The Representation of Australia in South Korean Online News

The Representation of Australia in
South Korean Online News: October
2014 – April 2015.
A report for the Australia-Korea Foundation
DrDamienSpry,HanyangUniversity&UniversityofSydney
AssociateProfessorTimDwyer,UniversityofSydney
‘The Representation of Australia in South Korean Online News: October 2014
– April 2015’ is supported by the Commonwealth through the Australia-Korea
Foundation, which is part of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.
TableofContents
Table of Contents ............................................................................................. 2
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................... 4
Executive Summary ......................................................................................... 5
1. Introduction ................................................................................................... 8
Australia’s relationship with South Korea ..................................................... 9
Prior research on Australia’s image and reputation in South Korea ....... 10
Recent matters of concern for Australia’s reputation in South Korea ..... 12
Summary..................................................................................................... 13
2: The Korean online news media .................................................................. 15
Table 1: Daily Circulation Figures (2013) ................................................ 17
Table 2: Newspaper circulation 2002-2014 ............................................. 17
Table 3: Necessary media ...................................................................... 18
Table 4: Internet Newspaper User Traffic (smartphone Users) .............. 20
Table 5: Internet Newspaper User Traffic (PC Users) ............................ 20
Table 6: User Traffic of News Sections, Major Portal Sites (PC Users) .. 20
Table 7: User Traffic of News Sections, Major Portal Sites (Smartphone
Users) ...................................................................................................... 20
3: Key Informant Interviews ............................................................................ 21
Our Approach ............................................................................................. 21
Summary of findings from interviews .......................................................... 21
How much is Australia in the news and which countries receive similar
levels of coverage? ................................................................................. 22
What are the major topics of news about Australia? What are some minor
topics? ..................................................................................................... 22
What are the reasons for these topics receiving more coverage? .......... 23
What are the most popular stories? ........................................................ 24
What are the sources of news about Australia? ...................................... 24
What are other sources of information about Australia? ......................... 25
Summary and observations ........................................................................ 26
4: Online news content analysis ..................................................................... 27
Our Approach ............................................................................................. 27
Table 8: News articles - Totals ................................................................ 27
Figure 1: Articles mentioning Australia in English-language online news
articles, per month ................................................................................... 28
Figure 2: Articles mentioning Australia in Korean-language online news
articles, per month ................................................................................... 28
Analysis of English Language Corpus ............................................................ 29
Our approach - Leximancer ........................................................................ 29
The Leximancer Analysis ............................................................................ 30
Table 9: Ranked concept list (name-like) of English language corpus ... 31
Table 10: Ranked concept list (word-like) of English language corpus
(Relevance < 33%).................................................................................. 31
Figure 3: Leximancer concept map of English-language corpus (Concept
Visibility = 100%; Theme size = 40%) ..................................................... 32
Summary..................................................................................................... 35
2
Analysis of Korean Language Corpus ............................................................ 36
Frequency ................................................................................................... 36
Table 11: Top 20 name-like words .......................................................... 36
Table 12: Top 20 word-like words ........................................................... 37
Centrality ..................................................................................................... 38
Table 13: Frequency, Degree Centrality and Betweenness Centrality of
Top 20 words .......................................................................................... 38
Semantic Network Analysis ........................................................................ 39
Figure 7: Visualisation of semantic network of main concepts identified in
the Korean-language corpus of news articles mentioning Australia ....... 40
Summary..................................................................................................... 41
5: Discussion and Recommendations ............................................................ 42
Key finding 1: Coverage of Australia is higher, and different, in English
than in Korean, and low overall but within expectations. ........................ 42
Key Finding 2: Australia appears mostly in the context of international
trade – either as a trading partner or as a part of a global market or
regional economic bloc. .......................................................................... 43
Key Finding 3: High coverage of the Asian Football Cup appears good
news for sports diplomacy. ...................................................................... 43
Key finding 4: Australia’s role in strategic and security matters appears
less important. ......................................................................................... 44
Key finding 5: Korean reporting on Australia often begins with Australian
reporting on Australia. ............................................................................. 44
Observation 1: News coverage is not the same as public opinion – other
important sources of information about Australia lie elsewhere. ............. 45
Observation 2: There are inherent complications in comparing Korean
and English language texts using computer-assisted textual analysis. .. 45
Appendices. .................................................................................................... 46
Appendix 1: List of key informant interviewees’ organisations ................... 46
Appendix 2 Top name–like words list ......................................................... 47
References ..................................................................................................... 50
3
Acknowledgements
Australia-Korea Foundation
Lee Hyo-Jin (Jinny), Director, Australia-Korea Foundation
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade & Austrade, Australian Embassy,
Seoul
Associate Professor Kwak Ki-Sung, University of Sydney
Dr Fiona Martin, University of Sydney
Assoc Prof. Shim Sung-Wook, Hanyang University
Dr Lee Hyung-Seok, Hanyang University
Professor Park Han-Woo & Kim Ji-Young, Yeungnam University
Professor Kim Shin-Dong, Hallym University
Jeon Seo-Yeon (Tina)
Jeon Eui-Sung (Isaac)
Wendy Haydon
Aidan Wilson
4
ExecutiveSummary
This report presents the details of our research into how South Korean online
news media represent ‘Australia’ (‘Hoju’ in Korean).
It was a multi-method research project (combining key informant interviews
and computational ‘big data’ approaches) offering insight into how online
news is produced and curated in the Korean mediascape. In particular the
data is telling us, albeit within a relatively short timeframe, about what kind of
news stories relating to Australia are being reported in the South Korean
online news media.
In broad terms we’ve found that in Korean online news media sites Australia
lacks a clear identity, and is represented as either:
•
A location where certain ‘Korean’ activities occur, or
•
A (minor) part of the international/regional community.
However, we need to emphasise that this analysis is necessarily a partial
picture of Australia’s total image in South Korea. It is a time-limited snapshot
of how the major online news sites in Korea (Korean and English language
sites) have recently framed Australia as newsworthy.
The six-month research period that was selected for this report (October 2014
– April 2015) offers a brief yet telling window onto how the Korean media, and
specifically online media, report matters relating to Australia.
Although we anticipated that there would be much interest in the Asian
Football Cup (AFC), culminating with Australia and South Korea competing in
the final match in January 2015, we did not foresee the dramatic spike in
news coverage that ensued.
We subsequently formed the view that the impact of this event on Korean
news could easily be underestimated, and suggest that the full value of its
potential contribution to ‘sports diplomacy’ needs to be seriously considered.
The coverage of the AFC potentially offers a significant precedent for other
major international sports events in which Australia is a participant.
The first section of the report provides an outline of Australia’s current and
historical relationship with South Korea, and then moves in the second section
to an overview of the South Korean news mediascape. Section three is an
analysis of a series of key informant interviews undertaken in early 2015 with
journalists and editors from online news media outlets that form the basis of
the key informants data for the report.
5
Section four unpacks the findings of the computer-assisted textual and
semantic network analysis of news articles published online in English and
Korean on the websites of major news media outlets from mid-October 2014
to mid-April 2015.
The report concludes with a series of key findings and observations for
relevant agencies and other actors engaged in the Australia-South Korea
relationship. These are summarised here.
Keyfinding1:CoverageofAustraliaishigher,anddifferent,inEnglishthanin
Korean,andlowoverallbutwithinexpectations.
The implication for those engaged in the field of Australia-Korea relations is
that, clearly, it is not sufficient to rely upon English-language media sources.
The results here do not reflect upon the performance of those who are
working to promote Australia’s image and interests in South Korea. The
modest level of coverage is not less than we might expect from a middle
power in a competitive media market that, when it does cover international
news, is dominated by events involving major powers.
KeyFinding2:Australiaappearsmostlyinthecontextofinternationaltrade–
eitherasatradingpartnerorasapartofaglobalmarketorregionaleconomic
bloc.
Trade relations between Australia and South Korea are a dominant theme in
the corpora analysed. This meets expectations given the importance of the
trade relationship for both countries but also reflects the timing of the
research. During the latter part of 2014 there was considerable coverage of
the finalisation and eventually signing of a Free Trade Agreement between
Australia and South Korea.
Trade enjoys greater prominence and significance in the English language
press than in the Korean.
KeyFinding3:HighcoverageoftheAsianFootballCupisprobablygoodnewsfor
sportsdiplomacy.
The considerable coverage the event received in South Korean online news is
a positive indicator that these kinds of events can be leveraged into other
diplomatic efforts.
While outside the scope of our research, it is understood that this is already
underway: the results here suggest it should continue, and perhaps be further
developed on a case-by-case basis to maximally leverage future opportunities
as they arise – either from major events in Australia or annual international
competitions, like the Asian Champions League, in which Australian teams
compete against South Korean teams.
6
Keyfinding4:Australia’sroleinstrategicandsecuritymattersappearsless
important.
Australia appears in the media coverage of strategic and security matters at a
lower level of importance than coverage of trade relations. Clearly, although
Australia also takes security on the Korean Peninsula most seriously, other
countries – specifically those involved in the Six-Party Talks – assume greater
prominence and have greater relevance in news coverage.
Keyfinding5:KoreanreportingonAustraliaoftenbeginswithAustralianreporting
onAustralia.
News coverage of Australia in Korea can often begin with a news story
appearing in the Australian mainstream English language press or news
wires.
The implication for those engaged in public diplomacy is that it is necessary to
engage in these kinds of stories in Australia, by developing relationships with
Australian media outlets, and by monitoring those stories that are likely to
resonate in Korea.
Observation1:Newscoverageisnotthesameaspublicopinion–otherimportant
sourcesofinformationaboutAustralialieelsewhere.
While it is productive to use news content as a base to develop further lines of
inquiry – including those related to audience perceptions, knowledge and
opinions – to infer that textual content is sufficient in this regard is clearly
mistaken.
Public opinion research is required to address key questions about the level
and nature of Korean knowledge about and attitudes towards Australia.
Blogs and social media content published by Koreans about their experiences
of Australia hold great promise as areas for further inquiry.
Observation2:ThereareinherentcomplicationsincomparingKoreanandEnglish
languagetextsusingcomputer-assistedtextualanalysis.
To the best of our knowledge, there is no currently available software that can
perform a thematic, semantic or lexical network analysis for both English and
Korean language texts. This requires researchers to be conversant if not
expert in interpreting both forms of analyses in order to make meaningful
comparisons. Moreover, it points to the value of working with bi-lingual
researchers. Deeper, contextual analyses of the texts and contexts inevitably
also require expertise in the relevant mediascapes in which the texts appear.
7
1.Introduction
While ties between Australia and the South Korea are well established at the
elite levels of government and diplomacy, the amount of attention given to
Australia, and the types of topics and themes that characterise that attention,
are less well known. The importance of Australia’s image in South Korea is
underscored by the socio-cultural and economic significance of the security
and trade relationships between the two countries, yet there is little research
investigating how Australia and its ties to South Korea are represented in
public discourse. This report seeks to remedy that shortcoming.
Studying news media representation is one way to approach the question of
Australia’s representation in South Korea. Moreover, we would suggest that
news media can shape public discourse, attitudes and actions in a number of
important ways. This occurs principally through setting agendas; selecting,
emphasizing, excluding and elaborating (often referred to as ‘framing’); and
‘priming’ audiences to have certain attitudes or take certain actions.
Therefore, while analysing news media content is no replacement for
audience-based research, it can nonetheless provide meaningful insight into
the ways Australia is represented in South Korean public discourse. It can
also help shape questions and indicate areas for further research that take
into account matters of public opinion and even consumer behaviour.
In keeping with the investigative nature of this report, the methods employed
provide a macro-scale view of the broad topic. The intent is to offer a
snapshot at a distance above the landscape – an initial intelligence overview
that highlights areas of concern and identifies new opportunities and areas of
potential interest. Further research, undertaken with closer attention to the
granularity of the topic and the relationships with public opinions, attitudes and
actions, can be based on our broad sweep of the online news data in this
period.
The report contains the following sections:
• Section One: an outline of Australia’s current and historical relationship
with South Korea;
• Section Two: an introduction to the South Korean news mediascape;
• Section Three: an analysis of a series of key informant interviews
undertaken in early 2015 with journalists and editors from online news
media outlets that form the basis of the key informants data for the
report;
• Section Four: Computer-assisted textual and semantic network
analysis of news articles published online in English and Korean on the
websites of major news media outlets from mid-October 2014 to midApril 2015; and
• Section Five: A summative discussion of the research findings.
8
Australia’srelationshipwithSouthKorea
Australia’s relationship with South Korea exists on a number of levels. Its
security relationship reminds us of the Korean War, during which Australian
military personnel served as part of the United Nations forces, and continues
as part of a broad United States-led alliance system. In 2013, and
subsequently in 2015, the foreign and defence ministers of both countries met
in Seoul. Australia is the only country other than the United States with which
South Korea holds such a ‘2+2’ meeting’.
Full diplomatic relations were established in 1961. South Korea and Australia
share middle power status, reflected in their membership of the G20 group of
nations and more recently in the establishment of the MIKTA (Mexico,
Indonesia, Korea, Turkey and Australia) group of self-identified middle
powers, which aims to further diplomatic relations and consultations on
matters of common interest.
People-to-people ties are important, skewed more towards the presence and
activities of Koreans in Australia than to Australians in Korea. Over 88,000
people of Korean descent call Australia home. South Koreans are the third
largest population of international students, third largest population of working
holidaymakers and eighth-largest population of international tourists in
Australia. There are relatively fewer Australians in Korea, either as students
(approximately 550) or tourists, and interest in Korean Studies among
Australian universities has wavered. There are about 15,000 Australian
citizens living in South Korea, many of whom are dual citizens of Korean
heritage. Support from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT)
through the New Colombo Plan and the Australia-Korea Foundation seeks to
encourage Australians to study, undertake internships and participate in
professional and cultural exchanges in South Korea.
Cultural ties between South Korea and Australia are limited. Aside from
occasional break out successes, such as South Korean rapper PSY’s hit
Gangnam Style, and Australian movie Mad Max: Fury Road, there is not
much of a sense of shared popular culture. The much-vaunted Korean Wave
(Hallyu) of K-Pop and K-Drama that has found such success in much of East
and South-East Asia has a much more limited fan base in Australia, although
Korean indie filmmakers are highly regarded by aficionados. Australian pop
stars and TV soaps fare even worse in South Korea than their Korean
counterparts do in Australia. The sense of distance, even estrangement,
between Australian and South Korean popular cultures is shown by a
somewhat quirky state of affairs wherein the most famous Korean pop star in
Australia, Dami Im, is virtually unknown in her home country, while the most
famous Australian pop culture figure in South Korea, comedian and TV
personality Sam Hammington, is similarly anonymous in Australia.
The most significant relationship between Australia and South Korea is in the
area of trade. South Korea is Australia’s third largest destination for goods
9
exports, primarily iron ore, coal, beef and aluminium, as well as education and
tourism as previously mentioned. On the other hand, South Korea is
Australia’s 10th largest source of goods and services imports, primarily
refined petroleum, motor vehicles and other machinery, making it Australia’s
fourth largest trading partner overall (DFAT, 2015). Year-on-year growth in
Australian exports to South Korea have hovered around 4-5% for the last five
years. The high value of the Australian dollar and the fall of coal and iron ore
prices has led in recent times to falls in the value of those exports. Significant
major contracts to source liquid natural gas (LNG) from Australia should result
in Australia providing around 25% of South Korea’s LNG, up from the current
2%. Investment between Australia and South Korea is relatively small, but
growing and diversifying. The recently-signed Korea-Australia Free Trade
Agreement (KAFTA) is expected to lead to greater levels of two-way
investment.
The trade relationship has flow on effects including an increased presence of
well-known Korean brands in Australia: Samsung, LG, Hyundai and Kia are
household names. Australia is widely publicised in the Korean media as a
destination for tourism and education. In brief, the complementarity of the
economies – Australia as a source of primary goods and a destination for
travel and education; Korea as a source of manufactured goods including
electronics, appliances and automobiles produced by global brands – is
probably reflected in the images that the peoples of the two countries have of
one another, arising from the marketing and promotional activities of the
companies and industry bodies involved.
PriorresearchonAustralia’simageandreputationinSouthKorea
There is little in-depth, scholarly research on Australia’s image and reputation
in South Korea. The most significant study was published in 1998 by Ki-Sung
Kwak, from the University of Sydney’s Department of Korean Studiesi.
Kwak’s research materials and methods included:
•
•
•
•
Korean print media material (in Korean)
o Newspapers – mostly focused on Chosun Daily and Dong-A
Daily
o Magazines – Weekly Chosun; Economist; Women’s Monthly
Korean educational materials – textbooks, readers, encyclopedias
Korean broadcast material
o Scripts (only available from MBC)
o Key informant interviews with representatives from other
broadcasters: KBS, SBS, and MBC
Interviews conducted by the researcher:
o Policy makers
o Selected Koreans who had spent from 6 months to 4 years in
Australia then returned to Korea (e.g. visiting researchers and
students)
o Selected Korean tourists in Melbourne
10
The questions Kwak’s report addressed were:
1. What are the major themes and topics on Australia addressed in
Korea?
2. Which themes and topics have received more attention, and why?
3. What are the contexts in which a change in representations (if any) has
been made?
4. What level of coverage has Australia received?
Kwak’s main findings are summarised in this short extract:
“The principle finding of this research is that representations of
Australia in Korea – specifically in the Korean media – are superficial,
and are primarily confined to exceptional and curious ‘marginalia’ –
something which Koreans would find unthinkable or extraordinary if the
situation were reversed. This is consistent with the central theme to
emerge from the analysis of the research – that the Korean media
tends to respond to Korean’s fixed perceptions and expectations about
Australia” (p. xiii).
In more detail, Kwak’s conclusions were:
•
•
•
•
As a result of the lack of close relationships, collaborations, or
conflicts/controversies between the two nations, Australia has ‘never
been of central importance to Korea’.
Therefore, representation of Australia is based on perceptions of
difference:
o Physical/environmental differences: Australia is ‘vast, remote,
mysterious’.
o Social differences: ‘Australia is racist, advanced (welfare state),
free’.
o Cultural differences: Australia has ‘European roots, a short
history and no identity’. It is not part of Asia.
The image of Australia generally in Korean society relates to school
textbooks and encyclopedias, which claim Australia’s population is
dominated by White Europeans.
There were three ‘phases’ of representation:
o Early 1980s-1988 – increase in coverage due to changes in
migration program, leading to an increase in Korean migration
from 1986. Emphasis on welfare and white Australia.
o From 1988 visit of President Rho Tae-Woo, increase in
coverage of trade links and economic significance. Decrease in
coverage of welfare and white Australia.
o From approx. 1992. Lifting of Korea’s travel restrictions on its
citizens (1989), rise in living standards and disposable income,
direct flights (1990), campaigns by Promotion Australia (1991
onwards), therefore increasing coverage of Australia as a travel
destination and its physical features.
11
•
Overall, there were two contemporaneous yet contradictorily dominant
themes: (1) White, racist Australia as a static element and (2) ‘vague
but positive perception’ (p.4).
It is important to note the following historical contexts for Kwak’s report:
•
•
•
•
The early years of the 1990s in Australia were marked by recession
and general economic malaise while South Korea grew during this time
and had not yet felt the full force of the Asian Economic Crisis at the
time this report was done. Therefore, the relative economic positions of
the two countries were such that Korean views of Australia were those
of a rising power towards a nation struggling in a changing world.
It is different now – the economic and trade relationship is more
important for both. The countries are both members of the G20 and
Australia has had over 20 years of economic growth while South Korea
continues in considerable prosperity, although both face challenges.
The mid-1990s in Australia saw a change in government (1996) to the
Howard Coalition government (John Howard, when Leader of the
Opposition in the mid-1980s, had raised concerns about the rate of
Asian immigration to Australia) and the rise of Pauline Hanson and the
One Nation party, and the electoral defeat of an outward looking
Keating Labor government which sought to bring Australia closer to
Asia.
Since then, both the Howard Coalition government and subsequent
governments of both parties have recognised the importance of trade
and economic ties with Asia, have rejected race-based immigration
programs and, generally, anti—Asian sentiment is marginal in politics
in Australia, although still present in Australian society. There are large
and influential Asian communities in Australia, numerous multi-cultural
families, and important Asian Australians in prominent positions in
business and politics.
RecentmattersofconcernforAustralia’sreputationinSouthKorea
In early 2014, there was some limited discussion in the Australian media
about how Koreans were being told in their media of rising race-hate crimes.
For example, in an article titled ‘Bad Press for Australia in South Korea’ the
author, Rowan Callick, advised that a spate of articles in the South Korean
news agency Yonhap’s coverage was doing considerable damage to relations
between the two countries at a time of increasingly important trade relations,
as seen in the signing of a Free Trade Agreement.ii
Callick noted that articles prepared by Yonhap’s then correspondent in
Sydney included content on:
• the resurgence of a “neo-White Australia”;
• a Liberal candidate of Vietnamese origin being treated as a “secondclass citizen” by the party;
• racist incidents rising 60% in Australia last year;
12
•
•
a woman being charged for a racist tirade against a schoolboy on a
Sydney bus; and
Aboriginal activist Michael Mansell saying it was wrong to celebrate
Australia Day, one of many such issues confronting “Australia’s
government of white men”.
At the time that this article was written Jung Yeol, Yonhap’s Sydney-based
correspondent, was the only Korean journalist in Australia. The way his
stories represented Australia became a matter of concern in diplomatic
circles.
Unease about the reporting of these attacks had previously become apparent
in late 2012, when a series of attacks was covered in the Korean press in a
manner that had left some members of the Australian-Korean community
dismayed. They were concerned that the framing of the coverage would result
in a decline in the numbers of Koreans travelling to Australia – something that
would affect them deeply – and accused “one correspondent from a Korean
news agency for spreading false rumours”iii.
In 2014, Callick wrote: “Jung has editorialised on Australia’s “deeply rooted”
racist ethos, with Koreans among those targeted. Drugs “are widespread
among the society at large”, causing frequent accidents. Australia “has a high
tolerance for homosexuals, which produces a high number of homosexuals
compared to other countries”.iv
In his own defence, Jung Yeol wrote: “Some people...may feel uncomfortable
reading crime articles for reasons of their own. Many governments simply may
want to brush aside or sometimes cover up negative aspects of their country.
That may be why some people have persisted in defaming me as though I’ve
been deliberately writing only negative articles about Australia ... all of my
articles are based on facts.”v
(In our interview with Yonhap News (see Interview Section, below), the deputy
managing editor, who had been Yonhap’s first Sydney-based Australia
correspondent, made the point that correspondents act largely autonomously,
bringing their own skills and interests to their work.)
In response to the Yonhap articles by Jung Yeol, the then Deputy
Ambassador, Brendan Berne, emphasised the maturity and productivity of the
Australia-Korea relationship: “Korea is Australia’s third-largest export market,
and it is the second-most-important security partner after the United States”.vi
He noted KAFTA, the “2+2” meetings, MIKTA and Australia’s popularity as the
number one working holiday destination for Koreans.
Summary
The relationship between Australia and South Korea is very strong at the elite
and institutional level. Both Australia and South Korea have important reasons
for maintaining, if not strengthening, this relationship and both are proactively
engaged in public diplomacy programs to do so.
13
However, there remains a disconnect between this strong elite relationship
and the apparently limited interest in and knowledge of Australia among the
broader Korean public. This can be largely explained by the predictable
difficulty Australia has in competing with other nations, especially the major
powers, for attention. Additionally, there are a series of misperceptions about
Australia that can easily gain currency given this underlying lack of deep
knowledge, which may be of concern and which may be able to be addressed
(indeed, have been successfully addressed on at least one occasion) as part
of Australia’s public diplomacy efforts.
14
2:TheKoreanonlinenewsmedia
Various researchers have written about the distinctive success of the Korean
online media including socially networked media, and how it serves as a
benchmark for other Asian countries.
It has become widely known that Korea has a unique Internet culture based
on its high-speed Internet infrastructure. In these conversations, Korea’s
highly-developed Internet environment is seen as emerging from the country’s
history of rapid democratisation and cultural transformation.
For example, Park et al (2010) have researched Korean Internet regulation in
considerable depth. They have found that “Korea is a highly networked
country, but Internet use has been strongly regulated”vii. In Korea the majority
of online platforms require a valid national ID number (and the real name) for
verification when users first register. This system has gained traction in the
wake of serious online social problems relating to defamatory language and
rumour mongering, including the slander of celebrities, and suicides linked
with these communications.
From that perspective, the Korean Communication Commission (KCC)
regulates the online industry, including the two biggest portals in Korea, Naver
and Daum Kakao (now called ‘Kakao’). Content is closely monitored by the
KCC, and our research confirms that news content on the portals is required
under Korean law to be redistributed rather than originally produced. There is
minimal editorial intervention, which amounts to story selection, packaging
and layout. This means that the portals, as the major destinations for news
seeking audience, are essentially redistributing news from news organisations
including Yonhap, Chosun or Joongang.
Indeed, South Korea’s digital mediascape could be validly described as a
highly trendy one; the latest digital fad will just as soon arrive, as it will
disappear. It is, however, widely recognized as one of the most wired nations
in the world, and its popular culture, and ‘K Pop’ in particular, is seen globally
as a new media phenomenon. In February 2015, the latest trend was the
watching of short drama episodes, streamed on mobile devices hosted on
Naver. So this willingness to embrace new media forms, platforms and
devices can be seen as very much constitutive of Korea’s digital mediascape.
It was recently reported that the state-run Korea Creative Content Agency
(KOCCA) is nurturing this emerging genre as a driver of Hallyuviii. To this end,
KOCCA have entered into a Memorandum of Understanding with Naver to
subsidise the production of these short web dramas. The intention is that
KOCCA will source promising drama content and then Naver will provide the
platform. This investment connects with a history of state support to boost the
South Korean creative and media industries. It is consolidating and fostering a
media consumption trend towards snack culture: increasing online viewing of
15
short-form video production. The state-run broadcaster, KBS, has a
partnership with the number two Internet portal, Kakao. Apart from promoting
Korean culture, the intention is to develop sustainable business models for
video drama, such as subscription IPTV.
Mixed with cultural edginess though are other unique political-economic
traditions, South Korea’s new media is deeply influenced by the country’s
modern political and economic history. The press was tightly controlled under
successive authoritarian governments until many restrictions were lifted when
the Basic Press Law was repealed in 1987. Democratisation and a more open
outlook to global media led to an increase in the range of media sources (local
and international) throughout the 1990s.
Yet the South Korean press are still subject to direct and indirect pressure
from the government, including through criminal defamation and national
security laws, leading to international media watchdog Reporters Without
Borders ranking South Korea 60th in its press freedom index. Newspapers in
Korea are also divided along political lines – the leading, mainstream
newspapers, Chosun, JoongAng and Dong-A, are generally conservative and
broadly supportive of the major Korean business conglomerates, called
chaebol. In return, the chaebol offer support (in the form of advertising
revenue) for favourable (or limits on unfavourable) coverageix. The
conservative leanings of some of the Korean news media were briefly
mentioned in the interviews conducted for this report. In short, this is not a
major consideration for the representation of Australia in South Korea.
Daniel Tudor, the former Korea correspondent for The Economist, has written
that South Korean media tends to contribute to an atmosphere of political
division. He notes in relation to traditional media: “There are five major
national newspapers: Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, Dong-A Ilbo, Hankyoreh,
and Kyunghyang Shimun. The first three are the most popular, with over two
million daily copies sold each. They are also all editorially right-wing. Left-wing
critics lump the three together as one, taking the first syllable of their names to
make the pejorative composite word Chojoongdong though in reality the
JoongAng is more moderate than the Chosun or the Dong-A. The Hankyoreh
and Kyunghyang Shimun are left-wing and less popular”.x
The Korean online newspapers analysed in this report are included in Table 1.
The circulation figures here include Korean and English editions; the figures
for English-language editions of JoongAng Daily and The Korea Times were
not provided separately from their Korean-language parent publications,
which are much larger.
16
Table1:DailyCirculationFigures(2013)
Newspaper
Chosun Ilbo
JoongAng Ilbo/Daily
Dong-A Ilbo
Hankook Ilbo (The Korea
Times)
The Korea Herald
Net Press Run
1,757,006
1,263,681
907,090
230,769
Paid Copies
1,294,239
811,083
707,346
158,858
31,715
21,416
Tudor’s general view of the news media in South Korea is that there is only a
limited free press and the majority of outlets “lack balance and moderation.
They present the same basic news but with different biases”xi. The power of
the chaebol within South Korean society means “harsh criticism of the likes of
Samsung or Hyundai is rare in the mainstream media. If 20% of one’s
advertising revenue comes from one company, one is very unlikely to criticize
that company”.xii
Online news sources have become more important since the turn of the
century (see Table 2) and the major Internet portals are considered to be a
threat to the business models of the legacy press. Tudor cites the ‘citizen
reporter’ news site ‘Ohmynews.com’ as evidence of the existence of a leftwing media. He notes that in 2011/2012 the site had some 600,000 unique
users per day, and 75,000 contributors.xiii In the intervening years the site met
with severe financial problems, with the English language site being shut
down and archived.
Table2:Newspapercirculation2002-2014xiv
17
Overall, the influence of online sources of news poses growing challenges to
legacy media and the established institutions with which they are aligned.
More than in some other industries (for example, electronics, automobile
manufacturing and heavy industry) these upstarts are demonstrating
considerable resistance to the usually over-whelming power of the chaebol.
Notably, the largest Internet company, Naver, pointedly declined invitations
from the Federation of Korean Industries (FKI) – composed of the major
Korean chaebol – to join the key umbrella industry group. Naver instead
remains a member of the Korea Medium Industries Association and publicly
states its goal is to support the development of an ‘Internet ecosystem’ and
the growth of small and medium businessesxv.
Table3:Necessarymediaxvi
18
A related major trend is the generational shift away from print and broadcast
media towards consumption of news on electronic devicesxvii. As Table 3
indicates, television (46.3%) remains regarded as a daily necessity by the
largest number of people, but the combination of smartphones (37.3%) and
desktop/notebook (12.9%) exceeds this, and towers over other legacy media
such as newspapers (1.4%) and radio (0.9%). Growth in smartphone use will
likely exacerbate this trend towards mobile consumption. Notable also are the
different responses according to age: television is much more important for
older Koreans in their 50s (73.7%) and 60s (93.2%); smartphones, and to a
lesser extent desktop/notebooks, are more important for younger Koreans in
their teens (61.8% for smartphones; 21.1% for desktop/notebooks), 20s
(67.3%; 16.6%), and 30s (51.3%; 20.9%).
These figures suggest that smartphones are more important but choosing one
media as a necessity does not consider how it is used and therefore regarded
as necessary. It is easy to imagine that reading the news is not regarded as
more important than, for example, staying in touch with friends and family. Nor
does it preclude more than one medium being used and relied upon. Still,
these figures accord with the generally held view that broadcast media,
including news, is increasingly accessed electronically via the Internet, either
through a Smartphone application or a web browser. Most news content still
originates from either a newspaper (or similar, i.e. a newsmagazine) or a
news wire service, such as Yonhap. The news portals in South Korea do not
have newsrooms or any reporting (in fact, their ‘distributor’ legal status
prevents them under government regulation from doing so). Professional and
personal blogs are also very popular sources of news and information in
South Korea. Blogs hosted on the portals are typically the most popular for
the so-called ‘angry 20-40 year old’ demographic. These are widely read and
shared on Twitter and via messaging apps such as Kakao and Line (Naver).
A minor additional point is that accessing news portals and information
browsing are carried out on both portable and mobile media. Smartphones
are more popular when commuting or at home when there is no
desktop/notebook available or it is simply more convenient or private.
Desktops and notebooks are more likely to be used during office workers’
notoriously long days, especially on the frequent occasions when a worker is
expected to remain at his or her desk, with little to do, trying to appear
occupied and dedicated (and therefore staring at the bigger screen on the
desk and not the smaller screen in their hand) while they are waiting for their
boss to leave so that they may also finish up and go home.
User Traffic figures suggest that, despite the overall preference for
smartphones over desktop/notebooks, news is more often accessed via a
desktop/notebook (referred to as ‘PC’ in Tables 4 through 7 below) than on a
smartphone. This is the case for both Internet newspapers and news content
on the major Internet portals. Of parenthetical note is the difference in the
ranking of the Internet newspaper sites on smartphones (where the JoongAng
newspapers is the most popular) compared with PC users (where Chosun,
the leading newspaper, is restored to the top spot and JoongAng relegated to
19
third). This is probably a product of the different demographic employment
profiles of the respective newspapers’ readerships.
Table4:InternetNewspaperUserTraffic(smartphoneUsers)
Domain
Unique Visitor
(person)
3,599,841
Joins.com
(JoongAng)
Donga.com
3,401,771
Chosun.com
2,668,798
Yonhapnews.co.kr
2,367,441
Hankooki.com (The
2,322,227
Korea Times)
[2014.6] Source from Nielsen Koreanclick
Total Page View
(1,000 Page)
29,987
Average Page View
(Page)
8.33
78,058
17,887
18,875
11,953
22.95
6.70
7.97
5.15
Table5:InternetNewspaperUserTraffic(PCUsers)
Domain
Unique Visitor
(person)
8,583,117
7,749,612
5,846,312
Chosun.com
Donga.com
Joins.com
(JoongAng)
Hankooki.com (The
5,731,420
Korea Times)
Yonhapnews.co.kr
3,505,787
[2014.6] Source from Nielsen Koreanclick
Total Page View
(1,000 Page)
309,663
104,957
127,783
Average Page View
(Page)
36.08
13.54
21.86
42,393
7.40
14,435
4.12
Table6:UserTrafficofNewsSections,MajorPortalSites(PCUsers)
Domain
Unique Visitor
(person)
Naver.com
16,920,365
Daum.net
13,714,056
Nate.com
5,750,362
[2014.6] Source from Nielsen Koreanclick
Total Page View
(1,000 Page)
1,662,551
1,641,555
580,787
Average Page View
(Page)
97.26
119.70
101.00
Table7:UserTrafficofNewsSections,MajorPortalSites(SmartphoneUsers)
Domain
Unique Visitor
(person)
Naver.com
10,672,048
Daum.net
6,968,099
Nate.com
3,363,240
[2014.6] Source from Nielsen Koreanclick
Total Page View
(1,000 Page)
1,489,063
664,932
337,780
Average Page View
(Page)
139.53
95.43
100.43
20
3:KeyInformantInterviews
OurApproach
In the course of our research for this report, we interviewed Korean news
producers (editors and journalists) from newspapers and wire services. The
interview subjects varied in seniority from Senior Executive (e.g. Managing
Editor) to Reporter. The interviews took place in Seoul and Sydney during
February and March 2015. They were conducted in English with interpretation
as required by the interviewees.
The interviewees who participated were contacted by a Research Assistant.
Some interviewees were known to the Assistant, while others were contacted
through the reception of the news outlet. All interviewees who agreed to
participate and were available during the interview period were interviewed.
This is certainly not intended to be a representative sample; it is a
convenience sample and should be considered in that light. Nonetheless, we
feel that the interviewees were very well informed about their respective news
organisations, and therefore provided considerable insight into the operation
of the media in South Korea. However, consistent with the assumptions of this
report, the findings here can be considered as investigative.
The interviews followed a semi-structured format. The interviewees were
supplied with a list of questions by email before the interview date. These
questions formed the basic structure of each of the interviews. Some minor
variations in the format occurred as questions were answered out of order as
part of answers to related questions, and as answers provided prompted
additional questions. All interviewees were advised of their right to
confidentiality and to remove consent at any stage.
Owing to the relatively small sample and the request by some participants to
be de-identified, at least for some answers, we consider it impossible to
guarantee anonymity if any of the participants are identified. We are able to
name some of the news outlets that participated. These are: Yonhap; Korea
Times; Korea Herald; JoongAng Daily; Chosun Ilbo. Furthermore, in the
reporting of the interviews, we have chosen to alter the quotes only for the
purposes of de-identifying the speaker and, where appropriate, to make minor
corrections of grammar or syntax to convey the meaning more effectively. We
have attempted to do so with a light touch, and some phrases remain that
depart from how a typical native speaker might have articulated the same
idea.
Summaryoffindingsfrominterviews
These findings are based more upon impressions and individual expertise
than quantifiable data provided by the interviewees. They therefore reflect the
personal assessments of the interviewees at the time of the interview.
21
The interviews suggest there are a number of major themes that characterise
representation of Australia in Korean news. These are themes that appeared
consistently across all interviews. There were also a number of minor themes.
These are summarised here according to the general questions that prompted
them, with examples from the interview subjects provided.
HowmuchisAustraliainthenewsandwhichcountriesreceivesimilarlevelsof
coverage?
• International news coverage is dominated by the United States, China
and Japan.
“America is the top agenda. There’s not much room left for any other country.
America, China, Japan, and then the rest.”
•
Australia lies somewhere near or just below major European countries,
or around the same level as Latin American or South East Asian
countries. Interviewees suggested Australian is roughly on a par with
countries like Argentina, India, New Zealand, Thailand or Hungary.
•
This changes when significant events (see point 2) impact on interest
and therefore coverage. Events mentioned include:
o FTA negotiations
o The Asian Football Cup
o Attacks on Koreans in Australia
“When for example, there is an introduction of a Bill regarding the FTA with
Australia, then the number of articles tended to spike.”
“Soccer! Recently there are so many articles. I didn’t realise there were so
many Koreans in Australia!”
WhatarethemajortopicsofnewsaboutAustralia?Whataresomeminortopics?
• The three main topics are: diplomatic or consular events; trade matters;
and attacks on Koreans in Australia.
•
Minor topics include: sports; political changes in Australia; and matters
indirectly affecting trade such as the impact of drought on crops.
•
Diplomatic and consular events and stories are usually covered by a
local reporter, typically a Diplomatic Reporter or an Arts & Culture
Reporter or similar, depending on the nature of the event.
•
Diplomatic and consular stories are regarded by some as hard news
stories; they are considered to be promotional pieces, not always of
interest to Editors looking for ‘real news’. Alternatively, others pointed
22
to these types of activities as ways to develop relationships and learn
more.
“I tend not to pay much attention to stories that are promotional in nature.”
•
Some specific events, such as the Australia Day function, featuring
Korean-Australian performer Dami Im, were cited as positive examples
of occasions when more attention was paid to Australian diplomatic
and community presence in South Korea. (This event had taken place
in the weeks immediately preceding the interviews.)
•
Relations between South Korea and Australia related to trade matters
featured in most interviews. This was particularly associated with
stories about KAFTA. This is unsurprising given that these negotiations
had successfully been completed and the agreement was a matter for
consideration by the Korean congress. Sensitivities about free trade
agreements could be expected given past protests associated with
similar agreements with other countries, notably the United States.
Evidently, levels of concern about KAFTA were much lower.
•
All interviewees mentioned attacks on Koreans in Australia while on the
working holiday visas or as tourists. These were mentioned as being a
very small number of incidents but the most popular among the readers.
Some interviewees noted that the attacks had been reported as acts of
racism.
Whatarethereasonsforthesetopicsreceivingmorecoverage?
• The reasons for the selection of stories to cover are those typically
associated with news values, namely:
o Is it of interest to people?
o Is it sufficiently newsworthy for people to know?
o Is it likely to be popular – specifically, will the story get a large
audience/readership and be shared via social media?
“One, are Koreans interested. Two, is the Korean government interested.
Three, will it get attention from readers.”
•
The reasons for the type of coverage vary and are less clear, although
there is some suggestion that, in some cases, the personal opinions,
attitudes and experiences of the reporters and editor’s involvement
contribute to the framing of the story.
•
This is most clearly the case in relation to reporters or correspondents
who have had either positive or negative direct experiences in Australia
and/or with Australians.
•
One interviewee discussed a reporter’s negative experience of racism
while in Australia affecting his family and was of the opinion that his
23
coverage was strongly affected by that. It was “too excessive. There
was no proof”.
•
Another interviewee spoke of the close friendship he enjoyed with an
Australian living in Seoul, and of the positive role model that Australian
celebrity Sam Hammington represented.
•
Other interviewees suggested that Korean news media appealed to a
certain narrative about Australia that combined a sense of distance and
difference with fears of violence related to racism.
“I think it’s always been this faraway land where they have exotic wildlife but
it’s dangerous.”
“When something bad happens to Koreans overseas, the Korean media
usually amplified, exaggerate somehow the facts.”
Whatarethemostpopularstories?
• The consensus is that news about Koreans at risk or having been
attacked in Australia are the stories that gain the widest audience.
•
These stories were reported as being popular for a day or two. (By
contrast, one interviewee noted that stories about K-Pop Idols
remained popular and were accessed for years.)
•
For stories which had follow-up related events, such as the funeral of
the Korean woman murdered in Brisbane, these events were also
covered.
•
There was little confidence that other stories about Australia were
popular.
WhatarethesourcesofnewsaboutAustralia?
• As above, diplomatic and locally generated stories are associated with
promotional activities by the Australian Embassy and are covered by a
local desk.
•
International stories are typically provided by a correspondent
(Yonhap) or news wires services. On some occasions, additional
resources are added to cover special events, but not often.
•
The correspondents’ sources for coverage from Australia were usually
Australian (or, to a lesser extent, international) media and wire services.
The sense is that there is no direct reporting by journalists seeking
information from official sources or attending media events like press
conferences in Australia.
24
•
The significance of this is worth highlighting: on occasions when stories
that have a large impact on Koreans in Australians occur, such as
violent attacks, it is almost certain that (a) there will be a great deal of
interest from the Korean press and (b) the Australian press coverage
may not meet the level of interest from the Korean media audiences.
This is exacerbated by the need for constantly updated reporting to
meet the expectations of online, 24-hour news services.
•
In these instances, Korean coverage looks elsewhere for sources of
news and reporting (see below), and these perhaps unreliable reports
can spiral into increased hysteria.
"As we embrace the online media, we have to rush things up by placing more
stories about sensational items…. We do not have reliable sources. We have
to produce news stories. So what we are doing is in many cases we rely on
other Korean media reports which are based on other Korean media reports
so its kind of circling around without anyone getting really involved or anyone
checking the facts. So that's really bad cycle."
WhatareothersourcesofinformationaboutAustralia?
• In contrast to earlier studies (e.g. Kwak), there is no sense that school
or history textbooks remain primary or significant sources of
information or ideas (positive or negative) about Australia.
• There is a strong sense that blogs and online chat rooms are the most
influential sources of information about Australia, especially for younger
people but also for reporters.
"I don't think many (younger) Koreans rely on history books or textbooks, they
rely on blogs."
•
•
The information and opinions published in chat rooms are accessed via
a log-in and therefore unsearchable [or ‘inconsistently searched’] by
Search Engines and are not included in the news corpus that was
analysed in this report.
Chat room content is largely personal opinion and accounts of
experiences of Koreans, typically tourists, students and working holiday
makers in Australia. Often these topics were available on the main
content portals, Naver and Daum.
“A lot of information is hidden from global search engines because we have a
lot of online communities with limited access. Within those communities they
share their feelings about when they did some working holiday stuff in
Australia.”
"These posts on Australia by individuals are kind of the main driving force
shaping the mainstream idea about what Australia is and how safe it is to go
there in terms of tourist spots or study or stuff like that."
25
•
It is noted that these sites remain important sources of information that
can be searched by members of those online communities.
•
This was considered a potential asset for Australia by one interviewee,
and a significant risk by another.
“There is a great influx of Koreans taking advantage of the working holiday
program and studying abroad. I think that’s a very important aspect. They
have experience studying in Australia. They are bound to have some negative
opinions about your country but in general I think they come away with
positive views. You have a growing army of Koreans who would serve you, if
they don’t at the moment, as great ambassadors to your country.”
Summaryandobservations
According to the key informant interviews we conducted:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Australia is a middle-ranked country in terms of media interest,
comparable with some European and South-East Asian countries, and
will generally find it difficult to compete for attention with the United
States of America, China and Japan;
Trade and public diplomacy are covered as a special feature in English
language news;
Racism and violence appear as defining features of memorable and
impactful stories from Australia;
There is little interest in Australia’s role in strategic or defence matters;
Little reporting is done from Australia and most content is taken from
other media sources; and
Online sources from Koreans in Australia, including bloggers and social
media users, are sources of reported news and direct sources of
representations of Australia.
26
4:Onlinenewscontentanalysis
OurApproach
The analysis of the news content was carried out from mid-October 2014 to
mid-April 2015. We analysed the news stories published on the English
language sites of Chosun Ilbo, Dong-A Ilbo, JoongAng Daily, Korea Herald,
Korean Times and the Yonhap news wire service, and the Korean languages
sites of the Chosun Ilbo, Dong-A Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and the Daum and
Naver news portals. Using data scraping software, every story that was
published on any of these sites was downloaded and stored during the survey
period. This resulted in 414,848 news stories being collected in the study
period.
The complete corpus of articles published online during the survey period was
firstly separated into English and Korean texts and then limited to those
articles that included search terms ‘Australia’ (and variations thereof, such as
‘Australians’ and ‘Australia’s’) and state and territory capital cities – Sydney,
Melbourne, Perth, Adelaide, Brisbane, Hobart, Darwin and Hobart.
This resulted in a corpus of 1240 news articles in English and 8067 in Korean
(Table 8). Broadly speaking, the discrepancy in the number of articles
between languages can be explained by noting that the English language
sites are catering to a range of English language readers, while the Korean
language sites can be taken as a more accurate snapshot of the proportion of
Australia-related news stories in the total Korean news mix.
Table8:Newsarticles-Totals
Newsoutlet
Chosun(English)
Donga(English)
Joongang(English)
KoreaHerald(English)
KoreaTimes(English)
Yonhap(English)
Total(English)
Chosun(Korean)
Daum(Korean)
Donga(Korean)
Joongang(Korean)
Naver(Korean)
Total(Korean)
Total
number
3599
1232
2906
11703
2046
6071
27557
87366
90665
90424
82305
36531
387291
‘Australia’
number
129
62
102
568
50
329
1240
1794
1788
1837
1906
742
8067
Percentage
Australia/
Total
3.6
5
3.5
4.9
2.4
3.8
4.5
2.1
2
2
2.3
2
2.1
Total
414848
9307
2.2
27
Figure1:ArticlesmentioningAustraliainEnglish-languageonlinenewsarticles,per
month
350
300
250
Chosun
200
Dong-A
150
100
50
Joongang
KoreaHerald
KoreaTimes
Yonhap
0
Total
Figure2:ArticlesmentioningAustraliainKorean-languageonlinenewsarticles,per
month
3000
2500
2000
Chosun
1500
Daum
1000
500
0
Donga
Joongang
Naver
total
28
AnalysisofEnglishLanguageCorpus
Ourapproach-Leximancer
Leximancer identifies keywords that ‘travel together in the text’ (Leximancer
Manual, Version 4, p. 10) and groups them together into a ‘concept’. For
example, in the corpus analysed here the concept ‘North Korean’ includes, as
‘high-scoring words’: ‘North Korea’, ‘North Korea’s’, ‘sailors’, ‘moratorium’,
‘corvette’, ‘atomic’, and ‘Northeast Asia Peace Cooperation Initiative’.
(The keywords ‘sailors’, ‘corvette’ are closely associated with North Korea due
to the 2010 torpedo attack on the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010
which resulted in the deaths of 46 sailors. ‘Moratorium’ refers to United
States’s deputy negotiator on North Korea’ nuclear issues, Sydney Seiler,
calling for a moratorium on nuclear and missiles tests, and ‘atomic’ also
relates to reports on the North Korean nuclear weapons programs, while
‘Northeast Asia Peace Cooperation Initiative’ refers to efforts at regional
cooperation that have been hampered by North Korea’s destabilising
influence.)
‘High-scoring’ keywords associated with ‘Australia’: ‘Tim Cahill’, ‘Robbie
Kruse’ (Australian nation football/soccer players), ‘Ange Postecoglou’
(Australian national football/soccer coach), ‘Newcastle’, a venue for the Asian
Football Cup, ‘from Myanmar’ and ‘from Beijing’ (locations from where Korean
President Park Geun-hye was flying to Australia to attend the G20 Summit),
and, oddly, ‘Denmark’ (Australian is grouped with Denmark in numerous
stories, including the Global Green Growth Institute, Korean adoptees abroad,
participation – as co-members of the United Nations Command – in military
exercises with South Korean and the United States, and the availability of the
streaming service Netflix).
‘High-scoring’ keywords associated with ‘Australian’: ‘Julie Bishop’ (Australia’s
Foreign Minister), ‘Minjee Lee’ (Korean Australian golfer), ‘Andrew Chan’ and
‘Myuran Sukumaran’ (Australians executed in Indonesia for drug trafficking)
and ‘Iggy Azalea’ (Grammy-nominated and best selling rapper).
High-scoring words are words that occur more frequently in sentences
containing the concept in comparison with how frequently they occur
elsewhere. Therefore, Foreign Minister Julie Bishop’s high score does not
indicate she frequently appears in the corpus, but that she is highly
associated with the concept ‘Australian’.
If enough relevant keywords are present in a sentence, Leximancer tags that
sentence with the concept associated with those keywords. The concept
definitions are also used to determine how frequently concepts co-occur in the
text. This is used to create the concept map.
29
The top concepts (indicated by a percentage figure, which is scalable) are
those that appear most frequently and are most-connected with other
concepts. Concepts that appear together often are ‘attracted’ to one another
and so appear closer together in the concept map. Concepts that are proper
nouns are written with a capital first letter. All other concepts (verbs, objects
etc.) are not capitalised. The ‘visibility’ of the concepts shown on the map is
based on measures of how ‘important’ they are in the corpus.
As noted by Fisk et al (2014) “A feature of Leximancer’s analysis is its
reliability, assessed in two ways: stability and reproducibility. Stability is
equivalent to inter-coder reliability... Leximancer is consistent in the way it
classifies text and identifies the relationships between concepts; the same
result is produced no matter how many times a data set is coded and
recoded”xviii.
The clusters of co-occurring concepts are grouped by Leximancer into
‘themes’. The themes are heat-mapped according to how important the
themes are: the most important appearing in red, then orange, and so on
according to the typical light (rainbow) spectrum. A setting allows the theme
size to be adjusted to show either more, narrow themes or fewer, broad
themes. This is initially set at 33%. We set the theme size at 25%, 50% and
75% for comparative purposes. The theme names are initially taken from the
most frequent and connected concept within that theme circle. (So, if the size
of the theme is changed, the theme name may also change.) It is possible to
manually change the theme name. We initially left these theme names
unchanged.
Links between concepts, represented on the concept map as a grey line
connecting the concepts, show a co-occurrence connection. The connection
between two concepts that are not directly linked can be illustrated through a
‘Knowledge Pathway’ function. The path between two concepts appears as a
black line, connecting through the network by connections between a series of
related concepts. Each connection is based on the most likely link between
the two concepts, and the contribution of each link to the pathway is provided.
TheLeximancerAnalysis
The 1240 articles were loaded into the Leximancer analysis software, and an
initial exploratory analysis undertaken using the default settings and without
any customisation of data. After a first run identified three terms (‘http’, ‘www’,
‘â’) that were present in the corpus but clearly not relevant content from the
articles, they were deleted from the list of concepts.
The analysis was re-run excluding these concepts and the results were
examined using the Leximancer concept-mapping display function.
The top ranked name-like concepts, in order of frequency of occurrence,
were: Australia, South Korea, China, Korea, Seoul, Japan, Park, South
Korean, Korean, North Korean, United States, Yonhap, Lee, Chinese,
30
Australian, AFP (see Table 9). The top ranked word-like concepts, in order of
frequency of occurrence, were: year, match, countries, team, trade, time,
percent, free, view, summit, players, people, government, country,
international, meeting, final (See Table 10).
Table9:Rankedconceptlist(name-like)ofEnglishlanguagecorpus
Table10:Rankedconceptlist(word-like)ofEnglishlanguagecorpus(Relevance<
33%)
31
The Leximancer concept map presented is set to show 100% of the available
recognised concepts, and (after some experimentation) we chose to set the
theme levels at 40%, a moderate choice, which includes some minor themes
as well as giving a strong sense of the major themes. The clearly dominant
theme, as shown by the size of the theme and Leximancer’s attribution of the
heat map colour red is ‘countries’, followed by ‘South Korea’, ‘match’,
‘officials’, ‘work’, ‘people’, ‘won’ and ‘military’. The emergence of ‘countries’ –
which includes concepts such as China, Japan, United States, market, global,
market and growth – as the foremost theme in the corpus strongly suggests
that international trade is the dominant frame in which news referring to
Australia appears. That ‘Australia’ as a concept is not included in this theme,
but is located spatially closer to South Korea as a concept and included in
South Korea as a theme, suggests however that Australia is present in a
variety of contexts beyond international trade, and it is almost certainly
‘dragged’ towards the theme of ‘match’ as a result of the coverage of the
Asian Football Cup.
Figure3:LeximancerconceptmapofEnglish-languagecorpus(ConceptVisibility=
100%;Themesize=40%)
Gurney (2014) has described the knowledge pathways function as allowing
the researcher to more closely see indirect mediating and moderating
semantic relationships (see Figures 4-6)xix. This is useful because even
though concepts may be closely spatially related on the concept map, the
pathways between them may represent a somewhat different narrative. For
32
example, the direct link between Australia and the concepts South Korea and
Korean is clear and entirely expected given the sampling method for the data.
Figure4:PathwaybetweenAustraliaandSouthKorea
However, the importance of the link between Australia and China is more
interesting and illustrative. Outside of South Korea, China is the country
concept with the most direct link to Australia. The knowledge pathways
between ‘Australia’ and ‘Japan’ and ‘United States’ demonstrate how the
semantic relationship between these two close friends and treaty-based
security alliance partners is parsed through Japan, then China, (then ‘year’),
then ‘Korean’, to Australia.
This speaks to the dominance of China in matters that relate to Australia in
South Korean online news that have an international context. Direct bilateral
ties, especially trade, have direct links; in other matters, China assumes
dominance, then Japan, then the United States. This reinforces a point made
above in reference to the heat map of the concepts: the most important
theme, in red, is ‘countries’; the suggestion being that the theme contains a
number of countries rather than being dominated by any one.
33
Figure5:PathwaybetweenAustraliaandtheUnitedStates
The knowledge pathway between Australia and North Korea takes an even
more circuitous route, travelling through the concepts ‘Park’ (referring to
South Korean President Park Geun-hye) and ‘meeting’ before the now familiar
path via ‘China’ and ‘Korean’. This suggests that, in South Korean online
news, Australia is not closely associated with North Korea. This may come as
little surprise to Koreans but raise some eyebrows in Australia: North Korea is
a major source of instability in a region that is home to Australia’s three
largest trading partners; former Justice of the High Court of Australia recently
chaired a United Nations Inquiry into (human rights abuses in) North Korea;
Australia is a close military ally with South Korea and the United States and
participates in military exercises designed, at least in large part, to develop
readiness and demonstrate willingness in the face of North Korean
belligerence; and North Korea is a widely-covered topic in the Australian news
– more often, we venture, in the headlines than South Korea.
34
Figure6:PathwaybetweenAustraliaandNorthKorea
Summary
‘Trade’ is closely associated with concepts associated with Australia’s free
trade negotiations and general trade priorities: China, Japan and South Korea
are Australia’s three largest goods export markets, and the Australian
government went to great diplomatic efforts in 2014 to negotiate free trade
agreements with all three.
International relations between South Korea and Australia appear to
contribute to the importance of the ‘South Korea’ and ‘China’ themes, and the
‘match’ theme is a result of the coverage of the Asian Football Cup hosted by
Australia in the early months of 2015, which concluded with Australia
defeating South Korea in the final.
Further analysis is included in the Section 5: Discussion and
Recommendations.
35
AnalysisofKoreanLanguageCorpus
Korean Keywords In Context software (KrKwC) was used to analyse the
Korean language news articles published during the study period.
The program is semantic network analysis software for analysing Korean text.
The software counts how many times a word occurs in a text and then
subsequently produces a list of words in the order of frequency. The most
frequently occurring words are defined as keywords and a co-occurrence
matrix is produced from those words. This is then used to develop a social
network analysis to demonstrate features such as centrality and
‘betweenness’, which in turn can indicate relationships between keywords
within the chosen texts.
Frequency
The analysis first was a frequency analysis finding that there were 96,985
words, and from these the program selected the top 300. The program then
generated a name-like concept list and a word-like concept list. Table 11 lists
the top 20 name-like words; Table 12 lists the top 20 word-like words. The
longer lists of the top 98 name-like words and the top 202 word-like words are
included in Appendix 2.
Table11:Top20name-likewords
Rank
Koreanterm
English translation
Count
1
호주
Australia
12755
2
한국
S. Korea
9458
3
아시안컵
AFC Asian Cup
5671
4
슈틸리케
Stielike
3241
5
시드니
Sydney
2939
6
미국
USA
2825
7
중국
China
2801
8
손흥민
Heung-Min Son
2781
9
일본
Japan
2517
10
차두리
Du-Ri Cha
2262
11
기성용
Ki Sung-Yueng
2091
12
AFC
AFC
1697
13
이라크
Iraq
1581
14
이정협
Jeong-Hyeop Lee
1552
15
독일
Germany
1244
16
이청용
Chung-yong Lee
1208
36
17
영국
UK
1194
18
이란
Iran
1159
19
서울
Seoul
1122
20
쿠웨이트
Kuwait
1034
Table12:Top20word-likewords
Rank
Korean term
English translation
Count
1
경기
match
4432
2
감독
coach
4312
3
대표팀
representative team
2551
4
2015
2015
2259
5
대회
tournament
1970
6
오후
afternoon
1946
7
대통령
president
1818
8
조별리그
group stage
1742
9
전반
first half
1685
10
후반
second half
1677
11
세계
world
1639
12
팀
team
1611
13
승리
victory
1511
14
골
goal
1490
15
첫
first
1415
16
우승
championship
1363
17
스타디움
stadium
1285
18
8 강
quaterfinal
1275
19
한국시간
KST
1243
20
축구
football
1225
The top ranked word-like words in order of frequency of occurrence are
mostly terms related to Australia hosting the Asian Football Cup, and the
participation of the South Korean national soccer team in the competition.
Many of the top-ranked terms in order of frequency of occurrence in the
name-like words are also associated with the football tournament. This
includes words like ‘AFC Asian cup’, and ‘Stielike’, the family name of the
German born coach of the South Korean national football team.
South Korean footballers Heung-Min Son (8), Du-Ri Cha (10), Ki Sung-Yueng
(11) and Jeong-Hyeop Lee (14) are all in the 15 most frequently occurring
name-like words in the corpus. Of note are the absence of Australia’s then
Prime Minister, Tony Abbott from the list and the ranking of South Korean
37
President Park Geun-hye (54), just below rare deep-sea creature ‘Goblin
Shark’ (52) and the Korean television panel show ‘Non Summit’ (46)1.
Centrality
Table 13 lists word frequency as well as ‘degree centrality’ and ‘betweenness
centrality’. Degree centrality is a measure of the number of direct connections
that a node has. In this instance, it is the number of direct connections
between a concept, a word or name, and other concepts. This is often
regarded as the most intuitive form of centrality, as it simply counts the links
between two concepts (the ‘ego’ and its adjacent alters), without consideration
of the importance (or direction, which does not impact on this analysis) of
those links.
Betweenness centrality is a measure of the relative influence on other
connections that a concept has; in this instance it is an indication that a term
is used by more than one cluster of concepts. Where degree centrality
measures only that section of the network that is immediately connected to
the concept, betweenness centrality considers the entire network when
calculating the score. Moreover, it ranks higher those nodes that are
connections between parts of the network that would otherwise not be
connected – the significance lies in this concept lying between, and therefore
connecting, other parts of the semantic networkxx.
Table13:Frequency,DegreeCentralityandBetweennessCentralityofTop20
words
code
Words_En
words_Ko
FQ
Degree
de_rank
Betweenness
Bet_rank
1
Australia_Hoju
호주
12755
3392.93
2
0.376
2
2
S.Korea
한국
9458
3781.615
1
0.415
1
3
AFC Asian Cup
아시안컵
5671
2167.077
4
0.182
18
4
match
경기
4432
2303.157
3
0.26
4
5
coach
감독
4312
1902.043
5
0.117
61
6
Stielike
슈틸리케
3241
272.284
76
0.033
189
7
Sydney
시드니
2939
751.04
21
0.147
35
8
USA
미국
2825
948.98
13
0.238
9
9
China
중국
2801
1123.027
9
0.251
6
10
Heung-Min Son
손흥민
2781
1267.702
7
0.042
175
11
representative
team
Japan
대표팀
2551
1233.385
8
0.079
110
일본
2517
893.609
15
0.24
8
12
1InJanuary2015,arareandtremendouslyuglygoblinsharkwasfoundinAustralianwaters–
thestoryreceivedglobalattentioninMarch.InOctober2014,Australiantattooistandpanellist
ontheTVpaneldiscussionprogram‘NonSummit’(alsoknownas‘AlternativeSummit’)
announcedhewouldleavetheshowtoreturntoAustraliatostudy.
38
13
Du-Ri Cha
차두리
2262
1036.251
10
0.033
190
14
2015
2015
2259
128.057
185
0.108
70
15
Ki Sung-Yueng
기성용
2091
8.87
273
0.004
262
16
tournament
대회
1970
990.11
12
0.116
62
17
afternoon
오후
1946
642.849
26
0.257
5
18
president
대통령
1818
589.361
29
0.095
85
19
group stage
조별리그
1742
699.95
23
0.058
146
20
AFC
AFC
1697
1.368
288
0.001
270
As Table 13 indicates, certain terms like Australia and South Korea are
ranked highly in terms of frequency, degree centrality and betweenness
centrality. However, other terms such as Asian Cup rank high in frequency
and degree centrality but lower in betweenness centrality, indicating that they
are less influential than their frequency and number of co-occurrence
connections suggest. Coach Stielike ranks sixth in word frequency but 76 in
degree centrality and 189 in betweenness centrality – indicating that his
importance is highly localised. Meanwhile China, Japan and the USA rank 6,
8 and 9 respectively in betweenness centrality, indicating that they are of
importance for a number of different groups of concepts that were reported in
the Korean news during the research period.
SemanticNetworkAnalysis
Figure 7 illustrates the semantic network based on the top 300 most
frequently used words. Name-like concepts are represented by a red circle
and word-like concepts are represented by a blue square. The size of the
node is an indication of word frequency.
The visualisation of this semantic network is a spring embedded layout based
upon the geodesic distances between the nodes (in this case, concepts). This
form of visualisation distributes nodes in a two-dimensional plane with some
separation while attempting to keep the connected concepts close together. In
effect, a connection (co-occurrence) between words pulls them closer
together while the lack of connection between words forces them apartxxi. This
results in a representation of the degree of connectedness between concepts.
39
Figure7:VisualisationofsemanticnetworkofmainconceptsidentifiedintheKorean-languagecorpusofnewsarticlesmentioningAustralia
Figure 7 visualises the degreeness centrality and betweenness centrality that is
listed in Table 3. Degreeness centrality is apparent through the number of links
(indicating co-occurrence) connecting concepts. The concepts with the largest
degree centrality are, in order, ‘South Korea’, ‘Australia’, ‘match’ and ‘AFC Asian
Cup’. This indicates that these are the concepts that are most connected with other
concepts.
Betweenness centrality is less obviously evident in the visualisation but observable
in the separation between the cluster of names and concepts associated with the
Asian Football Cup in the left and lower sections of the network and the names and
terms associated with international strategic, diplomatic and trade-related matters in
right and upper sections: the key concepts – South Korea, Australia, China, USA and
Japan – all act to connect more of the network than terms like ‘coach’, ‘Heung-Min
Son’ or ‘representative team’ (even though these three terms all rank high in degree
centralisation and frequency).
Summary
The analysis of the Korean language corpus indicates that the Asian Football Cup
had a larger significance in the Korean language news than in the English language
news. This theme is also isolated from the second discernable theme – that of trade
and international relations.
Key countries in the region and major powers (US, China and Japan) are closely
associated with coverage of Australia, indicating that these countries are the
dominant frame within which Australia appears. This is similar to the English
language corpus.
A minor series of connected key words (‘hostage’, ‘escape’, ‘hostage situation’)
highlight coverage of the tragic hostage situation in Martin Place, Sydney, in
December 2014, which included a Korean national being held hostage, then
escaping. This coverage is typical of such events and, given the ways violent attacks
against Koreans in Australia have been covered, is also a reminder of the
sensitivities towards the perceived risks that some readers may feel young Koreans
in Australia face.
Further analysis is included in the next section.
5:DiscussionandRecommendations
This analysis provides some important findings and related recommendations. We
also point to some observations that may be addressed by further study.
Keyfinding1:CoverageofAustraliaishigher,anddifferent,inEnglishthaninKorean,and
lowoverallbutwithinexpectations.
At a basic level – numerical analysis – Australia appears in a lower percentage of
articles in Korean language online news articles than in the English language
equivalent. Moreover, the Korean language corpus appears to be dominated by the
coverage of the Asian Football Cup to a greater degree than the English language
corpus.
The discrepancy in the number of articles between languages is a function of the
English language sites catering to a range of English language readers, while the
Korean language sites should be taken as a more accurate snapshot of the
proportion of Australia-related news stories in the total Korean news mix.
The implication for those engaged in the field of Australia-Korea relations is that,
clearly, it is not sufficient to rely upon English-language media sources. This has
added emphasis when it comes to the coverage of the Asian Football Cup: it
appears that the impact of this event on Korean news could easily be
underestimated, and the full value of its contribution to ‘sports diplomacy’ (see
below) could therefore potentially be undervalued.
The results here do not reflect on the performance of those who are working to
promote Australia’s image and interests in South Korea. The modest level of
coverage is not less than we might expect from a middle power in a competitive
media market that, when it does cover international news, is dominated by events
involving major powers.
However, the low overall level of coverage mentioning Australia suggests a low level
of first level salience or ‘perceived importance of an issue’. According to media
theories of agenda-setting, salience can have an impact on public opinion and policy
makers’ agendas. This may be concerning for those who would hope that the two
countries held greater significance for one another, perhaps even more so for
Australians involved in trade or diplomatic matters – subjects, as we discussed in the
introduction, that are of importance to Australia given the close security ties and
South Korea’s standing as a trading partner.
42
KeyFinding2:Australiaappearsmostlyinthecontextofinternationaltrade–eitherasa
tradingpartnerorasapartofaglobalmarketorregionaleconomicbloc.
Aside from coverage of the Asian Football Cup (see below), trade relations between
Australia and South Korea are the dominant theme in the corpus analysed. This
meets expectations given the importance of the trade relationship for both countries
but also reflects the timing of the research. During the latter part of 2014 there was
considerable coverage of the finalisation and the eventual signing of a Free Trade
Agreement between Australia and South Korea. Some opposition to the Agreement
by South Korean lawmakers added interest to the story, as did the broader context of
both governments’ enthusiastic efforts to sign similar agreements with other trading
partners (for Australia, Japan and China; for South Korea, New Zealand and
Canada).
Trade appears to enjoy greater prominence and significance in the English language
press than in the Korean, but this difference appears not very substantial and is
somewhat occluded by the different analysis outputs. In the Leximancer analysis, for
example, the concepts related to international trade (such as ‘free’, ‘trade’, ‘global’,
‘markets’) are all contained in the theme ‘country’ that is heat-mapped red, indicating
it is the most important theme in the corpus.
In the Korean language coverage, trade does not appear as a clear theme in the
semantic network map. Yet the term ‘FTA’ is quite high in terms of frequency – albeit
lower in both degree and betweeness centrality. This suggests that the FTA and
associated trade matters are less closely related to Australia as a semantic theme in
the Korean corpus, and more so in the English corpus. This is not unexpected given
the expectation that Editors are likely to cover topics that appeal a more international
readership in the English language press.
KeyFinding3:HighcoverageoftheAsianFootballCupappearsgoodnewsforsports
diplomacy.
The overwhelming impact of the Asian Football Cup on the analysis has several
implications for this analysis and for Australian diplomacy going forward. In a sense,
because of the rare specificity of the reported events (how often will Australia play
host to a major sporting event that features both itself and South Korea in two
important matches, one of them the tournament decider?) it appears at first blush to
be problematic for the research findings. While we considered at the outset the
probability that the competition would generate increased interest, we underestimated how dominant it would turn out to be. This means, of course, that the
research reported here cannot be read as a general indication of how Korean online
news represents Australia. Yet, every time period will have its idiosyncracies, and
further analyses will suggest which issues are long-term and which images are
persistent.
The emergence of the Asian Football Cup as a dominant event in online news
coverage featuring Australia also suggests both validation of past efforts and an
indication of ongoing opportunities. The validation is of the efforts of Football
Federation Australia (FFA), led by Frank Lowy, David Gallop and other ‘non-state
43
diplomats’xxii to pursue the development of Australian football/soccer, its integration
into the Asian region of FIFA, and its role as a vehicle for developing and
strengthening networks in the region through ‘football diplomacy’ – an idea long
promoted by the Lowy Institute for International Policyxxiii.
Hosting the Asian Football Cup successfully (and victoriously) is a significant
achievement for Australian football/soccer, and a vindication of the efforts of the
FFA; the considerable coverage the event received in South Korean online news is a
positive indicator that these events can be leveraged into other diplomatic efforts.
This is acknowledged by DFAT’s sports diplomacy policyxxiv which also refers to
opportunities for other agencies, such as Austrade, the Australian Sports
Commission and Tourism Australia, to use these ‘mega events’ to promote
Australian products and services, including specifically in the areas of sports events
hosting, sports tourism and companies that provide specialist services to major
events (including, importantly, the 2018 Winter Olympics in PyeongChang, South
Korea). While outside the scope of our research, it is understood that this is already
underway: the results here are certainly encouraging, and could perhaps be further
developed on a case by case basis to maximally leverage future opportunities as
they arise – either from major events in Australia or annual international
competitions, like the Asian Champions League, in which Australian teams compete
against South Korean teams.
Keyfinding4:Australia’sroleinstrategicandsecuritymattersappearslessimportant.
Australia appears in the media coverage of strategic and security matters at a lower
level than stories about trade. When it does appear, it is less directly linked to South
Korea than it is in either trade matters or the Asian Football Cup. Instead, the
countries are linked via a chain of related terms dominated by others: firstly China,
then Japan, then the United States of America.
As discussed in the Leximancer knowledge pathway analysis in the earlier section, in
the case of North Korea, the semantic relationship with Australia is parsed further
though terms (‘Park’ [President Park Geun-hye] and ‘meeting’) associated with South
Korea’s efforts, with others in the region and the United States, at preserving stability
and limiting North Korea’s capacity as a nuclear weapons state. Clearly, although
Australia also takes security on the Korean Peninsula most seriously, other countries
– specifically those involved in the Six-Party Talks – assume greater prominence and
have greater relevance in news coverage.
Keyfinding5:KoreanreportingonAustraliaoftenbeginswithAustralianreportingon
Australia.
From background research and the interviews with news editors and journalists, it is
apparent that news coverage of Australia in Korea can often begin with a news story
appearing in the Australian mainstream English language press or news wires. A
typical process follows: a Korean correspondent summarises several news stories
from Australian outlets and translates the abridged version into Korean, highlighting
any aspects that are relevant to Korean readers; the story appears in Korean news
44
wires (specifically, Yonhap news service); the story is picked up by other Korean
language news media and re-published more broadly.
The implication for those engaged in public diplomacy is that it is necessary to
engage in these kinds of stories in Australia, by developing relationships with
Australian media outlets, and by monitoring those stories that are likely to resonate
in Korea.
Observation1:Newscoverageisnotthesameaspublicopinion–otherimportantsources
ofinformationaboutAustralialieelsewhere.
Online news sources provide a valuable source of information and insight into the
topics and themes that are present (dominant and otherwise), and can be used to
explore further how representation is framed, which narratives are dominant and so
on.
However, while it is productive to use news content as a base from which to develop
further lines of inquiry – including those related to audience perceptions, knowledge
and opinions – to infer that textual content is sufficient in this regard is clearly
mistaken. In this study, for example, key informant interviews provided some aspects
of representation of Australia in Korea that were not readily apparent in either
corpus. Chief among these are concerns about safety of young Koreans either
studying or on Working Holiday Visas in Australia. Public opinion research is
required to address key questions about the level and nature of Korean knowledge
about and attitudes towards Australia.
Moreover, the interviews also pointed to other sources of information about Australia
that would likely prove to be of great interest, namely blogs published by Koreans
about their experiences of Australia. These blogs, and other relevant social media
sites, hold great promise as areas for further inquiry.
Observation2:ThereareinherentcomplicationsincomparingKoreanandEnglish
languagetextsusingcomputer-assistedtextualanalysis.
To the best of our knowledge, there is no currently available software that can
perform a thematic, semantic or lexical network analysis for both English and Korean
language texts. Therefore, Leximancer was used for the English language corpus
and Korean Words in Context (KrKwC) (Leximancer may be able to manage this in
the future were a relevant plug-in to become available.) Furthermore, to further
complicate the ease of comparison, the available analytic software provides and
displays results in different visualisation styles.
These differences require researchers to be conversant if not expert in interpreting
both forms of analyses in order to make meaningful comparisons. So, in effect this
points to the value of working with bi-lingual researchers. Deeper, contextual
analyses of the texts and their contexts inevitably also calls for expertise in the
relevant mediascapes in which the texts appear.
45
Appendices.
Appendix1:Listofkeyinformantinterviewees’organisations2
Chosun Ilbo
JoongAng Daily
The Korea Times
The Korea Herald
Yonhap News Agency
2Owingtotherelativelysmallsampleandtherequestbysomeparticipantstobede-identified,atleast
forsomeanswers,weconsideritimpossibletoguaranteeanonymityifanyoftheparticipantsare
identified.Weareabletonameonlysomeofthenewsoutletsthatparticipated.
46
Appendix2Topname–likewordslist
name_rank
words_Ko
Words_En
Count
1
호주
Australia_Hoju
12755
2
한국
S.Korea
9458
3
아시안컵
AFC Asian Cup
5671
4
슈틸리케
Stielike
3241
5
시드니
Sydney
2939
6
미국
USA
2825
7
중국
China
2801
8
손흥민
Heung-Min Son
2781
9
일본
Japan
2517
10
차두리
Du-Ri Cha
2262
11
기성용
Ki Sung-Yueng
2091
12
AFC
AFC
1697
13
이라크
Iraq
1581
14
이정협
Jeong-Hyeop Lee
1552
15
독일
Germany
1244
16
이청용
Chung-yong Lee
1208
17
영국
UK
1194
18
이란
Iran
1159
19
서울
Seoul
1122
20
쿠웨이트
Kuwait
1034
21
FTA
FTA
1017
22
애플워치
Apple Watch
981
23
우즈베키스탄
Uzbekistan
941
24
애플
Apple
853
25
구자철
Ja-Cheol Koo
850
26
브리즈번
Brisbane
822
27
대한민국
Republic of Korea
808
28
레버쿠젠
Leverkusen
775
29
뉴질랜드
New Zealand
775
30
북한
N. Korea
701
31
사우디아라비아
Saudi Arabia
Uzbek
688
32
우즈벡
33
멜버른
686
Melbourne
672
47
34
캐나다
Canada
666
35
캔버라
Canberra
641
36
에어아시아
AirAsia
634
37
김진수
Jin-Su Kim
621
38
무한도전
Infinite Challenge (TV program)
615
39
호주아시안컵
Australia Asian Cup
586
40
아시아축구연맹
The Asian Football Confederation
585
41
프랑스
France
582
42
김진현
Jin-Hyeon Kim
574
43
스완지시티
Swansea City
557
44
러시아
Russia
542
45
G20
G20
501
46
비정상회담
Non Summit (TV program)
497
47
남태희
Tae-Hee Nam
477
48
아랍에미리트
United Arab Emirates
472
49
싱가포르
Singapore
467
50
인도네시아
Indonesia
464
51
이슬람
Islamic
464
52
마귀상어
Goblin shark
464
53
마인츠
Maifnz
459
54
박근혜
Geun-Hye Park
455
55
광저우
Guangzhou
427
56
FIFA
FIFA
404
57
정상회의
summit
397
58
홍콩
Hong Kong
389
59
유럽
Europe
380
60
조영철
Young-Chul Cho
375
61
AIIB
AIIB
373
62
볼턴
Bolton
372
63
FC 서울
FCSeoul
364
64
이근호
Keun-Ho Lee
350
65
한국인
Korean
343
66
오만전
Oman game
343
67
연합뉴스
Yonhap news
340
68
김영권
Young-Gwon Kim
340
69
박주호
Joo-ho Park
332
70
카타르
Qatar
331
71
프리미어리그
premier league
317
72
박주영
Chu-Young Park
316
73
LPGA
LPGA
313
48
74
러버덕
rubber duck
310
75
호펜하임
Hoffenheim
306
76
스완지
Swansea
306
77
오스트레일리아
Austrailia_en
300
78
오바마
Obama
298
79
K 리그
K-league
296
80
곽태휘
Tae-Hee Kwak
287
81
잉글랜드
England
283
82
크리스탈
Cristal
280
83
웨스턴
Western
268
84
수원
Suwon
267
85
마틴플레이스
Martin Place
267
86
챔피언스리그
Champions League
266
87
대한축구협회
the Korean Football Association
259
88
아베
Abe
258
89
MBC
MBC
256
90
이탈리아
Italia
254
91
요르단
Jordan
252
92
김창수
Chang-Soo Kim
251
93
청와대
Blue House
247
94
혼다
Honda
246
95
김효주
Hyo-Joo Kim
240
96
태국
Thailand
238
97
유엔
UN
237
98
쿠웨이트전
Kuwait gaim
236
49
References
i
Kwak, K.S. (1998) A Country too far?: Representation of Australia in Korean since
the 1980s. Griffith University: Centre for the Study of Australia-Asian Relations
ii
Callick, R. (2014) ‘Bad Press for Australia in South Korea’. The Australian.
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/media/bad-press-for-australia-in-southkorea/story-e6frg996-1226821912569
iiiThomas,
A. (2012) ‘Korean media: attacks in Australia are racist’,
http://blogs.aljazeera.com/blog/asia/korean-media-attacks-australia-are-racist
iv
Callick, R. (2012) op.cit.
v
Ibid.
vi
Interview with Brendan Berne for The Korea Times, 28 Sept 2014. ‘Aussie diplomat
recounts tragic day’,
http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2014/12/176_165345.html
viiPark,
op.cit.
viii
Ahn, S.M. (2015) ‘The dawn of web drama’, Culture. The Korea Herald. 13
February.
ix
Kwak, K.S. (2012) Media and Democratic Transition in South Korea. New York:
Routledge
x
Tudor, D. (2012) Korea: The Impossible Country. China: Tuttle Publishing. pp.167169.
xiIbid.
xii
Ibid.
xiii
Ibid. p.168.
xiv
Kim, B. (2014). The Korea Press: 2014 Yearbook. (S. Yang, Trans.). Seoul,
Korea: Korea Press Foundation.
xv
Herh, M. (2015) KERI: 'Huge e-Commerce Trade Deficit Calls for Cultivation of
Korean Firm Equivalent to eBay'. Business Korea. Viewed 18 September 2015 at
http://www.businesskorea.co.kr/article/ict/12119/local-equivalence-keri-huge-ecommerce-trade-deficit-calls-cultivation-korean-firm
xvi
Kim, B. (2014). The Korea Press: 2014 Yearbook. (S. Yang, Trans.). Seoul,
Korea: Korea Press Foundation.
50
xvii
Dwyer, T. (2015). ‘Surviving the Transition to "Digital First": News Apps in Asian
Mobile Internets’. Journal of Media Business Studies, 12(1), 29-48.
xviiiFisk,
K., R. Fitzgerald & J. Cokey (2014) ‘Controversial new sciences in the
media: Content analysis of global reporting of nanotechnology during the last decade’
Media International Australia, No. 150, p. 159.
xix
Gurney, M. (2014) ‘Missing in action? The ‘non’-climate change debate of the
2013 Australian federal election’, Global Media Journal/AU, Vol.8, Issue 2.
xx
Prell, C. (2012) Social Network Analysis: History, Theory and Methodology. Los
Angeles: Sage Publications. Pp. 95-117.
xxi
Golbeck, J. & P. Mutton (2006) ‘Spring-Embedded graphs for Semantic
Visualisation’ in Vladimir Geroimenko and Chaomei Chen (Eds) Visualising the
Semantic Web. 2nd Edition. London, Springer.
xxii
Murray, S. (2015) ‘Megaevents, Sports Diplomacy and the 2015 AFC Asian Cup’
Australian Institute of International Affairs, Viewed 23 October 2015 at:
http://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australian_outlook/megaevents-sportsdiplomacy-and-the-2015-afc-asian-cup/
xxiii
Bubalo, A. (2013) ‘Football Diplomacy Redux: The 2015 Asian Cup and
Australia’s Engagement with Asia’ Policy Brief: Lowy Institute for International Policy.
Viewed 20 October 2015 at
http://www.lowyinstitute.org/files/bubalo_football_diplomacy_redux_web.pdf
xxiv
Australian Government (2015) Australia’s Sports Diplomacy Strategy 2015-18,
Viewed 24 October 2015 at http://dfat.gov.au/aboutus/publications/Pages/australian-sports-diplomacy-strategy-2015-18.aspx
51