march - april 2012 the magazine for uaw members and their families
Transcription
march - april 2012 the magazine for uaw members and their families
MARCH - APRIL 2012 THE MAGAZINE FOR UAW MEMBERS AND THEIR FAMILIES SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 1 Freightliner workers’ persistence pays off for all I COURTESY OF THE GASTON (N.C.) GAZETTE n the late 1980s, Freightliner workers in Mount Holly, N.C., knew they needed a union, but fear and apprehension made openly expressing their wishes difficult. Management was hostile, and they were located in the South, where an often shortsighted business community is traditionally against workers having any say in their workplaces. A group of brave workers started collecting signatures on union cards at the Daimler Truck North America (DTNA) subsidiary’s assembly plant. Little did they know their actions would not only lead to a groundbreaking neutrality agreement to ensure fair elections at other Freightliner facilities, but also to organizing wins, thereby vastly improving working conditions, pay and benefits for their co-workers. UAW Local 5285 members build trucks like these at Freightliner’s Mount Holly, N.C., facility. 14 SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 The Freightliner organizing victories accomplished two other important things: When the economy went sour, workers had an organization and a contract in place to fight Freightliner’s attempts to move their jobs to Mexico – something too few of their fellow Southern workers have. And when Thomas Built Buses (TBB), a Freightliner subsidiary, was shut out of bidding for multimillion dollar bus contracts in North Carolina, because of the UAW’s political activism, they had the ear of important elected officials in the state who ensured the bus maker was allowed to bid. When TBB emerged as successful bidders, even those on the management side had to take notice and understand that this victory was won only because there was a tough union in place that fought for its workers and their company. It’s an example of why neutrality agreements can benefit both workers and management. A close examination of the Freightliner history shows that – just like in the recent auto industry turnaround – when workers and management come together on a common cause, it can benefit workers, management and the communities where they are located. “We know that when workers are given a choice free from management intimidation and interference, they will almost always choose a union,” UAW President Bob King said. “It becomes an easy choice: Do I want a voice in my economic future or not?” UAW Vice President General Holiefield, who directs the union’s Heavy Truck Department, said neutrality agreements like the one negotiated with DTNA, can eventually end up bringing workers and management together on a variety of issues such as health and safety, quality, continuous improvement, training, protecting current work and adding new jobs, and in many other areas. “The reason the domestic automakers were able to achieve a turnaround is that both management and union workers fully understood where each was coming from,” FREIGHTLINER time line June 1989 Workers at Freightliner Truck Mfg. Plant in Mount Holly, N.C., begin a full-fledged drive to join the UAW. The company and national and local anti-union groups soon begin a vicious anti-union campaign. said Holiefield, who also directs the union’s Chrysler Department. “We’re able to work more effectively and efficiently together because we have a relationship that is based on common interests. That doesn’t mean there won’t be differences from time to time, but we’re able to iron out problems in an organized, sensible fashion that prevents the problems from becoming disasters. The same is true at our Freightliner plants.” Early years at Freightliner: No say on the job leads to hard-fought organizing win Why do workers decide to organize? What would make them think that is a good idea, particularly in the South where anti-union groups like the local Chamber of Commerce and national organizations bitterly oppose organizing drives and intentionally spread falsehoods about unions? Workers at the DTNA assembly plant in Mount Holly had had enough of not being listened to. Stanley Roseboro, then a 32-year-old truck assembler, realized there was something terribly unsafe about his job, he told Solidarity magazine in 1991. He was told to perch precariously on a ladder high above the factory floor, something the company called “light duty” as he was recovering from stomach surgery. But he had no place to take his concerns. “I had no one to turn to,” he said. “I felt like I just couldn’t go to my co-workers and say, ‘Let’s start a union.’ It seemed that if you had 10 or more years of seniority, like me, the company just targeted you for discipline.” But he wasn’t alone. Others felt the same way. And it wasn’t about money. “It was the way we were being treated,” Lila White said in 1990. “You were moved from one job to another, you Freightliner continued on page16 April 1990 With 1,350 workers eligible to vote, 652 workers vote in favor of the union, 606 against. UAW Local 5285 is chartered. However, company stalls negotiations. August 1991 Company finally meets with UAW but still stalls; give wage increases to all workers except those represented by the UAW, a labor law violation. April 1991 Local 5285 leadership receives a strong vote of confidence from its membership when 92 percent authorize a strike. Company continues to stall. November 1991 Talks break down after members reject company offer, which was inferior to one its Portland, Ore., workers received. SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 15 Freightliner the Long Haul were told you’re either going to work 10 hours a day, six days a week or be without a job. They’d got to the point where you had to put your job before your family, your children or anything else. If they wanted you in on Saturday, you had to be there.” So the workers contacted the UAW and began collecting cards. And that initial spark of workplace democracy fueled a vicious response from the company. It hired an anti-union law firm. Then rumors about the plant being closed started. People were threatened for signing union cards, and the plant manager intimated that he knew the names of everyone who signed and kept a roster of signees in his office. Captive audience meetings were held to denigrate the union and union organizers. It didn’t work. Workers won their union on a 652-606 vote and certified at UAW Local 5285 in April 1990. Management, shocked by the vote, played hardball when it came to negotiating a first contract and didn’t even make it to the bargaining table until August. They immediately went into delay mode, with company negotiators flying in for a day of talks and then flying back out for weeks. It gave raises to everyone except UAW workers, in violation of federal labor law. The UAW Health and Safety Department, which found numerous safety problems in the plant, couldn’t get anyone in the plant to even talk about the issues. It ended up taking the problems to state health and safety officials. It was obvious that Freightliner had no desire to come to an agreement with its newly organized workforce in Mount Holly. The UAW went on a two-pronged attack, engaging with IG Metall workers in Germany, where Daimler, DTNA’s parent company, is located. IG Metall leaders showed their support by telling corporate officers that if strikebreakers were used in North Carolina, Daim- December 1991 Workers go on strike for 17 days and win their first-ever contract with substantial wage, benefits, and health and safety improvements. The contract was ratified by 99 percent of the membership. December 1994 Mount Holly workers win contracts in 1994, 1997 and 2000 that were advantageous for members, while leaving company with a competitive advantage. 16 SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 ler would have a serious problem in Germany, where the use of strikebreakers is virtually nonexistent. The UAW bargaining team then gave Freightliner officials an ultimatum: Show up at the bargaining table on Dec. 4, 1990, or face a strike. The company refused to negotiate and the strike was on. The North Carolina Chamber of Commerce tried to convince the company to hire permanent replacements. The high point of the strike was a rally with more than 1,000 workers and their families in a crammed high school auditorium that showed the solidarity and spirit of the workers. While the company did its best to try and get workers to cross the line, production was sharply reduced at a time of high year-end demand. It finally relented and agreed on a contract on Dec. 20, 1990, 17 months after workers made the bold step by joining the UAW. Ratified by a 99 percent majority, the workers won greatly improved wages that put them on a par with Freightliner’s Portland, Ore., plant (represented by the Machinists), something the company steadfastly resisted. They won new health and safety standards, a seniority-based layoff and recall program, better medical and dental care, in-plant union representation and a successor clause that means any new owner must honor the existing union contract. Workers like Stanley Roseboro who were fired for union activity were reinstated. But they won even more: They won the right to stand up for themselves and have a say in their workplace lives. Or, as production worker Tommy Elmore said, “We didn’t just take a company contract. We won a UAW contract.’’ And they won six successive UAW contracts with many additional improvements and without major labor unrest as Freightliner reluctantly got used to the idea of having to actually hear their workers at Mount Holly. The membership of Local 5285 doubled from 1990 to 2000. It now April 1999 Workers at Gastonia Parts Mfg. Plant in Gastonia, N.C., begin organizing drive. The day before the drive kicks off, Freightliner awards $1-an-hour increases to all workers at nonunion plants. Daimler Truck North America (DTNA) distributes anti-UAW literature, intimidating workers from even speaking to union organizers. The drive stalls. October 2001 Union supporters launch another organizing drive at Gastonia. A large anti-union group has been formed with the support of Gastonia management. Union supporters are spit on, one is nearly run over with a vehicle and others are threatened with guns. March 2002 The organizing drive culminated in a vote in 2002. More than 60 percent of workers signed cards. The com- COURTESY OF THE GASTON (N.C.) GAZETTE UAW Local 5286 members rally outside Freightliner’s Parts Manufacturing Plant in Gastonia, N.C. stands at 1,499 workers, builds 108 trucks a day and 98.5 percent are union members in a right-to-work state. “Our members know how it feels to have to fight to get a contract,” said Local 5285 President Ricky McDowell. “They want to belong to our union.” But Freightliner remained determined not to have to deal with organized workers at its other facilities. Gastonia and Cleveland: Bitter struggle leads to neutrality Flash ahead to April 1999. Workers at the Gastonia (N.C.) Parts Manufacturing Plant take notice of the wages, benefits and contract provisions that allowed Mount Holly workers to have a true voice in their workplace. pany did not remain neutral and held mass meetings with employees, threatening to close the plant. UAW supporters lost by 24 votes. The UAW filed objections to the election with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) because of the company’s threats to workers. October 2002 In negotiations to settle charges filed in the Gastonia organizing drive, the UAW and DTNA reach Management catches wind of the organizing drive and gives $1 an hour increases to all of its nonunion employees. DTNA hands out anti-UAW literature and successfully intimidates workers to the point where they won’t even talk to union organizers. “The plant manager came through the plant and started pulling individuals aside and started talking to them,” UAW Local 5286 President Scott McAllister said. In October 2001, the UAW launches another organizing drive at Gastonia. An anti-union group within the facility, with support from plant management, is told by the company to do whatever it takes to keep the union out. During the six-month campaign, UAW organizers employee an enforceable neutrality agreement. The company agrees to recognize the union with proof of majority status. January 2003 UAW and DTNA leadership address workers at Gastonia, Cleveland and Thomas Built Buses (TBB), in the plant, on nonwork time and explained the company’s neutrality and the process for organization. In short order, the union reached Freightliner continued on page 18 majority at all three plants, and the union was recognized by the company. June 2003 Workers win a new three-year contract in Mount Holly with critical language that protects against Local 5285 jobs being shipped to Mexico. SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 17 Freightliner the Long Haul UAW-represented SUSAN KRAMER supporters are spit on; one High Point Freightliner plants anti-union employee tries to run over an organizer Cleveland leaving the facility. The Mount Holly UAW, after 60 percent Gastonia North Carolina of workers sign cards, asks for a National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) election. The day before the election, Freightliner’s High Point (Thomas Built Bus): Local 5287 members chief operating officer, Roger Nielson – formerly the Cleveland (Assembly): Local 3520 members plant manager in Gastonia – conducts mass meetings with Mount Holly (Assembly): Local 5285 members all employees and threatens to close the plant. Workers Gastonia (Parts): Local 5286 members in favor of UAW representation lose the election by 24 votes. opposite of Gastonia. The plant manager in Cleveland, But the threats and intimidation by Freightliner manage- who had experience working with the UAW at General ment does not go unnoticed. Motors, Mack Truck and Volvo Trucks North America, “The company’s conduct in the final 48 hours before instructed his managers to stay neutral. Meetings were the vote not only violated the law and neutrality protecconducted at both Gastonia and Cleveland by managetions that DaimlerChrysler agreed to and reaffirmed in ment and UAW leadership. They explained that employwriting,” said King, then a vice president directing the ees were free to make up their own minds, and UAW UAW’s National Organizing Department. “It also stole leaders were given permission to discuss union affiliation from these workers the union rights and recognition they with workers on company property on nonwork time. A deserve.” majority of workers at both plants signed cards within a The UAW files Unfair Labor Practices (ULPs) against short period of time. the corporation for its illegal activities. To resolve the “We know that when workers are given a free, demoviolations, DTNA agrees to a neutrality and card-check cratic choice to vote on union representation in an atagreement for all nonunion DTNA facilities. mosphere without intimidation and threats, they almost always chose to be represented,” said Gary Casteel, Cleveland: A different atmosphere develops director of UAW Region 8, where all UAW-represented The UAW launched an organizing campaign at FreightFreightliner facilities are located. “It isn’t rocket science. liner’s Cleveland (N.C.) Truck Manufacturing Plant in Workers know they come out ahead when they have a say January 2002. The Cleveland experience was the exact in their wages, benefits, health care, health and safety, December 2003 Local 5286 members in Gastonia and Local 3520 members in Cleveland win their first-ever contracts that include plant-closing moratoriums. March 2005 Results of the TBB election are challenged by National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, and an NLRB-supervised election is held in July 2005. Workers win a 59 percent majority and then a first contract in October 2005. 18 SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 August 2008 A petition to decertify the union is filed with the NLRB, and subsequently, a third election is held. Again, workers vote in favor of the union by a 67 percent majority. December 2008 Production at Mount Holly falls below contract requirement that 70 percent of its M2 product be built there instead of Mexico. April 2009 Only 120 workers remain, building four trucks a day in Mount Holly. The union responds by launching a successful public campaign to ask Freightliner customers to insist their trucks be built in North Carolina. A grievance is filed over the contract violations. and other workplace issues. Being able to decide in an atmosphere that is calm and free of threats is critical, and that’s what those neutrality agreements are all about.” In December 2003, first-ever contracts at both facilities were negotiated, and members overwhelmingly ratified the agreements. Successive agreements are signed in 2007 and 2010. In January, Freightliner announced that 1,100 workers would be recalled in Cleveland. Corey Hill, president of UAW Local 3520, said the value of that union contract became very clear to laid-off members: Even though North Carolina, which is a right-to-work state, has very weak labor laws, Freightliner had to call the UAW members back by seniority, all because they had a contract. “Some of these people had been laid off for 3½ years,” Hill said. “They are so happy to get back to a middleclass job. There are a lot of jobs out there that don’t offer a middle-class life.” Thomas Built Buses: Outsiders try to influence workers Old management practices sometimes die hard in the South, and the effort to organize workers at Thomas Built Buses (TBB), a 95-year-old family company acquired by DTNA, was no exception. Numerous pro-union employees were fired for frivolous reasons, and the UAW took up their cause with the NRLB. John Crawford, now president of UAW Local 5287, was one of them. “I wouldn’t be working at Thomas today if it wasn’t for the union,” Crawford said. “I don’t dwell on it. You have to deal with the future.” The UAW returned to TBB located in High Point, N.C., to restart organizing after the dramatic wins in Gastonia and Cleveland. They found workers receptive to joining a union, but beaten down by management and fearful after the treatment of co-workers like Crawford. The treatment of these workers caused the company to remove the vice president of human resources at TBB and replace him with a manager more familiar with working with the UAW. Numerous workers were reinstated. However, plant managers still engaged an outside group called PAI to run an anti-union campaign in the community and distributed anti-union materials inside the plant. Even so, after a year of organizing, pro-union workers were successful in getting a majority of workers to sign cards. After the neutrality agreement, DTNA and the UAW in April 2004 conducted meetings with workers and the UAW had access to speak with workers on nonwork time. The result? A majority of workers signed cards, and the UAW was recognized at TBB. Anti-union groups like to talk about “third parties” and “outside groups” interfering between management and workers. Ironically, the anti-union National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation (NRTWLDF) did just that in March 2005 by challenging the card-check certification in federal court. Negotiations on a first-ever contract soon began, but managers stalled as a group of anti-union workers, supported by outside groups, began by challenging the cardcheck procedure. The Bush administration-led NRLB ruled that workers would have to participate in a secret ballot election. A first contract was finally reached a month later. Workers won that July 2005 election by a 65 percent margin. Then again in September 2009, anti-union workers – again supported by outside groups – began a decertification effort. Pro-union workers won once again with nearly January 2010 Arbitrator rules company violated the contract and orders production returned to the Carolinas with back wages to members affected by the decision. a tumultuous period in the heavy truck industry. Mount Holly is guaranteed 24 trucks a day. Gastonia wins $7 million investment. Cleveland wins a 60-truck per day production minimum. April 2010 The union conducts simultaneous bargaining with Mount Holly, Cleveland and Gastonia, and won new investment and job security, without wage concessions, during October 2011 UAW discovers that bids for North Carolina buses are written in a way that excludes Thomas Built Buses vehicles. Because of the UAW’s political activism, important Freightliner continued on page 20 elected state officials help ensure the bus maker is allowed to bid. When TBB emerges as the successful bidder, even those on the management side have to take notice that this victory was won only because the union fought for its members and the company. January 2012 Cleveland plant announces addition of 1,100 jobs, meaning all laid-off UAW workers will be offered their jobs back before new workers are hired. SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 19 Freightliner the Long Haul 70 percent of the vote. The staunchly anti-union management at TBB were leftovers from the Thomas family and not DTNA. Many of those managers were either terminated or retired, greatly improving the relationship between the company and its workers. The suit filed by the NRTWLDF was tossed out by a federal judge appointed by President George H.W. Bush in 2006. At the height of the recession in 2008, the bus manufacturer laid off about 400 workers. Since then, it has gone through some ups and downs in terms of layoffs and recalls. The company was scheduled to call back 125 production workers in early 2012. “It is very refreshing to be able to call back our laidoff brothers and sisters and give them good news,” Crawford said. “Together the company and union have been working very hard to build an affordable, quality A UAW Local 5287 member works at Freightliner’s product while at the same time providing good-paying Thomas Built Buses facility in High Point, N.C. jobs with great benefits. More local jobs put more despite DTNA’s neutrality agreement. money back into the community and help support Anti-union workers are granted time off from the jobs small businesses in the area.” to hang out and strategize with members of manageCrawford noted that there are some workers still leery of the union, which he attributes to anti-union indoctrination ment. And that old management staple, firing a pro-union worker on frivolous charges to scare other workers, has most people grow up with in the South and old “education” from management that was designed to bash unions been used. Again, the UAW stood up for her by filing a charge with the NRLB. The company was found guilty from an employee’s the first day. But Crawford uses this simple analogy when he talks with workers about unions: of firing her for her union activity. DTNA was ordered to He reminds workers that the local Chamber of Commerce give her full back pay plus interest. There has also been extensive anti-union pressure is a union designed to protect business interests. It is sucexerted by the local Chamber of Commerce and by area cessful because it has money and also because of that its lawmakers. members – the business community – know that the best “These workers have a right to decide on their own ways to accomplish their goals are by working together. whether they want a union. We’re not going to let the rep“They pay dues to promote and protect their interests,” resentatives of corporations make that decision for them,” Crawford said. said the UAW’s Holiefield. “Just like in other hard-fought The relationship between TBB and its unionized workbattles at Freightliner, these workers will one day, too, force is getting stronger as managers get used to having workers have more say in their day-to-day lives in the plant. have a chance to decide on their own.” McDowell, the Local 5285 leader, said these work“It’s better than it’s ever been,” Crawford said. “Is it ers enjoy decent wages and benefits now because of the perfect? No. But it has gotten better.” contracts negotiated by the UAW at other Freightliner facilities. But that could change at the drop of a hat. Freightliner Custom Chassis: “It may be wonderful right now and [they say], ‘We get Same pattern, eventually same result? what they get.’ But sooner or later they will make some cuts Freightliner Custom Chassis, which makes chassis for buses, motor coaches, recreational vehicles and long vans in because you don’t have a union contract,” McDowell said. Gaffney, S.C., stands as DTNA’s lone nonunion facility in Solid contracts and strong advocacy: the United States. But it isn’t because workers don’t want a The value of unions becomes clear to workers union. Once again, the familiar pattern of anti-union activity The heavy truck industry started to nosedive in 2008, within and outside the plant has workers intimidated. In one partly because of the economy and partly because of new instance, the husband of a human resources representative federal regulations that required truck makers to add exhas conducted anti-union meetings in the plant cafeteria. pensive emissions control technology. Many in the market Union representatives are not afforded the same opportunity, 20 SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 COURTESY OF THE GASTON (N.C.) GAZETTE demand. I told him that wasn’t true, that we had all these laid-off workers here. He asked for my name and called me back the next day and told me that his trucks would be built in Mount Holly, and they were.” The arbitrator’s decision came down in January 2010, finding that the company indeed violated the contract. He ordered production returned to the Carolinas and for it to pay back wages to members affected by the decision. “We were blessed to have the UAW contract that protected our jobs and didn’t allow this company to just pack up and leave without paying a price,” McDowell said, adding that exceptional New trucks, built by UAW members at Freightliner’s Mount Holly, support from Region 8 and the InterN.C., facility. national, as well as solidarity from all Freightliner and other UAW locals, was a huge factor in bought their new fleets before the regulations took place as a cost-saving move. As the market went down, Freight- winning this fight. In their current contract, Mount Holly members won the liner sought to cut costs – on the backs of the U.S.-based right to manufacture a minimum 24 trucks a day. If proworkforce. It shipped thousands of jobs to its Mexican duction drops below this number, no other facility, includplant in violation of the UAW contract. But negotiators ing the Mexican plant, can produce any trucks at all. Now, had the foresight to win job protection language in the management and the union send cards to their customers, 2003 contract that required 70 percent of the business jointly thanking them for buying Freightliner vehicles. class truck, its M2 product, to be built at Mount Holly. Similar language was in the Cleveland plant’s contract. Thomas Built Buses shut out; In December 2008, production at Mount Holly fell beUAW forces door open low the 70 percent threshold, and a month later FreightThomas Built Buses utilizes more than 100 suppliers liner idled the plant and sent the jobs to Mexico. By April in North and South Carolina and, on average, $28,000 there were just 120 workers building four trucks a day of the purchase price of each Thomas Built Saf-T-Liner in Mount Holly. The union responded in two ways: It bus remains in the Carolinas. The sale of 12 of the iconic launched a public campaign to ask American companies yellow Thomas Built buses, on average, provides a job to support U.S. workers and insist their trucks be built in for one person for one year, and the sale of 1,000 buses North Carolina. They also filed a grievance, alleging its provides employment for 83 people for a year. contract had been violated. So it made little economic sense for North Carolina McDowell captivated the delegates at the 2010 UAW school officials to look elsewhere to advertise bids on Constitutional Convention with an emotional speech buses when the buses they needed – and the ones that about the plight of workers being laid off at Christmas, of would help the state’s economy the most – were built right lost homes and cars, and what they as a union intended to here. But the specifications for the bids just about shut out do about it: TBB and favored an out-of-state nonunion bus maker. “At one point we found out that Duke Energy, our local “The specs for the bid kind of changed a bit and put us electric company, was buying Freightliner trucks that out of the running,” Crawford said. were built in Mexico. We couldn’t believe that a local One of the advantages of being union, Local 5287’s company was buying trucks built in Mexico after the Crawford said, is understanding the intricacies of all levels community had supported them for so long,” he told of government, something the UAW excels at. When UAW delegates. leaders at Region 8 got wind of the difficulties TBB faced at “I called a representative of Duke Energy myself. He making sure their buses were under consideration for North said Daimler told them that they had to build their trucks in Mexico because Mount Holly couldn’t keep up with Freightliner continued on page 22 SOLIDARITY March - April 2012 21 Freightliner the Long Haul Carolina school district contracts, it sprang into action. The major problem was that the specifications set by the state called for a specific engine type – one TBB doesn’t use. Regional UAW officials contacted Gov. Beverly Purdue, explained the problem, and she quickly understood the true cost of bus contracts that go out of state. The specifications were changed. Would this have happened at a nonunion facility? Crawford doesn’t believe so. Not being organized would have meant that an organized, determined effort to contact North Carolina school officials and explain the problem probably wouldn’t have happened. UAW political activity helped elect Purdue, something probably not lost on the governor when UAW officials came to her UAW Local 5287 members build a new vehicle at Freightliner’s Thomas Built with a problem. Buses facility in High Point, N.C. “She knows their names,” Crawford said of UAW Community Action Program members. when trying to determine whether employees should or The result was a win for everyone. should not be afforded their First Amendment rights to Freightliner: Successful organizing free speech and free association. leads to successful partnerships The UAW clearly played a positive role in saving the The Freightliner organizing campaign stands as one of domestic auto industry when many political naysayers the UAW’s most recent large-scale successes in organizsaid it couldn’t – and shouldn’t – be done. ing manufacturing workers. It has succeeded, first and They would also do well to understand that the UAW foremost, because workers understand – just like busiisn’t a union stuck in tired 20th century, labor-managenesses do – that you are stronger when you stand together. ment rituals. As the UAW’s Principles for Fair Union It has succeeded because of hard-nosed workers who Elections state: even in the face of threats to their economic livelihood “In order to promote the success of our employers, and in some cases, physical safety, wouldn’t back down the UAW is committed to innovation, flexibility, lean and demanded their workplace rights. It has succeeded manufacturing, world best quality and continuous cost because of diligent and intelligent union leadership at all improvement. Through teamwork and creative problem levels that comes up with creative solutions to work with solving, we are building relationships with employers management where and when it can, and to fight in the based upon a foundation of respect, shared goals and a legal and public opinion arenas when it is not possible. common mission. We are moving on a path that no longer As workers at other manufacturing sites, including trans- presumes an adversarial work environment with strict plant automakers, consider whether to join a union, the work rules, narrow job classifications or complicated Freightliner success story is worthy of their consideration. contract rules.” Although employers sometimes focus on the “doomsday” As the UAW has changed, it calls on employers to do scenarios of union representation and what anti-union the same. Neutrality agreements that foster cooperation groups tell them it means, it’s also worth noting the expe- from all parties can forge that sought-after, if clichéd, rience of the Big Three automakers during the auto crisis “win-win” proposition. 22 SOLIDARITY March - April 2012