Prominent educational institutions in 19th century Athens

Archaeology & Arts 25-4-16
Prominent educational institutions in 19th century Athens
The case of Varvakeion
Denis Roubien
Assistant Professor Technological Educational Institute of Western Greece, Dr of NTUA and
restorer NTUA and CHEC Paris
The building of the Varvakeion Lyceum, later known as the Varvakeios Model
School, is a typical example of the role played by emblematic educational
buildings in 19th century Athens. Varvakeion has an important place among
public buildings of Athens, constantly appearing in various state documents
and the writings of architects who refer to issues regarding the location of
these buildings and their overall relation to the city. The present article
examines the reasons for this interest.
After the founding of the new Greek State in 1830, the Greek authorities tried
to turn Athens, the kingdom’s capital, into a European city, replacing the
existing prerevolutionary settlement that could not satisfy western European
principles of the period on urban planning and architectural design (fig. 1). The
city’s new plan would be a modern “response” to the medieval urban fabric
which was the result of free “organic” development. Public architecture would
be of essential in fulfilling this purpose; all official buildings would be
exclusively located in a district of the new city, allowing them to be surrounded
by the necessary public space. The latter would also follow west European
standards in terms of size and layout, which had not happened in Ottoman
Athens.
Understanding the plans for the new city of Athens and the role of public
buildings in them requires an understanding of the position then held in the
world by Athens. Ideologically speaking, this position was the most prominent
among all cities of the Greek world. Following the rekindling of European
interest in Greek antiquities that lead to the movement of classicism (note 1),
due to the superiority of its ancient monuments, Athens became, to lovers of
antiquity, the incarnation of the ancient world (note 2), which naturally played
a decisive part in its being selected as capital city (note 3). Moreover, the
choice as king of Greece of Otto, son of Ludwig I of Bavaria, perhaps the
greatest lover of antiquity among all the then crowned heads of Europe,
reinforced the ideological framework for creating the new capital.
The choice of Athens as capital was based on the desire to create ideological
unity in the new kingdom and explains why Athens was singled out from other
more suitable cities. The desired ideological unity had to satisfy both the
demand that Greece be re united with its ancient past and that it join the
civilized nations of Europe. That meant that Greece had to erase every trace
of its Ottoman past and recreate itself based on its ancient heritage. Naturally,
therefore, the most suitable city for this was Athens, where the presence of
the ancient past was more powerful than anywhere else (note 4).
Institutions would have been a key factor in the Europeanization of the newly
formed state, based of course on the respective states in Western Europe
Therefore, the most suitable representatives of these institutions and
consequently proof of Greece acquiring a more European character, would
have been the buildings that housed them. This explains the particular
importance acquired by the public buildings and their decisive role in shaping
the Greek capital. Nevertheless, it should be noted that, unlike other
European cities, in Athens interest centred not on administrative buildings, the
symbols of power, but on buildings housing intellectual institutions, especially
those related to education, referring to famous intellectual institutions of
antiquity. Regenerated Greece was expected to take on both the cultural
renaissance of all its historical region- still Ottoman territory for the most part –
and the rebirth of its ancient glory in the field of culture (note 5). For this
reason, educational buildings became objects of greater attention and grander
than their administrative counterparts.
While the ideological framework explains the intensions in creating
Neoclassical Athens, the economic realities of the newly formed state explain
the conditions under which the capital’s public buildings were finally built. The
poorest provinces of Hellenism were part of the kingdom of Greece, while the
big urban centres had remained outside its borders (note 6). Hellenism did not
owe its prominent place both in the economic life of the Balkans and the
Middle East to the population of the small Greek kingdom, but to the Greeks
of the Ottoman Empire, Ionian Islands (note 7) and European cities (note 8).
Despite, however, being economically insignificant throughout all the 19th
century, the Greek state had undertaken projects that were beyond its means
(note 9) because of its inversely proportionate ideological position in the
Greek world. Even the partial realization of these projects was made possible
almost entirely through donations of wealthy Greeks of the Diaspora who, for
reasons explained above, focused mainly on cultural institutions.
Donations are a key economic factor in the founding of public buildings in
Athens through the whole of the 19th century and beyond, originating almost
entirely from rich Greek bourgeois living abroad. The lack of great fortunes in
the Greek kingdom was due not only to the poverty of these regions, but also
to the fact that the rich inhabitants of the districts that had rebelled, had spent
or lost entire fortunes in the Revolution (note 10). Thus, only the Greeks of the
Diaspora could make available the huge sums required. The importance of
these donations and their decisive contribution in realizing the grandiose plans
regarding the public buildings of the Greek capital becomes apparent when
comparing amounts offered by the public revenue or state budget (note 11).
The donations alone, all made prior to 1870, by Kritski, Dompoli, Vernardakis,
Varvakis, Rizaris, Vallianos Chloros, Sinas, Tositsas and Papadakis, in total
representing a sum of 25,000 000 drs, exceed the entire budget of the
Ministry of Education, responsible for the institutions being financed, in the
period following Independence up to that year (note 12).
It is obvious from the above that the buildings of the cultural institutions of
Athens, monumental by Greek standards, could never have been realized in
their final form, if not for those exceedingly rich Greeks who offered
considerable amounts from their enormous fortunes towards realizing the
symbols of their country’s rebirth. This is also apparent when comparing those
buildings built through the generosity of these benefactors with others funded
mainly from state or municipal resources, or from much smaller local
donations. The following buildings belong to the first category: the University,
Academy, National Library, Observatory, Technical University, Arsakeion
School, Varvakeion Lyceum, Archaeological Museum, Zappeion, Stadium,
both the Municipal and Royal Theatre, Marasleio School and most hospitals
from the period of King George I of Greece.The second category includes the
Palace, Military and Civil Hospitals, Criminal Court, National Printing House,
Mint, Eye Hospital, Parliament, City Hall, Municipal Infants’ Hospital, Military
Court and Military Academy. The general rule is that public buildings
generously funded by rich Greeks abroad very often rivalled respective
buildings in big capitals of Europe , while the rest very clearly reflected the
poverty of the Greek state of the time, particularly the first buildings of the
Ottonian period (note 13).
The Greek state’s inability to fund public buildings is also apparent in its
efforts for construction cost not to exceed donations. We have the relative
decree “On constructing the Gymnasium (Lyceum) of I. Varvakis” where it is
stated that the plan must be made “within the not to be exceeded budget of
one hundred and eighty thousand drachmas to be spent on the building, plot
of land and interior decoration” (note 14). [None the less, the building’s total
cost came to 440,500 drachmas (note 15)].
Numbers show that the remaining public buildings could be constructed at a
much smaller cost than that permitted by the various donations. Besides, if the
public buildings were made more economically, they would have a shorter
building period, unlike that of the “beneficial” buildings that was spectacularly
longer, while the amounts of money saved could be used to construct other
buildings that were outstanding, certainly in a less extravagant way.
This, however, would not be compatible with the benefactors’ desire to offer
Athens buildings worthy both of Hellenism’s splendid past and expectations
for its revival. Thus, the benefactors’ preferences, combined with the financial
potential of the Greek state rather than occasionally expressed priorities,
defined, in the long run, the type and form of public buildings erected in
Athens.
The plans for the new city of Athens, both the original one by Stamatis
Kleanthes and Eduard Schaubert (fig. 2) as well as the one modified by Leo
von Klenze (fig. 3) make it clear that there was a desire to create a new
European capital, extending beyond the urban web from the time of Turkish
rule, even placing all the public buildings in the new city. This was to have the
form of a triangle with Ermou street as its base, Stadiou and Piraeus streets
as its sides and bisected by Athenas street, while being connected with the
old town by its key road axes penetrating the latter. Reality, however, was
very different. Information of the era shows us there was a profound
scepticism as to the possibilities and prospects for the city’s future expansion.
At the time, nobody believed that Athens would ever reach such figures as
those predicted in the plans of Kleanthes and Schaubert (not even other
architects such as von Klenze and Lysandros Kaftantzoglou). These figures in
terms of population had already been exceeded before the end of king Otto’s
reign and regarding the area of the approved plan ,were delayed
considerably, but all the same had been exceeded before the end of the
century , while in regards to just the built up area were surpassed quite earlier
on (fig. 4).
As a result we also have examples of plans for new public buildings being
built in the heart of the old city, with a clear preference, however, for the three
new streets of Ermou, Athenas and Aiolou (note 16), opened in the old part of
town, to connect it with the new: In fact their intersection formed the heart of
Athens all through the Ottonian period. The Varvakeion Lyceum was situated
in the very hub of the city, in Athenas street and actually at the spot where the
new part of town joins with the old. The reason for choosing this place is
explained in the report made by the Minister of Education to king Otto
regarding the location of Varvakeion (note 17), which refers to the suggested
site (ultimately chosen)
“behind the Philadelphia towards the theatre” (note 18) that “it appears to be
more central than most quarters of Athens compared with the site near the
University that has already been proposed”. The minister also mentions that
“a site was found behind the Philadelphia and in the direction of the theatre,
which has been considered as the most appropriate, given its pleasant,
healthy, central location” (note 19). It is worth noting that the initial choice was
next to the University, the country’s leading cultural institution
The reason for the change is explained in the same report which records an
excerpt from the report made by the committee regarding the building of
Varvakeion, submitted to the Ministry on the 31st March 1851, according to
which the committee “noticing (…) the place that had always been located
between the University and the Eye Hospital (…) found it totally inappropriate
because it would not be worthwhile to erect two large educational
establishments close to one another (…)” and further believes that it is “not at
all in the interest of the education of the young for them to continuously mix
with University students” and that “noise and disorder can be prevented,
resulting from the influx of crowds of pupils” (note 20). Of course, the final
location of Varvakeion next to the Municipal market place far from fulfilled the
committee’s original intentions.
The land that was publically owned also played a decisive part in the location
of Varvakeion as with many other public buildings. Use of privately owned
land was discouraged so as to avoid any complications resulting from this.
The few buildings the government was obliged to build immediately after its
arrival in Athens had to be realized in “any” location (note 21) there were plots
of land either owned by the nation or to be purchased at the lowest possible
price. This was also expressed officially by a decree stipulating that “Above
all, plots must be selected from land belonging to the public” (note 22). The
report mentioned above (note 23) by the Minister of Education to king Otto is
characteristic in regards to the plot of land “behind the Philadelpheia”
according to which “considering that the largest part of the plot belongs to the
State, there will be a saving of several thousand drachmas that otherwise
have been spent on buying private land”. This was followed by a relevant
decree (note 24), in whichthescales were tippedinfavourof “the block situated
on the southern side of the market place and owned largely by the public”.
Since, moreover, the People’s Gardens, the biggest urban park in Athens,
were to be located there (see figs. 2 and 3), the decree of June 12th 1844 was
revoked “by which the block to the east of the University square was identified
as the site of the said building” (note 25). One extreme case of saving money
regarding the location of the Varvakeion is also the proposal for it to be on the
island of Aegina because, among other reasons, of the existence there of the
already abandoned Orphanage, thus helping restrict expenses to just the
school’s equipment (note 26).
Finally, Varvakeion was built between 1857 and 1859, unusually quickly
considering the building’s monumental scale, to plans by the architect Panagis
Kalkos (fig. 5) who later designed the plans for the City Hall and the
Archaeological Museum, establishing him as one of the most distinguished
architects in 19th century Athens.
Following its construction, the Varvakeion building made its prominent position
clearly felt in Athens of the period. In the proposal submitted by the Minister of
the Interior to Otto regarding plots of lands necessary for the construction of
public buildings, a catalogue of the buildings is presented with the site of
many of them “according to the opinion of the Ministers in charge”. Among
others, it is proposed that the Law courts be built “close to Varvakeion” (note
27). This earlier official reference to Varvakeion probably dates from the year
it was completed, proving that it had already become a land mark, next to
which it is proposed to build the Law courts, one of the most important public
buildings in all European cities.
In the case of Athens, at least, if not in all European capitals, the development
of the city was directly influenced by the location of its public buildings (note
28). Lysandros Kaftantzoglou writing about the excavation of the ancient city,
says that “It should be forbidden once and for all, to carry out any plan for
transforming and levelling in that direction, and particularly if public
establishments are raised for reasons of embellishment” (note 29). As an
example he mentions “the then horrible location of Geranion, where two years
ago ( author’s note: in 1856 ) plots were sold at one and a half drachmas per
cubit ,and today, following the construction of the Varvakeion Lyceum and
some other houses, the price rose to twelve drachmas and maybe, after the
building has been completed, will reach fifteen drachmas” (note 30). The
minister of Education apparently thought this to be expected, since in his
relevant report to Otto he writes that “by the building of the Varvakeion in that
place, life should soon be given also to that part of the city that till now
seemed to have been abandoned” (note 31).
The monumental public buildings of the era significantly affect the formation of
the urban fabric, which also indicates their prominent position. Among other
things, they clearly influence the creation of the squares in Athens since, not
surprisingly, efforts were not focused on creating squares as stipulated in the
original plan, but in shaping those open spaces available around the sites
finally selected for the construction of public buildings. It is worth noting that
public buildings gave their names to many of the main streets and squares of
the capital, at a time when these buildings certainly dominated all aspects of
the city and determined the spot on which they stood. So there is a
Varvakeion square (note 32) demonstrating that Varvakeion was seen in the
public’s perception as one of the basic contributors to the capital’s
physiognomy. Indeed, we notice that the order of the squares’ layout follows
the order in which the public buildings are constructed. Thus in 1857, the
following squares are paved; Constitution, Mint (today’s Klathmonos) Otto
(today’s Omonoia) and Varvakeion (note 33) i.e. Varvakeion Square, all being
among the first that were laid out in Athens, along with those that are still the
most important today.
The Varvakeion plans have the general characteristics of most Neoclassical
mansions in Athens; namely a closed shape that, unlike traditional
architecture, does not take into account Greece’s climate, but copies the
imported typology of classicism adapted to the climate of the countries where
it was born. However, at least in the case of schools, refusal to adapt
neoclassical styles to the country’s climate must be because their design
faithfully follows corresponding German models, which must have been the
authorities’ wish, since the whole organization of the Greek educational
system was founded on these. Thus, based on the prevailing view, the
appearance of the buildings would have to reflect the educational functions
housed within.
Perhaps the severity of the Varvakeion architecture was directly influenced by
the Palace, since Kalkos had worked there, assisting Riedel who had
undertaken to oversee the building based on designs by Friedrich von Gärtner
(note 34). Kalkos seems to have consciously adopted morphological elements
of early German classicism: a symmetrical lay out of the space in the ground
plan, a cuboid volume, the division of the facades into three parts horizontally,
and a complete lack of ornamentation, either painted or sculpted. It is however
worth noting the portico of the entrance. Varvakeion is one of the few public
buildings that include a portico shaped like a temple, with full length columns
bearing a complete entablature and pediment, while all of it projects from the
building making it particularly monumental. This sort of arrangement is usually
absent from most Greek neoclassical buildings for reasons of economy, since
full length columns with the corresponding entablature cost much more than
the jambs usually preferred. This is yet another indication that Varvakeion was
an especially expensive construction by Greek standards of the time.
The importance of the Varvakeion building is also apparent from other public
functions that it served. Shortly after its construction, we move on to the
period of the long reign of George I. In the Greek capital, George found more
needs for public buildings, as yet unfulfilled, many of which were satisfied by
buildings with other objectives in mind. Varvakeion did not stray from the rule.
Thus, when in 1863 the Archaeological Society was obliged to remove the
antiquities from the arcades of the University’s inner courtyard, where they
had been till then, it placed them in the courtyard of the Academy. In 1864,
however, the University senate asked the Society to also abandon the
anatomy amphitheatre, because the classrooms in the building were not
sufficient for the students whose number was rapidly increasing (note 35). In
1865, the Society transferred all its collections to Varvakeion (note 36), but the
cramped space soon became apparent there as well. Thus, the Society
placed all its collections in the Thiseion, the Acropolis, near the Lodge for
Retired Soldiers, in confined archaeological sites and in the courtyard of the
Archaeological Museum, then under construction. At the end of 1874, the
Society also transfers antiquities to the west wing of the Museum that had just
been completed. At the beginning, however, of 1875, with the increase of
Varvakeion pupils, the Society is obliged to leave first two classrooms and in
1880 the whole building, except for the basements where antiquities are still
kept. Apart from the above, Varvakeion had also operated as a provisional
hospital of the Greek Red Cross (note 37).
The importance of the Varvakeion is also apparent from its place in
interventions within the urban fabric. Some of these were made so as to
create axes of symmetry and optical relations. We are shown this in the
decree stating that the street connecting Theatre square (Plateia Theatrou)
with Socratous street be configured in such as way that “its axis passes
through the buildings of Varvakeion and the Theatre” (note 38).
Moreover, in this era, attempts are being made to create the necessary open
space dictated on grounds both aesthetic and functional. During this period,
the need to create open spaces and green areas in relation to public buildings
was intensified, due to the prevalence of new views and standards of urban
life that dictated the creation of open spaces for walking and recreation. These
spaces, however, managed to be created mainly outside the city where plots
of land were far cheaper. Thus, they could not usually be combined with
public buildings which of course were situated in more central spots. We also
have one example in the case of Varvakeion: The owner of a small house
near this institution (fig. 6) suggests in a document that, following
compensation, his property be granted to it, as it is useless to him (translator’s
note: it was described as “ramshackle”), whereas it could be used by
Varvakeion as a “courtyard gym” with the acquisition of a few more pieces of
land (note 39). Moreover, as we are informed in a report by the city’s engineer
to the Ministry of the Interior, a reform was made by which adjacent property
was granted to Varvakeion to be used as the school garden (note 40).
Unfortunately, the monumental Varvakeion building was destroyed in the
events of 1944 (fig. 7) and remained in ruins up to 1956 when it was
demolished. Its transfer to Asklepiou street in the Neapolis quarter of Athens
till 1983 and its final removal from the city centre to Pchychiko, put an end to
its role as a landmark and to the symbolic position of school buildings in the
centre of the Greek capital. (The Papadopoulos Lyceum on Academias street
had already been closed for a long time and both the Arsakeion on
Panepistimiou street and the Rizareios Ecclesiastical School on Vassilisis
Sophias Avenue had long since been moved from the centre of Athens). All
the above marked changing conditions and perhaps expressed the more
general estrangement of educational institutions from life in the capital city.
Figures
Fig. 1. Athens during the 18th and early 19th century, surrounded by its walls. All
the public buildings were concentrated in the densely populated zone directly to
the north of the Acropolis (plan by D. Roubien according to various historical
sources).
Fig. 2. Plan by Stamatis Kleanthes and Eduard Schaubert (re designed by D.
Roubien).
1. Palace 2. Cathedral 3. Central Marketplace 4. Ministries 5. Guard Building 6.
Mint. 7. Market place 8. Αcademy 9. Library 10. Stock Exchange 11. Parliament
12. Church 13. Post Office 14. Headquarters 15. Olive press 16. Βotanical Garden
17. Exhibition Hall 18. Observatory.
Fig. 3. Plan by Leo von Klenze (re designed by D. Roubien).
1. Palace 2. Cathedral 3. Central Marketplace 4. Academy 5. Library 6. University
7. Exhibition Hall 8. Ministries 9. Senate 10. Parliament 11. Barracks 12. Church
13. Post Office 14. Prison and Police 15. Theatre 16. Markets 17. Diocese 18.
Schools.
Fig. 4. Athens towards the end of the reign of George I (1863-1913). The public
buildings are numbered in chronological order (plan by D. Roubien).
1. Military Hospital 2. Mint 3. Royal Printing press 4. Criminal court 5. Civic
Hospital 6. Palace 7. 1st Primary School (Karamanou School) 8. University 9.
Observatory 10. Arsakeion 11. Eye Hospital 12. Amalieion Orphanage 13.
Hatzikonsta Orphanage (first building) 14. Papadopoulou Lyceum 15. Varvakeion
16. Military Pharmaceutical store 17. Parliament 18. Αcademy 19. Technical
University. 20. Αrchaeological Museum 21. City Hall 22. Municipal Infants’
Hospital 23. Municipal Theatre 24. Ζappeion 25. 2nd Primary School for Boys 26.
Schools of “Ladies’ Association for the Education of Women” 27. Municipal Market
place 28. Evangelismos Hospital 29.Syngrou Prisons 30. Military Court 31.
Chemistry Laboratory 32. National Library 33. Epheveion of Averof 34. Palace of
Crown Prince 35. Aretaieion Hospital 36. Theatre Royal 37. National Bank 38.
Military Academy 39. Marasleion School 40. Syngrou Hospital 41. Municipal
Hospital 42. Commercial School (today’s Hippokrateion Hospital) 43. Eginiteion
Hospital
Fig. 5. Engraving of the Varvakeion (Μαρίνος Παπαδόπουλος-Βρετός, «Τα
νεώτερα μνημεία των Αθηνών», in Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον (National Diary), vol. 7,
1867, Athens, 1867).
Fig. 6. Extract from City Plan of Athens, dated 18.5.1872, which accompanies the
document dated 14.6.1872 showing the plot on which Varvakeion was finally
constructed. To its right is the plot whose owner suggested selling to the institution
for the expansion of the latter’s courtyard (the original is in State Archives, City
Plan, φ.19, re designed by D. Roubien).
Fig. 7. Varvakeion after its destruction during the events of December 1944 (source:
Greek Literary and Historical Archive, E.L.I.A.).
NOTES
1. James Stuart and Nicholas Revett, The Antiquities of Athens and Other
Monuments of Greece, London 1762.
2. Irene Fatsea, «Monumentality and its shadows: a quest for modern Greek
architectural discourse in nineteenth-century Athens (1834-1862)», doctoral thesis,
MIT 2000, pp. 100-101, Georg Ludwig von Maurer, Ο ελληνικός λαός, εις τας σχέσεις
του δημοσίου, εκκλησιαστικού και ιδιωτικού δικαίου, προ του Απελευθερωτικού
αγώνος και μετ’ αυτόν μέχρι της 31ης Ιουλίου 1834, transl. Χρήστος Πράτσικας,
Athens 1943-1947, pp. 20 and 119-127, Leo von Klenze, Aphoristische
Bemerkungen gesammelt auf seiner Reise nach Griechenland, G. Reimer, Berlin
1838, p. 420 and Oswald Hederer, Friedrich von Gärtner, 1792-1847, Prestel, Munich
1976, p. 199:Diary of Friedrich von Gärtner to his wife Lambertine, 15 December
1835.
3. The above process and its ideological frame work have already been presented in
detail in many works and particularly those of Παπαγεωργίου-Βενετά, Μπαστέα and
Φατσέα. See Alexander Papageorgiou-Venetas, Hauptstadt – Athen: ein
Stadtgedanke des Klassizismus, Deutscher Kunstverlang, Munich 1994, Eleni
Bastea, The Creation of Modern Athens: Planning the Myth, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge 2000, pp. 6-11, Fatsea, ibid. and von Klenze, ibid. p. 397.
4. Papageorgiou-Venetas, ibid. Bastea, ibid. and Fatsea, ibid.
5. Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους, Εκδοτική Αθηνών, Athens 1970-1978, vol. XIII, p.
464, D. Bikelas, «Le cinquantenaire de l’Université», Revue des Etudes grecques,
Paris 1888, p. 78 and Λύσανδρος Καυταντζόγλου, Λόγος εκφωνηθείς κατά την
επέτειον τελετήν του Βασιλικού Πολυτεχνείου, επί της κατά το τρίτον καλλιτεχνικόν
έτος εκθέσεως των διαγωνισμών, Athens 1847, p. 9.
6. Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους, ibid. vol. XIII, p. 18.
7. British territory from 1814 to 1864.
8. Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους, ibid., vol. XIII, p 18 and Νικόλαος Σβορώνος,
Επισκόπηση της νεοελληνικής ιστορίας, Θεμέλιο, Athens 1976, p. 91.
9. Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους, ibid. vol. XIII, p. 13.
10. T. Yergate, «Les millionaires grecs», Revue des revues, no 7, vol. XIII, 1.4.1897,
pp. 6-7.
11. Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους, ibid., vol. XIV, p. 13, René de Courcy, «La Grèce
depuis l’avènement du roi Othon», Revue des deux mondes, Paris 1862, p. 352,
Edmond About, La Grèce contemporaine, Paris 1854, pp. 135, 144, 256, Ματούλα
Σκαλτσά, Κοινωνική ζωή και δημόσιοι χώροι κοινωνικών συναθροίσεων στην Αθήνα
του 19ου αιώνα, Thessaloniki 1983, p. 69 and Πάνος Καρυκόπουλος, Athens, Το
χωριό που έγινε πρωτεύουσα, Athens 1971, p. 61.
12. Κωνσταντίνος Τσουκαλάς, Εξάρτηση και αναπαραγωγή στην Ελλάδα, Athens
1977, p. 488.
13. About, ibid, pp. 62, 358-359.
14. Government Gazette. 6, 6.3.1843.
15. Μέγα Ελληνικόν Βιογραφικόν Λεξικόν Βοβολίνη, Athens 1960-1962, vol. 2, p. 300
and Μαρίνος Παπαδόπουλος-Βρεττός, «Τα νεώτερα μνημεία των Αθηνών», Εθνικόν
Ημερολόγιον, vol. 11: 1871, Athens 1871, pp. 420-421. The Varvakis endowment
was much larger, amounting to 1.000.000 roubles. (Σπυρίδων Μαρκεζίνης, Πολιτική
Ιστορία της Νεωτέρας Ελλάδος 1828-1964, Athens 1966, vol. I, p. 284), but it seems
that most of it was not allocated to the Lyceum bearing the donor’s name.
16. Γ.Α.Κ., Οθωνικό Αρχείο, Υπουργείο Εσωτερικών (State Archives, Ottonian
Archive, Ministry of the Interior), φ. 208, 10(22).2.1838,in French , «Περί ανεγέρσεως
Δημοσίου καταστήματος επί των εργαστηροπέδων της Καισαριανής», Γ.Α.Κ.,
Οθωνικό Αρχείο, Υπουργείο Εσωτερικών( State Archives, Ottonian Archive, Ministry
of the Interior), φ. 208, 13(25).2.1840 και «Περί ενοικιάσεως οικίας διά την Δημόσιον
Βιβλιοθήκην», Γ.Α.Κ., Οθωνικό Αρχείο, Υπουργείο Παιδείας (State Archives, Ottonian
Archive, Ministry of Education) , φ. 48, 25.3(6.4) 1839.
17. «Περί προσδιορισμού της θέσεως ένθα οικοδομηθήσεται το Βαρβάκειον
Λύκειον», Γ.Α.Κ., Οθωνικό Αρχείο, Υπουργείο Παιδείας, (State Archives, Ottonian
Archive, Ministry of Education), φ. 57, 29.5.1856, where an extract is recorded of the
committee’s report regarding the construction of the school, as submitted to the
Ministry on the 31.3.1851.
18. Meaning the Boukoura Theatre, first permanent theatre of Ottonian Athens,
located on the site of today’s Theatre square.
19. «Περί προσδιορισμού της θέσεως ένθα οικοδομηθήσεται το Βαρβάκειον
Λύκειον», ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Κώστας Μπίρης, Αθηναϊκαί Μελέται, Athens 1938-1940, p. 32.
22. Διάταγμα «Περί της διευθύνσεως των πολιτικών δημοσίων οικοδομών»,
Government Gazette 79, 28.12.1836.
23. «Περί προσδιορισμού της θέσεως ένθα οικοδομηθήσεται το Βαρβάκειον
Λύκειον», ibid.
24. Decree «Περί προσδιορισμού της θέσεως ένθα οικοδομηθήσεται το Βαρβάκειον
Λύκειον», Government Gazette. 34, 30.7.1856.
25. The opinion that the plot’s ownership played a key part in choosing the site of the
Varvakeion is also expressed in the report published in the «Εφημερίδα των
Φιλομαθών» (News paper of the Studious) and in «Νέα Πανδώρα» (New Pandora)
(Μέγα Ελληνικόν Βιογραφικόν Λεξικόν Βοβολίνη, ibid.).
26. Μέγα Ελληνικόν Βιογραφικόν Λεξικόν Βοβολίνη, ibid. vol. 2, p. 299: «Περί της
Ναυτικής Σχολής του Βαρβάκη», Ο Φιλόπατρις 54, 2.6.1856.
27. «Περί των προς ανέγερσιν δημοσίων και δημοτικών καταστημάτων
αναγκαιούντων οικοπέδων», Γ.Α.Κ., Οθωνικό Αρχείο, Υπουργείο Εσωτερικών (State
Archives, Ottonian Archive, Ministry of the Interior), φ. 214, 30.7.1859.
28. «Esquisse d’un plan pour la ville d’Athènes propre à remplacer le projet en
exécution si mal conçu et impossible à recevoir jamais sa totale organisation»,
Γ.Α.Κ., Οθωνικό Αρχείο, Υπουργείο Εσωτερικών (State Archives, Ottonian Archive,
Ministry of the Interior), φ. 214, Λύσανδρος Καυταντζόγλου, «Σχεδιογραφία
Αθηνών», Αιών 46, 8.3.1839, Λύσανδρος Καυταντζόγλου, Περί μεταρρυθμίσεως της
πόλεως Αθηνών γνώμαι, Athens 1858, p. 13, Αιών 373, 9.8.1842, letter from
Kaftantzoglou, Constantinople, 5.8.1842 and A Vernadakis, Το μέλλον των Αθηνών
(The future of Athens), Athens 1902, p. 35. Today, of course, there are different
opinions on the spread of public buildings inside the urban fabric. One can claim that
this practice, as also expressed in the urban plans of Athens, prevents the creation of
districts of various categories in terms of their use, which makes for monotony
(Papageorgiou-Venetas, ibid, p. 66).
29. Καυταντζόγλου, Περί μεταρρυθμίσεως της πόλεως Αθηνών γνώμαι, ibid, p. 8.
30. Καυταντζόγλου, ibid. p. 26.The same also occurred in the district of Aghia Sion,
behind the later Athenian Trilogy. In 1836 the playing field of the Municipal Hospital
was purchased by the Municipality of Athens at 0.16 drachmas. per sq. cubit. In 1847
the playing field of the Eye Hospital was purchased at 4 drs per sq. cubit, while a few
months before, Michael Kallifronas had bought it from Kleanthis at 3 drs per sq. cubit.
The playing field of the Catholic Church was sold by Kleanthis at 2, 92 drs per sq.
cubit, while in 1856 Gregory Papadopoulos bought the playing field of the Hellenic
School at 3, 45 drs per sq. cubit (Μάρω Καρδαμίτση-Αδάμη, Αριστέα ΠαπανικολάουΚρίστενσεν, Το Οφθαλμιατρείο Αθηνών, 1843-1993, Εκατόν πενήντα χρόνια από την
ίδρυσή του, Athens 1993, p. 53).
31. «Περί προσδιορισμού της θέσεως ένθα οικοδομηθήσεται το Βαρβάκειον
Λύκειον», ibid.
32. Κώστας Μπίρης, Αι Αθήναι, Athens 1966-1967, p. 102.
33. Ibid., p.89.
34. Ibid., pp. 146-147.
35. Αγγελική Κόκκου, Η μέριμνα για τις αρχαιότητες στην Ελλάδα και τα πρώτα
μουσεία, Ερμής, Athens 1977, pp. 184-185.
36. Ibid., p.186.
37. Αριστοτέλης Σταυρόπουλος, «Η νοσοκομειακή και νοσηλευτική πολιτική στην
Αθήνα τα πρώτα ογδόντα χρόνια της ως πρωτεύουσας», Αθήνα πρωτεύουσα πόλη,
ΥΠΠΟ, ΤΑΠ, Athens 1985, p. 131.
38. Διάταγμα «Περί τροποποιήσεως οδού τινός της πρωτευούσης, ήτοι της
συνδεούσης την πλατείαν του Θεάτρου μετά της οδού Σωκράτους» , Φ.Ε.Κ
(Government Gazette). 47, 20.11.1869.
39. Γ.Α.Κ., Σχ. Πόλεως, (State Archives, City Plans) φ. 16, 10.3.1870, signed by
Spyros Chaidemenos.
40. Γ.Α.Κ., Σχ. Πόλεως, 19, 14.6.1872.