inter-relationships
The relationship between resources can best be explained through the input and output framework
developed by the Institute of Philippine Culture (Veneracion, 1989). This approach has been used in
explaining and understanding dynamism under the management regimes of irrigation systems.
Prior to the development of the irrigation system
Most of the settlers in and around the command area of the irrigation system arrived after the
implementation of the malaria eradication programme, which controlled the epidemic in Chitwan
Valley. Resettlement programmes were responsible for clearing vast tracts of valuable forests in the
Terai. The people of Chainpur realized the need to develop the irrigation system.
During and subsequent development of the irrigation system
KIS was initiated and constructed by the Chainpur community. The informal water users’ association
was formed during the construction phase. Fines were imposed if there was no participation in the
canal’s construction or non-participants were even barred from utilizing water from the canal. The
DFO gave permission for the use of forest products during construction and development of the
irrigation system.
82
Improvement in the KIS
Population density in the area rose with significant increase in agricultural practices. During 1971,
high demand for water and insufficient water supply even in the monsoon season necessitated
improvement in the irrigation system. This was not as easy as it seemed. The committee formed
during construction of the irrigation system emerged as the main water users’ committee after water
was released for irrigation. Subsequently, farmers were completely dependent on irrigation for water,
which raised sustainability issues.
Dispute over water management
Government-sponsored irrigation was also established in the neighbouring VDC (Pithwa), which shared
the same source (Kair Khola). Pithwa VDC had its own water supply intake for drinking purposes,
also built by the government, which was supplied by the upstream Kair Khola. The KIS had dual
purposes, drinking water and irrigation supply. The water users’ association had the authority to
prohibit free access to the irrigation canal. Upstream appropriators filed a case at the district court
against the Kankali water users’ association for alienating them from use of the water. The court
found in favour of the association. The legal costs incurred were much higher than the operation and
maintenance costs of the irrigation system.
Rehabilitation and improvement of the system by ERIP
With the passage of time, the irrigation system faced the consequences of several natural calamities.
Collapse of the canal alignment was frequent. There was major improvement in the irrigation system
after the launch of the ADB sponsored East Rapti Irrigation Project (ERIP). ERIP started with
rehabilitation and improvement of the FMIS in East Chitwan. ERIP contributed about 95 percent
whereas the association contributed 5 percent. After the major reform of the irrigation system, there
has been an increase in the water availability as the intake can hold more water (due to the permanent
head-work).
Development of the community forest
Comparison of forest management in irrigated and partially irrigated areas
Introduction
The Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework developed by the workshop on Political
Theory and Policy Analysis has been used to assess human incentives and behaviour in the governance
and management of the forest (Figure 2).
83
I
N
C
E
N
T
I
V
E
S
Characteristics of forest resources
Characteristics of community
(Partially Irrigated and Irrigated)
Institutional factor
A
N
D
B
E
H
A
V
I
O
R
Local forest
resource
response
Figure 2. Management of forest resources
Source: Modified from IAD Framework
Socio-economic perspectives
Most of the land in the irrigated area was under cultivation. Apart from subsistence needs, farmers
grew cash crops like vegetables and mustard. Farmers sold surplus crops (wheat, lentils) in the local
market. People in the irrigated area were more educated than in the partially irrigated area. Since
livestock are integral components of the partially irrigated farming system, the number of head was
very high in the area. From the socio-economic point of view, the people in the partially irrigated area
were in a poorer condition in terms of agricultural production, food sufficiency, income, and access to
basic amenities.
Characteristics of the forest resource
Both community forests in the study area were located in the same physiographic zone (Mahabharat
Range) but the difference in the extent of altitudinal variation was greater in the partially irrigated
area. Forest species composition in both areas was similar. Pole-sized trees dominated the structure
of the forest in the irrigated area, while the partially irrigated area was dominated by mature trees. It
was observed that the extent of fallen trees was greatest in the partially irrigated area.
Characteristics of the community forest user group (CFUG)
Kankali FUG was the first, officially formed FUG in Chitwan District. The protection of the forest
has been ongoing since the start of the Terai Community Forestry Development Project (TCFDP). In
Kankali FUG, harvesting of forest species like sal and sandan Has been restricted while in the Kalika
FUG, due to the poor socio-economic conditions of the users, dual pricing for the same forest product
has been adopted.
Comparison of forest management in the study area
The main theme of forest management is to protect, manage, and utilize forest to maintain the supply
of daily household requirements like fodder and fuelwood in a sustainable manner. The management
activities carried out in the community forest vary according to the operational plan. They basically
focus on silvicultural operations and enriched plantations. Hitherto, the FUG carried out activities like
84
preparation of fire lines, strict protection, and a few silvicultural operations. People are positive about
the management activities.
Participation in forest management
Participation was measured both at the constitutional and operational level of the FUG. In comparison
with the partially irrigated area, users in the irrigated area had less participation in decision-making
and FUG management, however, but high participation in benefit sharing (Table 6).
Table 6. FUG participation at the study area
Statement
Partially irrigated
Participation in decision-making
Participation in FUG meetings
Participation in management activities
Participation in utilization (benefit sharing)
Aggregate index
*
0.7152
0.7333
0.7273
0.7515
0.7318
Irrigated
0.6273 *
0.7326
0.7056
0.7843
0.7124
Source: Household Survey (2002) * Significant difference at 95 percent confidence level
Level of understanding on the rules of the constitution
The majority of the respondent in both areas was familiar with the rules of the constitution. People in
the irrigated area were more familiar with the rules than those in the partially irrigated area as they
were more educated.
Leadership capacity
Local leadership is a major factor in the effective functioning of the FUG. Executive members (leaders)
of the FUG were not capable of managing the forest. Users were dissatisfied with their performance.
Equitable distribution of forest products
After the formation of the community forest, the FUG ensured equitable distribution of forest products
among the registered users.
Satisfaction with the overall management of forest
Users were satisfied with the management of the forest around their community (Table 7).
85
Table 7. Satisfaction in the overall management of the forest
Satisfaction in the overall management of forest
Highly satisfied
Moderately satisfied
Neutral
Dissatisfied
Highly dissatisfied
Score
Partially irrigated
Irrigated
2
1
0
-1
-2
1 (3.0)
23 69.7)
2 (6.0)
4 (12.1)
3 (9.0)
31(36.9)
44(52.4)
1 (1.18)
4 (4.76)
4 (4.76)
33 (100)
0.4545 *
84 (100)
1.119*
Total
Index of overall satisfaction
Source: Household Survey (2002). * Significantly different at 95 percent confidence interval with the T test.
Figures in parentheses indicate percentages.
Organizational structure of WUGs and FUGs
Organizational structure is an important factor affecting both participation of members and performance
of the organization itself. The structure of the organization is dynamic. Organizations change in size,
adopt new technologies, face changing environments and cultures, adopt new strategies or refine old
ones, and adjust to other organization in their field.
Initiative of the establishment
The background of FUG and WUG establishment, especially with regard to the transition from informal
to formal roles is provided in Table 8.
Table 8. Initiation of organization in the study area
Type of
Before
Resources Year
Forest
1991
Water
1967
Now
Initiation
Initial
organization
Mode of
formality
Community
of Ward
nos. 3, 8, 9
Community
of Ward
nos. 8, 9
Forest
protection
committee
Canal
construction
committee
Informal
Informal
Initiation
Member and
DFO,
Community
Appropriators,
ERIP
Organization
Mode of
formality
FUG
Formal
WUG
Formal
Membership criteria
The criteria for membership in forest and irrigation systems were different (Table 9). In the irrigation
system, initially the membership was based on the contribution of the users to the construction of
irrigation systems. Allocation and distribution of irrigation water differed according to the scale of
contribution (depending upon the size of the land) and location of the land in the hydrological boundaries
delineated by the irrigation systems.
86
Table 9. Membership criteria in both resource systems
Type of resources
Membership
Criteria
Rules
Water
Forest
Hydrological
Geographical
Landownership
Landownership
Boundary rules
Membership rules
Source: Institutional Survey (2002)
Change in the structure of the organizations
There have been many changes in the membership and structure of the WUG since its establishment.
During the initial formation of the irrigation system, there were fewer users so membership was
lower. Moreover the association was informal. A rise in membership necessitated legislation on wateruse rights. The initial establishment of the forest protection committee generated collective action
from the users to protect the forest against ongoing degradation and the association moved into a
formal role as a FUG after the rapid improvement of the forest condition.
The rules and regulation of the both organization are documented and specified in their constitutions.
The organizations have very important roles in enforcing the rules and regulations. WUG operational
rules govern: boundaries (membership), water allocation (rotational basis), and penalties (graduated
sanctions, fines). FUG rules govern: harvesting (harvesting of forest products), protection (basis for
protection, who, when, how), finance (membership fees etc.), penalties (sanctions, fines), and “do’s
and dont’s”.
Decision-making
The decision-making process in both systems is highly democratic and decentralized. Both the systems
have general assemblies and general meetings. The general assembly (GA) elects new executive
committee members, decides on current issues, resolves conflicts, formulates new rules and regulations,
and audits financial transactions. Decisions made during the meeting are also ratified at the GA. Both
user groups impose fines for not attending the meeting.
Resource mobilization
In the KIS, mobilization of resources changes as the irrigation system is physically modified.
Contributions depend upon the land-holding size. Over time, farmers have also developed rules for
cash contributions as part of the resource mobilization process. A service fee was collected by the
WUG on the basis of the land-holding size. A service fee — analogous with water tax — is contributed
by each of the WUG members. In the FUG, the community forest has been established with the view
that community should be responsible for every forest activity. Secondly, degraded areas have been
enriched by plantations. Community development and forest management activities have also mobilized
funds.
87
User’s attitudes towards user groups
In the Kankali WUGs and FUGs, 44 percent of the respondents feel that the user groups are essential
for NRM, while 40 percent of the respondents is optimistic about the future. However, most of the
users perceived group problems of differing intensity (Table 10).
Table 10. Major problems faced by the user group
Problem faced
Percentage of respondents
Leadership
Party politics
Participation
Management
Functions
Coordination
Finance
Total
44
23
18
9
3
2
2
100.0
Perception of the users towards distribution of the resources
Users’ perceptions about current rules
Rules can be formal i.e. in written form or informal (unwritten) with a mutual level of trust and
understanding among users. The users themselves have devised most of the rules in the study area. In
the FUG, the constitution has been drafted and registered in the DFO. Almost all of the users were
familiar with the rules that governed the resources of both user groups (Table 11). Generally, they
learned about the rules at meetings, which indicates a good degree of participation.
Table 11. Perceptions about the rules
Perceptions about rules
WUG
FUG
Easy, can be understood
Need to be learned
Too difficult, hard to understand
Total
Total no. of respondents
63.4
35.4
1.2
100
86
58.1
39.5
2.4
100
82
Comparing FUG and WUG rules
In the study area, most of the users of the irrigation system are also members of the FUG. Some users
are bound by two sets of rules, each for their respective users’ groups vis-à-vis forest and water
management (Table 12).According to the classification of resources and goods by Tang (1992), both
the forest and the irrigation systems are pooled resources.
88
Table 12. Comparison of the rules in use across user groups in the study area
WUG
FUG
Service area is defined by the hydrological boundaries Service area is defined by the geographical
whereby the users within the boundaries are liable
boundaries whereby the users within the boundaries
for membership in the WUG
are liable for membership in the FUG
Rules in use are contained in the constitution and
registered in the District Administration Office
Rules in use are contained in the constitution and
registered in the District Forest Office
The community of irrigators themselves adopt and
enforce their own rules. So the WUG is liable for
enforcing the operational level rules and the
governance of the resources
The FUG is responsible for the management of the
resources and enforcement of the operational level
rules as well as governance of the resources
Members of the executive committee shall be liable
for the enforcement of the rules. Enforcement
mechanisms devised include monitoring by the
members of the user group
Members of the executive committee shall be liable
for the enforcement of the rules. The enforcement
mechanism devised includes monitoring by the
members of the users
Members can hire officials for the monitoring of
systems like Panipale
Members can hire officials for the monitoring of the
systems like forest guards (Ban Haralu)
The users shall evaluate the performance of the
users’ groups. Users decide the tenure of the
officials. The rules allow users to evaluate
performance and condemn unsatisfactory work
The users shall evaluate the performance of the
users’ groups. Users decide the tenure of the
officials. The rules allow users to evaluate
performance and condemn unsatisfactory work
Major decisions should be approved at the GA.
Users have the right to criticize the performance
of the FUG. Here the collective action of the users
counts towards evaluating the effectiveness of the
user group
Major decisions should be approved at the GA. Users
have the right to criticize the performance of the FUG.
Here the collective action of the users counts towards
evaluating the effectiveness of the user group
Penalty rules
• Graduated sanctions. Sanctions are
imposed depending upon the intensity
of non-compliancy
• Fines
• Temporary or permanent loss of water access
Penalty rules
• Graduated sanctions. Sanctions are imposed
depending upon the intensity of
non-compliancy
• Fines
• Temporary or permanent loss of forest
access
• Incarceration (with the help of the DFO)
Allocation rules
• No allocation or distribution rules during
periods of water adequacy
• During periods of water deficit, fixed time
slots are assigned to each of the users
(depending upon the land-holding size) and
distribution follows a rotation basis (in each
of the delivery facilities: Main Canal to Branch
Canal)
• No transfer of appropriation shares
Harvesting rules
• Harvesting of the product is done according
to the OP
• Harvesting of products other than prescribed
in the OP is not allowed
Most of the collective choice rules are similar. Both user groups have mechanisms for the
distribution and allocation of the resources, membership criteria, and resource mobilization. Graduated
sanctions are clearly defined for non-compliance.
89
Institutional analysis
Legal framework of the forest
The government has demonstrated its commitment to the policy of promoting people’s participation by
effecting timely changes in forest legislation. The Forest Act of 1961 was enacted to establish state
control over all forests following the private Forest Nationalization Act of 1957. The Panchayat Forest
Regulation of 1978 was implemented in accordance with the National Forest Plan of 1976. These
regulations enabled community management of forest by handing over the forest to local village
bodies via the village Panchayat.
The forest has been divided into three types of management regime: buffer zone management,
government management, and leasehold forest. The buffer zone was delineated in two areas along
the boundaries of the Royal National Chitwan Park (RCNP) and Royal Bardia National Park (RBNP).
In 1999, the Department of Forest and Soil Conservation approved Buffer Zone Management
Guidelines. In sum, the guidelines are designed to promote coordination between park authorities and
local villages to protect the parks through responsible management of buffer zone forest resources
and to ensure sustainable forest resources for local consumption.
Buffer zone FUGs
In Chitwan and Makawanpur, district buffer zone management was established in 1997; the Chitwan
and Makwanpur forest departments stopped administering the forest land under the buffer zone to
remove confusion and inconsistency with the Royal National Chitwan Park’s (RNCP) activities. In
East Chitwan, there are altogether 18 (under study) buffer zone forests under buffer zone management,
under the administration of the RNCP.
The Forest Act of 1993 empowers the DFO to hand over any part of a national forest to a user
group as a community forest, entitling it to develop, conserve, use, and manage the forest, and to sell
and distribute products by independently fixing their prices according to the work plan. According to
the FUGs’ national level database, in the central developmental region, 144 700 ha of forest land had
been handed over to the 2 047 FUGs by February 2001.
Organization of the FUG
In the study area all the national forest around the vicinity of the protected area has been designated
as the buffer zone according to the Fourth Amendment of the National Park and Wildlife Conservation
Act (1973) (hereafter defined as the Buffer Zone Act). In the study area, all the forest near the
RNCP and north of the East-West Highway is designated as buffer zone forest. The voluntary
organization formed under the Forest Act and Forest Regulation was called the CFUG. The entire
FUG formed under this zone is now called the Buffer Zone Community Forest User Group (BZCFUG)
(Table 13).
90
Table 13. Categorization of the FUGS in the study area
FUG categories
Registered and
handed overnot
Registered but
handed over
Not registered and
not handed over
Total
8
7
15
2
9
11
1
1
2
11
17
28
CFUG
BZCFUG
Total
Change in status from CFUG to BZCFUG
After the promulgation of the Buffer Zone Act, most forest administration under the buffer zone was
transferred to the RCNP automatically. So most of the FUGs under the buffer zone were administered
by the DFO. After transition, the category changed. This was natural as the new FUG under buffer
zone management had different sets of criteria for formation of the FUG (Table 14).
Table 14. Change in status from community to buffer zone management regime
FUG categories
Registered and
handed overnot
Registered but
handed over
Neither registered
nor handed over
Total
6
7
5
9
6
1
17
17
Before BZCFUG (CFUG)
Now BZCFUG
Financial sources and management of the FUG fund
Membership fees and fees from harvested products were major sources of income. Under the Buffer
Zone Act, 30-50 percent of the tax collected from the RCNP is spent in the FUG for community
development. Users had to pay minimum fees for products extracted from the forest. The RCNP was
very strict about commercialization of timber, while the CFUG was more commercially-oriented.
Income was utilized for administrative costs, community development, and forest management activities.
The executive committee of the FUG allocated income distribution.
Management of the forest
Plantation
Most of the CFUGs carried out plantation in degraded areas of the forest. While in the BZCFUG,
plantation activities were carried out mainly along the banks of the Rapti River for protection against
floods. A good example of broad-scale plantation activities is Kumroj Buffer Zone Community Forest
which received technical and financial help from different external agencies.
91
Management activities
Common practices are preparation of fire lines, forest fencing and silviculture. The most prevalent
silvicultural operation is improving the vigour, stocking, composition, productivity, and quality of forest
stands.
Harvesting of the forest products
FUG users are allowed to harvest grasses and forest litter. The harvesting of these products is not
restricted. BZCFUG members are noted for not complying with the harvesting rules. Collection of
fuelwood has been observed in some FUGs which is not consistent with the operational plan.
Monitoring and enforcement
Forest guards have been recruited for monitoring of the forest and enforcing FUG rules. In this
respect, CFUGS have fewer forest guards than the BZCFUG. If there are no forest guards, users
conduct this activity on a rotational basis. An audit committee has also been established to monitor
expenditure of FUG funds. Both the DFO and the RCNP also monitor FUG activity through the Area
Forest Office. In the BZCFUG, national forest guards occasionally patrol to monitor rhinoceros
movements.
Conclusion
Farmer-managed irrigation systems and community forests have been established. Development of
the community forest in the area has been the result of collective action by the users vis à vis
degradation of the forest.
Water availability has improved due to better management of the forest. Greater water availability
has raised the socio-economic status of farmers in the area.
Over time there have been changes in the state of forest and water resources and the organization
of user groups has been restructured. Organizational changes have mainly been characterized by the
transition from informal to formal management. Formal water users’ groups effectively allocated and
distributed water to users during times of water scarcity. Similarly, forest users’ groups have been
instrumental in the better management of regenerated forests. Hence the user groups have been
successfully governing the natural resources.
92
Literature cited
Bhalla, et al. 2000. Degraded Lands in Mid-hills of Central Nepal: A GIS Appraisal in
Quantifying and Planning for Sustainable Rehabilitation. Local Initiatives for Biodiversity,
Research and Development (LI-BIRD).
Pradhan, P. 2000. Farmer-managed irrigation systems in Nepal at the crossroads. Paper presented
at “Constituting the Commons: Crafting Sustainable Commons in the New Millenium”, the Eighth
Conference of the International Association for the Study of Common Property, Bloomington,
Indiana, USA.
Shah, S.G. 2001. Irrigation Development in Nepal. ADB, Kathmandu, unpublished.
Tang, S.Y. 1992. Institutions and Collective Action: Self-Governance in Irrigation. San Francisco,
CA: ICS.
Veneracion, C.C. 1989. Nature and uses of process documentation research. In C.C. Veneracion
(ed). A Decade of Process Documentation Research: Reflection and Synthesis. Institute of
Philippine Culture and Ateneo De Manila University, Quezon City, Manila.
93
DIFFERENTIATING ACTIVE AND PASSIVE USER GROUPS FOR WATERSHED
MANAGEMENT IN THE WESTERN HILLS OF NEPAL
Basan Shrestha1
Introduction
Mountain watersheds, constituting 25 percent of the total global land area and housing 10 percent of
the total global population, are important for a secure and prosperous society (Messerli, 1997 cited in
Paudel, 2001). Susceptibility to soil erosion, landslides, rapid loss of habitat and genetic diversity have
been the key environmental problems of these watersheds (UNCED, 1992 cited in Paudel, 2001).
Public interventions have disregarded the sustainability imperatives of mountain conditions (Jodha,
1992 cited in Erskine, 1997).
Mountain watersheds in Nepal are degrading due to natural and anthropogenic causes. Land on
steep slopes is now being cultivated to maintain food supply. Moreover, available off-farm employment
activities do not play a complementary role in agriculture (Shrestha, 1992 cited in Erskine, 1997).
Watersheds can be effectively managed by adopting natural resource management (NRM) that
contributes directly to the profitability and sustainability of both agricultural and non-agricultural
enterprises (Uphoff, 1986). Local management by users does not necessarily lead to degradation,
provided there are effective community-based organizations (CBOs). So CBOs are necessary to
pursue conservation and development activities effectively and to increase the welfare of the poor
(Heck, 1979, Esman and Uphoff, 1984 cited in Paudel, 2001).
Furthermore, watershed development and management efforts are more likely to succeed if they
are combined with other activities. This requires considerable local-level coordination and a high
degree of local institutional development (Uphoff, 1986). So public interventions should promote local
level institutions and steer people-centred development processes to facilitate people’s participation in
a more meaningful way. There has been a growing debate on common pool resource (CPR)
management ever since Hardin’s theory of “The Tragedy of the Commons” (Hardin, 1968), highlighted
the problems of “free riding” and overexploitation generated by lack of property rights to natural
resources and controlled access. Experiences in developing countries have shown that local institutional
arrangements including customs and social conventions designed to induce cooperative solutions can
overcome the collective action problem and help achieve efficiency in the use of such resources
(Gibbs and Bromley, 1989, Ostrom, 1990, Bromley, 1992 cited in Adhikari, 2001).
The recognition of this fact has led to the implementation of resource conservation and development
projects by a number of donor agencies and non-governmental organizations via the formation of user
groups (Buffum et al., 2000; CDFWCP, 1999a). These efforts are guided by the fact that sustainable
resource management can never be independent of the sustainability of collective human institutions
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Gopal B. Thapa (Chair), Dr. Soparth Pongquan, Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti
95
that frame resource governance, and that local users are often those with the greatest stakes in the
sustainability of resources and institutions. Local organization is the engine to activate and empower
people and enhance their capability and enthusiasm in resource management. Failure to achieve
project sustainability and failure to organize farmers illustrate a pervasive lack of understanding as to
how effective institutions are crafted over time (Ostrom, 1992).
For the present study, the stratification of relatively active and passive groups was based on one
broad criterion (i.e. regular operation and maintenance) and two complementing criteria (i.e. meetings
and group funds). This is illustrated in Figure 1.
Passive
Active
Regular operation and
maintenance?
Yes / No
Group fund?
Yes / No
Meeting after the
completion of project?
Yes / No
Most obvious factor
Contributing factor
Figure 1. General stratification of user groups
The regularity of operation and maintenance was selected as the main criterion because without
a high level of group dynamics the regular operation and maintenance of the project-supported activities
would not have been possible. The discussion with the VDC representatives decided that those groups
which had carried out regular operation and maintenance were active and those which had not carried
out regular operation and maintenance were classified as passive.
In some active groups, regular operation and maintenance was carried out even without holding
formal regular meetings. Those groups which had organized meetings, even if irregularly, were
considered as active and those not having any sort of meeting were categorized as passive.
96
In some cases, regular operation was carried out without mobilizing the group fund, because till
then regular operation and maintenance did not require any monetary investment. If it was perceived
that group funds were essential for operation and maintenance, the groups with group funds were
considered as active and those not holding group funds were passive. It was likely that some active
groups did not have group funds but regularized their operation and maintenance. So, this criterion
was not given much priority. So, it was decided that regular meetings and group funds were to some
extent necessary conditions but not sufficient to carry out regular operation and maintenance or for
making the group active or passive.
The following types of user groups were examined for the present study, i.e. forest user groups
(FUGs), gully control user groups (GCUGs), drinking water user group (DWUGs), and trail
improvement user groups (TIUGs).
The study area
Kaski District was selected because a number of watershed management projects had been
implemented in this district by several donor agencies. The Begnas Tal Rupa Tal Project (BTRT) had
been implemented for 12 years from 1985 to 1997 with support from CARE Nepal. The development
study carried out by JICA in close collaboration with local governance bodies, had identified three
model areas viz. Kaski North, Kaski East, and Kaski West in the district
Kaski District is situated in Gandaki zone, Western Development Region (WDR) of Nepal. It is
politically divided into three constituencies, 13 areas (Illakas), 43 Village Development Committees
(VDCs), one sub-metropolitan city (Pokhara), and one municipality (Lekhnath). JICA had implemented
a watershed management project in six VDCs of Kaski District (Figure 2).
97
Figure 2. Map of the project implementation area in Kaski District
Climate
1000
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
800
600
400
200
Month
Precipitation (mm)
Minimum temperature
Mean temperature (0C)
Maximum temperature
Figure 3. Temperature and precipitation of Kaski District
Source: DDC (2001)
98
Dec
Nov
Oct
Sept
Aug
July
June
May
Apr
Mar
Feb
Jan
0
Mean temperature (0C)
Precipitation (mm)
The climate of the district is humid sub-tropical in the south and humid temperate in the north marked
by sharp seasonal variation in rainfall and temperature. The temperature decreases gradually as the
altitude increases from the valley bottom to the hill slopes. The temperature and rainfall patterns are
seasonal (Figure 3). The temperature ranges between 13ºC and 25.4ºC.
Land-use pattern
Kaski District extends over an area of 201 700
ha (2 017 km2) (Figure 4).
Cultivated
land
24%
Others
20%
Forest was the major type of land use, followed
by agriculture.
Settlement
11%
Agriculture
Forest
45%
Percent
In Kaski District, cultivated land was dominated
by lowland (Khet, 58.8 percent) and the rest Figure 4. Land-use pattern of Kaski District
was upland (Bari) (Figure 5). Rice was the
dominant crop. Three cropping patterns of rice100
rice, followed by wheat or potato or maize were
40.8
42.1
80 39.1
50.5
common to all study sites. In Deurali, two rice
60
crops, spring rice followed by normal rice were
40
also practised. In Kristi, mustard was cultivated
60.9
59.2
57.9
49.5
20
after rice. Maize was the most commonly grown
upland crop. In Deurali, some farmers cultivated
0
Arba
Deurali Kristi
Total
upland rice, whereas in Kristi some farmers
Study
site
cultivated wheat after millet. In Arba, paddy was
Bari land
widely grown in the lowlands and farmers sold
Khet land
it to generate cash income. This sometimes
created shortage of rice among the farmers Figure 5. Agricultural land
themselves.
Forest
In Kaski District, with the handing over of forests to user groups, a major change has occurred in
forest resources. The users have carried out community development and resource conservation
activities by mobilizing the resources generated from community forests. Similarly, the users have
contributed to livestock development by growing fodder trees and forages within community forests.
These activities have contributed to water source protection and agricultural productivity enhancement.
Arba
Deurali
Kristi
2.3
5.5
35.5
7.3
5.3
30.2
0
0
20
3.5
8.6
40
0
57.3
69.9
26.7
60
46.7
80
44.7
Percent
100
56.6
In the study area, informal community forest, followed by transferred community forest under
the external initiative prevailed (Figure 6).
Total
Study area
Community forestry (formal)
Community forestry (informal)
Figure 6. Area of different forest types
99
Private forestry
Other forestry
In all the study sites, community forests were the main source of fuelwood, fodder, leaf litter, and
timber, except in Ward nos. 3 and 8 of Kristi VDC, where timber cutting was not allowed. All the
community forests had a good system of forest management, by hiring watchmen, and they had
clearly specified boundary, input, harvesting, and penalty rules.
Socio-economic condition
Population distribution
Relatively, Arba and Deurali VDCs had the highest and lowest average household size respectively.
Deurali had the lowest population density. Males headed most of the households. Deurali and Arba
had respectively, the highest and lowest proportion of households headed by women. Children of
mainly school-going age (6 to 15 years) and working people between 25 and 44 years accounted for
50 percent of the total population, followed by people between 16 and 24. Senior citizens had the
lowest population.
Educational status
Literacy level plays a vital role in resource management. The literacy rate of people above six years
of age in Kaski District was 56.84 percent (DDC, 2000a). In the study area, more men had attended
primary education, whereas many women were illiterate.
Employment
The type of employment and people’s involvement indicates the level of dependency on natural
resources and the availability of human resources for resource conservation and development.
According to DDC (2000b), more than 70 percent of the men and more than 85 percent of the women
were dependent on agriculture as the major occupation. A considerable proportion of people pursued
daily waged work as their major occupation.
Infrastructure and institutional development
Accessibility
People had to travel a considerable distance to collect forest resources (1-2 hour walk) and fetch
water (< 1 hour walk). In the study area, more households had a market for agricultural produce
located within walking distance of two to four hours from their homesteads. Among the VDCs, Arba
had the easiest access to an agricultural market, and Kristi had the easiest access to drinking water
and forests for fuelwood collection.
Background of the project2
Upon the request of His Majesty’s Government of Nepal (HMGN), the Japan International Cooperation
Agency (JICA) implemented a Forestry Extension Project from 1991 to 1994. The overall goal of the
2
CDFWCP (1999a).
100
project was to improve the natural environment in the Nepalese hills through community resource
development and conservation.
Scope and formulation of sub-projects
The activities supported by the project were deemed “sub-projects”, which were implemented by
user groups. The sub-projects were classified as community level sub-projects and inter-community
level sub-projects. For community (ward) level sub-projects, 40 percent of the budget was allocated
to each forest/watershed conservation programme and community development programme. Eighty
percent (16 percent of the total budget) of the budget for income generation programmes was allocated
to women’s groups and underprivileged groups, and the rest, 20 percent (4 percent of the total budget)
of the budget for income generation was allocated to model farmers.
Gender and equity consideration
From the project’s inception, social and gender issues were the main concerns of both HMGN and
JICA. The project paid special attention to women, socially disadvantaged groups, and occupational
castes: (1) paying special attention to the roles and responsibilities of women and men in the hill areas
and the conditions of socially and economically disadvantaged groups; (2) providing positive support
to the programmes for women and disadvantaged groups; (3) promoting their participation in all the
processes; and (4) facilitating village women and men to solve their own problems for community
development and resource management.
Size of user groups
Brahmins were the dominant caste, followed by Chhetris. The user groups had some members from
disadvantaged caste/ethnic groups. In an institutional survey, not much variation was observed in the
group size between active and passive user groups. Advantaged caste groups (Brahmins and Chhetris)
dominated in both the active and passive user groups.
Ethnic representation in the committee
No difference was observed between active and passive user groups in terms of ethnic representation
of members on the committee, as both active and passive groups belonged to the same category. The
highest difference in the level of ethnic representation was observed between active and passive
forest user groups (FUGs). In one passive FUG (Chipleti, Deurali VDC-6) the settlement was dominated
by Gurungs, a Tibeto-Burman indigenous group.
Women’s representation in the committee
The operational guideline of the project clearly directed that while forming the user group committee
50 percent of the members should be women. From the institutional survey on the level of women
members’ representation and their contribution to the groups, it was found that all the user groups,
irrespective of their status had high levels of female representation and there was no difference
between active and passive groups, as in both cases more than 30 percent of the members of their
committees were women. It was noted during the field survey that women members of the committee
101
were equally concerned with management. The literature notes that women have considerable
knowledge on forest resources and their management.
Formalization of user groups
Once formalized, the group can approach external organizations for support — institutions recognized
by external organizations have a better chance of getting financial and technical support. Besides,
external organizations are also in need of good community institutions to implement their programmes
effectively and efficiently. No difference was observed between active and passive groups with
respect to the level of formalization as most were not registered.
Both active and passive groups had ineffective rules and weak enforcement of them and many had no
regulations at all. Two passive FUGs (Okhaldhunga, Arba VDC-2 and Chipleti, Deurali VDC-6) had
rules but did not apply them properly.
Objectives of user groups
Overall, members of active groups had better perception of the objectives of their groups than the
members of the passive groups.
Motivational factors
In collective action, the degree of people’s participation is guided by whether members’ expectations
are fulfilled or not. More than two-thirds of the members had benefited communally by undertaking
user group activities, irrespective of the status of their groups.
Roles and responsibilities’
Members of active groups were more aware of their roles and responsibilities than the members of
passive groups. In passive groups, few members were aware of their roles and responsibilities. In
active FUGs, members had a fairly good perception of their roles and responsibilities (i.e. better than
passive groups).
Sense of collective action
A good level of understanding of contributing to collective action leads to a good level of participation
in every aspect of collective action. From the institutional perspective, active groups were better than
passive groups in terms of members’ sensing the need for collective action.
Leadership
From the institutional perspective, active groups had better leadership than passive groups, as they
were led by one person only. The best leadership was observed in active FUGs and the highest
difference in the level of leadership was between active and passive FUGs.
102
Functionality of user groups
Women’s
paticipation
Planning and Decision
Making
Minutes
Planning
Women’s participation
Participation of
disadvantaged people
Implementation
Satisfaction
Decision-making
Participation
Functional System
Status of User Group
Active vs. Passive
Meeting
In this study, the functionality of user groups was evaluated by how the group: (1) organized meetings;
(2) planned activities and made decisions; (3) implemented its activities; (4) operated and maintained
its activities; (5) shared benefits among the members; and (6) resolved conflicts. Other criteria were
the degree of users’ participation in activities and women’s participation in meetings, planning, and
decision-making processes (Figure 7).
Operation and Maintenance
Benefit sharing
Conflict Resolution
Figure 7. Functions among user groups
Meetings
The level of members’ participation steers the convening of meetings. Based on the fact that a group
meeting is the basic requirement for any user group’s effectiveness, it was assumed that active
groups had better organized meetings than the passive groups. In a discussion with the committee
members of the group, it was revealed that all active groups had better capabilities for organizing
meetings than passive groups. Usually, active groups held meetings as or when convenient and passive
groups did not have such a forum to discuss group activities.
103
Women’s participation in meetings
The highest and lowest levels of participation were observed among the members of active DWUGs
and passive GCUGs. A marked difference in the level of women’s participation was observed among
TIUGs. One reason was associated with the traditional perceptions of women’s roles and obligations
and customary family practices, which did not permit women to participate in the public domain.
Similarly, lack of time, ability, and gender issues were important among members of passive groups.
Minutes
The system for taking minutes was not well developed. Some groups had maintained a register to note
the name of attendants and the major decisions made by the group. Other groups had recorded only
the name of the attendants.
Planning and decision-making
Planning of any activity sets the stage for all future activities. The stability of the group depends on
how the activities are planned, decisions are made, and who is involved in planning and decisionmaking.
Planning
It was noted that active groups had a relatively better planning system than passive groups, as the
majority of active groups planned any activity or even regular operation and maintenance in a joint
forum attended by almost all committee members and more than half of the general members. Members
of both active and passive groups were moderately satisfied with the planning procedure of their
groups.
Decision-making
Active groups had a better decision making system, as a high proportion of active groups reported
that they had adopted the process of deciding by consensus in general meetings attended by almost all
committee members and more than half the general members, whereas a high proportion of passive
groups reported that a few powerful members of the group undertook major group decisions. Members
of both active and passive groups had moderate participation in decision-making. Some groups were
dominated by a single caste and there were many users belonging to disadvantaged groups.
Women’s participation in planning and decision-making
In a group discussion with committee members of both groups, it was revealed that women members
of active groups had more participation than those of passive groups. All active groups had better
participation of women except DWUGs.
Participation of disadvantaged people in planning and decision-making
Active groups had better participation of occupational castes in planning and decision-making, as
none of the passive groups had participation of more than fifty percent of the members belonging to
occupational caste groups.
104
Implementation
The ultimate aim of forming user groups was to implement activities for resource conservation and
development. The implementation strategy adopted by the project was resource management, labour
and equipment management, supervision and coordination. Users contributed unskilled labour. The
FUGs were formed to implement afforestation activities in community land. One TIUG had carried
out landslide control and plantation activities as well.
Participation in implementation
The members of active groups had better participation in the implementation of project-supported
activities than the members of passive groups. The users of active GCUGs had the highest level of
participation during the project-supported activities. Lack of time, followed by minimal voluntary
contribution by members, and age factors were the main reasons inhibiting participation among members
of active groups. It was noted that members of active groups were far more satisfied with the
implementation of group activities than those of passive groups.
Operation and maintenance
The active groups regularly operated and maintained the sub-projects. In an institutional survey with
the committee members of the groups, it was revealed that active groups were more competent in
terms of regular operation and maintenance of the resources supported by the project, whereas most
passive groups reported that they had not undertaken any operation and maintenance. Among all
groups, the highest level of operation and maintenance was carried out by active GCUGs.
Participation in operation and maintenance
The members of active groups had better participation than the members of passive groups, as a
higher proportion of users belonging to active groups had “often” participated and the overwhelming
majority of members of passive groups had “never” participated. The users of active GCUGs had the
best level of participation.
Benefit sharing
The sustainability of the group depends on how benefits are shared among the users. If equity is not
maintained, the members are discouraged by collective action. The stability of a group depends on
how benefits are shared among the members.
Participation in benefit sharing
In a household survey with the users, it was observed that members of active groups had better
participation in benefit sharing than the members of passive groups. The members of active GCUGs
had the highest level of benefit sharing and the highest difference was observed between the members
of active and passive GCUGs.
105
Conflict resolution
Active groups were better at resolving conflicts arising among the members. Among all groups, active
FUGs were best in terms of resolving conflicts. The active groups reported that lack of rules and
regulations affected the capability of the groups to resolve conflicts.
Overall participation in user group activities
Participation in benefit sharing was not considered for the said analysis because only the members of
active FUGs and GCUGs had perceived benefits and participated in benefit sharing. The highest
difference in overall participation was observed between the members of active and passive GCUGs,
as active groups had achieved the highest level of participation in meetings, planning, implementation,
and operation and maintenance.
Overall satisfaction with user group activities
As in the case of overall participation, the satisfaction with benefit sharing was not taken into account
for calculating the overall satisfaction. The highest difference in overall satisfaction was observed
between the members of active and passive GCUGs, as active groups had reported meetings, planning
exercises, implementation activities, and operation and maintenance. The lowest difference in overall
participation was observed between active and passive TIUGs.
Overall functional system
Active groups functioned better than passive groups. Operation and maintenance was the most
important factor distinguishing the functioning of active and passive groups. The highest difference in
relative performance was observed between active and passive GCUGs.
Meeting
1
0.75
Conflict resolution
0.5
Active group
Passive group
Planning
0.25
0
Operation and maintenance
Decision making
Implementation
Figure 8. Functional system
106
For analysing overall functionality from the users’ perspective, four issues viz. overall participation,
women’s participation in meetings, overall satisfaction, and conflict resolution were considered. From
the analysis, it was revealed that active user groups had a better functional system than passive user
groups (Figure 8) and the difference was statistically significant.
Overall participation
1
Active group
Passive group
0.75
0.5
0.25
Conflict
resolution
Women’s participation
in meeting
0
Overall satisfaction
Figure 9. Functional system
These findings suggest that a good functional system ensures continued existence and sustainability
of user groups of the same type; the greatest difference was noted between active and passive
GCUGs (Figure 9). The smallest difference was noted between active and passive FUGs. Even
passive groups had better women’s participation at meetings.
Internal resources and support systems
Group fund
Active groups had group funds generated by various activities, whereas passive groups except for
one FUG, did not have funds. Active GCUGs had the best fund-generating skills. It was conceded that
many active groups generated irregular group funds. Members of active groups were more aware of
the importance of group funds
Accounting system and transparency
Accounting of financial transactions is vital for a group’s future. Unsurprisingly it was revealed that
active groups had better accounting systems than passive groups, which had no accounting systems.
Active GCUGs had the best accounting skills.
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Human resource mobilization
Active groups were better at mobilizing human resources (100 percent participation). Less than 50
percent of passive groups contributed to group activities. Active FUGs and GCUGs had the highest
level of mobilization, whereas passive FUGs and DWUGs had the lowest. Active groups were efficient
at mobilizing labour for implementation, repair, and maintenance of the facilities, while passive groups
could only mobilize labour during the implementation phase, resulting in poor repair, operation, and
maintenance.
Cooperation among group members
The level of cooperation was not an issue as both groups had a high degree of collaboration. Some
members of active FUGs considered that differences in caste had inhibited cooperation.
Self-reliance
Both active and passive groups had moderate levels of self-reliance. As noted above, passive groups
were unable to organize themselves for operation and maintenance activities. Active DWUGs and
TIUGs were the most self-reliant. Users were confident that they could generate resources if an
external agent provided assistance to initiate collective development and conservation activities.
Benefits
Some active groups (Thapa Ko Chautaro FUG, Arba-5 and Ramadi FUG, Deurali-7) gleaned forest
resources like tree trunks, fodder, and thatch grass from the regular pruning and cleaning of community
plantations. Other active groups (Saurbote, Kristi VDC-7) possessed cultivated lands that were
damaged by landslides. The users regularly harvested forest resources from plantations.
Fifty percent of active groups received economic and non-economic benefits from group activities.
Fodder and fuelwood symbolized economic benefits. Protection of cultivated land from landslides
was the major non-economic benefit. Passive groups perceived that they obtained non-economic
benefits only.
Perception on contribution of collective action
Most of the active groups reported that they benefited moderately from increased crop productivity;
70 percent of passive groups said that collective action had little to contribute. Active GCUGs acquired
biomass from plantations in the gully-controlled areas, unlike passive groups.
External linkage and support
Linkage
Organizational activity and sustainability are affected by links to external organizations, be they horizontal
or vertical. The linkage provides an opportunity to share ideas, experiences, and even material comforts.
Some external agents are statutory and others are ad hoc in nature depending upon the time horizon
of their service delivery. The stability of a group depends on how such linkages are established and
with whom.
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Linkage with the Village Development Committee
The VDC forms the lower tier in the two-tier system of local governance. Each VDC is divided into
nine wards. The members of Jar Kanya active FUG, Arba VDC-1 belonged to another community
forestry user group, which was registered with administrative support from the VDC office, as was
the Okhaldhunga passive FUG, Arba VDC-2. The members of this group comprised approximately
half the members of the newly registered community forest, “Lakhupatal Bhadra Bisaune Community
Forest User Group”. Saurbote, an active FUG, Kristi VDC-7, had established a good linkage with the
VDC in the course of registration of the group. During the project period the project brought local
government representatives and local people together to identify needs and prioritize activities.
Linkage with development organizations
There were a number of external organizations working in the study sites notably the Participatory
District Development Programme (PDDP) jointly implemented by the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) and the National Planning Commission (NPC), Rural Reconstruction Nepal
(RRN), the Self-developing Economic System Programme of South Asia Partnership Nepal (SAP
Nepal), the Garib Sita Bisheshwor Programme, and the Women Development Programme of the
Women Development Division under the Ministry of Women and Social Welfare.
External financial support
The groups can generate external funds from different sources like the VDC fund, I/NGOs, etc. No
difference was observed between active and passive user groups in terms of external financial resource
mobilization. The major reason for not having any external financial support was that all development
organizations working in the study sites had a focus on income-generating activities. Khalte Pandhera,
an active FUG located in Arba VDC, Ward no. 5 had generated external financial support from
Pokhara Sub-metropolitan Office and Kaski DDC office for the construction of dry stonewalls after
the termination of the project.
Technical and administrative support
Technical and administrative support is provided by line agencies, local government bodies, and
development organizations. Both active and passive groups did not receive adequate technical and
administrative support from external organizations.
Capacity building and empowerment
The activities were categorized into: training, study tours, and adult literacy classes (ALCs). Training
and study tours were organized at different phases of the sub-project’s implementation, depending
upon the training needs. ALCs were special training events organized for women’s empowerment.
The project organized only one training event on group management. FUG active groups received
more training than passive groups. Active GCUGs received more training than passive groups, as
none of the passive GCUGs reported having attended any training activity. None of the DWUGs had
attended training.
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Overall external linkage and support system
Both active and passive groups had poor external linkages and support systems and there was no
difference between them. Linkage with development organizations was the most important factor
differentiating active and passive groups. Active GCUGs were identified as the best groups in terms
of overall external linkage and support systems.
Conclusion
The status of a user group (active vs. passive) largely depends on how far its members benefit
personally and directly from collective action. Unless and until users are convinced of the apparent
benefits, they are not going to participate actively in collective action. This issue is very relevant to
rural subsistence economies, in which people are compelled to expand farmlands and destroy forest
lands to secure food for consumption, fuelwood for domestic energy supply, fodder collection, and for
livestock grazing. The situation is further aggravated by scarce off-farm employment opportunities
causing seasonal and permanent migration. The types and levels of benefits from collective action
depend on a multitude of factors and their inter-relationships.
In the case of community plantation, the users accrue forest resources as the direct benefit,
besides the communal benefit of land stabilization. Collective action is largely determined by the level
of dependence of users on the available resource and accessibility to other sources of forest products
to meet their household requirements. The level of dependency also depends on the biophysical suitability
of the area in which community plantation is undertaken. Responsible users will consequently conduct
regular operation and maintenance of the resources, which will enhance benefits. This situation was
applicable to active user groups.
For gully and landslide control, users are concerned with the protection of cultivated land from
landslides, so they can benefit from reclamation of cultivated land. This will ultimately raise their level
of food production and food security in a subsistence rural economy. Thus project intervention for
controlling landslides and formation of gullies close to private lands has a significant impact on the
users. With the facilitation of training and visits, users can continue their collective efforts when
project support finishes
Literature cited
Adhikari, B. 2001. Property Rights and Natural Resources: Impact of Common Property
Institutions on Community-based Resource Management. Research Proposal on Impact of
CPR Institutions on Community–based Forest Management in Nepal). The University of York,
UK.
Buffum, B., Chhetri, R.B., Chaudhari, R.K., Shah, R.N. & Thapa, B. 2000. Post-Project
Impact Evaluation: Begnas Tal Rupa Tal Watershed Management Project. CARE Nepal,
Kathmandu, Nepal.
CDFWCP. 1999a. Project Terminal Report. Community Development and Forest / Watershed
Conservation Project, Japan International Co-operation Agency (JICA), Kathmandu, Nepal.
DDC. 2000a. Kaski District-An Overview. Brochure. District Development Committee, Kaski, Nepal.
DDC. 2000b. Summary Database of Kaski District. District Development Committee, Kaski, Nepal.
110
Erskine, J.M. 1997. Sustainability measures for natural resources. In G. Shivakoti, G Varughese, E.
Ostrom, A. Shukla and G. Thapa (eds). People and Participation in Sustainable Development:
Understanding the Dynamics of Natural Resource Systems. Proceedings of an International
Conference held from 17-21 March 1996 at Institute of Agriculture and Animal Science (IAAS),
Tribhuvan University (TU), Rampur, Chitwan, Nepal. Workshop in Political Theory and Policy
Analysis, Indiana University, Indiana, USA and IAAS, TU, Nepal.
Hardin, G. 1968. The tragedy of commons. Science, 162.
Ostrom, E. 1992. The rudiments of a theory of the origins, survival and performance of commonproperty institutions. In: D. Bromley, (ed.). Making the Commons Work: Theory, Practice and
Policy. Institute for Contemporary Studies, San Fransisco, USA.
Paudel, G.S. 2001. Farmers’ Land Management Practices in the Hills of Nepal: A Comparative
Study of Watershed “With” and “Without” External Interventions. AIT PhD Dissertation No.
RD-01-2. Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand.
Uphoff, N. 1986. Local Institutional Development for the Rural Development: An Analytical
Sourcebook with Cases. Kumarian Press, USA.
111
PARTICIPATION OF DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE IN WATERSHED MANAGEMENT
IN MAKAWANPUR DISTRICT, NEPAL
Dandi Ram Bishwakarma 1
Introduction
Nepal has sharp physiographic, climatic, and societal contrasts, despite its small area. Implementation
of integrated watershed development and management (IWDM) programmes and projects is essential
to address the watershed degradation problem, as there is close interaction between water and land
resources and the socio-economic environment (Dixon and Easter, 1988). Emphasis on people’s
participation remains central and largely common to all types of activities related to watershed
management (Wagley and Bogati, 2000). Watershed management, being a process whereby natural
resources are managed in conjunction with human use, focuses on people-centred development, as
people’s livelihoods are a key concern to any development thrust (Dixon and Easter, 1988). Nowadays
it is commonly understood that the active participation of all people regardless of their social and
economic classes is indispensable for sustainable watershed development and management (Thapa,
2001).
Basic knowledge about the system is important for watershed planners in order to promote
sustainable and socially balanced watershed development and management. The potency of the caste
system varies throughout Nepal, being strongest in rural areas where different castes typically live in
individual villages or separate communities (INSEC, 1993; Team Consult, 1999). The societal
relationship, largely influenced by gender, class, and caste determines the scope of development
(Dale, 2000). Several agencies, organizations, and scholars (CERD, 1999; INSEC, 1993; MLD, 2001;
HRW, 2001; Sob, 2001) have claimed that various social and economic classes like Dalits and Tribes
have not benefited from most development activities.
In the promotion of people’s participation, ignoring the problems associated with project
implementation and institutional arrangement is a common weakness among many watershed
management efforts (Thapa, 2001). Although participatory plans are prepared, undemocratic
representation in bureaucracy, inter-bureaucracy conflict, and lack of project cadres with representatives
from disadvantaged groups lessen the effectiveness of the implementation (Team Consult, 1999;
Hocking 2000). The existing faulty or ineffective efforts in the people’s participation approach in
watershed management projects have increased concerns about understanding real “active and equitable
participation” (Lal, 2000; Wagley and Bogati, 2000). Little attention has been paid to studying socially
disadvantaged people’s participation in watershed conservation and development programmes. This
is the overall objective of this study.
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Gopal B. Thapa (Chair), Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch, Dr. Reidar Dale
113
Palung sub-watershed located in the northern Makawaknpur District under the working area of the
BIWMP was selected (Figure 1). There are 37 districts under the joint management of the government
of Nepal and donor agencies. Many watershed projects/programmes in Nepal have adopted the
participatory approach. This project has adopted a unique participatory approach, which may become
an important lesson for other watershed projects (BIWMP, 2001a).
Palung sub-watershed (study area)
Makawanpur District
Figure 1. Location map of the study area
Biophysical condition
The study area covers a total of approximately 29 km2 and the watershed extends within 85º1’30" E
to 85º5’33"E longitude and 27º36’42" N to 27º39’28"N latitude. Ward Nos. 2-9 of Palung Village
Development Committee (VDC) and Ward Nos. 1-5 of Daman VDC are located in Palung subwatershed. The sub-watershed is predominantly mountainous with elevations ranging from 1 660 to 2
551 m. Lands in the small narrow river valleys and in the foothills have bench terraces and are gently
sloping, with gradients of less than 15º. Hill slope gradients range from 15 to 60º.
The mean annual temperature ranges from 10o C to 15o C, with the highest mean monthly
temperature of 22o C in April and May. The temperature varies according to slope, the south-facing
slopes being much warmer than the north-facing slopes. Maximum rainfall of 2 317 mm and minimum
rainfall of 1 078.5 mm have been recorded during the past 30 years. The sub-watershed has a dendritic
drainage system. The main river has three main tributaries, namely, the Gharti Khola, Khaiti Khola,
and Phedigaon Khola. The natural vegetation of the sub-watershed, covering 1 505 hectares (52.44
percent) of the area is dominated by blue pine (Pinus wallichiana), and kharsu (Quesrcus). Other
forest species are gurans (Rhodendron arboretrum), nigalo (Arundonariya sp.), and painyu
(Prunus cerasoides).
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The soil type depends on slope aspect and gradient. Generally, lithic sub-groups of soil with loamy
skeletal textures were found on steep to very steep mountainous terrain. Typic Rhodic soils, and
Dystrochrepts with loamy skeletal textures were found in larger areas of moderately to steeply sloping
mountainous terrain.
Ethnicity
Brahmin/Chhetri castes dominated, followed by Tamangs. Newars and Dalits each constituted less
than one-tenth of the population of Palung sub-watershed. Chhetris and Newars (Gopalis) were the
main caste/ethnic groups living in the markets. More than three-fourths of the Dalits lived in
heterogeneous villages, mostly located in river valleys and foothills. Their concentration was higher in
villages with Newars and Brahmins/Chhetris.
Socio-economic structure
Family size
Family organization was patriarchal. The structure and size of a household varied according to caste
or ethnic affiliation. The average family size of Palung sub-watershed was higher than the national
average, being 5.4 persons/family. By caste and ethnicity, Tamangs had the largest household size of
seven, whereas Dalits had about six members.
Age structure
The greater the number of young children in a family, the lower the involvement of women in community
work (Dahal et al., 2002). For the case study area, children below 14 years were proportionately less
than one-third of the sampled population. Adults (15-59 years) comprised nearly two-thirds. By caste
and ethnicity, the ratio of senior citizens was highest among the Dalits. “Adults” were most numerous
in the Brahmin/Chhetri caste group.
Education
The illiteracy rate was highest among Dalits. About 37 percent of Dalits was illiterate against 20
percent of Brahmins/Chhetris and 25 percent of Tamangs. Slightly more than one-fourth of the
population of Dalits could read and write (Figure 2). The proportion of the population with primary
level education was highest among the Dalits (Figure 2). Despite the existence of public and private
primary and secondary schools in the area, the school drop out rate was rampant among Dalits as
their numbers significantly decreased in secondary and primary level education, while others remained
almost stagnant.
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Brahmin/
Chhetri
50
percent
40
Newar
30
20
Tamang
10
Dalit
0
illiterate
just literate
primary
level of education
secondary
above
secondary
Figure 2. Educational status by caste/ethnicity
Employment
People aged 15-59 years were officially considered to be economically active (Dahal et al., 2002).
Likewise, senior citizens of both sexes (above 59 years) irrespective of their caste/ethnicity played
active roles in contributing to the household economy and participating in community development
work in rural areas. For instance, Dalit senior citizens had greater roles than “adults”, particularly in
caste-based occupations, i.e. tailoring, smithying, and collecting grain from other caste households in
lieu of remuneration for work conducted during a whole year; other castes in this age group often
worked on farms and reared livestock.
Occupations
Farming was the major occupation of the settlers, followed by caste-based occupations dominated by
smithying and tailoring. Civil service, trading, and waged labour were minor occupations. Only a small
percentage of Brahmins/Chhetris, and Tamangs were employed in services, including civil service,
teaching, and waged labour. The majority of Dalits earned income from their traditional professions
based on a patron-client relationship. The client–craftsman relationship can be temporary or permanent.
Tailoring used a comparatively high degree of labour. On average, a Dalit household serviced about
16 non-Dalit households. Due to the availability of garments in the markets, a Damai household was
bonded to provide service to14 non-Dalit households, while on average a Kami household, nearly
equal to a Sunar household, was bonded to provide service to about 18 households. On average one
blacksmith or goldsmith serviced about 14 and 13 non-Dalit households respectively.
Economic status
More than half of the Dalit and Tamang people had low economic status. There was a considerable
gap in terms of economic status within Tamangs, while this was relatively lower within Dalit and
Brahmin/Chhetri castes. Clearly, Brahmins/Chhetris and Newars had better economic status compared
to Tamangs and Dalits. About 79 percent of the sub-watershed population was poor (Bhandary,
2001). Only three percent of the population was “rich”, and the remaining 18 percent belonged to
“moderate” economic classes. Non-Dalits pay Dalits in kind (grain) for their bonded services.
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Land ownership
Irrespective of caste/ethnic affiliation, settlers had very small land-holdings measuring about half a
hectare per household but this varied significantly from one caste/ethnic group to another. On average
Brahmins/Chhetris had the largest per capita land-holdings, followed by Newars and Tamangs. Dalits,
with only 0.47 ropani, had the smallest per capita land-holdings.
Farm production and productivity
Highly fragmented land-holdings constrained efficient utilization. Settlers purchased rice, which was
the staple food crop, from the market using income earned from vegetables. Aware of the benefits,
settlers were leasing small parcels of land for vegetable farming. Renting land was popular among
Newars, while Dalits rented small parcels of land adjoining their homesteads for kitchen gardens.
People’s dependency on forest resources
People’s dependency on forest resources, i.e. fuelwood, fodder, timber, and leaf litter was high but
varied across caste/ethnicity. Overall, settlers depended less on forests for fodder mainly because
forests were under community control. Due to low livestock density, private forests supplied adequate
amounts of forest. Because of strong restrictions on collection of selected species from the forest and
low awareness on forest policy/regulations, settlers were afraid to collect non-timber forest products.
Institutional set-up
These included VDCs, ward committees; youth clubs; hamlet committees; sub-watershed committees;
user groups, including groups for irrigation, drinking water supply, and community forestry; and income
generation groups.
Involvement of district line agencies and NGOs
Governmental organizations included the District Agriculture Office, District Forest Office, District
Women Development Office, and Nepal Electricity Authority and Daman Horticulture Center. The
NGOs included MIRA, SOLVE, OMNI Nepal, and CEPRED. Makawanpur District Development
Committee (DDC) was among several districts facilitated and equipped with resources provided
under the Local Government Programme (LGP). The LGP aimed at strengthening local governance
so that the districts could initiate their own development activities with intensive public participation.
Involvement of VDCs
Nepal’s local government practice started in 1998 only after the establishment of laws and bylaws
based on the Local Government Act (1992). The DDC thus, is a political and developmental body for
the district. Despite policy frameworks and legislative provision for addressing access, equity and
empowerment issues, Dalits had inadequate access to the local government body and its functioning
system. Dalit representation in both VDC Assemblies was low in terms of proportion. Owing to their
low educational status, low access to information, and low economic status as well as the barrier of
caste hierarchy Dalit political performance was repeatedly threatened. Besides, due to the poor political
awareness and political attainment of Dalits, they could not lobby for their needed development activities.
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Other community organizations
Local intellectuals formed the Samudyik Sanchar Kendra (Community Information Center) after
the flood disaster of 1993. The centre is gradually expanding its activities. Recently it launched a
community FM radio station. High costs of membership and very limited openings prevent disadvantaged
groups from joining cooperatives. GOs/NGOs in the watershed have also promoted several membership
community organizations such as women’s groups, cooperatives, and farmers’ committees.
BIWMP-initiated community organizations
The Bagmati Integrated Watershed Management Program (BIWMP) was working with new
community groups; there were three tiers of community organizations under the programme. They
were, in descending rank, (1) the Palung Sub-watershed Conservation Committee (PWCC); (2) Hamlet
Committee (Gaon tole Samitee); and (3) Membership Groups such as drinking water and irrigation
construction committee, income-generating group, and community forestry group (CFUG). Principally,
the PWCC was formed for planning of BIWMP implementation within the sub-watershed, and
coordinating BIWMP’s activities with two VDCs, Daman and Palung. A VDC vice-chair was the
Chair of the PWCC.
Each village had one hamlet committee. Each hamlet committee had an executive committee,
comprising seven to 11 members. Drinking water user groups were formed to construct the water
supply system, distribute water to the users, and provide maintenance services via local manpower.
Similarly, CFGs were created to manage forest resources via the users.
BIWMP profile
Background
BIWMP followed on from the Bagmati Watershed Project (BWP), which started in 1975 under joint
management by the Commission of European Committees (CEC) and the Department of Soil
Conservation and Watershed Management (DSCWM) of the Government of Nepal. In 1985 the
project gained support from the European Commission (EC). This period was Phase I. During Phase
I, field activities largely concentrated on small-scale engineering packages and soil-conservation
measures including terrace improvement, conservation ponds, gully and landslide measures,
afforestation, trail improvement, and the construction of a rope bridge. Project evaluation of Phase I
was conducted in 1992 and a second phase was designed based on an integrated community-based
approach.
Bagmati Watershed area
The Bagmati Watershed covers an area of 3 500 km2 . The Upper Bagmati Watershed Area covers
the whole of the Kathmandu Valley including its source at Shivapuri. From the Chovar Gorge, the
river flows into the Middle Bagmati Watershed area across the Mahabharat and Siwalik ranges,
including Kulekhani Watershed. People practised subsistence farming. Soil erosion was a serious
problem, adversely affecting productivity. This watershed covers the Kulekhani Watershed, including
Palung sub-watershed, which is of national importance being the source for one of the country’s
major hydroelectricity plants. The Lower Bagmati Watershed area starts once the Bagmati River
passes into the flat lands of the Terai.
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Programme area
Phase II of the project focused on 23 sub-watersheds in the Upper and the Middle Bagmati Basin.
These 23 priority sub-watersheds lie in five districts: Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Makwanpur, Kavre, and
Sindhuli. Barring three sub-watersheds in the Kathmandu Valley, the rest come within the Middle
Bagmati Watershed. The total area covered in Phase II was approximately 60 000 ha.
Mission and objectives of BIWMP
The primary aim of BIWMP II was: “To reduce erosion in the Bagmati catchment, and to introduce
sustainable improvements in the management of 23 priority sub-watersheds in the Bagmati River
catchment, thus improving land productivity and livelihoods of local people” (BIWMP, 2001a). The
specific objectives of the project were to build up community level institutional capacity to manage
watershed resources; to create awareness and stimulate interest in conservation practices; to focus
on sustainable participatory integrated watershed management; to promote income generation
opportunities favouring women, lower castes, and the poorest; to carry out, at the request of user
groups, remedial measures to control erosion hazards that threatened assets; to facilitate field level
conservation and infrastructure works; and to share information and experiences.
Project operation
Owing to the delay in the release of funds, project activities began only in 1999 (BIWMP, 2001a).
This resulted in unwanted implications for programme components focused on poor, disadvantaged,
and upland settlers. The rush in project implementation in the field meant staff focused mainly on the
more accessible and richer communities living in the valley and insufficient attention was paid to the
quality of the work undertaken.
Project organization
Each DCSO was organized into five sectors, namely, social development and capacity building,
agriculture and livestock development, enterprise development, infrastructure development, and
communication and information. DSCO-Makawanpur managed 10 sub-watersheds under the BIWMP,
including Palung sub-watershed. In order to directly interact with sub-watershed settlers during the
entire project cycle, Field Center Offices were established and organized in each sub-watershed. In
Palung sub-watershed, a Field Officer, a ranger, and a forester, led a team composed of five staff
including a social motivator and three women motivators, who came from the same sub-watershed.
BIWMP’s strategy
BIWMP promoted an integrated approach to watershed management. The need to integrate social
and economic development was deemed indispensable for sustainable watershed management. BIWMP,
thus, made every effort to ensure that people had control over the entire process of planning and
implementation, including financial and technical monitoring and evaluation (BIWMP, 2001b). Social
issues were also addressed through the representative involvement of women and disadvantaged
groups. Community based Watershed Management Groups led the developmental efforts.
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Disadvantaged people in BIWMP as targeted beneficiaries
The BIWMP targeted activities at the rural poor and disadvantaged people. Under the categories of
rural poor there were small farmers, marginal farmers, sharecroppers and tenant farmers, landless
labourers, rural women, and disadvantaged groups (DAGs). DAGs included Dalits, rural women,
widows, destitute children, disabled persons, tribal people, and the poorest of the poor. Some of the
BIWMP reports (BIWMP, 2001a; BIWMP, 2001b) referred to a segment of community that had
traditional occupations and their lives were constrained by social, economic, political, and organizational
barriers.
People’s involvement in community organizations
Many scholars of community institutions agree that some form of local organization is needed to
provide the structure within which local participation can be organized (Ostrom, 1996). The people’s
empowerment objective aimed at strengthening the overall socio-economic condition of women and
disadvantaged people, including Dalits.
Group formation process
This did not follow the requirements. A blanket process of community group formation was followed
regardless of the types and objectives of the community organizations. Project staff convened mass
meetings according to project convenience and requirement. Delay in budget release and rushing to
meet the end of the fiscal year reduced the importance of group formation. VDC officials did not
seriously consider inclusion of disadvantaged people in community groups while they were providing
assistance to the project. For example, PWCC was formed with the help of VDC officials. The
participants of the workshop were VDC leaders, Ward chairs, and village heads. Other people were
not invited by the project.
Representation
Diverse people’s representation in community groups shapes the exercise of power and the allocation
of benefits in terms of material and non-material goods (Sengupta, 1996). Relative representation
was compared across the caste/ethnic groups and the type of community groups formed in both
heterogeneous and homogeneous communities Results of the analysis showed no significant difference
in representation in hamlet committees across caste/ethnicity. Majority caste/ethnic groups were
influencing the overall decision-making. About one-third of the women were selected for general
committee membership. Because sometimes, without positive discrimination, disadvantaged people
cannot be involved in community organizations to achieve a power balance (Schrader, 1998).
Unfortunately this strategy did not favour Dalits to ensure their adequate representation in community
groups.
Inadequate knowledge about local socio-economic and political interdependency meant project
staff became closer to the local elite. As a result, advantaged people had better information about
group formation, which helped them to be nominated or selected. This explained the poor representation
of Dalits in groups.
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Group meetings
Hamlet committees and FUGs met mostly irregularly. Most of the community groups set agendas
prior to the group meeting. The Chair generally fixed the agenda, although group secretaries and
other group members also had input. This occurred because of the different socio-economic status
and level of awareness of group members; moreover perceived benefits determined willingness to
participate in group meetings regularly.
People’s perceptions of BIWMP community groups
Representation in groups
The groups were not formed separately to serve any specific caste/ethnic group, instead they were
formed according to the nature of activity and spatial coverage. The majority of community group
members were satisfied with representation in the community groups. The majority of satisfied nonmembers were Newars and Tamangs, while there were equal proportions for both categories among
Brahmins/Chhetris. For Dalits there was significant difference in responses; the majority of nonmembers were not satisfied with their representation in respective community groups.
The significant difference in the Dalit caste group was important. Their (minority) satisfaction
with representation in the BIWMP community groups was attributable to social tradition. Some of the
people, regardless of their caste/ethnicity, indicated that educated people who could read and write
and communicate with different organizations should not be excluded from committees while balancing
caste/ethnicity in the composition of a committee.
Perceived role of community groups
The role of community group is to have the appropriate and adequate skills and knowledge for problem
identification, prioritization, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of any activities intended to
provide benefits to the community people fairly (Eade, 1997). Overall, respondents were satisfied
with the performance of respective community groups. Leadership and division of work in the BIWMP
community groups were perceived to be satisfactory by the majority of respondents. Brahmins/Chhetris
mostly led community groups. Newars were the most dissatisfied non-Dalit respondents.
People’s participation in planning and implementation
Project efforts were supposed to concentrate on people’s participation throughout the entire project
cycle from the initial stage of identification and prioritization of community problems to subsequent
stages of planning and implementation up to monitoring and evaluation.
People’s participation in the planning process
Pre-planning consultation
Consultation with people at the beginning of a project is essential to assure people’s participation in
planning in subsequent stages of the project cycle. The informal interaction between project staff
helps local people to understand about the project. However this did not occur according to plan. The
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reasons may have been: (1) the absence of a code of ethic for project staff banning them from
discriminatory practices connected to the project’s performance; (2) lack of project staff, particularly
extension staff, belonging to the Dalit caste; (3) staff wishing for better facilities; and, (4) the inability
of Dalits to respond to staff as non-Dalits. For instance, Brahmin/Chhetris obtained project information
relatively faster compared to other castes/ethnic groups. This implies that project extension at the
beginning of the project was biased in favour of powerful and higher caste people. Irrespective of
caste/ethnic affiliations, the overwhelming majority of settlers received information from project staff
(Table 1).
Table 1. Settlers’ sources of information about BIWMP
Source of information
Village mass meetings
Project staff
Village leaders
Brahmin/Chhetri (n=64)
Newar (n=31)
Tamang (n=54)
Dalit (n=68)
12.5
84.4
3.2
16.1
67.7
16.1
9.3
88.9
1.9
10.3
89.7
Source: Household Survey (2002); n= number of respondents
Village meetings to disseminate information were infrequent. Four village meetings were organized
with the attendance of the majority of people just before the hamlet group’s formation. Normally
project staff convened village meetings through the targeted village leader. The village leaders did not
play a significant role in the dissemination of information among fellow villagers. Respondents reported
that for a few years, village leaders were not active due to dangers created by Maoist insurgency.
Management overhaul
It was learned that when a significant change was made in the senior management of the project after
two years of project implementation only then did the project adopt standard procedures for planning
and implementation. Previously, the project had selected activities on an ad hoc basis and the project
head office had played a major role with regard to project decisions (BIWMP, 2001a). A significant
change was noticed after project management was overhauled, i.e. the project adopted a more flexible
and participatory process in the planning approach.
Prioritization of needs
Prioritization of needs was in the hands of project staff. Field staff prepared a subjective list of
activities to be undertaken. This list was then compared with the list of compiled requests from users
and activities were selected. In this mode, the village elite had much influence on selection and the
needy people were overlooked.
People’s participation in decision-making
The household survey together with focused group discussions and key informant interviews revealed
that the decision-making process varied according to the type of community and caste/ethnic hierarchy
structure. Members of homogeneous groups took a more active part in discussion than members of
heterogeneous groups. Dalits hesitated to sit and debate with non-Dalits.
122
Contribution sharing
The form and extent of people’s participation varied with respect to the nature of the activities
implemented. Members’ contributions usually took the form of physical labour.
New community groups were formed for management and implementation of all types of
construction activities once a construction-oriented activity was ready to be implemented in the field.
A cash contribution was made by members of the Shikharkot water supply scheme, which served
water to 206 households and nearly one dozen offices. The project bypassed the hamlet committees
while implementing its own activities. For instance, the selection of individual beneficiary households
for pit latrines, seedling distribution, and income-generating training was conducted by project staff at
their personal discretion. Due to poverty, disadvantaged people were constrained by the required
contribution to implementation. Dalits pointed out that activities requiring voluntary contribution, like
infrastructure development, tree plantation, and participation in meetings prevented them from daily
waged labour to support their families.
People’s perceptions of planning and implementation
Perception of approach
Overall, the settlers had different views about problem identification, prioritization, and decision-making
under the BIWMP. Dissatisfaction increased when the expected project support and catalytic role for
the identification and prioritization of needs and problems failed to materialize. Dalits and Tamangs
were dismayed when their identified needs/problems were not adequately prioritized in the planning
process. Some of the community group members realized that there was no appropriate participatory
method among groups to identify local people’s needs and prioritize them appropriately.
However some respondents belonging to other castes/ethnic groups, except Newars, were satisfied
with group decision-making, particularly with respect to implementation of foot-trail, water supply,
and gully control activities. Dalits were positive about the management of foot-trail development
under the leadership of hamlet committees as they earned some cash during the work.
Effectiveness of activities
In general, foot-trail improvement, savings and credit, and the drinking water supply system were
considered the most successful activities. Despite their poverty, the savings and credit programme
was ranked second by Dalits and Tamangs, but Brahmins/Chhetris and Newars ranked it third and
fourth respectively. Among the BIWMP’s infrastructure activities, settlers perceived foot-trail
improvement, drinking water supply, stream bank protection, and a rope bridge as effective activities.
Foot-trail improvement achieved the highest score.
People’s perception of roles of project staff
The role of project staff was questionable. Assessing the project staff’s performance was not an
easy task for the respondents. Overall, only about two percent of the respondents expressed no
satisfaction with staff performance and a similar percentage declined to answer. The majority of
Dalits and Tamangs perceived “full” cooperation by staff while the majority of the respondents from
Brahmins/Chhetris and Newars perceived cooperation “to some extent”.
123
Distribution of project benefits
People’s decisions on whether to participate in the developmental activities or not is largely determined
by perceived benefits (Miller, 1988, cited in Pongquan, 1992; Dale, 2000). As Poudyal (1990) pointed
out, the higher the expectation of benefit from the activity is, the higher the rate of participation will
be.
Distribution of benefits from income-generating and savings-credit programmes
Purpose of benefits
The objective of the income-generating and group credit activities was to enhance the livelihoods of
watershed settlers and to increase employment opportunities by establishing a credit support
programme. The major activities carried out were formation of savings and credit groups, provision of
training and demonstration programmes on improved agriculture and livestock raising, and formation
of cooperatives. Besides, the project had helped to form community organizations and provided
opportunities for training and exposure. All these opportunities were created by linking with other
project activities like adult literacy classes, training on vegetable farming with a focus on soil
conservation, and forest management and infrastructure development. Benefits from the incomegenerating and credit programme included tangible benefits in the form of cash.
Approach for disadvantaged people
Project staff identified poor and disadvantaged people through participatory rural appraisal (PRA)
tools, including market assessment. The project formed 17 income-generating groups (IGGs),
comprising a total of 461 members including 25 male members. Male members served as advisors.
The next step involved devising rules and norms, enhancing the skill of IGG members, and linking the
IGG with Palung Multi Purpose Cooperative Limited, an umbrella organization for each IGG. Training
on women’s empowerment and skill development was also organized for the IGG members. A savings
deposit was a precondition of the credit programme. The staff preferred to provide assistance in
extension services to lowland middle-class farmers.
Membership of income-generating groups
The project formed 17 IGGs in different villages. No IGG was formed from the perspective of caste/
ethnicity. The income generation and savings and credit component covered 461 members from all
castes/ethnic groups as of February 2002. Dalits and Newars had relatively higher representation in
IGGs, while representation of Brahmins/Chhetris was low.
Distribution of credit
As discussed earlier, the majority of the poor people were Dalits and Tamangs. Though they were
poor and in need of project support, the income-generating programme could not address them
adequately. For instance, only four Dalit members out of 63, from three IGGs received a loan. This
figure is quite low compared to others (Table 2).
124
Table 2. Households that received a loan
Attributes
Number of IGG member households
Number of households who received loan
Percentage of loan takers
Brahmin/Chhetri
Newar
Tamang
Dalit
193
31
16.1
60
18
30.0
145
33
22.8
63
4
6.3
Sources: Palung sub-watershed field office database; BIWMP (2001b).
Income-generating groups were formed by and for women. Only women were eligible to get
loans. Dalits were high risk groups. There was strong provision that the intermediate cooperative that
sanctioned the loan, ensured that the loan was best utilized and paid back in good time. In general,
members received loans ranging from NRs3 000 (for Newars), to NRs35 000 (for Brahmins/Chhetris).
From the sampled population one can see that members who were considered to be economically
challenged were targeted by the programme (Table 3).
Table 3. Economic level of loan takers
Economic level
High economic level
Moderate economic level
Low economic level
Brahmin/ Chhetri (f=31)%
Newar (f=18)%
4.9
54.8
38.7
11.1
61.1
27.8
Tamang (f=33)% Dalit (f=4) %
3.0
48.5
48.5
25.0
75.0
Source: Adopted from database, field office; BIWMP (2001b).
f= frequency of IGG members who had received a loan
Multiple benefits of the income generation programme
There were economic as well as non-economic benefits. Economic benefits were generated through
production schemes supported by loans. IGG members received loans for three types of activities:
vegetable cultivation, livestock raising, and retail businesses. Overall, nearly half of the borrowers
took loans for vegetable production, as there was an opportunity to supply vegetables to the capital
city of Kathmandu and regional city of Hetaunda. The majority of Brahmins/Chhetris used loans for
dairy buffalo raising and vegetable production. However, the majority of Newars and Tamangs used
the loan for vegetable production. For instance, poultry raising needed the most money (NRs21 250)
while piggeries only needed NRs5 000. After receiving training on women’s empowerment and
participating in literacy classes, members of Seti Ganesh IGG-B of Shrijan basti, Daman VDC banned
alcohol in their homes to curb their husbands’ addiction to alcohol, to stop unnecessary expenditure on
alcohol, and to reduce wife-beating incidents.
Adequacy of credit
All ethnic/caste groups were heavily dependent on relatives for complementary credit. People normally
do not prefer to get credit from merchants, as they charge very high interest ranging from 24 to 42
percent annually. The delay in loan delivery through the intermediary finance organization was
problematic for IGG members. The length of time for paying back the loan depended on the type of
activity under the loan scheme and the ability of the borrower. Loans for buffalo raising and retailers
had longer periods with eight installments. Regarding the difference in installments, Newar members
had fewer installments while Brahmins/Chhetris had more installments.
125
Utilization of loans
Most borrowers used the loans appropriately as envisaged under the scheme, although four Dalits
abused the assistance.
Benefits from infrastructure and soil-erosion control activities
Protection of drinking water sources, construction of footbridges, improving foot-trails, and improving
irrigation channels contributed to the local infrastructure. Activities, which provided immediate benefits
and had high budget, were attractive to the settlers regardless of their caste/ethnicity. For instance,
beneficiaries of foot-trail improvement might come from another village. Likewise, beneficiaries of
landslide and gully control activities might come from downstream or upstream settlements.
Distribution of benefits
Community participation in the form of labour was mandatory for infrastructure activities. Material
support constituted cement, high-density polythene pipe, galvanized iron (GI) pipes, construction tools,
and GI wire and gabion boxes. Most Tamangs took over landslide control activities. While drinking
water systems were the purview of nearly two-thirds of the Brahmins/Chhetris. The remaining
Brahmins/Chhetris were covered by stream bank protection so no Dalit population benefited.
Immediate benefit during project implementation
A blanket cost-sharing mechanism was adopted for project activities. The highest labour contribution
was for drinking water systems, followed by stream bank protection. Foot-trails needed the lowest
contribution. The project contributed cash and materials. The highest proportion of cash was provided
for stream channels, implemented by the contractor. Small bridge construction was also supported by
the project. In all construction activities carried out by the user groups, local people worked as semiskilled and unskilled labourers.
Benefits from training and extension
Benefits from BIWMP training and extension programmes were assessed through secondary
information. The objective of the training and extension programme was to improve the institutional,
managerial, and technical capacities of project beneficiaries, which determined the project’s degree
of success. The training events, excursions, and workshops concentrated on improving relevant skills
and knowledge related to agriculture, forestry, group management, and health. Women and
disadvantaged community group members were the most targeted beneficiaries in accordance with
BIWMP protocol. To build women’s capacity for managing natural resources, to reduce the gender
gap, and to develop awareness of the importance of non-formal education (NFE), literacy classes
were held for different groups. Training events and workshops/visits were organized according to
physical targets of the project. In response to why they participated in training, key informants largely
responded that they were invited by project staff both formally and informally. Informal invitation was
a direct nomination by a project staff member according to his knowledge of a perceived need.
126
Non-formal education
The project conducted two types of literacy courses for adult women. Overall, the programme was
ineffective. Books published by the Ministry of Education, contained general lessons regarding gender
role and resource management, but they lacked information on issues related to caste and gender
discrimination and inspiring course participants to respect and treat all people equally.
Skills’ development
Skills’ development included training on goat and pig raising, vegetable farming, improved cooking
stove (chulo) construction, health, and tailoring. Most of the participants were women. Dalits had the
lowest participation in awareness/conservation-related training/workshops, while Brahmins/Chhetris
accounted for the highest (41 percent). Most Brahmins/Chhetris and Newars received training on
vegetable farming while Tamangs attended training on goat raising.
Soil-conservation awareness
Training to raise people’s awareness on soil conservation as well improving people’s ability to plan
and implement technologies against the problems encountered was conducted. Disadvantaged people
were the targeted groups. However it was revealed that the number of Dalit and Tamang trainees
was substantially lower than the representation of other ethnic/caste groups.
Distribution of benefits from agricultural and forestry-related activities
Agriculture
The objective of the agricultural development programme cited in the BIWMP document, was to help
the farming community to reduce soil erosion and thus increase their incomes and raise their standards
of living. Initially, project activities concentrated on the establishment of terraces and improved
agricultural practices suitable for irrigated lands. All of these activities provided benefits to people
with relatively large irrigated land-holdings. Aware of this, the project started paying attention to
upland areas. Project records show that 12 Brahmin/Chhetri and eight Tamang farmers were given
tree seedlings for improvement of about four hectares of terraced land. The land belonged to local
politicians. No attention was paid to repairing terraces, mostly belonging to disadvantaged people, and
damaged by the 1993 flood disaster.
Forestry
Access to forest resources in Nepal has always been controlled by influential people, politicians, and
non-Dalits. The forestry component of the project aimed at promotion of sustainable forest management
through the establishment of forest user groups, development of forest management plans, supporting
and promoting forest nurseries and development of forest plantations. The expected outcomes were
strengthened institutional capacity, increased conservation awareness, and increased income. In this
regard, three community forests were handed over to community forest user groups (CFUG). The
forest technician (ranger) at the field office conducted training and provided support to the CFUG
members.
127
Allocation of benefits from the health programme
Through local partners, such as NGOs working in the health sector, the project planned to provide
training for health service providers, particularly in the area of reproductive health. The activities
carried out were health awareness creation sessions at schools, one mobile health clinic, mebendazole
distribution, iron tablet and folic acid distribution, provision of three stretchers, and installation of 51 pit
latrines. A small number of people attended the health camp (Table 4).
Table 4. Attendance at the health camp
Activity
Participated in health camp* (%)
Installation of pit latrine** (no)
Percent of beneficiaries from total HH
Brahmin/Chhetri
(n=64)
Newar
(n=31)
Tamang/Magar
(n=54)
Dalit
(n=68)
22.2
11
1.0
12.5
6
3.5
9.2
16
4.2
5.9
18
12.1
Source: Household Survey (2002)*
Database, Field office, BIWMP (2002)**; n = sample size; HH = households
Dalits had the lowest knowledge about sanitation, so Dalits received the highest benefits from
such support. The use of newly installed latrines resulted in surprising improvement in sanitary conditions
in Dalit villages. Extension of information on reproductive health was limited.
Perception of benefits
No statistically significant relation was found between the extent of satisfaction within the economic
classes of the respondents (Figures 3 and 4). Most respondents, from whatever economic class they
represented, reported moderate satisfaction.
6%
100%
10%
80%
60%
40%
20%
32%
52%
Full extent
Little
Some extent
Not at all
Figure 3. People’s overall satisfaction with
BIWMP’s support
0%
Brahmin/
Full extent
Newar
Some extent
Tamang
Little
Dalit
Not at all
Figure 4. Extent of satisfaction with BIWMP’s
support by caste/ethnicity
128
The few literate Dalits who were unsatisfied or moderately satisfied indicated that they were
expecting benefits not only in change of economic status but also change in social dignity. They
perceived that activities like NFE, income generation and infrastructures, and sanitation were improperly
packaged as social awareness was missing in the programme. In their view the project’s activities
should have been able to change unfair social customs, if activities were determined to “target Dalits”.
Conclusion
The people-centred management approach has been emphasized in several integrated watershed
development and management projects in Nepal, including the Bagmati Integrated Watershed
Management Program. Due to differences in abilities, attitudes, and perceptions of watershed settlers,
securing active and equitable participation from all caste/ethnic groups has been a challenge to watershed
management programmes and projects.
Similar to the findings of other scholars interested in Nepal’s socio-cultural structures and rural
development and watershed management, the caste-based socio-economic structure was found in
the Palung sub-watershed. Dalits, who lie at the bottom of the social structure, are the minority
populace. Moreover, they predominately rely on traditional occupations, which are being threatened
by manufactured goods and their traditional skills are disappearing. The BIWMP offered an opportunity
for the improvement of settlers’ socio-economic condition and for natural resource conservation.
Though the project was implemented through community groups, Dalit representation in groups was
negligible. This, combined with the project’s inability to address disadvantaged groups’ problems led
to excluding Dalits from most of the benefits of the watershed management project. Dalits contributed
to the implementation of mainly infrastructure-related projects. This provided some short-term economic
benefits, but did not enhance the Dalits’ broader quality of life.
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BIWMP. 2001b. Mid Term Review Report of BIWMP, Kathmandu.
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States Parties Due in 1998: Nepal, CERD/C/337/Add.4, Annex, May 12, 1999.
Dahal, D., et al. 2002. National Dalit Strategy Report. Prepared for National Planning Commission
for Supporting the Dalits-related Plans and Policies for Preparation of 10th National Five Year
Plan of Nepal, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Dale, R. 2000. Organizations and Development - Strategies, Structures and Processes, Sage
Publications, New Delhi.
Dixon, A. & Easter, W. 1988. Integrated watershed management: An approach to resource
management. Studies in Watershed Policy and Management, 10: 3-14.
Eade, D. 1997. Capacity Building - An Approach to People-centered Development. Oxfam, GB,
UK.
Hocking, A. 2001. Development Anthropology for BIWMP. Department of Soil and Watershed
Management and Commission of European Communities, Kathmandu Nepal.
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United Nations World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related
Intolerance, Durban, South Africa, September 2001, Vol.13, No. 3(G).
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Informal Sector Service Center (INSEC). 1993. Human Right Yearbook-1993, Annex-1.
Kathmandu, Nepal.
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on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), WCAR, Durban South Africa.
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in Sustainable Development: Understanding of Dynamic of Natural Resource System.
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in Nepal. Doctoral Dissertation, HS-90-2, Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok.
Pongquan, S. 1992. Participatory Development Activities at Local Level: Case Studies in Villages
of Central Thailand. Bangkok, Thailand.
Schrader, H. 1998. Working Paper No. 270. University of Bielefeld, Faculty of Sociology, Sociology
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Sustainable Development: Understanding of Dynamic of Natural Resource System. IOAAS,
TU, Nepal.
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against Racism (WCAR), August 2001, Durban South Africa.
Team Consult. 1999. The Condition of the Dalits (Untouchables) in Nepal: Assessment of the
Impact of Various Development Interventions. Submitted to UNDP/Nepal, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Thapa, G.B. 2001. Changing approach to mountain watersheds management in mainland South and
Southeast Asia, Journal of Environmental Management, 27, 5: 667-679.
Wagley, M. & Bogati. 2000. State of the art and status of watershed management in Nepal. In K.S.
Bendtsen et al. Watershed Development. Proceedings of Danida’s Third International Workshop
on Watershed Development. Kathmandu, Nepal.
130
INTEGRATED NATURAL RESOURCE CONSERVATION:
PEOPLE’S PERCEPTIONS AND PARTICIPATION IN NEPAL
Shiva Kumar Wagle 1
Introduction
Natural resources in developing countries are under heavy pressure and degradation has increased
since the economic growth period of the early 1970s. Proper management of available natural resources
is a prerequisite for the development of any community. Integrated natural resource conservation and
management encompasses all activities for the management of natural resources in an area or
watershed. Common property resources include forest, pastureland, and water, which can be bifurcated
into government and community management. Use and management of natural resources both in
private and public lands are determined by numerous factors such as individual perceptions at household
levels, population pressure, and resource pricing policy at the national level (Thapa and Weber, 1994).
Integrated resource management (IRM) is a holistic approach to resource conservation and
management that encourages participants to consider many social and environmental interconnections.
IRM must bring together a diverse array of people who have a stake in the system including government
agencies, community organizations, and other organizations. According to Ervin and Ervin (1982),
different factors like the personal and economic status of local people and physical condition of the
resource play an important role with regard to their decisions on conservation activities.
Agriculture, land management, and forest/tree utilization are integral components of a farming
system. The forest produces fuelwood for household energy, grass and tree fodder for livestock feed,
timber and poles for household construction and construction of agricultural implements, and leaf litter
for animal bedding; the animals in turn provide organic manure for agricultural production. The majority
of farmers in developing countries like Nepal exist in a subsistence economy and current agricultural
systems cannot ensure subsistence; thus the farmers extend their farmland into fragile marginal land
and forests for more production to fulfill their basic needs. The major causes of deforestation are
commercial logging, shifting cultivation, lack of rule enforcement and regulations, government
resettlement programmes, and high demand for wood, timber, and fodder created by the growing
population. Expansion of agricultural land into the forest is the most serious deforestation problem
(Thapa and Weber, 1990).
People’s participation is total involvement in conservation activities, i.e. deciding on programmes
and activities, fixing priorities, taking initiatives, contributing ideas, material, money, labour, and time.
However participation is self-motivated. There are two separate institutions working in the field of
resource conservation within the Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation (MFSC): (1) community
forestry user groups (CFUGs) for forest resource conservation and management under the Department
of Forest (DOF) and (2) community development groups (soil-conservation user group — SCUG) for
soil-conservation activities under the Department of Soil Conservation and Watershed Management
(DSCWM).
1
MSc. Thesis, Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand. August 2004.
Examination Committee - Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti (Chair), Dr. Dietrich Schmidt-Vogt, Dr. Ambika P. Gautam
131
There is a growing tendency to hand over resource management responsibility from the state to
the community; for example, community forestry in Nepal (Paudel, 1998). In Nepal, the forest resources
transferred to the community (community forestry) are managed well; they fulfill the basic needs for
forestry products and substantially reduce soil erosion by increasing land cover.
The main objective of this research was to understand people’s perceptions and participation in
the purview of integrated natural resource conservation — how they perceive forest and soilconservation activities and their opinions and attitudes on these activities and how they affect
participation.
Study area and selection criteria
Nepal is politically divided into 75 districts. Rupendehi District is situated in the Terai region with
areas in the Siwaliks hills (Figure 1). The Siwaliks house the headwaters of most of the river systems
of the Terai and have significant ecological and socio-economic importance. Together, the Terai and
Siwaliks account for 27 percent of Nepal’s total area and approximately 35 percent of the forest
resources. Most of the Terai people depend directly or indirectly on the Siwaliks for forest and water
resources. Ghamaha sub-watershed (GSW) of the Siwaliks region of Rupandehi District was selected
for the study. Within GSW, there are two CFUGs namely Parroha CFUG and Bolbum CFUG. But
there is only one SCUG — the West Ganganagar SCUG in GSW. All the users of the West Ganganagar
SCUG are users of Parroha CFUG.
Overview of the district
Rupandehi District l has 26 small- and medium-sized rivers. The climate of the district varies from
tropical to temperate. The district has a total of 118 731 households and the average household size is
8. Population growth is 3.2 percent and the population density is 526 persons/km2 . The literacy rate is
55 percent. Agricultural products include rice, wheat, maize, mustard, and pulses. The forest area of
the district is also divided into production forest, protection forest, and potential community forest
(CF) with areas of 7 014 ha (21.9 percent), 18 533 ha (57.9 percent), and 6 459 ha (20.2 percent)
respectively. Much of the national forest was handed over as CF in this district.
Watershed characteristics
The soil- and water-conservation programme in Rupandehi District started with the establishment of
the District Soil Conservation Office (DSCO) in 1995. The main programme of the DSCO is integrated
resource conservation through people’s participation with the sub-watershed as the management unit.
GSW was selected as the study area. The watershed covers 3 339 ha and includes Parroha VDC,
Khagda-Bangai VDC, Suryapura VDC, and some parts of Man-Pakadi VDC. Most of the watershed
settlers are engaged in agricultural activities like field crop cultivation and animal husbandry. The
watershed settlers raise livestock for milk, meat, and ploughing.
CF within Ghamaha sub-watershed
In GSW, the forest is located only in Parroha VDC. With assistance from the DFO, forest protection
started around 1990 after the democratic revolution. In 1994, 500 ha were handed over to the local
community as CF. In 1998 the CF area was extended to the whole forest area of Parroha VDC; the
total area of the forest was 1 342 ha and there were 3 257 households. Learning from past experience,
132
in 2003 this CF was again divided into three CFUGs: Parroha CFUG; Sainamaina CFUG; and Bolbam
CFUG. The GSW covers only Parroh and Bolbam CFs.
Parroha CFUG
This CFUG lies in the western part of the GSW. There are 1 267 households and the total population
is 8 449. This CFUG is heterogeneous socio-economically and land-holding size has a maximum of
1.87 ha. Out of 1 267 households, 71 are involved in soil- and water-conservation groups. About 17
households are users of another CF. The total forest area is 633 ha and the forest type is mixed
natural forest of the Siwaliks hills (Table 1). One forest guard has been recruited for patrolling. Block
nos. 1-3 are 184, 210, and 239 ha respectively.
Table 1. Forest type of Parroha CFUG
Block no.
Total area (ha)
Forest type
Major species
1
2
3
184
210
239
Mixed forest
Sal forest
Sal forest
Sal, asna, banjhi, satisal
Sal, asna, karma, banjhi, satisal
Source: Operational Plan of Parroha CF (2002)
The user group has its own rules for the collection of forest products which are decided on at
committee meetings according to the needs of the users. General rules are: (1) The users collect
fodder freely from the CF without any charge; (2) the forest is opened for the collection of fuelwood
for five days, three times a year, free of charge. In addition, they can collect fuelwood at a charge of
NRs2/bhari2 every Saturday; (3) the users have to pay NRs5 per piece of small wood to collect in the
forest directly. In addition to forest protection and management, the users are involved in various
development activities to develop their village themselves.
Bolbam CFUG
This CFUG is also in GSW. There are 801 households and the total population is 4 406. This CFUG is
heterogeneous socio-economically and land-holdings reach a maximum of 3.4 ha. Table 2 shows the
forest types in the study area.
Table 2. Forest types of Bolbum CFUG
Block no.
Total area (ha)
1
2
3
4
118
85
166
303
Forest type
Major species
Mixed
Mixed
Mixed
Mixed
Sal, asna, khair, neem, banjhi
Sal, asna, khair, banjhi
Sal, asna, banjhi
Sal, asna, karma, banjhi, sajan
forest
forest
forest
forest
Source: Constitution and OP of user group (2003)
2
Back-load of fuelwood or fodder that one person can carry (approximately 40 kg).
133
The total area of CF is 572 ha. All of the forest area lies in the Siwaliks hills and is sub-tropical
mixed forest. The major species include sal followed by asna, karma etc. From the management
point of view the CF is divided into four blocks. Users collect fodder and fuelwood for their daily
needs. Most users have planted trees on their own land and some people also use cow dung as an
energy source for cooking. The rules generally followed by this user group are: (1) The users collect
fodder freely from the CF without any charge; (2) the user group opens the forest for the collection of
fuelwood for five days, three times a year, free of charge; (3) the users have to pay NRs5 per piece
of small wood and to collect in the forest directly; (4) timber is collected by committee members using
paid labour and stacked in the CF office. Every member can buy timber from the CFUG office.
Fuelwood collected from thinning operations is distributed 50/50. The furthest distance from the forest
for users is 5 km. To give remote users equal opportunities, the thinning operation are conducted on a
50/50 basis.
West Ganganagar user committee for soil conservation
This user committee is located in Ward no. 4 of Parroha VDC adjoining the Siwaliks and within
Parroha CF around the Ghamaha River. It was formed in 1998 with assistance from the Rupandehi
DSCO and registered in the Parroha VDC. All committee users are members of Parroha CFUG.
User committee members conduct different conservation and development activities with financial
and other support from the DSCO. Such activities include bioengineering for landslide protection,
water source protection, watershed conservation, runoff rentention dam construction, bamboo walls
for river bank protection, irrigation canal protection, and adequate drinking water supply.
Socio-economic characteristics of the households
Family size
The number of family members in the sampled households ranged from a minimum of one member to
a maximum of 22 members. The overall average family size of the respondent households was 6.46
with standard deviation 3.336. The highest mean family size was 7.23 members per family in Parroha
CF, without a SCUG. The gender ratio was highest in Bolbum CF (1.38) and lowest in Parroha,
without a SCUG (1.05).
Ethnicity
The castes of respondents were classified into four groups: upper, middle, lower, and Tharu. Brahmins,
Chhetri, and Thakuri were included in the upper caste. Magar, Gurung, Newar, Gupta, and Yadav
were included in the middle caste. Kami, Damai, Sarki, and Mallaha were included in the lower caste.
The community was dominated by middle caste people in Parroha with a SCUG and dominated by
upper castes in both Parroha (without a SCUG) and Bolbum CF. The age groups of the respondents
ranged from 20-77 years with a minimum of 20 years in both Parroha (with SCUG) and Bolbum CF
and a maximum of 77 years in Bolbum CF.
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Figure 1. Location of the study area (Rupandehi District)
Literacy level
Literacy is an important indicator of development; it has a multiplier effect on forest conservation and
management. Among the 92 respondents surveyed, 65.5 percent were literate. About 26 percent of
the respondents were illiterate whereas 7.6 percent had secondary level education and only one
person had college education. About 59 percent had primary education. Only 4 percent of the people
had higher education. The study area, Parroha (with a SCUG) could only provide primary education
and both Parroha (without CF) and Bolbum could provide secondary education.
Occupational characteristics
The main occupation of the whole study area was agriculture (78 percent) followed by waged labour
(8.7 percent) (Table 3); 7.6 percent of the respondents were engaged in traditional work. A total of
18.8 percent were engaged in waged labour in Parroha (with a SCUG), whereas this was zero in
Parroha (without a SCUG) and 2.6 percent in Bolbum CFUG. The farmers were also involved in offfarm activities (waged labour, business).
135
Table 3. Distribution of family members in occupations
Occupation
Parroha CF
With SCUG (WG)
Bolbum CF
Total
Without SCUG
total
mean
total
mean
total
mean
total
mean
72
3
38
10
7
2.25
0.09
1.19
0.31
0.22
111
4
11
24
2
3.70
0.13
0.37
0.80
0.07
120
5
23
12
10
4.0
0.17
0.77
0.40
0.33
303
12
72
46
19
3.29
0.13
0.78
0.50
0.21
Agriculture
Business
Waged labour
Service
Other/traditional work
Land-holdings
In an agrarian society, as in the study area, land-holdings have significant importance in determining
the overall economic condition of the households. The land-holding classifications varied from landless
to 3.4 ha. Most people had their own land but a few (7.6 percent) were landless; the landless used
other people’s land for cultivation or depended on waged labour for their livelihoods.
Cereal crop production
The mean cereal crop production of the study area was 1 382 kg: 798.5 kg in Parroha (with a SCUG),
1 613 kg in Parroha (without a SCUG), and 1 807 kg in Bolbum CF. Most of the production ranged
from 500-1 500 kg per household; 27 percent of the households grew less than 500 kg. Analysis of
variance (ANOVA) of mean cereal crop production within the three study groups revealed significant
difference in mean cereal crop production. The production of cereal crops indicates the food balance
of the family, which in turn reflects the time available for natural resource conservation activities.
About 26 percent of the respondents had food sufficiency from their own production and 29 percent
had more than required; 44.6 percent was food deficit (Table 4).
Table 4. Food balance among respondents
Food balance of family
Parroha CF
With SCUG (WG)
For less than six months
For six months
For one year
Exceeding one year
Bolbum CF
Total
Without SCUG
11 (34.4)
11 (34.4)
8 (25.0)
2 (6.3)
8 (26.7)
2 (6.7)
6 (20.6)
14 (46.7)
7 (23.3)
2 (6.7)
10 (33.3)
11 (36.6)
26 (28.3)
15 (16.3)
24 (26.1)
27 (29.3)
Source: Household Survey (2004). The figures in parentheses represent the percentage of respondents
Cash income
The major source of cash income in the study area was sale of cereal crops, vegetables, waged
labour, and services. Other income sources were businesses, house rent, and traditional occupations.
Most people had income ranging from NRs10 000-60 000. A few people (6.5 percent) had annual
cash income of less than NRs10 000; conversely 28 percent people had annual cash income exceeding
NRs60 000. The relationship between income group and study group was tested through the chi-
136
square test and the difference was significant. The cash income of households reflects the economic
and social status of the family. The expenditure of the household directly depends on the cash income
of households.
Livestock
Livestock is an integral feature of the Nepalese farming system. Almost all respondents in the study
area had cattle. Popular livestock were goats/sheep, cattle, and buffalo. They were used for manure,
milk, meat, and ploughing. Goats/sheep predominated followed by livestock raised for power. The
mean livestock number of the study area was 3.40 head. Sixty-three percent of the respondents
regarded irrigation as a problem and 30 percent were concerned about fodder. Lack of labour (1.5
percent) and grazing land (1.5 percent) were minor constraints. Some households used the forest for
grazing their livestock as well. Generally goats foraged in the CF. Cattle and buffalo were stall-fed.
Table 5. Test statistics of importance of natural resources in the sampled households
Test statistics
Chi-square
Pearson Correlation
Test variable
Grouping variable
Importance of forest
Study group
1. WAI of importance of forest
2. Distance from house to forest
Test value
2
÷ = 18.442
-0.234
P value
Sig. level
0.005
0.036
0.05
0.05
When a chi-square test was performed on the importance of forest, there was significant difference
in the mean of perceived importance of forest among the three study groups (Table 5). In a correlation
test, there was negative correlation between the WAI of importance of forest and forest distance
from the households. This indicates that those people who lived close to the forest perceived the
forest to be more important for their households.
Knowledge on resource conservation
The most important conservation activity is forest conservation followed by irrigation canal protection;
prevention and control of landslides; plantation on owned land; flood control; water source protection;
thinning, pruning, and weeding in the forest; cultivating suitable land; plantation in the forest; runoff
retention dam construction; and horticulture.
Participation in any conservation activity depends on the importance of the activity for the concerned
households. The highest WAI of importance for conservation activity was 0.9299 for forest conservation
and the lowest WAI was 0.4167 for fruit tree plantation. ANOVA revealed that the difference in
mean was significant for plantation on forest land, landslide control, flood control, runoff retention
dam construction, water source protection, cultivating suitable land, irrigation canal protection, and
fruit tree plantation. People living in sloping land areas were concerned about landslide control while
those who lived around rivers focused on flood control. Users attributed natural resource destruction
to: fire, uncontrolled cutting of forest, users’ ignorance, over-grazing, lack of periodic afforestation,
lack of conservation measures, population increase, and political instability.
137
Natural disasters
Sustainable management and utilization of natural resources play an important role for prevention and
control of natural disasters. Overall trends in natural disasters were decreasing in Parroha (with
SCUG) but remained constant in both Parroha (without SCUG) and Bolbum CF. SCUG users who
lived near rivers at the foothills of the Siwaliks have been affected by flooding and landslides more
frequently in recent years.
Availability and sufficiency of forest products
About 28.4 percent of the respondents considered that forest product availability was sufficient, 37.5
percent perceived no change since CF, and 34.1 percent perceived that availability was lower since
CF (Table 6). Regarding less availability of forest products, most users said that after the implementation
of CF, there was no opportunity for free cutting. Other indicators were high population of the study
area and high price of forest products charged by the CFUG.
Table 6. Availability of forest products
Availability of FP
Parroha CF
Bolbum CF
Total
Enough
Same as before
Less than before
WAI
20 (33.9)
22 (37.3)
17 (28.8)
0.6802
5 (17.2)
11 (37.9)
13 (48.8)
0.5707
25 (28.4)
33 (37.5)
30 (34.1)
0.6441
Source: Field Survey (2004). (Score: 1= enough, 0.66= same as before, 0.33= less than before)
Almost all users depended on fuelwood as an energy source. Women claimed shortage of fuelwood
for cooking and blamed the collection rules for the shortage. There was negative correlation between
the total number of household members and sufficiency of forest products, and the correlation was
significant (Table 7). This indicates that forest products available from the CF were insufficient for
large households.
Table 7. Sufficiency of forest product from the CF
Parroha CF
Sufficiency of
forest products
Enough
General
Less than required
WAI
With
SCUG
1 (3.1)
31 (96.9)
0
0.6706
Without
SCUG
Total
Test statistics
Bolbum
CF
1 (3.4)
1 (3.4)
26 (89.7) 23 (79.3)
2 (6.9)
5 (17.2)
0.6490
0.6186
3 (3.3)
80 (88.9)
7 (7.8)
0.6457
Pearson Correlation = -0.331 (between
WAI of sufficiency of forest products
and number of family members);
correlation was significant at 0.01 level.
Source: Field Survey (2004). (Score: 1 = enough, 0.66 = general, 0.33 = less than required)
Most of the users were dependent on the CF for forest products. The greatest need was wood
for charcoal (only used by blacksmiths), followed by inter alia, fuelwood, thatching grass, and leaf/
litter. Dependency on the forest was higher in Parroha CF (with SCUG) than elsewhere. The frequency
of collection depended on the collection rules followed by the users in both CFs. The mean frequency
of collection was higher in Parroha (with SCUG). Generally women were more involved in the collection
of forest products.
138
Benefits from community forestry
Out of a total of 92 respondent surveyed, 81 persons said they benefited to a certain degree from the
implementation of CF and the soil-conservation programme, nine people argued that they did not
benefit, whereas two gave no opinion. Seventy-nine respondents reported that they had not suffered
loss since programme implementation.
Table 8. Perceived benefits from CF and soil-conservation activity
Test
statistics
Test variable
Grouping variables
ANOVA
t-test
WAI of perceived benefits
t-test
Study group
CF with SCUG and CF
without SCUG
Gender (male and female)
Test value
P
value
Sig.
value
F= 3.871
t= 2.782
0.044
0.013
0.05
0.05
t= 2.152
0.047
0.05
ANOVA revealed there was significant difference in perceived benefits among the three study
groups (Table 8). Similarly, the independent sample t-test showed the difference in perceived mean
benefits was significant with gender also. Perception of benefits was higher in Parroha CF (with
SCUG) which indicated that people close to the forest benefited more than others. Similarly there
was gender imbalance in benefit distribution.
People’s participation in CF and soil-conservation activities
Men were more interested in collecting timber whereas women were more concerned with fuelwood
and fodder.
Participation was studied at two levels. Firstly, participation of households in discussions and sharing
ideas with CFs and SCUGs and secondly representation during community work. It can be inferred
from Figure 2 that most of the respondent households did not participate in discussions or share ideas
on the CF programme.
Around 6.5 percent of the households always participated in discussions and shared ideas; almost
all of the users participated in group work when the CFUG requested assistance — one reason being
penalty for defaulters in all three groups for not participating in group work, but there was no penalty
for not attending discussions or meetings.
Participation in different activities (participation of respondents)
A CFUG should typically hold meetings of the entire assembly of users to address issues on CFUG
administration, CF management or distribution of benefits from the CF. Both CFUGs had large number
of households and they held general assembly meetings with all the users only once a year. To address
management and other problems, Parroha CFUG was divided into five sub-groups and Bolbum CFUG
was divided into seven sub-groups. People held meetings within sub-groups on different issues.
Decisions of their group meetings were again discussed during the executive committee meeting and
the major decisions were taken by the executive committees.
139
70
60
Percent
50
40
Study group
30
Parroha CF with SCUG
(west Ganganager SC)
20
Parroha CF without SCUG
10
Bolbum CF
0
always
often
occassionally
never
participation on discussion and giving idea in CFUG
Figure 2. Participation in discussions and sharing ideas with the CFUG
Participation at the time of group formation
The persons who participated more at the time of group formation would participate in resource
conservation activities as well. Less than one-third of the respondents participated at the time of user
group formation in both Parroha (without CF) and Bolbum CF whereas almost two-thirds of the
respondents participated in the soil-conservation group. When a chi-square test was performed on
gender and participation in group formation, there was significant difference in gender participation at
the time of group formation.
Participation in CFUG group meetings
Very few people were involved in discussions and sharing ideas. An independent sample t-test revealed
that the difference in the mean of participation was significant with gender. Similarly in the same test,
the difference in the mean of participation was significant with and without SCUGs. The findings
indicated that participation at group meetings was higher for combined CFUGs and SCUGs and
gender imbalance was noticed in group meeting attendance (Table 9).
Table 9. Test statistics for participation in group meetings
Test
statistics
Test variables
Grouping variables
t-test
WAI of participation in
group meetings
group meetings
t-test
Test value
P value
Sig. level
Gender (male & female)
t= 2.374
0.020
0.05
CF with SCUG and
CF without SCUG
t=2.352
0.021
0.05
Participation in CFUG operation decisions
Participation was very low; only 5 percent always participated in operational decision-making and
more than 63.3 percent never participated. Committee members were more involved than general
140
members in regular decisions on CF. Men were more active than women. For ANOVA on the mean
of operational decisions within land-holding groups and also regarding positions on committee, there
was significant difference in both means.
Participation in forest product collection
There was higher participation in fodder and fuelwood collection compared to other products for all
the three groups (Table 10). Seventy-one percent of the respondents never entered the forest directly
to collect wood because CF rules prohibited free access; timber could be obtained from the CF
office.
Table 10. Test statistics of participation in forest product collection
Test
statistics
Test variables
Grouping variables
Test value
P value
Sig. level
ANOVA
forest product collection
Household distance
group
F= 7.245
0.000
0.05
ANOVA revealed that participation in forest product collection was significantly different with
distance of households to the CF, i.e. remote users obtained less benefits.
Participation in soil-conservation groups
There was more participation in the SCUG than the CF. In the study area, the SCUG was very small
with only 71 households living in a small village; thus it was easier to inform all users on any decisions
reached. Although the participation in the SCUG was higher than the CF, a t-test showed that the
difference in mean of participation by gender was significant.
Knowledge about functioning of the SCUG
Flow of information about decisions
Most positions on the executive committee were occupied by elite members who controlled harvesting,
product distribution, and mobilization of funds. Regarding decision-making methods, around 60 percent
of the respondents said that they had no idea how decisions were made. The flow of information
about group decisions on CF was very low in both CFs but slightly higher in the SCUG vis à vis the
soil-conservation programme. It seems that SCUGs were more aware about group work. In all studied
groups, 50 percent of the respondents never learned about group decisions (Table 11).
141
Table 11. Distribution of information about group decisions
Information about group decision
Parroha CF
With SCUG
Always
Often
Rarely
Never
About CF
About SCUG
9 (28.1)
3 (9.1)
11 (34.4)
9(28.1)
10 (31.3)
4 (12.5)
10 (31.3)
8 (25.0)
Without SCUG
Bolbum CF
1 (3.3)
1(3.3)
11(36.7)
17 (56.7)
0
2 (6.7)
13 (43.3)
15 (50.0)
Source: Household Survey (2004). The figures in parentheses represent percentages.
Flow of information about group work
The flow of information about group work was more than the flow of information about group decisions.
In Parroha (with SCUG), most people always knew about their group work while in Parroha (without
CF) and Bolbum CF most people rarely knew about their group work.
Level of satisfaction with group work
This was different among the three study groups. The people who were involved in both CF and the
soil-conservation programme were more satisfied than those people involved only in the CF programme.
From a t-test, it was found that there was significant difference in the level of satisfaction about CF
with or without SCUG. The users with SCUG were more satisfied than the users without SCUG.
Knowledge about funds, training, and support
Generally, funds were used on work that benefited the users. In Bolbum CF, funds were lent to users
for income-generation activities. Most of the funds of all three study groups were spent on village
development work such as gravelling of roads, donations to schools etc. Ninety percent of the users
said that there was no distribution of cash income among users and 9.8 percent had no idea about
cash distribution. Twenty-five percent of the users in all three study areas obtained support from
different organizations for different income-generation activities.
Analysis of factors influencing participation in CF
Principle component analysis revealed seven components (factors) with eigen values exceeding 1.
The first factor was CF governance, with rules followed by the CF, and accessibility of forest products
as major variables; forest distance from households, functioning of the CF, perceived benefits, and
involvement at the time of group formation were complementary factors. Factor 1 explained 21.204
of total variance. This factor was associated with government policy for CF and accessibility of
forest products too.
The second factor was household characteristics; this comprised total land-holdings, total number
of working people, forest distance, and dependency on fuelwood as major variables with dependency
on fodder and occupation as complementary variables. This explained 12.639 percent of total variance.
The third factor was awareness about CF, which constituted functioning of the CF and position on the
CF committee, involvement at the time of group formation, satisfaction from CF, and household food
142
security as major variables with availability and accessibility to the forest as complementary variables.
This factor explained 9.939 percent of total variance.
The fourth factor was need for forest products, which comprised the need for fodder, need for
fuelwood, and perceived benefits from CF as major variables with satisfaction from CF as a
complementary variable. This factor explained the 7.754 percent of total variance. The fifth, sixth,
and seventh factors had only two variables each as major variables in the factor loading. The fifth
factor was education and dependency (major variables) with dependency on fuelwood as a
complementary variable. The sixth factor was occupation and caste (major variables). The seventh
factor was income and availability of forest products (major variables). The factors with less than
three variables were not considered as main influencing factor in this study.
Perceptions towards CF and soil-conservation activities
Perceptions about CF policy
All three study groups were positive about the CF programme. The method for forming users’ groups
received the lowest WAI score. ANOVA examined the relationship among the three study groups and
significant difference was observed in the mean score of the CF programme. Similarly an independent
sample t-test was performed to understand the relationship between CF (with SCUG) and CF (without
SCUG) and again significant difference was observed. There was positive correlation between
government rules for CF and people’s participation and the correlation was significant. People who
approved of the government’s rules for CF participated more in the CF programme.
Perceptions about accessibility of forest products after CF
Improvement in forest condition and increase in standing volume of timber do not necessarily mean
that there is increased access to forest products. This depends on the collection rule followed by the
users. The lowest WAI score was for accessible forest grazing, timber, and thatching grass. One user
remote from the CF office claimed that their group could not obtain forest products easily, because
they had already been removed when they reached the forest and they had to penetrate deep inside
the forest to collect forest products. There was positive correlation between accessibility of forest
products and participation in the CF programme.
Perceptions on rules followed by users
The rules followed by the CFUG were directly related to benefit sharing from the CF. ANOVA found
that there were different perceptions about rules and this was significant among the three groups.
People who wanted to enter the forest directly to collect forest products were less satisfied with rules
whereas the people who did not enter the forest directly for the collection of forest products, as they
intended to buy them from the CF office, were more satisfied with the rules. There was positive
correlation between people’s participation and rules followed by users in the CF programme.
Perceptions on functioning of the CF
ANOVA found that there were different perceptions on the functioning of the CF and these were
significant in the three study groups. The difference was significant among the general members and
143
executive committee members. There was a positive correlation between people’s participation and
perceived functioning of the CF. People who thought that the users’ groups were functioning well also
participated more in the CF programme. One female committee member of Bolbum CF said that men
on the committee generally did not listen to women during decision-making.
Perceptions on effectiveness of conservation
All three-study groups thought that conservation was effective (Table 12). This was appraised through
change in condition of the forest, change in water availability, change in flood and landslide events,
and reduction of illegal cutting. People who thought that conservation was effective through CF
participated more in the CF programme.
Table 12. Test statistics of opinions about the effectiveness of conservation
Test
statistics
Test variables
Grouping variables
t-test
WAI of opinion about
CF with and without SCUG
effectiveness of conservation
ANOVA
Study group
Pearson
1. WAI of opinion about effectiveness of conservation
Correlation 2. Participation in CF
Test
value
P
value
Sig.
level
t=3.663
0.000
0.05
F=7.088
0.001
0.05
0.304
0.009
0.01
Perceptions on CF
In one analysis, the overall perception about CF differed significantly regarding the food balance of
the users (Table 13). Another analysis suggested that generally people were positive about the
programme. The people with better food security throughout the year were more positive about the
CF programme than the people who were less food-secure.
Table 13. Test statistics of overall perceptions about CF
Test
statistics
Test variables
Grouping variables
ANOVA
WAI of overall perceptions
about CF
Overall perceptions about CF
ANOVA
Test
value
P
value
Sig.
level
Study group
F= 6.008
0.005
0.05
Food balance group
F= 3.893
0.014
0.05
Sense of security and ownership (CF resources)
A slight majority of households (51 percent) said that they felt more secure about their rights to
resources in CF. Reasons given for no change or decrease in sense of security included control and
monopolization of CF resources by executive committee members and price discrimination among
users. Poorer respondents said that there was no free access to collect forest products and the CF
was selling the forest products.
144
Perceptions on the soil-conservation programme
Perceptions about the soil-conservation programme were positive among users in the programme
implementation area and higher than CF.
Policy analysis
Learning from experience, the forest policy of Nepal has gradually changed from government-controlled
forest management to participatory forest management. Currently the forest policy has centred on
people’s participation in both forest and soil-conservation programmes. Community forestry, which is
the basis for people’s participation, is functioning well in the hills, but this is not the case in the Terai
(Amatya, 2002). For the Terai, Siwaliks, and inner Terai, the government is trying to manage forest
resources through collaborative forest management.
Contradiction between the Forest Act and local self-government act
There are many contradictions between the Forest Act and the local self-government act (LSGA) in
terms of rights and responsibilities. The main contradictions are: (1) Misconception among members
of the local government that forests within the area of the village development committee/district
development committee (VDC/DDC) are the property of the VDC/DDC. (2) Section 17 of the
Forest Act stipulates that no person shall be entitled to any right or facility of any type in national
forest. (3) Section 68(1-C) of the LSGA stipulates that the forest granted by the prevailing forest laws
and the government are the property of the VDC. (4) The LSGA stipulates that natural heritage,
which includes forests, lakes, ponds, and rivers is the property of the VDC. (4) Section 218 of the
LSGA stipulates that money from the sale of sand, stone, concrete, and soil, belongs to the DDC fund.
This contradicts the definition of forest products under section 2(C) of the Forest Act. (5) Section
33(1) of the LSGA empowers VDCs to hear complaints relating among other things, to pasture, grass,
and fuelwood, but the Forest Act does not provide such rights to VDCs.
Contradiction between the Forest Act and other acts
There are many contradictions between the Forest Act and other acts.
1) The Water Resource Act has vested the ownership of all water resources in the Kingdom of
Nepal. Thus this act does not recognize the rights of CFUGs for water resources within CF
areas.
2) The Nepal Mine Act has vested the ownership of any minerals in His Majesty’s Government
of Nepal (HMGN).
3) The Environment Protection Act empowers the government to designate any area as an
environment conservation area. This provision conflicts with the Forest Act once the Ministry
of Population and Environment starts delineating conservation areas.
4) The following legislation empowers the government to acquire any land to fulfill the objectives
of the respective acts.
145
a.
b.
c.
d.
Section 4 of the Public Road Act (1974)
Section 16 of the Water Resource Act (1993)
Section 21 of the Electricity Act (1992)
Sections 3, 4, and 25 of the Land Acquisition Act (1977)
Community forestry and SWOC analysis
A SWOC (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and constraints) analysis was carried out for the
community and collaborative forestry management programme (Tables 14 and 15).
Table 14. SWOC analysis of CF
Strengths
Weaknesses
1. Institutional development, networking, and
mutual relationship
2. Sense of ownership of resources
3. People’s participation and participatory forest
management
4. Easy forest product collection and distribution
among users
5. People themselves can decide the programme
6. Conservation of forest and biodiversity
7. Implementation of indigenous forest management
8. Reduction on encroachment and illegal felling
9. Improvement in forest condition
10. Environmental protection
11. Increase in forest products and habitat for wildlife
12. Reduced floods and landslides and soil erosion
and increased water availability
13. Skills, powers, and self-esteem developed
in the users’ group and development of group
working attitude
14. Awareness about rights about forest products
15. Strong relationship between bureaucrats
and forest users
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
Opportunities
Lack of judicial distribution of forest
products
Difficulties in user identification especially in
the Terai and less emphasis on user group
formation
Lack of practical constitution and working
plan
Less participation of the poor, women, and
disadvantaged groups
Ignorance of policy, rules, and regulations of
CF
No or less coordination with local government
(VDC, DDC) and others
Lack of communication
Lack of awareness about CF especially for
Terai users
Rush to hand over the forest
Lack of programmes for the poor
More power on the executive committee and
decisions are committee oriented
Funds focus on physical construction
CF is dominated by elite people
The traditional users who are remote from
the forest lose their users’ rights
No alternative occupations for those users
who previously totally depended on forest
products for their livelihoods
Constraints and threats
1. Can develop effective communication with local
and external stakeholders
2. Institutional development for sustainable use
of resources
3. Focus on income-generating plantation through
scientific management of resources
4. Selection of projects for the poor depending
on the aim of the CF
5. Can follow participatory group formation methods
6. Opportunity for different income-generating
activities and employment
146
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Illiterate users
Less participation due to poverty, no time to
participate in forest management
Frequent change in policy, rules, and
regulations
High political influence
More benefits taken by the elite and executive
members and deforestation for personal
benefit by committee members
Illegal cutting by users who displaced from
their original occupation
7.
8.
9.
Support for village development like electricity,
schools, roads, temples etc.
Motivation for women, poor and the disadvantaged
Support for poverty alleviation
7. Control by elite and rich people in the CF
8. Less awareness of women, poor, and
disadvantage groups on CF
9. The executive committee is dominated by
people who do not use forest resources
10. Constitution and working plan for handover
of CF
11. Displacement of traditional users from
resource use
12. Terai CF is used to earn money rather than
fulfilling the basic needs of local people
13. Users cannot read their constitution and
working plan and they do not know their rights
and responsibilities
Collaborative forest management
The new concept formulated for management of forest in the Terai, Siwaliks, and Inner Terai is
collaborative forest management which has been incorporated in the Forestry Sector Policy (2000).
The basic forest management unit is the collaborative forest management group (CFMG). There is a
vast difference in the benefit distribution mechanism between the CFUG and the CFMG. CFUGs are
free to fix the rate and distribute the major forest products within the CFUG. They only have to pay
20-40 percent royalty to the government if they sell the forest products outside the CFUG. For CFMG,
the minimum rate for forest products is the government royalty rate and only 25 percent of the royalty
is separated for the local fund. The CFMG has no authority to distribute and utilize the fund and
authority for the distribution of the 25-percent fund is vested in the District Forest Co-coordination
Committee (DFCC). The CFMG has authority for cutting and topping products only. According to the
new concept for forest management and the Forestry Sector Policy (2000), the area delineated for
CF includes only small patches in the Terai, Siwaliks, and Inner Terai. People think that the government
is gradually withdrawing their rights from the forest and this may create misunderstanding between
users and the government. Finally if the Terai forest is managed properly through collaborative forest
management, it can accord users’ rights to remote users of the Terai who are the traditional users of
the forest and who are now displaced by hill migrants.
Table 15. SWOC analysis of the Forest Sector Policy 2000
Strengths
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Weaknesses
Participatory programme
Include users who are not included in CF
Gives right to traditional users
Sustainable development of forest resources
and sustainable supply of forest resources
Involvement of all stakeholders in forestry sectors
1.
2.
3.
4.
No judicial distribution of resources
People think it is complementary with CF
No linkage between CF and this policy
There is no unity for benefit distribution between
CF and collaborative forest management
5. No act and regulation for collaborative forest
management yet
Opportunities
1.
2.
3.
4.
Equal involvement of near and remote users
for forest management
The area within the collaborative area will be
developed according to local thinking
Plantation on barren areas
Sustainable management of governmentmanaged forest
Constraints (threats)
1. Small forest area with more users
2. Conflict due to difficulties in user identification
3. Difficulty to involve all users in forest
conservation
4. Most forest already handed over to CF in some
districts
5. CF users may oppose this
147
People’s participation in soil conservation and watershed management
Based on this policy, the following elements for people’s participation in soil-conservation and watershed
management programmes have been developed:
1)
2)
3)
4)
Identify activities that are conservation as well as needs oriented, and profitable for the farmers.
Plan and identify activities at the grassroot level.
Make the budget and government policy transparent to farmers
Develop extension programmes to generate awareness and expertise about conservation and
its benefits, and involve people in all stages of programme planning, implementation etc.
Despite people’s participation in the soil-conservation programme, the status of the users’ groups
established to fulfill the objectives of the Soil and Water Conservation Act (SWCA) is unequal. The
SWCA is silent about the establishment, registration, and powers and function of these users’ groups.
There is no provision for registration of users’ groups like CFUGs. The implementation procedure is
also different in the project (supported by NGO) and non-project (government supported) areas. In
the project area there is regular support from the NGO and the group is working continuously, but in
the non-project area the programme depends on the budget of the DSCO. There is no regular follow
up by the DSCO and the users themselves. Therefore to continue the work and also to empower the
users’ group there should be provision for user group registration (soil-conservation programme)
within the Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation and provision of a working plan for the nonproject area also. A single group could decrease costs for training, tours etc. Most of the users were
in favour of a single group for resource conservation work.
Conclusion
Despite no limit on political and administrative boundaries for CF, the user groups are delineated
according to political boundaries. Thus some people who never use forest products are also included
in the user group. Most of the users of both CFUGs are unaware about the group’s work and they do
not know their CF rights. Most of the executive members are occasional users of forest products.
People generally participate only for labour when the CFUG calls on them to do so. The degree of
participation in discussion and sharing of ideas is very low.
There is no enabling environment for marginalized people to participate in decision-making and
benefit sharing in both CFUGs and SCUGs. The elite seldom listen to their voices. Factors that
influence people’s participation in CF include government policy about CF, household characteristics
of the users, awareness about the programme, and the need for forest resources. Greater power is
given to committee members to make decisions. This discourages participation among the users.
The users’ perceptions on any conservation programme are based on their general understanding
of the conservation activities, their understanding of needs and resources, and experience gained
from programme participation. The people’s perceptions towards CF are rather positive. It is mainly
shaped by their perception on government rules for CF, accessibility of forest products, rules followed
by users, functioning of the users’ group, and effectiveness of the conservation activities. Similarly
people’s perceptions of the soil-conservation programme are also positive and mainly shaped by the
effectiveness of the activities and functioning of the programme. The soil-conservation programme
had greater appreciation than community forestry.
Although the forest policy encourages maximum participation of local people for its activities
both in CF and the soil-conservation programme, the present forest policy of Nepal is inadequate to
encourage the users to participate in managing CF in order to protect the socio-economically
148
disadvantaged users from exploitation and suppression. The Forest Act (1993) does not recognize the
role of local government bodies such as VDCs and DDCs in CF, nor assigns rights and responsibilities
between the DFO and CFUGs. The CF policy is more focused on major forest products. Enough
focus is not given to minor forest products, soil and water conservation, protection of the environment,
and biodiversity conservation.
Literature cited
Amatya, S.M. 2002. A review of forest policy in Nepal. In Proceedings of the Forest Policy
Workshop, January 22-24, 2002. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Retrieved from FAO website:
http://www.fao.org/DOCREP/003/AB576E/AB576E17.htm
Ervin, C.A. & Ervin, D.E. 1982. Factors affecting the use of soil conservation practice: Hypothesis,
evidence and policy implication. Land Economics, 58: 277-291.
Paudel G.S. 1998. Approach to Watershed Management in Developing Countries. A special study
submitted for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Program, Asian Institute of
Technology. Bangkok: Agricultural Conservation and Rural Development Program, SERD, AIT.
Thapa, G.B. & Weber, K.E. 1990. Actors and factors of deforestation in tropical Asia. Environmental
Conservation, 17:19-27.
Thapa, G.B. & Weber, K.E. 1994. Issues in natural resource management in developing countries.
Natural Resource Forum, 18: 115-123.
149
FOREST LAND-USE DYNAMICS AND COMMUNITY-BASED INSTITUTIONS
IN A MOUNTAIN WATERSHED IN NEPAL: IMPLICATIONS FOR FOREST
GOVERNANCE AND MANAGEMENT
Ambika P. Gautam1
Introduction
Nepal has witnessed substantial changes in forest policies and the condition of the resource over the
past few decades. Before 1957, the government’s focus was on conversion of forest lands to farmlands,
and extraction of timber for export. There were many traditional or indigenous forest management
systems, particularly in the Middle Hills. These systems operated under different institutional
arrangements at different times and locations. The country’s forests were nationalized in 1957. This
followed an era of increased national control of forests through stringent laws and expansion of the
forest bureaucracy until 1976. This approach failed as evidenced by widespread deforestation and
forest degradation across the country from the 1960s to the 1980s (Gautam et al., 2004).
The Nepalese Government formally adopted the concept of participatory forest management in
1978 through the formulation of Panchayat Forest and Panchayat Protected Forest Rules. Since
then, community-based forest management (CBFM) has evolved from the limited participation of
local agencies in forest management in some areas to being the most prioritized forestry programme
of the government by 1989 (Bartlett, 1992; Acharya, 2002). There has been increasing transfer of
public forest lands to the local Forest User Groups (FUGs) organized under the community and
leasehold forestry programmes implemented by the government with support from various bilateral
and multilateral donor agencies. Forest Department records show that a total of 12 924 registered
FUGs, comprising 1 450 527 households, had been established by 9 December 2003; they managed 1
042 385 ha of community forest land (about 18 percent of the country’s forested area). Most of these
community forests were in the Middle Hills. In addition, around 7 500 ha of degraded forest were
given to small groups of local people living below the poverty line under the leasehold forestry
programme.
Several studies have shown that the community and leasehold forestry programmes have met
with some notable successes in terms of improving the biophysical environment, uplifting rural livelihoods,
and institutional development, particularly in the Middle Hills where the programmes have been
extensively implemented (Collett et al., 1996; Pokharel 1997; Braney and Yadav, 1998; Jackson et al.,
1998; Sterk, 1998; Agrawal and Ostrom, 2001; Webb and Gautam, 2001; Gautam et al., 2002). Because
of these achievements, Nepal is now considered as one of the most progressive countries in the world
in terms of CBFM.
The widely hailed community forestry programme, however, has been subject to the highest level
of debate in recent years regarding the role of government agencies and local communities in the
1
Ph.D. Thesis (Ref. No. NR-02-03), Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand. December 2002.
Examination Committee - Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti (Chair), Dr. Edward L. Webb (Co-Chair), Dr. Apisit Eiumnoh, Dr. Michael
A. Zoebisch
151
implementation of the programme. One of the core issues stimulating this debate is whether the local
communities are capable of sustainable management of all the accessible forests in the country. If
not, what factors affect their success or failure? Despite substantial research on CBFM during the
last two decades, these critical questions remain largely unanswered.
In the above context, this study analysed: (1) the trends of changes in major land use/land cover
(hereafter called land use) in general and forests in particular in the study area from 1976 to 2000; (2)
patterns of changes in the landscape of the study area during the period, with special focus on forest
fragmentation; (3) the role of community-based institutions, along with some major ecological and
economic factors, in determining the observed trends of changes and present condition of forests in
the study area; and (4) factors influencing the institutional sustainability of community-based forest
governance. Changes in availability of major forest products to the user households, changes in the
level of soil erosion and flow of natural streams during the last two decades as perceived by the local
users, and the general
contribution of CBFM in the
overall development of the
watershed have also been
assessed. The main objective is
to assess the role of communitybased forestry institutions in
determining the status of
watershed forests and to explore
conditions influencing the success
of these institutions in sustainable
forest management.
Study area
The study was conducted in
Upper Roshi Watershed located
within Kabhrepalanchok District
(85.39º - 85.57º E, 27.54º - 27.70º
N) in the Middle Hills of Nepal
(Figure 1). The watershed covers
an area of 15 335 ha. The altitude
varies between 1 420 to 2 820
metres above sea level. The
climate is monsoonal with a dry
season normally lasting from
November to May and a rainy
season from June to October.
Microclimate varies considerably
with elevation and aspect. The
area is drained by three rivers
(the Punyamata, Bebar, and
Roshi) and their numerous Figure 1. Location of the Upper Roshi Watershed within
tributaries (Figure 2).
Kabhrepalanchok District, Nepal
152
Figure 2. Drainage and elevation in the Upper Roshi Watershed
The watershed can be divided into fertile, relatively flat valleys along the rivers and surrounding
uplands with medium to steep slopes. Forests are mostly confined to higher slopes and consist of both
natural mixed broadleaf forests as well as pine plantations. A single large block of natural forest in the
southern mountainous region represents around 50 percent of the total forest area of the watershed.
The rest of the forests are generally fragmented and scattered over the agricultural landscape. Many
of these lower elevation forests have been handed over to FUGs formed under the community forestry
programme of the government implemented in the area since 1978 with continuous support from the
Australian Government. According to the records available in local district forest offices, a total of 2
135 ha of public forest land in the watershed was being managed by 63 formally registered FUGs
consisting of 6 808 households under the community forestry programme by the end of 2000. Another
110 ha of degraded forest were managed by small groups of local people living below the poverty line
under the leasehold forestry programme. Some other forest patches were under the semi-government
type of governance arrangement. Semi-government forests, as defined in this study, include forested
areas that were legally under the authority of the district forest office but with de facto control and
claim of ownership by local communities and/or municipalities.
Methods
The study used a multiscale and interdisciplinary approach for data collection and analysis. The trends
of changes in forest cover and other major land uses between 1976 and 2000 and relationships between
forest cover change, major physiographical factors, accessibility, local economy, and governance
153
arrangements were analysed at the watershed level using remote sensing and geographic information
system (GIS) technologies. Three satellite images including a Landsat Multi-spectral Scanner image
from 1976, a Landsat Thematic Mapper image from 1989, and an Indian Remote Sensing image
(IRS-1C, LISS-III) from 2000 served as the main data sources in these analyses. Black-and-white
aerial photographs of 1: 50 000 scale and topographic maps of 1: 25 000 scale acquired from the
Survey Department, His Majesty’s Government of Nepal, were also used. The following six land-use
classes were considered in image classification: broadleaf forest, conifer forest, shrublands, grasslands,
lowland agriculture, and upland agriculture, plus others. Patterns of changes in patchiness and degree
of irregularity of different land-use plots were analysed by following a Shape Complexity Index (SCI)
approach suggested by Kammerbauer and Ardon (1999; see Gautam, 2000 for details).
The relationships between the biological conditions of eight selected forests within the watershed
and the physiographical and socio-economic factors and the governance arrangements were further
analysed at the individual site level using primary data collected following the International Forestry
Resources and Institution (IFRI) research methods (see IFRI, 2001 for details). Six of the selected
forests were community forests (forests managed by formally registered FUGs formed under the
community forestry and the leasehold forestry programmes of the government) and the remaining
two were semi-government forests. “Forest condition” in these analyses was represented by five
dependent variables including average diameter at breast height (DBH) of trees, average height of
trees, density of trees, density of saplings plus shrubs, and richness of plant species.
The effectiveness and sustainability of the community forest and the semi-government forest
governance systems were assessed based on their institutional robustness as evaluated using Ostrom’s
(1990) design principles as a theoretical and evaluative framework. These design principles characterize
the configuration of rules devised and used by long-enduring common pool resource institutions (Ostrom,
1990). The effects of the changes in forest condition on the availability of four essential forest products
(fuelwood, timber/poles, fodder, and leaf litter) for the user households, adaptation strategies of the
households to the changing availability of the forest products, and users’ perceptions of changes in
local environmental condition (level of soil erosion and changes in stream flow) were analysed using
primary data/information collected through semi-structured interviews with 106 household heads
selected randomly from 16 FUGs within the watershed.
Information on non-forestry development activities of the community FUGs was collected using
rapid rural appraisal techniques, including discussion in small groups and key-informant interviews,
and direct observations in the field. In addition to the spatial and non-spatial data collected using the
various methods discussed above, the research also made use of other secondary data/information
collected from various agencies and sources.
Results and discussion
Changes in land use and landscape
The results show that between 1976 and 2000, the forest area in the watershed increased while
grasslands and cultivated areas decreased. Shrublands decreased during the first half (1976-1989) of
the study period due to the heavy loss of this class to forest and agriculture but increased during the
second half (1989-2000) mainly at the expense of upland agriculture and high elevation forests
(Table 1; Figure 3).
154
Table 1. Areas under different land uses during the three periods and changes
Land-use class
Broadleaf forest
Conifer forest
Shrublands
Grasslands
Lowland agriculture
Upland agriculture and others
1976
1989
% change in land
use between
1976 and 2000
2000
Area
%
Area
%
4 771.4
567.9
1 318.9
471.6
1 578.0
6 627.4
31.1
3.7
8.6
3.1
10.3
43.2
4 967.1
819.0
711.3
236.5
2 023.3
6 578.0
32.4
5.3
4.6
1.5
13.2
42.9
Area
%
5 098.4
1 034.9
1 031.4
197.1
1 834.0
6 139.4
33.2
6.7
6.7
1.3
11.9
40.0
+6.8
+82.2
-21.8
-58.2
+16.2
-7.4
Figure 3. Land use in Upper Roshi Watershed in 1976, 1989, and 2000
Together with changes in spatial extent, there were distinct changes in the number and shape of
the land-use patches with a more than 50 percent decrease in the number of forest patches and
substantial increase in average patch area between 1976 and 2000 (13.5 ha vs. 35.0 ha). The significant
change in the number of patches and average patch area suggests merging of smaller patches due to
forest regeneration and/or plantation establishment on degraded sites previously separating two or
more forest patches. The result, however, indicates more irregular shapes of forest patches in the
latter periods as evidenced by higher deviation between actual SCI and optimal SCI (computed
assuming circular shapes of the forest plots) in latter periods compared to the earlier timeframe.
Further investigation on changes in forested area (forest plus shrublands) of the watershed revealed
that of the total 6 658 ha of forest and shrub area in 1976, 64.3 percent remained unchanged, 12.6
percent improved (shrublands in 1976 converted to forest in 2000), four percent deteriorated (forest
in 1976 converted to shrublands in 2000), and 19 percent lost to other use in 1976 and 2000. The high
loss of forested area to other use was, however, compensated by gain from other use and there was
an overall 7.6 percent net gain in forested area during the period.
155
Available evidence suggests that the following three main factors contributed to the observed
trends of changes in land usage. First, abandonment of many agricultural plots located on steep slopes
by farmers due to decreasing productivity and also due to labour shortage caused by the increasing
attraction of waged labour for men in Kathmandu and other places (Collett et al., 1996; Jackson et al.,
1998). Second, plantation establishment by the forest department and FUGs on degraded forest lands,
barren lands, and grasslands with external assistance that contributed to the increase in forest area.
Third, conversion of degraded forest and shrublands into forest after protection by local user groups
organized (both formally and informally) under the community forestry programme implemented by
the government since the late 1970s contributed to the increase in forest cover.
Relationships of forest cover change with physiography, accessibility, and local
economy
GIS-based analyses of the relationships revealed that forest dynamism from 1976 to 2000 was
higher in low-elevation, south-facing, and less steep slopes that were closer to the roads. Proportionately
highest net improvement and gain in forested area also took place in these locations. Forest degradation
was at least two times higher compared to improvement in high elevation areas (>2 300 m). Forests
located within municipal areas (market-oriented economy) experienced proportionately higher amounts
of net improvement and gain compared to the forests in the Village Development Committees
(subsistence economy).
The results from the site-specific studies indicate that: (1) slope steepness has a positive effect,
but elevation has negative effects on the condition of local forest patches; (2) stocking of trees and
saplings is better in warmer and drier slopes whereas moist and cooler slopes are more amenable to
higher species richness; (3) local economy did not play a significant role in determining the condition
of local forest patches.
Three factors, namely distance between forests and settlements, forest conservation, and
development activities of the district forest office and the communities, and changing patterns of
forest product consumption by some households in lowland areas (due to increasing availability of
alternatives) might have contributed to a higher level of forest dynamism in lower elevation areas.
The difference in the results between northern and southern aspects can be explained by the difference
in microclimatic conditions. The south-facing slopes are warmer and drier than northern slopes, which
makes them more suitable for settlement and for general agricultural use. The north slopes on the
other hand, are cooler and moist, where colonization of tree and shrub species is more evident (Jackson,
1994). The higher rate of forest dynamism on low slopes suggests an increase in human pressure on
the forests in these areas, resulting in a higher rate of forest deterioration and loss. However, the
forestation programmes and community involvement in forest management contributed to substantial
forest improvement and gain in these areas from non-forest uses.
Associations of forest cover change and present condition with governance
arrangements
Among the three governance arrangements, proportionately highest net improvement and gain in
forested area from 1976 to 2000 took place in semi-government forests. This was followed by formalized
community forests. The government forests, which are mostly confined to the southern high mountains
(comprising around 50 percent of the total forested area), and are virtually open access, remained
relatively stable during the study period (Table 2; Figure 4, 5).
156
Table 2. Percent changes in forested area under different governance arrangements from 1976 to 2000
Governance type
Community
Semi-government
Government
Percent of forested area in 1976
Forested
area in
1976 (ha)
Unchanged
in 2000
Improved
in 2000
1 516.1
327.9
3 433.6
62.3
45.3
82.7
28.4
37.5
5.4
Deteriorated
Lost to
Gained
in 2000
other uses from other
in 2000 uses in 2000
2.1
0.9
3.7
7.2
16.2
8.2
28.8
39.3
10.7
Figure 4. Location and extent of the forests under different governance arrangements (2001) in the
Upper Roshi Watershed
157
Figure 5. Location and extent of changes in the forested area of Upper Roshi Watershed between
1976 and 2000
The above findings indicate that legal transfer of resource ownership is not an important
precondition for successful forest conservation at the local level if the collective efforts of local users
have received informal recognition by the concerned government authorities. The results also indicate
that a joint effort by local forest users and local agencies improves the prospects for successful forest
conservation at the local level, particularly in urban and semi-urban areas. The relatively stable condition
of the government forests during the study period can be explained by their general remoteness, being
far from settlements and having a lower level of extraction pressure compared to other forests, rather
than effective monitoring or enforcement by the forestry staff.
One of the noteworthy findings of the GIS-based analysis is that the community forestry programme
was unable to cover over 50 percent of the forested area, located mostly in the southern high mountains.
This remains the case even after more than two decades of external interventions to implement
CBFM with favourable policy and continuous donor support.
Analysis of the relationship between forest governance arrangements and the biological conditions
of the selected eight forests within the watershed show that the average richness of plant species and
the average number of saplings plus shrubs per plot were significantly higher in the group of community
forests compared to the semi-government forests. The group of community forests also had higher
average diameter and density of trees per plot compared to the semi-government forests although
these differences were not statistically significant. The average height of the trees was similar in the
two groups of forests (Table 3). These findings, which indicate relatively better biological conditions
158
of the formalized community forests compared to the semi-government forests, do not fully match
with the findings of the watershed level analysis of the relationships between governance and forest
conditions presented above.
Table 3. Mean values and significance of difference (2-tailed, 0.05 level) in mean values of dependent
variables for community and semi-government forest plots
Dependent variable
DBH of trees (cm)
Height of trees (m)
Number of trees
Number of saplings plus shrubs
Number of species
Community
(N=161)
Semi-government
(N=70)
P value
Stat. test
15.1
8.0
12.1
8.5
11.7
14.8
8.1
11.9
6.3
10.4
.490
.961
.886
.018
.006
t
t
t
Mann-Whitney
t
Sustainability of local forest governance
The findings, based on the comparison of two forest sites located in similar socio-economic and
ecological conditions but with different governance arrangements, indicated the relative superiority of
local forest-governing institutions in the community forest site compared to the site under the semigovernment governance arrangement.
Changes in availability of major forest products
The ease with which the four main forest products, namely fuelwood, timber/poles, fodder, and leaf
litter, were available to the households in 2001 and 20 years earlier varied with the type of product.
The respondents perceived that the availability of leaf litter and fuelwood increased significantly
(Wilcoxon Signed Ranks test, p = .000 and .018 respectively) at present compared to the availability
20 years earlier while the availability of fodder decreased significantly during the same period.
Availability of timber and poles increased only marginally at present compared to the availability 20
years earlier.
Even for products that have been increasingly available to the households over the last 20 years,
there were large differences between supply of the products from forests and household subsistence
requirements. The majority (70 percent) of the respondents said that the quantity of fuelwood available
was insufficient to meet their household needs and 46 percent said leaf litter was insufficient for
them. For the majority of the respondents who could not fulfill their household needs from the community
forest, private land was the most important alternative source for fulfilling the deficit in forest products.
The results also indicate that: (1) most of the FUGs have adopted a passive (i.e. protectionoriented) approach to forest management, which has affected product availability to the households;
(2) the level of soil erosion increased over the last 20 years because of increased agricultural
intensification and village road construction; and (3) flow in natural streams has remained largely
stable during the period.
Community-based forest management and watershed development
The findings shows that around 40 percent of the existing community FUGs in the watershed had
implemented or supported one or more types of non-forestry local development activities in their area
by 2001 with or without external support. This indicates that the FUGs are gaining an increased level
159
of social and institutional recognition as agents for overall local development. One of the important
factors leading to these achievements could be the non-political nature and consensus-seeking approach
of the FUGs in the decision-making process. Prospects for more meaningful contributions from the
FUGs in future will depend on the approach of forest management they adopt and cooperation from
relevant agencies.
Conclusions and policy implications
The findings of this study show a continuous gain in forest area and improvement in the biological
condition of the community-managed forests after the implementation of CBFM programmes; this
signifies a positive outcome of the combined long-term efforts of forest conservation and development
by local communities, the forest department, and the donor agency. The government’s recognition of
local FUGs’ rights to craft their own institutions to govern forests and trust in them to manage and use
forests under their control also illustrates a positive development in the institutional front of communitybased forest governance. As the study area is reasonably representative of the Middle Hills, the
findings of this study provide some evidence of ecological and institutional sustainability of the
community-based forest governance in the Middle Hills of Nepal. The results can thus be taken as
evidence of the relative superiority of community-based forest governance compared to complete
government control of the resource.
The community forestry and leasehold forestry programmes, however, were unsuccessful at
reaching more than 50 percent of the total forest area, most of which was located in the southern high
mountains. This happened despite strong policy support and the clear priority of the government to
these programmes over government management and continuous donor support for the implementation
of the community forestry programme. The results thus point towards some limitations of the present
models of CBFM systems as the sole resource management alternatives for all the accessible forests
in the Middle Hills as envisaged by the Master Plan for the Forestry Sector (HMGN/ADB/FINNIDA,
1989).
The finding that forest regeneration was higher in the group of semi-government forests compared
to the community forests indicates less importance of legal transfer of resource ownership for successful
forest conservation at the local level when the collective efforts of local users and their de facto rules
have received informal recognition by the concerned government authorities. As the local municipalities
were helping the local informal user groups in the conservation of most of the semi-government
forests, the findings of this study also indicate that a joint effort by FUGs and local agencies improves
the prospects for successful forest conservation at the local level particularly in urban and semi-urban
areas. This conclusion is based on the assumption that the initial conditions (at the commencement of
community-based management) of the community and semi-government forests included in this study
were similar.
The results of this study show that the community forests were not able to meet a substantial
proportion of the users’ forestry-related household requirements, particularly for fodder and timber,
despite a general improvement in forest condition over the last few decades. One of the reasons
leading to this situation was a passive (i.e. protection-oriented) approach adopted by most of the
FUGs in the management of community forests. Private sources of forest products were making a
substantial contribution to the rural livelihoods of community and leasehold forests users by filling out
the deficits in supply of forest products. A change from the present passive forest management to
active management (development and sustainable use) may also increase financial resources for the
implementation of rural development activities by local FUGs in addition to increased supply of products
to the users.
160
The findings of this research have the following major implications for designing or improving
forest policy and management strategies: (1) the community-based approach is better and thus should
have preference over the traditional top-down approach of resource governance; (2) recognition and
incorporation of local institutions in the formulation of forest and watershed management policies are
crucial for the success of community-based management; and (3) the present “one size fits all”
approach of the community forest handover policy in Nepal needs rethinking to accommodate
biophysical and socio-economic variations across the country.
Acknowledgements
The research was financially supported by Danida through a doctoral research grant under the Integrated
Watershed Development and Management Program of the Asian Institute of Technology, and
ANUTECH Pty Ltd., Australia via the Nepal Australia Community Resource Management Project,
Kathmandu. I thank the Center for the Study of Institutions, Population, and Environmental Change at
Indiana University for sharing Landsat satellite images of 1976 and 1989.
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162
IMPACT OF COMMUNITY FORESTRY IN THE MIDDLE HILLS OF NEPAL:
A CASE STUDY OF TINAU WATERSHED
Vijay Singh Shrestha1
Introduction
Forests are one of the most valuable natural resources of Nepal, which are directly related to the
livelihoods of the hill people. The natural forest area occupies 6.28 million ha, or 39.6 percent of the
landmass of the country (FRISP, 1999). The distribution of forests in the Middle Hills is 1.8 million ha
(34.6 percent); 90 percent of the rural population depends on the forests for daily needs such as
fuelwood, fodder, wood fibre, timber and medicine. Due to climatic variation and variation in the
topography across the country, a wide range of forests varying from tropical to alpine is found.
Nepalese forests have gradually become depleted over the past few decades as the government
could not manage them properly and their state has continued to deteriorate. The government thereafter
realized that unless local people became stakeholders in forest management, the government alone
would be helpless. In this context, forest management was entrusted to a local political body, the
village Panchayat in 1978. The Master Plan for the Forestry Sector proposed the concept of the
Community Forest User Group (C-FUG) in 1989.
Many training programmes are being conducted for staff, user groups, local leaders, teachers
and women to support and develop the community forest (CF) programme. Post formation support is
being provided to C-FUGs to strengthen their capacities for the management of CFs. Forest policy,
the Forest Act of 1993 and a by-law in 1995 have favoured the development of a CF programme. In
the CF programme, the C-FUG makes all the decisions. The government staff provide support to CFUGs as advisors, facilitators and motivators. As a result, the numbers of C-FUGs have been increasing
every year. Sustainable CF management is feasible by C-FUGs if the management of CF fulfills their
needs.
High rates of deforestation and conversion of forest for cropping and other purposes seriously
affect the supply of forest products to local people. The problem increased at an alarming rate due to
the unwise forest policy of the government in the past. The government imposed strict rules and
regulations to protect and manage forests, keeping the local people away from the forest area. Many
development activities like infrastructure development (especially roads, canals, power lines, educational
facilities, etc.) were being carried out in the watershed area at the expense of natural forests by ad
hoc government decisions, though the government’s standing decision stated that no watershed forest
land would be allowed a land-use change. The depletion of the forest resources not only affected the
availability of basic forest products, but also had other adverse impacts on watersheds and environments
(Easter et al., 1991).
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti (Chair), Dr. Apisit Eiumnoh, Dr. Bernadette Resurreccion
219
Later the government realized that forest resources could not be managed alone without people’s
active participation. Thus the government started to transfer all accessible forest to local people in
collaboration with the District Forest Office (DFO) (Bhatia, 1995). Many C-FUGs are now protecting,
managing and utilizing forest plots. This is reflected in the objectives of CF formulated by the Master
Plan for the Forestry Sector (MPFS), 1988.
Nepal has been a pioneer country in this region by involving local people in the protection;
management and utilization of forest resources. Policy-makers acknowledge the importance of women
in CF activities. C-FUGs, especially women, are encouraged and involved in programme planning,
implementation and decision making in community-based forest management. Under the CF
programme, about 7 65 124 hectares (12.1 percent) of the forested area have been handed over and
are now being managed by local communities through 10 128 registered C-FUGs in which 11 03 693
households (28.72 percent) are involved in the development and management of CFs (CPFD Database,
2001). The general perception of the government about CF is that it is a successful programme for
the management of forest resources. Sources of information are mainly based on the periodic progress
reports of District Forest Officers. The main objective of this study is to evaluate the impact of CF
practices implemented in the Middle Hills of Nepal.
The study area
Palpa District was chosen for research in the Middle Hills of Nepal (Figure 1). There are four CFUGs: two from the Village Development Committees (VDCs) and two from the Municipality were
sampled for case studies. They cover an area of 1 36 592 ha of which 39.47 percent is forest (DADO,
Palpa Report, 1996). Several district points are well connected by (fair weather) roads. The main
objective of this research in the Tinau Watershed is to evaluate the basic reasons for making the CFUGs a social foundation for participatory CF development. A reasonable time period, necessary for
studying impact/effectiveness, has already elapsed since implementation. The study area is adjoined
by land undergoing urbanization; this has generated forest land changes and a higher demand for
forest products.
Geology, soil and topography
The middle mountain ranges to the north are composed of limestone, cholamite, schist, and sandstone.
The soil of this range is poor with a less fertile index, medium pH, and low organic matter content.
Red soil dominates in the district (DFO, 1999). The steep southern Himalayan ranges running east to
west characterize the topography. The elevation of the district ranges from 152 to 1 936 metres above
mean sea level.
Climate
The annual rainfall varies from 1 000 to 2 000 mm; the average rainfall is 1 903 mm/year (Nepal
District Profile, 1999). The monsoon starts from June.
Most precipitation occurs from June to September. The maximum temperature in summer can
exceed 29.9º Celsius (May) and in winter it plummets to 6.8º Celsius in January (CBS, 1999).
220
Figure 1. Map of the study area
221
Land use
There are 53 906 ha (39.47 percent) of forest lands and 17 264 ha (12.64 percent) of bush forest in
the district; pastureland occupies 6 998 ha (5.12 percent) of the area (Table 1). About 50 percent of
the total area is occupied by shrubs and forest and only about 37 percent of the land is useful for
agriculture; of this, 78.5 percent of the land is on sloping terrain and 21.5 percent of the land is flat
terrain. Around 37 percent of the total land is under agriculture and the average land-holding is around
1 ha.
Table 1. Land-use pattern of Palpa District
SN
Land-use pattern
Area in ha
1
2
3
4
5
Cultivated land
Forest land
Pastureland
Bush forest
Residential area and others
Total
57 172
53 906
6 998
17 264
1 252
1 36 592
Percentage
41.86
39.47
5.12
12.45
1.10
100
Source: DADO (1996) and FRISP (1999)
Demography
There are 41 864 households and the annual growth rate is 1 percent per annum. The majority of
indigenous groups comprise the Magars followed numerically by Brahmins and Chhetris. There is a
small group of Newars and occupational castes such as Sarki, Damai, Majhi and Kami. Around 48
percent of the people of Palpa are literate — 35 percent female literacy and 64 percent male literacy
(DDC, 2000).
Forestry resources
There are 53 906 ha (39.47 percent) of forest land and 17 267 ha (12.64 percent) of bush forest
where the forest cover is 52 percent of the total area of Palpa (71 170 ha). Eighteen percent of the
forest is well stocked, 59 percent is moderately stocked and 23 percent is poorly stocked (FRISP,
1999). Human activities, livestock grazing and fires regularly affect regeneration. The dominant tree
species is Sal found at elevations below 1 100 m. The main species are Katus and Chilaune; Laligurans
(Rhododendron arborium) predominates in some parts.
CF management activities
After a reshuffle of the Department of Forest, the area came under the authority of the DFO Palpa.
Since 1981, the Tinau Watershed Project, later renamed the Palpa Development Project (PDP), has
been controlling and carrying out the main conservation and development activities in the district.
Helvetas is coordinating the funding on behalf of GTZ and the District Development Committee is the
coordinating agency for the government. The Danish Government has supported the programme
from 1999 through the Natural Resource Sector Assistance Program “NARMSAP”, to date.
222
Training and extension activities
Most of the training and extension programme was organized by the DFO at field levels. In the
beginning, CF introductory workshops (461) were organized for C-FUGs in order to learn about CF
whereas management training (802) was carried out after handing over the forest to the users. There
were many study tours for C-FUGs, within and outside the district in order to share experiences and
understand the inner and outer situations of CF. According to the Forest Act and by-laws, the DFO
organized an income generation training programme for the C-FUGs. Altogether 118 local people
were trained in the income generation training to support their programme.
Outcome and discussion
Tree density
Tree density is defined as the number of trees present per unit area. Therefore, density was calculated
to learn the total number of different tree species with different diameter classes. The total number of
trees was higher in Mul Gaira and lower in the Barangdi Kohal CF.
Basal area, average height and tree volume
The basal area of trees covered at breast height, was calculated in square metres using the formula,
BA(m 2 ) = π ×
(d ) ×
2
4
1
10000
Where
BA = Basal Area in m2
p = 3.14, d = Diameter in cm.
(BA = Basal Area and dbh (diameter at breast height)
The average tree heights of Mul Gaira, Barangdi Kohal, Chailani Gaira, and Kaji Pauwa CFs
were 10, 9, 7 and 6 m respectively. The study showed that there were significant changes taking
place in forests after handover to C-FUGs. Trees are gradually increasing particularly in relation to
the number and growth of young stems. However, the findings do show a significant increase in stem
(5-10 cm) dbh for more forest types and also basal area in forests, which were initially in a poor state.
Tree volume was calculated using the formula below in order to estimate stem volume from
average height, basal area, and form factor. According to Jerram (1939), form factor should be
multiplied with basal area and average height to get the actual volume of the tree.
V = BA x AH x FF
Where,
V = Volume (in m3 ), BA = Basal Area (m2 ), AV = Average Height (m), FF = Form Factor (0.5)
223
As volume is correlated with the basal area, the trends are very similar. Therefore, it was noted
that the highest volume of wood occurred in Mul Gaira and the lowest was found in Kaji Pauwa CF
of the study areas.
Natural regeneration
According to Jackson et al. (1996), tree species that are less than 2 m high such as seedlings, saplings
or coppice re-growth generally fall under the term “regeneration”. The Kaji Pauwa users have
protected the forest for 10 years, Barangdi Kohal users for 13 years, Chailani Gaira users for 22
years, and Mul Gaira users for 37 years. Significant trends in forest protection and management have
been identified where there was a significant difference in the level of grazing between community
and government forest.
CFs have not only prevented a further reduction of forest in the protected areas, but also enhanced
substantial regeneration (Chakraborty, 2001). According to the Rai et al. (1998) criteria of regeneration,
Barangdi Kohal CF was higher at 51 percent and Kaji Pauwa was much lower at 2 percent
regeneration.
Species composition
In most places, only the degraded natural forests had been handed over to the C-FUGs, as there was
an informal rule within the forest administration not to hand over well-stocked forests. The main
dominant species found are Shorea robusta with other species like Castonopsis indica, Schima
wallichai, Eugenia jambolana, Terminalia alata, Delbergia sissoo, Bombex cieba and Cedrela
tooni.
Canopy cover
The C-FUGs have given much emphasis to protection and regeneration. Usage is very restrictive and
the permitted uses are aimed to minimize interference with the growth of trees and shrubs. There is
very little harvesting of green wood, which takes place in the form of pruning of branches for fuelwood
and also singling and thinning. A visual inspection was carried out in each sample plot to judge the
crown cover. The canopy cover differed in four study areas. The crown cover in Mul Gaira was >75
percent (Good), Barangdi Kohal 50-75 percent (Moderate), Chailani Gaira 25-50 percent (Fair) and
Kaji Pauwa <25 percent (Poor). The average crown cover range was estimated to be moderate and
between 50-75 percent.
CF condition
There have been gradual changes in forest conditions after the transfer of forest to local people in the
study areas. According to the criteria of Rai and Beek (1998), the forest conditions are fairly good
except for Kaji Pauwa (Table 2).
224
Table 2. Classification of forest condition of the study area
Items
Name of C-FUG
Municipality
Kaji Pauwa
Stem volume
Regeneration
Crown cover
Forest condition
3
68 m
Poor
Sparse (<25%)
Poor
VDC
Chailani Gaira
3
92 m
Good
Moderate (50-74%)
Fair
Barangdi Kohal
3
115 m
Very good
Moderate (50-75%)
Fair
Mul Gaira
189 m 3
Good
Good (>75%)
Good
Requirements for forest resources
The average daily demand in the households (HH) of the four CFs for fodder was 15.1 kg/HH/day
and for fuelwood 15 kg/HH/day; the daily requirement for fodder (15.9 kg/HH/day) and fuelwood
(22.0 kg/HH/day) was much larger in Mul Gaira CF. The average timber and leaf litter requirements
throughout the CF area were 43.7 ft3 /HH/yr and 13.1 kg/HH/day respectively. The leaf litter
requirement (16.3 kg/HH/day) was higher in the Chailani Gaira study area. Likewise, fuelwood ranged
from 11 to 22 kg. The consumption of fodder and fuelwood depends upon the number of family
members in households and the number of livestock. Comparatively, the use of fuelwood was higher
in Mul Gaira, where most of the users had some private forest in order to supplement fuelwood,
fodder, and leaf litter.
Management experiences in CF
The main objective of forest management is to protect, manage, and utilize forest resources to fulfill
the minimum basic needs of local people such as fuelwood and fodder for household consumption. CF
management is a procedure where C-FUGs arrange their activities in order to conserve the forest to
maximize benefits. An operational plan (OP) is prepared with the help of forestry technicians, indicating
forest management activities, and dividing the forest into compartments in order to facilitate management
practices.
Selective felling system
The system in which dead, dying, or diseased mature trees are removed from the forest either in a
group or on a individual basis is known as selective felling (Jerram, 1939). In the C-FUG’s OP they
harvest up to 1-3 over-mature trees each year on a rotational basis from each compartment. Basically,
felling of any kind of tree depends upon users’ needs. The trees are harvested when users require
timber to build a new or maintain their old houses.
Singling
The main aim of this operation is to reduce the number of stems from the stump. The single best
growing sapling in each stump is maintained according to the management prescription of the OP in
the study sites. Generally, this operation is carried out for Shorea robusta, Schima wallichi, and
Castonopsis indica species on a rotational basis that provides fuelwood and fodder to the users.
225
Thinning
Unwanted species with closed canopies are removed in order to create gaps as well as to reduce
competition for light, water, and nutrients in the forests. In addition, diseased, dying, and dead trees
are also removed from a pole stage forest. This is quite useful and these operations provide fuelwood,
fodder, poles, and material for agricultural and household implements while managing the forest for
timber use in the future (Jerram, 1939).
Pruning
Pruning is generally carried out in each of the CFs. The main aim is to reduce knots in the wood in
order to supply good quality timber in the future. Pruning means cutting of tree branches, which is
done along with the singling and thinning operations each year in the corresponding compartments.
This operation mainly provides fodder and twigs. Pruning also reduces competition between saplings
and shrubs and makes the forest healthy and wealthy.
Weeding and cleaning
The main objective is to remove ferns, shrubs, and unwanted species to make compost. In the plantation,
grasses and other species around seedlings are removed.
Plantation
Enrichment and private plantations are the main activities of the C-FUGs when they get seedlings
from the DFO and technical help from local forestry technicians. Among the four C-FUGs, most of
the households plant seedlings on their own private land.
Soil conservation and agroforestry
The Barangdi Kohal users plant grasses such as Amliso, Setaria, and Napier to control soil erosion
in erosion-prone areas, including riverbanks. In such areas, felling of trees and grazing is strictly
prohibited. Most of the riverine areas of Barangdi Kohal CF plant Delbergia sissoo and also pear
trees to increase income.
Promotion of natural regeneration
In most of the study areas, regenerated seedlings of Shorea robusta, Schima wallichi, and
Castonopsis indica had vigorously increased, mainly due to controlled grazing in the CF areas. It is
quite important to protect the young pole forest and special attention has been paid to promoting
natural regeneration. Most of the CF area’s natural regeneration of Shorea robusta was good compared
to other species.
Fire management
Forest fires are a threat during summer. Thus C-FUGs have made fire-breaks inside the forests to
control fires. C-FUG activities like fire-break construction, weeding, cleaning (dry twigs), and
distribution of extension materials as well as conducting workshops are also organized to create
awareness about fire hazards.
226
Management of grazing
Open grazing is not allowed inside the CF. This has been effective in improving the forest condition
since CF management was transferred to local users. It is available for C-FUG members at certain
times and periods on a rotational basis.
CF contribution to the socio-economic dimension
Socio-economic attributes reflect the living status of the local people as well as interrelationships with
CF in the study area. However, the status of CF depends upon the indicators of socio-economic
attributes.
Socio-demographic characteristics
Respondents’ age structure, educational level, ethnicity, gender, occupational structures, livestock and
land-holdings were considered as relevant. The majority of the respondents (>50 percent) were in the
economically active and energetic age group (16-50 years) whereas 12.9 percent were under five
years and some were in the senior category. The 16-35 age group (26 percent) has influence and
mixed opinions on the protection and progress of their natural resources. A greater percentage of the
respondents’ families (82.2 percent) were functionally literate where as 17.8 percent were illiterate.
Only 38.8 percent of the respondents had college education. The C-FUG Chairperson, Secretary, and
Treasurer were more educated than other C-FUG members. Most of the forest users were farmers,
about 24 percent of the respondents, and engaged in agriculture. Most of the users reported business
and trading to be their main occupation; only 20.7 percent depended upon government and nongovernment services, 18.2 percent earned wages from labour, and 23.7 percent were students.
Meanwhile, those in service had a higher social status than others in the villages as they had influence
in the protection and conservation of community forests.
Land property and tenure system
Most of the respondents (90.8 percent) had their own land (Table 3). Most of the farmers were
landless or mid-level farmers who had very little private forest to provide fuelwood for cooking,
timber for shelter and fodder, grass, and leaf litter for bedding material for their livestock. So, the bulk
of the respondents were farmers who need forest products for their livelihoods.
Table 3. Respondents’ land-holdings
Private
land-holding
Yes
No
Total
Kaji Pauwa
28 (93.3)
2 (6.7)
30 (100)
Frequency of responses from the C-FUGs
Chailani Gaira
Barangdi Kohal
Mul Gaira
25 (83.3)
5 (16.7)
30 (100)
27 (90.0)
3 (10.0)
30 (100)
29 (96.7)
1 (3.3)
30 (100)
Source: Field Survey (2001) (Numbers in parentheses are the percentage of column total)
227
Total
109 (90.8)
11 (9.2)
120 (100)
11.7 percent of the farmers borrowed land from bigger farmers to supply enough food for the
household. Land was also leased to the middle and landless farmers by bigger farmers. In some
places, people were not interested in leasing land to others because of tenure rights in the future.
Therefore, most of the lands of the bigger farmers were uncultivated in the study area.
Livestock
Large numbers of livestock need plenty of grass and fodder; this governs herd sizes that range from
1 to 8 head. There is considerable variation in the four C-FUGs. The average number of livestock
units was 7.7, with a maximum of 10.2 in Kaji Pauwa and a minimum of 6.5 in Mul Gaira. Goats were
the most commonly raised animals. The farmers sell milk and live goats at the market place, which
makes a substantial contribution to the household revenue of the respondents. Comparatively, livestock
units are higher in the Municipality (242) than the VDC (175) areas. By and large Hindus had more
livestock and feeding of the livestock depended upon grazing in the forest. Livestock manure is used
as organic fertilizer to enhance soil productivity in the farming systems in the study area. Livestock
also provide draught power for ploughing. Consequently, some of the farmers have their own private
forests to cater to their livestock needs.
Women and children are responsible for gathering fodder, grass and bedding materials. Insufficient
grazing area as well as lack of grass and fodder constrains the efficient collection of fodder for
regular use. Moreover, the CF area is completely closed to grazing and has adopted stall-feeding
instead; 52.5 percent of the C-FUG households have enough food supply for the entire year. Mul
Gaira CF users have greater food supply for the whole year because they have more land. The
Chailani Gaira and Barangdi Kohal CFs have less land. Generally, local people are reluctant to provide
information on income.
Energy utilization
The C-FUG management committees are very responsive to the basic needs, mentioned earlier, of
the local users. Fuelwood is used primarily for cooking, heating, and lighting in the study area. Much
fodder is collected in Chailani Gaira, whereas Barangdi Kohal needs more fuelwood and non-timber
forest products (NTFPs) and Kaji Pauwa requires more timber and leaf litter. As the population
increases each year, total energy utilization also increases. Users enter the forest mainly to collect
fuelwood. The types of fuelwood are more diverse in Chailani Gaira (twigs and dead branches, dead
stem wood as well as small green branches).
The frequency of forest product collection varies among the villages. The average maximum
time for fodder, fuelwood, and leaf litter collection has decreased from 1.5 to 1 hour. Thus forests are
being conserved and managed properly and the transfer of responsibilities from the government to the
people has been successful. Generally, forests are open all year but most local users use the forest
from December to February. The CF OP, prepared with assistance from forestry technician and
approval from the DFO, does not allow CF utilization all year. So, CFs are open in certain months of
the year for utilization of forest products. People collect forest products from CFs during open months
and keep reserves for remaining months. The major sources of forest products were either government
forest or private forest.
228
Users’ perceptions and participation in CF management
Participation is now being increasingly perceived as a process of development (Oakley and Marsden,
1984). Participation includes people’s involvement in the CF programme planning, in implementing
programmes, in decision-making processes, in sharing benefits of the development programme, and
efforts to evaluate or judge such programmes.
Users’ perceptions on CF
A short-term perspective compares changes after the CF has been established. The long-term
perspective deals with empowering local people so that they can take collective action in the forest to
fulfill their minimum basic needs. The impact of the CF programme was discussed with the users who
were questioned about the CF management programme and the previous programme (Table 4).
Table 4. Perceptions of the CF programme compared to the previous system
Items
Kaji Pauwa
Better than previous system
Worse than previous system
There is no difference
Total
28(93.3)
0
2(6.7)
30(100)
Frequency of responses from C-FUGs
Chailani Gaira
Barangdi Kohal
Mul Gaira
27(90)
1(3.3)
2(6.7)
30(100)
24(80)
1(3.3)
5(16.7)
30(100)
27(90)
1(3.3)
2(6.7)
30(100)
Total
106(88.3)
3(2.5)
11(9.2)
120(100)
Source: Field Survey (2001) (numbers in parentheses are the percentages of column totals)
The CF programme was perceived to be better than the previous system in Kaji Pauwa, Chailani
Gaira, Barangdi Kohal, and Mul Gaira by 93.3 percent, 90 percent, 80 percent and 90 percent of the
respondents respectively (Table 5).
229
Table 5. Users’ perceptions of the CF programme (recent changes in forest management)
Users’ opinion on CF management
Positive
Negative
Now there is transparency regarding activities carried out by the
forest users as well as by management
After change, C-FUGs are careless and
have not worked immaculately
Previously, local people were required to travel far to obtain
permits; now they can get permits from their C-FUGs.
This facilitates getting forest products for minimum basic needs
After change of the C-FUG committee,
the majority of ethnic groups such as
Brahmin and Chhetri afford minority
castes a less active role
The CF is protected by local forest users
People are not allowed to graze
livestock inside the CF
Permits can be obtained in our village through our own
working bodies
Cannot obtain forest products
according to requirements
Previously, felling was irrational and the forest was under
forest watchers ’ control; now C-FUGs make the decision
easier but DFO directives are necessary on certain matters
Concept of CF is not fully developed
so need more training and study visits
The products are distributed equally, far better than previously.
The forest condition has improved after transfer to local people
The DFO has banned tree felling by CFUGs; impracticability for getting
permission to carry out management
work according to the CF OP
Intensive silviculture management is being conducted; as
a result shrubland and timber stands have improved
Women and disadvantaged groups
need more involvement from the
beginning
Illicit felling has stopped. Forest accessibility has improved
Regular follow-up by the DFO and
users is necessary
State of forest protection
The score for the state of forest protection of all C-FUGs was between good and very good. This is
indicative of the users’ expectations from CF and their participation. Almost all the respondents said
that the forest state had improved. Mul Gaira respondents had more knowledge about training and
had participated and visited more different places compared to other CF users.
Responsibilities in forest development and management
Very few respondents expressed their support for CF based on reciprocal benefits. Responses regarding
support from the DFO as well as from field staff varied significantly in different C-FUGs. More than
77 percent of the respondents considered that the local community was the best possible agency for
CF development and management. Many respondents said that they were satisfied with the CF after
its transfer to the local community, mainly because of the complete protection of forests by block
management. Other CF users echoed similar feelings. Over 53.2 percent of respondents indicated
that the major role of users in forest development would be protection and utilization.
230
Future of the CF programme
The future of the CF programme basically depends upon the state of the forest as well as the devotion
and dedication of users in the participatory management process. Table 6 shows that most (82 percent)
of the respondents are determined that the CF programme will continue without major problems even
though external support has stopped. Very few (17 percent) were unsure or thought that it could not
continue without external support.
Table 6. Perception of CF programme continuity without future external support
Items
Kaji Pauwa
Programme will continue with
external support
Cannot continue with external
support
Do not know
Total
Chailani Gaira
Barangdi Kohal Mul Gaira
Total
22(82)
21(81)
18(69)
28(96)
89(82)
2(7)
3(11)
5(19)
0
10(9)
3(11)
27(100)
2(8)
26(100)
3(12)
26(100)
1(4)
29(100)
9(8)
108(100)
Source: Field Survey (2001) (numbers in parentheses are the percentages of column totals)
Users’ perceptions on committee performance
Participation in the C-FUC executive meeting
This focused on how many members of the executive committee participated on a regular basis.
Altogether 171 meetings were officially organized; more meetings were held in Mul Gaira than
elsewhere. The overall participation at the executive meeting was 80 percent for men and 20 percent
for women.
Users’ perceptions of committee performance
The committee is supposed to implement the CF OP according to local community needs. The CFUG allocates some power to the executive committee to implement the OP and to assist local people
without disturbing the forests. Overall, respondents gave average and good ratings to the Community
Forest User Executive Committee (C-FUC) performance.
Users’ participation in CF management
People’s participation in CF protection, development, and utilization is the major objective of CF.
Participation was directly related to skills as well as knowledge-based training and extension, and
observation visits. Most of the users involved in the forest protection and conservation work had also
participated in the training and extension programme, which was organized by the DFOs.
People’s participation in the assemblies was high, and local C-FUGs attended them regularly.
Participation in CF implementation implies contribution in the form of money, labour, suggestions, and
information. Notably, local people’s involvement was good. At least 43.3 percent of the respondents
were involved in decision making (Mul Gaira CF had more involvement in decision making than
others).
231
CF helps to build institutional capacity
Institutional capacity building is a crucial aspect of group work. The concept of the C-FUG was
introduced under conditions of ownership and user-rights in the CF programme. In the context of CFUGs, institutional capacity building involves appropriate protection, conservation, and utilization as
well as regular attendance at committees and assemblies, record keeping, and financial management.
Initially, the C-FUGs should be registered in the DFO.
Kaji Pauwa C-FUG, Tansen Municipality
This CF is located within Tansen Municipality Ward Number 11 in the southern part of Palpa District.
The forest was dense and of good quality before 1963. However, forest destruction started after the
opening of the Siddarth Rajmarg road to Pokhara. The people from Kaji Pauwa appointed one forest
watcher for the protection and management of forest resources via indigenous management. The
forest was formally handed over to local people in 1998. A committee was formed before the DFO
handed over the forest to the local people. Local people protect and manage their CF on a rotational
basis.
The main objectives for CF development and management are: 1) to develop the forest for the
fuelwood, fodder, leaf litter, and timber needs of the local people; 2) to develop the forest for ecotourism;
3) to conserve the forest for income generation activities and 4) to raise local people’s awareness on
the protection and management of forest resources. The forest is divided into four blocks, and all the
forest users are asked to prepare and collect one Bhari (20-25 kg) of fuelwood.
Chailani Gaira C-FUG, Tansen Municipality
This forest is located quite near the Tansen Municipality Ward Number 14 of eastern Palpa. Residents
of this ward have been the traditional users of the forest. Forest destruction began after 1988. The
main cause of deforestation was increasing population pressure on forest resources. Local people
from adjoining villages also started to use the forest resources for household consumption as well as
for livestock management. Tansen municipality appointed one forest guard for the protection of the
forest. This very devoted forest watcher, actively supported by his family, carries out the protection of
forest. The local people are quite aware of the consequences of deforestation and have been planning
and managing the forest with the following major objectives: 1) to fulfill the growing demands for
fuelwood, fodder, timber, and leaf litter; 2) to restore the forest and its ecology to its former pristine
state and 3) to conserve wildlife, water sources, and improve forest productivity. The forest is divided
into six blocks, where rotational grazing and a fuelwood collection system have been established. One
household member is allowed to harvest fodder and fuelwood from the forest.
Mul Gaira C-FUG, Madan Pokhara VDC
This CF is located in the centre of Tansen Municipality in Madan Pokhara VDC. The residents
(Madan Pokhara VDC-9) have been the traditional users of the forest. Deforestation is mainly due to
heavy population pressure; the forest condition has become poor and soil erosion problems have
surfaced. In 1986, a forest protection committee was established, under a management plan jointly
developed by the villagers and a Ranger; it was converted into the Mul Gaira C-FUG in 1989. Presently,
there are 88 households involved in forest conservation activities. The legal OP was prepared jointly
by the C-FUG ad hoc committee and the DFO in 1989. The major objectives of forest management
are: 1) to fulfill the local needs for fuelwood, fodder, bedding materials; 2) to control landslides and soil
232
erosion; 3) to protect water sources; 4) to ensure timber needs for the future; 5) to restore the forest
and its ecology to its former pristine state and 6) to conserve wildlife and improve forest productivity.
Barangdi Kohal C-FUG, Madan Pokhara VDC
This CF is located in the eastern sector of the Tansen bazaar in Madan Pokhara VDC. There are 66
households and 390 family members involved in Barangdi Kohal Ward Number 7. The present area
of 9.47 ha was handed over to the C-FUG by the DFO. Barangdi Kohal CF was formally handed
over in 1993 to the Madan Pokhara VDC-6 where 65 households and 390 family members have been
involved in the protection and development of forest resources. Anyone causing fire damage is punished
according to CF rules. The villagers are aware of the consequences of forest destruction and have
planned and managed the CF systematically with the following main objectives: 1) to satisfy the needs
for fodder, fuelwood, bedding materials, and timber; 2) to conserve biodiversity for ecotourism; 3) to
restore the forest and its ecology to its former pristine state; 4) to protect farms and other property
from landslides and floods and 5) to conserve wildlife habitats, water sources, and improve forest
productivity.
Gender analysis
Women in Nepal are deprived and severely underprivileged in rural areas. Nepal was ranked 121
among 143 countries in UNDP’s 1997 Gender Development Index (GDI), published in 1999. The
maternal mortality rate of 539 per 100 000 live births is one of the highest in Asia and the Pacific
region. Gender disparity persists in educational attainment, health status, and participation in planning,
implementation as well as in decision-making processes. Disadvantaged castes and ethnic communities
show higher levels of gender disparities in education. While women have made substantial gains in
education, and the female literacy rate has risen from 4 percent in 1971 to 30 percent in 1998, the
gender gap in educational levels is rising. Efforts have been made by the government to close the
gender disparity gap as well as to improve the status of women through involvement in the CF and
various development activities. However, the results of these efforts are likely to remain limited
unless the gender bias in the social system is progressively reduced, if not eliminated.
Women’s attributes
Ethnicity, marital status, age, economic and educational status are the major attributes, which affect
women and the CF management process in the study area. In general, upper caste Brahmin and
Chhetri women belong to the C-FUCs in all CFs where Magar women predominate. In most cases,
women are satisfactorily represented but women from disadvantaged groups are poorly represented.
Likewise, lower caste women are included in committees because local leaders consider this necessary.
More than 75 percent of CF committee members are 30 or older. Wealthier local women take part,
more, because of fewer household responsibilities.
Women in the C-FUG formation process
In Mul Gaira and Barangdi Kohal, local women were involved from the outset compared to the
municipality areas. Women started to attend meetings when the Ranger or the committee organized
group meetings and individual contacts. Naturally, in these villages, the percentage of women members
in the C-FUG was higher.
233
In Mul Gaira and Chailani Gaira, women were motivated because they were more closely linked
with the forest for collection of fodder, fuelwood, and leaf litter than men. Therefore, they occupied
positions on the C-FUC. These women were early starters, and willing and active participants whereas
in Kaji Pauwa, due to low education and lack of proper motivational factors the women were late
starters, passive participants, and unequal partners in the development of the C-FUG formation.
Women’s mode of functioning in the C-FUC
Women are motivated by several factors. Traditionally, Nepalese women have been motivated as
well as encouraged by their husbands to attend the C-FUC meeting regularly. It was observed that
women collected information from other women at work places, water springs, and casual meetings.
Women and decision making
The number of women and men is usually unequal when attending meetings in the study area. But,
women are gradually having a greater influence in the decision-making process compared to the past.
Women were not involved in meetings before the CF transfer, but now, most of the women attend
meetings, and those organized by the Ranger or DFO outside villages too.
Women in programme planning and implementation
C-FUC women members are heavily involved in programme planning, implementation, and decision
making. During programme planning, they discuss strengths and weaknesses in close participation. In
Mul Gaira CF, women members also take part in briefing outsiders about forest management activities.
They also have a strong influence in protection and silvicultural activities as well as in the distribution
of forest products. Women from other CFs are also exclusively involved in protecting the forest.
Perceptions and attitudes of women towards future CF
Most respondents had positive perceptions and attitudes towards CF programmes. Forest resources
have gradually improved, therefore forest products are easily available. CF is widely expected to
relieve them from shortage of forest products for household consumption.
Equitable distribution of forest products
Formerly, forest management was predominantly the concern of powerful and educated people who
controlled decision making and distribution of forest products. Forest products were usually the byproducts of silvicultural activities, most commonly thinning and singling, because the forests were
young. Now the most common system in the study area is collecting the forest products, placing them
in a pool, and randomly distributing them (sometimes via a lottery system as well) to all members who
participated in the collection.
Benefits received from CFs
According to the C-FUG women, before the CF transfer, availability as well as collection of products
was problematic. After the transfer this became more relaxed. Mainly because of open but controlled
access to forest resources.
234
Fair and equitable distribution of forest products
Although women and children are mostly involved in the collection of forest products, due to economic
stress men also participate. According to the women, forest productivity has increased but only because
of CF protection. People now obtain forest products more quickly. Eighty-two and 100 percent of Kaji
Pauwa and Mul Gaira respondents indicated fair and equitable distribution. Table 7 shows the distribution
of forest products by the C-FUCs to the local people.
Table 7. Fair and equitable distribution of forest products by C-FUCs
C FUGscriteria
Kaji Pauwa
Yes
No
Don’t know
Total
23(82.1)
1(3.6)
4(14.3)
28(100)
Chailani Gaira
Barangdi Kohal
Mul Gaira
24(88.9)
2(7.4)
1(3.7)
27(100)
25(83.3)
1(3.3)
4(13.4)
30(100)
30(100)
0
0
30(100)
Total
102(88.7)
4(3.5)
9(7.8)
115(100)
Source: Field Survey (2001) (Numbers in parentheses are the percentage of column total)
C-FUG effectiveness
The effectiveness of the C-FUGs was evaluated on the basis of how favourably they operated. The
basic pre-requisite was that groups should implement OP activities such as proper identification of
real users, effective protection and conservation of forests, people’s (especially women) involvement
in the planning, implementation and decision-making process, and an equitable distribution system. It
was concluded that the overall effectiveness was very good (4). The Mul Gaira C-FUG was rated
excellent (5) in terms of its effectiveness. The rest of the C-FUGs had a weak structure or were
plagued by conflicts; they were rated average in effectiveness.
Impact of policy on forest resources
Policy is a means to resolve how forest resources will be utilized on a sustainable basis and how to
benefit from them. Policy may have different effects on different groups of people.
The policy formulation and implementation process
After a specific resolution by decision-makers, policy adoption takes place. The government implements
the new policy, after adaptation of rules and regulations (Figure 2).
235
Status of CF and human
resource interaction at
different levels
Identification of Problem
People’s involvement requires
Formation of Policy Agenda
efforts to combine conservation
and economic development,
recognizing cultural values, to
Formation of Policy
benefit the local population.
The status of CF resources
Review and
depends upon three major
Adoption of Policy
Modification of Policy
dimensions:
biophysical
condition, technology and
Implementation of Policy
institutions, and society and
economy. The government
policies regarding settlement,
Evaluation of Policy
pricing,
infrastructure
development, agriculture, and
Figure 2. The policy formulation and implementation process
land survey, have influenced (adapted from Anderson et al., 1984)
forest and land resources and
have a direct impact on the biophysical environment.
Causes and consequences of forest degradation
Forest degradation: main causes
Illegal felling, road construction and other development activities are the main causes of forest depletion
in the study area. Respondents indicated that frequent changing of government policy as well as
increasing population growth were other causes of deforestation. The rising population, at 2.3 percent
per annum (Nepal District Profile, 1999) and more livestock have increased the demand for fuel and
fodder exerting tremendous pressure on the natural forests. Forest fires are very common in Nepal;
annually, thousands of hectares of forest are destroyed by fire. Activities such as infrastructure
development (roads, canals, power lines, educational facilities, etc.) and human settlement are carried
out in forest land.
The era of legislation: forestry policy
The forest area of Nepal has been gradually decreasing since 1864 via conversion of forest to agricultural
land to increase state revenue from tax. The Department of Forest was established in 1942. The
Private Forest Nationalization Act was passed to prevent destruction of forest wealth and to ensure
adequate protection and management. To exercise more control over forests, another legislation, the
Forest Preservation Act (1967) was introduced; this was followed by the National Forest Plan in
1976. However at that time, government bureaucracy could not manage the forests and their condition
went from bad to worse. The government subsequently realized that unless people were given control
of the forests, the government alone could not manage them. A long-term (25 years) Master Plan for
the Forestry Sector was finalized in 1988, sanctioned, and implemented in 1989. This was a long-term
policy guideline for the development of forest resources where community and private forestry were
priority programmes.
236
Community forestry
The evolution of CF is closely linked with indigenous forest management, which has been practised
for a long time (Karki et al., 1994). Community forestry has remained a government priority. The
Decentralization Act (1978) initiated the concept CF giving people more rights and responsibilities in
the protection, conservation, and utilization of forest resources on which they depend.
Principle of community forestry
The underlying principle of CF is that the programme belongs to the people and is carried out by the
people themselves for the benefit of the community as a whole (Rao, 1994). It recognizes the major
role of people’s participation in sustainable development. Emphasizing the need for people’s
empowerment in upland forest conservation, Brooks (1993) observed that local people must be
convinced that the programme is in their best interest, otherwise the programme cannot be successful.
Constitutional support to the forestry sector
Article 26 of the 1990 Constitution of Nepal, promulgated after the popular movement of 1989, has
adopted various state policies. Out of 16 policies mentioned in the constitution, the following sections
are related to forest resources.
1. The state shall pursue the policy of mobilizing the nation’s natural resources and heritage in a
useful and profitable manner suitable to the nation’s welfare.
2. The state shall accord priority to checking adverse effects on the environment that might
result from physical development activities, and to protect the environment by increasing
public awareness.
3. While assigning priority to develop science and technology for the nation’s prosperity, attention
shall also be given to developing indigenous technology.
Policy analysis
The community has been empowered over the last two decades through the progressive forest policy
of the government. In order to find out the reality of forest policy in the past it is necessary to present
a brief presentation of policy analyses. Based on the MPFS, 1988, conditions before and after transfer
of the forests were considered. A SWPO (strengths, weaknesses, potentials and obstacles) analysis
was carried out for CF. A summary of the analysis is provided later.
Impact of various policies on forest resources
The government had policies to replace forests for cultivation purposes in the past to increase revenue
(Regmi, 1978; Blaikie, 1990). Various policies that had direct impact on forest resources in the hills of
Nepal are presented briefly hereunder.
Agriculture policy
This was also aimed at increasing livestock diversity and consequently created grazing pressure on
forest land. It ultimately affected the conservation and development of forest resources.
237
Infrastructure development policy
The Road Act of 1954, the Irrigation, Electricity and Water Resources Act of 1967, the Electricity
Rules of 1969 and Canal Management Rules of 1974 are some of the main interventions affecting
forest resources.
Land survey and measurement policy
Most of the government forest lands have been converted by people into their own private land but
are also claimed by the Local Revenue Offices and Land Re-form Offices. The forests were defined
as government land but the provision made in the Act of 1963 encouraged local people to harvest
trees as private land. This is another reason for forest depletion.
Settlement policy
The re-settlement programme, funded by USAID in Chitwan District (1954 to 1961) lasted for seven
years. The main aim of the programme was to re-settle people who had suffered from floods and
landslides in different parts of the country. Some locations in the Middle Hills were also subject to this
programme. It had a direct effect on the natural environment and was the major cause for the depletion
of forest resources in the Terai as well as in the Middle Hills.
Impact of forestry policies, rules and regulations on C-FUGs
The CF concept was developed in 1978. Most of the provisions gradually changed in order to
accommodate the needs of local people.
Stepwise community forestry development policy of Nepal
The infusion of 100 percent of the income from forest products to the users’ fund and users’ rights
over the fund has lifted people’s interest and efforts. Previously prices could not be fixed at less than
the government royalty rate for forest products, but later C-FUGs could fix the price of forest products,
sell and give permits to transport them anywhere in the country. C-FUGs can grow long-term cash
crops for income generation and they are qualified to draw loans from banks for CF development too.
This shows that step-by-step the community has been empowered over the last two decades to
manage sustainable forest development and fulfill local people’s minimum basic needs.
Situation of CF before and after transfer Robin
Originally, the government retained all the rights over forest resources and people were restricted
from users’ rights. Women and deprived groups were not involved in the planning process. Based on
the MPFS (1988), Forest Act (1993), and Forest Rules (1995), the impact of CF before and after
transfer of the forests to C-FUGs is summarized in Table 8.
238
Table 8. Situation of CF before and after transfer
Before handover
After handover
All rights over forest resources were with the
government
Rights and responsibilities were handed over to the
C-FUGs so the feeling of ownership has increased
People were restricted from user rights in the
forest areas
Women’s involvement was enthusiastic.
Forest policies and rules were not people
oriented and did not reach the people
General consensus existed on the fair and equitable
distribution of forest products
The Forest Act and regulations and guidelines
were contradictory
There was a positive contribution to rural development
activities
Provision of income generation activities and
employment opportunities was not specified
Employment opportunities were generated
Gender and equitable distribution aspect were
not so clear
There was active involvement in planning,
implementation, decision-making, and benefit sharing
as well as sustainable forest management
Strengths and weaknesses of CF policy and implementation at different levels
Nepal’s CF policy and legislation are growing as they encourage links between local level participation
in forest protection, development, and sustainable management. This is especially relevant, because
C-FUGs can stock all the forest products and income derived from CFs. The government has obtained
the essential funding and is implementing these progressive policies. Unfortunately, the legislative
framework and complementary bureaucratic procedures for implementation are incomplete.
The Department of Forests
The DOF allows the CF programme to strengthen existing local institutions and their decision-making
processes, thereby increasing the chances of the programme’s success. Also, the DOF field staff are
developing a positive attitude towards their new role. The rate at which CFs are being handed over is
increasing as DOF staff gain skills and confidence in the transfer process, and as institutional blockages
are removed. The DOF has provided Post Formation Support, such as training and extension; technical
forest management; income-generating activities; record keeping and financial management for CFUGs. The CF programme is rapidly expanding. But the number of staff in the district remains the
same. The government frequently transfers DFO staff. There are complications in many places due
to the lack of basic field equipment and tools to support activities, lack of financial obligation, and
tough physical conditions in rural points.
Local government
So far, elected government officials at the VDC and district levels have been largely supportive of
CF. The role of elected government officials in CF management has not been very clearly defined; as
a result they are often excluded from the activities of the DFO and C-FUGs. Whereas lack of
interference has been a positive influence in the sponsorship of C-FUGs, the uncertainty about roles
may create a problem in the future. As C-FUGs generate income and undertake community development
activities, the elected government officials may feel threatened by the power and influence wielded
by C-FUGs in their constituencies
239
Non-government organizations
NGOs have the capacity to support the implementation of CF programmes. They can conduct training
and non-formal educational programmes for C-FUGs. They are better placed to support C-FUGs for
CF activities in remote areas. There are few NGOs who have sufficient experience and proven
ability in areas relevant to CF and their effectiveness tapers off with remoteness.
Forest user groups
Groups of illiterate, poor farmers have the capacity to protect, conserve, and manage patches of
existing forests and to plant new forests with very little or no outside assistance. Conceptually, CFUGs are motivated to accept the responsibility for CF development and management because users
have a vested interest in the fate of their local forests. Most of the C-FUGs suffer from lack of
experience dealing with the government. Likewise, inadequate administrative and managerial skills,
illiteracy, poor communication of responsibilities and agreements within the user group, politicization,
cronyism and nepotism, inadequate consultation with other disadvantaged groups, lack of quality
leadership, risk aversion, and lack of capital, savings or access to affordable credit to start commercial
ventures have been identified as some of the weaknesses.
Community forestry: the challenges
There were mainly ten types of challenges mentioned for the development and management of CF
(Table 9). Twenty percent of the respondents regarded demand and supply from the CF forest as
questionable in the context of whether they met the minimum basic needs of local people on a sustainable
basis. There were shortages of fuelwood, fodder, and timber in most of the C-FUG areas, and to
increase forest productivity as well as to fulfill the local people’s demands, it is necessary to convert
timber-oriented forestry into multiple forestry.
Table 9. The challenges of community forestry
CF challenges
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Keeping the CF at a distance from
political parties
Frequently changing government
policy and acts
Run the CF programme without
external support except TA
Increasing population
Difficulties in protection, management
Demand and supply of forest products
Increasing the C-FUGs for sustainability
Cronyism and political influences
Involve disadvantaged groups and
women in the CF
Convert timber-oriented forestry into
multiple forestry
Total
HH members from C-FUGs
Kaji
Pauwa
Chailani
Gaira
Barangdi
Kohal
Mul
Gaira
Total
6(22.2)
1(3.4)
0
1(4.0)
8(7.2)
3(11.1)
6(20.4)
2(7.6)
2(8.0)
13(11.7)
0
1(3.4)
0
0
1(0.9)
2(7.4)
6(22.2)
7(26)
0
1(3.7)
1(3.7)
1(3.4)
0
8(27.2)
2(6.8)
3(10.2)
2(6.8)
3(11.4)
3(11.4)
3(11.4)
1(3.8)
4(15.2)
3(11.4)
0
1(4.0)
4(16.0)
0
4(16.0)
5(20.0)
6(5.4)
10(9.0)
22(19.8)
3(2.7)
12(10.8)
11(9.9)
0
2(6,8)
5(19.0)
5(20.0)
12(10.8)
27(100)
29(100)
26(100)
25(100) 107(100)
Source: Field survey (2001) (numbers in parentheses are the percentages of column totals)
240
The challenges are to identify mechanisms that aid communities to have a voice in forest
management. For conflict management, one of the challenges in CF is to establish mechanisms and
procedures for community members to manage conflicts when they arise, prior to the implementation
of CF activities. There are also challenges inside the CF such as implementation, participation,
decentralization, conflict management, and equity.
SWPO analysis for the impact of CF in development and management
SWPO is an appropriate tool for mapping experiences and to develop a framework for analysis of
potential solutions. Impact evaluation means learning lessons from the past to serve as a guide for
future action. The potential means unused ability or opportunities whereas obstacles relate to threats
regarding unfavourable conditions for CF development and management. A brief SWPO analysis is
presented below (Table10).
Table 10. The SWPO window
Success (Strengths)
Success (Strengths)
Potentials (Opportunities)
•
•
Surplus production of various forest products from
important timber to NTFPs
•
Be self-sufficient in running CF along with creating
extra funds for other community development
activities
•
Ecotourism can attract many visitors from different
places but needs to be well managed and maintain
certain standards
•
•
The CFs are well protected by dividing forests
into compartments. The forest condition has
successively improved compared to the past
after transfer of forest from the DFO to the
local users
Many C-FUGs are made aware of the
importance of CF and are able to make their
constitution and OP themselves. They frame
their rules in the OP in order to develop and
manage CF on a sustainable basis
Handing over responsibilities of forest
management to the local users creates
ownership among local people
Weaknesses (Bottlenecks)
•
•
•
Transferred forest areas are small therefore
forest products are not sufficient to supply the
requirements of all users, even though CFs
are progressively improved
Despite CF improvement, there is are
insufficient awareness programmes according
to their needs, which eventually affects most
of the users
C-FUGs are collecting funds for their other
community development activities.
Solidarity is enhanced
Obstacles (Threats)
•
Keeping the CF at a distance from any political
influence
•
Lack of trust and fear that the government will
reoccupy CFs; frequent changing of forest policy,
as well as decisions on CF by the government
•
Increased income from felling of trees so chances
of abuse by authority in C-FUGs
Success (Strengths)
•
Women’s empowerment in the C-FUGs.
Involvement of users in forest development and
management, especially of deprived
groups and women in C-FUCs; participatory
planning, implementation and decisions are
improved for conservation of CFs
•
241
To strengthen the institutional capacity building of
C-FUGs, training, extension as well as study tours
are conducted
•
•
Fair and equitable distribution of forest products •
by C-FUGs. Forest products are easily available
and C-FUGs fix the price of forest products
INGOs/NGOs and donors provide financial and
technical support to the C-FUGs for the
development and management of CF programmes
Weaknesses (Bottlenecks)
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Sharing experiences and benefits within and
among users
Obstacles (Threats)
Although the workload of the DFO has increased,
forestry staff are frequently transferred by the
government. Due to inadequate incentive
mechanisms and increased working
obligations, field technicians are not willing to
go to remote areas
Create cronyism and political factions.
Most of the C-FUGs are influenced by political
parties, so, weak group participation and
working ability
The central level C-FUG Federation (FECOFUN)
has been politicalized which has weakened the
C-FUG strength
If people obtain membership in many C-FUGs,
this may affect protection and management
Elite dominance in the decision-making process
for redeeming forest products. Also lack of
forest income distribution to other areas
C-FUGs are interested in protecting their own
forest, not the adjoining government protected
forest, which they are destroying to fulfill forest
needs. Some of the users dislike silvicultural
operations such as thinning, singling and
pruning because they are afraid of forest
degradation
Circulars from ministries and departments
create confusion among local users
•
HH populations are increasing day-by-day but the
forest area remains the same. Therefore illicit
felling in the forest may occur
•
Lack of clear-cut roles and responsibilities of the
VDCs; as a result they are often excluded from CF
activities so conflict may occur between them
•
Lack of appropriate technical human resources in
the DFO to satisfy increasing needs in pre- and
postformation support to the C-FUGs
To fulfill users’ demands, there might be a chance
of over-exploitation
Frequent transfer of field level staff by the
government cannot satisfy the needs of users
•
•
•
When substantial funds are made available to the
C-FUGs, there might be chance of conflict among
users regarding sharing of benefits
Conclusion
In general, the socio-economic situation has improved mainly due to the availability of various forest
products and the improved forest condition of the study area. A characteristic of the CF programme
is collective wisdom between DFOs and other stakeholders, which also contributes to positive social
changes.
A powerful self-motivated tool “Social Fencing” stimulates the feeling of ownership among users,
which is a major community benefit for the sustainable management of forest resources. Participatory
decision making and dynamic active participation of all users in CF activities has evolved trust and
generated feeling of ownership and accountability. Influential people in villages are more aware of
law, legislation, and have access to information. But the involvement of poor, deprived people as well
as women in planning, implementation, and decision making has ensured representation of targeted
communities to be instrumental in having positive impacts in CFs.
More income-generating activities are needed. The main sources of income of C-FUGs are sale
of forest products, membership fees, and donations from outside. There is lack of technical and socio-
242
economic description in the CF Constitution and OPs made by C-FUGs. Also there is not enough
technical support provided by the DFO. The CF area is unable to fulfill all requirements.
Power, authority, and responsibilities are decentralizing to the local users, therefore CF-related
activities in the study area are gearing towards balanced and optimized socio-economic and
environmental benefits. Based on the perceptions of C-FUG members, fair and equitable distribution
of forest products and women’s empowerment are successively increasing at all levels in the study
areas. The CF awareness has not reached the people of the rural community adequately. But the
overall level of awareness has increased and users’ participation is much improved.
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May 1995, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Blaikie, P. 1990. The Explanation of Land Degradation: Social Dynamics of Watersheds and
Mountain Ecosystems. Routledge, New York, pp 132-158.
Brandler, T. & Carey H. 1998. Community forestry defined. Journal of Forestry, March 1999, p
21.
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Bangkok, 1993.
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from the Terai Region of Nepal. Ecological Economics, ELSEVIER, 36: 341-353.
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Department of Forest Research Survey HMGN and The Government of Finland, Publication no.
74, November 1999.
Jackson W.J. et al. 1996. Community Forestry for Rural Development in Nepal. A Manual for
Training Field Workers. Nepal-Australia Community Forestry Project, Kathmandu, Nepal.
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Street W.C.1.
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Report, His Majesty’s Government of Nepal, Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation, Kathmandu,
Nepal. HMG/ADB/FINNIDA, December 1988.
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Profile of Nepal (4th edition). Nepal Research Associates, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Karki, M.B. et al. 1994. Sustainable Management of Common Forest Resources. An Evaluation
of Selected Forest User Groups in Western Nepal. ICIMOD, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Oakley, P. & Marsden, D. 1984 Approaches to Participation in Rural Development. International
Labor Office, Geneva.
Rai, C.B. & Beek, R. 1998. Simple Participatory Forest Inventory and Data Processing:
Guidelines for the Forest Management Plan, Action Research Cell. Technical Note No-3,
Nepal Swiss Community Forestry Project.
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FAO RAP, Bangkok, Thailand.
Regmi, R. 1978. Land Ownership in Nepal. University of California at Berkeley, USA.
244
INTEGRATED NATURAL RESOURCE CONSERVATION:
PEOPLE’S PERCEPTIONS AND PARTICIPATION IN NEPAL
Shiva Kumar Wagle 1
Introduction
Natural resources in developing countries are under heavy pressure and degradation has increased
since the economic growth period of the early 1970s. Proper management of available natural resources
is a prerequisite for the development of any community. Integrated natural resource conservation and
management encompasses all activities for the management of natural resources in an area or
watershed. Common property resources include forest, pastureland, and water, which can be bifurcated
into government and community management. Use and management of natural resources both in
private and public lands are determined by numerous factors such as individual perceptions at household
levels, population pressure, and resource pricing policy at the national level (Thapa and Weber, 1994).
Integrated resource management (IRM) is a holistic approach to resource conservation and
management that encourages participants to consider many social and environmental interconnections.
IRM must bring together a diverse array of people who have a stake in the system including government
agencies, community organizations, and other organizations. According to Ervin and Ervin (1982),
different factors like the personal and economic status of local people and physical condition of the
resource play an important role with regard to their decisions on conservation activities.
Agriculture, land management, and forest/tree utilization are integral components of a farming
system. The forest produces fuelwood for household energy, grass and tree fodder for livestock feed,
timber and poles for household construction and construction of agricultural implements, and leaf litter
for animal bedding; the animals in turn provide organic manure for agricultural production. The majority
of farmers in developing countries like Nepal exist in a subsistence economy and current agricultural
systems cannot ensure subsistence; thus the farmers extend their farmland into fragile marginal land
and forests for more production to fulfill their basic needs. The major causes of deforestation are
commercial logging, shifting cultivation, lack of rule enforcement and regulations, government
resettlement programmes, and high demand for wood, timber, and fodder created by the growing
population. Expansion of agricultural land into the forest is the most serious deforestation problem
(Thapa and Weber, 1990).
People’s participation is total involvement in conservation activities, i.e. deciding on programmes
and activities, fixing priorities, taking initiatives, contributing ideas, material, money, labour, and time.
However participation is self-motivated. There are two separate institutions working in the field of
resource conservation within the Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation (MFSC): (1) community
forestry user groups (CFUGs) for forest resource conservation and management under the Department
of Forest (DOF) and (2) community development groups (soil-conservation user group — SCUG) for
soil-conservation activities under the Department of Soil Conservation and Watershed Management
(DSCWM).
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti (Chair), Dr. Dietrich Schmidt-Vogt, Dr. Ambika P. Gautam
131
There is a growing tendency to hand over resource management responsibility from the state to
the community; for example, community forestry in Nepal (Paudel, 1998). In Nepal, the forest resources
transferred to the community (community forestry) are managed well; they fulfill the basic needs for
forestry products and substantially reduce soil erosion by increasing land cover.
The main objective of this research was to understand people’s perceptions and participation in
the purview of integrated natural resource conservation — how they perceive forest and soilconservation activities and their opinions and attitudes on these activities and how they affect
participation.
Study area and selection criteria
Nepal is politically divided into 75 districts. Rupendehi District is situated in the Terai region with
areas in the Siwaliks hills (Figure 1). The Siwaliks house the headwaters of most of the river systems
of the Terai and have significant ecological and socio-economic importance. Together, the Terai and
Siwaliks account for 27 percent of Nepal’s total area and approximately 35 percent of the forest
resources. Most of the Terai people depend directly or indirectly on the Siwaliks for forest and water
resources. Ghamaha sub-watershed (GSW) of the Siwaliks region of Rupandehi District was selected
for the study. Within GSW, there are two CFUGs namely Parroha CFUG and Bolbum CFUG. But
there is only one SCUG — the West Ganganagar SCUG in GSW. All the users of the West Ganganagar
SCUG are users of Parroha CFUG.
Overview of the district
Rupandehi District l has 26 small- and medium-sized rivers. The climate of the district varies from
tropical to temperate. The district has a total of 118 731 households and the average household size is
8. Population growth is 3.2 percent and the population density is 526 persons/km2 . The literacy rate is
55 percent. Agricultural products include rice, wheat, maize, mustard, and pulses. The forest area of
the district is also divided into production forest, protection forest, and potential community forest
(CF) with areas of 7 014 ha (21.9 percent), 18 533 ha (57.9 percent), and 6 459 ha (20.2 percent)
respectively. Much of the national forest was handed over as CF in this district.
Watershed characteristics
The soil- and water-conservation programme in Rupandehi District started with the establishment of
the District Soil Conservation Office (DSCO) in 1995. The main programme of the DSCO is integrated
resource conservation through people’s participation with the sub-watershed as the management unit.
GSW was selected as the study area. The watershed covers 3 339 ha and includes Parroha VDC,
Khagda-Bangai VDC, Suryapura VDC, and some parts of Man-Pakadi VDC. Most of the watershed
settlers are engaged in agricultural activities like field crop cultivation and animal husbandry. The
watershed settlers raise livestock for milk, meat, and ploughing.
CF within Ghamaha sub-watershed
In GSW, the forest is located only in Parroha VDC. With assistance from the DFO, forest protection
started around 1990 after the democratic revolution. In 1994, 500 ha were handed over to the local
community as CF. In 1998 the CF area was extended to the whole forest area of Parroha VDC; the
total area of the forest was 1 342 ha and there were 3 257 households. Learning from past experience,
132
in 2003 this CF was again divided into three CFUGs: Parroha CFUG; Sainamaina CFUG; and Bolbam
CFUG. The GSW covers only Parroh and Bolbam CFs.
Parroha CFUG
This CFUG lies in the western part of the GSW. There are 1 267 households and the total population
is 8 449. This CFUG is heterogeneous socio-economically and land-holding size has a maximum of
1.87 ha. Out of 1 267 households, 71 are involved in soil- and water-conservation groups. About 17
households are users of another CF. The total forest area is 633 ha and the forest type is mixed
natural forest of the Siwaliks hills (Table 1). One forest guard has been recruited for patrolling. Block
nos. 1-3 are 184, 210, and 239 ha respectively.
Table 1. Forest type of Parroha CFUG
Block no.
Total area (ha)
Forest type
Major species
1
2
3
184
210
239
Mixed forest
Sal forest
Sal forest
Sal, asna, banjhi, satisal
Source: Operational Plan of Parroha CF (2002)
The user group has its own rules for the collection of forest products which are decided on at
committee meetings according to the needs of the users. General rules are: (1) The users collect
fodder freely from the CF without any charge; (2) the forest is opened for the collection of fuelwood
for five days, three times a year, free of charge. In addition, they can collect fuelwood at a charge of
NRs2/bhari2 every Saturday; (3) the users have to pay NRs5 per piece of small wood to collect in the
forest directly. In addition to forest protection and management, the users are involved in various
development activities to develop their village themselves.
Bolbam CFUG
This CFUG is also in GSW. There are 801 households and the total population is 4 406. This CFUG is
heterogeneous socio-economically and land-holdings reach a maximum of 3.4 ha. Table 2 shows the
forest types in the study area.
Table 2. Forest types of Bolbum CFUG
Block no.
Total area (ha)
1
2
3
4
118
85
166
303
Forest type
Major species
Mixed
Mixed
Mixed
Mixed
Sal, asna, khair, neem, banjhi
Sal, asna, khair, banjhi
Sal, asna, banjhi
Sal, asna, karma, banjhi, sajan
forest
forest
forest
forest
Source: Constitution and OP of user group (2003)
2
Back-load of fuelwood or fodder that one person can carry (approximately 40 kg).
133
The total area of CF is 572 ha. All of the forest area lies in the Siwaliks hills and is sub-tropical
mixed forest. The major species include sal followed by asna, karma etc. From the management
point of view the CF is divided into four blocks. Users collect fodder and fuelwood for their daily
needs. Most users have planted trees on their own land and some people also use cow dung as an
energy source for cooking. The rules generally followed by this user group are: (1) The users collect
fodder freely from the CF without any charge; (2) the user group opens the forest for the collection of
fuelwood for five days, three times a year, free of charge; (3) the users have to pay NRs5 per piece
of small wood and to collect in the forest directly; (4) timber is collected by committee members using
paid labour and stacked in the CF office. Every member can buy timber from the CFUG office.
Fuelwood collected from thinning operations is distributed 50/50. The furthest distance from the forest
for users is 5 km. To give remote users equal opportunities, the thinning operation are conducted on a
50/50 basis.
West Ganganagar user committee for soil conservation
This user committee is located in Ward no. 4 of Parroha VDC adjoining the Siwaliks and within
Parroha CF around the Ghamaha River. It was formed in 1998 with assistance from the Rupandehi
DSCO and registered in the Parroha VDC. All committee users are members of Parroha CFUG.
User committee members conduct different conservation and development activities with financial
and other support from the DSCO. Such activities include bioengineering for landslide protection,
water source protection, watershed conservation, runoff rentention dam construction, bamboo walls
for river bank protection, irrigation canal protection, and adequate drinking water supply.
Socio-economic characteristics of the households
Family size
The number of family members in the sampled households ranged from a minimum of one member to
a maximum of 22 members. The overall average family size of the respondent households was 6.46
with standard deviation 3.336. The highest mean family size was 7.23 members per family in Parroha
CF, without a SCUG. The gender ratio was highest in Bolbum CF (1.38) and lowest in Parroha,
without a SCUG (1.05).
Ethnicity
The castes of respondents were classified into four groups: upper, middle, lower, and Tharu. Brahmins,
Chhetri, and Thakuri were included in the upper caste. Magar, Gurung, Newar, Gupta, and Yadav
were included in the middle caste. Kami, Damai, Sarki, and Mallaha were included in the lower caste.
The community was dominated by middle caste people in Parroha with a SCUG and dominated by
upper castes in both Parroha (without a SCUG) and Bolbum CF. The age groups of the respondents
ranged from 20-77 years with a minimum of 20 years in both Parroha (with SCUG) and Bolbum CF
and a maximum of 77 years in Bolbum CF.
134
Figure 1. Location of the study area (Rupandehi District)
Literacy level
Literacy is an important indicator of development; it has a multiplier effect on forest conservation and
management. Among the 92 respondents surveyed, 65.5 percent were literate. About 26 percent of
the respondents were illiterate whereas 7.6 percent had secondary level education and only one
person had college education. About 59 percent had primary education. Only 4 percent of the people
had higher education. The study area, Parroha (with a SCUG) could only provide primary education
and both Parroha (without CF) and Bolbum could provide secondary education.
Occupational characteristics
The main occupation of the whole study area was agriculture (78 percent) followed by waged labour
(8.7 percent) (Table 3); 7.6 percent of the respondents were engaged in traditional work. A total of
18.8 percent were engaged in waged labour in Parroha (with a SCUG), whereas this was zero in
Parroha (without a SCUG) and 2.6 percent in Bolbum CFUG. The farmers were also involved in offfarm activities (waged labour, business).
135
Table 3. Distribution of family members in occupations
Occupation
Parroha CF
With SCUG (WG)
Bolbum CF
Total
Without SCUG
total
mean
total
mean
total
mean
total
mean
72
3
38
10
7
2.25
0.09
1.19
0.31
0.22
111
4
11
24
2
3.70
0.13
0.37
0.80
0.07
120
5
23
12
10
4.0
0.17
0.77
0.40
0.33
303
12
72
46
19
3.29
0.13
0.78
0.50
0.21
Agriculture
Business
Waged labour
Service
Other/traditional work
Land-holdings
In an agrarian society, as in the study area, land-holdings have significant importance in determining
the overall economic condition of the households. The land-holding classifications varied from landless
to 3.4 ha. Most people had their own land but a few (7.6 percent) were landless; the landless used
other people’s land for cultivation or depended on waged labour for their livelihoods.
Cereal crop production
The mean cereal crop production of the study area was 1 382 kg: 798.5 kg in Parroha (with a SCUG),
1 613 kg in Parroha (without a SCUG), and 1 807 kg in Bolbum CF. Most of the production ranged
from 500-1 500 kg per household; 27 percent of the households grew less than 500 kg. Analysis of
variance (ANOVA) of mean cereal crop production within the three study groups revealed significant
difference in mean cereal crop production. The production of cereal crops indicates the food balance
of the family, which in turn reflects the time available for natural resource conservation activities.
About 26 percent of the respondents had food sufficiency from their own production and 29 percent
had more than required; 44.6 percent was food deficit (Table 4).
Table 4. Food balance among respondents
Food balance of family
Parroha CF
With SCUG (WG)
For less than six months
For six months
For one year
Exceeding one year
Bolbum CF
Total
Without SCUG
11 (34.4)
11 (34.4)
8 (25.0)
2 (6.3)
8 (26.7)
2 (6.7)
6 (20.6)
14 (46.7)
7 (23.3)
2 (6.7)
10 (33.3)
11 (36.6)
26 (28.3)
15 (16.3)
24 (26.1)
27 (29.3)
Source: Household Survey (2004). The figures in parentheses represent the percentage of respondents
Cash income
The major source of cash income in the study area was sale of cereal crops, vegetables, waged
labour, and services. Other income sources were businesses, house rent, and traditional occupations.
Most people had income ranging from NRs10 000-60 000. A few people (6.5 percent) had annual
cash income of less than NRs10 000; conversely 28 percent people had annual cash income exceeding
NRs60 000. The relationship between income group and study group was tested through the chi-
136
square test and the difference was significant. The cash income of households reflects the economic
and social status of the family. The expenditure of the household directly depends on the cash income
of households.
Livestock
Livestock is an integral feature of the Nepalese farming system. Almost all respondents in the study
area had cattle. Popular livestock were goats/sheep, cattle, and buffalo. They were used for manure,
milk, meat, and ploughing. Goats/sheep predominated followed by livestock raised for power. The
mean livestock number of the study area was 3.40 head. Sixty-three percent of the respondents
regarded irrigation as a problem and 30 percent were concerned about fodder. Lack of labour (1.5
percent) and grazing land (1.5 percent) were minor constraints. Some households used the forest for
grazing their livestock as well. Generally goats foraged in the CF. Cattle and buffalo were stall-fed.
Table 5. Test statistics of importance of natural resources in the sampled households
Test statistics
Chi-square
Pearson Correlation
Test variable
Grouping variable
Importance of forest
Study group
1. WAI of importance of forest
2. Distance from house to forest
Test value
2
÷ = 18.442
-0.234
P value
Sig. level
0.005
0.036
0.05
0.05
When a chi-square test was performed on the importance of forest, there was significant difference
in the mean of perceived importance of forest among the three study groups (Table 5). In a correlation
test, there was negative correlation between the WAI of importance of forest and forest distance
from the households. This indicates that those people who lived close to the forest perceived the
forest to be more important for their households.
Knowledge on resource conservation
The most important conservation activity is forest conservation followed by irrigation canal protection;
prevention and control of landslides; plantation on owned land; flood control; water source protection;
thinning, pruning, and weeding in the forest; cultivating suitable land; plantation in the forest; runoff
retention dam construction; and horticulture.
Participation in any conservation activity depends on the importance of the activity for the concerned
households. The highest WAI of importance for conservation activity was 0.9299 for forest conservation
and the lowest WAI was 0.4167 for fruit tree plantation. ANOVA revealed that the difference in
mean was significant for plantation on forest land, landslide control, flood control, runoff retention
dam construction, water source protection, cultivating suitable land, irrigation canal protection, and
fruit tree plantation. People living in sloping land areas were concerned about landslide control while
those who lived around rivers focused on flood control. Users attributed natural resource destruction
to: fire, uncontrolled cutting of forest, users’ ignorance, over-grazing, lack of periodic afforestation,
lack of conservation measures, population increase, and political instability.
137
Natural disasters
Sustainable management and utilization of natural resources play an important role for prevention and
control of natural disasters. Overall trends in natural disasters were decreasing in Parroha (with
SCUG) but remained constant in both Parroha (without SCUG) and Bolbum CF. SCUG users who
lived near rivers at the foothills of the Siwaliks have been affected by flooding and landslides more
frequently in recent years.
Availability and sufficiency of forest products
About 28.4 percent of the respondents considered that forest product availability was sufficient, 37.5
percent perceived no change since CF, and 34.1 percent perceived that availability was lower since
CF (Table 6). Regarding less availability of forest products, most users said that after the implementation
of CF, there was no opportunity for free cutting. Other indicators were high population of the study
area and high price of forest products charged by the CFUG.
Table 6. Availability of forest products
Availability of FP
Parroha CF
Bolbum CF
Total
Enough
Same as before
Less than before
WAI
20 (33.9)
22 (37.3)
17 (28.8)
0.6802
5 (17.2)
11 (37.9)
13 (48.8)
0.5707
25 (28.4)
33 (37.5)
30 (34.1)
0.6441
Source: Field Survey (2004). (Score: 1= enough, 0.66= same as before, 0.33= less than before)
Almost all users depended on fuelwood as an energy source. Women claimed shortage of fuelwood
for cooking and blamed the collection rules for the shortage. There was negative correlation between
the total number of household members and sufficiency of forest products, and the correlation was
significant (Table 7). This indicates that forest products available from the CF were insufficient for
large households.
Table 7. Sufficiency of forest product from the CF
Parroha CF
Sufficiency of
forest products
Enough
General
Less than required
WAI
With
SCUG
1 (3.1)
31 (96.9)
0
0.6706
Without
SCUG
Total
Test statistics
Bolbum
CF
1 (3.4)
1 (3.4)
26 (89.7) 23 (79.3)
2 (6.9)
5 (17.2)
0.6490
0.6186
3 (3.3)
80 (88.9)
7 (7.8)
0.6457
Pearson Correlation = -0.331 (between
WAI of sufficiency of forest products
and number of family members);
correlation was significant at 0.01 level.
Source: Field Survey (2004). (Score: 1 = enough, 0.66 = general, 0.33 = less than required)
Most of the users were dependent on the CF for forest products. The greatest need was wood
for charcoal (only used by blacksmiths), followed by inter alia, fuelwood, thatching grass, and leaf/
litter. Dependency on the forest was higher in Parroha CF (with SCUG) than elsewhere. The frequency
of collection depended on the collection rules followed by the users in both CFs. The mean frequency
of collection was higher in Parroha (with SCUG). Generally women were more involved in the collection
of forest products.
138
Benefits from community forestry
Out of a total of 92 respondent surveyed, 81 persons said they benefited to a certain degree from the
implementation of CF and the soil-conservation programme, nine people argued that they did not
benefit, whereas two gave no opinion. Seventy-nine respondents reported that they had not suffered
loss since programme implementation.
Table 8. Perceived benefits from CF and soil-conservation activity
Test
statistics
Test variable
Grouping variables
ANOVA
t-test
t-test
Study group
CF with SCUG and CF
without SCUG
Gender (male and female)
Test value
P
value
Sig.
value
F= 3.871
t= 2.782
0.044
0.013
0.05
0.05
t= 2.152
0.047
0.05
ANOVA revealed there was significant difference in perceived benefits among the three study
groups (Table 8). Similarly, the independent sample t-test showed the difference in perceived mean
benefits was significant with gender also. Perception of benefits was higher in Parroha CF (with
SCUG) which indicated that people close to the forest benefited more than others. Similarly there
was gender imbalance in benefit distribution.
People’s participation in CF and soil-conservation activities
Men were more interested in collecting timber whereas women were more concerned with fuelwood
and fodder.
Participation was studied at two levels. Firstly, participation of households in discussions and sharing
ideas with CFs and SCUGs and secondly representation during community work. It can be inferred
from Figure 2 that most of the respondent households did not participate in discussions or share ideas
on the CF programme.
Around 6.5 percent of the households always participated in discussions and shared ideas; almost
all of the users participated in group work when the CFUG requested assistance — one reason being
penalty for defaulters in all three groups for not participating in group work, but there was no penalty
for not attending discussions or meetings.
Participation in different activities (participation of respondents)
A CFUG should typically hold meetings of the entire assembly of users to address issues on CFUG
administration, CF management or distribution of benefits from the CF. Both CFUGs had large number
of households and they held general assembly meetings with all the users only once a year. To address
management and other problems, Parroha CFUG was divided into five sub-groups and Bolbum CFUG
was divided into seven sub-groups. People held meetings within sub-groups on different issues.
Decisions of their group meetings were again discussed during the executive committee meeting and
the major decisions were taken by the executive committees.
139
70
60
Percent
50
40
Study group
30
Parroha CF with SCUG
(west Ganganager SC)
20
Parroha CF without SCUG
10
Bolbum CF
0
always
often
occassionally
never
participation on discussion and giving idea in CFUG
Figure 2. Participation in discussions and sharing ideas with the CFUG
Participation at the time of group formation
The persons who participated more at the time of group formation would participate in resource
conservation activities as well. Less than one-third of the respondents participated at the time of user
group formation in both Parroha (without CF) and Bolbum CF whereas almost two-thirds of the
respondents participated in the soil-conservation group. When a chi-square test was performed on
gender and participation in group formation, there was significant difference in gender participation at
the time of group formation.
Participation in CFUG group meetings
Very few people were involved in discussions and sharing ideas. An independent sample t-test revealed
that the difference in the mean of participation was significant with gender. Similarly in the same test,
the difference in the mean of participation was significant with and without SCUGs. The findings
indicated that participation at group meetings was higher for combined CFUGs and SCUGs and
gender imbalance was noticed in group meeting attendance (Table 9).
Table 9. Test statistics for participation in group meetings
Test
statistics
Test variables
Grouping variables
t-test
group meetings
group meetings
t-test
Test value
P value
Sig. level
Gender (male & female)
t= 2.374
0.020
0.05
CF with SCUG and
CF without SCUG
t=2.352
0.021
0.05
Participation in CFUG operation decisions
Participation was very low; only 5 percent always participated in operational decision-making and
more than 63.3 percent never participated. Committee members were more involved than general
140
members in regular decisions on CF. Men were more active than women. For ANOVA on the mean
of operational decisions within land-holding groups and also regarding positions on committee, there
was significant difference in both means.
Participation in forest product collection
There was higher participation in fodder and fuelwood collection compared to other products for all
the three groups (Table 10). Seventy-one percent of the respondents never entered the forest directly
to collect wood because CF rules prohibited free access; timber could be obtained from the CF
office.
Table 10. Test statistics of participation in forest product collection
Test
statistics
Test variables
Grouping variables
Test value
P value
Sig. level
ANOVA
forest product collection
Household distance
group
F= 7.245
0.000
0.05
ANOVA revealed that participation in forest product collection was significantly different with
distance of households to the CF, i.e. remote users obtained less benefits.
Participation in soil-conservation groups
There was more participation in the SCUG than the CF. In the study area, the SCUG was very small
with only 71 households living in a small village; thus it was easier to inform all users on any decisions
reached. Although the participation in the SCUG was higher than the CF, a t-test showed that the
difference in mean of participation by gender was significant.
Knowledge about functioning of the SCUG
Flow of information about decisions
Most positions on the executive committee were occupied by elite members who controlled harvesting,
product distribution, and mobilization of funds. Regarding decision-making methods, around 60 percent
of the respondents said that they had no idea how decisions were made. The flow of information
about group decisions on CF was very low in both CFs but slightly higher in the SCUG vis à vis the
soil-conservation programme. It seems that SCUGs were more aware about group work. In all studied
groups, 50 percent of the respondents never learned about group decisions (Table 11).
141
Table 11. Distribution of information about group decisions
Information about group decision
Parroha CF
With SCUG
Always
Often
Rarely
Never
About CF
About SCUG
9 (28.1)
3 (9.1)
11 (34.4)
9(28.1)
10 (31.3)
4 (12.5)
10 (31.3)
8 (25.0)
Without SCUG
Bolbum CF
1 (3.3)
1(3.3)
11(36.7)
17 (56.7)
0
2 (6.7)
13 (43.3)
15 (50.0)
Source: Household Survey (2004). The figures in parentheses represent percentages.
Flow of information about group work
The flow of information about group work was more than the flow of information about group decisions.
In Parroha (with SCUG), most people always knew about their group work while in Parroha (without
CF) and Bolbum CF most people rarely knew about their group work.
Level of satisfaction with group work
This was different among the three study groups. The people who were involved in both CF and the
soil-conservation programme were more satisfied than those people involved only in the CF programme.
From a t-test, it was found that there was significant difference in the level of satisfaction about CF
with or without SCUG. The users with SCUG were more satisfied than the users without SCUG.
Knowledge about funds, training, and support
Generally, funds were used on work that benefited the users. In Bolbum CF, funds were lent to users
for income-generation activities. Most of the funds of all three study groups were spent on village
development work such as gravelling of roads, donations to schools etc. Ninety percent of the users
said that there was no distribution of cash income among users and 9.8 percent had no idea about
cash distribution. Twenty-five percent of the users in all three study areas obtained support from
different organizations for different income-generation activities.
Analysis of factors influencing participation in CF
Principle component analysis revealed seven components (factors) with eigen values exceeding 1.
The first factor was CF governance, with rules followed by the CF, and accessibility of forest products
as major variables; forest distance from households, functioning of the CF, perceived benefits, and
involvement at the time of group formation were complementary factors. Factor 1 explained 21.204
of total variance. This factor was associated with government policy for CF and accessibility of
forest products too.
The second factor was household characteristics; this comprised total land-holdings, total number
of working people, forest distance, and dependency on fuelwood as major variables with dependency
on fodder and occupation as complementary variables. This explained 12.639 percent of total variance.
The third factor was awareness about CF, which constituted functioning of the CF and position on the
CF committee, involvement at the time of group formation, satisfaction from CF, and household food
142
security as major variables with availability and accessibility to the forest as complementary variables.
This factor explained 9.939 percent of total variance.
The fourth factor was need for forest products, which comprised the need for fodder, need for
fuelwood, and perceived benefits from CF as major variables with satisfaction from CF as a
complementary variable. This factor explained the 7.754 percent of total variance. The fifth, sixth,
and seventh factors had only two variables each as major variables in the factor loading. The fifth
factor was education and dependency (major variables) with dependency on fuelwood as a
complementary variable. The sixth factor was occupation and caste (major variables). The seventh
factor was income and availability of forest products (major variables). The factors with less than
three variables were not considered as main influencing factor in this study.
Perceptions towards CF and soil-conservation activities
Perceptions about CF policy
All three study groups were positive about the CF programme. The method for forming users’ groups
received the lowest WAI score. ANOVA examined the relationship among the three study groups and
significant difference was observed in the mean score of the CF programme. Similarly an independent
sample t-test was performed to understand the relationship between CF (with SCUG) and CF (without
SCUG) and again significant difference was observed. There was positive correlation between
government rules for CF and people’s participation and the correlation was significant. People who
approved of the government’s rules for CF participated more in the CF programme.
Perceptions about accessibility of forest products after CF
Improvement in forest condition and increase in standing volume of timber do not necessarily mean
that there is increased access to forest products. This depends on the collection rule followed by the
users. The lowest WAI score was for accessible forest grazing, timber, and thatching grass. One user
remote from the CF office claimed that their group could not obtain forest products easily, because
they had already been removed when they reached the forest and they had to penetrate deep inside
the forest to collect forest products. There was positive correlation between accessibility of forest
products and participation in the CF programme.
Perceptions on rules followed by users
The rules followed by the CFUG were directly related to benefit sharing from the CF. ANOVA found
that there were different perceptions about rules and this was significant among the three groups.
People who wanted to enter the forest directly to collect forest products were less satisfied with rules
whereas the people who did not enter the forest directly for the collection of forest products, as they
intended to buy them from the CF office, were more satisfied with the rules. There was positive
correlation between people’s participation and rules followed by users in the CF programme.
Perceptions on functioning of the CF
ANOVA found that there were different perceptions on the functioning of the CF and these were
significant in the three study groups. The difference was significant among the general members and
143
executive committee members. There was a positive correlation between people’s participation and
perceived functioning of the CF. People who thought that the users’ groups were functioning well also
participated more in the CF programme. One female committee member of Bolbum CF said that men
on the committee generally did not listen to women during decision-making.
Perceptions on effectiveness of conservation
All three-study groups thought that conservation was effective (Table 12). This was appraised through
change in condition of the forest, change in water availability, change in flood and landslide events,
and reduction of illegal cutting. People who thought that conservation was effective through CF
participated more in the CF programme.
Table 12. Test statistics of opinions about the effectiveness of conservation
Test
statistics
Test variables
Grouping variables
t-test
CF with and without SCUG
ANOVA
Study group
Pearson
1. WAI of opinion about effectiveness of conservation
Correlation 2. Participation in CF
Test
value
P
value
Sig.
level
t=3.663
0.000
0.05
F=7.088
0.001
0.05
0.304
0.009
0.01
Perceptions on CF
In one analysis, the overall perception about CF differed significantly regarding the food balance of
the users (Table 13). Another analysis suggested that generally people were positive about the
programme. The people with better food security throughout the year were more positive about the
CF programme than the people who were less food-secure.
Table 13. Test statistics of overall perceptions about CF
Test
statistics
Test variables
Grouping variables
ANOVA
WAI of overall perceptions
about CF
Overall perceptions about CF
ANOVA
Test
value
P
value
Sig.
level
Study group
F= 6.008
0.005
0.05
Food balance group
F= 3.893
0.014
0.05
Sense of security and ownership (CF resources)
A slight majority of households (51 percent) said that they felt more secure about their rights to
resources in CF. Reasons given for no change or decrease in sense of security included control and
monopolization of CF resources by executive committee members and price discrimination among
users. Poorer respondents said that there was no free access to collect forest products and the CF
was selling the forest products.
144
Perceptions on the soil-conservation programme
Perceptions about the soil-conservation programme were positive among users in the programme
implementation area and higher than CF.
Policy analysis
Learning from experience, the forest policy of Nepal has gradually changed from government-controlled
forest management to participatory forest management. Currently the forest policy has centred on
people’s participation in both forest and soil-conservation programmes. Community forestry, which is
the basis for people’s participation, is functioning well in the hills, but this is not the case in the Terai
(Amatya, 2002). For the Terai, Siwaliks, and inner Terai, the government is trying to manage forest
resources through collaborative forest management.
Contradiction between the Forest Act and local self-government act
There are many contradictions between the Forest Act and the local self-government act (LSGA) in
terms of rights and responsibilities. The main contradictions are: (1) Misconception among members
of the local government that forests within the area of the village development committee/district
development committee (VDC/DDC) are the property of the VDC/DDC. (2) Section 17 of the
Forest Act stipulates that no person shall be entitled to any right or facility of any type in national
forest. (3) Section 68(1-C) of the LSGA stipulates that the forest granted by the prevailing forest laws
and the government are the property of the VDC. (4) The LSGA stipulates that natural heritage,
which includes forests, lakes, ponds, and rivers is the property of the VDC. (4) Section 218 of the
LSGA stipulates that money from the sale of sand, stone, concrete, and soil, belongs to the DDC fund.
This contradicts the definition of forest products under section 2(C) of the Forest Act. (5) Section
33(1) of the LSGA empowers VDCs to hear complaints relating among other things, to pasture, grass,
and fuelwood, but the Forest Act does not provide such rights to VDCs.
Contradiction between the Forest Act and other acts
There are many contradictions between the Forest Act and other acts.
1) The Water Resource Act has vested the ownership of all water resources in the Kingdom of
Nepal. Thus this act does not recognize the rights of CFUGs for water resources within CF
areas.
2) The Nepal Mine Act has vested the ownership of any minerals in His Majesty’s Government
of Nepal (HMGN).
3) The Environment Protection Act empowers the government to designate any area as an
environment conservation area. This provision conflicts with the Forest Act once the Ministry
of Population and Environment starts delineating conservation areas.
4) The following legislation empowers the government to acquire any land to fulfill the objectives
of the respective acts.
145
a.
b.
c.
d.
Section 4 of the Public Road Act (1974)
Section 16 of the Water Resource Act (1993)
Section 21 of the Electricity Act (1992)
Sections 3, 4, and 25 of the Land Acquisition Act (1977)
Community forestry and SWOC analysis
community and collaborative forestry management programme (Tables 14 and 15).
Table 14. SWOC analysis of CF
Strengths
Weaknesses
1. Institutional development, networking, and
mutual relationship
2. Sense of ownership of resources
3. People’s participation and participatory forest
management
4. Easy forest product collection and distribution
among users
5. People themselves can decide the programme
6. Conservation of forest and biodiversity
7. Implementation of indigenous forest management
8. Reduction on encroachment and illegal felling
9. Improvement in forest condition
10. Environmental protection
11. Increase in forest products and habitat for wildlife
12. Reduced floods and landslides and soil erosion
and increased water availability
13. Skills, powers, and self-esteem developed
in the users’ group and development of group
working attitude
14. Awareness about rights about forest products
15. Strong relationship between bureaucrats
and forest users
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
Opportunities
Lack of judicial distribution of forest
products
Difficulties in user identification especially in
the Terai and less emphasis on user group
formation
Lack of practical constitution and working
plan
Less participation of the poor, women, and
disadvantaged groups
Ignorance of policy, rules, and regulations of
CF
No or less coordination with local government
(VDC, DDC) and others
Lack of communication
Lack of awareness about CF especially for
Terai users
Rush to hand over the forest
Lack of programmes for the poor
More power on the executive committee and
decisions are committee oriented
Funds focus on physical construction
CF is dominated by elite people
The traditional users who are remote from
the forest lose their users’ rights
No alternative occupations for those users
who previously totally depended on forest
products for their livelihoods
Constraints and threats
1. Can develop effective communication with local
and external stakeholders
2. Institutional development for sustainable use
of resources
3. Focus on income-generating plantation through
scientific management of resources
4. Selection of projects for the poor depending
on the aim of the CF
5. Can follow participatory group formation methods
6. Opportunity for different income-generating
activities and employment
146
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Illiterate users
Less participation due to poverty, no time to
participate in forest management
Frequent change in policy, rules, and
regulations
High political influence
More benefits taken by the elite and executive
members and deforestation for personal
benefit by committee members
Illegal cutting by users who displaced from
their original occupation
7.
8.
9.
Support for village development like electricity,
schools, roads, temples etc.
Motivation for women, poor and the disadvantaged
Support for poverty alleviation
7. Control by elite and rich people in the CF
8. Less awareness of women, poor, and
disadvantage groups on CF
9. The executive committee is dominated by
people who do not use forest resources
10. Constitution and working plan for handover
of CF
11. Displacement of traditional users from
resource use
12. Terai CF is used to earn money rather than
fulfilling the basic needs of local people
13. Users cannot read their constitution and
working plan and they do not know their rights
and responsibilities
Collaborative forest management
The new concept formulated for management of forest in the Terai, Siwaliks, and Inner Terai is
collaborative forest management which has been incorporated in the Forestry Sector Policy (2000).
The basic forest management unit is the collaborative forest management group (CFMG). There is a
vast difference in the benefit distribution mechanism between the CFUG and the CFMG. CFUGs are
free to fix the rate and distribute the major forest products within the CFUG. They only have to pay
20-40 percent royalty to the government if they sell the forest products outside the CFUG. For CFMG,
the minimum rate for forest products is the government royalty rate and only 25 percent of the royalty
is separated for the local fund. The CFMG has no authority to distribute and utilize the fund and
authority for the distribution of the 25-percent fund is vested in the District Forest Co-coordination
Committee (DFCC). The CFMG has authority for cutting and topping products only. According to the
new concept for forest management and the Forestry Sector Policy (2000), the area delineated for
CF includes only small patches in the Terai, Siwaliks, and Inner Terai. People think that the government
is gradually withdrawing their rights from the forest and this may create misunderstanding between
users and the government. Finally if the Terai forest is managed properly through collaborative forest
management, it can accord users’ rights to remote users of the Terai who are the traditional users of
the forest and who are now displaced by hill migrants.
Table 15. SWOC analysis of the Forest Sector Policy 2000
Strengths
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Weaknesses
Participatory programme
Include users who are not included in CF
Gives right to traditional users
Sustainable development of forest resources
and sustainable supply of forest resources
Involvement of all stakeholders in forestry sectors
1.
2.
3.
4.
No judicial distribution of resources
People think it is complementary with CF
No linkage between CF and this policy
There is no unity for benefit distribution between
CF and collaborative forest management
5. No act and regulation for collaborative forest
management yet
Opportunities
1.
2.
3.
4.
Equal involvement of near and remote users
for forest management
The area within the collaborative area will be
developed according to local thinking
Plantation on barren areas
Sustainable management of governmentmanaged forest
Constraints (threats)
1. Small forest area with more users
2. Conflict due to difficulties in user identification
3. Difficulty to involve all users in forest
conservation
4. Most forest already handed over to CF in some
districts
5. CF users may oppose this
147
People’s participation in soil conservation and watershed management
Based on this policy, the following elements for people’s participation in soil-conservation and watershed
management programmes have been developed:
1)
2)
3)
4)
Identify activities that are conservation as well as needs oriented, and profitable for the farmers.
Plan and identify activities at the grassroot level.
Make the budget and government policy transparent to farmers
Develop extension programmes to generate awareness and expertise about conservation and
its benefits, and involve people in all stages of programme planning, implementation etc.
Despite people’s participation in the soil-conservation programme, the status of the users’ groups
established to fulfill the objectives of the Soil and Water Conservation Act (SWCA) is unequal. The
SWCA is silent about the establishment, registration, and powers and function of these users’ groups.
There is no provision for registration of users’ groups like CFUGs. The implementation procedure is
also different in the project (supported by NGO) and non-project (government supported) areas. In
the project area there is regular support from the NGO and the group is working continuously, but in
the non-project area the programme depends on the budget of the DSCO. There is no regular follow
up by the DSCO and the users themselves. Therefore to continue the work and also to empower the
users’ group there should be provision for user group registration (soil-conservation programme)
within the Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation and provision of a working plan for the nonproject area also. A single group could decrease costs for training, tours etc. Most of the users were
in favour of a single group for resource conservation work.
Conclusion
Despite no limit on political and administrative boundaries for CF, the user groups are delineated
according to political boundaries. Thus some people who never use forest products are also included
in the user group. Most of the users of both CFUGs are unaware about the group’s work and they do
not know their CF rights. Most of the executive members are occasional users of forest products.
People generally participate only for labour when the CFUG calls on them to do so. The degree of
participation in discussion and sharing of ideas is very low.
There is no enabling environment for marginalized people to participate in decision-making and
benefit sharing in both CFUGs and SCUGs. The elite seldom listen to their voices. Factors that
influence people’s participation in CF include government policy about CF, household characteristics
of the users, awareness about the programme, and the need for forest resources. Greater power is
given to committee members to make decisions. This discourages participation among the users.
The users’ perceptions on any conservation programme are based on their general understanding
of the conservation activities, their understanding of needs and resources, and experience gained
from programme participation. The people’s perceptions towards CF are rather positive. It is mainly
shaped by their perception on government rules for CF, accessibility of forest products, rules followed
by users, functioning of the users’ group, and effectiveness of the conservation activities. Similarly
people’s perceptions of the soil-conservation programme are also positive and mainly shaped by the
effectiveness of the activities and functioning of the programme. The soil-conservation programme
had greater appreciation than community forestry.
Although the forest policy encourages maximum participation of local people for its activities
both in CF and the soil-conservation programme, the present forest policy of Nepal is inadequate to
encourage the users to participate in managing CF in order to protect the socio-economically
148
disadvantaged users from exploitation and suppression. The Forest Act (1993) does not recognize the
role of local government bodies such as VDCs and DDCs in CF, nor assigns rights and responsibilities
between the DFO and CFUGs. The CF policy is more focused on major forest products. Enough
focus is not given to minor forest products, soil and water conservation, protection of the environment,
and biodiversity conservation.
Literature cited
Amatya, S.M. 2002. A review of forest policy in Nepal. In Proceedings of the Forest Policy
Workshop, January 22-24, 2002. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Retrieved from FAO website:
http://www.fao.org/DOCREP/003/AB576E/AB576E17.htm
Ervin, C.A. & Ervin, D.E. 1982. Factors affecting the use of soil conservation practice: Hypothesis,
evidence and policy implication. Land Economics, 58: 277-291.
Paudel G.S. 1998. Approach to Watershed Management in Developing Countries. A special study
submitted for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Program, Asian Institute of
Technology. Bangkok: Agricultural Conservation and Rural Development Program, SERD, AIT.
Thapa, G.B. & Weber, K.E. 1990. Actors and factors of deforestation in tropical Asia. Environmental
Conservation, 17:19-27.
Thapa, G.B. & Weber, K.E. 1994. Issues in natural resource management in developing countries.
Natural Resource Forum, 18: 115-123.
149
PROSPECTS FOR INSTITUTIONAL SUSTAINABILITY
IN COMMUNITY FORESTRY IN NEPAL
Narendra Prasad Shah1
Introduction
Forests play a significant role in protecting the environment as well as preventing soil and water
degradation; the wise use of these natural resources can significantly contribute to sustainable
development. However, due to ignorance and lack of proper sustainable management practices, the
forest resources of Nepal have been declining. Deforestation has become one of the major
environmental problems. The annual deforestation rate between 1978 and 1994 in the hills was 2.3
percent compared to 1.3 percent in the Terai, while for the country as a whole it was 1.7 percent.
There has been a long history of indigenous natural resource management systems in the hills and
mountains. These systems worked well because, firstly, the demand on the vast forest resources was
limited as the population was small and, secondly, because of the rules employed to use these systems.
In both cases, the involvement of local people was imperative. However, with the change in government
policy due to nationalization of forests in 1957, people started losing interest in forest protection. Much
of the forest area was encroached and converted into agricultural land, which accelerated deforestation.
As a result, landslide occurrence and erosion rates increased.
The National Forest Plan of 1976 for the first time recognized the need for people’s participation
in the protection and development of the forests so vital for the management of watersheds. In line
with the Forest Plan, in 1978 the government introduced a new Panchayat Forest Regulation, which
allowed the government to hand over part of the government forest to local elected bodies in the form
of Panchayat Forest and Panchayat Protected Forest. This lasted 10 years and was a starting point
for community forestry. However, active people’s participation could not be mustered due to the large
area and the lack of interest and responsibility among people to manage forests for their benefit.
The Master Plan for the Forestry Sector (MPFS) of 1988 incorporated the concept of the Forest
User Group (FUG). The national database showed that the potential community forestry area in the
country was 3.55 million ha, of which more than 997 076 ha had already been handed over to 12 560
FUGs involving 1 401 361 households by the end of 2002.
Studies in the eastern hills of Nepal showed that the wealthier villagers tended to dominate
decision-making in the FUGs, and this often led to a neglect of the needs of the poor section of the
community. This questioned the basic assumption of the policy of community forestry, which was that
the basic needs of the poorest would be met by community forestry. The poor groups widely felt that
they had not been properly consulted or helped during the change of forest management policy (Baginski
et al., 1998).
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Gopal B. Thapa / Dr. Soparth Pongquan (Chairs), Dr. Dietrich Schmidt Vogt, Dr. B.W.E.
Wickramanayake
299
The hasty FUG formation procedures caused social friction and conflict, and in turn, the importance
of community forestry was not understood by forest users. Moreover, sufficient post-formation support
and technical support to solve problems was not forthcoming from the Department of Forest to inspire
confidence among the user groups. The users regarded the district forest officers (DFOs) as the final
authority regarding forest management. But the DFOs usually suggested that FUGs should deal with
their problems themselves. There was a lack of clarity of the divisions of roles and legal powers
between FUGs and DFOs (Baginski et al., 1998). All these problems threatened the sustainability of
community forestry.
The overall objective of this research was to assess the prospects for institutional sustainability of
FUGs in managing community forestry in the study area and to suggest recommendations for
improvement. The study addressed situations that favoured the sustainability of community forestry,
issues that altered users’ perceptions towards community forestry practices, and modifications that
should be made to enhance community forestry and FUGs.
Dhankuta District was prominent among community forestry programme districts in the Eastern
Development Region of Nepal (Figure 1). The Overseas Development Agency (ODA) of the British
Government supported the community forestry programmes in the district. Two FUGs were selected
for the study based on the distance from the district headquarters (DHQ): Sildhunga (close to DHQ)
and Ghantedanda (remote from DHQ).
Geographically the district is located at 26º 53’ to 27° 19’ N latitude and 87° 8’ to 87° 33’ E
longitude. Elevations range from 120 to 2 702 metres above sea level. Almost all of the area is hills
and valleys. The climate varies from sub-tropical to cool temperate at high altitudes. Normally the
southwest monsoon brings rain from early June to mid August and sporadic rain occurs during winter.
The average rainfall of the district recorded in 1999 and 2000 was 97 and 67 mm respectively. Most
of the rain occurred during June, July, and August. The average temperature range from December to
January was 7.5 to 19.8°C and from June to July it was 20.5 to 27.3°C.
The total population of the district was 166 500 of which 49.2 percent was male and 50.8 percent
was female; the annual growth rate was 1.3 percent (CBS, 2002). The population density/km2 was
428.7. The literacy rate was 56.56 percent in 2001. The economically active population numbered
56.98 percent (generally 15-59 years). The major food crops were paddy, maize, wheat, millet, and
legumes; cardamom and ginger were popular spices for cultivation. The livestock population averaged
1.38 head/person. Average fruit and vegetable production per person was 210 kg and 60.5 kg
respectively. Each household had approximately 1.25 ha of land.
The total forest area was 36 383 ha of which community forest accounted for 31 042 ha (77.43
percent). Transferred community forest area was 24 037 ha (77.4 percent) out of a total of 321
FUGs; 99.84 percent of the households in the district were involved in community forestry programmes.
Sildhunga and Ghantedanda Community Forestry
Sildhunga (close to DHQ) and Ghantedanda (20 km from DHQ) had different social and environmental
characteristics (Tables 1 and 2). Community forest had been handed over to FUGs five years earlier
and Forest Resource Inventory secondary data were available. Sildhunga forest constituted Pinus
roxburghii and Alnus nepalensis plantation forests whereas Ghantedanda forest was natural sal
(Shorea robusta). The forest area in Ghantedanda was bigger and richer in vegetation cover than
Sildhunga.
300
The study area
FUG Far from the DHQ
(Ghantedanda CF)
FUG Close to
the DHQ
(Sildhunga CF)
Figure 1. Administrative map of Nepal showing the study area
301
Table 1. Main characteristics of the FUGs in Sildhunga
Location:
Total forest area:
No. of forest management blocks:
Forest type:
Dominant species:
Main associate species:
Forest age and maturity:
Total growing stock:
Total HHs:
Total members in committee:
Male members in committee:
Female members in committee:
CF handed over in:
Mode of forest protection:
Income-generating activities:
Management operation to be conducted:
Forest product demand and supply status:
Dhankuta Municipality, Ward no. 3, Kagte
26.5 ha
7
Alnus pine plantation
A. nepalensis and P. roxburghii
Katus-Chilune
25 yrs. immature
1 798 m 3
259
13
7
6
1988
FUG/FUGC member rotational patrolling
None
Thinning & pruning
Deficit of supply to meet the users’ demands
Source: FUG record (2003)
HH = household
Table 2. Main characteristics of the FUGs in Ghantedanda
Location:
Total forest area:
No. of Forest Management Blocks:
Forest type:
Dominant species:
Main associate species:
Forest age and maturity:
Total growing stock:
Total HHs:
Total members in committee:
Male members in committee:
Female members in committee:
CF handed over in:
Mode of forest protection:
Vedetar VDC Ward no. 2, Dharapani
142.64 ha (productive area 71.8 ha)
5
Shorea robusta (sal) natural forest
Shorea robusta (sal)
Terminalia, Adina, and Pterocarpus
25-100 yrs. (Pole size to mature tree)
14 998 ft3/ha
84
11
6
5
1992
Occasional patrolling by FUG and committee
members for illegal timber cutting from outside.
Cattle grazing is free
Very few bamboo plantations
Thinning, pruning, and plantation
Surplus supply to meet the users’ demand
Income-generating activities:
Management operation to be conducted:
Forest product demand and supply status:
Source: FUG record (2003)
Research methodology
Sampling design and sample size
Forest inventory data were recorded from the District Forestry Office to assess the supply situation
in the community forests, and to appraise the demand and supply situation for forest products in the
study area.
302
Simple random sampling without replacement was used for the household survey. Sixty-one
households from Sildhunga and 35 from Ghantedanda were surveyed. While selecting the respondents,
gender was prioritized (45 and 55 percent were female and male members respectively among the
selected households).
Data collection methods
Field observation, household survey, key informant interviews, and group discussion were used to
collect primary data on the socio-economic and institutional status of the selected FUGs. The secondary
data were collected from FUG offices, the District Forest Office, and Ilaka Forest Office and Project
Office records. Data were primarily forest resource information, literature, publications and reports,
maps, and community forest transfer status. Regarding populations, household information was collected
from the District Development Committee (DDC) and the District Forest Office, Dhankuta. Other
information on population and forest resource status was collected from the central level office of the
Community Forestry Division (CFD) and the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) in Kathmandu.
Data processing and analysis
Collected data were processed and analysed both qualitatively and quantitatively using SPSS version
10.0. Relative frequency, mean and standard deviation, Weighed Average Index (WAI) were calculated
and tabulated for descriptive analysis. For quantitative analysis, the statistical t-test was done. Similarly,
the Chi-square test was used to test the difference between the observed frequencies of several
classifications for the relationship between two variables.
Forest product demand and supply status
Sildhunga Community Forestry
The demand and supply situation in this community forest was not balanced. The number of users
was quite high in comparison with the forest area. Most of the respondents (87.3 percent) responded
that the community forest supplied barely 25 percent of their needs; 5.5 percent claimed they received
nothing from the forest Therefore, the majority of the users had to rely on their own sources, either
from private land or from land adjoining community forests. Thus many users belonged to other
FUGs. Most of the users close to the bazaar area depended on alternative sources of energy like
biogas, LPG, and kerosene oil for household consumption.
The annual demand for fuelwood was around 652 700 kg, whereas the estimated supply from the
community forest was only 13 400 kg, 2 percent of total demand. The demand for timber was 4 000
ft3 /year; whereas the supply from the forest was only 1 003 ft3 . Due to the poor supply situation, some
of the users were losing interest in community forest management activities. However, the users
were quite hopeful that they would be able to satisfy their needs properly after a few years, when the
forest would reach maturity.
303
Ghantedanda Community Forestry
The demand and supply was reasonable in comparison with Sildhunga. The number of users was
balanced within the forest area. In this case, 30.7 percent of the users could meet 100 percent of their
needs from the forest. The others were equally satisfied by using the community forest and private
land. Very few users (3.4 percent) received nothing from the forest. Being a remote area, most users
basically depended on fuelwood for household energy consumption; only 10 percent of users used
biogas plants.
The annual demand for fuelwood was around 756 000 kg, whereas the supply from the community
forest was only 15 400 kg, 2 percent of the total demand. The demand for timber was 2 240 ft3 /year,
whereas the supply from the forest was only 450.7 ft3 .
Socio-economic status of the FUG
Age groups
Users between 16 and 80 years of age were interviewed from both of the selected FUGs. Based on
the t-test result, there was no statistically significant difference of average age at the 95 percent level
of confidence between the two groups of users in the two FUGs. The majority of the respondents (59
percent) were in the age group of 16 to 45 years in Sildhunga and this figure was 80 percent in
Ghantedanda. The users within this age group were considered to be economically active, and involved
in agriculture, business, and forestry activities. Most of the Forest Users’ Group Committee (FUGC)
members were between 36 and 60. Committee membership required them to be more experienced
and mature for managerial roles. They played a key role in decision-making.
Family size and gender
The t-test result showed that there was no statistically significant difference at the 95 percent level of
confidence in average family size in between the two FUGs. The average family size (5.8) of the
Ghantedanda FUG was higher than the average family size of Dhankuta District (5.6). Male and
female division was 46.5 and 53.5 percent in Sildhunga and 45 and 55 percent in Ghantedanda.
Religion and ethnic composition
Most castes were Hindus. The Rai and Limbu castes dominated in both FUGs, but were most numerous
in Ghantedanda. In sequential ranking of occurence, other castes were Brahmins, Chhetris, and Newars
(found only in Sildhunga). This caste traditionally belongs to the business community and in the eastern
hills they settle close to urban and bazaar areas. Kami, Damai, and Sarki castes are migratory in the
eastern hills. They generally migrate and settle near bazaars to earn money as waged labour. Therefore
they were numerous in Sildhunga but not in Ghantedanda.
Educational level
Notably, only 26.2 percent of the respondents were illiterate in Sildhunga, but 40 percent was illiterate
in Ghantedanda. More secondary and college level users were found in Sildhunga, whereas they
were fewer in Ghantedanda.
304
Land-holding size
Of the landless users, 4.9 percent lived in Sildhunga and 2.9 percent lived in Ghantedanda. The
majority of households (56.9 percent) had small land-holdings in Sildhunga and this figure was 58.8
percent in Ghantedanda. There were very few large land-holdings in both of the FUGs.
Occupation
The majority of the respondents (90.9 percent) were farmers in Ghantedanda and this figure was 60.7
percent in Sildhunga. More respondents (17.9 percent) were employed in services in Sildhunga, but
very few (3.0 percent) worked in services in Ghantedanda. In Sildhunga, 10.5 percent of the respondents
were involved in businesses, whereas only 3.0 percent performed likewise in Ghantedanda. The
respondents involved in waged labour were slightly higher (10.7 percent) in Sildhunga than in
Ghantedanda. The chi-square test showed that there was a significant difference at the 95 percent
level of confidence between the occupations of the two FUGs.
Livestock
Livestock was an integral part of the farming system in the study area. Cattle and goats were the
livestock recorded during the household survey. The average livestock population at the household
level was 9.75 head in Ghantedanda and 4.72 head in Sildhunga. The average number of goats in
Ghantedanda was 5.86 and 2.52 in Sildhunga. There were more cattle in Sildhunga because there
were more Brahmins living in this area than in Ghantedanda.
The feeding of livestock differed in both FUGs. In Sildhunga most households (65.6 percent)
used stall-feeding whereas in Ghantedanda most users (88.6 percent) grazed their livestock.
Household income
Cash income came from agricultural and non-agricultural activities. Agricultural cash income came
from fruits, vegetables, livestock, and a modicum from food grain (most households used food grain
for domestic consumption). Non-agricultural cash income came mainly from services, business, waged
labour, and remittances. In the study area, 28.1 percent of the total respondents had no cash income
from agriculture and 39.6 percent had negligible cash income from non-agricultural sources. No
respondents received cash income from community forestry directly. The average household income
in Ghantedanda was very low compared to Sildhunga. The difference was attributable to high
employment opportunities in the non-agricultural sector for the users living close to DHQ.
About 94.3 percent of the respondents in Ghantedanda had low annual income. But in Sildhunga,
52.5 percent of the respondents had medium annual income. Very few people in both FUGs had high
income. However, the average income per respondent’s household in Sildhunga was higher than that
of Ghantedanda. The t-test result showed that there was a significant difference between the averages
of the household income levels in the two FUGs.
Institutional arrangements of community forestry
Scholars generally agree that institutions play an important role in determining the common pool
resources (CPR), including forest resources, but considerable disagreement exists among them about
305
the type of institution or tenurial agreement that is appropriate for organizing sustainable management
of these resources.
The traditional understanding of problems related to CPR has changed in recent years in favour
of community-based management. The change is based on growing empirical evidence that CPR
users are capable of creating effective governance rules for sustainable management of these resources
(Fisher et al., 1991; Gibson et al., 1998). However, no single institutional arrangement is best for the
sustainable management of CPR across a range of social and environmental conditions. Multiple
strategies may be needed depending on the characteristics of the resource and users.
The sustainability of an institution basically depends on how well it is structured by incorporating
common faith among the general members. The study found that the level of satisfaction on existing
FUG structure was very high in both of the FUGs. The respondents in Ghantedanda had a higher level
of satisfaction (86.9 percent) than their counterparts in Sildhunga regarding their FUG structure.
None was dissatisfied with FUG structure in Ghantedanda community forest whereas a few members
of Sildhunga community forest (8.2 percent) were totally dissatisfied with the FUG structure. The
negative attitude was based on the argument that the bigger group size in relation to the existing forest
resource created pressure on equitable distribution of forest products as well as affecting majority
rulings in group assemblies. Neutral respondents (4.9 percent in Sildhunga and 5.7 percent in
Ghantedanda) had no interest in community forestry due to marginal benefits.
Many similarities were found in rules for forest product collection in both of the FUGs. However,
some differences were found regarding penalties for the abuse of rules between the two groups. The
penalty against encroachment in Ghantedanda community forest was based on a social obligation of
reclamation of forest cover (enforcing the encroacher to reforest the encroached area) whereas in
Sildhunga the rules were in accordance with the execution of His Majesty’s Government (HMG)
Forest Act and by-laws. More rules were abused in Sildhunga than in Ghantedanda. In Sildhunga
most of the infringements occurred during collection of fuelwood as large families always collected
more fuelwood than smaller families. These cases were attributed to the poor distribution and controlling
mechanism of the committee.
Irrespective of the numerous GOs and NGOs working in the district, the District Forest Office
and Livelihood Forestry Programme (LFP) were primarily involved in providing major support services
to the FUGs in the study area. The Federation of Community Forest Users in Nepal (FECOFUN)
district office mainly coordinated organization to provide support services to FUGs whereas the other
organizations played an indirect role in providing support to the FUGs through NGOs. The District
Development Committee (DDC) and Village Development Committee had very limited support links
to the FUG institutions in the study area. The Ghantedanda FUG received support via a literacy
programme through the FECOFUN district committee whereas Sildhunga FUGs had no such support.
The coordination between line agencies at the District and Range-post level was satisfactory. In
both of the study areas, FUG members were satisfied with local staff coordination to provide support
on community forest management, training, and extension activities. The FECOFUN district committee
had a crucial role in strengthening FUG institutional capacity through networking of an internal
management system at the grassroots level. At the municipality level, coordination with FUGs was
inadequate for Sildhunga community forest. However, good coordination with FUGs was anticipated
with regard to widening input to FUGs in local development activities.
There was no systematic mechanism for monitoring followed by FUGs. The users discussed this
issue annually at the assembly but monitoring was given low priority. The District Forest Office
conducted trimester meetings at the Range-post level with the FUGC Chairperson focusing on progress
review and follow-up to improve the existing situation of community forest.
306
The primary sources of users’ funds in both of the FUGs were drawn from FUG membership
fees, selling of forest products, and fines for abuse of rules and regulations. The funds were used to
support the educational institution in Sildhunga. Whereas in Ghantedanda they supported the children’s
development trust, social functions, and partly provided loans to poor people for health care and
agriculture. Some residual funds were also spent on community forest management activities in both
FUGs in the study area.
Community forest management system
Community forestry has been evolving in Nepal since its implementation in the 1970s. It has passed
through various stages to become legally institutionalized through the enforcement of the Forest Act
and Bylaws. The Forest Act (1993), supported by the Forest Rules issued in 1995, gave FUGs legal
rights to utilize forest products from their forest, but no rights to sell the land, build houses, and
cultivate the area “in return for assuming responsibility for protection of the forests”.
After the implementation of the Forest Act in 1993, a significant increase in the rate of transfer of
community forests has been observed. The study found an increasing tendency for FUGs to become
involved in “active” forest management rather than simply protection. However, many community
forests were not being managed productively, though FUGs were carrying out harvesting operations
(Branney et al., 1998).
Before transfer to the local community, the forest at Sildhunga had been degraded by overgrazing whereas the forest at Ghantedanda had been degraded by illegal timber felling. In Sildhunga,
transfer of community forestry inspired replanting of degraded grazing whereas the people at
Ghantedanda looked forward to more forest resources to meet their daily requirements.
Participation at assemblies in Sildhunga was irregular, however it was on the rise. In some years
(1992, 1999, and 2000), there were no assemblies at all due to the inactiveness of the management
group (i.e. FUGC). Regarding irregular participation at assemblies, the users argued that the forest
area was too small to meet the demand and they lost interest in participating in community forestry
activities. They depended on their own private land to provide forest products. Some users only
participated to gain social recognition or for political purposes. In contrast, assemblies at Ghantedanda
were regular and participation was comparatively better than Sildhunga (Tables 3 and 4).
Regarding women’s participation in users’ assemblies, this was increasing in both FUGs as a
result of the literacy and awareness programme conducted by the district FECOFUN committee.
307
Table 3. FUG members’ participation at assemblies in Sildhunga
Total HHs
336
260
Years
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
HH members’ participation
M
F
Total
%
Female % of total
attendance
89
78
72
154
92
112
104
95
16
3
12
79
29
27
89
40
105
81
84
233
121
139
193
135
31.3
24.1
25
69.3
36.0
53.5
74.2
51.9
15.2
3.7
14.3
33.9
24.0
19.4
46.1
29.6
Table 4. FUG members’ participation at assemblies in Ghantedanda
Total HHs
84
Years
2000
2001
2002
HH members’ participation
M
F
Total
%
Female % of total
attendance
35
46
34
20
13
23
55
59
57
65.5
70.2
67.9
36.4
22.0
40.4
In general, the FUGC meeting should be conducted on a regular basis each month. But sometimes
this was affected by the coordination gap between members and groups. Community forest
management activities at Sildhunga were lower while members waited for trees to mature. In
Ghantedanda the users only implemented a few activities to fulfill demand due to lack of confidence
and skills in community forest management.
More respondents from Ghantedanda (48.5 percent) than Sildhunga (25.5 percent) thought there
had been no changes in participation in community forest management even after socio-economic
conditions had improved. Areas closer to DHQ had more positive opinions about community forestry.
The key changes in the community forest management system after the formation of FUGs were
increased forest resources and sense of ownership and concomitant institutional maturity among the
users to become involved in community work in a more participatory way (Tables 5 and 6).
308
Table 5. Summary of major changes in Sildhunga
Characteristics
Before
After
Key changes
Forest status
Ownership
Poor degraded land
Forest Department
Plantation
Users’ groups
Protection
Poor
Improved
Forest management
activities
People’s participation
None
Silvicultural management of
community forest
High level of people’s
participation in both forest
protection and
management
Organizing participatory
events to mobilize group
members to ensure
participation in community
forestry
Foundation of an organized
learning institution of
community forestry
Dense forest
Sense of ownership among
users’ group
Rapid expansion of forest
cover establishment
Gradual supply of forest products
to meet users’ demand
Foundation of community
approach in natural resource
management
Institution
No people’s
participation in forest
protection and
management
No community- based
institutional
arrangement exists in
the forestry sector
Increased users’ participation in
group assembly
Development of group dynamics
and leadership characteristics
among FUGs
Table 6. Summary of major changes in Ghantedanda
Characteristics
Before
After
Key changes
Forest status
Uncontrolled use and
illegal harvesting of
forest resources
Forest Department
Local people’s control of
illegal felling of forest
resources
Users’ groups
Improved restoration of forest
cover and natural regeneration
Poor
None
Improved
Silvicultural management
of forest
High level of people’s
participation in both forest
protection and management
Ownership responsibility
Protection
Forest management
activities
People’s participation
Institution
No people’s
participation in forest
protection and
management
No community-based
institutional
arrangement exists in
the forestry sector
Foundation of an organized
learning FUG
Sense of ownership among users
to take care of forest resources
Rapid growth in forest cover
Gradual supply of forest products
to meet users’ demands
Foundation of community
approach in protection and
management of forest resources
Increase in organizing local
development activities through
mobilizing group members at
grassroots level
Feedback of FUGs on community forestry
Most respondents in Ghantedanda (88.6 percent) were well aware of FUG rules and regulations
compared to Sildhunga (54.8 percent). They were more concerned with community forestry due to
higher dependency on forest resources than the Sildhunga FUGs. This is also reflected in the higher
participation rate (80 percent) in users’ assemblies and committee meetings. Business community
users in Sildhunga were less concerned with community forestry because they had no knowledge
about community forestry rules and regulations.
Many respondents attended the users’ meeting and took part in decision-making in Ghantedanda
although this was not the case in Sildhunga. Due to domination by the upper strata and inappropriate
decision-making processes, most of the users’ ideas were disregarded. This occurred frequently in
Sildhunga where the elite had much influence.
309
Conflicts were more common in Sildhunga than in Ghantedanda. They mostly concerned inequity
in product distribution, inequality in participation, and boundary disputes. Boundary disputes were
common in both study areas, whereas inequality in product distribution was more frequent in Sildhunga.
In both of the FUGs, the abuse of rules was the main reason of conflict. Most of the conflicts in the
study area were temporary in nature except boundary disputes. Temporary conflicts were generally
resolved by users’ assemblies or in committee meetings. In exceptional cases, senior citizens and
local forestry officials were involved.
Benefits were mostly in the form of timber, fuelwood, fodder, leaf litter, and agricultural tools
from the community forest. There was a significant difference in obtaining benefits between the two
groups. Ghantedanda users got more benefits than Sildhunga users as they had more forest resources.
The distribution of benefits was organized differently in both groups. In Sildhunga a user’s identity
card was distributed to each household for collection of forest products, whereas in Ghantedanda
collection depended on users’ consensus under the provision of the constitution without using any
identity card. However, timber collection in Ghantedanda required prior approval from committee
members. A few users in Ghantedanda were reluctant to respond to this kind of bureaucratic procedure.
Willingness to contribute to future community forest management was different in both FUGs.
More people in Ghantedanda argued that under the changing socio-economic conditions they would
not contribute to future community forest management (Table 7). Overall, users were in favour of
future community forest management.
Table 7. Users’ willingness to participate in community forestry
Opinion
No participation
Partially participate
Actively participate
Total
FUG close to the DHQ
(Sildhunga)
FUG remote from the DHQ
(Ghantedanda)
f
%
f
%
19
20
19
58
32.8
34.5
32.8
100.0
14
11
9
34
41.2
32.4
26.5
100.0
χ 2 -test
Sig.
0.81
Problems
Participation in Sildhunga was characterized by the tendency of rich people sending their paid labour
to substitute for their own work in the field. Whereas, in Ghantedanda poor users were engaged
mostly in waged labour outside the area. The funds in both groups were misused by the committee
members who spent them on unidentified items. Protection problems in Ghantedanda concerned
illegal harvesting of timber whereas in Sildhunga, they were related to illegal harvesting of fuelwood.
The problem related to forest product distribution was severe in Sildhunga due to the limited
resources. However, the management of available forest resources to meet the demands of users
was more important in Ghantedanda. Monitoring and evaluation in both FUGs had no systematic
system. The users at Sildhunga were dissatisfied with the working style of the committee members.
310
Conclusion
Income variations among the groups determined the operational management system of community
forestry in the study area. No interest among high-income users created some mistrust among users
in Sildhunga for participation in community forest management activities and maintaining an equitable
share of benefits from the community forest. However, this was not the case in Ghantedanda, where
there was good understanding among the users for participating in community forest management
activities.
Regarding institutional aspects, more users regularly attended assemblies in Ghantedanda than in
Sildhunga; conflicts in the former group were lower. Generally there was high satisfaction and
willingness to contribute to future community forest management in both groups. In this respect, the
prospects for sustainable institutional aspects in Ghantedanda were more favourable than Sildhunga
because of the high dependency on community forest, more concern about FUG rules and regulations,
and a high level of satisfaction with the FUG structure.
Literature cited
Baginski, O.S. et al. 1998. Community Forestry in Nepal: Sustainability and Impact on Common
and Private Property Resource Management. Report on First Phase on Field Research, 1998.
Environment Centre, Leeds University/NRI/NUKCFP.
Branney, P. et al. 1998. Changes in Community Forest Condition and Management 1994-1998:
Analysis of Information from the Forest Resource Assessment Study and Socio-economic
Study in the Koshi Hills.
CBS. 2002. Population of Nepal. Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal, Kathmandu, 2001.
Fisher, R.J. et al., 1991. Studying Indigenous Forestry Management System in Nepal: Towards
a More Systematic Approach. Environment and Policy Institute, East-West Centre Honolulu,
Hawaii.
Gibson, C. et al. 1998. Forest Resources and Institutions. FAO, Rome.
311
INSTITUTIONALIZING FOREST USER GROUPS VIA COMMUNITY FORESTRY
IN TANAHUN DISTRICT, NEPAL
Rameshwar Pandit1
Introduction
Forests, one of the most valuable resources of Nepal, are intricately linked with the lives of people
living in watershed areas. The country had abundant forest resources because of low population
density and inaccessibility to the resources till the middle of the twentieth century. Before 1950, the
Rana family controlled the forests under a feudal system. After the overthrow of the Rana government
in 1950, the ownership of forest resources shifted to the state government.
In 1957, the Private Forest Nationalization Act was enacted to “prevent the destruction of forest
wealth and to ensure adequate protection, maintenance, and utilization of privately owned forests”.
The Forest Law first recognized the concept of people’s participation in forest management in 1978.
Forest resources were entrusted for management to a local political body, the Village Panchayat.
Based on the Forest Policy of 1988, the Forest Act (1993) and Forest Regulations (1995) were
enacted to enhance people’s participation and stimulate democratic processes in planning,
implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. The community forestry policy has provided the District
Forest Office (DFO) with the authority to hand over any part of the national forest to the local
community as a community forest via the community Forest Users’ Group (FUG). Up to April 2002,
11 065 FUGs had been awarded over 851 965 ha of forest land as community forests (Database 2002,
Department of Forests).
It is necessary to assess the economic benefits incurred by forest management practices. Forest
degradation is a major problem related to the mid-hills forestry sector in Nepal. This is due to lack of
proper forest management. The unwise forest policy of the government in the past generated forest
degradation at an alarming rate.
A FUG is formed from households of diverse socio-economic characteristics. They have different
expectations and interests from the forests and their motivation to participate in forest management
depends on the economic benefits the forest returns to them. As the numbers of FUGs increase, they
need more support and frequent visits from technical field staff (Joshi, 1997).
The handing over of community forests to local people is progressing rapidly. The DFO and
related non-government and international non-government organizations (NGOs and INGOs) are
providing preformation and postformation training and extension activities to build institutional capacity
in better forest management. This study assesses the effects of training and extension activities on
institutional capacity building in terms of FUG awareness and performance.
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti (Chair), Dr. Soparth Pongquan, Dr. Rajendra Prasad Shrestha
263
Chhabdi Khola sub-watershed lies in Tanahun District of the Western Development Region of Nepal
(Figure 1). It was selected as the research study area because: (1) Chhabdi Khola sub-watershed is
representative of the mid-hills of Nepal where population densities, land use, forest type and condition,
forest products and management practices are more or less similar; (2) the sub-watershed is considered
a management unit where concerned government agencies and other related organizations assist
FUGs for better planning and management of forests; (3) the sub-watershed is in close proximity to
district headquarters. Out of four sampled FUGs, two are within walking distance of about one hour
and the other two are four to five hours’ walk from district headquarters.
Tanahun District
Tanahun District is situated in the east of the Western Development Region between 27º 56’ to 28º 5’
north latitude and 83º 57’ to 84º 54’ east longitude. The district is divided into 46 Village Development
Committees (VDCs) and one municipality. District headquarters is located in Damauli, which is situated
in the municipality. The total area of the district is 156 877 ha. There are 13 650 ha of irrigated
lowlands (Khet) and 38 350 ha of non-irrigated uplands (Bari). The average livestock population per
farm household is 3.8 head.
There are 57 838 households with an average household size of 5.5 persons. The population
density is 204.48 people/km2 . Twenty-six percent of the households are Magar caste followed by
Brahmin (14.2 percent), Gurung (13.1 percent), and Chhetri (11.4 percent). The remaining 35 percent
of the households belong to various other ethnic groups. Sixty percent of the total population is
economically active. Out of this population, about 72 percent are engaged in agriculture, 14 percent in
household activities, and the remainder in different occupational activities such as service, business,
and labour. Seventy percent of the population above six years is educated (59 percent female and
82 percent male) and 66 percent of the economically active population is educated (51 percent female
and 82 percent male).
Community forest status in the district
There are 76 231 ha of national forest and 23 245 ha of potential community forest in the district. Out
of the total potential community forest area, 18 543 ha (79.8 percent) have been handed over to
278 FUGs. Out of the total households in the district, 29 155 (50.4 percent) are involved in the
community forestry programme. Altogether 6 398 users have participated in different types of training
conducted by the DFO.
Chhabdi Khola sub-watershed
The sub-watershed is located near Damauli (district headquarters). The Chhabdi River is a tributary
of the Seti River. The watershed covers parts of VDCs such as Ghansikuwa, Pokhari Bhanjyang,
Keshavtar, and Ward No. 1 of Vyas municipality. Its total area is 2 104 ha. Cultivation is limited to
small valleys and terraced slopes. On the hill slopes (uplands) the popular cropping pattern is maize
based, whereas in the fan areas (lowlands) it is primarily rice based. An integrated crop-livestock
system is predominant; 1 414 households are benefiting from the community forests.
264
Bhayarthan
FUG
Dhamilikhola
FUG
Bhadru
FUG
Kulung FUG
Tanahun
Figure 1. Location of the study district and sub-watershed
265
The sampled FUGs
The sampled FUGs were Bhayarthan, Bhadru, Dhamilikhola, and Kulung. Bhadru and Bhayarthan
come under the Vyas Range post whereas Dhamilikhola and Kulung are situated in the Ghansikuwa
Range post. These FUGs were selected on the basis of remoteness from district headquarters.
Bhayarthan and Bhadru are near district headquarters. Dhamilikhola and Kulung are remote from
headquarters (Figure 1).
FUG socio-economic characteristics
Socio-economic characteristics are indicators of the status of the community. Their study indicates
the living standard of the community, the economically active population, dependency on the forest for
various purposes, participation in community forestry activities, dominance of certain castes, group
homogeneity/heterogeneity, knowledge acquired in training and extension activities, and users’ problems.
Demography
Age group of the respondents
Respondents between 14 and 80 years old were interviewed. Table 1 shows that most of the respondents
(85 percent) were between 16 and 59 years old; they were considered to be economically active in
agriculture and forestry. Forest User Group Committee (FUGC) members belonged to this age group.
Nine percent of the respondents were over 59 and were very experienced in indigenous management
of forests. This group generally played a key role in decision-making.
Table 1. Respondents’ age group distribution
Age group
Frequency
Percent
14-15 years
16-59 years
60-80 years
Total
7
106
11
124
6
85
9
100
Gender and ethnicity of the respondents
Gender-wise, 68 percent (male) and 32 percent (female) of the users were interviewed. Respondents
were both Hindus and Buddhists. Regarding the caste composition of the respondents, the percentages
of Magar, Chhetri, Brahmin and others (Darai, Newar, Sarki, Damai) were 41, 22, 19, and 18 percent
respectively.
FUG ethnicity
Ethnicity and cultural variables play an important role in local leadership; elite dominance and alliances
influence decision-making while implementing community forestry activities. Out of more than
15 ethnic and caste groups reported in Tanahun District (District Statistics, 2002), nine castes were
266
represented in four FUGs in the study area. No FUGs were homogenous in the context of ethnicity,
culture, and local languages. But different castes dominated different FUGs. In Kulung FUG, Magar
dominancy was high (70 percent) followed by Brahmin (nine percent). There was similar Magar
dominance in Dhamilikhola FUG. Brahmins dominated in Bhadru FUG followed by Darais; there was
equal dominance of Brahmins and Chhetris in Bhayarthan FUG.
Family size of the respondents
Family size ranged from a minimum of two to a maximum of 17 members. Average family size ranged
from 5.3 to 7.8 in the FUGs. The average family close to district headquarters (ANHQ) was
5.3 whereas average family size remote from headquarters (AFHQ) was 7.7.
Educational status of the respondents
Only six percent of the respondents had higher educational background. Illiteracy of AFHQ respondents
was more than double that of ANHQ respondents. The illiteracy of Dhamilikhola FUG respondents
was the highest among the four FUGs.
Occupational situation
Most of the users were engaged in agriculture (46 percent). AFHQ respondents were more involved
in agriculture (52 percent) than ANHQ respondents. The school-going population was higher in ANHQ
than in AFHQ. No users worked as waged labour in Dhamilikhola and Kulung FUGs. Users’
involvement in government service was low but the percentage of service holders in ANHQ was
higher than AFHQ. More users sought work in foreign countries in AFHQ that in ANHQ. Among the
FUGs, most foreign workers came from Dhamilikhola FUG.
Land-holding size
Land is an indicator that determines the socio-economic state of the people. Generally lowland was
used for growing paddy while upland was used for vegetables, fruit, and fodder trees. The average
land-holding was 0.78 ha/household. When lowlands and uplands were considered, the average landholdings were 0.22 and 0.56 ha respectively.
Lowlands
Interviewed households were grouped on the basis of their landholdings. Households owning less than
0.30 ha, and above 0.90 ha were grouped as marginal, small-, medium- and large-sized land-holdings
respectively. The percentages of marginal, medium, and large farmers were more or less the same in
both AFHQ and ANHQ areas (Table 2). Among the FUGs, Dhamilikhola FUG had the highest
(94 percent) marginal land-holding farmers.
267
Table 2. Lowland-holdings of respondent FUGs
Household grouping
Marginal
Small
Medium
Large
Total
AFHQ
ANHQ
Grand total
Dhamilikhola
Kulung
Total
Bhadru
Bhayarthan
Total
29(94)
1(3)
18(58)
9(29)
2(7)
2(6)
31
47(76)
10(16)
2(3)
3(5)
62
22(70)
4(13)
2(6)
3(10)
31
26(84)
3(10)
1(3)
1(3)
31
48(77)
7(11)
3(5)
4(7)
62
1(3)
31
95(77)
17(14)
5(4)
7(5)
124
Figures in the parentheses show the percentages
Uplands
Thirty-six percent of the households belonged to marginal farmers followed by small farmers (Table
3). ANHQ had more marginal farmers than AFHQ, but the percentage of large farmers in AFHQ
was higher than ANHQ. So, the AFHQ had more potential to grow cash crops and fodder and
fuelwood trees.
Table 3. Upland holdings of respondent FUGs
Household grouping
Marginal
Small
Medium
Large
Total
AFHQ
ANHQ
Grand total
Dhamilikhola
Kulung
Total
Bhadru
Bhayarthan
Total
6(20)
10(32)
5(16)
10(32)
31
5(16)
12(39)
6(19)
8(26)
31
11(18)
22(35)
11(18)
18(29)
62
16(52)
10(32)
4(13)
1(3)
31
18(58)
4(13)
8(26)
1(3)
31
34(55)
14(23)
12(19)
2(3)
62
45(36)
36(29)
23(19)
20(16)
124
Figures in the parentheses indicate the percentages
Livestock holdings with grazing status
Livestock holdings
Livestock rearing is a fundamental component of the hill-farming system. Sale of livestock and their
products is an important source of farm income. Livestock rearing depends on the availability of
forest products such as fodder, leaf litter, and grass. If the livestock number is high, this will exert
pressure on the forest to maintain it. Most livestock in the study areas were buffalo, cattle, and goats.
Some users in AFHQ raised pigs. In terms of herd size, AFHQ had bigger herds of cattle (3.8) and
goats (3.2) than ANHQ. Considering the livestock unit (LSU), the AFHQ had approximately double
the number of LSUs than ANHQ. Among the FUGs, Kulung had the highest and Bhadru had the
lowest number of LSUs.
Livestock grazing status in community forests
Livestock was generally managed through stall-feeding and grazing in national forest, private forest,
and public barren land. In the case of community forest, grazing was prohibited or practised on a
268
rotational basis. In all 4 FUG study areas; grazing was prohibited in the community forest. In Kulung
19 percent of the respondents favoured buffalo grazing in community forest and 17 respondents out of
31 agreed that they grazed their cattle in community forest. Similarly, in Dhamilikhola 14 respondents
favoured cattle grazing in community forest. In Dhamilikhola and Kulung FUGs, more respondents
were in favour of goat grazing than the other two FUGs. Livestock grazing in Dhamilikhola and
Kulung FUGs was a problem.
Income status of sampled households
The income status of the users also plays an important role in community forest management.
Irrespective of wealth and educational level, all users need forest products for basic needs. Due to
lack of alternative sources, people have to depend on forests. The average income per household was
NRs58 170 with a minimum of NRs11 500 to a maximum of NRs192 200. Kulung had the highest
income from agriculture among the FUGs, as the percentages of small, medium, and large farmers
were higher there. Regarding income from government service and remittance, ANHQ and AFHQ
had contrasting incomes due to the high percentage of service holders in ANHQ and the high percentage
of overseas workers in AFHQ (Table 4).
Table 4. Respondents’ income status and income grouping
Income group (NRs)
Dhamilikhola
< 20 000
20 001 - 40 000
40 001-60 000
60 001-80 000
> 80 000
Total
5(16)
12(39)
6(19)
3(10)
5(16)
31
AFHQ
ANHQ
Whole total
Kulung
Total
Bhadru
Bhayarthan
Total
4(13)
6(19)
3(10)
7(23)
11(35)
31
9(15)
18(29)
9(14)
10(16)
16(26)
62
6(19)
9(29)
8(26)
2(7)
6(19)
31
5(16)
1(32)
9(29)
8(26)
8(26)
31
11(18)
10(16)
17(27)
10(16)
14(22)
62
20(16)
28(23)
26(21)
20(16)
30(24)
124
Figures in the parentheses represent percentages
Expenditure status of the sampled user households
The average annual expenditure was NRs48 886 with a minimum of NRs14 800 and a maximum of
NRs144 000. Users spent more on food grain (NRs16 248) followed by groceries (NRs6 625). Their
other items of expenditure were inter alia clothing, education, festivals, medicine, vegetables and
fruits, and pilgrimages. As a whole, more households (40 percent) had annual expenditure of between
NRs20 001 and NRs40 000. Among the FUGs Dhamilikgola had the highest number of households
who spent between NRs20 001 and NRs40000 annually.
Economic benefits from community forests to FUGs
Community forest has great potential to generate substantial economic benefits for the local communities
at the local level and to support community development activities. A comprehensive analysis is required
to evaluate economic benefits.
269
Collection of forest products
Collection of forest products from community forests
Users collected forest products for basic needs from community forests. Dhamilikhola and Kulung
FUGs had mature forests with many old trees whereas Bhadru and Bhayarthan FUGs had pole-sized
trees with scattered old trees. The AFHQ users collected more timber than ANHQ users. Kulung
extracted the highest quantity of timber (7.7 cft/household) among the FUGs. Users of Kulung FUG
collected the highest quantity (61 bharis/household) among FUGs of both areas. When fodder collection
is considered, users of Kulung FUG collected the highest quantity (149 bharis/household) and users
of Bhayarthan FUG collected the least (28 bharis/household), as the livestock head/household of
AFHQ was double that of ANHQ.
Consumption of forest products before hand over of forests
Respondents found it difficult to recall the exact quantities of timber, fuelwood, fodder and material
for agricultural tools collected (Table 5) as all four community forests had been handed over at least
five years previously. However, they recalled quantity in terms of cubic feet, bharis, and other units.
Table 5. Collection of forest products before hand over to community
Forest Products
AFHQ
ANHQ
Grand total
Dhamilikhola
Kulun
Total
Bhadru
Bhayarthan
Total
18.5
62.4
87.1
3.1
12
102.5
173.5
3.2
15.3
82.5
130.2
3.1
10.6
39.4
77.7
2.3
8.5
44.6
122.6
3.3
9.6
42
100.2
2.8
Timber (cft)
Fuelwood (bhari)
Fodder (bhari)
Agricultural tools (No.)
12.4
62.2
115.3
3
Comparison of consumption of products after and before hand over of forests
Consumption of timber and fodder was four and two times greater respectively, before the hand over
of forests. People collected more products formerly, as the forest was open access to all. After the
hand over of forests to local users as community forest, they were responsible for protection,
management, and use. They had their own constitutions and forest operational plans (OPs) which
regulated forest product extraction. Other reasons for low consumption of forest products might be:
(a) not all users needed timber for house building as most of them had built their houses before hand
over; (b) they used private land for fuelwood and fodder and biogas for cooking (many ANHQ
households used biogas).
Benefits from community forests
Benefits perceived by users
Users extracted timber, fuelwood, and fodder. Quantities differed from one FUG to another depending
on forest condition, silvicultural knowledge, and management prescriptions mentioned in their OP.
Fifty-three percent of users in the whole area perceived the benefits to be reasonable.
270
Income sources of FUGs
Table 6 indicates that generally the major sources of FUG income came from the sale of forest
products (timber, fuelwood) that they consumed within the FUG. Other main income sources were
membership fees and infringement fines. They also had income from other sources, which included
application fees for forest products, forest entry fees, and bank interest.
Table 6. FUG income sources
Income sources
Forest product sales
Grants
Donations
Membership fees
Fines
Others
Total
Name of FUGs
Whole area
Dhamilikhola
Frequency
Kulung
Frequency
Bhadru
Frequency
Bhayarthan
Frequency
30 (35)
1 (1)
31 (34)
31 (27)
30 (35)
23 (27)
2 (2)
86
28 (31)
26 (29)
5 (6)
90
31(32)
5 (5)
1 (1)
30 (31)
30 (31)
97
31 (26)
31 (27)
23 (20)
116
Frequency
123 (32)
6 (1)
1 (0.3)
119(31)
110(28)
30(8)
389
Figures in parentheses represent percentages of responses
Income and expenditure status of the FUGs
The community forests of Dhamilikhola, Kulung, Bhadru and Bhayarthan FUGs were handed over in
1997, 1995, 1993, and 1993 respectively. Among the FUGs, Kulung had the highest income; forest
product sale to users was the major source. The FUGs spent funds mainly on buying office materials
and stationery, office rental, auditing, guard’s salary, OP review, and community development works.
Expenditures were grouped into administration, community development, and protection. Kulung had
the highest investment in community development work whereas Dhamilikhola and Bhadru FUGs’
investment was in kind, not in cash.
Potential income generation activities
Income generation activity (IGA) in the community forest is a good way for FUGs to use products at
the household level and for a range of community development activities. For this, there is a provision
mentioned in the Forest Act and Forest By-laws about IGAs in community forests based not only on
major forest products like timber and fuelwood but also extraction of non-timber forest products
(NTFPs) like bamboo, broom grass, and cardamom. IGA for Bhadru and Bhayarthan (ANHQ) targeted
bamboo and broom grass plantations whereas IGA in Dhamilikhola and Kulung (AFHQ) concerned
kurilo and old trees. Bamboo is extremely important for rural people’s livelihoods in Nepal, providing
fodder, building material, cash income, handicraft materials, soil stabilization, food, and numerous
small-scale construction and tool uses. Bans (Dendrocalamus sp.) and nigalo (Arundinaria sp.)
grew profusely in Tanahun District. Kurilo is the dried root of Asparagus racemosus. Removing old
and dead trees for retail can be a potential source of income to FUGs. For this, there should be a
provision in the FUG operational plan.
271
Support to local development through community forestry
All FUGs were undertaking local development activities with the income generated from their community
forests according to the limitations of their funds (Table 7). Kulung supported school building, community
building construction, drinking water availability, road and chautara (resting place) development as it
had the highest income among the four FUGs. It had constructed its own FUG building, which was
used as an office and meeting hall.
Table 7. FUG fund mobilization in community development work (NRs)
Development
Name of FUGs
Dhamilikhola
Kulung
School
2 trees
Community building
Drinking water
5 cft timber
Road construction
(Chautara) resting place
Total
2 trees, 5 cft timber
19 050
29 750
5 000
10 000
12 000
75 800
Bhadru
Bhayarthan
12 cft timber
8 480
4 000
12 cft timber
12 480
Source: FUG Records (2002)
US$1.00 = NR78
Effects of training and extension activities in institutional capacity building
For the management of community forest, the FUG is involved in different sets of activities such as
monthly meetings, annual assembly, awareness raising, planning, silvicultural activities, record keeping
and accounting, and other development activities. For institutional capacity building of FUGs, government
organizations like the Regional Training and Extension Center (former Regional Forestry Training
Center), the DFO with financial assistance and technical backstopping from the Natural Resource
Management Sector Assistance Programme (NARMSAP), and other related projects are conducting
training and extension activities for them.
Stakeholders involved in community forestry
To achieve the objectives of community forestry, different stakeholders are involved in supporting the
community forestry process for effective forest management. According to discussion with different
organizations during field data collection, the main stakeholders were: the Ministry of Forests and Soil
Conservation (MFSC), the DOF, NARMSAP, the Federation of Community Forestry Users of Nepal
(FECOFUN), the Regional Directorate of Forests (RDF), the Regional Training and Extension Center,
the District Forest Office (DFO), Range posts, VDCs, FUGs, and NGOs)/CBOs.
Awareness aspects
Participation level of respondents in preformation and postformation training
Preformation training is conducted before the hand over of forests to make users aware of community
forestry policy, rules, and regulations, to carry out participatory identification of users, and to develop
the FUG constitution and OP. Postformation training is designed to help users implement their OP to
manage and use their community forests efficiently. Table 8 shows that out of 124 users interviewed
272
only 37 percent of the respondents participated in preformation or postformation training conducted
by DFO and DSCO. Among the FUGs, a low number of users participated in training in Dhamilikhola
FUG, which was also clear from the training records.
Table 8. Participation level of respondents in training
Participation level
Name of FUGs
Whole area
AFHQ
ANHQ
Dhamilikhola
Kulung
Bhadru
Bhayarthan
8 (26)
23 (74)
31
10 (32)
21 (68)
31
15 (48)
16 (52)
31
13 (42)
18 (58)
31
Training attended
Training not attended
Total
46 (37)
78 (63)
124
Figures in the parentheses represent percentage.
Users’ perceptions on the usefulness of training attended
According to Table 9, the users rated the usefulness of attending preformation and postformation
training, workshops, seminars, and study tours in forest management activities “very high”. The users
attended both field-based training and classroom training.
Table 9. Users’ perceptions on the usefulness of attended training
Usefulness of
attended training
(Scale value)
Very low (0.2)
Low (0.4)
Medium (0.6)
High (0.8)
Very high (1)
Total
WAI
Dhamilikhola
AFHQ
Kulung
Total
Bhadru
ANHQ
Bhayarthan
Total
0
0
2 (25)
4 (50)
2 (25)
8
0.80
0
0
2 (20)
5 (50)
3 (30)
10
0.82
0
0
4 (22)
9 (50)
5 (28)
18
0.81
0
0
3 (20)
4 (27)
8 (53)
15
0.87
0
0
3 (23)
5 (38)
5 (39)
13
0.83
0
0
6 (21)
9 (32)
13 (47)
28
0.85
Whole
study area
0
0
10 (22)
18 (39)
18 (39)
46
0.83
Figures in the parentheses show the percentages
Users’ awareness on individual topics
Community forest policy
The community forest policy focuses on the handing over of all accessible forests to FUGs irrespective
of political or administrative boundaries, the sharing of all benefits from community forests among
users, utilization of funds generated from forest products in social development work, and capacity
building of the FUGs and DOF staff through training. The 1993 Forest Act provides a framework
within which FUGs can become legally responsible for the protection, management, and utilization of
community forests.
273
Contents of the operational plan and constitution
These components drive the FUG in the right direction and regulate the forest in a sustainable way.
Users’ understanding of the contents of the OP and constitution is important, as they have to implement
every activity according to the OP and constitution. It was unfortunate that the awareness level of
FUGs about the contents of the OP and constitution was only “medium”. Thirty-five percent of the
respondents had “medium” level and 32 percent had “low” level of knowledge on the OP and
constitution.
Rights and responsibilities of FUGs
FUGs have to prepare the constitution and OP by consensus agreement of the majority of user
members. Participation in community development works; community forest activities, general
assembly; and monitoring FUGC activities are also the FUG’s responsibilities. Overall awareness of
the users in the study area about rights and responsibilities of the FUG was “medium” (0.60). There
was little sharing of training ideas and experiences by trained users with other FUG members.
Silvicultural operations
FUGs conduct silvicultural operations to protect the forest from damage, to improve the forest condition,
and to harvest forest products. Silvicultural operations like thinning, pruning, cleaning, singling, selective
felling, enrichment planting, and promotion of regeneration are common practices in the community
forests of Nepal. All four FUGs of the study area conducted silvicultural operations in the winter
season.
Record keeping and accounting
The secretary of the FUG is responsible for keeping records of each and every activity conducted by
the FUG and the FUGC. Generally, knowledge on record keeping and accounting was “medium”.
Comparatively this level is higher (WAI 0.49) in ANHQ than in AFHQ (WAI 0.40). According to the
F test, the awareness level of users varies significantly among FUGs. Thirty-six percent of the
respondents numbered “low” whereas 31 percent numbered “very low” knowledge about record
keeping and accounting.
Performance aspects
Decision-making in selection of training participants
For FUG human resource development, training and extension institutions (e.g. District Forest Office)
invite the FUG to send users to participate in training and extension activities. According to the FUG
constitution, the FUGC meeting should select the training participants. More than 50 percent of
responses in Dhamilikhola, Bhadru, and Bhayarthan FUGs showed that in most cases the FUGC
chair selected training participants (Table 10). In such situations there are more opportunities for
FUGC members and upper echelons to attend training.
274
Table 10. Users’ perceptions on participation in training by different FUGs
Groups of persons of FUG
FUGC members
FUG male members
FUG female members
Influential persons
Name of FUGs
Whole area
Dhamilikhola
Score
Kulung
Score
Bhadru
Score
Bhayarthan
Score
Score
117
63
34
96
118
64
32
96
105
63
47
95
113
62
37
98
453
252
150
385
Sharing of training knowledge and skills with others
Several stakeholders related to community forestry conduct training and extension activities for forestry
users. Only limited numbers of users can be trained. Most users attend field-based training and
workshops. So, it is expected that trained users should share their acquired knowledge and skills with
other users in FUG assemblies, FUGC meetings, informal meetings with others, and during silvicultural
operations. According to more than 60 percent of the respondents, there was no sharing of information
and ideas by trained users at formal/informal meetings and during silvicultural operations.
FUG performance on specific topics
Silvicultural operations
All FUGs divided their forests into blocks. Each year management activities were carried out in
rotation according to the operational plan. The main activities were thinning, pruning, and clearing of
unwanted species. They asked the Range post and the DFO for technical support during silvicultural
operations. The ANHQ FUGs used improved tools for this purpose. The AFHQ FUGs had not
purchased improved tools yet.
Record keeping and accounting
FUGs are required to manage funds and keep records on four different issues: (1) minutes of the
decisions of the FUG assembly and FUGC meeting; (2) records of forest product collection and
distribution; (3) records of performance of individual duties and impositions of fines and punishments;
and (4) records of income and expenditure of FUG funds. ANHQ FUGs were comparatively better
than AFHQ FUGs.
Work according to the OP and constitution
The FUG constitution states the rules and regulations whereas the OP covers the activities to be
performed for forest management and utilization. The FUG has to follow the constitution and OP
while implementing community forestry activities. If something needs to be added or changed in the
OP, the FUG has to get approval from the DFO before implementing the added or changed activities.
No FUG had followed its OP fully. No FUG had started IGA as mentioned in the OP. Among the
FUGs, Dhamilikhola had the lowest performance. Dhamilikhola had not deposited its funds in the
nearby bank. Dhamilikhola and Kulung FUGs could not stop cattle grazing in the forests and could not
275
conduct silviculture in the particular management block in the same year mentioned in the OP due to
the larger block size.
Women’s participation at the FUG assembly
FUG/FUGC have to encourage women’s participation at the FUG assembly. To note the status of
women’s involvement in the FUG assembly for the fiscal year 2000/2001, FUG assembly attendance
registers were checked (Table 11).
Table 11. Male and female presence at FUG assembly
Name of FUGs
Total households
Total attendance
Male attendance
Female attendance
Dhamilikhola
Kulung
Bhadru
Bhayarthan
81
45
42 (93)
2(7)
217
124
105 (85)
19 (15)
98
66
41(62)
25 (38)
74
47
35 (74)
12 (26)
Source: FUG Records
Figures in parentheses show the percentage attendance
The reasons for low participation of women at the FUG assembly were: Households rather than
individuals were identified as users; men are often listed as household heads; only one household
representative, usually the household head, was invited and expected to attend the assembly. Most
people thought that it was a waste of time for two people from the same family to attend the same
meeting. If one attended the meeting, another could take care of the household and the farm.
Decision-making at the FUG assembly
The FUG assembly is a formal decision-making forum where important decisions are made for
institutional capacity building and forest management. Decision-making may be democratic, neutral,
or autocratic. Respondents were asked to rate their FUG performance in decision-making keeping in
mind the decision-making process (democratic, neutral, and autocratic) at the FUG assembly. Generally,
FUG performance in decision-making was only 65 percent and neither fully democratic nor fully
autocratic.
Participation at the FUGC meeting
There is a provision for the FUG to give responsibilities to the FUGC in order to conduct the day-today activity of the FUG. In the three FUGs (Kulung, Bhadru, Bhayarthan), two-thirds attendance at
the FUGC meeting was a quorum according to FUG constitutions. In Dhamilikhola FUG, a quorum is
met when 60 percent of the members are present at the meeting. When asked about members’
attendance at FUGC meetings, it was reported that attendance was always higher than the quorum.
ANHQ (Bhadru, Bhayarthan) was higher than AFHQ (Dhamilikhola, Kulung).
276
Decision-making at the FUGC meeting
Generally, the FUGC tries to include all ethnic groups of users. So, decision-making plays an important
role for the representation of ethnic groups. In the constitutions of all four FUGs, decision-making is
done by consensus and by majority vote when consensus is not achieved. In FUGC meetings, the
chair, secretary, other members of the FUGC or influential persons or any combination of these might
influence decisions. It was reported that in most FUGC meetings of both areas, decisions were made
by consensus. The overall performance of FUGCs for maintaining transparency among users was
perceived by respondents as medium (WAI 0.54). Comparatively, Bhayarthan and Kulung were better
as they had more systematic record keeping by teachers and presentations at the FUG assembly.
Conflict management
Generally, conflicts in FUGs arise between sub-groups within the FUG, between individuals and the
FUG, between the FUGC and individuals, within the FUGC and between the FUG and outsiders. In
order to assess the FUG performance on conflict management, respondents had to rate the performance,
keeping in mind the categories of conflict and their resolution status in their FUGs. FUG performance
in managing conflicts in the whole study area was 66 percent. Dhamilikhola had the lowest performance
and Bhayarthan had the highest performance. There was conflict between Dhamilikhola FUG and
outsiders on the issue of cattle grazing. Outsiders (neighbouring villagers) were grazing their cattle
openly in the community forest. The FUG had asked villagers many times to stop this but was
unsuccessful. Kulung had a similar dispute.
Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and constraints
Although, the community forestry programme has been successful in the mid-hills of Nepal, it is not
free from problems. The FUGs are facing forestry problems related to social, institutional, and biophysical
aspects.
Strengths related to community forestry
The Forest Act regards the FUG as an autonomous corporate body. FUGs are supporting local
development through funds raised from community forests and there is a developing trend towards
institutionalizing social development works. Government organizations like the DFO and the RTEC
are supporting FUGs in institutional capacity building through training and extension activities. Relatively
inexpensive field-based training is getting priority; most users can attend. Concerned stakeholders are
taking the initiative to conduct NTFP training and establish NTFP demonstration plots. Female
extensionists and community rangers have been employed in NARMSAP-supported districts for preand postformation support to FUGs. The DFO and RTEC are preparing district and regional level
training plans in advance.
Weaknesses related to community forestry
Most of the former OPs were prepared in a short period of time without proper consideration of
forest conditions, block divisions, forest assessment, and inventory. Some FUGs are lending funds to
users, which is not mentioned in their OPs and constitutions. Although FUGs are getting training from
the DFO on various subjects, they have insufficient financial and administrative knowledge and skills.
In most of the OPs there is provision for IGA, but most FUGs are not conducting these activities due
277
to lack of technical knowledge on identification, collection, management, harvesting, and marketing of
species. Selection for training is erratic and biased. There is limited transfer and sharing of knowledge
and skills by trained users to other FUG members. Forestry staff are not providing required support to
all FUGs due to their workloads.
Opportunities related to community forestry
FECOFUN is an NGO working for the benefit of FUGs. The Natural Resource Management Sector
Assistance Programme funded by DANIDA has a long-term programme through its components. All
concerned stakeholders are conducting training according to the needs of FUGs to strengthen their
institutional capacity. Encouragement of local service providers (NGOs/CBOs) in training and extension
delivery to FUGs will decrease the workload of organizations responsible for conducting training and
extension activities. Community forests have potential for IGA through NTFP plantation with technical
assistance from concerned stakeholders.
Constraints related to community forestry
Illiteracy of the users hinders them at training events. Frequent forestry staff transfer is hampering
the implementation of community forestry activities at the district level. Furthermore, the organizational
structure of the DOF is not satisfying the demand for pre-and postformation support for the increasing
number of FUGs (Table 12).
Table 12. Problems faced by FUGs
Dhamilikhola
Kulung
Bhadru
Bhayarthan
Grazing/sal fodder
collection
Grazing/sal fodder
collection
Illegal cutting by outsiders
Illegal cutting by
outsiders
Low women’s
participation at
assemblies
Low women’s participation
at assemblies
Full attendance at
assemblies
Full attendance
at assemblies
Extraction of old
and dying trees
Low awareness on
OP and constitution
Sharing of knowledge
Attendance at assemblies
Low awareness of OP
and constitution
Boundary disputes and
encroachment
Low awareness of OP
and constitution
Low awareness of
OP and constitution
Lack of knowledge on
silvicultural operations
Lack of knowledge on
silvicultural operations
Lack of knowledge on IGA
No IGA
and IGA
and IGA
No IGA
No IGA
Low technical support
Low technical support
No IGA conduct
Source: Users’ interviews (2002)
278
Lack of knowledge
on IGA
Conclusion
Certain factors like educational status (understanding level), ethnicity (dominance), gender
(participation), occupation (working outside the country), age group (economically active population),
family size, and livestock head (fuelwood and fodder requirements, grazing) affect the management
of community forests.
How users benefit economically from community forests depends on the condition of forests and
product harvesting practices. Another option is short-term income generation from NTFPs. However,
forest conditions, lack of knowledge and skills for IGAs and insufficient technical support from agencies
are hindering substantial economic returns from community forests. The main sources of FUG income
are sales of forest products, fines, membership fees, grants, and donations.
Concerned stakeholders are not in a position to train all users and it is expected that trained users
should share their knowledge with others. Institutional capacity in terms of users’ awareness on
certain aspects is higher in FUGs nearer to district headquarters in comparison to remote FUGs and
overall awareness is not satisfactory because of higher illiteracy rates, limited sharing of knowledge
acquired at training, lack of experience and skills, and low transparency among users. Users do not
perceive the full performance of FUGs due to low women’s participation at assemblies and meetings,
elite dominance in decision-making, low transparency of financial management, and unsolved problems
and disputes in the FUGs. Long-term forestry sector policy, favourable rules and regulations for the
community forestry programme, forest management through people’s participation, support from GOs,
NGOs, and INGOs, and FUG fund mobilization for social development work are some of the strengths
of the community forestry programme.
Literature cited
DDC. 2002. Statistics of Tanahun District, Nepal. District Development Committee, Tanahun District,
Nepal.
Joshi, A.L. 1997. Empowering local users in forest management of Nepal. Banko Janakari (a
journal of forestry information for Nepal).
279
COMMUNITY FORESTRY AND ITS IMPACT ON WATERSHED CONDITION AND
PRODUCTIVITY IN NEPAL
Krishna Prasad Ghimire1
Introduction
Nepal lies in the central Himalayan Mountain Range and has three major river basins, i.e., the Koshi,
the Gandaki, and the Karnali. Land, forests, and water are the most important natural resources upon
which more than ninety percent of the people depend for their livelihoods. The explosive growth in
population is placing increasing pressure on these natural resources and leads to the degradation of
forest and watersheds.
In the Middle Hills, lack of suitable lands limits agricultural production. To meet food needs,
people in the uplands heavily encroach on forests and convert these areas into agricultural land.
Inappropriate land-use practices on the farms and the cultivation of steep slopes accelerate soil erosion,
reduce land productivity, and enhance flood hazards in the flatter and downstream areas (tar/besi
lands). Infrastructure is destroyed and river pollution leads to the loss of terrestrial and aquatic life,
and property. A study by the Agricultural Project Service Center (APPROSC) in 1995 showed that
losses of topsoil accounted for 4.5 m3 /km2 /day. These losses eventually lower the fertility and
productivity of the land. Ultimately, all these problems affect the food, fodder, and fuelwood production
of these areas.
Under the Community Forestry Development Program (CFDP), the Department of Forestry has
already handed over more than 940 000 ha of national forest land to 11 860 community forest user
groups (CFUGs). The sense of ownership among the communities plays a vital role for the management
of these common-pool resources. The income generated from community forestry and the benefits to
the communities are remarkable. An important aspect is the transfer of biomass from the forest to the
farmland — especially animal feed and bedding materials that are returned to the arable soils in the
form of compost and manure to maintain fertility and soil productivity in the absence of mineral
fertilizers, and to improve soil resistance to erosion. Therefore, there is a need to examine the impacts
of community forestry on watershed conditions.
Social relations and interventions can also make significant contributions to watershed management.
In this context, socio-ecological knowledge about the location to date has not been adequately addressed.
The government and NGOs support CFUGs, but resources have been inadequate. This study will
address community forestry and how benefits for the local forest users can be achieved and sustained
for watershed development.
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch (Chair), Dr. S.L. Ranamukhaarachchi, Dr. D. Schmidt-Vogt
313
The study area
Tanahun District is located between 27º45' and 28º 08' N latitude and 83º 57' and 84º 34' E longitude.
It is in the Middle Hills of the Western Development Region. The neighbouring districts are Gorkha
and Lamjung in North Chitwan in the east, Nawalparasi and Palpa in the south, Syangja and Kaski in
the west. The district encompasses approximately 1 700 km2 and altitudes range from 190 to 2 120
metres above mean sea level. The Krishna Gandaki and Marsyangdi rivers flow along the district
border. Tanahun has 46 Village Development Committees (VDCs) and one municipality, 13 Ilakas,
and three electoral constituencies (Figures 1 and 2). About 50 percent of the region is forested and
41 percent is agricultural land. Most of the cultivated land is rain-fed.
According to primary data collected by the DDC in 2000, the population of the district, excluding
the municipality, was 260 687 (48 percent female and 52 percent male). The average annual rainfall
was 2 058.mm. The average maximum temperature was 25.8ºC and the average minimum temperature
was 15ºC. The climate varied from sub-tropical in the southern plains to mild temperate in the northern
mountains of the watershed.
Tanahun
(Study area)
.
Figure 1. Location of Tanahun District and the watershed condition
314
STUDY AREA
Figure 2. Location map of the study area and the human development index ranking
Methodology
Both primary and secondary data were used for the research. The Poverty Mapping of Tanahun
District report by the National Planning Commission and the Participatory District Development
Program (PDDP) were the main sources of secondary data and information.
Observations and a reconnaissance survey throughout the watershed area and interactions with
the different stakeholders and key informants were made to collect primary data. Two VDCs (Devghaat
and Kota) were selected. Within the watershed, eight CFUGs were studied. Within these eight groups,
76 households were interviewed using a structured questionnaire. Group discussions were held with
different groups from different altitude ranges within the watershed.
Data processing and analysis
Both qualitative as well as quantitative methods were used for analysis. For quantitative analysis,
descriptive statistics (e.g. charts, tables, graphs, frequencies, means, percent, standard deviations)
were used to interpret the results. For the qualitative data, different types of indices (cross tabulations,
mean tests, and correlation values) were used for validation. The data were analysed with SPSS_PC
11 version and Microsoft Excel® .
315
Weighted Average Index (WAI)
The Weighted Average Index (WAI) was used to calculate the degree of participation; degree of
satisfaction; degree of degradation; degree of knowledge of forest condition as well as watershed
conditions, in terms of farming system and community forestry management.
Weighted Average Index (WAI) = f1 x1 +.................+ fn xn / N
Where, fn = frequency of choice of responses
Xn = score value of the statement
N= number of respondents
Different scales from three to five were used for different point scaling values.
Community forestry in Tanahun
The master plan for the forestry sector has given emphasis to the transfer of all accessible hill forest
to local communities to the extent of their managerial capacity. It is believed that the community
forestry can contribute greatly to raising the level of rural people’s income and thus alleviate poverty.
To solve these problems the government introduced the concept of participatory forest and watershed
management in 1976. Over 28 years, the Tanahun community forest programme has been one of the
most successful programmes in the Middle Hills region of the country.
To cover all of the Middle Hills districts and carry over the main development activities of the
national priority sector, since 1999, the Community and Private Forestry Program (Ministry of Forest
and Soil Conservation) — acting for DANIDA through the Natural Resource Management Sector
Assistance Program (NARMSAP) — has been conducting and co-coordinating funding and technical
support. A total of 19 996 ha of forest were handed over to 330 CFUGs which included 33 211
households; there were 1 91 445 beneficiaries in the district by the end of 2003.
The average household size of Devghaat and Kota VDCs was 7.4 and 7.2 members respectively,
whereas the district average family size for Tanahun (6.2) was smaller. The average number of men
per household (4.03) in Kota exceeded women (3.3). In Devghaat VDC, there were more women
per household (3.8) than men (3.4). The District Development Committee (DDC) recorded in 1999
that 56.8 percent of the total population was economically active in Tanahun; 29.8 percent was male
and 27.1 percent was female. Seventy-one percent of the people in Kota VDC and about 53 percent
in Devghaat VDC belonged to Gurung/Magar groups. Others were Brahmin (5 percent in Kota and
21 percent in Devghaat), Chhetri (8 percent in both VDCs), Newar (3 percent in both VDCs), and
other castes. In the two villages, most of the respondents (40 percent and 50 percent respectively)
were literate. The level of education in Kota VDC was slightly higher (50 percent) than Devghaat
(40 percent).
In the study area, the major occupation of the respondents (92 percent) was agriculture. Even
though some respondents were employed in service and other work (8 percent), they ultimately
returned to their traditional farming systems. However, in Kota VDC, the respondents existed on
agriculture only. Secondary sources to supplement household incomes were wages and remittances
316
from outside the watershed area, especially from military pensions, or from men who were partially
engaged in nearby towns. A few were engaged in short-term employment outside the country.
The household economy was highly dependent on the family size and their land-holdings. Income
from the production of agricultural crops, the number of livestock, and also from off-farm activities
was considerable. The average size of the irrigated land was very small (3.4 ropani2 ) in Devghaat
and slightly greater (5.6 ropani) in Kota. Unirrigated land-holdings per household were 15.2 and
12.7 ropani in Devghaat and Kota VDCs respectively. The unirrigated land had comparatively low
productivity and more fragile soils than irrigated land.
Average farm size and the total number of land-holdings per household were extremely important
for hill agriculture and its productivity. Household land-holdings ranged from 11-12 ropani (34 percent
of households in Devghaat and 32 percent of households in Kota villages) to 21-40 ropani (26 percent)
in Kota and 6-10 ropani (21 percent) in Devghaat. The smallest farm size (1-5 ropani) was observed
in 13 percent of the households in Devghaat and 16 percent of the households in Kota.
Farmers in both the VDCs in the watershed area cultivated major crops such as maize, paddy,
wheat, millet, and mustard, followed by pulses; due to the lack of permanent irrigation facilities,
commercial vegetable and fruit farming were not significant activities. The cropping patterns found in
both the VDCs were almost similar. But for Khet (lowland) and Bari (upland) land, they were different.
Khet crops included rice, wheat, and vegetables like potatoes or radish. Black gram, soybean, and
beans were often grown on bunds and on terrace ridges. The cropping patterns in the irrigated lowland,
rain-fed lowland, and uplands are shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Predominant cropping patterns in the study area
Land categories
Cropping pattern
Irrigated lowland
1. Rice-fallow
2. Rice-maize-rice
3. Rice-wheat-fallow
4. Rice-fallow-maize
Uplands
1. Maize-soybean/finger millet-fallow
2. Maize-fallow-fallow
3. Maize-mustard fallow
4. Maize-millet-mustard
5. Maize-millet-vegetables
People used two or more crops simultaneously on one parcel of land at the same time. Soil
fertility was maintained by growing interim legume crops in between the rotation. Leaving crop residue
or leaving the land with a few cover crops conserved soil moisture. Among the sampled households,
58 percent in Devghaat and 71 percent in Kota practised mixed cropping. Upland crops included
upland rice mixed with maize, millet with pulses, radish with mustard, soybean and groundnuts with
maize crops.
Apart from field crop production, livestock was an inseparable feature of farming activities.
Almost all of the households managed livestock: buffaloes, cows, and goats were the primary domestic
animals in the study area. Per head, there were more goats and sheep per household in Devghaat
(8.08) and Kota (8.89) than cows (5.13) and (4.82). There were only 2.25 head of buffalo per
household in Devghaat (3.0 in Kota).
2
1 ropani = 0.05 ha.
317
Twenty-one percent of the population of Devghaat and 28.9 percent in Kota fulfilled their food
requirements for more than nine months in a year
Adopted conservation practices on farmers’ fields
During the monsoon, heavy rain eroded the fertile soils from the hill slopes. Farming on slopes, marginal
land, and overgrazing were major constraints. Water sources were limited and land fertility was
declining. Through good conservation practices, private marginal land, abandoned terraces, and degraded
land can be converted to more productive land. The use of conservation practices after community
forestry was introduced has been improving slowly; partial stall-feeding for increased animal production
is receiving greater emphasis. The transfer of adequate amounts of dry matter from nearby forests
and accumulated cattle dung or compost has assisted in maintaining the soil-fertility level.
When establishing conservation systems, emphasis must first be given to improving soil fertility.
This can be done through the use of legumes, green manuring, in-situ manuring, composting, and
incorporation of any other forms of organic matter, such as agricultural residues, agricultural byproducts, and other biodegradable materials. Current farm conservation practices are presented in
Table 2.
Respondents practised conservation activities on private land as well as on public land. Ninetyfive percent of the respondents in Devghaat and 97 percent in Kota were engaged in traditional onfarm conservation activities. The use of farmyard manure/compost was the most common conservation
practice followed by terrace improvement, hedgerows, and mulching.
Table 2. Various conservation practices applied per household (area in ropani)
Practices
Devghaat
1
1.Contour cropping
2. Strip cropping.
3.Hedgerows
4.Legume cropping
5.Mulching
6.Green manuring
7.Leaving crop residues
8.Landslide treatment
9.FYM/compost
10. Terrace improvement
1
N
Sum
13
2
37
20
30
13
13
3
37
33
18
2
47
27
33
17
17
3
89
68
Kota
Total
Mean
N
Sum
Mean
N
Sum
Mean
1.38
1
1.27
1.35
1.1
1.31
1.31
1
2.41
2.06
2
0
35
24
30
19
19
8
37
35
2
0
51
27
33
25
25
8
97
86
1
0
1.46
1.13
1.1
1.32
1.32
1
2.62
2.46
16
2
72
44
60
32
32
11
74
68
24
2
98
54
66
42
42
11
186
154
1.5
1
1.36
1.23
1.1
1.31
1.31
1
2.51
2.26
: Number of households.
Conventionally agroforestry has emerged as an alternative strategy to meet subsistence
requirements for food, fuelwood, and fodder. In the study area, a few innovative farmers grew pioneer
species such as banana, pineapple, and some tree species at the start of the monsoon. The shifting
cultivation (khoria) system was further developed as a well-designed agroforestry system. The survey
found that in Devghaat and Kota, 42 percent and 87 percent of the sampled household respondents
practised agroforestry.
Terracing is a common conservation practice adopted by hill farmers. Terracing receives high
priority in most soil-conservation and watershed management programmes in mountainous areas. In
marginal lands, especially on river banks and southeast aspects of the watershed towards the roadhead
318
of Devghaat VDC, the situation was very fragile in terms of biophysical as well as socio-economic
settings. The Ecological Service Center has helped farmers to restore these areas.
On the marginal hill slopes, strip planting was done across the slopes, in three- to five-metre
bands between double-contoured rows of nitrogen-fixing trees and shrubs to minimize erosion and
maintain soil fertility. The planted crops were both annuals and perennials. The annual crops were
legumes, cereals, vegetables, and pineapples. Perennial crops included fruit trees such as different
varieties of citrus, banana, and guava. The hedgerows of the leguminous trees, shrubs or grasses
between the trees with land strips prevented soil erosion.
Organic fertilizer increases the nutrient level of the soil. Most of the farmers in the watershed
area used organic manure such as compost, animal dung, and other variations.
About 37 percent of the Devghaat and 47 percent of the Kota households were using mineral
fertilizers while the other households in both VDCs did not.
Maintaining land productivity through indigenous conservation practices
Innovative conservation practices were:
1. Diverting flood water to the farmland, usually to the rice field during the onset of the monsoon.
Trapping the first and second floods in the farm and collecting the fertile sediment of the
paddy field was common. Nutrient-rich materials carried by surface runoff made the farms
productive and helped to maintain soil fertility.
2. Levelling of the terrace risers to obtain organic matter for the maintenance of farmland fertility.
Generally during the preparation of the soil and after the first ploughing, terrace risers on hill
slope were levelled and the biomass from the risers was left to decompose for a further few
days. Residue from in-situ burning ensured minerals and nutrients for subsequent crops.
3. Stabilizing degraded slopes with rooted culms, wild bamboo seedlings, and broom grass planted
directly along the slopes and marginal lands of private as well as public land was also common.
4. Relay cropping of maize and peas, peas and mungbeans with finger millet was practised.
5. Using kitchen gardens for vegetable crops.
6. Planting fodder trees and grasses on terrace ridges and on marginal lands (Kharbari).
7. Planting bamboo, Napier grass, and broom grass on private as well as public marginal land.
8. Planting fruits and perennial cash crops such as coffee and cardamom with banana and alder
(Alnus nepalenses) on terrace ridges and marginal lands.
9. Controlling flood erosion by overhead diversion canals.
10.Initiating controlled grazing and stall-feeding for cattle as opposed to open grazing.
11. Using kitchen refuse and wastewater for small-scale and seasonal vegetable production,
especially in the dry season.
12.Planting shade-loving plants, rhizomes, and tubers behind the house or on the northern aspect
of the ridge.
13.Some farmers installed biogas and solar panels.
319
Forest, watershed, and cropping inter-relation
Crop productivity
Management of field crops and individual farming practices had a major influence on the productivity
of the watershed. The yield of major crops in the area differed slightly from the regional yield (Tables
3 and 4). The variation in yield may be due to altitude variation, specific microclimate conditions, and
soil conditions rather than management and input parameters.
For a long time indigenous varieties of field crops like satthiya maize, Aamnjhutte rice, and
finger millet have been grown. As shown in the tables, rice and millet have higher yields in the
watershed area compared to elsewhere in the region whereas maize and wheat have lower yields.
Only 42 percent of the households used chemical fertilizer and the remainder depended fully on FYM/
compost.
Table 3. Average productivity of the western hills, different crop characteristics
Crops production
Production(t/ha)
(1999/2000)
Production(t/ha)
(2000/2001)
2.27
1.69
1.62
1.12
2.37
1.78
1.71
1.08
Rice
Maize
Wheat
Millet
Source: Central Bureau of Statistics (2002)
Table 4. Major field crops and yield (t/ha) by VDC in 2003
VDC
Rice
Maize
Wheat
Millet
Mustard
Pulses
Total
Devghaat
Kota
Mean
3.14
2.41
2.78
1.36
1.58
1.47
0.68
1.06
0.87
1.19
1.54
1.37
0.39
0.82
0.61
0.96
0.626
0.79
1.28
1.32
1.31
Annual earnings from different sectors
Field crop cultivation was the major income generator in both VDCs. Animal husbandry and small
numbers of poultry for consumption and petty expenses for women and children were common.
Another important sector for income came from off-farm activities. Table 5 shows the different
categories of income groups within the two VDCs.
The average annual income from Devghaat was higher than Kota. This income was for subsistence
only. Approximately NRs50 000 for average household income is equivalent to the World Bank poverty
cutoff value of US$150 per capita income. Therefore, basic living and subsistence farming can affect
the production potential of the farm as well as access to farm inputs and off-farm activities. Cattle
were an integral part of the household economy. Farmers in most of the villages were increasingly
facing the problem of available grazing land to feed the excessive numbers of cattle. Forest was the
traditional grazing land, but it was being protected. Farmers ultimately initiated the cut-and-carry
system. Increasing rates of regeneration and canopy coverage in the forest provided adequate supplies
of grasses and fodder.
320
Table 5. Annual earnings per household from different categories, NRs 1
Income category
Devghaat
Sum
Livestock
Field crops
Off farm
Total
167 788
307 925
838 500
1 314 213
Kota
Mean
4 415.46
8 103.29
22 065.8
34 584.5
Sum
131 275
314 501
584 000
1 029 776
Total
Mean
Sum
3 454.61
8 276.34
15 368.4
27 099.4
299 062.5
622 426
1 422 500
2 343 989
Mean
3 935.03
8 189.82
18 717.1
30 842
1
US$1.00 = NRs74
Awareness of different conservation practices
People’s knowledge and environmental awareness were evaluated. Perceived weighted average
indexes (WAI) for each and every statement were listed. Depending upon these eight statements,
their weighted score and perceived ideas about the facts were calculated separately for the two
VDCs. Lower values imply more negative conservation awareness.
The overall mean of the WAIs was close to 0.8, which indicates environmental awareness was
higher (Table 6). Similarly, the values for the two VDCs were similar (about 0.84).
Table 6. Awareness and people’s perceptions on conservation activities (WAI)
Statements
Rain can wash the topsoil from the field
1 - strongly agree, 0.8 - agree, 0.6 - doesn’t know, 0.4 - disagree,
0.2 - strongly disagree
Decrease in soil fertility is caused by washing away of the topsoil
Increased runoff from uplands will affect lower areas in frequency
and intensity of flooding
Heavy grazing and deforestation are the causes of flooding and
landslides
Deforestation and clearing the forest will reduce water availability
Environmental degradation will create negative socio-economic
conditions
Forest and grazing land should be converted into agricultural land
0.2 - strongly disagree, 0.4 - disagree, 0.6- doesn’t know, 0.8 - agree,
1 - strongly agree
Free grazing, collection of timber and fuelwood for local people from
the forest is good practice
0.2 - strongly disagree, 0.4 - disagree, 0.6 - doesn’t know, 0.8 - agree,
1 - strongly agree
Mean (WAI)
321
Devghaat
(WAI)
Kota
(WAI)
Total
(WAI)
0.8474
0.8053
0.8263
0.9737
0.9789
0.9763
0.9526
0.9895
0.9711
0.9474
0.9053
0.9263
0.9526
0.9789
0.9658
0.9105
0.9000
0.9053
0.5737
0.5737
0.5737
0.5947
0.5895
0.5921
0.8441
0.8401
0.8421
Dependency on forest resources
Actual demand and need for forest products, as perceived by the households, are listed and summarized
in Table 7. There was maximum dependency on the forest for leaf litter and fodder (WAI = 0.4603)
and minimum dependency for raw materials for cottage industries (WAI = 0.955). The Pearson
Correlation value of 0.359 with the level of participation is positive; this means that those who depended
more on the forest would participate more.
Table 7. Total dependency on forest and grazing land for different needs (WAI)
Dependency
Litter and fodder collection
Grazing and livestock rising
Fuelwood collection
Non-timber forest products
Raw materials for cottage industries
Timber collection
Devghaat
Kota
Mean
0.5211
0.7061
0.5561
0.9111
0.9018
0.5474
0.4603
0.6434
0.5471
0.9553
0.9553
0.4776
0.491
0.675
0.552
0.933
0.929
0.513
Scores: high = 0.33, medium = 0.66, and low = 1
Pearson Correlation = 0.359** (with level of participation)
**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level
Benefits from the community forest
The success of a community forest depends on the appropriate sharing of forest benefits among
users. Ten perceived benefits from the CFUGs were listed (Table 8). Generally, Devghaat people
benefited (WAI = 0.755) from the forest more than the Kota community (WAI = 0.685) because they
lived near the forest area. Community forestry had a more positive effect on Devghaat than Kota in
terms of increasing household income, improving livelihoods, forest product availability, and conservation
of water and natural resources. But, generally benefits were not significantly different.
Table 8. Major benefits from community forest
Perceived benefits from community forest
1. Helping household income and livelihoods
2. Increase in forest product availability over time, for livelihoods
3. Increase in timber, fuelwood, and fodder or litter production
4. Forest product based cottage industries
5. Increase in wildlife habitat and improved environmental conditions
6. Increase in FYM/compost manure
7. Increase in land productivity
8. Increase in livestock number
9. Water source conservation or assists in natural resource conservation
10. Soil conservation and prevention of natural hazards
Total benefit
Overall benefit (WAI)
Field Survey (2004)
** significant difference between two VDCs at the 0.05 level
Score: high = 1, medium = 0.66, low = 0.33
322
Devghaat
Kota
t-test
0.852
0.887
0.861
0.5
0.339
0.861
0.87
0.668
0.948
0.765
0.755
0.720
0.686
0.757
0.782
0.459
0.358
0.852
0.834
0.643
0.739
0.739
0.685
0.001**
0.002**
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
0.000**
ns
ns
Level of awareness directly affects the level of participation. Therefore it was essential to assess
local awareness, especially on forest as well as watershed conservation. The level of awareness in
the watershed was high (WAI = 0.842) (Table 6). Therefore the people in the study area were
inspired to seek external support from the conservation programme. The level of participation played
an important role in the decision-making process of every activity. The Forest Users Committee
implemented the decisions on membership, harvesting, and distribution of forest products and helped
to resolve internal conflicts.
Activities like planting trees in public land, maintenance of irrigation canals, and landslide protection
were carried out by the respondents as resource management activities. Responses on involvement in
decision-making, planning, implementation, and benefit-sharing activities are listed in Table 9. The
results showed the participation level was satisfactory in the two VDCs.
Table 9. Level of participation at the household level for forest management activities
VDC
Devghaat
Kota
Total
High
Medium
Low
WAI
6(15.8)
1(2.6)
7(9.2)
23(60.5)
25(65.8)
48(63.3)
9(23.7)
10(26.3)
19(25.0)
0.635
0.577
0.607
Field Survey (2004)
Score: high = 1, medium = 0.66, and low = 0.33
Level of satisfaction
Direct involvement generates feelings of ownership for programme activities or for resources.
Considering the whole watershed, the satisfaction level vis à vis group functioning and overall
performance (WAI = 0.976) was high. Analysis of variance of the mean level of satisfaction found
that the level of satisfaction differed with occupation and income level (Table 10).
Table 10. CFUG level of satisfaction at the household level
VDC
Very high
High
Medium
Low
Very low
WAI
Devghaat
Kota
Total
1(2.6)
11(28.9)
12(15.8)
34(89.5)
26(68.4)
60(78.9)
3(7.9)
1(2.60
4(5.3)
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.9684
0.9842
0.9763
Test statistics
F = 9.931 P value = 0.002 at 0.05 sig. level (with occupation)
F = 3.193 P value = 0.018 at 0.05 sig. level (with income group)
Field Survey (2004)
Score: very high = 1, high = 0.8, medium = 0.6, low = 0.4, very low = 0.2
Perceived changes in land characteristics of the watershed
To determine the overall index of the watershed’s condition, simple questions were asked about
people’s surroundings, general facts, and their experiences after the intervention of the CF programme
within a ten-year period (Table 11).
323
Table 11. People’s perceptions on changes in selected land characteristics of the watershed
Statements
Soil erosion from farmland
Runoff from farmland
Soil fertility and land productivity
Water availability for irrigation
Rainfall intensity and frequency
Overall watershed condition
Devghaat
Kota
Mean
0.857
0.742
0.902
0.857
0.875
0.847
0.92
0.814
0.813
0.812
0.858
0.843
0.888
0.778
0.858
0.835
0.867
0.845
Test statistics Pearson’s Correlation = 0.370** (with forest condition)
Pearson’s Correlation = 0.536 (with productivity index)
Pearson’s Correlation = 0 .424** (with soil fertility)
Pearson’s Correlation = 0.484** (with rainfall intensity)
Score: 1 = increasing, 0.66 = same, 0.33 = decreasing
**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level
Therefore it can be summarized that an improvement in forest condition directly improves the
watershed condition.
Forest condition
This section deals mainly with the contribution of community forestry and its effects on field crops,
and the socio-economic condition of the local users. The perceptions on the local condition of forest
resources were collected with the help of different sets of information related to forest development
characteristics such as area, canopy cover, forest regeneration, availability of forest products and the
overall performance of the forest using social scaling or scoring the index value. The overall index
(WAI = 0.910) of the forest area showed that the condition of the forest resources was increasing
satisfactorily (Table 12). Similarly the correlation from the watershed condition index and also the
productivity rating correlated significantly. Overall the contribution of the community forest to the
watershed has been positive and productivity has been significant.
Table 12. Overall perceived forest condition
Statements
Devghaat (WAI)
Kota (WAI)
Total (WAI)
0.964
0.661
0.973
0.964
0.938
0.90
0.991
0.66
1
0.982
0.965
0.92
0.978
0.66
0.987
0.973
0.951
0.910
Forest canopy
Forest area
Forest regeneration
Fodder availability
Fuelwood availability
Overall forest condition
Score: increasing = 1, same = 0.66, and decreasing = 0.33
Correlation of factors affecting watershed conditions
The detailed correlation coefficients of selected factors affecting the watershed’s condition are given
in Table 13.
324
Overall watershed condition: Overall watershed condition had a positive correlation with
overall forest condition, rainfall intensity, soil fertility, forest regeneration, people’s participation, and
people’s awareness. But soil erosion had a negative correlation with the watershed’s condition.
Soil fertility: The soil-fertility level had more correlation with the overall watershed condition
than overall forest condition. Therefore soil fertility had an important role towards productivity overall
and also for household income.
Rainfall intensity and frequency: Rainfall intensity/frequency is a major factor for determining
the overall watershed condition. This factor correlated negatively with soil fertility as higher intensity
and short duration rainstorms generate more topsoil loss than slow and frequent rainfall.
Runoff: Runoff had a high negative impact on the overall watershed condition. Therefore, in real
practice the planner should prioritize the management of runoff from farmland by promoting private
farming practices.
Soil erosion: In the study area, soil erosion negatively correlated with the overall watershed
condition. In reality, soil erosion on farmland as well as forest land affects the productivity level,
which affects the overall watershed condition.
Household income: Another important factor was total household income. Overall household
income strongly correlated with the participation level. A negative correlation implies people from
higher income levels can generate alternative income from other sectors, which leads to less participation
in watershed management.
Awareness: Awareness was positively correlated with the overall watershed condition and total
productivity of the land. This could be the result of participation in and adoption of conservation
practices. Soil fertility, soil erosion, and runoff also had a positive correlation with the awareness level
of the forest users. Similarly, dependency upon the community forest had a positive correlation with
the level of participation, which further affected the forest condition positively.
Table 13. Correlation coefficients of selected factors affecting watershed condition
Forest & watershed
characteristics
Overall watershed condition
Overall forest condition
Rainfall intensity & frequency
Dependency on CF
Total HH income
People’s awareness on
conservation
Watershed
Total
cond.
production
0.369**
0.484**
-.211**
.231*
0.530*
0.470*
-.266*
0.277*
Soil
fertility
Soil
erosion
Runoff
Forest
Level of
regent. participation.
0.424**
0.394**
-0.268*
0.378**
-0.457**
0.228*
-0.732**
0.276**
0.281*
0.319**
0.622**
0.309**
0.232**
0.309**
0.867**
0.238*
Source: correlation coefficient outputs
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed)
Note: Non-significant values have been omitted
In summary, household income and expected benefits from the forest, knowledge/skills, and the
level of awareness were key factors for participation.
325
Socio-economic factors contributing to land degradation
The existing social system of equal inheritance of land amongst all male heirs created fragmentation
and increased sub-division of the household plots to the extent that land size was progressively decreasing
and unable to support subsistence needs.
Lower castes inhabited the marginal land along riverbanks and erosion-susceptible and less
productive farmlands because they were economically depressed. However, it is asserted that with
the use of increased family labour, peasants can increase agricultural outputs and maintain output per
capita. Because of their very small size and economic insecurity, many households were vulnerable to
debt. In many cases in the case of hospitalization of a family member, schooling of children would be
sufficient to break down the weak economic balance of the whole household and lead to the eventual
loss of their land.
The productivity-related economic effects of soil degradation were linked to changes in agricultural
production. In the district, about 32 percent of the total number of households achieved food security.
Fifty percent had minimum food security, and the rest were in deficit. Occupation was also an important
factor regarding degradation of the forest as well as water resources in the context of economic
welfare. The major occupation (92 percent) was agriculture.
Poor access to the market, lack of information about market prices, and high cost for transportation
were the major reasons for not obtaining good market prices for agricultural products.
Off-farm activities
Off-farm income came from labour/remittances, military pensions, small businesses, carpentry/masonry,
agricultural labour, and knitting/weaving. Only a small percentage of the labour force participated in
off-farm activities. When asked why, 33 percent of the 192 respondents said that lack of appropriate
technology and knowledge hindered their activities. Lack of capital was another reason.
Livestock
Livestock numbers and their effect on the ecosystem are important subsistence factors. Livestock,
particularly cows were very important for religious purposes; goats were kept for income and food;
buffaloes for milk and manure. These are essential commodities for a farm economy. Livestock were
also associated with soil fertility in the study area. Rich farmers who typically owned irrigated Khet
land applied more fertilizers and improved agricultural practices on their land.
Care of livestock, litter collection, and manure transportation were the responsibilities of women,
so women were central to soil-fertility management on the farm. The linkage between one sector and
another was strongly correlated. Increasing livestock numbers (6.13 per household) required more
grazing land and put pressure on forest and grazing land. The rate of soil erosion in grazing lands was
greater than other land uses.
Community forestry priorities
Table 14 lists the prioritized activities as perceived by the CFUGs in both VDCs. The community
forestry initiative has been successful in increasing biomass through restocking and restricted access,
long-term planning, and investments. The CFUGs now have enormous incentives to manage common
forest land, but external technical as well as financial support and subsidies are needed.
326
Table 14. Summary of prioritized activities over the last five years
Activities
Devghaatn=38
Kotan=38
Total
12
21
12
31
34
11
15
18
32
36
23
36
20
63
70
Trail improvement
School construction/maintenance
Drinking water supply
Social services/community building construction.
Regular forest management activities
Table 15 shows the total rating for degradation of the watershed (WAI = 0.6089), which is close
to the medium level (0.66). Kota VDC (WAI = 0.5389) suffered worse degradation than Devghaat
(WAI=0.68). The overall degradation of the watershed area was a result of forest depletion.
Table 15. Perceived degradation ratings by watershed settlers
VDC
Devghaat
Kota
Total
Total (WAI)1
Responses
High
Medium
Low
10 (83)
2 (17)
12
20 (50)
20 (50)
40
8 (33)
16 (67)
24
0.6800
0.5389
0.6089
Figures in parentheses represent the percentage of total responses
The frequency in the table represents total responses from sampled households
1
Score: 1= lower (than before), 0.66 = medium, 0.33 = higher (than before)
SWOC analysis
CFUGs (Table 16).
327
328
Sustainability
Functioning
Resources
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Organization legalized.
Emphasis on conducting
sub-watershed management
plans through forest resource
management.
Utilize local resource knowledge
and skills for conservation
activities.
Share benefitS as well as
conserve local resources.
Direct benefits from forest as
well as indirect help for
improvement of land productivity.
Positive attitude towards
watershed management.
Low cost and local technology.
Willingness to work in groups.
Sustainable farming system and
biophysical condition.
Distant and inaccessible
government forest.
Fair distribution of forest products.
Regular auditing.
Maintaining low gap between
demand and supply of forest
products.
Collection of funds from other
sources.
Resource mobilization, funds for
local development generated.
Local participation and contribution.
Reduce dependency.
CFUG is an authentic
organization.
People's awareness about
their resources.
Coordination among groups.
Decision-making by the general
assembly.
Participatory development plans.
Organization
•
Strengths
Issues
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Insufficient resources to fulfill
local demands.
Insufficient administrative and
technical support from
concerned line agencies.
Overlapping of programme
activities with local, as well as
district level line agencies
and local NGOs.
Weak confidence building for
local FUG authorities.
Unskilled record keeping.
Weak leadership.
Migration of skilled human
resources.
Less awareness of patrolling,
forest fires, and open grazing.
Less involvement of trained
human resources in
programme activities.
Poor communication network.
Low off-farm income sources.
Tendency to shift from farm
activities to other sectors.
Low level of knowledge and
skills.
Governed by the donor.
Resource allocation bias, less
priority for watershed
conservation.
Limited coordination.
Lack of follow-up mechanism.
Weaknesses
Table 16. SWOC (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and constraints) analysis
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Develop the participatory
operational plan with
watershed management
issues.
Productive activities for the
long term as well as very
productive benefit-sharing
approach.
Solution of problems by
integration of local resource
management and
development.
Increase in interest of
external agencies,
support from counterpart
agencies.
Creating more awareness
on conservation issues.
Develop mutual trust and
good understanding with
FUG members.
Division of labour for nearby
hamlets.
Effective transfer of technology.
External funds from
other channels.
Mobilization of savings
for development work.
Contribution to conservation
work.
Good chances to coordinate
with local line agencies.
Effective service delivery.
Efficient management of local
organizations and resources.
Opportunities
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Insufficient resources
to conduct conservation
activities.
High cost of watershed
Lack of strong policy
support and framework
for coordination within
the Ministerial level and
departments.
Creation of
misunderstanding.
Programme apathy due
to disproportionate
allocation of benefits
to users.
High cost of watershed
Lack of potential support
and cooperation.
Lack of adequate re
sources.
High demand for running
cost.
High rate of interest.
Too much group work.
Extra workload for poor
farmers.
Duplication of the group
work.
Unhealthy competition with
line agencies.
Constraints
Conclusion
Community forestry focuses mainly on socio-economic and resource-based factors. Some factors
contribute direct benefits and some have indirect effects or intangible benefits acquired from the
forest. Fodder and bedding materials for animals are easily available at no cost in the community
forest. Moreover, sustainable collection of forest products and the basic needs of CFUGs and their
function were in line with the goals of the Community Forestry Programme. Participation in decisionmaking in the study area was fairly satisfactory.
The findings of this study suggest that the availability of fuelwood and fodder/litter had increased
significantly. Availability of timber and poles also increased significantly. CFUGs adopted distinct
approaches such as quick income generation activities, savings, and resource mobilization. Now
community forestry is a protection-oriented movement, which is governed by policy and forest rules
and regulations. The findings also indicated that the overall awareness on community forestry and soil
erosion as well as soil fertility was satisfactory.
329
PROSPECTS FOR COMMERCIAL PRODUCTION OF NON-TIMBER FOREST
PRODUCTS IN NEPAL
Shree Bhagwan Prasad Gupta1
Introduction
Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) have attracted considerable global interest in recent years due
to increasing recognition of their contribution to household income and food security; they are also
relevant to national economy and environmental objectives including the conservation of biological
diversity. Presently, at least 150 NTFPs are significant in terms of international trade. The general
direction of trade is from developing to developed countries, with about 60 percent being imported by
countries of the European Union, Japan, and the USA. There is good potential for employment for
millions of people in the Asia-Pacific region from NTFP collection and processing. In India, about 7.5
million people are engaged part-time as collectors of tendu (Diospyrous melanoxylon) leaves and
another three million process the leaves into bidi (local cigarettes) (Arnold, 1995).
The climate of Nepal varies from sub-tropical monsoon in the Terai to arctic tundra in the High
Himalayas. The country has the biological richness of both the Indo-Malayan and Palaeoarctic zones,
including endemic Himalayan flora and fauna. A total of 118 ecosystems have been identified, with 75
vegetation types and 35 forest types (NBS 2002). The climatic and biophysical characteristics of the
mountains of Nepal make it a reservoir of diverse species of valuable NTFPs. Among 630 species,
510 occur in the wild while 120 are exotic, naturalized or have been cultivated for a long time. The
collection and trade of NTFPs has played a key role in the economic development of the country, as
economic opportunities are severely constrained by poor socio-economic conditions and infrastructure,
such as communication and transportation facilities. Thus it is postulated how commercialization of
NTFPs can be promoted in the wild or by cultivation of major species in forest land or in private land.
Many Asian countries have developed commercial production of NTFPs both in forest land and in
private land with the help of local stakeholders and INGOs.
New trends in civil service reform, decentralization, and private sector involvement in resource
management are upbeat while the scenario for state-owned enterprises is downbeat as they have
proven unsuccessful in terms of management and profit compared to the private sector.
Government programmes have focused more on timber and fuelwood production, and commercial
production of NTFPs has been overlooked. Thus the Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation (MFSC)
intends to manage forests of the Terai via local government and people. The main objective of the
approach is to develop sustainable forest to fulfill the need for forest products, help in poverty reduction
by creating employment, maintain and enhance biodiversity, and increase national and local income
through the active management of the Terai plain and inner Terai forests (BISEP, 2003).
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Rajendra P. Shrestha (Chair), Dr. Dietrich Schmidt-Vogt, Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch, Dr. Ambika
P. Gautam
331
The study area
Nepal covers a total area of 147 181 km2 , and is surrounded by the Tibet Autonomous Region of the
People’s Republic of China in the north and the Republic of India in all other three directions. In April
2002 the population of Nepal was 23.11 million and increasing at an annual growth rate of 2.27
percent. The literacy rate was 53.74 percent in 2002 (CBS, 2002). The country is divided into five
development regions and 75 districts, administratively. The central development region consists of 19
districts of which 13 are mountainous and six are in the Terai (plain). Bara District is one of the Terai
districts among six in the central region. This district was selected as the study area because it lies in
the central part of the Terai and houses almost all the ethnic groups of Nepal except some Himalayan
populations.
Nijgarh and Saphi were two villages selected for study. These villages were very close to the
forest where most people collected and cultivated NTFPs, which were a major source of income for
the villagers. One village was surrounded by forest and the other adjoined the forest.
Location and administrative boundary of the district
Bara District lies between latitude 26º 51' to 27º 2' N and longitude 84º 51' to 85º 16' E (Figure 1).
Rautahat borders the district in the east, Parsa in the west, Makawanpur in the north, and India in the
south. Administratively the district belongs to the central development region. The Mahendra Highway
crosses the northern part of the district and the Hetauda and Birgunj highways in the west. The total
land area of the district is estimated to be 1 29 564 ha.
Figure 1. The study area
332
Climatic condition
The monsoon is followed by two months of hot dry weather. A three-month cool dry season follows
from December to February. Strong winds are expected from February to April combined with high
temperatures that pose a grave fire hazard to the forest in the district. The average annual rainfall of
this district is recorded as 1 760 mm. Maximum temperatures over 40º C are not uncommon in summer
but frosts are very rare in winter.
Geology
The geology of this area is tertiary Siwaliks in the north and alluvial plains in the south. The Terai
geology varies little, but whatever variation there is, it often accounts for differences in the depth of
the water table. Old riverbeds, buried under more recent deposits can give rise to different types of
permeability underground. Generally, the alluvium in the northern Terai is coarser than that in the
south, giving rise to deep water tables (FMUDP and NFD, 1994).
Types of land and soil
There are mainly three types of land used for cropping: Dhanhar khet is lowland; the soil is mainly
clayey soil with low water permeability and the duration of water retention is high. The late November
variety of paddy is cultivated during the monsoon. In winter, wheat and maize are mainly grown
where irrigation facilities are available. Saro khet is upland; the soil is loamy soil, the permeability of
water is low, and the duration of water retention is lower than the Dhanhar khet. An early variety of
paddy is the main crop, which is cultivated in the early monsoon season. Wheat, maize, vegetables,
and other cash crops are grown in winter. Diha khet is also upland but the soil is sandy soil where the
permeability of water is higher than the Dhanhar and Saro khet. Early varieties of paddy, millet, and
maize are grown in the monsoon.
Cropping pattern
Farmers of Saphi and Nijgarh cultivate potatoes, green vegetables, beans, cabbages, and cauliflower
(Figure 2).
Potato
C
R
O
P
S
Cauliflower, carrot
Maize
Mustard
Maize
Mustard
Paddy
Maize
Maize
J F
M
A
MA
JU
JL
Figure 2. Cropping pattern and calendar of the study area
333
Maize
AU
S
O
N
D
Ethnicity and population
This district houses three distinct types of people. One group occupies the north (new hill migrants),
the middle is mixed (Tharu and new hill migrants), and the last group is found from the middle up to
the Indian border. The Tharu group is the indigenous group and they have more information and
knowledge about NTFPs and rely heavily on NTFPs. The total population of the district recorded in
the 2002 census was 557 093 with 89 660 households (Population Census, 2002).
Livestock raising
The average number of livestock per household was the highest among the hill migrants for two
reasons: firstly the average land-holding size among the hill migrants was the smallest, so to increase
income, more animals were raised; secondly, there was national forest nearby which provided nearly
free access for open grazing. Animal husbandry is considered to be an integral feature of the farming
system in Nepal where mixed farming is practised.
Institutional framework of the District Forest Office (DFO)
Out of 75 districts, 10 districts including Bara fall under category “A”. This grading was done by the
MFSC and was based on the total area of the forest in the district. The district varies from accessible
to extremely remote areas. Saphi is about 12 km from the east-west main highway and not accessible
in the rainy season. Nijgarh is accessible in all seasons. The DFO has three Area Forest Offices
namely, Tamagarhi Area Forest Office, at Nijgarh VDC; Madhuvan Area Forest Office at Pasah;
and Pathalaiya Area Forest Office at Pathlaita. These offices are further divided into five range
posts.
Socio-economic setting
Distribution of age group and gender in the study area
The economically important age group (16 to 59) accounted for about 50 percent of the population
where the ratio of males to females was almost the same. Senior citizens comprised 10 percent of the
population; they were mostly involved in decision-making, household work, and livestock farming.
Family size of respondents’ households
The largest families were in the Tharu caste (average 7.3). The smallest family had four members. In
big families, work was divided among members. The family size also differed in the Terai region by
caste and education, and amount of land-holdings.
Population and gender in the study area
Overall, there were more men than women in the study area. Total household membership in Nijgarh
ranged from 6 to 10 where as in Saphi it ranged from 4 to 13. The mean average family size in Nijgarh
was 6.38.
334
Educational status of house hold members in the study area
About 38 percent of the sampled households was illiterate. There were very few people who had
higher education. The educational level in Saphi was higher, presumably because it is situated in the
southern part of the forest area close to the market and school and other sections of society.
Occupation of respondents
Most respondents were involved in agriculture/waged labour. Only one person was a businessman
with a small shop, four people had agri-business mixed occupations, whereas 10 families had small
jobs in the Herbs Production and Processing Company Limited (HPPCL) in Saphi.
Land-holding size of respondents
Thirty-four percent of the people held between 5 to 20 katha and 38 percent had between 21 to
40 katha 2 . Seven percent had land area between 61 to 80 katha. About 17 percent of the households
had more than 61 katha. The Agricultural Development Bank of Nepal (ADB) defined farmers with
less than 15 katha (0.5 ha) as small farmers. According to CBS (2002), farmers with about 30 katha
are classified as medium farmers.
Area under cultivation in study villages
The first category includes privately owned land and accounts for 45 percent (the proportion is greater
in Saphi than in Nijgarh). The second category of land is rented land (about 20 percent), generally
used for NTFP cultivation. The third category of land is land under the ownership of the HPPCL. The
HPPCL has total land of about 500 ha and some of the land is cultivated for NTFPs by the HPPCL
and some land is leased to people for farming NTFPs. Fourteen percent of the land area is public but
rented by villagers.
Distribution of NTFP collectors in the study area
There were more NTFP collectors in Nijgarh than Saphi (Table 1). Children are normally made to go
to school in Saphi while in Nijgarh they are used for NTFP collection and livestock grazing. Senior
citizens are also involved in collection in Nijgarh whereas only two elderly people collected NTFPs in
Saphi. This indicates comparatively higher poverty in Nijgarh.
Table 1. Distribution of collectors according to age class
Age of collectors
Collectors between 5-15 years
Collectors between 16-59 years
Collectors above 60 years
Total
Village
NijGarh
Saphi
55
78
18
151 (60.4)
28
69
2
99 (39.6)
Source: Field Survey (2004). Figures in parentheses are percentages.
2
Total
30 katha = 1 ha
335
55 (22)
147 (58.8)
20 (8.0)
250
Labour wage rate
Wage rates differed from village to village. Wage rates for men and women also significantly differed
from place to place. The maximum rate was reported for transportation and sawing of logs. In both
villages, the average wage rate for men and women was NRs90 per day whereas in other places it
was NRs80 per day. This is probably due to the lack of labour because of migration to nearby cities.
Food sufficiency
Most households (HHs) in the study area had insufficient food throughout the year. Out of 71 HHs, 26
HHs had sufficient crop production for the whole year and some surplus for saving and selling. Ten
HHS had enough food for nine months, 20 HHs for six months, and 15 HHs for only three months.
Market centre
The study area lacked an organized marketing centre. There was a small roadhead market centre
(Kolvi) where basic household goods, including soap, sugar, kerosene, cigarettes, and clothes were
available. Nijgarh also had a small market. The major markets were Birgung about 50 km and Hetauda
about 60 km from the study area.
NTFP trade in Bara District
NTFPs, which include traded and locally used forest products of biological origin, supply hundreds of
collectors, village traders, and wholesalers in Bara District. In the Forest Regulations of 1995, the
procedural rules for the collection and sale of forest products distinguish between timber, fuelwood,
acacia catechu, herbs, and other forest products. The Annexes of the Forest Act (1993) and Forest
Regulations (1995) present information on the royalties for timber and fuelwood, royalties associated
with different NTFPs, and other forest products. According to the Forest Act and Forest Regulations,
the DFO is the planner, manager, educator, and protector of NTFPs and also is the authorized office
for the documentation of traded NTFPs from the district.
Income from NTFPs in Nepal
The income of the Department of Forest from the NTFP sector increased from fiscal year 1994/1995
to fiscal year1997/1998 (Figure 3). According to the forest department database, the increase of
royalty rate and quantity of Taxus baccata increased total revenue to NRs56.6 million. Finally the
MFSC decided to collect revenue for NTFPs by related forest user groups. These items were jatamansi
oil, Rawalfelia surpentina, Taxus baccata, and lichens. According to an Indian exporter, a new
problem created by Indian customs is that any plant product must be laboratory tested and be qualified
and certified to enter Indian territory. The laboratory test should be done in a central government
laboratory only. The laboratory test report of country of origin is not valid for Indian customs.
336
Quantity (1000 ton) and Reyenue (million Rs)
Trend of NTFP Production and Revenue
60
50
40
quantity (in 1000 ton)
30
Revenue (in million Rs)
20
10
0
1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
Figure 3. Trend of government revenue from NTFPs in Nepal
Source: Department of Forest Nepal (2003)
Comparison of income from NTFPs and major forest products
The Department of Forests divided NTFPs into two categories: Medicinal and Aromatic Plants (MAPs)
and NTFPs other than MAPs. Asparagus, lichens, chiraita, etc. are famous MAPS. Stones, pebbles,
sand, bamboo, babio (Euolaliopsis binnata), lokta (Daphne spp.) etc. come under the second
category. The collectors of Nijgarh ate skus, gittha and bhyakur as vegetables and snacks. Similarly,
harro (Terminalia chebula), barro (Terminalia belerica), and amala (Emblica officinalis) were
ingredients for trifala, a good digestive powdered medicine.
Quantitative and financial details of traded NTFPs from Bara District
Bara harbours many varieties of NTFPs. At least 11 species were traded from this district in each
fiscal year. From 2000/2001 to 2002/2003, a total of 15 species were traded. The collection of particular
species depended on the demand of the species in Indian markets. So there is high potential for timber
and fuelwood production. Similarly, the district is rich in low altitude biodiversity. The collection of
certain species depends on the demand for the species when the collectors did not collect some
species on a regular basis. Sal seed was used by a local vegetable oil industry. Similarly, a papermaking factory used sabai grass. Species like amla, kaulo, satawari, and sikakai are being exhausted
rapidly.
Oil production from HPPCL
The HPPCL is a commercial company operating under the MFSC and is mandated to extract the
constituents of medicinal and aromatic plants for medical use. Herbal farms are found everywhere in
Nepal. The HPPCL has a branch office and a production farm in Saphi. This company cultivates
perennial herbs like pamarosa, lemon grass, citronella, and annual herbs like chamomile. There is a
distillation plant and one extract plant on the farm; the oil is sent to the central office in Kathmandu.
Some company land is leased to local farmers, to grow medicinal and aromatic plants only. The
337
farmers from surrounding villages cultivate chamomile, mentha, and lemon grass, which are processed
in the distillation plant and the oil is sold to the company.
Oil production and herbal medicine
This farm and local farmers cultivate only six major species. The oil is used to make herbal medicines
and about 40 percent is exported to Indian and European markets. Nepal oil, Himalayan massage oil,
anti-leech oil, and sancho are the main products. The production of mentha doubled in 2001/2002 due
to increasingly higher value and high market demand. Pamarosa oil production has increased rapidly.
Production is increasing due to market demand, and also because it is used by HPPCL in sancho
medicine and in Himalayan massage oil. Similarly, the production of citronella has increased; production
of French basil has decreased.
Income from cultivated NTFPs
The average income from chamomile was greater than the rest of the cultivated species (Table 2).
The next preferred species were mentha and pamarosa. The average income per household per
year from mentha and pamarosa was NRs5 748 and NRs2 011 respectively. The mean annual
income from all cultivated species was higher in Saphi because respondents of Saphi had more private
land than Nijgar. The total income and mean income per household from cultivated NTFPs was
higher (NRs28 161) in Saphi whereas mean income from cultivated species in Nijgarh was only
NRs12 136 per household per year.
Table 2. Income from cultivated NTFPs
Cultivated species
Chamomile
Pamarosa
Mentha
Lemon grass
Citronella
French basil
Total income
Nijgarh
Mean income (NRs)
Saphi
Mean income (NRs)
Average income(NRs)
7 372
283
3 279
488
337
375
12 136
12 512
3 788
8 287
13 441
1 885
0
28 161
9 906
2 011
5 748
910
1 100
190
20 036
Source: Field Survey (2004). US$1.00 = NRs72
Quantity of NTFPs collected from forests
Greater quantities of NTFPs were collected in Nijgarh. Sal seed and sabai grass had the highest
extraction in both villages — sal seed was purchased by the local dealer of the vegetable oil industry
and sabai grass was purchased by the paper mill. Amla fruit were collected by almost all the villagers,
in season, and some of them sold it to the local market; but mostly it was used for household
consumption. Similarly cotton collection was greater in Saphi. Earnings from cotton are increasing
due to the ban on cutting simal trees. Kaulo bark and satawari tubers are collected only by professional
collectors (more in Nijgarh). The bhorla leaf is sold to local markets.
338
Income from collected NTFPs
The mean highest income came from sal seed (NRs5 514) and cotton fibre (NRs1 608/household/
year) whereas mean annual income from collection of bhorla leaf, amala fruit, satawari, and kaulo
bark was around NRs700/year/household. This was because of decrease in availability of amla fruit,
satawari tubers, and kaulo bark. The total amount of collection and earnings were greater in Nijgarh,
except for cotton fibre, because the village had fewer land-holdings and fewer off-farm opportunities.
Thus NTFP collection is a source of livelihood for the poor villagers.
Total household income of respondents
The mean income from business was similar in both villages, whereas mean income from agriculture,
services, and NTFPs was higher in Saphi. The income from services in Saphi was almost 20 times
higher than Nijgarh. Similarly the mean income from NTFPs was NRs37 867 in Saphi and NRs28 398
in Nijgarh. Mean income from livestock/household/year in Nijgarh was NRs15 041 and NRs10 342 in
Saphi. The average total income per household per annum was NRs82 338 in Nijgarh and NRs99
082 in Saphi.
Income from NTFPs
The income from cultivated NTFPs between villages was analysed through an independent sample ttest and there was significant difference in mean income from cultivated NTFPs between the two
villages (Table 3). Because Saphi respondents had more land-holdings than Nijgarh, they were able to
cultivate more plants. On-farm income was lower in Nijgarh than Saphi, because of infertile soil and
lack of irrigation.
Table 3. Sources of income
Income source
Village
Test-statistics
Nijgarh
Income from cultivated NTFPs
Income from collected NTFPs
Total income from NTFPs
Saphi
Total
Mean
Total
Mean
436 324
584 160
1 022 334
12 136
16 226
28 398
986 565
339 710
136 637
28 161
9 706
37 867
t = -7.273
t = 5.260
t = -4.187
p = 0.001
P = 0.001
p = 0.001
Test statistics; t = - 4.817, p = 0.001 (with total income between the two villages)
Existing cultivation and collection practices in the study area
Perceptions on cultivation practices
Status of cultivated NTFPs in the study area
Cultivation of chamomile was increasing rapidly in both villages because of its high value and it is easy
to cultivate. Chamomile oil is expensive and purchased by the HPPCL at the rate of NRs6 000/kg.
Similarly cultivation of pamarosa and mentha was also increasing on HPPCL farmland as well as on
farmers’ private land (Table 4). According to respondents these two species are easy to cultivate,
339
perennial, and also consume less labour in comparison with agricultural crops like wheat, maize, and
rice. Lemon grass cultivation had not changed and cultivation of citronella was decreasing due to low
price and the difficult cultivation technique. According to HPPCL officials, the variety of lemon grass
was old and wild.
Table 4. Ranking of cultivated NTFPs in the study area
Local Name
Status
Highly
Decreasing
decreasing
Chamomile
Pamarosa
Mentha
Lemon grass
Citronella
Bhojo
Satawari
Ginger
Eucalyptus
Similar
Total
Increasing
WAI
Highly
increasing
0
0
8
37
26
71
0.85
0
6
7
35
23
71
0.81
0
2
10
29
30
71
0.84
3
13
16
22
12
66
0.68
21
35
0
0
0
56
0.32
Farmers started cultivation last year
Dabur Herbal company provides some farmers with an improved variety of asparagus.
Farmers started cultivation from September 2003
Dabur Herbal company provides some farmers with an improved variety of ginger. Farmers
have been cultivating for 2 years.
3- to 5-year-old seedlings have seen planted in HPPCL farm; private plantation for eucalyptus
oil production has been increasing
Source: Field Survey (2004); highly decreasing = 0.2, decreasing = 0.4, no change = 0.6, increasing = 0.8, highly increasing
= 1.0
WAI=[1st rank (1.0) + 2nd rank (0.8) +3rd rank (0.6) + 4th rank (0.4) + 5th rank (0.2)]/ ∑ith rank
Where,
1st = frequency of 1st rank
4th rank = frequency of 4th rank
nd
nd
2 = frequency of 2 rank
5th rank = frequency of 5th rank
rd
rd
3 = frequency of 3 rank
∑ith = total number of observations
Factors promoting cultivation of NTFPs in the study area
Score
A small group meeting was organized in the HPPCL office to understand the factors for promoting
NTFP cultivation in study area. HPPCL staff also participated in the discussion. The species selected
were easy to cultivate, had a short duration, and needed low levels of pesticide. High income compared
to agricultural crops, technical support, and intercropping were the main factors that attracted farmers
to grow NTFPs, particularly MAPS (Figure 4). The species cultivated here were mentha, chamomile,
French basil, and lemon grass the value of which was three times greater than agricultural crops.
Also, the farmers could plant rice after harvesting of the MAPS.
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
e
om
nc
i
gh
Hi
count
percent
te
n
tio
iva
ult
ura
c
d
to
rop
sy
rtc
Ea
o
Sh
de
tici
es
p
ss
Le
ls
t
ria
lan
gp
ate
n
i
m
s
es
ng
nti
roc
a
l
P
P
Reason
Figure 4. Factors needed to promote cultivation
340
ted
ort
en
pp
r
r
u
ua
als
lG
nic
ch
Se
e
T
g
pin
op
r
c
er
Int
Problems regarding cultivation and domestication of NTFPs
The main problem cited by respondents was small land-holding size. Nijgarh respondents had very
poor land-holdings compared to Saphi. Those respondents who had more than one hectare of land
usually planted MAPs for more income.
Intercropping tree species in NTFP cultivation
Around 35 percent of the people liked to plant multipurpose fodder trees and small fruit trees because
they expected extra income from fruit and fodder species and also enhanced animal husbandry.
Around 15 percent of the people liked high value fruit trees like Agle marmelos and fast growing tree
species such as Eucalyptus spp. Eucalyptus was purchased by the Nepal Board Industry to make
particleboard and plywood.
Choice of agricultural species for intercropping with NTFPs
Most of the farmers wanted to change the traditional cropping of rice, maize, and wheat. Due to high
demand and better prices, people wanted to grow cash crops like mustard, vegetables, pulses, and
jute (Figure 5). The cash incomes from these crops were higher than traditional crops like rice and
wheat. These cash crops were easy to cultivate and needed less labour. Respondents preferred
lentils, sorghum, and mustard in this order.
Percent
50
40
30
20
10
0
Mustard
Pulse
Vegetable
Sorghum
Jute
Crop species
Figure 5. Choice of agricultural species
Conditions required for sustainable cultivation of NTFPs
The conditions and requirements recommended by participants in group discussion to enhance
sustainable cultivation of NTFPs in the study area are listed hereunder.
Competitive market: A monopoly market decreases the bargaining power of producers. In Saphi
the oil produced by farmers is only sold to the HPPCL. There are no other buyers.
Actual and base price: The farmers expect realistic prices for their products. However they
know the price of oil. They are bound to sell products to the HPPCL, because some of the land is
leased from the company. The farmers also want to fix the base price each year through joint meetings
between farmers and the company.
Government enterprises: Government enterprises can facilitate production and marketing. This
organization is supported by the government and works as a broker between producers and buyers.
341
Demonstration plantation: Farmers like to see demonstration plantation of high valued NTFPs
and want to be reassured about the net benefit per unit of area.
Loan and material support: Sometimes loans and material support help farmers’ production —
borrowing from local providers is not fair as they charge more interest than banks. Similarly fertilizer
and insecticide support from local cooperatives can enhance production.
Land-holdings: Most of the farmers have small land-holdings and they lease farmland. If the
government made land available, they would be very interested in growing MAPs and other trees/
crops in an integrated land-use system.
Perceptions regarding collection practices
Collection status of major high valued NTFPs from forest
According to the field survey, collection of sabai grass was increasing greatly. At the same time in
Chure hills, its density was increasing whereas tree cover was decreasing. Collection of cotton was
also increasing due to the government ban on cutting green standing trees. The weighted average
index (WAI) of sal seed and bhorla leaf was 0.5 and 0.35 respectively. This reflects a decreasing
trend in collection of such species. No significant difference in collection trend between the two
villages was observed for sal seed, bhorla leaf, and satawari. This means there was a decreasing
collection trend in both villages. For amla, sikakai, and kaulo the amount of collection was significantly
different at the 95 percent confidence level.
Species under threat of extinction in the study area
Veteran collectors were very knowledgeable about species diversity and they knew which species
were found where and in what quantities. Formerly the district was very rich in plant diversity and
abundance. These collectors now say that some species like rattan and Rauvolfia serpentina are
now extinct in the forest. Sikakai, kaulo, and satawari are under moderate threat of extinction;
cotton trees and pipala are similarly affected (Tables 5 and 6).
Table 5. Species under threat of extinction
Species
Level of threat
Sarpagandha, rattan, bojo
Sikakai, kaulo ,asparagus, amla
Harro, cotton trees, pipla
Extinct in wild, high threat of extinction otherwise
Ecologically extinct, moderately threatened
Under threat
Table 6. Reasons for extinction threat
Immediate cause
Over-collection of medicinal and
other plants
Haphazard fires
No recovery/rehabilitation plans
Destruction of habitat
Intermediate cause
Inadequateactive management
Inadequate implementation of
legislation
Subsistence and income needs
Lack of environmental awareness
and sensitivity
Source: Biodiversity Strategy Nepal (2002)
342
Root cause
Weak administrative,planning,
and managementcapacity
Inadequate data andinformation
management
High incidence of poverty
Low level of publicinformation
and participation
Reason for extinction of high value NTFP species
High value NTFPs are neither planted in the forest nor domesticated on private land. Also, unbalanced
demand and supply threaten the survival of some NTFPs.
Reasons for respondents’ dependency on NTFPs
Respondents were asked to provide reasons for dependency on NTFPs in order of priority (Figure 6).
Lack of other job opportunities and small land-holding size were the main reasons among eight cited
by the collectors. Most Nijgarh people collected NTFPs but they earned less income than the daily
wage rate. Therefore, if they could find work, they would not need to gather NTFPs. Poverty was the
third reason and off-season employment the fourth.
Alternative source of
income
Less Non - farm
opportunity
Illiterate
Source of
livelihood
Non Timber Forest
Products
Tradition and
Culture
Poverty
Off - season
employment
Small land
holding size
Figure 6. Reasons for dependency on NTFPs
Factors for intensification of collection of NTFPs
The quantity of NTFPs collected by households correlated with the number of family members, land
ownership, occupations, total income, age groups, and rented land; only household income and number
of family members showed a significant contribution to the regression analysis. Though there was no
correlation between the quantity of NTFPs collected and family education, family education was
entered in the regression analysis to analyse its impact. The result showed a negative mathematical
relation with the quantity of NTFPs collected — quantity collected decreased as the educational level
increased.
Time of collection
Generally NTFPs were collected during slack periods of agriculture. They collect sabai grass, sikakai,
pipala, and amla in winter whereas cotton, sal seed, and satawari are gathered in spring and summer.
Bahunia leaf is collected year round whereas the bark of kaulo is collected only when Indian markets
demand it. According to the respondents, kaulo bark had only been collected from this forest during
the previous two years. Now there are no more kaulo trees in the forest.
343
Territory of collection
Most of the collectors do not follow the guidelines given in the collection permits. Generally collection
permits are issued in the names of middlemen and major traders and collectors are only assigned for
collection. Sometimes occupational collectors enter protected and restricted areas and are apprehended
and punished by the authorities.
Credit and advance system
Generally all households are advanced money by middlemen. Sometimes collectors offer large amounts
of money as credit, which are recouped during the sale of products.
Perceptions of stakeholders on the promotion of NTFPs
Perceptions for commercial production
Site suitability for commercial production
This issue was discussed in a group meeting of 65 people. There were DDC members, industry
representatives, forest officers, forest rangers and some collectors. Most of them agreed with the
option that if the government provided land for NTFP and timber production under legal provision,
they could develop integrated land planning and produce NTFPs along with timber and other products.
Forty-two percent of the participants selected open area; 25 percent selected degraded forest land
with less than 10 percent canopy cover. The remaining 33 percent were interested in dense forest
area and abandoned riverside land.
12%
8%
Dense forest area
Open forest land
Degraded forest area
Encroached land
HPPCL farm land
13%
25%
42%
Figure 7. Area preferred by stakeholders
Regarding the situation, the government has launched collaborative Forestry and Leasehold Forestry
programmes for sustainable management. Among 71 respondents, 66 percent preferred the Leasehold
Forestry Programme, 14 percent preferred the collaborative Forestry Programme, and the rest opted
for both (Figure 7).
Species preferred for plantation and cultivation in forest land
Satawari: Easy to regenerate and propagate. Ready for harvesting in 1.5 years and very profitable
with high market demand. It can be regenerated in open or shaded areas. Ranked first by respondents.
344
Sabai grass and pipla: Easy to cultivate. Sabai grass can be planted along riversides in open
land and sandy soil. Pipla can be planted in degraded forest and in plantation forest. Both are high
yielding and expensive species. Demand is high and regular.
Sarpaganda: A high value NTFP and generally not available in forest areas. Respondents in
Saphi were very interested in planting Sarpaganda in open forest land and leased HPPCL land.
Stems sell at NRs80/kg, and it is marketable everywhere in Nepal.
Bamboo: Known as poor people’s wood. It has multiple uses.
Perceptions on credit facility
Both villages ranked wholesalers first for credit availability (Table 7) because they lived in cities and
had access to banks and finance offices. Middlemen ranked second (no bank in the village area). The
bank requires land property as collateral for issuing any type of loan to farmers. Bank interest rates
are high and it is difficult for poor people to obtain loans.
Table 7. Ranking for credit facility
Stake holders
Nijgarh
Count Count
1st
2nd
rank
rank
Collectors
Middlemen
Wholesalers
0
7
29
0
29
7
Saphi
Count
3rd
rank
Total
WAI
Rank
Count
1st
rank
36
0
0
36
35
35
1.00
2.25
2.88
3rd
2nd
1st
3
5
30
Count Count
2nd
3rd
rank rank
3
28
5
29
2
2
Total
WAI
Rank
3v5
35
35
1.25
2.08
2.91
3rd
2nd
1st
Source: Field Survey (2004). Remarks: WAI= Weighted Average Index, R = rank
Score for: Rank 1 =3, Rank 2 = 2, Rank 3 = 1
Punishment for illegal activity
If illegal activities happen during collection and transportation, the middleman is held responsible
because the collection permit is issued in his name. By law, he is responsible for any illegal activity
during NTFP business. Sometimes collectors are also punished, if they are found working and
transporting NTFPs with no collection and transport permit. But generally they are not held responsible
and released.
Frequency of visit to forest office
Collectors and cultivators do not obtain collection permits from the forest office. They work on the
collection permit of the middlemen. So generally, they do not visit forest offices. Similarly forest
officials do not meet the people who are engaged in collection of NTFPs in the forest. There is a big
gap between collectors and forest staff. For this reason collectors are unaware of legal provisions.
They very rarely participate in training and extension programmes on NTFPs.
Stakeholders’ views on promotion of NTFPs in the national forest
Respondents’ ranking for the promotion of NTFPs in the forest was, in order of priority: (1) collaboration;
(2) planting of major species; (3) rotational collection; (4) periodic ban on collection; (5) fire control.
345
Market perspectives
Major constraints and marketing issues
In group discussion, middlemen from industries pointed out some of the bottlenecks and issues that
are affecting NTFP marketing. These are listed hereunder.
No price information: Collectors are given no information about the relative prices fixed by
middlemen for their products.
No special markets: Urban centres have market places, but this does not apply to NTFP collection
in rural areas.
Price governed by Indian markets: It is expensive to export to European and American markets.
So most products are only exported to India, either in raw form or in semi processed form. Thus
Indian markets govern the price.
Transportation: There are no good roads so human labour, bullock-carts, and tractors are used
to transport NTFPs in the study area. Some of the vehicle owners are afraid to transport timber and
NTFPs from one place to another.
Government rules: New rules stipulate that before collection of some species, an Environmental
Impact Assessment (EIA) is necessary. Anyone trafficking NTFPs without EIA will be punished.
No storage facility: Most plant products are perishable. Without any storage facility, quality
degrades. Thus wholesalers want to buy these products as soon as possible and collectors cannot get
good prices. Storage facilities could increase the bargaining power of collectors, middlemen, and
wholesalers to obtain better prices.
Less quantity: Representatives of industries and some wholesalers indicated that fluctuation of
quantity ultimately affects the production systems of industries and the small quantity of raw materials
increases the cost of production.
Local method of cleaning, processing, and packaging: This decreases the quality of the
product and creates problems for retail.
Plant quarantine and Customs office: There is a major difference between the royalty rate
given in the transport permit and the actual selling and purchasing rate. Sometimes Customs create a
problem when fixing export duties. At the Indian border, plant quarantine spoils Nepalese plant products
(see earlier information on laboratory certification).
Time period given for transport permit: Nepal Customs want to see the source of origin and
transport permit of the forest office. Major traders feel this is an unnecessary burden.
Proper policy for good marketing
Policy issues regarding NTFP marketing were discussed in group meetings and questionnaires were
provided for group responses; on the issue of what might constitute the proper policy for good marketing,
there were many factors to consider. Sustainable production got the highest score (49 percent) and
policy for processing and value addition received 12.5 percent. The meeting also acknowledged the
need for collaborative action among stakeholders.
346
Policy perspectives
Overview of forest policies and legislations
Forest policies
This plan envisaged the proper development of forest and forest industries. The plan laid down
objectives for forest management, the restoration of natural balance, economic mobilization, scientific
management, development of technology, and promotion of public cooperation. Similarly, the fifth
five-year plan (1995-1998), and sixth five-year plan (1980-1985) emphasized the conservation and
management of forest resources as well as the development of non-wood resource-based small
cottage industries and big industries. In situ conservation of NTFPs in national forests and ex situ
conservation and cultivation in community forest, leasehold forest, company farmland, private forests,
and private land were given priority and they were considered as production areas for income
generation.
Forest legislation
Forest legislation started with the Forest Nationalization Act (1957), Forest Products Sale and
Distribution Rule (1971), Forest Act (1993), and Forest Regulations (1995). Now, apart from forest
policies and legislation, the government has formulated a policy framework to manage the Terai and
inner Terai forests. The concept of “collaborative forest management” has been approved by the
government. It is a decentralized forest management model designed to create trust among all
stakeholders and it will encourage local people, NGOs, local governments, central governments, and
support agencies for active participation in forest management.
A multi-stakeholder management committee is responsible for key activities such as management,
protection, production, and marketing of all products and sharing of benefits. There is a problem of
jurisdiction between government agencies and local government on who should have control over the
forest resources.
Findings related to policy issues
International trade, the demand and supply processing method, and the quality of processed material
affect product prices and affect the adoption of collection and cultivation practices. Certain bans on
processing and export, for example Rawalfia surpentina in the Terai, affect cultivation. NTFPs play
a significant role in poverty reduction and rehabilitation of degraded forest land. Productive groups,
especially industries, have not been given priority to lease any forest land under the existing leasehold
forest arrangement.
Decision-makers should consider economic, employment, environmental, and integrated intensive
land-use factors in crafting forestry policies in Nepal.
Promotion of NTFPs in the district
SWOT analysis was carried out to identify the key elements regarding problems of and prospects for
NTFPs (Table 8).
347
Table 8. Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis
Strengths (successes)
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Encroached, marginal, community, and private barren land is available for plantation
Open land, degraded forest, less than 10% canopy cover area, areas along riversides are available
for NTFP plantation
Indigenous knowledge of local collectors
Labour force
Financial support will come from industries and related stakeholders
Collectors are aware of the economic value of NTFPs
People are interested in collaborating
Industries are demanding land and are ready for investment
National level policies favour cultivation and management
All levels of people (from collectors to wholesalers) are found
Many NTFP-based industries in the district (sal seed oil, Dabur herbal, HPPCL)
Weaknesses (bottlenecks)
Respondents’ level:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Small land-holding and risky business compared to vegetable farming
Inadequate technical expertise
Low level of education and unskilled labour force
Unavailability of seed and seedlings of preferred species
Lack of market information system and extension activities
Weak collective action, weak entrepreneurship for NTFP domestication enterprises, processing
and marketing. No information about new variety, species.
Village trader and wholesaler level:
•
•
•
•
Lack of credit and cold storage facilities
Large numbers of check posts
Varieties of taxes and dual taxes are imposed
High unofficial costs
CFUG/DDC/VDC members:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Royalty from forest still goes to the government account
Government afraid to allocate any forest land to private sectors
Lack of knowledge on the stock, increment rate, allowable harvest, and forward and backward
linkage of the collection
Many species are depleting rapidly. DFO and DDC have poor plans to conserve them
Conflict between the Local Governance Act and Forest Act and between their respective regulations
No new high yielding varieties; species are proposed by related technicians
Competition for collection/immature harvesting/cutting trees and plants
Foresters’ level:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Confusion still exists about what approach is required for the sustainable management of Terai
forest
Strong pressure on Terai forests from squatters
Lack of skills’ training
Weak political commitment for scientific forest management
Low enforcement of law
Timber- and fuelwood- focused work trend
Opportunities (potentials)
•
•
•
New approach approved by government, i.e. collaborative forest management
Leasehold policy for the Terai
Forest degradation can be halted as the poorest within the community get benefits
348
•
•
•
Distance users also become beneficiaries
Sustainable supply of NTFPs for industries
Help to maintain biodiversity and protect gene bank of many endangered flora, and high valued
NTFPs
• Generate employment for locals and increase revenue for the nation
• Many stakeholders are interested in collaboration and the leasehold approach
• High chances of policy amendment
• Donors are ready to invest in income-generating programme and poverty programme
• Formation of Nepal NTFP Network (NNN) Task Force
• Utilization of barren land for the domestication, plantation, and cultivation of NTFPs/opportunity of
more income
• Land use based on NTFP suitability
• · Establishment of processing plant for value addition with amendment in rules and regulations
• Strongly dedicated forest-based industry/NGOs/ banks for production and investment
• Strongly dedicated 10th five-year plan (2002-2007) for the promotion of NTFPs
Threats (constraints)
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Villagers tend not to leave the land they occupy
Political colonization for capturing forest land· Reduced biodiversity, degraded environment, overexploitation of resources and rapid depletion of certain species
Government may not provide private ownership of the land
Government may hesitate to hand over NTFP-rich areas to collaborative groups and private sectors
Fear of formation of synthetic products/substituted products in place of expensive species
High competition of supply of NTFPs in India from many countries; prices may drop
Poor quality, standard not maintained, limited market (only India)
Government may ban any species at any time for collection/transportation
Unfavourable rules and regulations, especially for the establishment of forest-based industries.
Conclusion
This study highlighted the cultivation and collection of NTFPs in the Terai region of Nepal. It also
estimated the contribution of NTFPs to total household income. The study included an overview of
existing policy and practices and aimed to recommend policy amendments needed for the
commercialization of NTFPs for employment, and income generation.
Literature cited
Arnold, K. 1995. Non-Wood Forests Products. Report of the international expert consultation on
Non-wood Forest Products. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Rome,
Italy.
BISEP. 2003. Framework for Collaborative Forest Management in Nepal. Planning Division,
Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation, Singha Darbar, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Central Bureau of Statistics. 2002. Statistical Year Book of Nepal. HMG/N, National Planning
Commission Secretariat, Kathmandu, Nepal
FMUDP/NED. 1994. Socioeconomic Survey of Bara District. Department of Forest Planning
Division, Babar Mahal, Kathmandu, Nepal.
NBS. 2002. National Biodiversity Strategy, Nepal. Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation. HMGN/
IUCN.
349
MARKET ANALYSIS OF MAJOR PRODUCTS FROM COMMUNITY-MANAGED
FORESTS IN THE FOOTHILL WATERSHEDS OF NEPAL
Bhim Nath Acharya 1
Introduction
The forests of Nepal are the second largest natural resource after water. Out of the total potential
community forest area of 3.3 million ha, about 30 percent is now under community forest (CF). The
country has about 7 000 plant species. Both timber and non-timber forest products (NTFPs) are
important economically. Economic opportunities are severely constrained by poor socio-economic
conditions and infrastructure. The economic conditions of CF user groups are heavily reliant on timber
and NTFPs and their proper marketing. However the marketing system in community forestry is not
well established.
There are various positive impacts on forest conservation and management attributable to the CF
programme (Kanel, 1999). For the sustainable management of CF, there should be provision of direct
incentives to those engaged in forest management. If harvested products from CFs are marketed
properly then user groups and individual members will receive higher income. The general objective
of this study is to analyse comparative marketing systems for timber and NTFPs to improve the
watershed condition and marketing systems in the future.
Profile of the study area and respondents
District overview
Nawalparasi District
Nawalparsi District lies in the Lumbini zone of the Western Development Region of Nepal. The
district is located approximately 146 km west of Kathmandu Valley and lies in the inner Terai and
Terai regions of Nepal. It shares a border with Chitwan District in the east, Rupendehi District in the
west, Palpa and Tanahun districts in the north and the Indian states of Bihar and Utter Pradesh to the
south. Most parts of the district are accessible by roads excluding 17 hilly village development
committees (VDCs). The Narayani is the main river and the Turia, Girubari, Jharahi, Binayi, Arunkhola,
Bungdi are secondary rivers in the district.
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Soparth Pongquan (Chair), Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch, Dr. Rajendra Shrestha
371
Chitwan District
Chitwan District is located in the Narayani zone of the Central Development Region. It is situated
between 27º 212 -27º 522 north latitude and 83º 542 -84º 482 east longitude; elevations range from 141
to 1 100 metres above mean sea level. Most parts of district are accessible by road excluding nine
hilly VDCs. Mahendra Highway and the Mugling-Narayangadh highways pass through this district.
Chitawan District is surrounded by Parsa, Makawanpur, Nawalparasi, Dhading, Tanahun, and Gorkha
districts and Bihar State of India. The district falls under the sub-tropical and sub-temperate mixed
climatic zones.
Administrative divisions, demography, and education
Nawalparasi District is divided into four election constituencies, 15 administrative areas called Ilakas,
one municipality, and 73 VDCs. The district is highly populated. The total population is 562 088 with
a population density of 279 people/km2 .
Chitwan District is also divided into four election constituencies, 13 administrative Ilakas, two
municipalities, and 36 VDCs. The total population of the district is 470 713 with a population density
of 210 people/km2 (CBS, 2000).
Figure 1. Nawalparasi and Chitwan districts
372
Land use
Until 1950, most of Nawalparasi and Chitwan districts were covered by virgin forest. After the
eradication of malaria, people started to migrate from the hill districts of Nepal and began to clear the
forest. Settlement programmes and forest allocation for developmental activities were the main reasons
for the decline in forest area. Encroachment on forest land for housing and agricultural purposes has
also led to the decline of forest land.
A land-use survey in 1985/1986 recognized five categories of land use: agricultural, grass, forest,
shrub, and uncultivated. The land use of Nawalparasi and Chitwan districts is shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Land use of the districts
Land use
Forest area
Agricultural land
Grazing land
Other
Total area
Nawalparasi
Chitwan
Area in ha
%
Area in ha
%
114 900
70 149
2 305
14 233
201 587
57
34.80
1.14
7.06
100
128 500
57 353
10 137
22 010
218 000
58.94
26.31
4.65
10.10
100
Source: District Profile, Nawalparasi and Chitwan, 2003
Cropping pattern
Rice, wheat, maize, potato, and vegetables are the major crops for all the ecological zones of both
districts. The cropping pattern differs accordingly with the land type and the irrigation facility available.
However, rice, wheat, and maize remain the dominant crops. Farmers of both the districts have
adopted vegetable farming and other income generation activities. While the people of remote and
inaccessible places still follow cereal crop-based farming systems, vegetables are grown for household
consumption.
Jharahikhola Watershed
The Jharahikhlola Watershed (JW) is situated in Nawalparasi District of western Nepal. The Mahendra
Highway passes though the lower region of this watershed. The eastern sector is bordered by
Mukandapur VDC, the western sector by Dibyapuri VDC, the southern sector is delineated by the
Narayani River in Chitwan District, and the northern sector overlaps Rantanpur VDC.
Kayarkhola Watershed
The Kayarkhola Watershed (KW) consists of three small sub-watersheds formed by the Shaktikhola,
Kayarkhola, and Somphrangkhola rivers. Kayarkhola Watershed is part of the larger Raptikhola
Watershed. A gravel road to Mahendra Highway connects the watershed. The northern sector is
bordered by Kaule and Chandibhanjyang VDCs. The western sector is bordered by the Dahakhani
and Jutpani VDCs, while the southern sector is overlapped by the Pithuwa, Chainpur, and Birendranagar
VDCs. Janapragati forest users’ group (FUG) is about 21 km from the road head market whereas
Tandi and Deujar FUGs are situated in the hilly region, which is about 33 km from the same road head
market.
373
Climatic condition of the two study watersheds
The climate of both the watersheds is humid and sub-tropical marked by sharp seasonal variation in
rainfall and temperature. The temperature and rainfall are recorded at the National Maize Research
station located in Rampur, which is about 20 km from the study area. The average annual rainfall
ranges from 1 800 to 2 500 mm.
Overview of the sampled community forests
Out of the four sampled community forests, Sundari and Chutari are in the eastern sector of Nawalparasi
District whereas Janapragati and Deujar are in the northeastern sector of Chitwan District.
Sundari CF
Excessive smuggling of timber, forest fire, flooding, erosion, and drought have been continuous problems.
The successful implementation of the CF programme in the hilly district motivated people to form a
FUG. Major activities are plantation, forest fire protection, promotion of NTFP plantation, thinning,
singling and felling, fire line and forest road construction. Also, various social and community
development activities (soft loans, support services, technical training) are carried out.
Chautari CF
The area of the forest is 354.7 ha and 3 511 persons benefit from this forest. Users became aware of
the need for forest protection and hence they formed a local group which ultimately developed into
Chautari FUG. Selective felling, thinning, and singling are the common activities carried out in the
forest.
Janapragati CF
Previously the forest was densely vegetated but due to population growth, there was heavy pressure
for timber as well as NTFPs. Users exploit the forest products without taking any responsibility for
managing the forest. The local ethnic minority are the Praja (Chepang), who are the main users of
this forest.
Deujar CF
Deujar is a typical CF managed by the Praja community. This CF lies in Siddi, one of remote and hilly
VDCs of Chitwan. The total area of the forest is only 28 ha and 312 persons from 50 households are
the main users. Moreover, the Chepang community depends on the forest for their livelihoods, even
for food. Users began to realize the importance of conservation and started protecting the forest
collectively by planting different species and managing them. For this activity, the NGO Rural Welfare
and Agricultural Reform for Development (FORWARD) and the governmental Praja Vikas Program
provided support.
374
Major problems and assets of the study area
Since both the study districts lie in the inner Terai plains region, they are accessible and relatively
developed compared with other districts. The main problems are: flooding and landslides; insufficient
access to technology; high population and high rate of migration; and less access to communications
and information. The main assets are: good market access; good road network; irrigation facilities
and productive soil for farming; tourism; central location with easy access to the east and west;
relatively high levels of education; and suitable environment for farming as well as other activities.
Socio-economic characteristics of the respondents
Age
The age of the respondents ranged from 20 to 87. Most respondents were between 31 and 40.
Gender
Of the 142 households sampled, more than 89 percent of the respondents were males. Only one-tenth
of the household respondents were female (Table 2). The proportion of female respondents from
Sundari, Chautari and Janapragati CFs was 14, 11, and 15 percent respectively.
Table 2. Distribution of households by gender
Gender
Male
Female
Total
Jharahikhola
Kayarkhola
Watershed (JW) Watershed (KW)
Janapragati CF
Total
Sundari CF
Chautari CF
Deujar CF
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
31
5
36
86
14
100
32
4
36
89
11
100
30
5
35
85
15
100
34
1
35
97
3
100
127
15
142
89
11
100
c2 - test df = 1 , sig. = .446
The chi- square test shows that there is no statistical difference in gender representation between
the two districts of Nawalparasi and Chitwan.
Marital status
Most of the respondents in this survey were married. In Janapragati and Deujar CFs the proportion of
married respondents was higher. Both CFs contained an ethnic minority group called the Chepang,
who practise early marriage and polygamy.
375
Level of education
About 77 percent of the household heads were literate and 23 percent could not read and write at all.
About 43 percent had only completed primary education followed by 22 percent who had finished
secondary education. The highest percentage of illiterate respondents was in Deujar CF.
Social aspects
Social structure
In three CFs Brahmins are the single largest ethnic group. Chepangs are the dominant community in
Deuzar CF.
Household size
The average household size was 5.7 members, which is very close to the national average of 5.5.
Household size ranged from one to 10 members. The F-test showed that there was no statistical
difference in the average size of households among the four CFs and between the two watersheds at
the 95 percent level of confidence.
Economic aspects
Main occupation
Agriculture was the main occupation for most of the respondents. Since the existing farming system
is labour intensive, most of the active labour force is partially or fully engaged in agricultural activities.
Farming is the primary source of income. Among the total respondents, 57 percent met their food
requirement from their own production; 19 percent had surplus production, which was also sold in the
market. Forty-three percent had a food deficit situation — they meet their food requirements via
waged labour, services, small businesses, and cottage industries.
Income
The average gross annual income of the respondents was about NRs57 000 or about US$775. Overall,
33 percent of the respondents had annual income exceeding NRs60 000 followed by 32 percent
(NRs21 000-40 000). The average annual income of the members of Sundari CF was highest followed
by Janapragati and Chautari CFs. The average income of people from Deujar CF was the lowest.
The F-test showed that there was a statistical difference in the average annual income of the households
from the four different CFs at the 99 percent level of confidence.
Land-holdings
Farmlands are the primary source of livelihoods for the farmers. In the inner Terai the land is
categorized as lowland (irrigated land) and upland (rain-fed). Similarly in the hills, it is categorized as
Khet (paddy terraces) and Bari (upland crop terraces). The major crops grown by the farmers in the
376
inner Terai and the foothill areas are rice, wheat, maize, pulses, vegetables, and oil seeds whereas in
the hilly area maize, millet, and potatoes are cultivated.
Forest products traded from the districts and market centres
Major products traded from the districts
The major timber products traded from Nawalparashi District are timber, fuelwood, and poles (Table
3).
Table 3. Major forest products traded from the district
Products
Quantity
Timber cft
Fuelwood (in 100 kg)
Poles (No.)
112 862
144 451
14 560
Source: DFO Nawalparasi (2002)
These products are mostly sold to local industries, sawmills, and furniture industries. Sometimes
major traders and politically influential persons are also involved in the marketing of products. The
general trends for trade of timber and fuelwood from Chitwan District are presented in Figure 2.
Amount
Timber and Fuel Harvested and Traded from Chitwan District
Amount harvested Timber
Amount harvested Fuel wood
Amount Sold Timber
Amount Sold Fuel wood
2000
2001
2002
Figure 2. Trend of timber and fuelwood harvested and traded from Chitwan District
The major NTFPs are mostly medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs).
Market types and accessibility
Village markets or local markets, road head markets, and regional markets are the main markets for
the users in the studied CFs. Village markets are where local traders, buyers, and shopkeepers sell
and buy their products. Village traders, local intermediaries, and local entrepreneurs are the key
actors in this market category. The regional market is a town market, which covers more than one
district. The average distance of the local market to households is 2.8 km. Likewise, the average
distance of road head and regional markets for the users is 12.9 and 28.9 km respectively. About
85.9 percent of the respondents preferred the regional market followed by the road head market.
377
Because of the long distance to the road head market, respondents from KW preferred the local
market whereas respondents from JW preferred the road head market..
Major market centres for products
Mostly timber products are traded locally to FUG members, local industries, and neighbouring FUG.
Thus there is no complex and competitive marketing system and chain for the timber products from
the community-managed forests. Normally, the products are harvested collectively by the FUG and
stored in its office. The users’ cooperative buys NTFPs and some selected agricultural products and
sells them on the regional market. The price given by the cooperative is higher than the local price.
Marketing of forest products
Processing
Out of 140 respondents 55 percent processed timber as well as NTFPs after collection from the CFs.
About 44 percent of the respondents did not process the product. Furniture and finished products are
the key outputs from timber. Out of 38 respondents, 78 percent made furniture and finished products.
Doko, broom, dalo, nanglo, and choya are the major processed NTFPs.
Existing marketing practice under studied FUGs
There is a collective marketing system in the FUGs. Every user should contribute to harvesting.
Based on priority and necessity, products are sold to the users at highly subsidized rates. Remaining
products are stocked for a certain period in case of urgent need. Later they are sold to outsiders,
traders, or local industries based on competitive bidding. The income goes to the FUG account (for
various social and development work).
Major markets
Members of the same FUG, neighbouring user groups, local organizations, and local industries are the
buyers of timber products from the studied CFs. Out of 35 respondents, 82 percent sold their timber
products to same FUG members followed by 51 percent to local industries as well as neighbouring
areas. Local markets, road head markets near the village and along the highway, and regional markets
were the main markets for NTFPs.
Marketing channels
Among the four CFs, only Sundari and Chautari CFs harvested and sold their timber products. FUG
members collected the timber products from the forest voluntarily. The same FUG members were the
major buyers of timber products. The market and trade channels for most of the NTFPs normally
followed a general pattern from village to road head or trade centres, then to larger trade centres
(Edward 1996; Karki, 2000; and Subedi, 2003). NTFPs collected by the villagers in the study area
were marketed through a four-tier channel comprising village or local traders, small-scale wholesale
traders in the road head markets of Manari, Tandi and Rajahar, medium-scale regional traders in the
regional markets of Narayangarh and Hetuinda, and large-scale national traders in Kathmandu.
378
People’s perceptions of the existing marketing system
Perceptions of benefits
Changing circumstances and opportunities sometimes influence farmers’ perceptions. Farmers have
their own objectives and judgment criteria, which are influenced by socio-economic characteristics
and are subject to multiple criteria ranging from economic benefits to resource conservation.
Respondents were mostly satisfied with the existing system of marketing.
Perceptions of marketing practices
Farmers were satisfied with the existing marketing practices from the profit angle. Overall, users
strongly agreed with limits on collection for retail, the cooperative marketing approach, and selfmarketing by individual CFs (WAIs = 1.47, 1.31, and 1.23 respectively). The households from JW
strongly agreed with self-marketing by individual CFs, cooperative marketing, and limits on collection
for retail (WAIs = 1.83, 1.36, and 1.31). Individual as well as local trader marketing were ranked
lowest by intermediaries and brokers. The households from KW strongly agreed with cooperative
marketing and limits on collection for retail (WAIs = 1.84 and 1.64).
Profit margin analysis of major NTFPs
Major buyers of the products
In the study area, there was no problem with timber product marketing up to the period of the field
survey conducted. Timber products were only traded from JW and major buyers were local user
groups followed by local industries. About 78 percent of the respondents from Chautari CF sold
products to their own FUG members followed by local industries. None of the members from Janapragati
and Deujar CFs were involved in timber product processing and marketing. Almost all respondents
sold NTFPs to local shopkeepers.
Marketing intermediaries
There were three tiers of intermediaries for the marketing of NTFPs in the study area (Karki, 2000).
There were three types of intermediaries for NTFP marketing between different stakeholders and
organizations.
Trader linkages
Local traders and road head traders were the key actors who had linkages with both the primary
collectors and national level traders. These intermediaries had equally good relations with collectors
and buyers at the national level. The primary collectors mostly sold their products to road head traders
and to some extent to village level traders. These intermediaries encouraged local collectors to collect
high quality and high value products sustainably (Figure 3). This helped primary level collectors/
processors get higher prices and higher demand to some extent.
379
Local
Traders
Regional and
National Traders
Producer
s
Herbal
Medicinal
Industries
Road head
Traders
Exports
Figure 3. Backward and forward linkages of intermediaries
Local traders
Mr. Hira Lal Purii from Shaktikhor-5 has been trading NTFPs for more than a decade. He basically
purchases NTFPs from primary collectors (many come from the Chepang community). He supported
cooperative marketing from community-managed resources for trading at the local level. He dealt in
cash by receiving advances from Indian traders. Lack of market information has become the main
issue in NTFP trade and it has not yet been addressed explicitly. These traders are the key contact
agents for both collectors and other traders. They have very good forward and backward linkages
with primary collectors and traders.
Road head traders
There were about seven road head traders involved in NTFP marketing in the study area. Most of
them sold collected products to regional markets and some sold them to the Kathmandu market as
well as directly to herbal medicinal industries in Kathmandu. They mostly bought their products from
local collectors. These road head collectors traded about 150 tonnes of NTFPs from the study area
during 2000 (Karki, 2000).
Regional traders
Around five regional traders were met during this study; they were involved in the buying and selling
of NTFPs and some processed products in the regional markets. Some regional market traders also
worked for both road head traders and regional market traders. In the study area, the road head
traders preferred to sell their collected products directly to the national traders.
National traders
One national trader was interviewed who was involved directly at the village level and supplied
products to national medicinal industries as well as for export to India and other countries.
380
Markets
The ultimate domestic markets for NTFPs are the national herbal and medicinal industries outlined
below.
Singh Darabar Baidyakhana (SDB): SDB is a government-owned medicinal industry located
in Kathmandu. It has not yet initiated NTFP cultivation but buys items from NTFP suppliers. SDB has
introduced a policy for buying NTFPs through tender bidding.
Dabar, Nepal: The industry lies in Pawanipur Bara District of Nepal and is about 120 km from
the study area. Dabar Nepal produces various NTFP-based items that are mostly exported to various
Asian and other countries. It has already initiated NTFP cultivation practices, however a major share
of the products is bought from traders and collectors.
Herbal Production and Processing Company Ltd. (HPPCL): HPPCL a government-owned
company produces only aromatic items through its central office in Kathmandu and a few branch
offices.
Kunphen: Dr. Dorjee, owner of the processing unit, has been running his clinic in Chetrapati,
Kathmandu for a couple of years. Kunphen is renowned both in terms of clinical service and producing
herbal-based medicine. This shop has annual demand of around four tonnes.
Gorkha Alirbedic Company (GAC): The GAC was established as a public company with 51
percent of public shares. It was reported that the company has been facing a severe financial crisis
and is approaching closure.
Profit and marketing margin analysis
With some exceptions, NTFP collectors do not incur direct or indirect economic costs. Different
trading levels achieve higher profits from the same products. The prices of all products are significantly
different from the farm gate to different types of markets. Karki (2000) found that amala, harro, and
barro were the major traded NTFPs in the study area.
Perceptions on the influence of market information
Market information is the key aspect for achieving higher profit. The respondents from KW perceived
that market information had a very strong influence on the profit margin while respondents from JW
perceived a strong influence.
Recommended system of marketing
The overwhelming majority of respondents (86 percent) from the study area recommended that a
cooperative marketing system was the best approach. About 60 percent recommended that the
government should be responsible for the marketing of NTFPs and 51 percent demanded storage and
processing facilities from the government.
381
Factors affecting price variation and income from forest products
Existing pricing mechanism
Prices differ according to individual market arrangements. The users’ committee fixes the price of
the various products based on their availability and to whom they are sold. Normally, the price is very
cheap for same FUG members compared to market prices. The price is relatively higher for users in
neighbouring CFs. Less-than-market prices are accorded to local industries and local markets. The
prices for major traders and large markets are based on competition or bidding. The cooperative fixes
the price of different products based on the market price of different market centres.
People’s perception on factors affecting price variation of the product
Various social, economic, and institutional/legal factors affect the price of timber products and NTFPs.
According to the respondents, social factors like religious beliefs and elite class influence in harvesting
and trading have had a very low influence in the price of forest products (WAIs = 0.35 and 0.40
respectively). Other economic and institutional factors had a moderate to high influence on the price
of the products. In JW people perceived that the perishable nature of the products had a very low
influence on price (WAI = 0.32); however respondents from KW perceived the same factor to a
moderate degree (WAI = 0.43).
Economic factors
Economic factors are the key determinants of prices. Transportation cost, harvesting, processing, and
grading cost, local taxes, storage cost, handling and packaging costs are important economic factors
for forest products. Respondents perceived that transportation cost had a very high influence followed
by local tax and grading cost (WAIs = 0.91, 0.66, and 0.61).
Institutional and legal factors
Institutional aspects like the composition of the FUG, numbers of users and unity, constitution, bylaws
and operational plans, presence of a marketing institution, degree of competition, FUG rules and
regulations, and season and duration of harvesting had some direct or indirect influence on the price
of the products.
Factors associated with price of the forest products
A bivariate correlation tool was used to identify associated factors of the price of forest products with
various socio-economic and institutional factors. To determine the associated factors for the price
variation of timber products and NTFPs, various social, economic, and institution/legal factors were
explored.
Factors associated with timber products
The analysis of correlation among the various factors with the regional market price of timber products
revealed that five factors are statistically significant: distance of regional market, duration of forest
382
accessibility, number of household members, size of land-holding, and income earned from forest
products.
Distance of regional market
Most users and the FUG sold their timber products locally, especially to their own group members
(the price was too low). The regional market price was four to five times higher than the local price.
JW users who sold their timber products locally had a good road and transportation network facility.
Moreover the market price at the regional market (Narayangarh) was much higher than the local
market price, which was fixed based on competition. The cost of transportation, loading and unloading,
and local taxes caused a high price variation.
Duration of forest accessibility
Duration of accessibility encourages people to enter the forest and collect the products as allowed by
the FUG rules. The longer the duration, the higher the amount of better quality products can be
harvested from the forest; this helps to establish better prices.
Number of household members
More household members mean more available labour for the collection, processing, and trading of
timber products. The average family size in JW is 5.8 members per household and it is 6.25 for
Chautari CF. The findings show that households with more members collect and sell more products.
Size of land-holding
This factor has a low level correlation (0.292) with price variation in the regional market. Respondents
with large areas of land can produce sufficient food from their own farms and are not worried about
their daily food needs.
Factors associated with NTFPs and their determinants
There were five factors associated with NTFPs and their determinants: duration of forest accessibility
(longer access, more goods for retail); distance to regional market (cost incurred for transport/labour);
type of ethnic group (minority groups sell at lower prices); means of transportation (backloads/vehicles);
grading cost (graded products receive higher prices).
Factors influencing earnings from timber products and NTFPs
Eight variables comprising duration of forest accessibility; distance to the regional market; transportation
cost; regional market price; land-holding; number of members in the household; religious beliefs; and
elite group influence in harvesting and trading were significant. Except for religious beliefs, all variables
were significant at the 99 percent level of confidence.
383
Income from NTFPs
Seven variables were significant for income earned from NTFPs: duration of forest accessibility;
knowledge about marketing; occupation of the respondents; regional market price of NTFPs;
engagement in other organizations; types of markets for NTFP trading and grading cost for the products
(Table 4). Types of markets and grading cost had a low correlation and the rest had medium correlation.
Table 4. Regression coefficient of determinants of income earned from NTFPs
Factor
Coefficient
t-value
Significance
Constant
Duration of accessibility to forest
Knowledge about marketing
Organizations working for the respondents outside FUG
4 702.814
947.641
2 977.761
646.311
5.970
8.334
3.528
2.359
0.000
0.000
0.001
0.021
Key factors affecting price and income from both timber and NTFPs
The duration of forest accessibility is the most common factor for all four cases. Both price variation
and income from timber products have a significant association with duration of accessibility, distance
to regional market, the number of household members in a family, and size of land-holding. The
duration of forest accessibility and market distance are the key determinants for the income earned
from timber products. For price variation and income from NTFPs, the duration of accessibility to the
forest is the key factor. The other factors for price variation are distance to market, type of ethnic
group, means of transportation, FUG rules on harvesting and trading, and gender. The determinants
for income are duration of forest accessibility, knowledge about marketing, and organizations working
for the respondents outside the FUG.
Comparative analysis of factors between timber and NTFPs
Various social, economic, and institutional/legal factors are associated with price variation and income
earned from timber and NTFPs. The products differ in various aspects such as volume, harvesting
techniques, means of transportation, and grading and processing. Hence, their factors are also different.
Comparison of price variation based on the perceptions of farmers
Users of the two products perceived that transportation cost and FUG rules had a major influence on
price variation. Producers and traders of timber products perceived that FUG rules were the most
significant factor for price variation in the regional market. According to the rules, individual users
cannot harvest major timber products like timber poles from the forest except for dead and dry
fuelwood. The higher the transportation cost, the higher the price variation and less benefit for the
users or collectors. Degree of competition and local tax were also perceived as major factors. For
NTFPs, transportation cost ranked highest followed by FUG rules. Other factors like degree of
competition, local taxes, and grading cost were rated high by the users.
384
Problems and potentials of forest product marketing
Problems in marketing of forest products
Problems based on perceptions of users
The major problems related to forest product marketing were lack of road and physical infrastructure,
lack of transportation, poor storage and processing facilities, lack of market information, and no provision
for individual business in CF rules.
Problems related to timber marketing
Institutional aspects
There are no clear guidelines in the operational plan for individual collection and harvesting. This
indicates that the existing operational plan does not encompass the poor and ethnic minorities sufficiently.
There is no single programme for targeting individual beneficiaries. Respondents receive various
social benefits for education, transportation, road networks, and drinking water from CF income but
households do not gain individually.
Economic aspects
High transportation, loading and unloading costs, and lack of transportation facilities are the major
problems related to timber marketing in JW. The royalty demanded by the government is too high (40
percent).
Social aspects
Influence by the elite on trading and gender discrimination and inequalities are the most severe social
problems.
Problems related to NTFP marketing
Institutional aspects
The national policy affects the marketing system at the FUG level. Unclear guidelines and plans
discourage users from conservation and management activities. Few individual incentives and benefits
and the low level of involvement of the poor and minorities lower their motivation as well as participation
in conservation and protection activities.
Economic aspects
The key problem for NTFP collectors was over-dependency on intermediaries and even on donors
for marketing their products. Geographical location and accessibility to a road network was also
385
another key problem associated with marketing. Low value but high volume products necessitated
high transportation costs that did not parallel their real value. Lack of experience regarding marketing
knowledge, skills, and processes was another problem.
Social aspects
Social problems like gender discrimination and dominance over the marginal collectors by higher
castes and the elite were common. In some cases, the local elite or local traders bought products
collected and processed by the Chepang at a cheap rate. Sometimes they retained their products
because they failed to repay the loans. Ignorance, less exposure to outside organizations, and lack of
marketing knowledge were other associated social problems.
Potentials for forest product marketing
Timber products: Some are at the production stage and some are at the growing stage. The hot
and humid sub-tropical climate favours fast growing trees. There are many timber species with high
economic value. The demand for timber products locally as well as in nearby markets is very high.
There are plenty of local processing industries for preparing various kinds of timber-related consumer
products. Timber products are not perishable so they can be stored longer if the market price is low or
not reasonable.
NTFPs: There is a high diversity of NTFP species. Income from the NTFPs is very high relative
to other income sources. Zero or nominal investment is sufficient for NTFP collection. Almost all
NTFPs are high in value but low in volume. An income generation programme could motivate sustainable
forest management and marketing. In KW, there was a marketing cooperative for NTFPs. If the
potentials for NTFPs are exploited properly, this will contribute to income generation and employment.
386
Analysis of Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats (SWOT) in forest
product marketing
Timber products
Timber is the main product for the FUGs from JW (Table 5).
Table 5. SWOT analysis for timber products in JW
Strengths
Weaknesses
•
•
•
•
•
•
• No provision for individual retail for the CF
• Few programmes for individual benefit
• No programme for the poor, minorities, and
disadvantaged people
• Short duration of accessibility to the forest to
harvest products
• High volume and low value products are difficult
to handle and transport
• More labour intensive for harvesting and handling
• Poor road and transportation networks
• Fewer processing industries
Plenty of timber
Climatically suitable
High biodiversity and plant density
Very high market demand for timber
Good source of income from timber
Established marketing system can be used for
further marketing
• Locally available processing industries add
value to timber products
• Transportation facility available
• Products are not perishable in nature so can be
stored until prices are reasonable
Opportunities
Threats
• Government policies and programmes are
favourable for CF production and management
• Good marketing policies and strategies will come
after pressurizing the FUGs
• Possibility to establish timber-processing indu
stries by the user groups
• Income generation and employment for local
people from the rural industries
• Donor support
387
•
•
•
•
•
High royalty charge
Unclear government policy regarding marketing
Price distortion of forest products
High handling and processing cost
Complex administrative and legislative
procedures for transportation and selling of
timber
• Uncertainty about the duration of management
and FUG rights
• Limited technical support and facilitation from the
Department of Forest and the DFO
• Migration from the hills to the study area
NTFPs
The SWOT analysis for NTFP marketing is based on KW (Table 6).
Table 6. SWOT analysis for NFP marketing in KW
Strengths
Weaknesses
• High varieties of different NTFPs and MAPs
in the forest
• Availability of materials
• Accessibility to the markets for trading
of harvested products
• Suitable for NTFP species in high demand
• Presence of marketing system
• Presence of intermediaries and traders
• Accessibility to market information
• Collectors having processing skills and
knowledge about marketing
• People are aware of the economic value of NTFPs
• Availability of planting materials and technical
support
Opportunities
• Over-dependency on local traders,
intermediaries, cooperatives, and donor
agencies
• Market information is controlled mostly by
intermediaries
• Price is determined on so-called “quality”.
Though the quality is good the traders claim the
quality is not good and buy at cheap rates
• Subsistence farming causes less motivation for
marketing and commercialization
• The marketing cooperative buys only selected
products
• Lack of processing and storage facility
• Lack of technical/institutional supports regarding
proper harvesting techniques and handling
Threats
• CF management guidelines encourage NTFP
plantation and promotion
• Export promotion and earnings of foreign
currency from the products
• Diversification of occupation from subsistence
farming to commercial NTFP cultivation
• Resource protection and conservation by
well-managed CFs
• Development of entrepreneurship and business
skills by training and exposure by the CFs
• Women’s involvement in harvesting and
processing will achieve higher sales and returns
• High royalty system
• Only groups can harvest and trade
(few individuals can harvest and trade for
income)
• Competition with Indian production and
producers
• Conflict in land allocation inside the CF for NTFP
plantation
• Unfavourable climatic conditions for high value
NTFPs which need high altitude and cool
temperature
• Price uncertainty for NTFPs§ Less technical
knowledge and skill for cultivation and harvesting
Conclusions
The findings showed that the marketing activities of forest products from the community-managed
forest are still in the development and learning phase. Few users were participating in trading activities,
which were limited to certain products. Harvesting of products by the FUGs and retail to their own
members was the most common practice. Few users sold products to manage their financial problems;
they were harvested solely for household needs. However, some NTFPs were harvested and traded
for income generation.
The trading activities for timber products focused on fuelwood, timber, and some finished products
from timber. The major buyers of timber and finished products were FUG members and local people.
Very few products were sold to the market and external consumers. Most of the NTFPs from the
area were sold to the cooperative and local traders.
Both the road head and regional markets were accessible to the users. The markets were highly
accessible to the users from JW and relatively less accessible to the users of KW, whose main
products were NTFPs. The cooperative marketing system was the most preferred system of marketing.
388
Regarding price variation, there were higher prices in the regional market than the local market and
the marketing margin was also larger in the regional market. There was a slight profit margin only and
prices for products varied. Marketing information was an important aspect for achieving higher profits.
Various social, economic, and institutional/legal factors were identified as important factors for
the price and income from products. Institutional factors were the key problems for price and income.
Policy related to institutional aspects was the key problem for the marketing of both products. Unclear
guidelines about marketing, limited individual collection and trading rights, and short duration of
accessibility to the forest were the major problems related to institutional aspects. The findings showed
that there is enormous scope and potential for the promotion of CF and forest product marketing.
Efficient conservation of resources, large forest areas, and adequacy of products, availability of markets
and market demand, and locally available processing technology were the major assets. Interventions
on appropriate institutional and legal arrangements and policy are necessary to promote effective CF
and an efficient forest product marketing system in Nepal.
Literature cited
CBS. 2000. Statistical Year Book 2002, Central Bureau of Statistics, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Edwards, D.M. 1996. Non Timber Forest Products from Nepal: Aspect of the Trade in Medicinal
and Aromatic Plants. FORESC Monograph 1/96, Forest Research and Survey Center, Ministry
of Forest and Soil Conservation, Kathmandu, Nepal.
FAO. 1995. Non Wood Forest Products for Rural Income and Sustainable Forestry. FAO Nonwood Forest Products Series No. 7, FAO, Rome.
Kanel, K.R. 1999. Policy Related Issue in Non Timber Forest Product Business. Department of
Forest, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Karki, M.B. 2000. Commercialization of natural resources for sustainable livelihoods: the case study
of forest products. In M. Baskota et al., eds. Growth Poverty Alleviation and Sustainable
Resource Management in the Mountain Areas of South Asia. ICIMOD, Nepal.
Subedi, B.P. 2003. NTFPs sub sector in Nepal. Opportunities and challenges for linking the business
with biodiversity conservation. Nepal Journal of Forestry, 14, 1: 18-32.
389
LOCAL IRRIGATION INSTITUTIONS IN CHANGING WATERSHED CONDITIONS:
A STUDY OF JHIKHU KHOLA WATERSHED
Kanchana Upadhyay1
Introduction
The mountainous watersheds of Nepal are natural resource bases for local people and the downstream
community. In watersheds, the gradual and ongoing changes in land use over time and their effects on
water resources may be reflected by the total water flow in streams, changes in temporal distribution
of water discharge in streams and changes in the water table (Easter and Hufschmidt, 1991). For the
management of common pooled resources, it is often necessary for local institutions to govern a
particular resource. In irrigation systems, land-use change and water availability for irrigation influence
local institutional output over time. There is a reciprocal relationship between institutions and land-use
dynamics whereby the institution determines the pattern in land-use change, which affects the natural
resource base of the watershed (Lam, 1998).
In the Jhikhu Khola Watershed, an area in the middle mountain region of Nepal, there are
51 irrigation canals that have been developed and managed by local farmers for a long time (WECS,
1988). Because of the increase in population in the area, there have been vast changes in land use and
water availability (Schreier and Shah, 1995).
In the Jhikhu Khola Watershed, the growing population has put excessive pressure upon land
resources recently (Schreier and Shah, 1995). Agricultural production has expanded in an attempt to
keep pace with the growing population. Moreover, being an easily accessible area with a good market
connection to the capital city, Kathmandu, cash crop production has also expanded. This situation,
coupled with a distinct monsoon season following a prolonged dry period, has increased the demand
for irrigation. On the other hand, various watershed management activities have expanded the forest
area by emphasizing reforestation, thereby influencing land-use change within the watershed.
The existing local irrigation systems have a crucial role in increasing cropping intensity. In the
context of the Middle Mountains of Nepal, local communities have to sustain themselves under changing
watershed conditions with whatever resources are available. These communities are very important
and the sustainability of the irrigation system partially depends upon their performance (Ostrom et al.,
1993).
The objective of this research was to assess the change in performance of two local irrigation
systems stressed by changing land use within a watershed: (1) the Raj Kulo irrigation system, under
pressure from agricultural intensification; and (2) the Devbhumitar irrigation system, under pressure
from agricultural extensification.
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Ganesh P. Shivakoti (Chair), Prof. Karl E. Weber, Dr. Apisit Eiumnoh, Dr. Rajendra P. Shrestha
425
The study area
The study site — Jhikhu Khola Watershed in Kavrepalanchowk District — is about 40 km east of the
capital city, Kathmandu (Figure 1). The watershed is linked to the capital by the Arniko Highway,
which runs through the middle of the watershed. This watershed is a sub-watershed of the Sunkoshi
Basin, which is the sub-catchment of the Koshi River Basin. Out of the total of 87 Village Development
Committees (VDCs) in Kavrepalanchowk District, the studied watershed includes 14 VDCs.
Figure 1. The study area, Jhikhu Khola Watershed
The total population of the watershed as of 1996, was 48 728 and the population density was
437 people/km2 (PARDYP, 1999). The population for the same watershed in 1990 was 32 956 (Shrestha
and Brown, 1995a). The average land-holding size of the people of the watershed is less than one
hectare. The agricultural land is unequally distributed and only about 15 percent of the total households
within the watershed own more than half of all the agricultural land. The cropping systems are dominated
by rice in the Khet lands and by maize in the Bari lands 2 . A socio-economic survey conducted in the
watershed reported that an average of 2.7 crops/year was obtained for irrigated fields and 2.5 crops/
year in dryland agriculture (Kennedy and Dunlop, 1989). The total area of the Panchkhal VDC is
21.28 km2 of which approximately 60 percent is cultivated and 40 percent is non-cultivated (forests,
grazing land, shrubland and other land uses); 41 percent of the cultivated land is on non-irrigated land.
The total population of the Panchkhal VDC, as of 1999, was 11 301, 48.22 percent being male
and 51.78 percent being female (CECI, 2001). The total area of the Devbhumi Baluwa VDC was
24.5 km2 . The total population of the VDC, as of 1996, was 5 880, with 687 households. More than
98 percent of the total population depends upon agriculture while small businesses, labour activities
2
Khet: Bunded and irrigated terraces where paddy rice is grown generally; Bari: Unbunded and unirrigated upland.
426
and governmental and non-governmental services comprise the remaining 2 percent. The Andheri
Khola is a tributary of the Jhikhu Khola Watershed. A total of 622 ha of the sub-watershed has been
studied, at elevations ranging between 850 and 1 700 m. Altitude-wise, the sub-watershed can be
divided into two different climatic zones with different cropping patterns. At lower latitudinal zones,
i.e. below 900 m, a sub-tropical to sub-humid moisture regime can be found that supports a rice crop
followed by a combination of cereal and cash crops in the Khet. At higher elevations, warm temperate
conditions with a humid moist climate support maize and beans followed by wheat and mustard and
other cereal crops in the Bari.
Irrigation systems
The Devbhumitar irrigation system (DIS) from the Andheri Khola Watershed and the Raj Kulo irrigation
system (RKIS) from the valley bottom area were selected for detailed study. Comparison of
performance was done within the same system but at three different time periods and not between
the two irrigation systems. Hence, the characteristics of the two different systems are not comparable
in all respects.
Devbhumitar irrigation system
According to locals, the Danuwars (the indigenous tribal group of the area) first constructed the
irrigation system around 1968/1970. The Danuwars constructed the irrigation system mainly for growing
sugarcane, which was the favourite source for making liquor. The communities who migrated from
the uplands to the downstream areas subsequently improved the system to some extent for winter
irrigation in the area. The irrigation system was again rehabilitated in 1991 by the Asian Development
Bank-funded Irrigation Sector Project, implemented by the Department of Irrigation; it was converted
into a formal irrigation system managed by the local community.
The DIS is about 2 km long, including 300 m of idle length. Starting from the headwork, the canal
is lined. But, after about 800 m of lining, the rest of the canal is the ordinary earthen canal type that
generally prevails in the farmer-managed irrigation systems of the middle hills of Nepal. Before the
rehabilitation of the system, the headwork was made from brushwood.
According to the Devbhumitar irrigation feasibility report, prepared before the rehabilitation of
the system, the discharge from the canal before rehabilitation work was 50 L/s, which was expected
to increase to 100 L/s after the rehabilitation. According to the inventory report prepared by the
Water and Energy Commission Secretariat in 1989, the total command area of this system 15 years
ago was 17 ha and the discharge during paddy and wheat seasons was estimated to be .087 cumec
and .039 cumec respectively with maximum canal capacity of 0.154 cumec (WECS, 1988).
The DIS is situated in the lower portion of the Andheri Khola sub-watershed. The average
elevation of the area is 850 m, with a warmer climate. The soil of the command area is silty loam with
red soil. The main canal of the irrigation system passes along an outcrop of medium hard and loose
rock.
In the DIS, 43 farming households currently benefit from irrigation. From a field survey it was
found that the average family size among the sampled households is between six and seven persons.
Considering the average family size and the total number of households using the irrigation water,
300 persons benefit from the system. Among the total households utilizing the irrigation water, about
two percent is Danuwars while the rest are either Brahmins or Chhetris. Even though they were the
original constructors and users of the irrigation system, the Danuwars are now a minority group who
427
utilize the water from the system to irrigate their own land. Of the users, 90 percent are landowners
and 10 percent are tenants. There are no landless people within the command area.
Considering the Bari and Khet lands in total, the average land-holding size in the DIS was about
0.8 ha; the minimum was less than 0.05 ha and the maximum was 2.5 ha. The Khet holdings were
smaller than the Bari holdings. Out of the 30 sampled households, 30 percent of the people rented
Khet land from others while 17 percent rented Bari land. Regarding the land leased within the system
and among the sampled households, only 10 percent of Khet lands were leased while no Bari land
was there to be leased.
In categorizing Khet land-holding size, the majority of the households had medium-sized landholdings followed by large-sized land-holdings. For the same categorization of Bari land-holding size
(same sample size), the majority of farmers had medium-sized land-holdings followed by the small
category (Table 1).
Table 1. Categorization of land-holding size in the DIS
Farm size
Categories(ha)
Small
Medium
Large
Very large
Total
Total land-holding
%
Bari land-holding
%
13.3
46.7
30.0
10.0
100
33.3
53.3
10.0
3.3
100
0–0.25
0.25–0.75
0.75–1.25
> 1.25
Note: % = Percentage of the total responses.
For the area irrigated by the irrigation system, the field survey showed that the average area of
Bari irrigated by the irrigation system at present was 0.24 ha while the maximum and minimum areas
ranged between less than 0.01 to 0.65 ha (Table 2). This means that the average irrigated Bari area
is decreasing. This is also true for the Khet land although less area of Khet is irrigated by this irrigation
system.
Table 2. Areas irrigated by the DIS at different periods of time (in ha)
Khet
irrigated
at present
Mean area
0.17 (2.1)
Maximum area
0.4
Minimum area
0.03
Bari
irrigated
at present
Khet
irrigated
15 years ago
Bari
irrigated
15 years ago
Khet
irrigated
30 years ago
0.24 (3.3)
0.65
<0.01
0.22 (2.4)
0.45
0.1
0.26 (3.8)
0.75
<0.01
0.23 (3.7)
0.65
0.1
Bari
irrigated
30 years ago
0.29 (4.9)
1.1
0.03
Note: Figures in parentheses represent the standard deviations
The major crops cultivated in the plains of the Devbhumitar Village area during the early 1970s
were paddy rice and wheat in the Khet land and sugarcane and/or maize in the Bari land. Only two
crops in the Khet and one crop in the Bari were planted. This annual cropping pattern slowly changed
with the improvement of the irrigation canal. About 15 years ago, the crops planted in the area
included wheat, paddy, oil seeds, maize, and, to some extent, potato with a cropping intensity of
428
181.5 percent (DOI, 1997). A pair-wise comparison of the number of crops cultivated in Khet and
Bari land with a t-test at the 0.01 level for all the three time periods namely, at present, 15 years ago
and 30 years ago showed significant difference. The field survey showed that the majority of the
farmers cultivate three crops per year on their Khet land at present, whereas the same farmers
cultivated either one or two crops in the early 1970s, the majority of them planting only one crop. The
period in-between, i.e. 15 years later, was a transition phase for change from two crops to three
crops: the percentage of farmers cultivating two crops and the percentage of farmers cultivating
three crops per year is about equal (Table 3).
Table 3. Crop rotation in Khet land by the DIS
Number of crops
cultivated per year in Khet
0
1
2
3
4
Total
Frequency and percentage of responses
At present a c
15 years ago a b
30 years ago b c
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
0
0
2
27
1
30
0
0
6.7
90
3.3
100
2
5
11
12
0
30
6
16.7
36.7
40
0
100
5
14
11
0
0
30
16.7
46.7
36.7
0
0
100
Note: No. = Number of responses; % = Percentage of the total responses.
abc
means significantly different at 0.01 level (Paired t-test)
The majority of farmers who have Bari land in their area, cultivate two crops. The same area
was cultivated with only one crop 30 years ago. The mid-1980s were also a transition period for Bari
land. In this period, about half of the farmers cultivated their fields with one crop per year while the
remaining farmers cultivated two crops per year thereby increasing the cropping intensity. Various
types of cropping patterns exist in the DIS area.
In the Bari of the Tar area, the major crops are maize, wheat and mustard. Besides, pulses, pea
and sesame occur mainly in a mixed cropping pattern. In the Khet within the command area of the
system, monsoon paddy and wheat are the major crops cultivated at present. Maize, mustard, pulses
and potatoes are cultivated in the area. Changes in cropping pattern occur in the area during various
time periods. Legumes are cultivated along the bunds in Khet land and in some cases in Bari land in
rows. The development of the irrigation system in the area seems to have been the major influencing
factor for the change in agricultural practices.
The DIS was mainly constructed and developed on the initiatives of the local farmers for winter
crops in Devbhumi Village. The command area of this system mainly consists of Bari although
considerable portions of Khet are also irrigated. The water allocation in their Bari land is of greater
significance from October to March when the winter crops need to be irrigated at least three times.
Each farmer who has contributed money during registration of the system in the District Irrigation
Office (DIO) has rights to use water from the canal. This amount of money was collected according
to the commitment of contribution of five percent of the total cost for the system’s rehabilitation from
the beneficiaries’ side. These farmers are members of the Water Users’ Authority (WUA) and each
member has to contribute cash for the system’s operation and maintenance (O&M). During the
monsoon season, when Bari land does not require irrigation as rainfall is enough for the successful
cultivation of the crops, all the water is transferred to the Khet land. It was revealed that even though
429
the system was mainly initiated by the Danuwars, they are least important in terms of possession of
water-use rights and are least represented in the WUA. The people who migrated from upstream
areas, who have larger land-holdings in the area, at present, represent the majority among water
users. After the formation of the WUA in 1991, water management, including water distribution,
water allocation and water use changed drastically Even though the total area that is irrigable by the
DIS is about 45 ha, the area currently under irrigation is only 33 ha. This is because of low water
discharge in the source stream during winter, when the water from the canal is of prime importance.
The water distribution among the users is undertaken in a definite pattern; the distribution of
water within the command area is done on a yearly rotation basis. Accordingly, the head-enders in
one year would be the first to receive water from the canal when distribution from the canal starts.
The following year, the tail-enders would receive water first after the rotational water distribution for
winter crops starts. Thus the head-enders, middle-enders and tail-enders are all supposed to receive
equal water distribution overall. The water allocation to the Bari lands is based upon the area of land
registered and this registration refers to the amount of money paid to the irrigation (WUG) during its
establishment in 1991. The collection of Rs.25/0.05 ha during the system’s registration in the DIO
was the basis for inclusion of water users in the WUA. Due to decreasing water from the source,
complicated by increasing water demand by the farmers, the total number of members of the WUA
has remained constant since the beginning of the WUA’s formation. Each household in the WUA is
entitled to receive water from the canal for half an hour for each ropani (1 ropani = 0.05 ha) during
the winter season. In other seasons, the water is either diverted to the Khet or used by the water
users based upon mutual acceptance.
The WUA has an executive committee; its major responsibility is to distribute water on an equitable
basis, allocate contracts for canal maintenance, fund collection from the users for canal operation and
monitor maintenance and adherence to overall regulations of the irrigation system. For effective
management of the system, the WUA is divided into four sub-groups consisting of members in one
particular cluster. In each sub-group, one person is responsible to undertake water management
within that particular hamlet. Because of water demand and inequality among the water users, the
contribution of labour is unequal leading to major conflicts among the water users.
The Raj Kulo Irrigation System
The Raj Kulo irrigation system (RKIS) is an old system but considered as a major contributing factor
to the improved livelihoods of the local people in Panchkhal VDC. Three decades ago, the approximate
width of the canal was 4 m. This width at present has, however, been reduced to 1.5 m due to
encroachment of the canal. The approximate area irrigated by this system 30 years ago was 200 ha.
This irrigated area increased by 10 ha circa 1988 when some of the Bari was converted into Khet
making it irrigable by the Kulo waters. At present the system irrigates about 210 ha of land. This
system is one of the largest and oldest farmer-managed irrigation systems within the watershed area.
The RKIS is about 4 km long, the main canal being 2.5 km in length. This canal draws water from
two intakes, one from the Jhikhu Khola main stream and the other from the Dhod Khola, a tributary
of the Jhikhu Khola. Both of the intakes are located at Panchkhal-5, the supplementary intake being
at Jorpati, about 800 m away from the main intake. This water from both of the intakes serves other
irrigation systems in the area. The irrigation canal is an ordinary earthen canal with occasional lining,
made with support from the DIO in 1998 for canal and dam maintenance. The main canal of the
RKIS, after travelling a distance of 2.5 km, mingles with the Terse Kulo irrigation system that draws
water from the second intake of the Raj Kulo at Jorpati. The portion of canal that extends beyond this
430
meeting point is considered as the Terse Kulo irrigation system. The egress of the excess water from
the canal is the Jhikhu Khola itself.
The RKIS comprises approximately 850 households that are water users. Although it is a larger
farmer-managed irrigation system, homogeneity among water users and cultivation practices occurs
within the command area. The average family size in the area is eight persons and the total population
benefiting from the system is 6 800. Among the total sampled households, most households have a
family size of six persons. In this irrigation system, unlike the DIS, most of the lands irrigated by the
system are Khet. The average land-holding size of the farmers in the area is 1.04 ha; this includes
Khet and Bari, both within and outside the irrigation system. The average Khet land-holding size is
0.55 ha and the Bari land-holding size is 0.49 ha.
Considering the land area irrigated by the RKIS only, the average farm size of the Khet irrigated
area per household at present is 0.41 ha (Table 4). But if the average irrigated Bari is compared over
three time periods, the area increases although the total area irrigated is very small. This means that
the total command area of the RKIS has not increased significantly over time, while the farmers are
increasing the area of irrigated Bari by pump irrigation of the canal water.
Table 4. Average land area per household irrigated by the RKIS over different time periods (in ha)
Statistical
parameter
Khet
irrigated
at present
Mean
Minimum
Maximum
No. of respondents
having irrigable land
0.41
0.02
3
90
Bari
irrigated
at present
Khet
irrigated
15 years ago
0.18
0.1
0.35
14
0.40
0.02
3
84
Bari
Khet
Bari
irrigated
irrigated
irrigated
15 years ago 30 years ago 30 years ago
0.32
0.1
0.7
5
0.44
0.05
3
68
0.4
0.1
0.7
2
At present, almost 89 percent of the farmers cultivate three crops per year whereas circa 1985,
52 percent of the farmers cultivated three crops per year and 41 percent of the farmers planted two
crops per year. Comparing this situation and the cropping cycle during the early 1980s, 60 percent of
the farmers cultivated one crop per year while only about 18 percent of the farmers planted two crops
per year. The cropping pattern in the RKIS is diverse.
The cropping pattern in the fields has changed within the past 30 years and the most favoured
cropping pattern in the Khet is the paddy-potato-tomato sequence while the other most popular sequence
is the four-crop paddy-potato-potato-tomato sequence. Being an area where the subsistence economy
is slowly converting into a cash crop economy, the majority of the farmers are moving towards offseason crops like vegetables. Other crops like pulses, sesame and mustard are also grown by farmers,
although for home consumption only.
Water management in the RKIS at present is done by the irrigation WUG formed in 1999. Water
distribution within the command area is based upon mutual understanding of the farmers; the situation
since 30 years ago has changed considerably. Water demand has increased significantly and this has
had a major impact on the water distribution and water availability among the water users. Water
allocation has been practised ever since the system came into operation. During the early 1970s, use
of canal water was largely limited to monsoon paddy and one winter crop. Currently, although the
water allocation is based upon mutual understanding among the water users, continuous monitoring
has to be carried out during the entire period of water allocation.
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Before the formation of the irrigation WUG, the water users undertook the system’s O&M by
forming an informal and temporary committee whenever the need for canal maintenance was felt.
Currently, the executive committee members of the WUG are responsible for the system’s management.
The water users’ committee is an 11-member team whose main responsibility is fund collection for
the system’s O&M and to assign contracts for dam maintenance as well as canal clearing. The WUG
has no funds of its own. Thirty and 15 years ago, farmers contributed labour for canal and dam
maintenance. Now, most of the farmers from the head and middle ends contribute cash for the
system’s O&M while those from the tail end contribute labour. For the past 30 years, no specific rule
for conflict management has been established. The water scarcity problem has been acute in recent
years — users themselves deal with conflicts related to water use and allocation. The farmer whose
field is being irrigated prefers to watch his field till the required area is irrigated rather than become
involved in conflict.
Land-use changes in the Jhikhu Khola Watershed
The Jhikhu Khola Watershed encompasses elevations ranging from 800 to 2 000 m and quite varied
land-use characteristics exist. Between 1972 and 1996, GIS analysis of the land use/land cover has
shown considerable change in areas of agricultural and non-agricultural land. Agriculture dominates
land use in the Jhikhu Khola Watershed. For all the time periods considered, the proportion of agricultural
land, which constitutes two broader categories of Bari and Khet, occupies about half of the total area
of the watershed. The remaining areas are non-agricultural lands that include forests, shrubland,
grazing land and other uses (Table 5).
Table 5. Land-use patterns in Jhikhu Khola Watershed over different periods of time
1972
Types of land use
Agricultural
land use
Khet
Bari
Non-agricultural Forest
land use
Grazing
Shrub
Others
Total
Area
in ha
1990
% of
watershed
Area
in ha
1996
% of
watershed
Area
in ha
% of
watershed
1 653
3 843
15
34
1 719
4 354
15
39
1 838
4 264
16
38
2 182
1 184
1 857
422
11 141
19
11
17
4
100
3 358
466
938
306
11 141
30
4
8
3
100
3 318
613
782
326
11 141
30
6
7
3
100
Source: Analysis of digital land use data for various time periods obtained from PARDYP/ICIMOD (2001)
Considering the changes in agricultural land between 1972, 1990 and 1996, the area under
agricultural land use has remained almost constant, occupying about 55 percent of the total watershed;
the area of Khet has also increased by around 1 percent while the net area in Bari decreased by
1 percent.
Land-use change in Andheri Khola sub-watershed
With respect to land-use transformation within the Andheri Khola sub-watershed for 1972, 1990 and
1996, the agricultural land area was smaller than the non-agricultural land area (Figure 2). In terms of
agricultural land, both Bari and Khet increased in area between 1972 and 1990. This change has been
attributed to the decrease in grazing and shrubland. The overall
432
Percentage of Area Covered by Various Landuse in Andheri Khola Subwatershed at Different Time Periods
45
Khet
Percentage
40
35
Bari
30
25
Forest
20
15
Grazing
land
Shrubland
10
5
Others
0
1972
1990
1996
Time Period
Figure 2. Land-use change in Andheri Khola sub-watershed between 1972 and 1996
increase in agricultural area between 1972 and 1990 declined again in 1996. Nonetheless, the
area of Khet gradually increased from 1972 onwards. On the other hand, the formerly decreasing
non-agricultural land increased between 1990 and 1996. The land-use transformation within the
watershed implies the high impact on water resources within the watershed and hence, the need for
irrigation. For the whole watershed, agriculture has been the major land use. The gradual increase in
Khet from 1972 implies that the increase in irrigated agriculture is creating a high demand for irrigation
water. This holds true in the Andheri Khola sub-watershed, where the gradual increase in Khet over
24 years increased the demand for irrigation water.
Performance of irrigation systems
The farmer-managed irrigation systems (FMIS) are constructed, operated and managed by the farmers
themselves. They organize irrigation facilities for maintaining productivity and life support systems
collectively. The change in the performance of local institutions will thus influence the efficiency of
water use and management.
The Devbhumitar irrigation system
The DIS has its command area in the Tar area. The system has been developed and maintained
mainly for winter irrigation in Bari even though sufficient portions of Khet are also irrigated. Hence,
water availability has been a very important factor ever since the irrigation system came into operation.
In this irrigation system, considerable changes were observed with regard to irrigation water availability
at different periods even though the source of water was the same. Andheri Khola and the point of
intake have remained the same since the system was constructed and for 87 percent of the respondents,
irrigation water availability has decreased in the past three decades.
Water availability is not a problem during the monsoon for all the three time periods considered.
For the Bari, monsoon rainfall is enough and irrigation is not required. Therefore, the canal water is
433
diverted to Khet instead, which is normally not included within the actual command area of the DIS
during winter and summer. Water availability during the winter has changed considerably in the past
three decades. Thirty years ago, 73 percent of the farmers had sufficient water in their fields.
Summer is the peak period of water scarcity. In the Devbhumitar area, the farmers rotate their
crops according to water availability throughout the year. Thirty years ago, water scarcity, even
during summer, was not a major issue as the farmers were unaware of canal water utilization for crop
intensification and crop diversification. The field survey revealed that most of the respondents currently
had insufficient water while most of them used to have partially sufficient water during the mid-1980s
and sufficient water in the early 1970s, even during summer.
Water availability and adequacy
The rising number of irrigation canals upstream for newly developed agricultural lands is considered
as a reason for the reduced water availability for the DIS. From the irrigation system inventory
carried out in Andheri Khola sub-watershed, three new irrigation systems were constructed within
the last three decades. The DIS lies towards the lower portion of the sub-watershed area, and hence,
increased agricultural land in the upstream areas of the watershed contributes to the decrease in
water availability for this particular system.
Water availability in the catchment itself is a major factor determining water adequacy. An important
determinant of water adequacy, however, is whether farmers can effectively organize themselves in
the process of appropriation of whatever water is available (Lam, 1998). The field data show that the
change in cropping pattern is mainly due to the change in water availability although improvement in
agricultural inputs also has a significant role in changing the cropping pattern in the area. Out of the
30 respondents within the command area of the irrigation system, 64 percent indicated the reason for
change in cropping pattern was mainly due to the change in water availability.
Raj Kulo irrigation system
The RKIS has a relatively larger command area and serves many farmers of the Panchkhal VDC.
Hence, water availability within the system over the different time periods considered was analysed
separately for the head-, middle- and tail-ends of the system. Because this system extracts water
from the main river, the Jhikhu Khola, as well as the tributary of this stream, the Dhod Khola, a
relatively larger volume of water is available for the system compared to the DIS. At present, water
throughout the entire system is mostly sufficient during the monsoon.
Water availability and adequacy
Water availability during winter shows that for most of the farmers at the head-end, water is sufficient
but is only partially sufficient for most of the farmers in the middle-end (Table 6). During summer,
among the farmers of the three locations, tail-enders are those who face water scarcity the most
even though water is usually insufficient for all the locations. Water availability during the early 1970s
and mid-1980s followed the same trend whereby the water availability decreased from the monsoon
to winter to summer
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Table 6. Changes in water availability as compared to 30 years ago in the RKIS
Change in water availability
Location of the field
Head-end
%
Middle-end
%
Tail-end
%
Total
%
3.3
3.3
90.0
3.3
100
6.7
6.7
83.5
3.3
100
0.0
10.0
90.0
0.0
100
3.3
6.7
87.8
2.2
100
Increased
Constant
Decreased
Don’t know
Total
Note: % = Percent of the total responses at each location.
In the RKIS, because of the large command area, water adequacy and efficiency in water use
are very important factors for the system. The main reason for the change in water availability was
reduced water due to the increasing water demand for irrigation. Out of the 79 respondents who
considered water availability to be decreasing, 65 thought that the change in water availability in their
fields was mainly due to increased water demand due to changing cropping patterns in the area.
Equity in water allocation and distribution
Equity in an irrigation system is the ability of the irrigation users’ committee to supply the available
water to the users in an equitable manner. It is achieving water supply to the fields that is in proportion
to the population of water users, i.e. the total number of farmers using the water from the irrigation
system. In the DIS, the role of the water users’ committee in the distribution and allocation of available
water to the water users has been received positively. In terms of water allocation and distribution
within the system at present, about three-fourths of the respondents indicated they received equal
amounts of water compared to the other users (Table 7). For the other periods in Table 7, out of the
total of 30 respondents, 90 percent said they had unequal water allocation to their fields.
Table 7. Equity in water allocation and distribution in the DIS
At present
15 years ago
30 years ago as compared to present
Water distribution
Responses
No
Equal
Unequal
Better
Same
Worse
No idea
Better
Same
Worse
No idea
22
8
1
1
27
1
1
1
27
1
Note: No. = Number of responses at present and 15 as well as 30 years ago
The responses for “no idea” have not been considered for calculating scores.
435
Beside water distribution and allocation, equity in terms of water use and knowledge of other
irrigation water-related activities was also examined for the present situation. Knowledge of irrigation
water issues includes information about meetings, information about farmers’ schedules to obtain
water as well as other aspects relating to canal water use. Besides field irrigation, canal water is used
by local people for general household purposes like washing and cleaning as well as for livestock.
In the RKIS, the WUG was formed only recently. Unlike the DIS, the ability of the WUG in this
system to maintain equity was very low. Being involved mainly with the O&M of the system, the
water users’ committee is chiefly recognized as a cash-collecting body for the local people. In recent
years, O&M has been conducted on a contract basis in which fixed amounts of money are collected
from the users by WUG committee members. With regard to water distribution and allocation to
various regions within the system, water was unequally distributed across all locations. Comparing
the equity situation 15 and 30 years ago with the present situation, water distribution was more equitable
for farmers at all locations in the mid-1980s.
Reliability in irrigation systems
Reliability in an irrigation system means the scheduled water availability in the field. If the irrigation
system has a defined set of rules and regulations for water distribution and allocation to the individual
farmers’ fields, the farmers should be getting water according to the scheduled time. Hence, the
irrigation system could be considered efficient if the irrigation water availability to the individual
farmer is reliable as well as predictable. The calculated reliability indices show that reliability during
the mid-1980s compared with the early 1970s was almost equal inferring the unreliability in the irrigation
system (Table 8).
Table 8. Predictability and reliability of irrigation water in the DIS
Predictable and reliable
Predictable but unreliable
Unpredictable and unreliable
No idea (d)
Total (N)
At present
%
15 years ago
%
30 years ago
%
16.7
83.3
0.0
0.0
100
16.7
3.3
76.7
3.3
100
20.0
0.00
76.7
3.3
100
Note: % = Percent of total responses in each category in the considered time period
The irrigation WUG, in this case, can relate predictability and reliability to irrigation water
management. As in the case of water adequacy and equity within the system, the reliability in obtaining
water increased only after the formation of the formal WUA. The reliability with which water can be
obtained, however, is dependent upon the water available in the irrigation canal.
For all time periods considered, the head-end farmers have a more reliable water supply than
those at the middle end, where the water supply is better than the tail end. The reliability and
predictability in the RKIS is related to the change in water availability in the system at various time
periods. This system has low water predictability and reliability at all times and at all locations at
present. Unlike the DIS, the involvement of WUGs for effective water management is only minimal.
In the DIS, the functioning of the irrigation system has improved compared to the last three
decades. As mentioned earlier, the formation of a WUG and the rehabilitation of the system by the
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Irrigation Sector Project (ISP) implemented by the Department of Irrigation seem to be major factors
for water management and uncertainty over decreasing water availability. Before the canal’s
rehabilitation, canal as well as dam maintenance had to be done more often. This improvement in the
irrigation infrastructure seems to have had a positive influence in terms of technical efficacy of the
system. Technical efficacy in terms of social organization has been analysed with respect to the
contribution made by water users for system O&M. All respondents participated in O&M in terms of
cash and in-kind contributions. But in recent years, more than 90 percent of the users contributed
cash based upon the area registered for receiving irrigation. Water rights are equal for all farmers
who contribute to system O&M. The improved efficiency in terms of organization and water delivery
to the fields has contributed to the operational efficiency of the system.
Farmers’ perceptions about the technical efficiency of the system over various time periods were
considerably different (Table 9).
Table 9. Technical efficiency of the DIS according to farmers’ perceptions
At present
%
15 years ago
%
30 years ago
%
80.0
20.0
0.0
100
10.0
86.7
3.3
100
13.3
83.4
3.3
100
Efficient
Inefficient
Don’t know
Total
Note: % = Percent of the total responses
Farmers’ involvement in various activities relating to irrigation system O&M was also considered
as another measure of social organization. Considering the change in time spent on various irrigation
system activities, the time spent on canal and dam maintenance as well as for water allocation in the
field has been decreasing. Moreover, conflicts among water users have decreased while people’s
interest in user group meetings has increased. Thus it can be concluded that the technical efficacy of
the DIS in terms of social organization and system O&M has increased at present compared to
15 and 30 years ago. The improved performance in terms of technical efficacy at present is mainly
related to improved water management within the system.
437
Contribution for System's Operation and Maintenance in Raj
Kulo Irrigation System
80
Frequency of
Responses
70
60
Yes
50
Some times
40
No
30
Don't know
20
10
0
Head-end
Middle-end
Tail-end
Total
Location of Field
Figure 3. Farmers’ contribution to irrigation system O&M in the RKIS
In the RKIS, efficiency in terms of system O&M as well as social organization are quite different
in different locations of the system (Figure 3). With regard to canal and dam construction, the frequency
of contributors is diminishing from the head-end to the tail-end. Besides, for both regular and emergency
maintenance, the types of contribution differ; the head-enders contribute more cash while the tailenders contribute more labour. Concerning participation in user group meetings, farmers’ participation
at meetings is only recent. The WUG was formed only two years ago. After discussion with locals, it
was found that there were no meetings before the formation of the WUG. Currently, most of the users
give least priority to the WUG meeting. In this particular system, conflict among the water users is not
common. Even though the farmers have to be cautious during water allocation in their fields, conflict
has decreased compared to 15 and 30 years ago. Most people at the head-end are least concerned
compared to the other two locations. Similarly, farmers at the middle-end devote little time to managing
conflicts among the users compared to farmers at the tail-end.
Performance in terms of benefits from agricultural sub-systems
The main benefit was productivity from irrigated agricultural fields whereas costs included contribution
for canal and dam construction and maintenance, total labour hours spent, time spent for allocating
water in the fields as well as the damage created by water overflow or less water in the canal. In the
DIS, most of the farmers in recent years have benefited from the system in relation to the cost for
irrigation activities. Seventy percent of the respondents indicated that benefits outweighed the costs.
Only about 23 percent of the farmers responded that costs outweighed or equalled the benefits.
During the mid-1980s, benefits equalled costs for more than half of the respondents.
For the RKIS, costs and benefits from the system varied in different locations in different time
periods whereas in all cases the benefits from agricultural production had increased from 30 years
ago to the present day. In spite of the differences in responses to benefit and cost from the irrigation
438
system from the various locations, no significant difference in terms of mean was found.
In the DIS, the low performance of the system radically improved after the formation of the
WUA in the early 1990s. Even though the overall water availability for the entire system has decreased
over the past 30 years, the performance of the system has been high. On the other hand, in the RKIS,
decreasing water availability for single fields coupled with decreasing overall performance of the
system has occurred over the last three decades. The informal WUG is weak in its capacity to
manage the irrigation system efficiently. However, significant benefits in terms of agricultural production
within the command area were noted.
Discussion of findings
Mountain settlements are isolated communities in difficult terrain with limited modern amenities. In
this complex environment, the local communities have evolved highly specialized production and
livelihood practices. In the study watershed where local people are predominantly dependent upon
surrounding natural resources, as in other middle mountain areas, sustainable resource management
is highly dependent upon the values shared by the community and local institutions. Changes in the
surrounding environment also influence the performance of such institutions. In terms of water
management, they practise collective action in organizing irrigation facilities for maintaining productivity
and life support systems.
Relation between socio-economy and land-use change
The demographic characteristics in the Jhikhu Khola Watershed indicate a rising population. Considering
the projected national average growth rate of 2.4 percent (CBS, 2000), the average annual population
growth rate of 7.9 between 1990 and 1996 for the watershed is very high. Very little change from
agricultural to non-agricultural activities implies increasing demand for agricultural land.
In the watershed, where the majority of the population is dependent upon agriculture with very
little involvement in off-farm activities, strong linkages between agricultural land use and the economy
exist. Being near to the capital city, with major market centres linked by the highway to the capital,
various changes have occurred within the watershed in the past thirty years. Improvements in terms
of agricultural technology, infrastructural development, literacy rate as well as the knowledge of local
people have reinforced extensification and intensification in agricultural land use.
In the DIS, the average land-holding of 0.8 ha is somewhat similar to the national average of
1991/1992 of 0.75 ha for the Hill areas (CBS, 2000). Rice, wheat and maize are the major crops in the
study area, thus the average production of 3.8 t/ha, 2.5 t/ha and 2.8 t/ha respectively is higher than the
national averages of 2.1 t/ha, 1.2 t/ha and 1.5 t/ha respectively (MOA, HMG 1984/1985 to 1995/1996,
cited in Tulachan, 2001).
The increase in area irrigated by the system from 10 to 33 ha within the last three decades
reflects the change in agricultural land use. Although most of the area irrigated by this system is Bari,
the increased demand during mid-1980s compared to the early 1970s has influenced the increase in
command area and reflects the limitation in increasing the cultivable area as well as the problem of
increased availability of irrigation water from the source stream. However, during the past 15 years,
changes in cropping pattern and intensity evidence the increasing demand for agricultural production.
The pre-feasibility study for the irrigation system’s rehabilitation in 1987 showed that for the Bari
land-holding size, about 10 percent of the farmers had a small farm size of 0.05-0.25 ha, 80 percent
had a medium-sized farm of 0.25-0.75 ha, 7 percent had a large farm size of 0.75-1.25 hectare and
only 3 percent had very large farm size of more than 1.25 ha. In recent years, the number of farmers
439
with small-sized Bari land-holdings has increased.
It should be noted that the system is mainly meant for winter irrigation and three-fourths of the
total command area in all time periods is Bari, the rest being Khet. For this irrigation system, even
though the total area per person registered for obtaining water makes the total command area low, the
water obtained was used for a larger area than actually registered in the WUA. The increase in the
total command area of the system from 30 years ago until now has implications for land-use changes
and improved socio-economic conditions. The increase in command area with a decreasing average
irrigated area per household means that more people benefit from the irrigation system compared to
the early 1970s. After the formation of the WUG in 1991, however, the total number of water users
and the command area from the system became constant. For the RKIS, land-use maps for various
time periods show constant areas of Khet in the valley bottom while most of the land-use changes
have occurred in the upstream section of the main Jhikhu Khola. Hence, within the command area of
the irrigation system, the net change in terms of intensification rather than extensification in the total
command area within the last three decades is not much.
Considering the farmers’ land-holding size in this irrigation system, the average of 1.03 ha/household
is higher than the national average of 0.75 ha/household in the Hill region of the country calculated in
1991/1992 (CBS, 2000). Moreover, the cropping pattern within the command area has changed from
cereal cropping to cash crop-based vegetable cultivation. Due to the considerable benefits from
vegetable farming, production of off-season varieties has contributed to considerable increase in
cropping intensity. Out of the 90 respondents within the system, 97 percent of the respondents cultivated
potato and 77 percent cultivated tomato. For the production of cereal crops, the average yields of rice,
wheat and maize at 3.6 t/ha, 2.3 t/ha and 3.0 t/ha are higher than the national average for the Hill
region. The RKIS serves the Panchkhal area, which is an important market centre within the watershed.
The Arniko Highway connecting the watershed to Kathmandu passes through the Panchkhal VDC.
Thus, the influence of market forces, infrastructure development and technology as well as agricultural
input availability is higher in this area than the DIS.
Relation between land-use change and irrigation water availability
In the Jhikhu Khola Watershed, except in a few pocket areas, water is generally a scarce resource
for the majority of the watershed settlers (Merz, et al., 2000). A water needs and supply survey done
by PARDYP/ICIMOD in 1999 also revealed that among all the water-related issues, water quantity
for irrigation was the major issue perceived by the local people where two-thirds of the people are
agriculturally dependent; thus water management for irrigation is a crucial factor. For land-use change,
there was a rising trend in Bari, the conversion rate being higher between 1990 and 1996. On the
other hand, Khet increased very slowly. This implies that the change of various land uses into Khet
due to the increasing demand for agricultural land (Khet) is being limited by the water available for
irrigation.
Out of the total of 39 irrigation systems inventoried, most of the systems experienced decreased
water availability for irrigation over the last 30 years. The available rainfall and temperature data,
however, do not show water reduction in the area over the past 30 years. Hence, no relation could be
established between the land-use change from one type to another and climatic characteristics. This
means that water reduction for irrigation systems is mainly due to the increased demand for the new
irrigation systems as well as increased water demand for irrigation systems that were established
prior to the 1980s and extensification or intensification of agricultural land. In the DIS, extensification
of the command area is one reason for decreasing water availability between early 1970s and mid1980s. In the RKIS, changes in terms of cropping intensification within the same irrigated area were
440
the main reason for water availability change within the system. However, in the increasing water
demand situation, the shift from traditional cereal crops to potato and tomato cultivation in the area
means that water is being managed at the system level. Changes in terms of technology, market, and
infrastructure facilities as well as availability of agricultural inputs in the last three decades, even with
less available water, overall have provided benefits from agricultural production.
Irrigation water availability and community water management
Under the increasing water demand situation created by greater agricultural demand within the study
area, the performance of irrigation by local institutions is very important. Out of the total of 39 irrigation
systems inventoried, all were farmer-managed systems; none of the irrigation systems, except the
DIS had a formal irrigation user committee. Various research and literature claim that the overall
performance of the system is highly dependent upon the water-delivery sub-system that is directly
related to the water availability for the system (Uphoff et al., 1985; Lam, 1998). Apart from the water
availability factor, management of the irrigation systems is another important factor influencing the
overall performance. The change in performance of the DIS was influenced by improved irrigation
water management by the WUA in the decreasing water availability situation. The formalization of
the WUA in this case has resulted in the improved performance of the system.
In the DIS, the major impact of the change in water management within the system has resulted
in a change in cropping patterns. As mentioned earlier, the change in cropping pattern from one crop
per year 30 years ago to three crops per year at present is mainly due to two factors: change in water
availability and change in availability of agricultural inputs.
In the DIS, the overall performances 30 and 15 years ago were almost the same indicating similar
conditions in those two time periods. The changes in water delivery to the users after the formalization
of the WUA, even in the decreasing water availability situation have brought about drastic changes in
performance. This is also supported by changes in technical efficiency of the system and agricultural
productivity from the system. Currently, both show improved performance. In the RKIS, the
performance of the system in terms of its water delivery subsystem has experienced a temporary
downturn. This irrigation system, influenced by agricultural intensification, has a lower output than
during the past 30 years.
In the DIS, the system’s performance has a high correlation with the water delivery subsystem.
In this system, water availability for irrigation is not a major issue from the agricultural perspective. It
is human nature to demand more resources. But with limited water resources, whatever water available
for the RKIS is adequate though the inadequacy is more pronounced during the pre-monsoon season.
However, the increased cropping cycle since the early 1970s implies increased irrigation water demand
in the system. Thus the lack of effective water management has led to the reduced performance of
the system. No alternative system of water harvesting was found in the area.
The performance of the RKIS is found to vary from the head-end to the tail-end. In accordance
with the change in water availability from different locations of the system, the performance in terms
of the water delivery subsystem and technical efficacy of the system varies. The main change for the
cropping pattern in this area over the past 30 years for the majority of the respondents in all locations
was the availability of agricultural inputs. In the field it was quite evident that the considerable influence
of improved technology, infrastructure and markets within the past three decades has contributed to
this change. This implies that the aforementioned factors had more influence in improving the
performance in terms of agricultural productivity than the reduced performance of the irrigation system
due to the change in water availability.
441
The overall analysis of the results concludes that low performance created by decreasing water
availability in the 15-year period between the early 1970s and the mid-1980s has been modified by the
improved role of the WUA in recent years. On the other hand, in the RKIS, influenced by increased
agricultural intensification, decreasing performance of the system is proportional to reduced water
availability for irrigation over the past 30 years until now. However, changes in factors external to the
availability of irrigation water including technology, market forces and availability of agricultural inputs
generated within the past 30 years were increased benefits from agricultural production.
Conclusion
1. Irrigated agriculture being a major land-use component of watersheds in the Middle Hills of
Nepal, irrigation water management through community action is very important. Population
expansion, access to technological information, support by governmental and non-governmental
organizations, access to market and incentives produced by agricultural policies are some of
the important driving forces that determine how local settlers use the land and subsequently
modify the agricultural landscape.
2. Irrigation system development and management links water resources with the local people,
with other natural resources and with the production system. Hence, irrigation system
development and management should be an integral part of integrated watershed development
and management. A database on the command area, water demand and supply for the particular
system, socio-economic parameters of the users and the productivity of the system is needed
as baseline information to assess the efficiency of the self-governing irrigation institutions in
resource management. It also requires coordination among various agencies directly or indirectly
linked with natural resource management within the watershed.
3. With respect to decreasing water availability, the promotion of water-harvesting technologies
for water storage during dry seasons is highly recommended. In the prevailing monsoonal
climate, characterized by erratic rainfall, ways to capture monsoon rain for utilization during the
winter are essential for improved agriculture.
4. The government’s role in increasing the efficiency of farmer-managed irrigation systems should
not finish with the rehabilitation of the existing systems. These systems need to be properly
monitored. Hence, a monitoring body that should also provide advice to the farmers and the
farmer-managed irrigation system has to be established. This unit must also be the coordinating
body for the regulation of the self-governing farmer-managed irrigation systems.
5. Irrigation system development has two contrasting scenarios: it might be one of the many
causes of landslides and soil erosion in the ongoing process of land exploitation for agriculture.
On the other hand, the farmer-managed irrigation systems are usually built cost effectively with
local resources and the indigenous knowledge of the local inhabitants. Hence, the concerned
line agencies and organizations associated with irrigation should acknowledge the indigenous
knowledge and skills of the farmers and apply them for maintaining a sustainable soil and water
environment within the irrigation system.
6. High intensification associated with high doses of chemical fertilizer application is a problem
that increases water demand in agricultural fields. Hence, awareness among irrigation water
users about the effect of high doses of chemicals is vital to discourage the excessive use of
such chemicals. To increase the soil moisture retention capacity, the use of composts and
organic manure should be encouraged. Hence, increased crop diversification and modification
using cash crops requiring low amounts of water should be encouraged for maintaining the
soils’ productive capacity as well as the water availability in the area.
442
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Kavrepalanchowk District, Baluwatar, Kathmandu.
DOI. 1997. Database for Irrigation Development in Nepal, Institutional Development Support
Component, Department of Irrigation, HMGN, Nepal.
Easter, K.W., Dixon, J.A. & Hufschmidt, M.M. 1991. Watershed Resources Management,
Studies from Asia and the Pacific. ISEAS Environment and Development Series, Institute of
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Honolulu.
Kennedy, G. & Dunlop, C.C. 1989. A Study of Farming Household Systems in Panchkhal
Panchayat, Nepal. Report to the International Development Research Center, Ottawa, Canada.
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Collective Actions. ICS Press, Oakland, California.
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Jhikhu Khola and the Yarsa Khola Watersheds, Nepal. In Allen, R., Schreier, H., Brown, S. and
Shah, P.B., (eds.). The People and Resource Dynamics Project, The First Three Years (19961999). Proceedings of a workshop held in Boashan, Yunan Province, China, March 2-5, 1999.
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Development: Infrastructure Policies in Perspective, Chapter 5, Westview Press, USA.
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Schreier H., Shah, P. B. and Brown, S. (eds.). Challenges in Mountain Resource Management
in Nepal: Processes, Trends and Dynamics in Middle Mountain Watersheds. Proceedings of
a Workshop held in Kathmandu, Nepal, 10-12 April, 1995, Sponsored by the International
Development Research Center (IDRC).
Shrestha, B. & Brown, S. 1995. People, community dynamics and perceptions in the watershed. In
Schreier H., Shah, P.B. and Brown, S. (eds.). Challenges in Mountain Resource Management
in Nepal: Processes, Trends and Dynamics in Middle Mountain Watersheds. Proceedings of
a Workshop held in Kathmandu, Nepal, 10-12 April, 1995, Sponsored by the International
Development Research Center (IDRC).
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in the Hindu-Kush Himalayas, A Regional Comparative Analysis. International Center for
Integrated Mountain Development, Kathmandu, Nepal.
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and Participation in Irrigation Water Management. A report prepared at Cornell University for
the Water Management Synthesis II Project, USAID Contract DAN-1427-c-00-0086-00.
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Kavrepalanchowk District. Final Report. Vol. 1: Main report, HMG of Nepal, Singha Durbar,
Multi Disciplinary Consultants (P) Ltd.
443
FARMERS' APPROACHES TO SOIL-FERTILITY MANAGEMENT
IN THE HILLS OF NEPAL
Basu Dev Regmi 1
Introduction
Nepal has three agro-ecological zones, namely, the Terai (between 75 and 300 metres above sea level
[masl]), the Hills (between 301 and 3 000 masl), and the Mountains (between 3 001 and 8 000 masl).
Because of snow coverage, the mountain areas are of little agricultural importance. Out of the total
land area of 14 million ha, the Hills occupy 68 percent, compared with 17 percent and 15 percent for
the Terai and Mountains, respectively. But the area of arable land in the Hills is extremely limited. Of
the total 2.3 million ha of cultivated land, only 0.6 million ha or less than one-third of the total arable
land is in the Hills (MFA/HMG, Nepal, 1981), but the vast majority of the agricultural population
resides in the Hills where the average land-holding is less than 0.5 ha, compared to 1.7 ha in the Terai.
Hill agriculture is limited to small valleys and terraced slopes. On the hill slopes the popular cropping
pattern is maize based, whereas in the valley bottoms it is primarily paddy based. An integrated croplivestock system is predominant (MFA/HMG, Nepal, 1981). Over the centuries, Nepalese farmers
have developed indigenous knowledge and technologies suited to their unique hill-farming systems.
Soil fertility has been maintained and improved with the use of farmyard manure (FYM) and compost.
Cultivation on sloping lands causes high nutrient losses and as a result land degradation is severe. At
present shifting cultivation, overgrazing, and overuse of marginal land are contributing to the loss of
soil-fertility (Regmi, 1999).
The increasing population pressure in the Hills of Nepal stresses the environment and threatens
agricultural productivity, and consequently food security. The sustainability of hill agriculture depends
on how farmers manage, protect, and utilize their farm and forest resources (Basnyat, 1995). Soil loss
and nutrient depletion due to erosion are very high, particularly in the rain-fed marginal land and the
degraded grazing lands in the hills. Poor soil-fertility status of the farmland in the Middle Hills of
Nepal is a major constraint faced by the farmers (Pandey, 1995). Soil productivity is being reported to
be declining because of increasing agricultural activities such as crop intensification and the expansion
of agriculture into marginal lands with insufficient plant-nutrient replenishment.
The agricultural environment, particularly in the Hills of Nepal, is degrading at a high rate (Regmi,
1999). Farmers in the Hills of Nepal face a serious problem in managing soil fertility because of the
steep slopes, the dependency on rainfall, and the lack of required fertilizers. The gradual decline in soil
fertility, the increase in soil erosion, a reduction of the productive forest area, and misuse of agrochemicals are the major agricultural and environmental problems. Apart from these problems, the
most severe constraint recognized by the farmers as well as agricultural scientists is declining crop
productivity. There is a need to investigate indigenous soil-fertility management approaches, constraints
in managing soil fertility, and farmers’ perceptions and assessments on soil-fertility depletion. As local
1
MSc. Thesis (Ref. No. AS-01-07), Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand. August 2001.
Examination Committee - Dr. Michael A. Zoebisch (Chair), Prof. Karl E. Weber, Dr. S. L. Ranamukhaarachchi
835
soil-fertility constraints and the limitations and opportunities of local soil-fertility management practices
are realized, more appropriate and sustainable approaches to soil-fertility management in the region
may be developed. Thus the objective of the study was to assess the farmers’ approaches to and
perceptions on soil-fertility management, to suggest appropriate management methods to improve
crop productivity in the Hills, and to suggest appropriate soil-fertility management practices for the
study area.
The study site
The study site was Lohorne Watershed (Dailekh District in the Mid-Western Development Region)
(Figure 1). This watershed is typical for the Hills of Nepal. The elevation varies from 545 to 4 170
masl (New ERA, 1986).
Geographically, Lohorne Watershed lies between 28º 52’ 30” to 28º 55’ 00” north latitude and 81º
42’ 30” to 81º 45’ 00”east longitude. The watershed partially covers one municipality and one village
development committee (VDC). It lies 2 km northwest of the district headquarters of Dailekh District
and 600 km west of Kathmandu. The Lohorne is the major river of Dailekh District, and has many
tributaries such as the Chhamgad, Katti, Parajul, Chineghat, Kane, Taraghat, Paduka, Navisthan,
Lohorne, and Matela.
Figure 1. The study area (Lohorne Watershed, Dailekh District, Nepal)
Most of the land is under agriculture and forestry. Khet and Bari land are the major agricultural land
uses. Khet land is primarily for rice-based cropping systems and Bari land is for maize-based upland
cropping systems. The population density of the watershed is 150 (149.92) people/km2 . Compared to
other areas, the population density in the watershed is high. The total population of the watershed is 1
910 persons. The male population is slightly higher that the female population. The average family size
is 7.2, which is very high compared to the national average (CBS, 2000). The average land-holding
size of the sampled households in the watershed (0.94 ha/household) is below the national average
(0.96 ha/household) (CBS, 2000).
836
Indigenous land management systems
People rely mainly on agriculture, particularly crops and livestock, for their livelihoods. Indigenous
land management by local communities encompasses forests, pastures, irrigation, and soil. These
systems invariably include both biological management and social arrangements through which access
and utilization of natural resources is regulated (Gilmour and Fisher, 1991).
Agricultural land
The majority of the farmers reported that they do not have sufficient land for agriculture. Furthermore,
there are hardly any other sources from which farmers can make substantial household earnings.
Therefore they have to rely largely on whatever parcel of agricultural land is available. Local people
have been uniting to manage their lands to maximize their profits. The slope of the watershed varies
from 15 percent to more than 80 percent. Most of the agricultural land in the area is in the slope range
of 15 to 65 percent (DSWCO, 1996).
Land tenure has a significant role in agricultural land management. The land is mostly owned.
Only few farmers rent the land in the area. In fact, all land in Nepal belongs to the government;
however, land titles are distributed to individual households and landowners have to pay land tax to the
government. One of the most important agricultural land management systems is terracing, which
helps to protect the soils from erosion. Usually, household labour is used to construct the terraces.
Certain agricultural practices (e.g. soil tillage, earthing-up, hoeing, etc.) break down the structure of
the soil, accelerate nutrient loss, increase the risk of erosion, and generally lead to deterioration of soil
quality. When this happens, the soil loses its productive capacity with detrimental effects on the
environment and economy.
Forest land
Forestry is one of the main components of the hill-farming systems in Nepal. Except for one out of the
six forest areas in six communities, the forest resource is managed by communities, which have
developed their own rules and regulations for the conservation and utilization of the forest resources.
In the study area, there is only one community forestry registered with the government forestry office
Farmers reported that all forest land used to be common forest in the past and is controlled by a local
council, the village Panchayat. Nowadays, the forest land is being handed over to the community.
Within the watershed too, the forest land is managed by communities, with or without registration with
the Government Forest Office.
The operating principles and practices of forest land management are more or less similar in all
communities; they all hire a forest guard from within the community. His responsibility is to protect
the forest from overextraction of forest resources. Sometimes there is a conflict between two
communities in delineating the boundary of their community forest. It is difficult to divide the forest
into two separate forest communities. Now, when transferring forest land to the community, people
have problems particularly with the identification of users’ rights. If a farmer has land in two communities
then he can take advantage from both forests.
According to the local people, the reasons for diminishing trees and other forest plants are:
encroachment into forest areas in order to bring more land under cultivation to meet the food
requirements of an ever-increasing local population; felling of large trees for construction timber;
excessive extraction of fodder and litter; and open and intensive grazing by livestock, which damage
tree saplings
837
Shrub- and grassland
Shrub- and grassland was also found to be declining over time. This land has been a major source of
grass for livestock. However, the area of such land has been declining and become degraded;
consequently livestock herds have decreased. There is no rule for the management of shrub- and
grassland; uses and benefits are shared within a community. The villagers determine the boundary of
the shrub- and grassland. Users from other communities are restricted in using these resources.
Nowadays, shrub- and grassland has a very limited area within the watershed. In another context, a
local study (DSWCO, 1996) identified negative balances of total digestible nutrients (TDN) in the
watershed. The sustainability of resource management in the area is therefore uncertain, and a major
issue, particularly for forest, shrubs, and other natural resources.
Water resources and their management
Rain-fed farming is the predominant land-use system in the watershed. The main source of water for
agriculture in the watershed is monsoon rain. It raises streams levels, which ultimately reach the
farmers’ fields, particularly the rice fields. There are some rain-water ponds used for watering animals
as well as irrigation. There are three permanent streams that supply water to farmer-managed irrigation
systems (FMIS). The water distribution systems are communal. Informal community meetings discuss
the distribution of water on a priority basis.
Indigenous land classification systems
Farmers have their own way of classifying the land. The nomenclature of the land is based on different
aspects, inter alia, major calamitous events; shape of the land; owners’ names and those of major
plant species and soil types; landform size and location. For instance, Kalimati (kali= black, mati =
soil) means black-soil land. The two villages in the watershed are called Wollo Kalimati and Pallo
Kalimati, because the dominant soil colour is black; “Wollo” means one side and “Pallo” means the
other side.
Indigenous soil classification systems
The local soil classification is based on three main characteristics recognized and described by the
farmers, i.e. soil colour, soil texture, and soil consistency. In the local soil classification soil colour is
the most important indicator of the quality of the soil. Parent materials and their composition can be
estimated roughly from the soil colour. People identify the better quality soils via the soil colour. The
seto, rato, kalo, khairo, dhusre, phusre, and pahelo indigenous soil colours were identified in the
watershed (Table 1).
838
Table 1. Indigenous soil colour classification and farmers’ comments
Indigenous class
In English
Seto
Rato
White soil
Red soil
Kalo
Khairo
Dhusre
Phusre
Pahelo
Farmers’ comments
Not good for agriculture, very low in nutrient content
A medium class soil in terms of fertility content; high clay content
that makes tillage difficult when the soil is dry
Black soil
The best soil; good for agriculture, easy to till, high nutrient content,
good water holding capacity, easy to handle
Light-black soil
Relatively poor soil in terms of fertility status
Light-brownish soil Poor soil, needs more fertilizer than black soil
Light-grey soil
Very low nutrient content, gives poor yields
Yellow soil
Very low fertility status; needs more fertilizer and organic manure
Source: Field survey (2001)
Most of the farmers agreed that black soil is the best soil and provides more crop yields. The
farmers also agreed that the “white soil” is not productive at all. Soil texture is also rated as an
important parameter of soil fertility.
Soil-fertility and land management issues
Biophysical factors, socio-economic, and institutional arrangements determine the management and
development of natural resources. Biophysical factors are also directly and indirectly linked to soilfertility and land management issues. There are several reasons for declining soil-fertility status.
Access to the market, forest resources, and water resources are very poor. Farmers’ awareness of
natural resource degradation is high. Increasing population pressure and greater competition for
resources is compelling overexploitation in the watershed.
Land valuation
The overall value of the land is a combination of many factors. Farmers responded that nearness to
the market has an influence on land value. Factors like soil-fertility status, steepness, trees found on
the land (e.g. Shorea robusta), water availability, soil texture, and proximity to the homestead are
other major factors.
Land productivity
Land productivity refers to the inherent capacity of the land to contribute to yields. Several indigenous
ways to assess land productivity exist. Most farmers agree that inherent soil-fertility status and water
availability are major contributing factors to crop production. The farmers give relatively lower
importance to climate, yet climate is still perceived as an important factor. The study area consists
mainly of steep land and farmers perceived steepness as a negative factor. Family labour is a crucial
element in the household economy. Labour availability is declining because of the narrow scope of
farm work. Many people leave for the nearest town and even to India to find work. The management
of the land therefore depends on the remaining household labour.
839
Soil fertility
An attempt was made to identify the factors that affect the soil-fertility status, as perceived by the
farmers, through group discussions as well as individual interviews. Farmers were asked to list all the
major factors affecting soil fertility and the farmers identified twelve. They agreed that soil fertility is
a combination of many interacting factors, which depend on temporal and spatial dimensions and
social and biophysical settings.
Water availability was regarded as essential for soil-fertility status. Livestock play a very important
role too due to the nutrients returned to the soil via manure. The study has shown that the numbers of
livestock per household have been declining over time in the watershed. The farmers stated clearly
that labour availability on the farm contributes to soil fertility (caring for the land, tillage, and crop
husbandry).
Soil-fertility management problems
Farmers face different soil-fertility management problems such as: increasing competition on grazing
and pasturelands, steepness, stoniness of the soils, dependency on rain water, shallow topsoil layers,
lack of chemical fertilizers when needed, shortage of labour, landownership, and size of holdings
(Table 2).
Table 2. Ranking of soil-fertility management problems
Criteria
Farmers’ importance
ranking
Farmers’ choice
index
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
0.84
0.79
0.73
0.72
0.66
0.61
0.56
0.54
0.51
0.49
0.45
0.43
0.37
General degradation of forest
Decreasing livestock population
Insufficient water for irrigation
Increasing competition on forest and grazing land
Steepness of land (less steep is better)
High dependency on rain water
Shallow soils
Exposed bedrock
Lack of chemical fertilizers when needed
Shortage of labour
Stony soils
Land ownership
Small land-holdings
Source: Field survey (2001) N = 55
Note. The higher the index value, the more important the problem
Respondents were asked whether they ranked soil-fertility management problems “negligible or
no problem”, “least problems”, “indifference”, “severe problems”, and “very severe problems”. Their
responses were weighted 0.0, 0.25, 0.50, 0.75, and 1.00 respectively and an index value was calculated.
Gender
Gender is the concept that deals with the role and relationships between men and women, which are
determined by the social, cultural, political, and economic context and not by biology (ICIMOD, 1997).
The involvement of men and women in the different soil-fertility management practices was uniform
840
in the whole watershed area. Women mostly collect forest litter from the forest. Processing and
application of manure in the field is also assigned to women (Table 3). Transportation of the manure
to the field is supposed to be done by men but because of men’s involvement in off-farm work,
women have to do this. The tasks of the men are: construction; repairing and scraping terraces;
constructing and maintaining irrigation canals; and making structures to collect silt and soil. Table 3
shows the frequency of the farmers’ responses on gender participation in the different soil-fertility
management activities. Men mostly manage irrigation while women’s roles in the management of
residues are higher. Crop residue collection, burning, and weeding on the terrace-risers are other
tasks for women (Table 3).
Table 3. Farmers’ responses on soil-fertility management activities by gender
Activities
Transportation of manure to fields
Carrying leaf litter from forests
Terrace-riser cutting
Terrace construction and repair
Application of manure in the field
Application of chemical fertilizer in the field
Compost making
Residue management
Irrigation management
Male
%
Female
%
Both
%
5
18
13
76
20
73
18
22
85
7
56
25
4
53
4
49
58
4
87
25
62
16
44
20
33
20
11
Source: Field survey (2001) N = 55
Indigenous and locally adapted soil-fertility and land management practices
Farmers have been practising different ways of management to keep their soil fertile over time. They
use their natural resource base in order to sustain crop productivity. Indigenous knowledge on soilfertility management practices depends on local socio-economic, biophysical, and institutional settings.
Resource availability, farmers’ knowledge of resources, and the set-up of the society are key factors
for the management of farm resources. Several indigenous soil-fertility management practices are
used in the watershed. In the Hills of Nepal soil erosion contributes significantly to plant nutrient
losses. Farmers have developed different methods to control soil erosion and conserve plant nutrients.
Terracing and contour farming are common practices to control soil erosion in the area. Stone walls
are used to reinforce the terrace walls against collapse. The farmers use stones, bamboo poles, and
other wooden materials to protect their terraces against erosion damage. Planting trees along the
fields’ boundaries, and grass on the terrace-risers and along the terrace bunds are common measures
to control soil erosion and prevent plant nutrient losses in the watershed.
Cropping patterns and rotation
The cropping pattern depends on the type of land. Rain-fed land is dominant with mixed cropping, i.e.
different crops are grown in the same season because of the lack of water during the dry season. The
study revealed that the farmers are aware of crop rotation and its contribution to soil-fertility
management. Farmers are more frequently including legume crops in their cropping systems. Farmers
stated that groundnuts, soybeans, cowpea, and black gram (leguminous crops) could be grown in the
non-fertile soil.
841
Residue management
Generally, crop residues are used for livestock feed. What remains on the fields, e.g. stubble of crop
residues and weeds are incorporated into the soil. However, most frequently the residues are burned.
Farmers believe that residues also help to maintain the soil-fertility status of the fields. The farmers
believe that burning of the residues helps to increase plant nutrients and minimize weed infestation on
the fields. Another reason for burning the residues is to reduce insect populations and other pests,
especially rodents. Farmers also collect litter from the forest, spread it over the fields, and burn it.
Mulching
The farmers consider mulching appropriate for the drier land where weed infestation is high. It is
commonly practised in the watershed but depends on the availability of the local mulching materials.
Mulch materials are collected and spread over the soil surface between rows of crops or they are
spread on tree trunks. Mulching is also practised in paddy seedbeds and in taro fields.
Commonly used mulching materials are weeds, fallen leaves, crop residues, fodder leftovers, and
twigs (ghasauta). Leaves and twigs of Asuro (Adhatoda vesica), Dhairo (Albizzia sp.), and Titepati
(Artimisia vulgaris) are chopped and used as mulches. Similarly husks of soybean (Glycine max),
black gram (Phaseolus vulgaris), maize (Zea mays), and wheat (Triticum aestivum) are also used
as mulches. Rotten thatch is also considered to be very good mulch material. A few farmers remarked
that mulching leads to problems with termites feeding on the mulching materials, which provide good
habitat for termites. However, this was not considered a major problem in the watershed. Some
mulch materials (particularly leftovers of fodder branches) are used as a fuelwood.
Green manuring
Green manure plays as integral role in the farmers’ overall fertility maintenance strategies. Farmers
have used green manure for a long time to maintain soil fertility. Most of the green manure used in the
watershed is supplied by cut and carry but some farmers have started planting and ploughing-in green
manure plants directly in their fields. The traditional system of green manuring is to cut young leaves
and twigs of the green plant and carry the materials to the field. These traditional systems have been
shrinking because of the decreasing trend of planting for green manure and increasing competition for
plant species in the communal lands. The common plant species used as green manure are: Asuro
(Adhatoda vesica), Titepati (Artimisia vulgaris), Khiro (Writia spp.), Khirra (Sapium insinge),
Dhurselo, Dhairo (Albizzia sp.), Utis (Alnus nepalensis), Maowa, and Guayalo. Other plants like
Dhaincha (Sesbania sp.) and sesame (Sesamum indicum) are also used as green manure. Farmers
are aware that green manure helps in increasing soil organic matter (OM) and improving the soil
quality.
Farmyard manure and compost
Farmyard manure (FYM) is the most important source of plant nutrients applied to the soil by the
farmers in Nepal. Every household in the watershed used FYM and compost on their farmland.
Indigenous methods of FYM preparation and utilization have been developed for a long time. FYM is
a mixture of dung, urine, litter, and agricultural and household wastes, including ash from cooking
fires. The whole process of FYM preparation and storage takes place within or near the animal
sheds. The study also found that FYM and compost use was much more common in the Bari land as
842
opposed to the Khet land. The study showed that the use of FYM in the watershed is a key contributing
factor to soil fertility.
In situ manuring
In situ manuring is the practice of manuring fields by keeping the animals directly on the fields.
Farmers stated that they prefer this system of manuring because it requires less labour than that
required for carrying the FYM to the fields. There are two types of in situ manuring in the watershed:
in situ manuring by keeping animals on the fields and in situ manuring by using nomadic flocks of
sheep and goats. Farmers think that in situ manuring is appropriate for remote fields, where carrying
the manure is difficult and time consuming.
Chemical fertilizers
The use of chemical fertilizers in the watershed is lower than the national average (CBS, 2000). The
timely availability of chemical fertilizers is the main problem stated by the farmers. The main chemical
fertilizers used by the farmers are urea, diammonium phosphate (DAP), muriate of potash (MOP),
potassium sulphate, single superphosphate (SSP), double superphosphate (DSP), and triple
superphosphate (TSP). From the sustainability point of view, it is not a preferred practice as it has a
long-term effect on soil fertility.
For chemical fertilizer, farmers have to depend on traders and the Agricultural Input Cooperation
(AIC). The trends of fertilizer use also showed that the farmers are shifting slightly from organic
manure towards the use of chemical fertilizers
Agroforestry
Planting of trees on the farm with annual field crops is an old practice in the watershed. Farmers
responded that trees in the farmland had been planted, conserved, and managed since long ago.
Growing perennials on farmland has both positive and negative effects on the soil-fertility status and
the crop yields. Most of the farmers plant trees on Bari land because of proximity to the homestead
and easy transport of fodder. The agroforestry systems found in the watershed are conventional. The
trees are all indigenous species that their ancestors used. Leguminous fodder trees could not be found
in the farmers’ fields during the field survey, except for a few species of Bauhania that were found
in some parts of the watershed. The major fodder trees grown in the farmers’ fields are Berulo
(Ficus clavata), Timilo (Ficus semicordata), Tanki (Bauhania purperai), Koiralo (Bauhania
varigata), Khanyo (Ficus cunia), and Simtaro (Wendlandia exserta).
Terrace-riser cutting
Farmers feel that terrace-riser cutting also contributes to enrichment of the soil with nutrients. Generally
the terrace-riser cutting takes place once a year on the level bench terraces (rice-based Khet land)
and less commonly on the Bari land (maize/wheat based). The longer the fallow period between the
terrace-riser cutting, the better the soil fertility is in the terrace-riser area. Cutting provides small but
significant amounts of organic matter to the field from the vegetative materials in the risers. Scraping
of the risers also reduces the consumption of fertilizers and provides an additional layer of weathered
soil on the terraces. Terraces in the rice-based irrigated land are cut during the transplanting of the
rice. Upland terraces are generally cut during the winter season particularly before maize is planted.
843
Cutting is done once a year in the irrigated terraces and every one to five years, or even longer in the
upland terraces. Farmers deliberately grow fodder and grasses on the terrace risers. This helps to
stabilize the terraces and provides fodder for livestock and organic matter for the fields.
Terracing
Terraces are important for upland management, primarily because of their ability to substantially
reduce erosion and make tillage and other agricultural practices much easier. Irrigated rice terraces
are flat and bunded, whereas rain-fed terraces are usually gently convex or sideways sloping so as to
join terraces at different levels. Terraces are the most common measure of soil conservation in the
study area. All the farmers know how to construct and maintain terraces to conserve soil and the
fertility of the soil. In areas where land is being converted to cropland, new terraces are being
established. Bari land terrace risers are found vegetated with grass and fodder trees to provide
fodder for the farm livestock. In the Khet land the terrace-risers are made of stone walls with no
vegetation. Stone walls are used primarily to prevent the breaking and collapse of the terrace-risers.
Khet land terraces are scraped annually to free them from weeds and primarily to reduce infestations
of rodents; and also to add soil organic matter. In the Bari land, scraping of the terrace-risers depends
on the farm’s condition but basically it is carried out at intervals of one to five years.
Floodwater management
Farmers believe that the first rainfall is very beneficial and therefore it is good to channel the first
floods into the fields because they carry a significant amount of plant nutrients. This practice is
common in the lower and the middle parts of the watershed. Farmers have a specific term — bhalkulo
(bhal = flood and kulo = canal) — for the management of floodwater. Farmers practise bhalkulo to
manage the rain water, individually or as a community. Bhalkulo is a very common method for flood
management in the area.
Tillage
Many farmers said that the exposure of bedrock was a problem for tilling and managing soils. Traditional
ways of ploughing the land are common; because of the steepness of the slopes, using modern equipment
like tractors and planters is almost impossible. Tillage operations vary with the crops to be cultivated.
For maize, farmers plough the land once because of the dry conditions and the possible start of premonsoon rain, which can cause soil erosion. After tillage, they immediately level the land and plant the
maize seeds. For rice cultivation they puddle the soil before transplanting the rice seedlings. In wheat
cultivation, the land is tilled two to four times to loosen the soil structure and to mix the residues and
leftovers into the soil. Rainfall has ceased at the time of wheat seed broadcasting so the farmers till
the land many more times than in the maize crop.
Manure and fertilizer ranking
Farmers believe that the use of organic matter helps to improve soil health. They prefer goat and
sheep manure to cattle and buffalo manure. They believe that goat and sheep manure has a better
effect on crop yields. Generally, farmers rate chemical fertilizers less highly than other organic sources
of nutrients. Farmers do not believe that crop residues are good for soil-fertility (Table 4).
844
Table 4. Farmers’ ranking of usefulness of fertilizer and manure
Fertilizers/manure
Importance ranking
Index
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
0.89
0.88
0.69
0.66
0.62
0.45
0.33
Goat and sheep manure
Chicken manure
Oil cake (mustard oil cake)
Cattle and buffalo manure
Green manure
Chemical (mineral) fertilizers
Crop residues
Source: Field Survey
N = 55
Note: Respondents were asked whether they rank the usefulness of manure and fertilizers with “don’t-know”, “not good”,
“fair”, “good” and “best”. And their responses were weighted 0.25, 0.0, 0.50, 0.75, and 1.00 respectively and the index
value was calculated.
Fertility status of the farmland
The soil-fertility status of the farmland depends on the farming practices. Soil-fertility management
issues are becoming critical for the productivity of the land in the Hills of Nepal, where population
pressure is high.
Manure and fertilizer use
Livestock numbers (unit) per household determine the amounts of manure use on the farmland. A
positive correlation was found between livestock numbers and FYM application. Similarly a negative
correlation was found between livestock numbers and the use of chemical fertilizers. Farmers use
less chemical fertilizers when they have more livestock that produce FYM. Cattle and buffaloes
produce the bulk of the manure. However, sheep and goats are also important sources. Pigs and
poultry contribute insignificant amounts. Use of FYM is significantly different in Khet and Bari land.
The main reason is proximity to the homestead. Farmers believe that the maize crop removes high
amounts of plant nutrients from the soil therefore they need to apply more nutrients to balance the
soil-fertility status.
Total N
Nitrogen (N) is the key crop macronutrient. The range of the total N in the sampled soils was 0.083
to 0.223 percent. Bari land has slightly higher N content than Khet land (Figure 2). This is attributable
to higher FYM and compost use, which increase N levels. Khet lands are irrigated thus the N losses
through leaching and runoff are high. Whereas N losses in Bari land are lower (less leaching effect).
845
Khet
Bari
0.115
0.12
0.125
0.13
0.135
0.14
Nitrogen in % (0- 20 cm soil depth)
Figure 2. Nitrogen content in Khet and Bari land
Significant (P = 0.15)
Source: Field survey (2001)
Phosphorus
Small seedlings benefit from a good phosphorus (P) supply. The available P in the soil is very limited
although there are high levels of total P. Soil tests have shown that phosphorus in the Bari land is
higher than in the Khet land. Most of the analysed soil samples had lower ranges of P content.
However, P content varies greatly because it depends on soil conditions. Soil pH has a crucial role in
P availability. The reason for higher P content in the Bari land could be high OM content that provides
significant amounts of P.
Potassium
Most potassium (K) in plants is found in the aboveground portion of cereals and oilseeds, mainly in the
straw. Therefore, if crop residues are returned to the soil, a good proportion of the K is conserved. In
soils, K is part of the mineral structure of many clay minerals particularly micas. The soil tests showed
that K content is significantly higher in Bari land than in Khet land because of crop residues returned
to the soil.
Soil pH
The lowest pH was found in Khet land and the highest was found in Bari land. On average the pH in
the Bari land was higher than in Khet land, that is 5.6 and 5.2 respectively. Irrigation is responsible for
lower pH in Khet land (Bari land is rainfed).
Organic matter
Soil sample analysis has also shown that the soil OM content in Bari land (2.69 percent) is significantly
higher than Khet land (2.08 percent). Most of the soil samples had low OM content. Only a few
samples had medium OM content. The use of FYM and compost as well as in situ manuring is higher
in Bari land than in Khet land; this adds significant amounts of OM to the farmland.
846
Bulk density
Bulk density is a measure of the compactness of the soil, and therefore relates to the pore size
distribution, indicating the degree of water-holding capacity and soil aeration. Soil-organic management
and tillage practices can modify bulk density. Bulk density is higher in Khet land than in Bari land
because of the higher OM content in Bari land and the tillage practices in the Khet land, where
puddling is common.
Rooting depth
The rooting depth of the soil is higher in the Khet land than in the Bari land. Rooting depth in Bari land
ranged from 35-71 cm whereas in Khet land this was 38–77 cm. Soil erosion is higher in Bari land
because of the sloping and outward terraces; in Khet land soil erosion is minimal because of the level
terraces. Usually Khet land receives insignificant amounts of eroded soils, being at a lower elevation.
The convex terraces on Bari land are more prone to soil erosion.
Nutrient balance in the farmers’ fields
Assessment of the nutrient balance varies with methods and information available. This assessment
focuses only on the nutrient balance by crop uptake. Fertilizer-use varies greatly from place to place,
being dependent on economic conditions, numbers of livestock in the farm, access to forest resources,
and access to the market. There is a significant difference of inputs in Khet and Bari land. The
nutrient balance is negative in Khet land whereas in Bari land the balance seems positive. The overall
nutrient application rate is higher in the Bari land. However, the Bari land has more complex cultivation
systems.
Crop yield dynamics and soil fertility
The dynamics of crop yields are discussed in relation to the crops planted, varieties used, and the use
of organic and inorganic fertilizers. The land-use changes reported by the farmers are also discussed.
Crop yield trends
The yields for rice, maize, and wheat were identified. The yields were compared from four different
time periods, i.e. 40 years ago, 20 years ago, 10 years ago, and at present. The comparison showed
the yields were declining over time. The highest crop yields were 40 years ago and the lowest at
present. The reasons for the declining crop yields as perceived by the farmers are: 1) decreasing use
of FYM; 2) increasing cropping intensity; 3) decreasing livestock numbers that are ultimately resulting
in reduced FYM availability; and 4) decreasing in situ manuring due to nomadic flocks of sheep and
goats. The increase in the use of marginal, less fertile lands for agriculture is another reason given by
the farmers for declining crop yields. Although the average yields have declined over time, a very few
farmers reported increased yields during the recent past as a result of improved varieties and the use
of chemical fertilizers. These farmers also reported that the availability of improved seeds and chemical
fertilizers when they are needed is an important parameter that determines crop yields.
847
Trends in the use of crop varieties
Farmers are aware that crop varieties are very important determinants of crop yields. Scientifically,
the basic tenet of the potential yield (Y) is the combined effect of genotype (G), environment (E), and
management (M) commonly referred to as Y = G * E * M. In former times the sole sources of seeds
for the farmers were their own fields. Later the District Agricultural Development Office (DADO)
introduced some improved maize, rice, and wheat varieties. Still, farmers are reluctant to use the new
varieties due to yield uncertainty and risk aversion. As mentioned earlier, a few farmers have reported
increased yields due to the use of high yielding varieties (HYVs). But some farmers pointed out that
the use of HYVs has a negative impact on crop yields; yet there is an increasing trend to use improved
varieties
For the three major crops, the most important points raised by the farmers are: The improved rice
varieties are risky to use because they ripen earlier than local varieties and during a period when rain
can still be expected. Therefore they do not use the improved rice varieties. The ripening time of the
improved maize is longer than the local maize varieties. The colour of the seed and the taste are
reported to be inferior compared to local varieties. This is why the majority of the farmers keep
growing the local varieties. Farmers using local varieties select seeds for the next crop in their fields
and on their farm. Generally, farmers select the superior grain panicles or cobs or pods. They select
them on the basis of better appearance. For wheat, most of the farmers agree that the local varieties
are better than the improved ones. Local wheat varieties are awn-less. Therefore, hailstorms are less
damaging; whereas improved wheat varieties have awns, which are prone to damage. Hailstorms are
the main threat to growing wheat, particularly during the wheat-harvesting season (April-May).
Trends in use of plant nutrients for soil-fertility management
The older farmers are the knowledge-sources on the trends of manure use and the adoption of crop
varieties. Chemical fertilizers were introduced only within the last 20 to 40 years. Limited agricultural
land and limited nutrient sources for plant growth are crucial issues in the watershed. FYM, in situ
manuring, and green manuring were the most common practices in the past. In recent years farmers
are mixing chemical fertilizers with FYM. No farmer has used FYM only in recent years.
Crop yield and walking distances to the fields
Crop yields are affected by increasing walking distances. The general trend is that near the homestead,
farmland gives higher yields. This is because it is easier to take care of the land and manure use is
higher. There is a major yield difference between walking distances of 20-45 minutes and more than
45 minutes.
Nutrient use and walking distances to the fields
Usually farmers apply FYM to fields that are near their homestead because it is difficult to carry it
long distances due to its weight and quantity, thus requiring much labour. On the land distant from the
homestead, farmers usually construct temporary sheds to house animals; here they prepare FYM and
compost for application to the field near the shed. In situ manuring by leaving animals overnight on
the fields is also common. Nowadays, a few farmers use chemical fertilizers, particularly on the Khet
land distant from the homestead; they also apply other nutrients within or near the homestead. Farmers
also use chemical fertilizers on the fields near to the homestead, but the amounts they apply are
smaller than on the remote fields.
848
Land capability and existing land use
Each land unit has a limited capacity to produce yield under the given environmental conditions. The
Land Resources Mapping Projects (LRMP) carried out soil surveys, land capability mapping, and
resource mapping in Nepal in 1978. The LRMP has made a land capability map with seven major
classes. These classes are suitable for horticultural crops and natural forests. From the agricultural
perspective, almost all the land is unsuitable for agriculture, particularly crop production. According to
the land capability classes, very few lands are deemed suitable for crop production with conservation
measures and for (non-tillage) horticultural crops. According to the land capability classes in the area,
lands are being used beyond their capacity.
Land-use trends
Land-use change from forest to Bari and Khet land was high before 1964. Subsequently, land conversion
declined because of the limited availability of land suitable for agriculture. Forty years ago the land
area comprised mostly forest, pasture, and grazing land. Farmers had no problems of fodder and
forage shortage for the livestock. The land under forest, pasture, and grazing lands was partly converted
into agricultural land. Some of the forest was cut down for domestic purpose by the local people and
became degraded forest area. The history of Khet land use and Bari land is very important from the
trend analysis point of view. Over the past 40 years, 18 percent of the farmers converted forest lands
into Khet land. While assessing the history of Bari land it was found that 18 percent of the respondents
had converted their Kharbari to Bari land since 1964. An equal number of respondents also pointed
out that they converted barren land to Bari land during the same period of time.
Farmers’ and scientific approaches to soil-fertility assessment (SFA)
“Scientific approach of soil-fertility assessment” refers to an approach based on laboratory analysis
of the soils to identify their level of plant nutrients, and other important soil characteristics. The tools
used by the scientist to assess soil fertility are sophisticated, precise, specific, reliable, and costly and
therefore not always readily available to the farmers. Therefore, farmers have developed their own
systems to identify and assess the fertility of their lands. The term “farmers’ soil-fertility assessment
approach” refers to a system based on the soil parameters identified and evaluated by the farmers on
the basis of their indigenous systems.
Regression analysis based on scientific approach to SFA
The scientific approach involves the estimation of the crop yields on the basis of the plant nutrient
content in the soils. The yield is a function of several interacting factors, like N, P, K, OM, calcium,
pH, CEC etc. However, for the present study only N, P, K, and OM are used for yield estimations.
The general regression model describing the relationship between the yield level and the soil fertility
parameters is:
Y =
f ( a + b1 N + b2 P + b3 K + b 4OM )
Where Y = yield
a = intercept
N, P, K and OM = independent variables
b1 , b2 , b3 and b4 = coefficients of N, P, K, and OM respectively
849
Based on the field data from the study area, the following regression equations have been derived
for maize, wheat, and rice yield levels with respect to the N, P, K, and OM content in the farmers’
fields (Table 5).
Ym = 7. 5 + 86.3N + 0.02P − 0.0063K + 1.30OM Regression equation for maize yield
Y w = 9 .5 + 74. 55 N + 0.01P − 0.003 K + 0.98OM Regression equation for wheat yield
Yr . = 11.36 + 33.28N + 0.29P + 0.003K + 0.15OM Regression equation for rice yield
Where,
Ym = maize yield, Yw = wheat yield, and Yr = rice yield (all in pathi/ropani)
1 ropani = 0.05 ha
Table 5. Significance values for crop yields and N, P, K, and OM levels
Constant
Model
N
P
K
OM
R square
R
Maize
Wheat
0.067*
0.043**
0.012**
0.042**
0.11
0.27
0.56
0.74
0.033**
0.11
0.032**
0.14
0.38
0.48
0.46
0.68
Rice
0.006***
0.07*
0.24
0.003***
0.73
0.92
0.51
0.71
*Significant (P = 0.1)
**Significant (P = 0.05)
***Significant (P = 0.01)
The results show that N has a significant effect on wheat and maize yields but has no significant
effect on rice yields. Rice fields are irrigated and there is a possibility of losses of N through leaching
so that the plants cannot make use of it. Phosphorus seems significant in rice and maize but not
significant for the wheat yields. Potassium has no significance in yield level for all crops. Organic
matter is also found to be non-significant for the crop-yield levels. Organic matter is also an important
component for soil-fertility management. However, the quality of OM plays a crucial role in crop
productivity. Well-decomposed soil OM provides nutrients to the plants, whereas poor quality OM
that is not well decomposed cannot do this.
Regression analysis based on farmers’ approach to SFA
Farmers have their own way to identify the factors that contribute to crop yields. Their assessment of
crop productivity and soil fertility is not so specific and cannot be generalized. Most of the farmers
identified slope, soil colour, soil texture, and soil structure as the main determining factors for crop
yield (Table 6).
850
The general regression model based on farmers’ soil-fertility parameters for crop yield is
Y=
f (a + slope + color + soil
texture and
soil
structure)
The following regression equations have been derived from the farmers’ assessment of the soils:
Yr =
12 . 1 − 0 . 27 S + 2 . 7 C + 0 . 25 ST
Ym =
19 . 7 − 1 . 8 S + 1 . 5 C + 0 . 08 ST
Yw =
22 . 7 − 1 . 8 S + 1 . 35 C − 0 . 38 ST
Regression equation for rice
Regression equation for maize
Regression equation for wheat
Where,
Ym = maize yield, Yw = wheat yield, and Yr = rice yield (all in pathi/ropani)
S = slope, C = colour, ST = soil texture and soil structure
Table 6. Significance values for crop yields and farmer-identified parameters
Constant
Model
Slope
Colour
Soil structure and soil texture
R
R square
Maize
Wheat
Rice
0.0001***
0.002***
0.01***
0.03**
0.89
0.82
0.67
0.00002***
0.002***
0.006***
0.05**
0.53
0.82
0.68
0.06*
0.02**
0.78
0.007***
0.78
0.73
0.54
*Significant (P = 0.1)
**Significant (P = 0.05)
***Significant (P = 0.01)
Table 6 shows that the slope is a significant contributor for maize and wheat yield levels. This
implies that the higher the slope the lower the yields on sloping land, where soil losses and plant
nutrient losses are high. Mostly Bari lands are on sloping lands and terraces are not well maintained.
In the case of rice yields, the slope has no significant effects. Almost all Khet lands are level terraces
with bunds where soil loss is insignificant. The results reveal that slope influences the yield level in the
Bari land but not in the Khet land. The soil colour was a significant parameter for all crop yields. From
experience, farmers know what type of soil colour is related to a good production capacity.
The regression analysis also shows that there is a significant correlation of soil colour with yield
levels in both Khet and Bari land. Farmers believe that soil colour is a good indicator for estimating
soil-fertility levels. Farmers stated that black soil is better for agriculture than white soil; this also
holds true scientifically. Black soil usually has a high organic carbon content and a higher CEC than
white soil. Soil texture and soil structure have no significant effect on yields. However, farmers
believe that soil texture and structure are also an important factor for crop yields. The R-value is
higher in each regression model for the farmers’ approach than for the scientific approach. It can
therefore be concluded that the soil-fertility parameters identified by the farmers have a higher
predictability for crop yield.
851
Fertility indices and crop yield
The plant nutrient (N, P, K, and OM) contents in the soils of the study area were ranked according to
the government rating systems at very high (4), high (3), medium (2), and low (1). Interpolation was
done for values between the ranges. Then an overall soil-fertility index comprising N, P, K, and OM
levels was calculated and termed as “the scientists’ soil-fertility index”. Farmers were asked to rank
each parameter with very high (4), high (3), medium (2), and low (1) in relation to the soil-fertility level
of the particular site.
Rice Yield (Pathi/roapni)
30
25
20
15
y = 6.5943x + 7.1239
2
R = 0.3564
10
5
0
1.0
1.5
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
Scientists' Fertility Index
Rice Yield (Pathi/roapni)
Figure 3. Rice yield and scientists’ fertility index
3 0
y = 3.5545x + 9.9545
2
R = 0.646
2 5
2 0
1 5
1 0
5
0
1.0
1.5
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
Farmer's Fertility Index
Figure 4. Rice yield and farmers’ fertility index
This was termed the “farmers’ soil fertility index”. Both the farmers and scientists’ soil-fertility
indices show significant correlation with yield levels. However, the coefficient of determination (Rsquare value) is very small, which indicates that they have only a weak positive correlation. The value
of the coefficient of determination is higher in the case of the farmers’ index than the scientists’ index.
Figures 3 and 4 show the farmers’ and scientists’ soil-fertility indices with rice yields. Similarly, the
results show that the farmers are more accurate than the scientists in predicting yield level using their
852
assessment criteria. Also there is higher significance of the farmers’ fertility index than the scientists’
fertility index for all crops.
Farmers’ and scientists’ predicted regression line
30
25
P < 0.25
r = 0.37
Wheat
20
Maize
r = 0.61
15
P < 0.011
Rice
r = 0.64
5
Id
ea
l li
ne
10
P < 0.006
0
P r o j e c t e d y( ipeal tdh i / r o)p b
a yn i f a r m e r s ' a s s e s s m e n t
It is very important to know whether farmers’ and scientists’ expectations are juxtaposed for predicting
crop yields. However, the methods for the assessment of the soil-fertility status are quite different.
The scientists’ expected yield level and the farmers’ expected
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Projected yield ( pathi/ropani) by scientists' assessment
Figure 5. Farmers’ and scientists’ projected crop yields
yield level show that the farmers and the scientists are significantly closer in rice yield prediction
than for other crops. The R-value of 0.64 indicates that there is positive but not so strong correlation
(Figure 5). Similarly, maize farmers and scientists’ predictions agree that there is also a positive
correlation; however, there is not a strong correlation. In the case of wheat, the R-value is very low
(i.e. 0.37) which indicates that there is no significant relationship between the scientists’ and the
farmers’ yield prediction.
Conclusion
The cropping pattern in the area is dominantly cereal based. The major crops are maize, wheat, and
rice. The household economy is subsistence based. However, significant numbers of households are
marginal because of small land-holding sizes with low-fertility farmland and large numbers of family
members. The average family size in the area is 7.2, which is higher than the 5.4 of the national
average. The productivity of the land is far below the national average. The existing land-holding size
can hardly supply the family food requirements. Farmers realize that land is the most important factor
for their livelihood. Soil-fertility status is the most crucial factor for agriculture. According to the land
capability classes, very little truly arable land exists in the area. The farmers are practising agriculture
853
because they have no alternatives for their livelihoods. Soil-fertility management practices are critical
issues. Traditional soil-fertility management is diminishing because of changing technological and
socio-economic conditions in the area.
The results from the correlation and regression analyses have shown that the farmers’ assessed
soil productivity levels and the scientifically assessed soils are positively correlated. The regression
analyses have proven that the farmers’ soil-fertility index and the scientists’ soil-fertility index are
only close for rice and maize production.
Literature cited
Basnyat, B.B. 1995. Nepal’s Agriculture Sustainability and Intervention: Looking for New Directions.
Ph. D. Thesis, Wageningen University, 1995.
CBS. 2000. Statistical Year Book of Nepal. Central Bureau of Statistics, His Majesty’s Government
National Planning Commission Secretariat, Kathmandu.
DSWCO. 1996. Sub-Watershed Management of Plan of Taraghat Khola Sub-Watershed, Dailekh
District. District Soil and Water Conservation Office.
Gilmour, D.A & Fisher, R.J. 1991. Villagers, Forests, and Foresters: The Philosophy, Process
and Practice of Community Forestry in Nepal. Sahayogi Press, Kathmandu.
ICIMOD. 1997. Nepal: Economic Policies for Sustainable Development. International Center
for Integrated Mountain Development, Kathmandu.
MFA/HMG/N. 1981. Nepal’s Experience in Hill Agricultural Development. Ministry of Food and
Agriculture, HMG/N, Kathmandu Nepal. Proceedings of the Seminar on Nepal’s Experience in
Hill Agricultural Development March 30 to April 3, 1981.
New ERA. 1986. District Profile Study of Dailekh. New ERA, Kathmandu.
Pandey, N.D. 1995. The Impacts of the Farmers’ Practices on Soil Fertility Management: A Case
Study in Dhading Besi Area, Middle Mountain Region, Nepal. AIT Thesis No: AE-95-44. Asian
Institute of Technology, Bangkok, Thailand.
Rai, N.K & Thapa, M.B. 1993. Indigenous Pasture Management Systems in High-Altitude
Nepal: A Review. HMG/N and Winrock International, Research Report Series No: 22 Kathmandu
Nepal.
Regmi, P.P. 1999. Economic Analysis of the Farming Systems of Shivanagar Village, Nepal: A
Linear Programming Approach. Master Thesis, HS-92-26. Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok,
Thailand.
854
TRADITIONAL COTTAGE INDUSTRY DEVELOPMENT IN THE UPPER
ANDHIKHOLA WATERSHED, NEPAL: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
Megh Bahadur Nepali1
Introduction
The middle mountains of Nepal, hereafter referred to as the hills, are geologically young and fragile;
the growing population has accelerated pressure on agriculture and generated forest encroachment,
leading to soil erosion and fertility decline. As a result, watersheds are undergoing numerous problems
such as soil erosion and landslides. Small land-holdings combined with scarce off-activities have
exacerbated poverty. It is believed that more than 42 percent of the mountain people in Nepal are
living below the poverty line (NPC, 1998). For sustainable mountain conservation and development
there is a need to alleviate pressure on agriculture through the promotion of cottage industries.
Bhattachan (1997) stated that traditional artisans remain in a medieval world. Small-scale garmentmaking, shoe-making, farm equipment manufacture, metal pots, and ornaments, can help to generate
employment and income opportunities for mountain people.
While off-farm activities can make an important contribution to watershed conservation and
development, watershed management projects implemented in Nepal have constantly neglected their
promotion. The overwhelming majority of mountain people in Nepal depend on agriculture for
subsistence (MOF, 2000). Despite strenuous efforts they have not been able to increase production
and satisfy basic needs due to limited crop production and scarce off-farm employment opportunities.
Some of the progressive farmers in favourable locations have adopted new technologies, like improved
varieties of crops and breeds of livestock to increase their household income, but due to lack of
marketing facilities they have not been able to benefit from these activities.
Traditional artisans like blacksmiths (Kami), goldsmiths (Sunar), tailors (Damai), and cobblers
(Sarki) are some of the groups traditionally engaged in cottage industries because land was not
allocated to them for their profession in antiquity. With the growing influence of the market economy
over the years, such practices have gradually dwindled, as villagers can buy readymade agricultural
equipment and garments at local market centres. Nowadays most of the local artisans are confined to
repair and maintenance of used clothes, old shoes, and old agricultural equipment. Little attention has
been paid to promoting indigenous small industries. The local moneylenders charge very high interest
rates for the loans that they provide to local entrepreneurs.
In the past, some attempts were made to improve rural industries. The Department of Rural
Cottage Industry Development as well as some NGOs conducted skills’ development training in
different districts. Cottage industries need to be developed to create employment and income
opportunities for watershed settlers. In particular, the increased income will generate demand for
different kinds of services, which will provide work for unemployed and partly employed people. The
main objective of this study is to examine the prospects for the promotion of selected cottage industries.
1
Examination Committee - Dr. Gopal B. Thapa (Chair), Dr. Soparth Pongquan, Dr. B.W.E.Wickramanayake
911
Study area profile
Syangja is a mountain district. Prithibi Highway is located in the Western Development Region of
Nepal and passes through the middle of the district. The total area is 1 076 km2 . There are two
municipalities and 60 village development committees (VDCs). The study area, the upper Andhikhola
Watershed, covers three sub-watersheds of three small tributaries namely the Phedikhola, Badkhola,
and Andhikhola. The watershed covers 14 VDCs and one municipality. Even though the study area is
small, the biophysical and socio-economic environment varies from place to place (Figure 1).
Topography and climate
The topography is mountainous ranging in elevation from 750 to 2 000 metres above sea level (masl).
The lowest altitude is 750 masl at the banks of the Andhikhola. In general, temperature and precipitation
vary with elevation and slope aspect. Below 1 000 m, the climate is sub-tropical. These are mostly
river valleys and lower ridge slopes where the annual average temperature is above 20ºC. A warm
humid climate is found between 1 000 and 2 000 m. Most agricultural land is found in areas with subtropical and warm climates. Cooler temperatures are found over 2 000 masl. The annual average
temperature is between 10 and 15ºC.
Study area
Figure 1. Location of the study area in Nepal
912
Distribution of households and population
The distribution of the occupational and other ethnic groups in the different VDCs of upper Andhikhola
Watershed is shown in Figure 2.
16 %
Skills’ development training
A total of 598 women were involved in advanced
garment training conducted by the cottage
development committee of Syangja. A maximum of
225 Brahmin women but only 27 women from the
tailoring ethnic groups were trained, indicating a strong
ethnic training bias (Figure 3).
84 %
Others
Occupational
Figure 2. Distribution of households of
occupational and other groups
Number of people
trained by
ethnicity
Women's involvement in the garment training programme
250
200
150
100
50
0
225
214
132
27
Brahmin
Chhetri
Tailor
Others
Ethnic groups
Figure 3. Women’s involvement in the garment training programme
Traditional cottage industries
Rural entrepreneurs found it difficult to support themselves via their trade alone. Therefore, they had
to identify another occupation to make a living. Livestock, agriculture, and labour were common
sources. On average, cottage industries contributed 83 percent of the household’s income whereas
income from agriculture, labour, and livestock raising amounted to 9 percent, 5 percent, and 3 percent
respectively (Figure 4).
Derivation of income
Agriculture
9%
Livestock
3%
Rural industries
83 %
Labour
5%
Figure 4. Mean distributions of income sources for rural entrepreneurs
913
Table 1 lists the different land-holdings of rural entrepreneurs.
Table 1. Land-holdings of rural entrepreneurs
Land type
Frequency (n=60)
Percentage
Average land-holding (in ropani)
11
20
4
2
2
18.3
33.4
6.6
3.3
3.3
0.80
0.89
0.18
0.03
0.03
Khet
Bari
Kharbari
Khet rented
Bari rented
20 ropani = 1 hectare
Khet = lowland; Bari = upland
The occupational ethnic groups had basic income from the land whereas other ethnic groups
depended mainly on agricultural production.
Farmers grew rice, wheat, potato, maize and millet. The cropping pattern was rice + wheat, rice
+ potato, rice + wheat + maize, rice + potato + rice in Khet whereas maize + millet relay cropping
characterized Bari. In some areas where it was climatically feasible, fruit trees were grown and
generated some cash income from fruits like oranges.
Livestock
Average cash
contribution NRs
Most of the farmers raised buffalo and bullocks in the watershed area. But cottage industry
entrepreneurs raised very few animals and the income from animal products and animal sale was
very small. Overall, the economic contribution from livestock was 3 percent per annum for rural
entrepreneurs (Figure 5).
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
4594
1340
841
Large ruminant
216
Small ruminant
Pig
Birds
Figure 5. Mean income derived from livestock
Family size and age structure
The mean family size of the responding households was seven. Seven percent of males and 8 percent
of females were below five. Fifteen and 13 percent of males and females were between six and
fifteen; the economically active male population mean was 26 percent and 25 percent for females.
Three percent of males and females were above 61.
914
Educational status of the family members
Number of people
The percentages among men for zero schooling, primary level, and secondary plus higher secondary
level attainment were 24, 41, and 35 respectively. For women in the cottage industry, the percentages
were 46 (zero schooling), 30 (primary passed), and 24 (secondary plus higher secondary education
attainment) (Figure 6).
Education status of the people in the rural industry
50
40
30
20
10
0
46
41
35
30
24
Male
24
Female
Noschooling
Primary
Secondary + higher
Figure 6. Educational status of people involved in cottage industries
Occupational status of entrepreneurs involved in cottage industries
Occupation-wise, the percentages for entrepreneurs were: agricultural tools and utensils (88 percent),
leatherwork (100 percent), ornaments (100 percent), tailoring (88 percent), smithying (12 percent),
and garments (8 percent). The majority of the entrepreneurs had some minor occupations as well.
Women’s involvement was: 75 percent (agricultural tools and utensils), 40 percent (leatherwork), 71
percent (ornaments), and 68 percent (garments). Minor employment comprised agricultural labour
and waged labour.
Employment situation in cottage industries
Female
Male
Figure 7. Monthly employment status in cottage industry
915
December
November
October
September
August
July
June
May
April
February
March
Monthly employment status of industries
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
January
Employment days
Entrepreneurs and their family members only worked part-time in cottage industries. The average
maximum number of employment days for men was 25.17 in January and the average minimum
number was 22.1 in June. Women’s average maximum employment days were 14.02 in March and
the average minimum days were 13.8 in November and December (Figure 7).
Agricultural production of cottage industry entrepreneurs
Rural entrepreneurs produced goods and provided services to the settlers. Most of the entrepreneurs
had little land and they cultivated different types of crops, but the quantity was small. The mean
production was 391 kg (rice), 160 kg (wheat), 169 kg (maize), and 209 kg (millet). Some pulses,
vegetables, ginger, and fruits were also grown. This production contributed to annual income by 18
percent.
Waged labour of the entrepreneurs
A total mean of NRs10 845 per annum was generated from waged labour whereas blacksmiths,
cobblers, and tailors generated on average NRs2 990, NRs4 898, and NRs2 957 per annum respectively
(Table 2). Goldsmiths and their families were not involved in agricultural labour or otherwise.
Table 2. Average annual income from waged labour by type (NRs)
Type of industry
Blacksmiths
Cobblers
Goldsmiths
Tailors
Total
Number
Mean
14
5
16
25
60
2 990
4 898
2 957
10 845
Production performances and market situation
The four major traditional industries in the study area were: agricultural tools and utensils, ornaments,
shoe-making, and tailoring. The comparative advantages across the industries were the raw materials
purchased by the customers themselves in order to prepare the goods that they required. Therefore a
large amount of capital was not required to establish an industry.
The micro industries were in poor physical condition. Some were established in animal sheds and
others in the open air. Most had very limited space no matter if the workshop was owned or rented.
Sixty-five percent of the respondents said space was adequate and 35 percent reported that space
was inadequate.
The average cost for shed construction was NRs1 900. The average depreciation of the shed/
building was calculated at NRs158 per annum. Similarly, the average cost of machines and equipment
was NRs7 933 and the average machine and equipment depreciation was NRs793.
Ownership of sheds/buildings
In the study area, 20 percent of the entrepreneurs operated their enterprises in their own sheds/
buildings while 58.3 percent worked in rented space, and 21.7 percent had no sheds/buildings.
Accessibility
From the business point of view, many entrepreneurs rented houses near the road head and district
headquarters to run their enterprises. Road-head and headquarters-based industries charged their
customers in cash unlike the village-based industries where the barter system was predominant.
916
Equipment used and its condition
Table 3 shows the distribution of equipment in the different industries. The leather industry required
only a few tools that were cheap to produce. Most of the equipment was manual.
Table 3. Machine and equipment used
Industries
Own equipment
f
15
2
14
21
Agricultural tools and utensils (n=16)
Leather goods (n = 5)
Ornaments (n = 14)
Garments (n = 25)
Rented equipment
%
94
40
100
84
f
4
%
16
Minor tools
f
1
3
-
%
6
60
-
f = frequency; % = percentage; minor tools = sickles, needles, hammers, hooks, and sharpeners
Capital investment situation
Only 18 percent of the entrepreneurs received loans from the bank. In some instances, banks provided
loans to establish new industries but the money was insufficient to run the businesses smoothly. The
number of enterprises started with funds obtained from moneylenders was larger than those financed
by banks. Table 4 shows the capital investment deviations across different types of industries. Ornament
industries invested more capital in comparison with other industries. The capital profit ratio is the
higher the investment the higher the profit.
Table 4. Capital investment deviations
Industry
Capital investment
Capital investment ratio
Capital profit ratio
15 655
13 000
345 962
17 693
392 310
0.04
0.03
0.88
0.05
0.02
0.06
0.14
0.05
Agricultural tools and utensils
Leather goods
Ornaments
Garments
Total
Bank
18 %
Own investment
60 %
Bank
Moneylenders
22 %
Informal
Figure 8. Sources of capital investment by industry
917
Own investment
Adequacy of capital
Overall, less than 50 percent of the entrepreneurs took loans either from a bank or borrowed money
from local moneylenders (Figure 8). According to 47 percent of the respondents, the amount of credit
they received was inadequate. They wanted additional credit from any other source to expand their
enterprises because their income was insufficient. Fifty-three percent of the entrepreneurs said that
the flow of their loans was adequate (Figure 9).
Flow of loan in the rural industries
Adequate
47 %
Inadequate
53 %
Figure 9. Flow of loans in cottage industries
Table 5 details the adequacy of capital investment by type of industry.
Table 5. Adequacy of capital
Industry
Agricultural tools and utensils (n = 16)
Leather goods (n = 5)
Ornaments (n = 14)
Garments (n = 25)
Frequency
Percentage
7
1
5
15
25
4
18
53
Interest rate
Banks charged interest at 18 percent while private moneylenders charged rates ranging from 22 to 60
percent per annum. Banks had one policy for investment. Banks in general did not provide credit to
the four traditional industries cited. Some banks provided loans to small industries on the recommendation
of the District Rural Industry Development Office (DRIDO). In addition to the letter of
recommendation, the loan seekers needed to provide a land certificate as collateral to receive a loan
from a bank. The loan amount ranged from NRs5 000 to NRs30 000 only. Even though the bank
interest rate was low in comparison with private moneylenders, entrepreneurs were discouraged by
bank bureaucracy to obtain a small amount of credit. This study considers that the bank policy must
be changed in favour of cottage industries so they can obtain credit from banks easily to promote their
activities.
Mode of payment for goods
Payment was made in cash and kind. The average annual income made by blacksmiths in cash was
NRs11 179, including in-kind values, for each household. Dealers in agricultural equipment and utensils,
918
sold kitchen utensils in exchange for grain, but in the market area, blacksmiths sold their goods for
cash. Building construction materials like shutters, grills, gates, and railings were sold for cash.
Dealers in leather and ornaments sold goods for cash. The average income for a cobbler was
NRs57 850 per annum, while the average income for goldsmiths was NRs100 714 per annum.
Tailors earned an average annual income of NRs4 080.
Iron goods
Blacksmiths produced three types of goods: (1) farm tools such as sickles, spades, ploughshares,
knives, and axes; (2) kitchen utensils and vessels (limited demand as people were increasingly turning
to manufactured utensils available at local market centres); (3) grills, shutters, iron gates, and water
tanks used for constructing buildings. However, due to restricted construction activities only four
enterprises were making such products and in limited quantity. In most instances, the households
provided the raw materials for such products. Products were made and paid for according to agreement
with the customer. Only a few entrepreneurs were modifying their products according to changing
demand for products. Entrepreneurs involved in making construction materials developed skills while
working in cities like Kathmandu and Pokhara. They were well aware of the increasing demand for
building materials and thus likely to be successful.
Tool repair
Blacksmiths also repaired agricultural tools and equipment, and utensils. Tool sharpening and repair
were normally carried out during crop planting and harvesting. Many tools needed repair, as agriculture
was the major occupation of the local people.
Employment
The iron goods industry provided employment to both skilled and unskilled household members. About
69 percent of the household members were skilled. Most of the artisans developed their skills from
their traditional work while a very few people also received training either from government training
institutions or from private enterprises. At least three persons were required to operate a smithy.
Thirty-one percent of unskilled household members, mostly women and children, were employed as
labour for blacksmiths.
Raw materials
Charcoal was an important raw material and was available locally. Blacksmiths needed iron rods and
sheets for making tools and building construction; corrugated iron sheets for water tanks; and brass,
aluminium, and copper for making different types of kitchen utensils. They had to purchase these raw
materials from outside the district, mostly from Pokhara and Bhairahawa. In most instances, customers
provided raw materials for preparation of their items.
Marketing
The supply of goods was entirely based on local demand, as most of the customers were local people.
Agricultural tools were exchanged for grain. Some village blacksmiths sold their products in the
919
market. One blacksmith manufactured different items in his village and sold them at district
headquarters. There is good potential for employment and income generation in this industry.
Garment production
Trousers, shirts, coats, blouses, Kurtha Surwal, Daura-Surwal, and petticoats were the common
garments produced by tailors. The customers purchased cloth by themselves and placed orders for
specific garments with the tailors. Payment was either made with grain or in cash.
Employment
Tailors also employed skilled as well as unskilled household members — 96 percent were skilled and
4 percent were unskilled. Most of their skills were traditional. Only a few tailors received formal
training either from government training institutions or from private enterprises. At least six months
were needed to develop tailoring skills.
Materials
Apart from cloth, tailors needed different kinds of materials such as thread, lubricants, charcoal,
zippers, and buttons. Some of these materials were locally available and some needed to be purchased
from district headquarters or from Pokhara.
Marketing
Tailors rarely prepared readymade clothes for sale. Customers brought their own cloth and placed
their orders with the tailors.
Income
The level of income varied according to the number of customers. In addition, there was variation in
terms of the number and types of garments produced and repaired. The yearly average income of
individual tailors was NRs29 368.
A case study of Amber Tailoring
Amber Bahadur Darji, a literate traditional tailor left his village of Kekmi for Bhairahawa to receive
advanced training in tailoring in 1972. After completing a six-month training course, he joined Jujubhai,
a reputed garment enterprise in Kathmandu Valley. There, he learned to prepare modern garments
like coats, trousers, shirts, and traditional Nepalese garments like Daura-Surwal. He worked very
hard and became an expert in garment management within six years. In 1982, he returned to Syangja
and established a tailoring shop named “Amber Tailoring” at district headquarters. With the additional
machines he also started hiring manpower. He trained his neighbours in sewing and cutting and
became a trainer as well as an entrepreneur. He had more than 10 sewing machines and threeinterlock machines. Within the last 20 years, he has purchased 15 ropani (1 hectare = 20 ropani) of
land, worth NRs50 000 and a garment factory at district headquarters from his own earnings. His
family consists of seven members. His five children have received a good education at an Englishmedium boarding school.
920
Amar said: “I am going to apply for a loan of NRs600 000 from a bank to establish a bigger
garment industry. But my intention is to use this loan to send my son abroad for higher education. I
think if I had had a good education I would have become a big industrialist.” He thought that his son
would be a good designer and would introduce new designs for garments. He further said that the
government policy did not favour tailors because the free import of readymade garments had
suppressed their markets in this decade.
Garment production
Amber Tailoring produces trousers, shirts, blouses, and coats. The yearly production is illustrated in
Figure 10. The total production of garments in one year was 1 200 shirts, 360 blouses, 240 pairs of
trousers, and 84 coats.
Yearly production performance
Pieces
1,500
1,200
1,000
360
500
240
84
0
Types of garments
Shirt
Blouse
Trousers
Coat
Figure 10. Yearly garment production (Amber Tailoring)
Income generation
Amber Tailoring generated income from different garment production and repair. On the basis of
items, the highest income of NRs84 000 was generated from shirts and the lowest (NRs7 200) came
from blouse production (Figure 11).
Amount (NRs)
Income from different types of garments
200,000
,
150,000
100,000
50,000
0
Types of garments 1
Coat
Trousers
Figure 11. Income from garments (Amber Tailoring)
921
Shirt
Blouse
Total
Income and expenditure of Amber Tailoring
Amber Tailoring initially invested NRs50 000 to establish the business. NRs41 000 bought sewing and
interlock machines. In one year the cost for variables was NRs4 768, to purchase needles, thread,
machine oil, lining material, buckram, buttons, chains, hooks, and chalk. Two people were employed at
the rate of NRs1 500/month/person. Depreciation was calculated at the rate of 10 percent as the life
of the machine was assumed to be 10 years. House rent was NRs6 000/year. Interest was calculated
at the rate of 18 percent, as the banks charged the same rate for loans. The calculated net income
was NRs105 732. Amber Tailoring was successful because the entrepreneur had developed skills in
designing, stitching, and preparation of garments as well as making better quality cloth. People around
district headquarters knew the quality of the work. Training, capital, and good entrepreneurship are
the major factors for improving rural industries.
Viability of selected cottage industries
Viability vis à vis demand
Half of the blacksmiths said that there was good demand for agricultural tools and equipment, kitchen
utensils, and building construction materials (Table 6). Four-fifths of the entrepreneurs engaged in the
leather industry perceived that there was good demand for their products.
Table 6. Demand for goods (multiple response)
Entrepreneurs
Percentage
Blacksmiths (n = 16)
Cobblers (n = 5)
Goldsmiths (n = 14)
Tailors (n = 25)
50
80
71
84
Rural artisans who had diversified into basket making had better incomes. The demand for building
construction materials was increasing, as more new houses were being constructed. Similarly the
demand for modern shoes was also increasing every day, as younger generations preferred such
products.
Viability vis à vis infrastructure, technology, and market accessibility
The study area was accessible by road; the market was linked to Pokhara and district headquarters.
The infrastructures necessary for the development of rural industries were in poor condition. Almost
all of the equipment was manual and required extra labour. These were critical problems.
Viability vis à vis raw materials
Except for leather workers and jewellers, entrepreneurs reported that raw materials required for their
industries were available locally, although some industries purchased inputs from nearby towns. With
regard to the prices of raw materials, for tool-making, quality iron was quite expensive. Charcoal was
NRs210 per large bamboo basket. The price of leather per square metre was NRs344. The prices of
922
gold and silver were NRs8 650/tola (11.66 grams) and NRs154/tola respectively. The prices of raw
materials for garment industries were different.
Viability vis à vis energy
Energy is one of the most important factors in cottage industries. Entrepreneurs used four types of
energy: charcoal, gas, electricity, and petrol. Blacksmiths and goldsmiths used charcoal for melting
and moulding iron, copper, brass, aluminium, gold, and silver. Jewellers used gas- and petrol-fuelled
instruments for carving ornaments. Industries involved in metalwork used electricity particularly for
moulding metal. With regard to prices, charcoal was NRs11/kg, petrol was NRs50/litre, gas was
NRs450/cylinder, and electricity was NRs6/unit. In general, energy was expensive compared with
Pokhara and Bhairahawa (i.e. petrol and diesel).
Viability vis à vis manpower
Manpower is another important factor for the sustainability of cottage industries. All rural entrepreneurs
had traditionally acquired skills passed on to them by their fathers and grandfathers. Some artisans
had upgraded their skills by attending training organized by government institutions while others had
improved their skills by working with industries in cities. All industries had skilled manpower. The
Department of Rural Industries Development was supposed to conduct training every year but adequate
training was not conducted. Nearly 57 percent of the entrepreneurs said that there was no problem in
obtaining skilled manpower.
Opportunity for skill upgrading and diversification
There are number of institutions providing opportunities for skill development. People can approach
the Rural Industry Development Office and receive general and advanced training for upgrading their
skills. In some cases, INGOs and NGOs provided skills’ development training in collaboration with
DRIDO in Syangja. Also, there is the Council for Technical Education and Vocational Training (CTEVT)
in different parts of the country where training is provided.
Entrepreneurs’ attitudes
The positive indicators were credit, marketing, production, modification, diversification, and training.
Across the industries 86 percent (ornaments), 40 percent (leather goods), 25 percent (agricultural
tools and utensils) and 16 percent (garments) of the entrepreneurs said there were marketing problems
for their products.
Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis of rural industries
SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats) analysis is a standard way to measure
capacity and assess the situation of an organization in the public domain. Strengths and weaknesses
are factors internal to the organization and opportunities and threats are external factors. SWOT
analysis serves as a basis both for analysis and development of an appropriate policy for action. It is
a useful means to assess the functional capacity of an organization and to find hidden factors that
constrain effective functioning.
923
Tables 7, 8, 9, and 10 detail the SWOT analysis for the various industries under study.
Table 7. SWOT analysis of tool- and equipment-making industries
Parameters
Strengths
Weaknesses
Opportunities
Threats
1 Skill
Traditional skill
Traditionally trained
manpower available
Lack of skills
diversity and
improving the
quality of products
Lack of manpower
with advanced
training
DRIDO can
arrange skill
development
training
The concerned
agencies may not
be able to provide
training for all
Possibility of
disappearing
GOs and NGOs
can help too
indigenous
technology if
training not provided
Very limited
demand for
traditional
products
Possibility to tap
demand through
diversification
and improved
products
Inability to
compete with
improved goods
3 Capital investment Very small
Inadequate capital
Possibility of the
provision of formal
credit on group
liability basis
Banks may not
provide loans
without collateral
4 Access to
market centre
Some industries
have access to
market centres
Majority of
industries have no
access to market
centres
Enable industries
to shift to local
market centres
Industries may not
be able to compete
with other industries
Basic facility
- own shed
- some raw materials
locally available
Entrepreneurs have
own equipment
Workshop and its
poor condition
Upgrade
workshop with
loan from bank
Not possible if
credit is not
provided
- Fe, Cu, Al, and
brass need to be
imported;
equipment is old
and manually
operated
Industries in the
village cannot
afford electricity
Regular supply
Low quality of
goods produced
Low cost and
rural
electrification
may be possible
in future
Rural electrification
may attract
capitalists and
poor people may
lose their jobs
Recognition of the
value of work
Economically and
socially backward
people may not
recognize the
value of work
2 Demand for goods
5 Infrastructure
Workshop condition
- ownership
- raw materials
Equipment
Very limited local
demand for
traditional products
Energy
Availability of
charcoal locally
6 Attitudes
Easy to enter industry Society has given
low status to
people involved in
traditional industries
DRIDO = District Rural Industry Development Office
924
Table 8. SWOT analysis of leather goods’ industries
Parameters
Strengths
Weaknesses
Opportunities
Threats
1 Skills
Traditional skills
Lack of skill
diversity and
improving the
quality of products
DRIDO can
arrange skill
development
training
Lack of manpower
manpower available
NGOs can help
with advanced
training
The concerned
agencies may not
be able to provide
training for all
Possibility of
disappearing
indigenous
technology if
2 Demand for goods
Very limited local
demand for
Very limited
demand for
Possibility to tap
demand through
diversification
and improved
products
Inability to
compete with
improved goods
3 Capital investment
Very small
Inadequate capital
Possibility of the
provision of formal
credit on a group
liability basis
Banks may not
provide loans
without collateral
4 Access to
market centre
Some industries
have access to
market centres
Majority of
industries have no
access to market
centres
Enable industries
to shift to local
market centres
Industries may not
be able to compete
Basic facility
Poorly managed
workshop
Upgrade workshop
with loan from bank
Not possible if credit
is not provided
Old and manually
operated
Establish modern
equipment
Low quality of
goods produced
Society gives low
status to people
involved in
Possibility of
recognition of the
value of work
Economically and
socially backward
people may not
recognize the value
of work
5 Infrastructure
Workshop condition
Equipment
6 Attitudes
Entrepreneurs have
own equipment
Easy to enter
industry
925
Table 9. SWOT analysis of ornament-making industries
Parameters
Strengths
Weaknesses
Opportunities
Threats
1 Skills
Traditional skills
Lack of skill
diversity and
improving the
quality of products
DRIDO can arrange
skill development
training
manpower available
Lack of manpower
with advanced
training
Concerned
agencies may not
be able to provide
training for all
Possibility of
disappearing
indigenous
technology if
Limited local demand
Very limited
demand for
Possibility to tap
demand by
producing cheap
metal ornaments
Inability to compete
with imported goods
3 Capital investment Large amount of
capital compared to
other industries
Inadequate capital
Possibility of the
provision of formal
credit on group
liability basis
Banks may not
provide loan with
out collateral
4 Access to
market centre
Some industries
access to market
centres
Majority of
industries have no
access to market
centres
Enable industries
to shift to local
market centres
Industries may not
be able to compete
5 Infrastructure
Workshop condition
Ownership
Basic facility
Narrow workshop
and poor condition
Not possible if credit
is not provided
Raw materials
Some raw materials
locally available
Possibility to
upgrade workshop
using loan
provided by bank
Regular supply of
raw materials
Equipment
Entrepreneurs have
their own equipment
Availability of
charcoal locally
may be possible
in future
may attract
capitalists and poor
people may lose
their jobs
Possibility of
recognition of the
value of work
Economically and
socially backward
people may not
recognize the
value of work
2 Demand for goods
Energy
6 Attitudes
Own/rented shed
East to enter the
industry
Costly raw
materials; Au, Ag,
and chemicals
have to be
imported
Old and manually
operated
Industries in the
village cannot
afford electricity
and gas
Society gives low
status to people
involved in
926
GO and NGOs
can help to
arrange training
Regular supply may
not be enough
Table 10. SWOT analysis of garment industries
Parameters
Strengths
Weaknesses
Opportunities
Threats
1 Skills
Traditional skills
Lack of skill
diversity and
improving the
quality of products
DRIDO can
arrange skill
development
training
manpower available
Lack of manpower
with advanced
training
GOs and NGOs
can help to
The concerned
agencies may not
be able to provide
training for all
Possibility of
disappearing
indigenous
technology in case
advanced training
not provided
2 Demand for goods
Very limited local
demand for
Very limited
demand for
Possibility to tap
demand through
diversification and
improved products
Inability to compete
with improved goods
3 Capital investment
Very small
Inadequate capital
Possibility of the
provision of formal
credit on group
liability basis
Banks may not
provide loan
without collateral
4 Access to
market centre
Some industries
access to market
centres
Majority of industries
have no access to
market centres
Enable industries
to shift to local
market centres
Industries may not
be able to compete
Basic facility
Own shed
Workshop and its
poor condition
Possibility to
upgrade workshop
using loan
provided by banks
Not possible if
credit is not
provided
Raw materials
Some raw materials
locally available
Equipment
Entrepreneurs have
own equipment
Cloth, needles,
thread, buttons,
have to be
imported
Old machine and
manually operated
Energy
Availability of
charcoal locally
6 Attitudes
Easy to enter the
industry
5 Infrastructure
Workshop condition
Ownership
Society gives low
status to people
involved in
927
Low quality of
goods produced
Regular supply
Rural
electrification
may be possible
in future
may attract capitalists
and poor people
may lose their jobs
Possibility of
recognition of the
value of work
Economically and
socially backward
people may not
recognize the
value of work
Conclusions
Traditional rural industries in the upper Andhikhola Watershed produced different products.
Entrepreneurs from occupational ethnic groups were manufacturing agricultural tools and utensils,
leather goods, ornaments, and garments through inherited skills and knowledge. A few entrepreneurs
had attended advance skill development training. Entrepreneurs were partially employed in their
businesses. Entrepreneurs needed to produce diversified and improved products according to the
market demand. The entrepreneurs required advanced training on skill development and product
diversification. Entrepreneurs needed to improve basic infrastructure, like sheds and buildings to facilitate
operations. Tools and equipment were in very poor condition, being old and manually operated.
Capital investment in most industries was very low. Entrepreneurs had lack of capital and could
not get bank loans due to lack of collateral. Entrepreneurs engaged in similar industries can form
groups and get credit from the bank on a group liability basis as well as selling their products in market
centres. Cottage industry goods have a good potential market, because of cheap labour cost. Cottage
industries cannot be sustained without the provision of credit and advanced training.
Cottage industries need to be exempted from different types of taxes to enable them to compete
with imported goods. As the price and supply of raw materials depend on Indian markets, the government
should have a policy for traditional cottage industries. Likewise a policy should be devised to provide
credit for entrepreneurs on a group liability basis taking into account their poverty and lack of collateral.
Literature cited
Bhattachan, K.B. 1997. People/Community-based Development Strategy in Nepal. Development
Practices in Nepal
Ministry of Finance (MOF). 2000. Economic Survey of Nepal. His Majesty’s Government of
Nepal, Bag Darbar, Kathmandu, Nepal.
National Planning Commissions (NPC). 1998. Ninth National Plan. His Majesty’s Government
of Nepal, Kathmandu.
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Integrated Watershed Management - Studies and

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