Scottish Social Dancing and the Formation of Community

Transcription

Scottish Social Dancing and the Formation of Community
Author(s): Catherine A. Shoupe
Source: Western Folklore, Vol. 60, No. 2/3, Communities of Practice: Traditional Music and
Dance (Spring - Summer, 2001), pp. 125-148
Published by: Western States Folklore Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1500373 .
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ScottishSocial Dancing and the
Formationof Community
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
Weparkedthecar and eagerlyapproachedthedoorofLargowardHall on a
SaturdaynightinJune,1997. It had beentenmonthssincewe
light,midsummer
and I wondered
whowewouldseeand if
leftScotlandafterspendinga yearthere,
we wouldstillbe able to do thedanceswe had learned.Wewerea littlelate,and
themusichad alreadybegun.Wecouldsee theswirlofdancingcouplesthrough
thecrackbetween
thedoors,and wewaiteduntilthemusicstoppedbefore
entering
topay ouradmissionat thelittletablejust insidethedoor Thehall was busyas I
glancedaroundand startedto recognize
familiarfaces; theband startedplaying
no
one
but
to
dance.
Then
I realizedtheywereplayinga song,and
again,
gotup
were
at
us
and
"Come
in, comein, it's nicetae seeye . ..
smiling
people
singing:
"
welcome
Bob Grierhad spottedour entry
here.... MasterofCeremonies
you're
and prompted
theband togiveus a musicalwelcome.
As we madeour wayup to
us withhellosand 'finetae seeyebackagain" and "howlong
Bob,peoplegreeted
areyehomefor?"Our welcome"home"toLargowardwas a welcome
backtoa comdancers
at
this
hall
in
munityof
village
Fife.
Whatdrawsfolkto "thedancing?"Whydo people come to dance at venues such as this?How does dance providea locus of,an impetustoward,
or an expressionof community?
In thispaper I examine how communitiesare formedthroughdance, how thesecommunitieshelp to define
dance and music traditionsin Scotland, and how dancing creates an
experienceof individualand collectiveconnectedness.
STUDYING DANCING IN SCOTLAND
The ScottishTraditionsof Dance Trust,foundedin 1995 to research,
and promotedance, deliberately
uses the pluralformconserve,foster,
traditions-todraw attentionto the multiplicity
of dance formsand
dance communitiesin Scotland. Some are definedby region,othersby
style;some are social, otherscompetitive.'Dance eventsinclude classes
devotedto variouskindsof dance, exhibitionsof dancing,and competitions,includingthe summerHighland Games,wheresolo dancerscomIn thispaper,I look at theregularsocial
pete formedalsand certificates.
WesternFolklore60:2-3 (Spring and Summer 2001):125-147.
Copyright ? 2002, California Folklore Society
126
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
dances held in halls in villagesand townsin the countyof Fifethroughin thewinterseasonfromSeptemberto May,
out theyear,butparticularly
which bring people togetherfor an evening of recreationand social
exchange. Some of these are classes sponsored by the Royal Scottish
CountryDance Society(RSCDS) or local clubs,some are dances run by
individualsor groups of enthusiasts,and othersare occasional dances
eventsforcharitiesor institutions.
organizedas fund-raising
The socialdances thatoccurat thesekindsofeventsfallintothreemain
types.First,couple dances are performedbypartnerswho inscribea series
ofmovements
aroundtheroomin a counterclockwise
manner.Mostoften,
in
thesemovementsare performed the same sequence byall thedancing
but in one case, the Quickstep,partnersdance
couples simultaneously,
theirownsequence ofstepsindividually.
Second,setdances are danced by
fourcouplesin eitherlongwaysor squareformation.
Longwayssetdances
are also called "countrydances"and taketheformoffourwomenfacing
fourmen in lines,partnersstandingoppositeone anotherto begin and
each couple dancinga seriesoffiguresas "top"or activecouple in the set
withthe othercouples. Square formationdances wereintroducedin the
late nineteenthcenturyand includevariouspan-Europeandances called
Quadrillesand Lancersas wellas theEightsomeReel, createdin Scotland
circa 1875. In the square sets,a seriesof figuresis danced,withthe lead
movingfromcouple to couple in the square.Third,miscellaneousforms
are foundin a smallnumberofdances.These includetriosofdancersperforminga sequence of figures,couples or trioswho face one anotherin
smallsetsand progresseitherclockwiseor counter-clockwise
around the
roomaftereach repetitionofthedance figures,
and shortlinesof threeto
sevendancerswhodance figuresin sequencewhileprogressing
aroundthe
room. It can be noted here thatScottishdances are generallyknownby
dancersand are notcalled,thoughwithinsets,dancersmayuse verbalcues
to remindan uncertaindancer of the next movement.Some country
dancerskeep notesas an aidememoire
forthe complicatedsets,butin genand observation.
eral,socialdances are learnedthroughparticipation
Given this active dance scene and the wide choice available for
dancers,the question of how music and dance may create or shape a
sense of communityfor participantscan best be understood through
examiningthe complex of factorsat play in particulardance events.
Social dancing in Fife-at places like Largoward, Rathillet, and
Letham-gives us a specificcontextfordeterminingwhatis meant by
and traditionand can serveas an example of how
community,
identity,
these issuescan be applied more broadly.2
Scottish
SocialDancingand theFormation
ofCommunity
127
Academic studiesof dance usuallyassumethatchoreography,
history,
and aestheticsare the featurescentralto analysis.These perspectivesin
dance ethnology,or ethnomuthe disciplinesof folklore,anthropology,
sicologyapproach dance empiricallyand formallyas dance perse. Even
the most inclusiveof anthropologicalapproaches keep our eyes categoricallyfocusedon the dance.3 Despite effortsto broaden the focusof
studyto "human movement,"attentionhas only recentlybeen drawn
towardunderstandinghow the experienceof movementor dance creates
Here I am interestedin examininghow
forparticipants.4
socialmeaning
of individualsthroughexperiinterconnectedness
fosters
the
dancing
ences thatare essentiallysocial,how the socialitythatwe term"community"is formedthroughdancing,and how the experienceof community
formationinterfaceswiththe continualdevelopmentand reinterpretation of traditionin dance.
is
A centralconcept in folkloreand ethnomusicology,
"community"
a bounded social unit;it is also the locus forthe
used broadlyto signify
kindof "artistic
we purportto study.However,thosewho
communication"
as constituted
bysocialand emotionalnetworks
conceptualizecommunity
of relationshipsemphasize the process of communityformation--comCommunityemergesas a
munityre-createsitselfthroughperformance.5
concomitantof communication.Exploring this notion of "emergent
community"in the contextof Scottishdancing has led me to viewthe
interplaybetweenideas about communityand ideas about traditionas
ofdance to
reciprocal.We need to asknot onlyhowpeople use traditions
createidentityor definethemselvesas a community
but also how such a
dance community
becomes the contextfornegotiatingthe definitionof
traditionor theidentity
of a particulardance as traditional.6
In the followingdiscussion,I draw on observationsof three dance
venues-Largoward, Rathillet,and Letham-and on interviewswith
dancers who identifythemselveswiththose locales, based on ongoing
fieldworkbegun in 1995.7 Location; familyhistoryand friendships;
issuesof genre,styleand repertoire;personaldesires;and psychological
dynamicsare all elementsin the dancers' participationin and understandingof theseevents.The meaningof dance derivesfromthe multifaceted and interconnectedweb of social features,individualmotives,
and interpersonaldynamicsthatconstitutethe experience. Examining
the various waysthat individualsbecome involvedin a group locates
social identityprimarilyin action. Ruth Finnegan positsthatthe habitual "pathways"
people followare definedbytheir"sharedand purposive
collectiveactions" (Finnegan 1990:305).8 In the context of dance in
128
A. SHOUPE
CATHERINE
Scotland,I have identifiedfourfeaturesthatinfluencea person's pathwayto involvementand subsequentunderstandingabout the meaning
of her or his participationin such groups.These featuresare the geographic context,the social context,the performancecontext,and the
psychodynamiccontext.Using these fourfeaturesof the dancing as a
guide, we maybegin to understandhow people define tradition,form
communities,and experienceconnectedness.
(1)
"BELONGING:
THE
GEOGRAPHIC
CONTEXT"
An uplandvillageon theboundary
between
It is Saturday
nightin Largoward.
has
theForthcoastalshoreline
and theinterior
plateauofeastFife,Largoward
andMC BobGrier
danceforover
beena venue
years.Organizer
fora weekly
fifty
dancerstothevillage
welcome
between
and seventy
and hiswifeMargaret
sixty
music
with
hallforold-time
andScottish
country
dancing,
provided
bya different
The
at
the
dictates
bandeachweek. dances Largoward
through
offashion
reflect
likePrideofErinWaltz,
modthedecades;
these
daysitis a mixture
ofoldfavorites
set
dances
like
erncoupledancessuchas theGayGordons
and
popular
Two-Step,
In somecases,twoandeventhree
theBlackMountain
ReelandPostie'sJig.
geninafamily
It is thelongest
runerations
havedancedatLargoward.
continuously
ningdanceeventin thecounty,
perhapsevenin thenation.Peoplefrommiles
aroundknowaboutthedancingatLargoward.
Identification
withplace is importantin Scotland.' Names of famous
a
romantic
evoke
identification
withthe countryside,
withhistoriplaces
cal struggles
forfreedom,withwarfarebetweenclansor betweenclan and
with
nativesaintsand heroes-Loch Lomond, Bannochburn,
landlord,
towns,vilSkye,Glencoe,Iona. Local place names coverthe map thickly:
hamlets,
farms,
hills,
crossroads,
rivers,
lochs,
lages,
motorwayinterchanges, footballstadiums,bridges,castles,woods, beaches, estuaries,
moor,mountains.Such local place names situateindividualsin a precise
physicalgeographyand locate identityin the physicalworld.Reflecting
in Scotlandis thefactthatin
the importanceof place names foridentity
traditionalmusic,place namesaccountforabout one-thirdof the titlesof
tunes,both old and newlycomposed-The Hills of Lorne, The Spey in
Mormond Braes,The East Neuk of Fife,
Spate, The Birksof Invermey,
Bonnie Banchory,Caddam Wood. Moreover,identification
withplace
locates people for each other on the symbolicmap of the country:
Highlander,Glaswegian,Aberdonian, Orcadian, Dundonian, Coaster,
Fifer-all ofwhichhave personalcharacteristics
associatedwithlocale.
In Fife,one "belongs"a particularplace ifone is nativeto it and has
a place, people belong
familyconnectionsthere.Ratherthan comingfrom
Scottish
SocialDancing
andtheFormation
ofCommunity 129
toit.Thus place is not so much whatone leaves behind when going out
into the largerworldas thatwhichprovidesone witha mooring,where
one belongs,always.Place in thissense sayssomethingabout who one is
and how one came to be thatway.Natives"belong Largoward"in the
local idiom; place is priorto the person.Recent analysisof "themusical
constructionof place" examines how musicaland dance performance
can embodyidentityand ground it in place. MartinStokesargues that
"musicis sociallymeaningfulnot entirelybut largelybecause it provides
means by which people recognise identitiesand places." He further
notes that"a sense ofidentitycan be put intoplaythroughmusicbyperformingit,dancingto it,listeningto it or even thinkingabout it."Music
and dance performanceis a social activity,
"a practicein whichmeanings
are generated"(Stokes 1994: 4, 5, 24).10Dance, like music,createsnot
onlya sense of individualidentitybased on place but,I argue,facilitates
the formationof communitythatis grounded on such identities.Why
Fifersdance is literallygrounded in wheretheydance.
Amongdancersin Fife,talkabout dance is mostoftentalkabout dance
venues:theysay"goingto Largoward."Asking"Wereyouat Largowardon
meansdid yougo dancingthere?Fordancers,geographyfuncSaturday?"
tionsassociatively
on at least twolevels-"going to Largoward"identifies
one witha groupofdancerswho regularly
meetat thatvenue. Geography
mayalso serveas a distancingmechanism.Coupled with"crowd"in the
phrases"theLetham crowd"or "theLargowardcrowd,"the place name
not onlysignifiesa particulargroup but also impliesa criticism
of them
forpresumedinsularity
or clannishness.
Only a fewfolkwho now live in Largowardattend the dances held
therecurrently.
Fifty
yearsago, Largowardwasjust one of manyvenues
thatdrewfolkto dances on a weekend.In the 1950s,therewere several
dance halls to choose fromin citieslike Kirkcaldyand Leven; and the
WestFifeminingcommunitiesall had dances held at the local Miner's
Institute,CooperativeSociety,Masonic Hall, or church or community
associationhall on a Fridayor Saturdaynight.But as public entertainmentchanged in mid-century
withincreasedmobilityand the introduction of television,towndances faded fromthe scene. Largoward,in its
more isolatedrurallocation,survivedand continuedto servethosefolk
fromthe industrialtownsand villageswho wantedto continuedancing.
Thanks to the persistenceof Bob and MargaretGrier,the dancing at
Largowardhas survivedthe vagariesof popular tastein entertainment.
"Going to Largoward"now signifiesassociationwitha place widely
knownas a venue for Scottishdancing.Despite increasedmobilitythat
130
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
enables people to drivefortyor fifty
miles for an eveningout if they
choose,mostoftheLargowarddancersstillcome fromthearea offormer
miningvillages,coastal towns,and ruralhinterlandwithina fifteen-mile
radius.The phrase carriesa furthersense of historicalassociation,since
dances have been held here everySaturdaynightcontinuouslyforover
fifty
years.Its use situatesthe speakerin a long line of dancerswho have
had an associationwiththisplace, and dancerssometimesreferfondlyto
the perceptionthattimeseems to standstillat Largoward.Some saythat
the hall,withbenches liningthewallsand tea stillservedout of the tiny
kitchenin one cornerofthebuilding,hasn'tchangedforyears.The sense
of communityidentitythat emerges at the Largowarddancing results
both fromattachmentto place and to itshistoricalcontinuity.
In contrast,"goingto Rathillet"has emerged in people's danceconsciousnessonlysince the dancing startedtherein 1994. But "goingto
Rathillet"has been long a habitforthosememberswho grewup on local
farmsand have continuedto attendvillagehall eventslike the Harvest
Home celebrations.It maybe, in part,thefamiliarity
withplace thathas
helped people identifythisas a welcomingvenue for theirnew recreational interestin dancing.Almostall of thosewho go to the dancingat
Rathilleteither"belong Rathillet"now or did in the past,or are family,
friends,or acquaintances of those who "belong" there.These dancers
are, in thissense,geographicallybounded."
As themostrecentlyformedofthethreedance venuesdiscussedhere,
the case of Rathilletsuggeststhatidentification
withplace stillfacilitates
formation,despitethe increasedmobilityof the presentera.
community
As a pathwayto identity,
place stilllooms largein people's consciousness
in Scotland.Identityas dancersis tied to identity
withplace, and a sense
of group cohesion and communityis formedwith and throughthis
attachmentto place. At Rathillet,thisattachmentspillsover into other
eventsas associations:some dancers now also attend other hall social
gatherings.And friendsmade at the dancingare now includedin invitationsto local birthdayor anniversary
has emerged
parties.A community
the
at
Rathillet
that
extends
the
through dancing
beyond
dancing.
The thirdvenue is Letham, whereJimmyShand, Jr. and his wife
Margaretbegan organizingOld-TimeDances in thehomeyvillagehall in
said that
1981.12When askedwhyhe startedholdingthesedances,Jimmy
he had been travelinga lot withhis band throughthe 1960s and 1970s,
and wantedto establisha "home base." Reflectingthe changes thathad
occurredin villagelifein the 1970s,he said: '"Thereweren'tanydances
in the hall then,and we thoughtwe'd tryit."The decision to hold the
Scottish
ofCommunity
131
dance on a Wednesdaynightis partlypragmatic:itleaveshisband freeto
acceptjobs on a Saturdaynightelsewhere.It also drawspeople out durand
ing theweekwho mightbe otherwisesociallyengaged on a Saturday,
it does not competewiththe long-established
dance at Largoward.
As is the case with Largoward,few people who currentlylive in
Lethamdance at thehall on a Wednesdaynight.The local hall,once the
focusforsocial activity
in a villageor town,has become insteada magnet forpeople froma wide area. Over the past twodecades, the Letham
dance has become knownthroughoutthecountryas a locus forold-time
dancing. It has been featuredon BBC television,and a video called
"Dancing with the Shands" is available for the touristmarket.Thus,
"goingto Letham"signifiesnot onlygoingto dance at a particularvenue
but also meeting friendsthere with whom a relationshiphas been
formedthroughparticipatingin a commonlyvalued activity.
(2)
"A GOOD
ATMOSPHERE":
THE
SOCIAL
CONTEXT
thestartofthedance,peoplebegintotrickle
intothevillage
Halfan hourbefore
hallatLetham
in thecentral
HoweofFife.
Theyexchange
greetings,
perhaps
place
an item
in theboxunderthetablewhere
tickets
arebeingsold,and
fortheraffle
between
thedancesthatwillkeep
findseatsthatwillbeoccupied
onlymomentarily
them
hours.
Fiveminutes
and the
up and moving
forthenextthree
before
opening
crowd
hasswelled
to30 ormore.
announces
the
numberShand,
Jimmy
Jr.,
first
Scottish
waltz-anddancers
takethefloorMorepeoplearrive,
alwaysan old-time
and within
thehumofconversation
and laughhalfan hourtheflooris crowded,
terbuzzes,
are
andjacketswiththeheat,and "the
people stripping
offcardigans
secondWednesday
the
dancing"is infullswing,as it is every
nightthroughout
year
People choose to dance at Letham fora varietyof reasons,and in so
doing, theynot onlyidentifythemselveswitha particularplace and an
enjoyable activitybut theyalso consider themselvesconnected to one
another in thislocale throughtheirmutual connectionwitha famous
personalityand traditionalmusicalfamily."Theyare nice folkto be in
amongst,"one faithfulparticipantsaid to me. This leads to mysecond
themein the formationof communityand identitythroughdancingthe social context.
Dancers professthat the reason theyenjoy dancing is primarilyfor
what theyterm "the social aspect." To these dancers, a "good atmosphere" is essentialfor a successfuldance experience,and this atmosphere is created not onlyby the organizerof the dance but also by the
qualityof theband and bythe interactionof theparticipantsthemselves.
132
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
This socialitysetsthestagefortheconnectednessthatis createdthrough
the dance performanceand the experiences that such performance
generates.In the social settingof the dance, communityemergespartly
as a resultof "a good atmosphere."
The personalityof the organizerof the dance eventcan be a powerfulattractionfordancers.The video "Dancingwiththe Shands" demonstrates that the locus for identity may form around well-known
individuals.The Shand name is indeliblyassociatedwithScottishdancwithkey
ing, and associationwiththe Shands means an identification
in
that
this
is
the
dance-music
tradition.
However,
family judged
players
volin a settingwherethe activity
is strictly
to be "nicefolk"is significant
their
with
little
reason
to
time
folk
have
people theydo
untary:
spend
not findto be compatible.The glow of associationwithfamouspeople
mayalso be an attraction,thoughone less readilyadmitted.This underof snobberybyoutsidersto "theLethamcrowd,"who
lies the attribution
run the riskof committinga cardinalsin in Scottishworking-class
conto
a
sciousness-"thinking themselvesbetter than other folk"-due
To thosewho come to Letham,
close associationwiththefamousfamily.
their solidaritywith
it
is
clear
that
the
Shands
demonstrate
however,
rootsbut also
ordinarypeople not onlythroughtheirownworking-class
the
fact
of
the
dances
and
a
running
creating good atmossimplyby
phere forfolkto enjoythemselves.
The socialityof the Letham dance is facilitatedby the factthat the
organizeris also the bandleader,which creates continuityfor participants.The band's musicalrepertoirelends substanceto the experience
of familiarity.For example, the hallmark dances of Letham-the
Quadrilles and the Lancers-are always introduced musically,and
dancers,respondingto the musicalcue, quicklyformthe square setsfor
these popular dances. However,sufficientvariationin the repertoire
also keeps dancers alert to the subtlepleasures of matchingtunes and
choreography.The band's ability,throughthe qualityof its playing,to
make the dancers want to get on theirfeetmakes a significantcontribution to the good atmosphereof a dance.13
At Largoward,a different
band appears each week,withabout eight
or ten bands performingon a rotatingbasis.AlthoughLargoward"regulars" attend everyweek, other people come onlyfor the bands they
enjoy dancing to the most. These fans swell the ranks of regular
dancers,and theirenthusiasmforthe band adds a heightenedsense of
"occasion" to the evening, contributingto the good atmosphere.
However,too large a crowdcan jeopardize the atmosphereifthereare
Scottish
ofCommunity
133
too manydancers forthe space to accommodate comfortably,
whichis
whyachievinga balance betweentoo large and too small a crowdis so
important.
Bob Griersayshe learned theimportanceofa good MC to thesuccess
of a dance in his nativeGlasgow,where he watched his older brother
practicethistalent.ShortlyafterBob moved to Largowardin 1947 with
his new bride,Margaret,he was asked to serve as "compere"or MC at
dances in the villagehall.14Bob agreed to take on the responsibility
for
the Saturdaynightdances, and 54 yearslater,he is stilldoing it with
aplomb. His call forquiet beforehe announces the next dance on the
maintainsorderand keeps the eventsflowing.
programeffectively
The dancing at Rathilletis organized by Sheila Piper,who initially
selected and taught the dances, carefullygauging the interestand
expertiseof themembersof theclass.Her son Gavinprovidedthemusic
withhis accordion. As Gavin's familiarity
withthe dances and skillin
the
music
Sheila
turned
the teachingover to him,
increased,
playing
she
stillselectsthe programof dances. A comfortablerapport
though
existsbetweenthe dancersand theiryoungmusician,whichsometimes
spills over into an exchange of teasing commentsabout the dances
taughtor the tunesplayed.This rapportbetweenGavinand the dancers
contributessignificantly
to the sociabilityof thisdance.
Friendlinessis another importantmarker of "good atmosphere,"
althoughthismustbe understoodwithinthe bounds of reticencecharacteristicof therulesforpropersocial interactionin Fife.Newcomersto
a dance willinitiallybe leftto themselves;but aftera dance or two,they
willbe greetedbypeople sittingnextto thembetweendances, or standing beside themin a set.It is a gentle,reservedwelcome.Once someone
has been to the dance twoor threetimes,however,he or she is accepted
as partofthegroup and is greetedbyothers,eitherdirectly,
or indirectly
witha smile and a nod as befitsthe reservedsocial etiquette.Lack of
friendlinessis as serious a criticismof a dance venue as friendlinessis
praise. It is also crucialin a voluntaryassociation:ifpeople are friendly,
newcomersare likelyto returnand become part of the regularcrowd.
Openness to newcomersand friendlinessare thusrequisitefeaturesof
communityformationin dance contexts.
The variousreasons thatpeople givefortheirparticipationin dance
clearlyclusteraround ideas of sociality.
They talkabout meetingfriendly
withlike-minded
folk,joininga group
people, engagingin a social activity
eventinsteadofsittingin frontof thetelevision,
or escapingfromworkor
familypressures.Mostimportantly,
socialityis chosen;and thisfreedomof
134
CATHERINE
A. SHOUPE
choice in creatingsocial tiesis an importantfeatureofvoluntary
activities
in a complex,modernsociety.It is in thisregardthatwe can identify
comits
in
another
of
these
are
associaformation
voluntary
munity
aspects:
who self-consciously
tions-Edmund Burke's "littleplatoons"15--groups
come togetherto pursue a commoninterestand, in the process,create
tiesamong one anotherthatare essentialforan experienceofsocial connection or cohesion. Communityemergesin voluntaryassociationsas
individualsconnectand createtiesof interestand affectionbetweenand
among themselves.
People come to Rathilletin partbecause Scottishdancingrepresents
a pleasurableoutletand a social opportunity
forthem.Mostlypeople in
theirmiddleyearswithchildrengrown,theynow have morefreetimeto
engage in otherinterests.Dancers emphasizethe socialityof the experience, sayingthingslike "Youmeeta lot ofnice folk,"or "It'sa good night
out."An implicitcritiqueofmodernsocial alienationfosteredbypassive
entertainmentis the commentthat "It gets you awayfromthe television." The importanceof gettingout of the house to do something
other than "yourwork"is also noted: "The week goes by that much
quicker."Even if you enjoy yourjob, this socialityrepresentsanother
importantaspect of dailyexistence.Reflectingan importantpsychological benefitof dancing as a stress-reliever
in the hectic modern world,
one Rathilletdancer commented: "There are enough worriesin the
everydayworkingworld; dancing lets you forgetyourproblems."And
acknowledging the importance of collective social experience, he
added: "It's fun because you're all learningtogether.There's no pressure."16Dancing offerspeople a contextforinteractionthatis collective
and collaborative,where social connectedness emerges through the
embodimentof dance and musicin human action.
(3)
STYLE
AND REPERTOIRE:
THE
PERFORMANCE
CONTEXT
have
Everyother
Tuesday
forthepastsixyears,a groupofenthusiasts
night
in
the
hall
in
the
rural
hamlet
Rathillet
North
in
to
dance
gathered village
of
Fife
A mother-and-son
team,
together
Fortydancers
fill thesmallhall comfortably.
Sheilaand GavinPiper,
a steady
dances
provide
flowofinteresting
forthemembersoftheclass,whohavebecome
dancers
expert
ofbothsetand coupledances
the
an
Gavin
accordion
witha MIDI basssystem
through years.
plays
equipped
thatprovidesbass and percussion
and guidesthedancers
accompaniment,
newdanceswithhumor
andpatience.
through
Representatives
ofthelocalhall
committee
dancersat thehalfway
providethewelcome
cupofteafor"drouthy"
toaugment
point,runtheraffle
funds,and makesurethespaceis tidyat theend
Scottish
ofCommunity
135
and enthusiasm,
Andthedancers
come,todancewithenergy
for
oftheevening.
twoand a halfhours.
Dancers at each of thevenues discussedhere also formthemselvesas
communitiesin waysthatare bounded byjudgmentsregardingcorrectnessofstyleand bytheselectionofrepertoire.These issuesmustbe negotiatedon a continualbasisin responseto theneeds bothoftheorganizers
and ofthedancersin thecontextofperformance.It is here thatthequestion of whatis traditionalabout thesedances arisesmostacutely.Are we
or
talkinghere aboutScottishsocialdancingin general,old-time,
country,
ceilidhdancing?Performanceas constitutedbydefinitionsof repertoire
and styleis a keycontextforcreatingidentityand formingcommunity.
Some dancersfrequenttwoor even all threeof thesedance venues,but
each timethata groupofdancerscomes togetherat a particularvenue to
dance, theyenactcommunity
throughtheirperformance.
at
Rathillet
Dancing
began in 1994 as a class aftertwocouples started
talkingabout "gettingsomethinggoing" locally,havingseen whatwas
of ruralcentralScotlandwherea new interhappeningin otherdistricts
estin social dancinghad been sparkedbya reawakenedappreciationfor
Scottishdance music.One of the couples fortuitously
met Sheila Piper,
who had startedholding informalclasses near Dundee. They asked
Sheila, who "belongsFife,"if she would like to "trya class at Rathillet."
Sheila was willing,and broughther son Gavin to providethe music on
the accordion.The twocouples commandeereda half-dozenotherfolk
to come along and giveit a try,and the Rathilletdancingbegan.'7 Now,
withoverfifty
people on the classroll,an averagenightwillsee thirty-five
to fortygatheredin the hall foran eveningof energeticdancing.
When I firstvisitedthe Rathilletdance, I was toldbyone of the organizers thatwhattheywere doing was "Scottishcountrydancing,but not
RSCDS style."This referenceto, and conscious separationfrom,the
RoyalScottishCountryDance Societyhas to be understoodin the context of the historyof the Society and in the politics of the Societysponsoredclubs and classes.Since itsfoundingin 1922 by MissJean C.
Milliganand Mrs.Ysobel Stewartof Fasnacloich,the Societyhas claimed
authorityas the arbiterof the traditionof countrydancing. This has
developed, over time,into whatis perceivedby some as an overlyfussy
concernforprecisionin footworkand styleand a too-rigidstandardfor
attire.A perceivedsnobbishness,coupled withthe exclusionof dancers
who do not measureup to the standardsof techniqueand decorum,has
caused some to refuseto attendSocietydance events.Rebellion against
136
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
the Societybythosewho do not recognizeitsauthoritative
voice has led
to alternativeclasses such as the one at Rathillet."We don't worrytoo
much about stepshere" is one waythatthe disenchantment
is expressed
at Rathillet.This leads to varietyin steps and style,a varietywhich
and personal experienceratherthan adherence
expressesindividuality
to externallyimposed standards.The dancers' disinclinationto worry
about steps or "proper"styleis supportedby the practice of wearing
everydayshoes, eschewingdancing "pumps," soft-soledslippers that
both essential
enable the dancer to point the toes and achieveturn-out,
RSCDS
the
half-raised
of
footwork
and
style.Also,
positionon the
aspects
balls of the feetof Societydancerscontrastsmarkedlywiththe smooth,
dance contexts,
flat-footed
foundhere and in othernon-Society
footwork
includingLetham and Largoward.Anotherelement of stylerelatesto
how dancersturntheirpartners.Whetherone does a leisurelyturnonce
round,or thequick double turncalled a "birl,"depends on armposition
and steps.Takingrighthands and turningonce roundusinga walkingor
two-stepis the standardturn,whilea pivotstep is used forbirling.The
hand-in-handhold preferredby the RSCDS forturningdoes not place
partnersclose enough to one anotherto allowforthequick pivotingbirl
withitssinglecenterof gravity.
So alternatepositionsare used to move
to
one
closer
another:
partners
linkingelbows,the standardballroom
hold, or thearm-on-arm
gripcalled theBelgianbirl.Boththedifferences
in turningpositionand in stepsmarkdifferences
in style.
Communityidentity,then, can be based on dance steps and style,
here expressedmainlyas anti-establishment:
in theirrefusalto conform
to Societystyle,these dancers implicitly
critiquethe standardizationof
Rathillet
free
dancers
are
to performstepsand turns
countrydancing.
if
howevertheylike,includingRSCDS style theyso choose, as long as the
of the dance formationand timingis maintained.The combiintegrity
nation of traditionaland apparently"nontraditional"
elementsthatthis
group of dancersuses to defineitselfsuggeststhattheboundariesof traditionare flexiblydrawn.Here, the communityis formedaround political issuesof dance styleof long standingin Scotland.s8
At Letham and Largowardas at Rathillet,performancestyleis different fromRSCDS style.It can be compared withthe "close to the floor"
style described by Colin Quigley of step dancers in Newfoundland
(1985:19-21)-smooth movement,footworkkept low to the ground,
and a fine sense of timingand rhythmare characteristicelements.At
these venues, dancers from other regions with a differentstyleare
quicklyidentifiedas being "too bouncy"or "wild."Many Fife dancers
Scottish
ofCommunity
137
nonethelesshave a predilectionforfastturnsor "birling";this,however,
mustbe keptwithinthe bounds of controlthatseem to be the central
tenetof theirreservedstyle.
Repertoireis a complicatedtopicbecause thecategoriesare notmutuallyexclusive,witha certaindegree of overlapfound among the dance
communities.Nonetheless,dancers identifytheirdance experience on
the basis of repertoire.To a certainextent,Sheila Piper,as organizer,
definesthe repertoireof the Rathilletdancers.Buildingon the minimal
knowledgeof Scottishsocial dances people had learned at school, she
began byintroducingpopular couple dances foundin the currentsocial
But the dancerswereeager to learn set dances, and,
dance repertoire.19
quick to learn, theyhave progressedrapidlyfromthe more straightforwardolder set dances to quite complicatedones of more recentcompofor
sition:"A Tripto Bavaria"or "Ian Powrie'sFarewellto Auchterarder,"
example,involveall the dancersmovingat the same time,withno couple ever inactive.The couple dances are now used as "breathers"after
twoor threesetdances. Thus theRathilletdancershaveformedtheirdistinctivedance communitythroughtheirenthusiasmforset dances that
they perform in non-RSCDS style.Although the Rathillet dancers
describethemselvesas doing "Scottishcountrydancing,"theinclusionof
couple dances in their repertoiredistinguishesthem from the other
ScottishCountrydancerswho exclusivelyperformset dances, and from
sequence dancerswho onlydance thepatternedcouple dances. Rathillet
dancers performboth old and new set dances as well as old-timeand
newer couple dances. More recently,the phrase "ceilidhdancing" has
enteredtheirvocabulary.20
The terminological
shiftfromcountryor oldtimeto ceilidhreflectsthe acceptance of a new name forwhathas long
been simplycalled "thedancin'." It helps to overcometheprejudicethat
manyyoungerpeople feel about both terms:"old-time"connotesrustic
and old-fashioned,and "countrydancing"carriesassociationswiththe
snobberyof "theSociety."
oldComparingthe dance repertoireat Rathilletwiththe self-styled
time dances at Largowardand Letham reveals certain differencesin
emphasis.At Largoward,one willfindthe fewestset dances, usuallyno
more than twoor threeon a givennight.Postie'sJig,Shiftin'Bobbins,
Broon's Reel, and the Black Mountain Reel are currentfavorites.The
remainderof the programconsistsof waltzes,couple dances in 2/4 or
and byone ballroomdance, the Quickstep.As the longest
6/8 rhythms,
dance
event, the Largoward dance shows perhaps the
continuing
strongestcontinuitywith village-hallsocial dancing as it was known
138
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
is realized less in the
throughoutthe twentiethcentury.This continuity
repertoirepersethanin the adaptationof repertoireto currentpopular
tasteand desires.In the 1960s it was dominatedby set countrydances,
in the 1990s by around-the-room
couple dances. The question of tradition has to be raisedhere: are set dances more "traditional"thancouple
dances? Some would want to argue thattheyare, despite the factthat
theythemselveswere introducedin the eighteenthcenturyfromthe
Frenchand Englishcourts.To mymind,one of the bestexamplesof the
adaptabilityof traditionis the Square Tango, a sequence dance incorporatinga tango move but performedto the uniquelyScottishtypeof
tune called a strathspey,
withtypicalsocial-dancefootworkthatemphasizes a "close to the floor"style.Social dancingin Scotland in the twentiethcenturyhas alwaysbeen inclusiveof couple, set,and otherfigure
dances, includingsome ballroom styleslike the waltzand two-step.At
Largoward,"tradition"is a flexiblecategory.
At Letham,JimmyShand willfeaturetwoset dances duringeach half
of the dance, one square set and one in longwaysformation.The
squares are alwaysthe Lancers and the Quadrilles,while the longways
sets or countrydances are standardsfrom the older repertoire,like
Broon's Reel or the Dundee Reel. Only reluctantlyhas he recently
included newercountrydances like Postie'sJigand Shiftin'Bobbins,to
accommodate dancers' requests.He maintainsthese are not "old-time"
dances. In his own way,he, too, is rebellingagainstthe dictatesof the
RSCDS's definitionof countrydancing by his disinclinationto include
newlycomposed dances on the program.In keepingwithhis professed
commitmentto old-timedancing,Jimmywill also sometimesinclude a
Grand March and Waltz Country Dance to begin the second half,
dances thatoftenbegan a dance fifty
or sixtyyearsago.
The choice of what he termsan old-timerepertoireis quite conscious: these dances are associatedin his mindwithhistory,
particularly
the "AuldAlliance"withFrance. The dances,Jimmyclaims,were mostly
fromFrance.He and Margaretwantto see thesedances preserved,even
thoughtheyadmitthattherehave been changes in the repertoireover
the past twenty
years.A particularfeatureof the dancing at Letham is
the regularperformanceof Quadrillesand the Lancers,both square set
formationsthatdo indeed derivefromFrenchstylesintroducedin the
nineteenthcentury.
Repertoireand styleare usefulcategoriesforcharacterizinga dance
communityin part because of theirdescriptivepower."Old-timedancforcouples and linkspeople witha cening" connotes a social activity
Scottish
ofCommunity
139
dance history."Countrydancing"signalsthecomplexpatterns
tury-long
of setsand the precisionof coordinatedmovementrequiredin them.In
addition,repertoireand styleworktowardthe formationof community
because people attendthose dances thatallow them to dance in ways
When people startto travel
theymostenjoyand withwhichtheyidentify.
a "circuit"of dances beyond theirhome hall, theyselect those venues
thatare similarin style,repertoire,and atmosphere.The emergenceof
communityat anygivenplace and timedepends on the coincidence of
these factorsin the dancers' experience. Thus performancestyleand
repertoireare an importantdynamicin the definitionof traditionand
in the analysisof musicand dance communities.
(4) THE MEASURE OF A GOOD NIGHT'S
THE PSYCHODYNAMIC
CONTEXT
DANCING:
an energetic
oroneofthelongAfter
performance
ofTheLancersat Letham,
at
or
sets
Rathillet
such
as
Black
Mountain
menmoptheir
Reel,
ways
Largoward
brows
withtowels
andwomen
themselves
with
or
fan
paper mini-electric
fans.Some
or
water
are
wide
and
Smiles
tea,softdrinks,
peoplesiprefreshing
eyesarebright,
evenifchests
arestillheaving
the
exertion.
"That
was
from
good,"peoplesay.
A fourthwayto thinkabout community
formationin dance is through
the embodied sense of connectednessthatdevelopsthroughdance performance.As MartinStokesputsit,musicand dance experiences"encourage people to feel that they are in touch with an essential part of
theiremotions,their'community"'(Stokes 1994:13). Dance
themselves,
facilitatesthisconnectednessin severalways.One is choreographic:the
patternsof dance movementreinforcethe collectiveexperienceof social
dance at Largoward,Letham,and Rathilletevents.Visuallyand choreodance shapesindividualsintoconnected,communal,and colgraphically,
lectivebodies. Anotherway that connection is created is somatic or
the measureof a good dance in partlies in itspsychopsychobiological:
logical and physicalenergy,spurredon by a good band and good comthe creation
pany.Choreographyand bodycome togetheras communitas,
ofa bond betweendisparateindividualsthatuniteshumansin community
and fellowshipas describedbyVictorTurner (1969). Communitas
is created as dancersembodysocial,physical,and psychological
connectedness.
Choreographyfacilitatesthe emergenceof a sense of communityin
twoways.First,in the set formations,
dancersinscribethe choreography
withone anotherthrougha patternedseriesoffiguresor movementsperformedto a specifiednumberof bars of music.Dancing in sets (either
longwaysor square forfourcouples,or pairsor triosfacingone another)
140
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
is a collaborationamongthemembersoftheset.Even thougheach group
has different
members,the same patternis inscribedby everyset in a
dance.
The
within
given
psychosocialfocusof thesedances is centripetal,
dance performancedepends on the interacthe set. Because a satisfying
tionamongthemembersoftheset,some people choose to dance withthe
same group on a regularbasis,and friendshipsare formedin thisway.
thispracticeruns the riskof being thoughtof as
Intrinsically
satisfying,
so
care
needs
to be exercisedin ordernot to damage the "good
exclusive,
atmosphere"of a dance eventwithtoo much exclusivity.
Gossip about
dancerswho "keep to themselves"
is one mechanismthatis used to controlexclusivebehavior.Dancing in setswitha varietyof otherdancers,
to develop
moreover,has the added benefitofenablingotherfriendships
and new connectionsto be formed.
A second widespreadchoreographicformationis one in whichcouples positionthemselvesin a large circle around the room. Here each
couple dances as a unit,but all performan identicalchoreographyso
thatthe entireroom is constitutedas a collectivedance event.In each
couple, partnersare focusedon the axis betweenthem,and the physics
of the dance relies on a reciprocityof tensions around that axis.
focused on the
However,all couples are simultaneouslycentripetally
centerof the circleof dancers,whichprovidesthe roomfulof dancing
couples theirconnectionwithone another.Often quite simple,these
as a collectiveexperience:to be one
choreographiesare mostsatisfying
of thirty
or fortydancingcouples movingin synchrony
around theroom
feelsas ifone is caughtup in a collectively
universe.
Like theset
dancing
in
dances
dancers
collaborativemovementthat
dances, couple
engage
a
enacts
communal
It is thus in dancingthatthe
experientially
identity.
Rathilletor Letham or Largowarddancersbecome a community.
In this
sense,then,the communityemerges,or is created,each timea dance is
danced. Communityemergesin the dance via itschoreography.
Dancing offerspeople an activitythat is social, performedto live
music,challengingenough to keep people's interestwithoutrequiring
specialized training,and active enough to be aerobic. Scottishdance
musicis lively,energetic,and some would sayrelentlessly
cheerful.In a
worldwhere"stress"is partofeveryone'sdailyexperience,social dancing
offersa healthyphysicaloutlet:people commentthatit is "good exercise." The physicalenergyrequired for dancing,supportedby a good
band and congenial company,contributesto the good feelingspeople
experience.21Moreover,an importantcollective physiopsychological
phenomenon occursat dance events.Scotlandis a cool climate,and vil-
Scottish
ofCommunity
141
cool
lage halls are not well heated, so thatpeople are in factphysically
"cool" in the manwhen the eventbegins.They are also psychologically
ner thatis prescribedby normativeetiquette:theychat quietlyin small
groups,sit calmlyon chairsor benches placed on the peripheryof the
room,and waitpatientlyforthe dancingto begin. But afterabout threequartersof an hour of dancing, people are literallyand symbolically
"warmedup" and the "atmosphere"in the hall changes. The dancing
generatesindividualas well as collectivebodyheat. Soon people startto
thevolumeof conversationamong participerspireand, simultaneously,
increases.
and
interactionintenpants
laugh as interpersonal
Peoplejoke
sifies.This is partof the "good atmosphere"thatpeople desire.And the
"sweatfactor"isjudged bysome as a measureof a good night'sdancing.
Some men bringtwoor eventhreeshirtsalong: one to changeintoat the
half-time
interval,and anotherto put on beforegoinghome. Womenfan
themselvesor sip cooling drinks.Everyonecomments,"Isn'titwarm?"
One wayof thinkingabout whatoccursat a dance is thatdancingcreates opportunitiesformore intimate,social connectionsto be formed
among a group of people. The usual values governingconventional
behavior-reticence,respectforindividualintegrity,
freedom,and relativism("It's nothingto do withme")-collapse under the pressureof
If takenadvantageof,theseopportunitiesfor
energeticphysicalactivity.
connection also break down the barriersof individualityand enable
bodies and spiritsto cohere. In his conceptualizationof communitas,
VictorTurnercitesMartinBuber's thesisthat"Community
is the being
no longer side by side but withone anotherin a multitudeof persons"
(Turner1969:127). This "beingwith"is whatI call "connectedness,"created in social dance at the eventsI have describedhere.
For Turner,communitas
is "an essentialand generichumanbond,without which there could be no society"(1969:97). Writingabout how
Turner's concept maybe extended beyond the analysisof ritual,Paul
Spencer arguesthatitsrelevanceto dance is obvious:"It is notjust that
thatdrawspeople together
dancingis a highlysocial and levelingactivity
in solidarity....It contrastswithnormaleveryday
life,takingthedancers
out oftheirstructured
routineand intoa realmof timelesscharm."And:
'Through dancing,the individualis caughtup in a verydynamicwayin
the powerfulforcesunderlyingcommunity
life.It is notjust his imagination thatis stirred,but his whole body" (Spencer,ed. 1985:28,35). The
embodimentof connectednessis whatgivesdance itspower as "emerging community."
142
A. SHOUPE
CATHERINE
In social dance, communitas
on
representstheformationof community
is not"
twolevels.Attheexistential
level,emerging"wheresocialstructure
behavior
characteristic
of
marcommunitas
(Turner1969:126),
represents
ginal or transitionalsocial situationswhere immediacy,equality,and
spontaneity
prevail.However,Turnerexpandstheconceptto includeculturalor institutionalized
as well.This enablesus
expressionsof communitas
than
tosocial
to understandcommunitas
as an element
ofrather
simplyopposed
structure.Communitas
takesformin eventsthatpermitand encourageits
expressionin "thevitalizingmoment"(1974:243). At the dance, commuofdance performance.
nityemergesthroughand in the communitas
Whenvirtually
all the dancersare up on thefloorand the room is full
of the musicinspiresthe
of movingbodies,when the timingand rhythm
dancing,whenfamiliartunesliftthe spiritsofthe dances,and whenbodies have startedto sweatand the usual reticenceof everydayinterpersonal interactionhas begun to crackopen, the experienceof communitas
emerges.People feel happyin the communalmomentwhen the whole
roomfulof dancerscreatesa singlepatternthatis "thedance," or when,
withineach setofeightdancers,thepatternis replicatedthroughoutthe
room in a kind of kaleidoscope of movementand form.And they
in the birlwhenpartners,delicatelybalanced,whirling
approach exstasis
and spinning,takeone anotherto the edge of chaos.
These momentsof communitas
are experiencedoverand overagain at
the dancing. It is the memoryof it, and the anticipationof its occurrence on a futureoccasion, thatdrawspeople back to eventsthatcarry
the potentialof communitas-that
"essentialand generic human bond,
withoutwhichtherecould be no society."And those eventsthemselves
then become moments of communitas,
essential to the formationof
dance.
communitythrough
EPILOGUE
inDecember
It is a Sundayevening
1995,andwehavejoinedsevenother
couin
Collessie
Hall
our
ceilidh
dance
class.
We
two
sets
and
work
ples
for weekly
form
ourwaythrough
thecurrently
populardancesthat
folkwanttobeabletoperform
whenthey
ortoanother
a party,
go outtodanceat Largoward
villagehallevent,
ora wedding.
Mostoftheparticipants
livein thevillageornearby;
areneighthey
borsorrelatives
and enjoyoneanother's
wanttolearn
they
company;
particularly
dances;and they
popularceilidh
gethotand happydancingtogether
Geography,
and
the
context
this
dance
comsociety,
performance, psychodynamics
for
provide
are
We
welcomed
and
as
and
munity.
knowledgeable friendly
"ringers" enjoyour
association
withthese
And
the
class
lasted
onlya fewmonths,
friends. although
Scottish
ofCommunity
143
whenwe returneach summerit is reconstituted
for a barbecueand dance,and
anotherdance community
emerges
again.
Saint Mary's College
NotreDame, Indiana
NOTES
1 Regional designations include Highland, Hebridean, Shetland, and
Borders.Definitionsreferencingstyleare step,social, military,
court,oldand
dance.
Two
national
boards
and
time, ceilidh,
country
regulatory
and
and
also
teachers:
define
The
certify
styles,steps,
figures
organizations
ScottishOfficialBoard ofHighland Dancing forHighlanddancing,and the
RoyalScottishCountryDance Societyforcountrydancing.
2 Social dancingthatis generallyrecognizedas traditional
in Scotlandincludes
a number of different
dance types,althoughnot everyoneagrees on the
See Shoupe 1991:182-97fora disboundariesofwhatconstitutes
traditional.
cussion of the complexitiesof thisargument.The term"countrydancing"
setdances forfourcouples in longwaysor squareform,espeusuallysignifies
as
cially promotedby the RSCDS. "Old-timedancing"is a broadercategory
includingcountrydance sets,aroundtheroomcouple dances includingballroom dances, and hybridformssuch as couples thatface one anotherand
aftereach repetitionof the dance figures(someprogressaround-the-room
timescalled a CircassianCircleformation).The setdances performedat oldtimevenues are usuallylimitedin number,whilethe RSCDS has supported
the proliferation
of new dances composed in "traditional"
stylesas well as
dances revivedfrommanuscriptsources."Ceilidhdancing"is a more recent
termapplied to essentiallythe same repertoireas old-time.It has emerged
among youngermusicianswitha backgroundin the folkmusicrevivaland
appeals to youngerdancerswho rejectthe stodgyconnotationof the term
old-time.To a certainextenttheseare overlappingcategories,and theiruse
representsage and class distinctions.This issue was discussedin Shoupe
(1997). "Sequence dancing"refersto the dance formationin whichcouples
simultaneously
performthesame sequence offiguresin an around-the-room
formationbased on ballroom stylessuch as the waltzor fox trot.Certain
sequence dances are part of the old-timerepertoire,but some dance clubs
and classesare whollydedicatedto thistypeof dance, whichis perhapsbest
regardedas a subsetofballroomdancing.
3 The recentsurveyedited byTeresaJ.Buckland (1999) includesdiscussions
of the theoreticaldimensionsoffieldresearchbyAdrienneL. Kaepplerand
Drid Williams that focus on methodological issues. The classic texts of
dance ethnology--Lange(1975), Royce (1977), and Hanna (1979)-are
likewiseconcerned primarily
withdance as dance.
144
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
4 A forerunneris Spencer,ed. 1985, which offersfunctional,psychological,
symbolic,and structuralapproaches to dance analysis. Tomko (1999)
toucheson one of the themesthatinterestsme in herfirstchapter,in which
she discussesthe imagesof the human bodybeing promotedbymovement
practicesof the time,but her analysisis primarilyhistoricaland political.
Politicsand historyare also thefocusof Mendoza (2000). For gender-based
politicalanalysis,see Cowan (1990), and Savigliano(1995). Keil, Keil, and
Blau (1992) providehistoricaland social analysisof polka in America.
5 The forum, "EmergentCommunities,"organized by Lucy Long at the
Society for Ethnomusicology Midwest Chapter meeting, April 1998,
BowlingGreen,Ohio, servedas the originalimpetusformythinkingabout
I wishto thankLucy and the otherprethe idea of emergentcommunity.
senters-Colleen Coughlin,Alan Kagan, MaryHatvig,and CoryThornefor theircontributionsto the developmentof the concept. The paper I
deliveredtherewas the firstversionof thisarticle (Shoupe 1998a). I have
also drawnfromShoupe (1998b), whichwas deliveredforthe panel called
"EmergentCommunities:TraditionalMusic and Dance" at the October
1998 AmericanFolkloreSocietyannual meetingin Portland,Ore. Thanks
to BurtFeintuch,who servedas discussanton thatpanel.
6 The social and politicalcomplexitiesof the interrelationships
betweencomis
and
tradition
in
the
of
Scotland
munity
subject Shoupe (1995). I suggest
thatnotions about traditiontoo oftenfall into conservativeand romantic
conceptionssimilarto thosesurroundingideas about community:
simplicity,
and
democracy,purity,directnessof apprehension, immediacy,artistry,
cohesion. These ideas posittradition,and byanalogycommunity,
as historical, stable,and conservativeratherthancurrent,changing,and developing.
7 Research conducted in 1995-96 was supportedby a sabbaticalleave from
Saint Mary'sCollege, NotreDame, Indiana, and byan HonoraryResearch
of St.
Fellowshipat the St. Andrew'sScottishStudies Institute,University
Andrews,Scotland, Douglas Dunn, Director.In 1999, I received support
fromSaint Mary'sCollege again in the formof a SISTAR grant,whichsupported summertraveland research.This researchis the basis fora book
manuscriptcurrentlyin progresson the relationshipbetween music and
dance traditionsin Scotland.
8 This studyof MiltonKeynesfocuseson the pathwaysfollowedbypeople as
theybecome involvedin musicalgroupsin the town.
9 See Shoupe (1994) fora discussionof "place" and "family"
as twodomains
of identityin Scotland.
10 See also Leyshon,Matless,and Revill,eds. 1998,and Transactions
oftheInstitute
4
no.
both
of
which
include
20,
(1995),
ofBritishGeographers
papers froma
1993 interdisciplinary
conferenceheld in London on '"ThePlace of Music."
Solomon's appraisalof thistrendin researchnotes thatthe idea that"musical performanceservesas a practiceforplace-making"
followsfromAnthony
Seeger'sargumentthatmusicdoes notsimplyreflectculture,butmusicalper-
Scottish
ofCommunity
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
145
formanceis rathera social activity
throughwhichcultureis created,negotiand
ated,
performed(Solomon 2000:257). See also Seeger (1987).
The dance class at Rathilletrepresentsa historicalcontinuitywithclasses
offeredbyitinerantdancingmastersat ruralvillagehalls,therebyreinforcing dance practicein local communities.A fatherand son,bothnicknamed
years.
"Fiddley"Adamson,taughtdancingin Fifeovera span of seventy-five
Alexander practicedfrom1879 until his retirementin 1927, and his son,
William,continuedthe practiceuntilhis own retirementin 1953. See Flett
and Flett(1964:8).
The associationof the name Shand withScottishdancingdates back to the
1930swhenJimmy
Shand,Sr.made hisfirstrecordingsforRegal-Zonophone.
Born onJanuary28, 1908,SirJimmy
passed awayon December29, 2000,just
shortof his 93rdbirthday.
by
Knighted thePrinceofWalesin a ceremonyin
Sir Jimmyfirstorganizeda band in the late
in
1999,
Edinburgh January,
1930s, and in the 1940s it developed into a nationallyand internationally
associatedwithScottishcountrydancing,Sir
knowndance band. Primarily
his
lost
never
appreciationand enthusiasmforall kindsof Scottish
Jimmy
and
His
sonJimmyJr.
music.
carrieson thelegacyat Letham,where
dancing
dancerscome to dance in the more broadlydefined"old time"style,and in
playingforcountrydancingall around the country.InterviewwithMargaret
andJimmyShand,Jr.,Auchtermuchty,
January15, 1996.
who playslead accordion and electronicMIDI bass (which
JoiningJimmy,
servesas replacementforthe piano and uprightbass of older bands) are
second accordion player Hamish Smith and drummerJim Lawrie. Dr.
Merinoaccordionofthe type
button-key
SandyTulloch,playinga three-row
made famousbyJimmy,
Sr.,usuallyjoins theband duringthesecond halfof
the program.
InterviewwithBob and MargaretGrier,Largoward,February1, 1996.
'To be attachedto the subdivision,to love the littleplatoonwe belong to in
society,is the firstprinciple(the germ as it were) of public affections.It is
thefirstlinkin the seriesbywhichwe proceed towarda love to our country
and to mankind"(Burke 1968:135).
InterviewwithDave and MurielSimpson,Alan and Madge Wilson,and Bill
and Ann Christie,Cupar,July20, 1996.
InterviewwithEffieTrail,Rathillet,
June 20, 1996.
For a historicalview see Emmerson (1971, 1972). Furtherdiscussion is
found in Hood 1980. The burgeoningpopularityof ceilidh dancing has
resultedin a number of "how to" books, the most popular of which are
Shepherd (1992) and Ewartand Ewart(1996). Two instructionalbooklets
produced in conjunction with their CDs by the popular band The
Occasionals are Footnotes
(Edinburgh:Bonskied Music, 1992) and Back in
Bonskied
Music, 1997), edited by band leader Freeland
Step(Edinburgh:
Barbour. The way that the definitionof the traditionis currentlybeing
negotiatedand extended is illustratedbyKnight,ed. 1996, whichincludes
a contemporarystatementof RSCDS definitionsof stylesas well as "ceilidh
146
CATHERINE A. SHOUPE
and partydances,"whichhave not previouslybeen included by the Society
in theirpublications.
19. Traditionaldances people typically
learn at school (duringthe six weeksof
P.E. classesdevotedto socialdancingbeforetheChristmas
party)includeGay
the
Barn
White
Willow,
Dance, Military
Gordons,Dashing
Sergeant,Strip
Two Step,VirginiaReel, and St Bernard'sWaltz.Popular couple dances in
the currentrepertoireinclude Pride of ErinWaltz,Gay GordonsTwo Step,
New HesitationWaltz,BostonTwo Step,New KilarneyWaltz,MississippiDip,
VienneseSwing,SwedishMasquerade,Eva Three Step,and Lomond Waltz.
20 The ceilidh dance movementis another manifestationof the rebellion
against the RSCDS, fosteredby bands who stylethemselvesceilidh bands
and playfora primarily
youngerand mainlyurban clientele.Ceilidh bands
grewout of thefolkmusicmovementof the 1960s.The urban-basedceilidh
dance repertoireoverlapsto some extentwithRathilletbut in factis more
similarto the old-timerepertoirethatexcludes the complicatedset dances
thatthe Rathilletdancersprefer.
thatsong generatesin the context
21 Lassiter(1998:182ff.)discussesthefeeling
of powwowdancing among the Kiowa Indians of Oklahoma. The waythat
Kiowapeople talkabout theirexperiencesin dancingis verysimilarto what
I hear in Scotland.Lassiter'scritiqueof the use of Turner'sexistentialtype
of communitasto describe what happens at powwow events (Lassiter
1998:249,note 12) confirmsmyuse ofTurner'sculturalor institutionalized
expressionof communitas.
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Ethnography.
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ofArizonaPress.
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Music.New York:The GuildfordPress.
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of Chicago Press.
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Scottish Social Dancing and the Formation of Community

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