this article - International Journal of Mass Emergencies

this article - International Journal of Mass Emergencies

DILEMMAS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF INTERNATIONAL
COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR/SOCIAL MOVEMENTS RESEARCH:
A CASE STUDY
James L. Wood
San Diego S t a t e University, USA
Patricia A. Wood
San Diego, USA
There i s a national focus t o much c o l l e c t i v e
behavior/sociaZ movements research. However, when
the investigation takes place i n a foreign country,
certain dilemmas-and opportunities-may arise.
Three s e t s of diZemmaa and opportunities i n relation
t o conducting research on social movements abroad
are explored: I . the decision t o describe the movement,
or t e s t a geneml hypothesis about social movements;
2. the decision t o study the social movement a t one
point i n time, or t o study it over a longer time
period; 3. the decision t o use obsemationai! methods,
or survey research methods.
The m y research goals can be modified according
t o the practical c o n s t m i n t s encountered i s i l Z u s t m t e d
by a case study of Britain's Nuclear D i s a m e n t
Movement, with particular focus on the Peaoe Camps
such as Greenham Comon and CND (Campaign f o r Nuclear
Disarmament).
The peace camps represented a new form of social
protest. Although the Greenhm Common camp had received
covemge i n the media, almost no information w s
available concerning the 14 or so other camps.
Practical c o n s t m i n t s and situational factors are
discussed which influenced the investigation of the
peace camps t o become a descriptive, observational
study within a shorter time f m e . Yet contrasting
experience
with a
st*
of
CiW
iZZustrate8
circumstances favoring a t Zeast some hypothesis t e s t i n g
even within a shorter time period. FinaZZy, a possible
middle ground between description and hypothesis
t e s t i n g i s suggested, whereby descriptive data are
collected &thin a s p e c i f i c theoreticaZ framework.
International Journal of M a s s Bmergeocies and Disasters, 1986
There is a national f o c u s t o much collective behavior/social
movements research. Americans tend t o report on American
cases of collective behavior and social movements; Germans
d o similarly f o r t h e German counterparts; and English collective
behavior is usually analyzed by English scholars (Quarantelli
and Dynes, l977:27, 29).
When major defining characteristics of collective behavior
such as social movements and disasters a r e considered, i t is
apparent why these social f o r m s c a n present unique problems
in being studied abroad. First, t h e y a r e o f t e n spontaneous in
occurrence, especially short t e r m episodes of collective behavior
such a s panics, lynchings, riots, and disasters. The e m e r g e n t
relationships and e m e r g e n t norms associated with t h e collective
behavior e v e n t o f t e n rise, peak, and dissipate in rapid fashion.
In discussing research on disaster in specific, Quarantelli and
Dynes (1977:3 1) note:
disaster situations tend t o be peopled by e m e r g e n t
groups, e n t i t i e s t h a t had no existence prior t o t h e crisis;
t h e s e o f t e n have only transitory existence, but their
functioning may b e crucial t o t h e whole trans- and postdisaster response.
In addition, knowledge of t h e e m e r g e n t groups and e m e r g e n t
norms may require a n understanding of t h e prior groups and
norms from which t h e y arose. A researcher arriving on t h e
scene with limited prior knowledge of t h e cultural s e t t i n g could
be hampered in identifying e m e r g e n t characteristics.
Social movements, in turn, have unique qualities which m a y
contribute t o difficulties in international studies. Social
movements "can be defined as noninstitutionalized group a t t e m p t s
t o produce o r prevent social change." (Marx and Wood, 1975376).
Because of t h e noninstitutionalized s t a t u s of a movement and
t h e goals aimed at social change, particular research problems
may be accentuated f o r a n international investigator. These
include difficulties of gaining access t o members of t h e social
movement network, establishing t r u s t within t h e network, and
ethical issues of representing t h e intent of t h e research t o those
being studied.
There a r e some outstanding historical investigations of
collective behavior and social movements by scholars studying
these activities in countries o t h e r than their own (Smelser,
1959; Tilly, 1964). But what happens when a n investigator goes
abroad t o study collective behavior/social movements firsthand,
when t h e e v e n t s a r e taking place? H e or she will be f a c e d with
certain dilemmas, as well as opportunities, t h a t m a y be intensified
when studying t h e topic in a n international, instead of t h e more'
typical national, setting.
...
195
This paper focuses on t h r e e such sets of d i l e m m a s and
opportunities: 1. t h e decision t o describe t h e m o v e m e n t , o r
test a general hypothesis about social movements; 2. t h e decision
to study t h e social movement at o n e point in t i m e , o r to s t u d y
i t over a longer t i m e period; 3. t h e decision t o use observational
methods, or survey research methods.
Description vs. Hypothesis Testing
An initial issue f o r a n y international research o n collective
behavior/social movements is whether t o test a g e n e r a l hypothesis
about it, or accurately describe t h e activity. Should we discuss
t h e goals, tactics, and organizational s t r u c t u r e of the movement;
o r should we test Smelser's theory of collective behavior, resource
mobilization theory, o r Gurr's approach t o relative deprivation?
This type of dilemma h a s been elaborated in a classic
collection of a r t i c l e s about sociologists initiating research
(Hammond, 1964) and in a recent book on sociological research
(Smith, 1983). Denzin represents o n e position in t h e d e b a t e
when h e a r g u e s t h a t "the only justification f o r a n empirical
observation is t h e refinement, development o r refocusing of
social theory." (Denzin in .Arnold, l983:SS). In c o n t r a s t , Dalton
(1964:53-54) argues against p r e m a t u r e formulation o f a hypothesis
which m a y become obligatory in its own right, regardless of
new insights which would indicate a need t o change t h e emphasis
of t h e research.
When studying a social movement internationally, t h e
investigator c a n be immediately faced with t h e problem of
learning with t h e most basic descriptive d e t a i l s a b o u t t h e
movement. This is especially t r u e when t h e m o v e m e n t is novel
o r does not have a n extensive l i t e r a t u r e in t h e investigator's
own country. The pressure t o resolve t h e d i l e m m a in f a v o r of
a descriptive than analytical focus is heightened when t h e
investigator h a s not previously been involved with t h e movement,
clearly a potential occurrence in international collective
behavior/social movements research.
Time Period of t h e Study
A second dilemma f a c e d by t h e international investigator
of social movements concerns t h e t i m e period available f o r
conducting t h e study.
When studying a n on-going movement, as compared t o doing
a n historical study of movement, cooperation with a c t i v i t i s t s
is essential. In a politically sensitive a r e a of investigation, such
a s t h e nuclear protest movement, it t a k e s t i m e (even months)
t o establish t h e mutual t r u s t f o r such coopoeration. While s e t t i n g
research goals, t h e researcher must allow f o r t h e t i m e essential
t o develop t h e s e relationships before d a t a collection m a y begin.
On a short-term leave o r sabbatical t h e r e m a y not b e rime
t o d o this adequately.
The investigator must also decide whether t o study t h e
movement at one point in t i m e , o r over a longer t i m e period.
Since social movements a r e usually dynamic social entities,
i t i s preferable t o study them o v e r long periods of time. The
study of a n institution like t h e family o r religion, in contrast,
would be m o r e amenable t o a s t a t i c , cross-sectional study.
Indeed, some of the m o r e successful case studies of social
movements h a v e been conducted by those involved with
movements f o r lengthy periods of time. (See several such studies
in Freeman, 1983).
However, in international research when t h e investigator
must return home at a specified time, a lenghty study may
be difficult, if not impossible. Those on sabbatical leave, without
support of a grant or fellowship, will likely have a year o r less
t o spend abroad, If favored financial circumstances permit
d i r e c t movement involvement over several years, t h e r e would
b e enough t i m e t o describe and analyze movement dynamics
such as ideological shifts, changes in membership composition,
t a c t i c a l changes response t o differing social control approaches,
and continuing influences of t h e movement on t h e larger society.
Observational Methods o r Survey Research
The final dilemma addressed h e r e concerns t h e choice of
observational methods o r survey research techniques. Survey
research o f f e r s t h e a d v a n t a g e of providing a n actual body of
quantifiable d a t a which could be used f o r comparative analysis.
I t has the added advantage of providing a t i m e efficient method
of gathering t h e data.
However, constructing a n adequate survey research instrument
t o use in another culture c a n be problematical (Smelser, 1976:185195). If t h e investigator h a s only limited knowledge of t h e
movement, i t could be difficult t o select t h e dimensions and
categories of relevant variables t o b e measured by t h e survey.
Choice of wording of t h e questions would need t o b e tested
in a pilot study, with sufficient t i m e allowed t o make revisions.
Since survey research entails t h e use of structured questionnaires
t h e researcher may be g r e e t e d with mistrust or outright hostility
if questionnaires a r e brought o u t on t h e initial research contact.
The movement activists o w e t h e visitor no obligation, and i t
m a y be unclear how t h e investigator's questionnaire will aid
t h e foreign subjects, not t o mention concern t h a t i t will hurt
them.
From t h e preciding remarks, i t i s c l e a r t h a t , especially for
197
t h e investigator's initial involvements with t h e movement,
observational techniques a r e likely preferable. over survey
research techniques using questionnaires.
The problems, attempted solutions, and contraints related
t o these dilemmas will be especially illustrated by a recent
case study, our investigation of Britain's Nuclear Disarmament
Movement (Mitchell and Wood, 1985; Wood, Wood, and Mitchell,
1984).
Overview of Britain's Nuclear Disarmament Movement
The primary social movement organization in Britain
concerned with nuclear disarmament is the Campaign f o r Nuclear
Disarmament (CND), formed over 25 years ago in 1958. CND
was organized t o act a s a political pressure group which would
function t o educate people and support legislative changes
resulting in unilateral nuclear disarmament. T h e movement
grew rapidly in t h e f i r s t t w o years. By 1960 the C N D national
office employed 20 full t i m e staff, and six regional offices
each employed one full t i m e staff person. Local groups numbered
approximately 450 (Minnion and Bolsover, 1983:25).
While peace activists were encouraged by largr?-sc.de antinuclear demonstrations, problems also existed. T h e very size
of t h e marches posed some logistical strains. O t h e r tactical
disputes had arisen by 1961 as t o whether the organization would
maintain i t s pressure group focus o r adopt direct a c t i o n t a c t i c s
(Taylor and Pritchard, l980:9-15). The c o m m i t t e e of 100,
advocates of direct action, broke off from CND at t h i s time.
This dispute, along with t h e 1963 Partial Test Ban T r e a t y
and ensuing thaw in t h e Cold War, contributed to a decline
in membership, support and public visibility of C N D during
the mid 1960s through t h e early 1970s (Levin, 1985:180). In
1979 the registered membership of national CND w a s a modest
4,000 and t h e national organization had only 4 employees (Minnion
and Bolsover, 1983:36),
On December 12, 1979 NATO. announced i t s intention of
modernizing nuclear weapons based in Europe, including
placement of 160 cruise missiles at British bases (Cook and
Krik, 1984:89). A House of Commons hearing in January 1980
revealed t h a t the government had been financing a s e c r e t
modernization program of t h e Polaris f l e e t at a cost d
1000,000,000 pounds over the previous 10 years. These events,
combined with the news in June 1980 t h a t computer malfunctions
had resulted in near activation of American nuclear bombers
1
i
1
I
'
twice within a f e w days, rekindled t h e d e b a t e on t h e dangers
of nuclear armament.
The opposition to t h e placement of Cruise missiles on British
soil provided CND with one clear, focused goal around which
t o remobilize t h e nuclear disarmament movement. Minnion
and Bolsover note, "In March 1980 simultaneous demonstrations
against Cruise were held in Oxford and Cambridge: between
them they mustered about 2,000 people. In July, 1,500 protesters
turned up a t Molesworth, only t w o and a half weeks a f t e r this
Cruise missile s i t e had been announced. August saw
demonstrations numbering thousands of supporters at Manchester,
Greenham Common and York." (1983:36).
A revival of local peace groups took place, with CND groups
working in conjunction with a variety of o t h e r groups. A s Minnion
and Bolsover noted, "The chances were t h a t f o r every town
o r village with a CND group, t h e r e would be another represented
by a group of END o r ANC, by a n Against t h e Missiles group
or simply a P e a c e Group." (1983:37). Many of these groups have
since c o m e t o act as CND groups. In 1984 200,000 plus members
were affiliated with local CND chapters (Levin, 1985179).
A new, innovative social movement organization--the peace
camp--was also t o a p p e a r as a n important f a c t o r in remobilizing
CND. The P e a c e Camps, beginning with t h e camp at Greenham
Common Air F o r c e Base in England, have had a n invigorating
e f f e c t on t h e recruitment of CND members (Levin, 1985) and
innovation of anti-nuclear tactics.
During Easter week of 1982 CND staged demonstrations
in 13 towns and cities throughout Britain, Two thousand turned
out in London, while 10,000 protested at t h e Trident base in
Glasgow (Sunday Times, 1982b:2). An a r t i c l e in t h e Sunday Times
(1982a:6) announced "Whitehall defence officials a r e becoming
alarmed at the revival of CND and government difficulty in
counteracting anti-nuclear agitation by CND." A t Greenham
Common, where women had been camping f o r six months, their
first Easter protest was staged when 200 women padlocked
themselves outside t h e g a t e s of Greenham Common (Sunday
Times, 1982a:6). By 1983 t h e Easter protest had grown in size,
diversity of support, and innovation of tactics. A mass human
chain was formed by a n estimated 100,000 participants t o link
three bases: Greenham Common and Burghfield via t h e Atomic
Weapons Research Establishment at Aldermeston (The Observer,
1983:l). The demonstration was looked at a s unique in several
respects. I t was t h e largest and most spectacular demonstration
outside of London in t h e 25 year history of CND; i t mobilized
a diverse group of participants, babies through grandparents,
and political persuasions f r o m punks and anarchists t o
Conservative v o t e r s from t h e recently formed T o r i e s Against
Cruise and Trident group (The Times, 1983:l). I t w a s also t h e
f i r s t t i m e a nationally coordinated d i r e c t action w a s undertaken
by CND since t h e issue had split t h e movement i n t h e 1960's
(The Observer, 1983:l).
The remobilization of t h e British Nuclear D i s a r m a m e n t
Movement thus seemed t o be a n intriguing r e s e a r c h t o p i c f o r
a sabbatical leave. The t h r e e dilemmas posed e a r l i e r in t h e
discussion now a r o s e as issues t h a t had to be confronted.
Development of Research
In his book on field work, Douglas points o u t t h e importance
of s t a t i n g several basic questions and selecting t h e approach
t o be used in light of these questions:
The researcher must always begin his r e s e a r c h with a n
idea of what kinds of d a t a he wants (his r e s e a r c h goals),
w h a t t h e situation allows, and what h i s practical
constraints a r e (Douglas, 1976:8).
Research Goals
Initial development of o u r research project c e n t e r e d around
a plan t o gather survey d a t a which would allow hypothesis t e s t i n g
of a middle range theory, similar t o research previously conducted
on t h e American student movement (Wood, 1974). O n e possibility
was studying t h e ideology and social base of t h e British p e a c e
movement through a survey to be sent o u t t o a s a m p l e of CND
members who Bad particpated in t h e d i r e c t action of Easter,
1983; o r prepare a survey t o give participants in t h e E a s t e r
demonstration t o b e held when we would be in England during
Spring 1984. The advantage of such a n approach would b e t o
obtain a body of quantifiable d a t a which could be used f o r
comparative analysis. The disadvantages were several. The
approach would be static, cross-sectional, and provide l i t t l e
insight into movement processes or dynamics. More pragmatically,
during correspondence with a British colleague who h a d studied
o n e of t h e British women's p e a c e groups, thi question was raised
as to t h e likelihood of gathering a representative sample, as
well as problems of a n unknown American conducting such a
study.
With t h e s e very real limitations in mind, w e explored o t h e r
possible a r e a s which might provide fruitful research. The p e a c e
camps which had developed at Greenham Common and o t h e r
bases throughout Britain seemed t o o f f e r a unique organizational
form, and we became interested in determining the process
2 00
by which they arose, t h e structure of their relations and their
impact on t h e larger peace movmement in Britain and on British
society.
What t h e Situation Allows
The peace camps a r e a new form of social protest. Never
before had women--or men--left home for t h e cause of peace,
and s e t up another more difficult style of living on t h e outskirts
of military bases. Yet t h i s is exactly what British anti-nuclear
activists did, first at Greenham Common and then a t about
fourteen other American military installations in Britain,
including Molesworth Air Force Base, Lakenheath Air Force
Base, Upper Heyford Air Force Base, and High Wycombe Air
Force Base. Indeed, t h e choice of sites was great: t h e r e a r e
over 100 U.S. military bases and related facilities in Britain,
many dating from World War 11 (Campaign!, 19843 Campbell,
1984). The bases chosen f o r peace camps were known (or
perceived) t o have a specific connection t o American nuclear
weapons in Britain.
W e initially had to deal with t h e limited nature of the
information available t o us concerning this new type of
movement. What were its ideology, organizational structure,
accomplishments, and not insignificantly, its means of survival?
The answers t o these questions were almost entirely dependent
on journalistic accounts of t h e peace camp at Greenham Common
(Cook and Kirk, 1984). The other fourteen o r so peace camps
had received almost n o attention in t h e United States. Was
t h e r e significant variation between t h e peace camps regarding
their basic characteristics, or were they similar? Where they
similar on some characteristics such as ideology, but divergent
on others such as tactics? How had t h e major goal of t h e camps,
the prevention of placement of American nuclear weapons on
British soil, been affected by the actual arrival of Crqise missiles
at Greenham Common in November 19841
W e did not know this information and f e l t a need t o obtain
it before even considering analyzing the movement in terms
of hypothesis testing. Indeed, how can resource mobilization
theory be tested without knowledge of t h e resources used by
t h e movement? Or how c a n Smelser's theory be tested without
documentation of the types of structural conduciveness, strains,
generalized beliefs, precipitating factors, mobilization attempts,
and social control involved? All of these variables--or similar
analytic variables--needed adequate description before any
endeavour t o test the theories could be undertaken.
Unfortunately, there was only a sparse amount of d a t a on
t h e basic descriptive issues even in Britain. A t CND headquarters
201
in London, which has a wealth of antinuclear information
generally, w e found only one newspaper a r t i c l e comparing peace
c a m p s other than Greenham Common. This paucity of information
was quite important in t h e ultimate choice of a descriptive,
observational focus f o r t h e research project.
Practical Constraints
Two other f a c t o r s also a f f e c t e d t h e type of research
conducted. The t i m e period available f o r completing t h e research
was a six month sabbatical. Since t h e topic was a politically
sensitive a r e a , we anticipated t h a t p a r t of t h e t i m e would b e
devoted t o establishing initial c o n t a c t s and mutual t r u s t with
movement members.
Our experiences at t h e Greenham Common P e a c e C a m p
and several o t h e r peace camps illustrate several of the f a c t o r s
pressing toward a descriptive, observational study, within a
shorter t i m e frame. Y e t our contrasting experience w i t h CND
illustrate circumstances favoring at least some hypothesis testing
even in a shorter time period f o r research.
Greenham Common
Our preliminary research on British peace camps indicated
t h a t Greenham Common should be the first site s e l e c t e d f o r
a visit. Not only had this c a m p received almost a l l of t h e publicity
about peace camps in general, i t was also highly publicized
as a feminist--indeed, all-female--peace camp. Within a few
months of its formation, t h e men at Greenham Common were
asked t o leave d u e t o their more physically aggressive approach
t o anti-nuclear protests (Cook and Kirk, 1984).
The possibility of a n inhospitable reception to a male
researcher was repeatedly raised t o us in London. T h e media
had often t r e a t e d Greenham in a demeaning fashion and s t r a n g e r s
asking questions were thus not always given a receptive greeting
there. Campbell (1985:9) describes t h e situation:
When they covered i t a t all, such respected o r g a n s of
objectivity as t h e BBC and t h e Times stressed t h e gypsyish
atmosphere of t h e place rather than i t s political aims.
Britain's other national papers referred to Greenharn
women as Harridans, Harpies, Witches, Lesbians, Amazons,
Dupes and Extremists. Because they have so o f t e n been
misrepresented, many Greenham women a r e suspicious
and uncooperative in dealing with t h e press. Their requests
for women journalists a r e generally ignored and t h e
presence of inquisitive, cameratoting men a b o u t t h e
place f u r t h e r strains relations.
As a result, part of our early explorations were aimed at
2 02
ascertaining t h e most diplomatic way f o r a research t e a m
including one m a l e and o n e f e m a l e t o initiate c o n t a c t with
t h e camp.
Our ability t o gather d a t a was f u r t h e r complicated by t h e
f a c t t h a t t h e very survival of t h e Greenham Common p e a c e
c a m p was being threatened at t h e t i m e w e visited in February,
1984 (The Guardian, l984aA; The Guardian, 1984b:3). The
government was initiating a "road widening" s c h e m e which
would remove t h e land where t h e campers resided at t h e main
g a t e from being designated a "commons" a r e a , and redef ine
i t t o f a l l under t h e jurisdiction of t h e D e p a r t m e n t of
Transportation, One of t h e f i r s t evictions had taken place t h e
morning we arrived at t h e camp, and f u r t h e r evictions continued
throughout t h e spring. The energies of t h e women w e r e d i r e c t e d
t o daily issues of loss of personal property, c o u r t appearances
and a t t e m p t s t o publicize t h e i r cause.
The issue of how t o i n i t i a t e c o n t a c t and represent our intent
t o the women a t Greenham Common was solved t o a considerable
degree by a collaborative relationship with Robert A. Mitchell,
a n English graduate student. Mitchell was well acquainted with
this peace camp, as h e wrote a Bachelor's Thesis which included
interviews covering t h e e a r l y phase of Greenham Common
(Mitchell, 1982). H e accompanied us on our visit to Greenham
Common and even introduced us t o s o m e visitors t h e r e he had
m e t during his prior research. This seemed t o help legitimize
our presence in t h e y e y e s of t h e women camped at t h e main
g a t e , and we were invited t o joint t h e women around a fire.
We explained our intent t o understand t h e development and
goals of their c a m p in o r d e r t o increase public understanding
of t h e p e a c e c a m p s in t h e United States. On t h e basis of this
intent, several women answered numerous questions concerning
t h e organizational s t r u c t u r e of t h e camp, t h e decision making
processes used, community resources necessary f o r survival,
and methods of social control being used against them. In f a c t ,
a f t e r we talked extensively with one very a r t i c u l a t e participant,
a n interviewer f r o m BBC Radio 4 discussed similar issues with
her f o r a l a t e r broadcast, which provided f u r t h e r verification
of t h e information which s h e had given us.
When we visited Greenham Common, t h e r e were seven g a t e s
of t h e base where women camped o u t in protest against American
cruise missiles. A t only o n e of these g a t e s was t h e r e a sign
saying "Women and Children only." Whereas w e had been led
t o believe a l l t h e women at Greenham Common might respond
negatively t o men, a t t h e o t h e r g a t e s women were willing t o
discuss their anti-nuclear viewpoints and actions, even t o t h e
2 03
e x t e n t of showing us how t h e y c u t t h e f e n c e to e n t e r t h e military
base!
Conversely, t h e visit t o Greenham C o m m o n verified our
feelings t h a t hypothesis t e s t i n g would be difficult. W e b e c a m e
a w a r e of specific problems in obtaining a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample
of peace c a m p participants. This became even m o r e a p p a r e n t
a s we visited o t h e r p e a c e camps. The number of r e s i d e n t s present
on a n y given d a y is a f f e c t e d by various factors: season of t h e
year, jail sentences being served, and court appearances. Some
women spend a period of t i m e at camp, and r e t u r n h o m e f o r
"rest and recouperation." A c a m p such a s D a w e s Hill, which
is on t h e e d g e of High Wycombe, had a resident t h a t w e n t to
work in town and a student who lived at t h e c a m p f o u r days
a week. Molesworth P e a c e C a m p had a s m a l l e r group of
permanent residents during t h e spring of 1984, but expanded
t o 70 mobile homes and several hundred r e s i d e n t s f o r a period
of t i m e in spring 1985 (Sunday Times, 1985:l-2).
Our visit t o Greenham was fruitful in several s p e c i f i c ways.
The content of t h e interviews helped identify additional p e a c e
c a m p issues and characteristics which were of increasing i n t e r e s t
t o us. We reformulated our series of guiding questions, which
structured t h e interviews a t t h e o t h e r p e a c e c a m p s we were
t o visit. The familiarity we gained concerning b a s i c survival
problems in t h e everyday life of t h e c a m p r e s i d e n t s helped
us initiate conversation and develop rapport w i t h p a r t i c i p a n t s
a t o t h e r camps,
Some of t h e most interesting analytical questions, such
a s those related t o consensual decision-making, would have
required a c t u a l residence a t t h e camp. Y e t it w a s c l e a r t h a t
t h e p e a c e c a m p participants would have been offended if our
main focus was testing a n a b s t r a c t theory instead o f emphasizing
t h e details of t h e movement itself. Their cause would (however
unintentionally) appear downgraded with a m o r e t h e o r e t i c a l
focus, and we might simply be told t o leave. Given t h i s situation,
a m o r e descriptive focus appeared t h e choice, and we eventually
concentrated on p e a c e c a m p goals, tactics, resources, problems
and accomplishments (Wood, Wood, and Mitchell, 1984).
Campaign f o r Nuclear Disarmament
We had always hoped t o study Britains's m o s t well known
p e a c e organization, t h e Campaign f o r Nuclear D i s a r m a m e n t ,
Since CND's national o f f i c e was in London, and i t had m a n y
local chapters throughout Britain, w e were a b l e to d o this. With
t h e research on CND and t h e p e a c e camps, w e h a d essentially
covered t w o of Britain's t h r e e main peace organizations (the
third, END--the European Nuclear Disarmament Movement-received only brief a t t e n t i o n from us, d u e t o t i m e limitations,
although i t will likely become increasingly important t o t h e
e n t i r e British p e a c e movement),
In contrast t o t h e p e a c e camps, our study of CND was able
t o combine description with some hypothesis testing and use
of survey research d a t a (Mitchell and Wood, 1985). Although
one of us was English and had extensive c o n t a c t s with local
CND branches, neither of us had previous c o n t a c t s with t h e
national headquarters of CND, However, CND was a long-standing
bureaucratic organization t h a t was used t o visitors and even
t o people studying t h e p e a c e movement. They had extensive
f i l e s on t h e movement themselves, comprised largely of
journalistic a r t i c l e s on t h e movement, which could be made
available t o outsiders a t CND's discretion. O n e of us (the
American) made t h e initial c o n t a c t s with national CND through
several visits t o t h e headquarters and t o their nearby bookstore
(which is a hub of a c t i v i t y itself). Various descriptive-oriented
questions about CND, and its relations t o t h e peace camps,
w e r e posed t o staff members, who were m o s t accomodating
in providing verbal answers and written material. A f t e r a f e w
visits they also provided a c c e s s t o their extensive f i l e s on t h e
p e a c e movement.
A f t e r t h e s e initial c o n t a c t s were made, t h e English
co-investigator c a m e along on another visit t o C N D headquarters.
Drawing on his long involvement with t h e p e a c e movement,
h e quickly established c o n t a c t s there, and was shown previously
unanalyzed survey d a t a on CND. An o f f e r was m a d e t o analyze
t h e d a t a , which CND readily accepted. These findings would
be t h e basis f o r describing CND in t e r m s of t h e basic
demographics of its c u r r e n t membership, but a l s o would provide
some evidence to test "new class" theory, a theory concerning
educated professionals who t a k e p a r t in leftist, o r progressive,
political protests (Mitchell and Wood, 1985). The d a t a would
also help classify CND as a radical o r reformist movement
within t h e l a r g e r theoretical c o n t e x t of t h e types of social
changes actually sought by CND.
Why was t h e r e a g r e a t e r willingness f o r C N D t o be studied
by outsiders--even t o t h e point of providing survey data--than
t h e peace c a m p s ? On o n e hand, t h e initial c o n t a c t s were
somewhat more extensive f o r CND than f o r t h e p e a c e camps.
Since t h e p e a c e camps w e r e located at considerable distances
from London, o u r home base, and f r o m each other, w e had t o
collect basic information on t h e initial c o n t a c t itself. National
headquarters of CND was in London and t h e r e f o r e accessible
2 05
f o r several visits. In addition, t h e English inve6tigator1s
longstanding connections t o t h e p e a c e m o v e m e n t were very
helpful when h e m e t t h e people at CND headquarters.
The American posed l i t t l e o r no t h r e a t t o C N D d u e to his
alien s t a t u s and resultant plans t o return t o t h e United S t a t e s
within months. Indeed, i t appeared t h e A m e r i c a n citizenship
was helpful in talking t o British CND m e m b e r s because, due
t o t h e missiles, America was o f t e n perceived as "the problem."
Several p e a c e a c t i v i s t s at CND willingly c o o p e r a t e d with t h e
project because they f e l t t h e American people n e e d e d to h e a r
t h e British anti-nuclear viewpoint, and t h a t w e could
communicate this t o a n American audience, A p a c i f i s t minister
a t a CND demonstration outside Wethersfield A i r F o r c e Base
was most enthusiastic t h a t Americans would g o t o t h e trouble
of visiting Britain t o study its anti-nuclear m o v e m e n t .
CND had been t h e subject of countless journalistic a r t i c l e s
on t h e organization f r o m i t s beginning. In addition, C N D had
previously agreed t o b e studied by social scientists, who
completed outstanding case studies of it (Parkin, 1968; Taylor
and Pritchard, 1980). As a result our investigation w a s not
perceived as unusual o r particularly threatening to t h e m e m b e r s
contacted by us. In contrast, Greenham C o m m o n had a wary
relationship with t h e ouside observers. The i n f o r m a t i v e book
on Greenham Common, Greenham Women Everywhere, w a s
written by t w o s y m p a t h e t i c journalists who lived t h e r e f o r a
number of months (Cook and Kirk, 1984). These journalists had
n o intention of using their knowledge about G r e e n h a m Common
t o test scientific hypothesis.
Thus t h e circumstances of CND proved m o r e hospitable
t o hypothesis testing t h a n t h e p e a c e camps (Mitchell and Wood,
1985; Wood, Wood, and Mitchell, 1984). However, both C N D
and t h e p e a c e c a m p s were, on principle, unenthusiastic a b o u t
interviewing them as p a r t of a larger scientific e n t e r p r i s e in
contrast with helping publicize their anti-nuclear cause.
A Possible Middle Ground
When researchers a r e a w a r e of a n antipathy to hypothesis
testing prior t o t h e investigation, should t h e y only choose
descriptive topics t o study, o r i s a middle ground possible? Since
w e were a w a r e of likely hostility t o hypothesis testing, b u t
were interested in examining resource mobilization t h e o r y as
well as descriptive d e t a i l s of t h e p e a c e c a m p m o v e m e n t , w e
decided t o describe t h e movement within t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l
framework. Several issues associated with r e s o u r c e mobilization
2 06
theory (Zald and McCarthy, 1979) helped s t r u c t u r e questions
we asked of t h e p e a c e c a m p activists. F o r example, w e were
interested in movement tactics, how t h e a c t i v i s t s d e a l t with
t h e many e f f o r t s at social control of t h e movement, how these
a t t e m p t s at control may have helped build t h e movement instead
of deterring it, how resources such a s money, clothing, food
and firewood were obtained, how much (or little) difficulty
they had in acquiring the resources, and what relations existed
between those granting t h e resources and t h e a c t i v i s t s receiving
them.
W e did not t r y t o systematically t e s t resource mobilization
theory. Yet information gathered relative t o these issues could
bear on a future, m o r e s y s t e m a t i c a t t e m p t t o test t h e theory.
For instance, t h e influence of social control e f f o r t s on movement
mobilization and demobilization could be readily studied. From
t h e time w e arrived in Britain until t h e present, a number of
social control mechanisms have been initiated against t h e p e a c e
camps, including t h e following: redefinition of a r e a s designated
a s "commons," which was aimed at reducing t h e activists' access
t o public land (The Guardian, 1984b:4); changes in length of
jail sentences issued and changes in definition of offense
committed (Sunday Times, 1985:2); a challenge t o t h e voting
rights of p e a c e c a m p activists (The Times, 1985b:2); increased
security measures at bases ranging from improved fencing t o
guard dogs and heatsensing devices (The Times, 1985a:5);
community control in t h e f o r m of harassment of p e a c e c a m p
members and vigilante a c t i v i t i e s against t h e m (City Limits,
1984:9; The Guardian, 1984c:2); and t h e a r m i n g of police a t
a recent Molesworth protest (Sunday Times, 1985:l). I t would
be interesting t o study t h e e x t e n t t o which t h e s e control
mechanisms have influenced p e a c e c a m p activists' perceptions
of costs and rewards of participation, their a c t u a l participation,
and the relations between these perceptions and participation.
Also i t would b e possible t o s e e how t h e existence-or lack
of existence--of basic resources such as money, food and media
coverage, w a s related t o achieving movement goals. D o g r e a t e r
resources lead t o m o r e success in a t t a i n i n g goals, o r is t h e r e
simply a certain minimum level of resources t h a t needs t o be
m e t for a n y goals t o be attained, but a f t e r t h a t resources d o
not directly contribute t o goal a t t a i n m e n t ?
Another important social movement process related t o
resource mobilization theory t h a t could be studied is
interorganizational cooperation o r conflict. Under what conditions
would we e x p e c t a change f r o m conflict t o cooperation, o r
vice versa, t o o c c u r ? upon arriving in England t h e r e appeared
t o be a n arms-length relationship between C N D and t h e Greenham
2 07
Common p e a c e camp. This occurred because s o m e C N D m e m b e r s
were ambivalentto-negative a b o u t t h e a l l - f e m a l e s t a t u s of
t h e Greenham Common camp, which differed considerably f r o m
t h e gender-neutral f o r m a t of CND.
By t h e Spring t h i s d i f f e r e n c e between t h e organizations
was deemphasized and CND was actively a s s i s t i n g Greenham
Common (Levin, 198.5). CND was now focusing o n t h e i r shared
anti-nuclear goals. W e would have liked t o study h o w t h i s process
of interorganizational change occurred, Was t h e r e a f o r m a l
v o t e taken by C N D t o increase its help t o G r e e n h a m C o m m o n ?
Was this done informally? Was t h e r e a negotiation between
t h e t w o organizations? O r did national CND respond to t h e
grass r o o t s local C N D c h a p t e r s t h a t had been active in assisting
Greenham Common? A longer stay, o r a r e t u r n visit, would
have helped answer t h e s e processual questions.
Finally, one method of contacting people f o r anti-nuclear
demonstrations, t h e "telephone tree," could be used t o see how
personal interconnections within t h e movement help (or f a i l
t o help) a c h i e v e movement goals. Our initial r e s e a r c h provided
some interesting d a t a on t h i s type of hypothesis by showing
how t h e Greenham Common telephone t r e e mobilized hundreds
of a c t i v i s t s t o confront a missile launcher when i t l e f t t h e base
l a t e at night (Wood, Wood, and Mitchell, 1984).
This middle ground between description and hypothesis t e s t i n g
m a y be o n e of t h e b e t t e r ways t o begin a p r o j e c t under t h e
previously discussed circumstances of limited information,
time, and cooperation regarding t h e movement. The d a t a
collected through observations and interviews c a n s e r v e
immediate descriptive purposes, but a l s o provide a basis f o r
f u t u r e movement analysis.
Summary
Shorter-term,
international
collective
behavior/social
movements research will o f t e n press toward description t h a n
analysis. This is especially t h e c a s e when t h e r e is n o t a n extensive
l i t e r a t u r e on t h e subject available t o t h e f o r e i g n investigator.
If t h e investigator wishes t o study a social m o v e m e n t while
t h e e v e n t s a r e unfolding, a primarily descriptive e m p h a s i s m a y
be needed, at l e a s t at first. This emphasis c a n become m o r e
analytical a s t h e investigator establishes c o n t a c t with t h e
movement and builds t h e t r u s t essential for m o r e extensive
analysis.
Collaboration with a colleague from t h a t country c a n
f a c i l i t a t e c o n t a c t s with movement members, and possibily allow
d a t a gathering and hypothesis testing over a n extended period
of t i m e (Klandermans, 1984).
I t is difficult initially f o r questionnaires t o b e used in this
type of international research. Yet, as t h e investigator becomes
known t o movement participants (and known as trustworthy),
even questionnaires could be used at a l a t e r date. The use of
surveys and questionnaires would undoubtedly assist t h e testing
of social movement hypotheses, when combined with t h e
necessary descriptions t h a t c a n b e obtained f r o m observational
methods and which f o r m t h e foundation of t h e study.
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