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Jed Wentz - American Musicological Society
Introduction
Two remarkable systems of notation that facilitated the preservation of theatrical
performance—one for gesture, the other for the voice—were invented by anglophone
writers in the second half of the 18th century: in Dublin, the Reverend Gilbert Austin
came up with the idea of using the letters of the alphabet to indicate the placement of
an actor’s body in space; and London-based Joshua Steele used an expanded musical
notation to capture the sliding intonations of theatrical declamation.
The efforts of these men show some remarkable similarities. Both published books
about their notational systems in London: Steele brought out An essay towards
establishing the melody and measure of speech, to be expressed and perpetuated by peculiar
symbols in 1775, and updated it as Prosodia rationalis in 1779, while Austin published
his Chironomia in 1806.1 Furthermore, both men attempted to justify their work by
pointing to precedents from the Classical past, and indeed, their books are liberally
bedewed with quotations in Greek and Latin. Both men made a case for the beneficial
consequences of their inventions for future generations: Austin, for instance,
preserved, by means of his notation, highlights from the performances of Mrs.
Siddons, while Steele notated part of Hamlet’s soliloquy as declaimed by David
Garrick. Thus, they both felt that their systems enabled the conservation—of
individual interpretations, of characteristic masterstrokes—of the most magical
moments of the fleeting theatrical art.
It is tempting to see both Austin’s and Steele’s systems as synchronous expressions of
Neo-Classical British Enlightenment thought imposed onto things theatrical.
However, stimuli and precedents for both notations were to be found earlier in the
18th-century, in France; and both Austin and Steele could have easily been aware of
these earlier French discussions. For example, Chironomia mentions the discussion of
gestural notation that is contained in Dubos’ Réflexions critiques sur la poésie et sur la
peinture.2 It was through Dubos’ work that Austin also heard of the system of dance
notation that had been published by Raoul Auger Feuillet (Chorégraphie: 1700),
though Austin admits that he has not seen the notation itself.3 Steele, too, could easily
have known (through the 1756 translation by Thomas Nugent if not through the
original) of the discussions of notational systems for declamation contained in Dubos’
Réflexions.
My AMS presentation has a specific and rather limited goal: it examines Steele’s
notational system, taken from the second edition of his work entitled Prosodia
rationalis, as a source for the reconstruction of 18th-century English theatrical
1
Internal evidence in Chironomia suggests that Austin had begun working on his system by the 1780s.
2
Abbé Dubos, Réflexions critiques sur la poésie et sur la peinture. (Paris: 1719).
3
Raoul Auger Feuillet, Chorégraphie (Paris:1700).
declamation. It is clear that Steele’s work cries out for a more complete examination
and a richer contextualization than will be offered here.4 However, the needs of the
performer, and the possible insights that reconstruction can offer to thespians and
scholars alike, must here take precedence, skewing my inquiry towards how Steele’s
examples actually sounded, particularly their tempo, rhythm and pitch. This
presentation will be illustrated (visually and aurally) by computer realizations of
Steele’s notations created by the young Greek composer Panos Iliopoulos. I asked Mr.
Iliopoulos to help me in my reconstruction of ‘To be, or not to be’; in the course of
preparing the realizations he became interested enough in Steele’s work to use it as the
basis for a new composition. His remarks are appended to this paper.
Prosodia rationalis and its author
Steele’s date and place of birth are unknown; Larry Gragg, in his article on Steele in
the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography suggests that Steele lived from c. 1700 to
1796. Steele obtained, through marriage, a ‘substantial plantation on the Caribbean
colony of Barbados.’5 He is currently best-known in his role as social reformer and
advocate for the better treatment of slaves. He also published (in 1775, the same year
as his An essay towards establishing the melody and measure of speech, to be expressed and
perpetuated by peculiar symbols) two short articles of ethnomusicological and
organological interest: ‘Account of a Musical Instrument, Which Was Brought by
Captain Fourneaux from the Isle of Amsterdam in the South Seas to London in the
Year 1774, and Given to the Royal Society’ and ‘Remarks on a Larger System of Reed
Pipes from the Isle of Amsterdam, with Some Observations on the Nose Flute of
Otaheite’.6
Of Steele’s musical background little can be said: he makes clear, in the abovementioned articles on the exotic flutes, that he was, at any rate, no expert flute-player.
He mentions the bass viol and violoncello in Prosodia rationalis as being suitable
instruments for experimenting with his notation (the tessitura of which instruments
indicates that he was imagining a male audience for his writings)7 . It is, however, clear
that he understood the standard musical notation system well enough to be able to
adapt it to his purposes of notating microtonal glissandi. Indeed, one contemporary
4
For a look at Steele’s work in a historical and linguistic context, see: Amit Yahav, ‘The Sense of
Rhythm: Nationalism, Sympathy and the English Elocutionists’, The Eighteenth Century, Vol. 52, 2,
Spring 2011, 173-192.
5
See the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.
6
See: Philosophical Transactions (1683-1775), Vol. 65 (1775), 67-71 and 72-78. Both articles are
currently available on JSTOR. Steele is briefly mentioned in David R. M. Irving’s ‘Comparative
organography in early modern empires’, see: Music & Letters, Vol. 90, no. 3 (2009).
7
Although he fervently wishes, on page xvii, ‘[…] that the system proposed in this Essay may be
patronized by the ladies’, so that they may pass it on to their offspring in the nursery.
critic of Steele’s work felt that it demanded too much musical knowledge from its
readers:
The attempt is undoubtedly laudable, but no farther useful than to show
the impossibility of it by the very method he has taken to explain it; for it is
wrapped up in such an impenetrable cloud of music as to be unintelligible
to any but musicians […].8
Steele, of course, was himself aware of this drawback to his method. He opend part
one of Prosodia by stating that:
We suppose the reader to have some knowledge of the modern scale and
notation of music, namely the chromatico-diatonic; which may defined
practically, as,
A series of sounds moving distinctly from grave to acute, or vice versâ (either
gradually or saltim)9 by intervals, of which the semitone (commonly so
called) may be the common measure or divisor, without a fraction, and
always dwelling, for a perceptible space and time, on one certain tone.
Whereas the melody of speech moves rapidly up or down by slides, wherein
no graduated distinction of tones or semitones can be measured by the ear
[…].10
The form in which Steele’s Prosodia rationalis is presented to the public is far from
well-wrought, and its relationship to the earlier An essay towards establishing the melody
and measure of speech is complex. It is beyond the scope of this paper to compare of the
two books beyond saying that the former is an ‘amended and enlarged’ version of the
latter: An essay contains 193 pages of text; the Prosodia 237.11 I will, however, now
attempt briefly to sketch the later book’s content and form.
Prosodia rationalis does not have a table of contents, and its structure is chaotic. The
introductory section alone contains a dedication to Steele’s supporter in the quarrel,
Sir John Pringle, an extensive preface (with advice as to the pronunciation of English
vowels), and an essay entitled ‘The mesure and melody of speech’. Hereafter begins Part
I which also contains an essay, this time entitled ‘A method of delineating notes or
8
John Walker, A key to the Classical pronunciation of Greek and Latin proper names (London: 1798),
138.
9
i.e. either by stepwise motion, or by means of ‘jumps’.
10
Steele, Prosodia rationalis (London: 1779(, 4.
11
These numbers exclude the indices.
characters to represent the melody and quantity of the slides made by the voice in
common speech’, in which Steele’s microtonal notation is explained. Part II further
develops the themes laid out in Part I. It contains many pages of examples of English
prose and verse notated according to Steele’s system (including the famous soliloquy
from Hamlet). It also contains an essay (critical of Steele’s work) by Lord Monboddo
entitled ‘Observations and queries’ , followed by a letter of rebuttal, dated 1775,
written by Steele and addressed to Lord Monboddo. All of this brings us only to page
65 of the book; and so it goes on to the end, with excerpts from, and commentary
upon, Monboddo’s book Of the origin and progress of language,12 as well as letters,
rebuttals and copious illustrations of Steele’s system applied to texts in Latin, Greek
and English and taken from the works, among others, of Virgil, Homer, Milton and
Pope.
The book’s polemical origins help to explain its chaotic form: Steele invented his
notation specifically to refute statements made by Lord Monboddo in Of the origin
and progress of language. In volume II of that work, Monboddo denied that English
pronunciation involved any inflection of pitch. This statement inspired Steel to prove
the contrary by notating spoken English as a series of microtonal glissandi, or ‘slides’.
Steele’s opposition to Monboddo sparked debate, resulting in letters that in their turn
resulted in further exegesis.13 The clergyman Robert Nares gave a succinct description
of the entire controversy in a footnote to his Elements of Orthoepy, saying of Lord
Monboddo:
[…] he treats this subject very fully, and compares the English accent very
aptly to the pulsation of a drum [ed. - that is to say, purely rhythmic rather
than melodic]. I find that his system has since been controverted; and it has
even been said that he has retracted some of his opinions on this subject. I
looked into the book which supports the contrary doctrine, but without
being convinced. In truth, I found myself utterly unable to follow the
ingenious author through his wonderfully acute distinctions, though my ear
is not wholly unpractised in the discrimination of musical effects. I should
fear that his system is too obscure to be of general service, even if right.14
The parry and thrust of this polemical skirmish will not be delineated here. Indeed, I
have merely raised the point in order to embed Steele’s arguments in their
12
James Burnett (Lord Monboddo), Of the origin and progress of language, six volumes (London:
1773-1792).
13
I, unfortunately, cannot corroborate Steele’s claim (made on page viii of the Prosodia) that ‘[…]
these altogether, though in this scattered manner (and incumbered with some repetitions) may be
more clear and satisfactory to an inquiring reader, than if they were polishes into a more formal
system.’
14
Robert Nares, Elements of Orthoepy (London: 1784), 144-5.
(predominately Classical) context. For Monboddo was attempting to compare
uninflected English to the inflections of Classical Greek. Steele refuted this
standpoint, and went even further, claiming that since English, too, was an inflected
language, its recitation would benefit from the use of an instrumental drone, like those
that had been used to accompany the actors in the ancient Greek theatre. That is why
he proposed that Hamlet’s soliloquy ‘To be or not to be’ should be accompanied by a
drone, of which he noted that:
whether a stringed instrument with a bow, or wind instruments, such as
very deep flutes or French horns, will have the best effect, must be proved by
future experiments.15
A few points about Steele’s notations
The full workings of Steele’s notational system will be elucidated during the
roundtable presentation; its basic premises are explained in the appended text by
Panos Iliopoulos. I therefore will only make a few further points here.
Although Steele’s notation offers possibilities for precise and subtle notation of speech,
very few of the examples in his book actually make full use of the system. It seems that
it was too labor intensive to draw in all of the addition staff lines needed to notate the
microtonal slides with accuracy. At any rate, Steele felt that pitch levels were but one
of many factors involved in speech, and perhaps not even the most important to
comprehension. This led Steele to drop his expanded musical staff (and consequent
precision in notating quarter tones) when notating speech according to his system:
Though I have given a scale, in my first part, in order to demonstrate with
accuracy, the nature and extent of the slides we make in speech, yet with a little
practice I found, that drawing my slides on the common five black lines was
sufficient (at least for a person who is already a musician and master of the
language) to direct the voice to the proper tones; for there is a great latitude
which may be used without any seeming blemish; as whether the slide runs a
quarter of a tone or three quarters, up and down, more or less, seems of little
consequence, provided the proprieties of (the RHYTHMUS) quantity and
cadence, are duly observed.16
Steele realized that speech intonations were flexible to a degree that rendered such
precision of notation pedantic. He backtracked from the idea of complete accuracy on
page 13 of his book:
15
Steele, Prosodia rationalis, 37.
16
Steele, Prosodia rationalis, 30. An explanation of this terminology will form part of my presentation.
In an attempt so new in our age, as the reducing common speech to regular
notes, it will not be expected that this first essay should be extremely
accurate; for there is a great latitude in the slides not only of different
speakers, but also of the same speaker at different times.
People who play by ear on instruments of music, as well as those who play
by notes, can seldom play their voluntaries a second time without great
variation. Now all people, orators of pulpit, bar, and stage, in respect of the
melody and rhythmus of language, are but as players of voluntaries
exhibiting by ear, having no notes as a test or standard to prove their
correctness, and to measure the degrees of their excellence.17
Steele’s nonchalance in notating many of his examples, including Hamlet’s
soliloquy, may make perfect sense within the context of Prosodia rationalis, but it
is a great frustration for anyone attempting to reconstruct 18th-century
declamation using his book as a guide. In New Orleans, I will present parts of his
‘To be or not to be’, of which he gives three different versions. The first is the
longest, and encompasses the entire text from the words ‘To be! or not to be?’ to
‘Nymph, in thy orisons, be all my sins remembered’. This notated version was not,
according to Steele, meant to record any specific performance by an actor, but
rather his own interpretation:
I shall set it down as I pronounced it, the first lines accented and fully
noted, the remainder with all the other marks of expression, but
without accents.18
Thus, in this first, complete version of the speech, Steele only fully notates
Shakespeare’s text up to the words ‘To die, to sleep’. The remainder is notated in a
simplified manner, without any recourse to a musical staff. The tone proposed
for the drone is indicated at the very beginning; Steele states of Shakespeare’s text
that:
[…] it was one of those which I made my experiment upon with the
bass accompaniment.19
Having notated the entire speech, Steele then gives an alternate, and very different,
reading for the passage ‘To die, to sleep’, once again resorting to the more precise form
17
Steele, Prosodia rationalis, 13-4.
18
Steele, Prosodia rationalis, 39-40.
19
Steele. Prosodia rationalis, 39.
of his notation, that making use of a musical staff (though without tyhe extra lines for
the microtones). Finally, the piece de résistance:
Since writing the foregoing treatise, I have heard Mr. Garrick in the
character of Hamlet; and the principal differences that I can remember,
between his manner, and what I have marked in the treatise, are as
follows:20
Steele, in order to demonstrate these differences in performance style, then notates
three short excerpts of Hamlet’s soliloquy in a simplified notation, as pronounced by
the most famous English actor of the age.
Disappointments
Such detailed ‘recordings’ of even a few words as spoken by Garrick are precious
to the theatre scholar. Despite such treasure, however, a disappointment awaits
the theatrical researcher: Steele’s silence on the matter of (what the French
called) the ‘tons’, being the pitch levels associated with the oratorical expression
of the passions.21 A number of French sources make clear that such links
between specific emotion and specific pitch levels was, at any rate, common
practice amongst French orators (both clergy and thespians), while Hogarth’s
print satirizing religious enthusiasm entitled Credulity, superstition and
fanaticism (1762) seems to indicate that the English clergy knew the practice as
well.22 [see figure 1]
To give a brief description: orators in church and on the French stage made clever
rhetorical use of small-scale inflections (what Steele would call the ‘melody’)
centred around a basic pitch or ‘ton’. The greater the emotion, the higher this
basic pitch. The result was a sliding scale of emotionally charged ‘tons’., around
which the melody of speech-inflection swirled. The normal range of basic
pitches for the orator encompassed anything from the 5th to the octave,
depending on the venue (preachers generally had a more limited range of ‘tons’
than, for instance, actors): in Hogarth’s satirical print, however, this ‘scale of
vociferation’ extends well beyond the octave, to end in the ‘Bull Roar’ of ‘Blood
Blood Blood Blood’.
20
Steele, Prosodia rationalis, 47. This passage is both in An Essay towards establishing the melody
and measure of speech, and in Prosodia rationalis.
21
For an extensive examination of the relationship between ‘tons’ and French opera see: Jed Wentz,
‘An Annotated Livret of Lully’s Roland as a Source for 17th-Century Declamation’, Cambridge Opera
Journal, 25/1 (forthcoming).
22
Andrew Comstock’s later oratorical treatise A system of elocution (Philidelphia: 1841) discusses the
relationship between pitch and melody in Englsih in a most comprehensive way; see pages 38-59.
Comstock made use of Steele’s notational system in two books of his own: Practical elocution (1830)
and The rhythmical reader (1832).
Conclusion
Steele’s ambiguity on the point of the ‘tons’—does his reference to the oratorical
range of a fifth as mentioned in the works of Denis of Halicarnassus refer to
fleeting inflections (‘melody’) or pitch centres (‘tons’)?— is disappointing to the
modern researcher, and his nonchalance in notation is a source of much scholarly
gnashing of teeth. Indeed, it is worth mentioning that a maddening lack of rigour
when employing the notational systems they developed was shared by Gilbert
Austin and Steele. Austin too, used his system less accurately than he could have,
and he even apologized to his readers for notating his oratorical gestures too
copiously and precisely in Chironomia’s examples!
All this tells us much about our own relationship to notation. Today we expect
notation to be used precisely enough to remove almost all need for imaginative
re-creativity on the part of the performer. According to this view, annotators
have the responsibility to guide performers accurately through every twist and
turn of the text: we want to fall into a safety-net of clearly defined rules and
conventions, to lean heavily on the supporting pillars of prescription.
And yet, even without the high level of accuracy that the researcher longs for,
there is more than enough information in Prosodia rationalis to make it a source
of vital importance to those taking up the task of declamatory reconstruction.
During the round table in New Orleans, the sound of Panos Iliopoulos’
computer-generated reconstructions will make this point more clearly than the
mere written word ever can.
Iliopoulos
Figure 1: A detail from William Hogarth’s Credulity, superstition and fanaticism
(1762) showing ‘W—d’s Scale of Vociferation’. A parody of George Whitefield’s
preaching style, the scale stretches over an octave as it rises from ‘Nat[ura]l Tone’
to ‘Bull Roar’; the gaping mouth contains the words ‘Blood’ in quadruplicate.
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01:=.
