Old Traditions, New Lifestyles: The Emergence of a Cal

Old Traditions, New Lifestyles:
The Emergence of a Cal-Ital Landscape
JENNIFER J. HELZER
Department of Geography, Sonoma State University
ABSTRACT
Italian immigrants have long been associated with the development of northern California’s wine industry. Pioneering
Italian-American grape growers and viticulturalists successfully
adapted old-world winemaking traditions to new lands in many
places in northern California. Historically, family-run wineries built
their reputations on producing wines closely linked to Italian styles.
The popularity of Mediterranean cuisines and cultures has revived
interest in Italian grapes such as Sangiovese and Barbera and the
production of wines from classic Italian varieties. Today’s northern California winescapes are dotted with Italian surnames that
not only suggest traditional roots of pioneering viticulturalists, but
also highlight the recent emergence of a new Cal-Ital landscape.
Efforts to introduce consumers to Italian-style wines have led to
the reinvention and cultural packaging of Italian ethnic landscape
signatures and Italian immigrant heritage. My findings suggest
that promotion of the Cal-Ital theme is shaping local and regional
identity.
“The goal of the Martini family is to be considered among the best Cal-Ital
wine producers in Sonoma County. They offer a destination for those
interested in wine history. Special focus on Italian entertainment in the
spirit of wine, food, family and fun.” (Martini and Prati Press Kit)
Introduction
THIS INVESTIGATION into the promotion and marketing of ethnic heritage and ethnic landscapes explores ways in which ethnic space and
place create local and regional identities. I focus on the manipulation and promotion of Italian ethnic heritage in the northern
California wine industry. Central to this analysis is understanding
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the role of ethnicity in contemporary place-making. What sort of
places and landscapes are created from the relationship of people
(immigrants and the children of immigrants, purveyors of culture,
and the consuming public) and place? How have these various agents
used ethnic ties and ethnic traditions to create sites of cultural consumption to help define, redefine, and sharpen regional identity and
promote a sense of place?
This analysis focuses on the manipulation of ethnic heritage as a
formula to promote economic development by creating fashionable
destinations that meet the needs of tourists and contemporary
lifestyle seekers. It adds to a growing body of literature in cultural
and historical geography that promotes a sophisticated reading of
the cultural landscape by moving beyond seeing landscape as a mere
indicator of ethnic experience. Too often, ethnic landscapes are used
to measure the maintenance or loss of ethnic identity among group
members or to track their adjustment to the host culture. For the
present work, I take inspiration from writings on the invention of
ethnicity that encourage scholars to reexamine their
conceptualizations of ethnicity and ethnic tradition as more than a
collection of culture traits. Rather, ethnicity is a cultural construction to be continually reshaped in modern settings and continually
reinterpreted by future generations (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983;
Sollors 1989). Recently, geographers have turned their attention to
the invention of ethnic heritage and the reemergence and resilience
of ethnic landscape images to understand how they help shape and
even redefine regional identity (Arreola 1999; Hoelscher 1998). This
work involves more than simply cataloguing ethnic signatures. Instead, it draws on the strengths of both “old” and “new” cultural
geography by examining the linkages among the material form of
landscape and its ideological representation.
This work is also guided by scholarship on the selling of place
(Sack 1992; Goss 1993; Philo and Kearns 1993; Urry 1995; Zukin 1995;
Goss 1996). Such writings raise questions concerning the
commodification of ethnicity and packaging of ethnic heritage. Why
do certain ethnic activities and artifacts become valuable in the marketplace while others languish? Why are some ethnic groups deemed
worthy of commodification, while others are ignored? Finally, how
HELZER: Old Traditions, New Lifestyles
51
are entrepreneurial activities and the promotion of place linked to
the emergence of new ethnic heritage landscapes? The
commodification of ethnic heritage requires an investigation of how
packaged places work to conjure up memories of the past among
potential consumers. Some suggest that the appearance of ethnic
heritage attractions are as much a product of present-day needs as a
product of past history (Lowenthal 1975) or that heritage displays
assist tourists in their visualizations of the past (Jakle 1985). Still
others find that modern-day tourists seek out “real places” in search
of authenticity in order to overcome a sense of rootlessness in an
increasingly rootless world (MacCannell 1989).
Ethnic history and ethnic heritage are enjoying revitalization as
a result of this quest for authenticity. As Dydia DeLyser (1999) notes
in her study of Bodie State Historic Park, visitors “employ” seemingly authentic images to “engage” a romanticized version of the
past. In other words, “authenticity is triggered by landscape,” which
in turn “enables” narratives about the past to emerge.
Ethnic landscapes may also be viewed as spaces for consumption and lifestyle shopping (Zelinsky 1992; Shields 1992). Such a view
argues that people visit ethnic landscapes to engage in and purchase
new cultural forms and identities. This notion considers ethnic landscapes as an expression of selective heritage by later-generation
ethnics and entrepreneurs in order to exploit consumer’s efforts to
adopt new lifestyles. The consuming public follows suit by appropriating ethnic codes and fashions as though they were their own.
Such a scheme allows individuals to sample a variety of new identities and cultural combinations.
Despite warnings that rapid suburbanization and globalization
are transforming our cities and towns into mass-produced, placeless landscapes, this research indicates that regional identity persists
in a popular culture form, specifically through the promotion and
consumption of ethnic heritage sites. I argue that people actively
construct local and regional identity by manipulating ethnic heritage to establish connections with the past or to adopt a particular
lifestyle. This is especially true today where small towns and cities
look for new ways to promote economic development and encourage the growth of tourism.
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The recent emergence of Cal-Ital landscapes, a fusion of Italian
ethnic heritage and California place, offer an opportunity to examine the intersection of ethnic heritage and contemporary
place-making and place-marketing. To do so, I combine readings of
the cultural landscape with participant observation and secondary
sources, including historical accounts and promotional literature.
Historical Setting
Today’s Cal-Ital landscapes draw on traditions, artifacts, and
images from the past. Symbols used for the presentation of ethnic
culture are often idealized forms of immigrant migration and settlement experiences. Thus, no reading of the present-day display of a
group’s culture would be complete without a basic understanding
of northern California’s early Italian colonies. Unlike most American cities where southern Italians eventually formed the bulk of
subsequent immigrants, northern California is dominated by northern Italians, particularly from Toscana, Piemonte, Lombardia, and
Liguria. Toscana, the region sending the highest number of migrants,
accounts for nearly one-fourth of northern California’s Italian origins. Two other northern regions, Piemonte and Lombardia, in
almost equal measure, sent the next-largest contingents of immigrants. An overwhelming 85 percent of the immigrants from the
region of Toscana came from just two neighboring provinces, Lucca
and Massa-Carrara. The province of Lucca alone accounts for more
than 58 percent of the entire Toscani immigrant population that eventually came to northern California (Helzer 1998).
Statistical information, however, tells us little about the unique
cultural and social milieu of Italian immigrants. To varying degrees,
social and political history, economic situation, and cultural circumstance all play a role in distinguishing Italians who made the voyage
to northern California. Not surprisingly, most early immigrants
headed for the gold fields of the Sierra Nevada. Over the next several decades, later-arriving immigrants settled throughout northern
California. Enclaves of Italian settlement, or “little Italies,” appeared
in cities and rural districts throughout the northern half of the state,
each reflecting a unique blend of Italian origins and local northern
California settings. Immigrants could be found in a wide range of
HELZER: Old Traditions, New Lifestyles
53
occupations, from agricultural laborers, truck-farmers, fish mongers,
and cannery workers to shopkeepers, hotel owners, viticulturists,
and ranchers. Additionally, such well-known figures as Amadeo
Giannini, Andrea Sbarboro, and Anthony Caminetti made early inroads into the banking industry and politics.
The Emergence of Cal-Ital Landscapes
To understand how Italian enclaves in northern California are
linked to the emergence of Cal-Ital landscapes, I focus on several
wineries in the Sonoma Valley wine region that commemorate their
Italian heritage using various combinations of symbols at a variety
of scales. The Cal-Ital campaign dates to the early 1980s when individual wineries tried to find a niche in an increasingly competitive
market. The industry had become saturated with “boutique” wineries, a term used to describe those facilities that aim their attention
and financial resources toward transforming their establishments
into tourist destinations. During this transitional period, self-promotion became an important component of any wine operation as
individual wineries considered new marketing strategies.
Sonoma Valley wineries in particular faced a unique set of circumstances that deserve closer inspection. First, a number of Sonoma
Valley wineries are linked to Italian winemaking families. For years,
they survived and even prospered selling bulk wine. The production of bulk wine stems from the Prohibition period when Italian
families stubbornly refused to give up their vineyards and
winemaking. Seeming adversity turned to opportunity when many
families began selling sacramental wine for religious purposes, a
legitimate practice under the Volstead Act. In an ironic twist, many
Italians actually entered the winemaking business during Prohibition as demand soared for homemade wine. In later years, such
family-run operations were synonymous with “house red or house
white” and drew attention to Sonoma Valley’s image as a “jug wine”
region. In the 1960s, the Sonoma-based Sebastiani winery along with
the Mondavis and Gallos were all known as premier makers of jug
wine (Rosano 2000). During this period, Napa Valley took the lead
in producing varietals in the French tradition, while Sonoma Valley’s
18 wineries remained on the periphery.
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By the 1980s, 150 wineries could be counted and a new era of
competition brought transformation to individual wineries and the
Sonoma Valley at large. Competition loomed locally and regionally.
The growing popularity of Chardonnay and Cabernet wines had
led many wineries to focus on full-scale production of these two
varietals. This led to “hyper-competition” as the market became
flooded with hundreds of premium wines. At the same time, intraregional competition in the bulk wine market emerged from the
Central Valley as wine giants such as Gallo drove down prices and
came to dominate that part of the market. Facing competition and
falling prices, some wineries simply cut their losses and sold out;
others emerged from the late 1980s with a new look and a new appeal.
For a number of Italian family-run wineries, this transitional period involved manipulation and recasting of their immigrant and
ethnic heritage. To varying degrees, Sonoma County’s Italian wineries were reanimated with ethnic heritage and tradition resulting
in even more intense Cal-Ital landscapes. The selection of traditions
and artifacts for display vary by kind and scale, but all share common themes in an effort to communicate the Cal-Ital landscape to
the consuming public.
Other scholars have noted core themes or symbols that shape
the display of ethnic heritage, including the pioneer, the homeland,
and the notion of progress (Hoelscher 1998, 29). For this analysis, I
make use of the first two and add the theme of la famiglia, “the family,” to frame the cultural display of Italian heritage among northern
California wineries.
A relatively easy and inexpensive means of promoting Sonoma
Valley wineries was to focus attention on the family patriarch. In
the 1980s, a few of the old-timers still remained and their life stories
and images soon appeared on labels and promotional materials (Figure 1). Special vintages such as Martini and Prati’s “St. Elmo’s Fire”
make reference to “Papa Elmo” who “devoted his life to the cultivation of wines” (Elmo Martini, 1911–1991). Often visitors are told of a
particular vineyard where the pioneering winemaker spent most of
his time. Such is the case for the Martinelli Winery’s Jackass vineyard, where legend has it that the old Zinfandel vines get their water
HELZER: Old Traditions, New Lifestyles
55
from the “rock,”
an area “where
only a jackass
would attempt to
grow
grapes”
(Martinelli Winery
and
Vineyards
1998). References
to “being old” as
in the “oldest
Sonoma County
winery in continuous operation” or
“ S o n o m a
County’s oldest
winery” are common features and
often associated
with the pioneering immigrant
who planted the
Figure 1. Elmo Martini. Reproduced by permission from first vines. NoSandra Martini-Coero.
tions of fortitude
and determination characterize pioneering winemakers who weathered the era of Prohibition. Our image of the good-natured Italian
winemaker carefully tending to his vines is recast into a stubborn
renegade who struggles to stay in business as a consequence of his
undying devotion to wine. Through their staunch protection of
winemaking, Italians literally saved the wine industry in California.
This nostalgic display of the pioneering immigrant tells us little
of the actual reasons for immigration, or of the hardships that often
characterize the early years of settlement for Italian immigrants.
Many of these pioneers actually spent time in other parts of California, lived in other states, and worked in a variety of trades and
occupations before becoming independent winemakers. Such details, however, would only cloud and confuse the carefully packaged
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image that links Italian winemaking pioneers with California’s wineproducing region. By eliminating the complex details of how Italians became associated with California viticulture and winemaking,
tourists can focus their attention on a few basic ideas and images.
A second theme widely used to promote the Cal-Ital wines is
the image of Italian family solidarity and the passing of tradition to
succeeding generations. The image of la famiglia directs one’s attention to wineries as family-run, honest businesses. Visitors learn how
Italian families have invested their hearts and souls into creating
good wines for the public. “We just keep farming the vineyards and
producing wine. That’s the way it’s been for 100 years.” “It was never
my goal to get too big…to become a Gallo or Kendall-Jackson. I
wanted a winery that was small enough where we could keep control, run it like a family business,” says Louis Foppiano, owner of
Foppiano Winery (Press Democrat 1996).
Similar stories of long-established winemaking families often
appear in wine-enthusiast magazines and winery newsletters. Tales
and photographs from the good old days are recounted with nostalgic fondness for the lean-but-happy times. The family-run winery is
a bit misleading, however. While family members do make marketing decisions, sit on the boards of directors, and function as
hospitality managers, the actual labor involved in wine production,
planting, cultivation, harvesting, and the like is now done by others. “Family-run” means that family members tend to business, not
to the fields.
The success stories of Italian family wineries highlight the common thread of winemaking that binds each generation to its
immigrant past and to one another. Such accounts, however, often
hide the truth about how power is shared among family members
and eventually passed to the younger generation. Many Italian
winemaking families have become embroiled in bitter public disputes that would rival any rerun of Falcon Crest, a popular television
drama depicting California’s wine dynasties. Such details, however,
are suppressed beneath a veneer of cultivated family harmony. La
famiglia provides a strong sense of coherence to an otherwise contradictory image of family life and also lays a foundation to support
the achievements of Italian winemaking families.
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Accentuating northern Italian heritage—the homeland theme—
illustrates a third promotional strategy that shapes the material form
of Cal-Ital landscapes. To varying degrees, northern Italian origins
are used to establish a connection to Italy’s premier wine-producing regions. In addition to recounting family ties to the native
homeland, much is made of Italian-style viticulture practices and
winemaking tradition. Montevina winery in the Sierra foothills of
Amador County, for instance, was a pioneer in bringing Italian
varietals to northern California. Their experimentation with 38 different varietals is believed to be the most ambitious assessment of
Italian varietals outside of Italy (Rieger 1995). Sonoma Valley wineries have pursued a similar strategy by planting acres of Italian
vines including Barbara, Sangiovese, and Malvasia Bianca.
Cultivation of Italian vines and production of Italian-style wines
provided a golden opportunity for wineries with Italian heritage to
mine their ethnic past. No Cal-Ital landscape represents this transformation better than Viansa. Located at the southern gateway to
Sonoma and Napa valleys, Viansa is part Italian marketplace, part
winery, and part theme park. This Tuscan hilltown in miniature is
the creation of Sam and Vicky Sebastiani, related to (though no longer
affiliated with) the Sebastiani wine dynasty.
Viansa is often the first stop for tourists and other visitors coming from the Bay Area. Buses, vans, and limousines begin arriving
at 10:00 A.M. (Figure 2). The approach to Viansa is lined with olive
trees and Italian flags. Eager tourists disembark at the Tuscan-inspired villa and are greeted by guides who distribute promotional
material and suggest ways “to do” the winery. Two-way radio communications between the guides help organize the flow of visitors
as they make their way to the Italian marketplace and wine bar. The
Italian marketplace and tasting bar is the central feature at Viansa.
One can sample Italian-inspired wines as well as food, and purchase
other specialty items including pottery, cookbooks, and glassware.
Visitors are encouraged to join the “Tuscan Club,” which offers members discounts on food and wine, special tours of the winery and
vineyards, invitation to club events such as dining with the owners,
access to Viansa’s private wine library, personal assistance with your
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Figure 2. Tuscan Villa, Viansa Winery
wine and food questions, and guided tours to Italy to visit the
Sebastiani homeland.
Upon exiting the marketplace through one of the four checkout
lines, visitors can enjoy their purchases as they sit under Tuscaninspired arbors. Other visual elements complete the scene including
fig trees, terra-cotta pots, marble statues, an outdoor oven, and a
gelato stand (Figure 3). As Luciano Pavarotti is piped into outdoor
speakers, one might consider the veracity of Sam Sebastiani’s early
proclamation that “this will be an Italian town” (Heimoff 1990).
Will the notion of Cal-Ital spread? The creation of Cal-Ital landscapes and regional identity is still in its infancy, but the recent
opening of La Famiglia di Robert Mondavi suggests the Cal-Ital fusion landscapes are gaining momentum:
On January 1, 1998, La Famiglia di Robert Mondavi opened its
doors on a picturesque Napa Valley hillside overlooking the vineyards of Oakville. Celebrating the Mondavi family’s northern
Italian heritage, our La Famiglia wines combine Italian tradition
with vibrant fruit expression from California’s soils and climate.
These wines also reflect the family’s understanding that wine is not
HELZER: Old Traditions, New Lifestyles
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Figure 3. Italian Marketplace and Grounds, Viansa Winery
just an occasional beverage, but an enduring presence at the Italian
table. La Famiglia di Robert Mondavi produces a number of traditional Italian varietal wines, including Sangiovese, Barbera, Pinot
Grigio and Moscato Bianco. Each wine is packaged in traditional
“Italianate” bottles with labels that are reminiscent of the Old
World and gentle winemaking techniques (La Famiglia di Robert
Mondavi 1999).
Concluding Remarks
The geographer Wilbur Zelinsky (1992) suggests that society
looks to the past in search of genuine or contrived ancestral communities whose ethnic traditions might be preserved and rejuvenated
for present-day enjoyment. Such academic musings have not been
lost on those with more entrepreneurial concerns. In October of 1999,
a group of 50 self-proclaimed Cal-Ital wineries staged a Columbus
Day tasting in San Francisco that attracted hundreds of trade, media, and consumers. In the aftermath, these wineries in conjunction
with place marketeers formed a formal organization, Consorzio Cal-
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Italia, in order to plan similar events, develop a Web site, and prepare educational materials about Cal-Ital wines and the historical
role of Italian-Americans in the evolution of the California wine industry. Today, more than 100 California wineries are producing
Cal-Ital wines (Gazetta 1998).
Wineries have become living museums to the culture of
winemaking: the family house, out buildings, and even bunkhouses
where Italian immigrants once slept entertain and educate visitors
about the role of Italians in California’s wine industry. Tuscan-inspired landscapes such as Viansa Winery help to redefine the region
by promoting Italian-style food and wine to both high-end visitors
and locals who use such landscapes to associate themselves with
the romantic Cal-Ital lifestyle. The emergence of the Cal-Ital theme
in the landscape works to sharpen regional identity for the Sonoma
Valley. While still in an embryonic stage, the Cal-Ital theme creates
a sense of place and coherence among individual wineries by carving out a marketable niche that might otherwise be subsumed in the
more generic “wine region.”
Cal-Ital landscapes are more than quaint reminders of the goals
and aspirations of Italian immigrants at a specific time, in a specific
place. Rather, they are places of memory and identity tailored to
and consumed by insiders and outsiders alike. Cal-Ital landscapes
work to solidify a particular reading of California’s immigrant past
and in doing so actually conceal the processes that go into their creation. It remains to be seen how such landscapes will shape
previously held views of California Italians and Italian Americans
at large. Perhaps the Cal-Ital landscapes I have detailed here represent a turning point in Italian-American images and identity, which
some argue remain mired in popular-culture images of organized
crime (Gambino 1999). I have proposed that Cal-Ital landscapes represent the contemporary commodification and selling of place, but
they may also play a part in remaking images of Italian Americans.
The promotional strategies that manipulate ethnic heritage to enhance the appeal of Sonoma Valley wineries result in the creation of
landscapes that may in turn function to re-envision Italian-American identity.
HELZER: Old Traditions, New Lifestyles
61
The previous discussion suggests that the components used to
construct Cal-Ital landscapes are highly selective and malleable. They
function to generate memories and associations that highlight the
contributions of California’s Italian immigrants to the state’s wine
culture. They also provide evidence of the manipulation of ethnic
heritage by third- and fourth-generation ethnics and entrepreneurs
for contemporary consumption. Cal-Ital landscapes in the material
form of wineries are one example of the need for future research
endeavors in cultural and historical geography to focus attention on
the manipulation and packaging of ethnic traditions into popular
culture forms and attractions.
Acknowledgments
I wish to thank Susan Hardwick and Rheyna Laney for their
comments on earlier drafts of this paper, Colin Long for his support
in the field, and the anonymous reviewers for their suggestions.
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