scottish police federation
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scottish police federation
Post www.iwm.at No. 87 Winter 2005 Newsletter of the INSTITUT FÜR DIE WISSENSCHAFTEN VOM MENSCHEN, Vienna and of the INSTITUTE FOR HUMAN SCIENCES at Boston University IWM LECTURES ON HUMAN SCIENCES As a reporter, he has traveled around the globe for several decades and – by writing about his encounters with other people and other worlds – has become one of the most renowned Polish authors. In his IWM Lectures on Human Sciences on December 1-3, 2004, Ryszard Kapuscinski discussed his views Contents 3 Jan-Patocka-Gedächtnisvorlesung Lord Dahrendorf Engagierte Beobachter: Die Intellektuellen und die Versuchungen der Zeit 5 Conference The Conditions of European Solidarity 9 IWM Friends 10 Forschungsprojekt Tod und Kultur 12 Forschungsprojekt Phänomenologie und Politik 13 Conference Junior Visiting Fellows’ Conference 14 IHS Boston The US and Europe: Partnership or Competition? 18 Neue Reihe: Politischer Salon Probleme der Demokratie heute 28 Notes on Books Benjamin Frommer on Noel Chalhoun, Dilemmas of Justice 30 Guest Contribution Tatiana Zhurzhenko Orange Victory: Ukraine Tastes the Exotic Fruits of Democracy Ausschreibungen Milena Jesenska Fellowships Research Fellowship: The Meaning of Death in Society Today on the role of and relations with “the others.” Ryszard Kapuscinski: On Others DEPENDING ON one’s point of view, the term the other can obviously carry manifold meanings. In Ryszard Kapuscinski’s three evening lectures, the Polish writer made the distinction clear: although the other can refer to many different groups of people in many different contexts, he uses it mainly to distinguish between Europeans, Westerners or “white people” and non-Europeans or nonwhites. Naturally, the means to encountering the other are, according to Kapuscinski, traveling: The literature of people like Ibn Battuta and Marco Polo has created the idea that what is distant is different or other, and that the further one goes, the more different everything becomes and the easier it is to perceive otherness. As a reporter, he finds traveling to mean “challenges, efforts and sacrifices.” Reporters must serve as witnesses of their travels. The road they travel is important “because every step brings us closer towards encountering the other. That is why we are on the road in the first place.” But the history of travel does not tell a pleasant story, as the Polish writer recalled in his lectures. For most civilizations, interest in the world outside their borders was inspired by a desire to conquer and dominate. The history of European contact with the other is no exception, as it has been “plagued by violence and inequality.” The beginnings of modernity brought the image of the other as a “naked savage, cannibal, and pagan,” who needed to be subjugated and “saved” by the white, Christian Europeans. According to Kapuscinski, this image was a result largely of the type of people who were sent to explore the world, namely criminals and delinquents. The views of these “disgusting representatives” would come to strongly influence the stereotypes, prejudices and phobias of the general public. Long after the first violent and fearful reactions to the Ryszard Kapuscinski bereist seit mehreren Jahrzehnten als Reporter die ganze Welt. Seine Berichte in Buchform, die von Begegnungen mit anderen Menschen und anderen Kulturen berichten, machten ihn zu einem der prominentesten Schriftsteller Polens. In seinen IWM-Vorlesungen zu den Wissenschaften vom Menschen (1.-3. Dezember 2004) beleuchtete er einmal mehr seine Erfahrungen und Erlebnisse im Umgang mit “den Anderen”. Ryszard Kapuscinski IWM LECTURES ON HUMAN SCIENCES Born 1932 in Pinsk, now in Belarus, Ryszard Kapuscinski is the pre-eminent writer among Polish reporters and one of the most renowned journalists of our time. From 1956 to 1981 he worked as foreign correspondent for the Polish press, chronicling political shifts in Asia, Latin America and Africa. During his work he realized that newspaper articles could often not do justice to the complex political situations and changes he was confronted with. He began to write books that used literary techniques to dissect the revolutions and wars he witnessed. 2 Since 1981 Kapuscinski has been living in Warsaw. He has received many awards, including the Boleslaw Prus-Prize; Prize of the International Organisation of Journalists , Helsinki; Leipziger Buchpreis zur Europäischen Verständigung ; Hanseatischer GoethePreis der Alfred-ToepferStiftung, Hamburg; Polish Journalist of the Century; Linde-Literatur-Preis, together with Christa Wolf; Premio Principe de Asturias 2003, Communicación y Humanidades; Bruno Kreisky-Preis für das politische Buch. other, there came a change in the European attitude of brutality and hatred as a result of the Enlightenment – when the other came to be seen as a human just like the Europeans. During this period many scientists and scholars went on expeditions in search of understanding of other cultures. The other became of interest to Europeans, who began to see that, although they had different beliefs and customs, there were also a great deal of common values and desires among all humans. The Enlightenment and its Consequences Although the Age of Enlightenment did not solve all of the problems at once – slavery and colonialism did not end immediately – it made it necessary to try to somehow justify these actions by calling them “civilizing missions” with the aim of “bringing aid to the poor and backward peoples.” During this period, a new social science – anthropology – began. It was aimed at the more cosmopolitan and universalistic visions of Europeans and sought to understand the others by getting to know them and accepting their diversity. Two schools of thought emerged within anthropology: the evolutionists and the diffusionists. The evolutionists believed that all humans began from the same basic form and then started on the same path of development towards becoming an advanced civilization. They assumed that progress was inevitable and positive, and that the “less advanced” civilizations were just lagging behind the Europeans. The diffusionists held a different view, believing that humanity was made up of many different civilizations and cultures that were always coming into contact with and affecting the development of one another. They saw the world as a diverse set of people, none of whom were any better or worse than the others. Both of these schools had faults, but they shared the common aim of “getting to know and understand the others as deeply as possible, to describe them and make their world appear closer to us.” Anthropology has greatly shaped the current view of the other. But another important figure in the views we hold today is Emmanuel Levinas, as Ryszard Kapuscinski further illustrated. Living in the time of the two world wars and totalitarian systems, Levinas called for an end to the indifference towards and hatred of the other. He believed that it was important to encounter the other, to accept him and enter into dialogue with him, and also to accept responsibility for him. Through these positive relations, he saw a way to leave behind selfishness, indifference and isolation. The Age of Multiculturalism In the current age of multiculturalism, the world has acquired a sense of openness and mobility as a No. 87 Winter 2005 result of many factors, such as the revolution in electronic media, the end of the Cold War order, and the process of decolonization. According to Kapuscinski, all of these factors “give our Ryszard Kapuscinski, Martin Pollack (writer and translator) relations with the others a new context.” Since the middle of the 20th century, Europe’s relationship with the rest of the world has changed dramatically. The political, economic and cultural dominance that Europe held over the rest of the world has declined immensely as a result of decolonization. Now civilizations that had been forced to remain dormant for centuries are calling for “a place of their own at the great table of the world,” the table where Europe used to sit alone. The end of the Cold War has led to a rise in democracy, which has greatly facilitated travel all over the world. Two factors have had an important role in this rise in migration: the electronic revolution with its developments in communication and transport, and the deepening of inequalities throughout the world as well as the growing consciousness of those inequalities. Now people from all over the world are coming into contact with each other at an astounding rate. Unfortunately, with more contact and exchange new problems arise, as Kapuscinski pointed out: it becomes harder to really define oneself – and easier to blame one’s troubles on the other. However, according to the Polish writer, there is an important reason for trying to overcome all of these problems that occur through contact with the others: “They are a mirror for us to see ourselves in and to understand who we are.” He sees our identity as largely defined by contact with the other. This contact is not something new historically, but there has been a dramatic change in the awareness and acceptance of the existence of the others and of their right to be different. They are now able to speak and express their thoughts and their ideas, “even if not everyone is willing to listen yet.” So, in this new multicultural world, every participant must have a strong sense of identity in order not to feel threatened by the close relations going on with the other. But this is not always easy. For example, with the decrease of the farming class as a result of migration to the cities, it is no longer possible to rely on them as bearers of traditions and identities. As Kapuscinski put it, now cultures and 18. JAN-PATOCKA-GEDÄCHTNISVORLESUNG Der tschechische Philosoph und Mitbegründer der Charta ‘77, Jan Patocka, starb 1977 nach einer Serie von civilizations are coming into contact with each other at such an astounding rate that it is becoming harder and harder to clearly define oneself or others. Kapuscinski concluded by advising more contact with the other and remembrance of what has happened in past relations in order to improve the quality of contact between Europe and the other(s) in the future. As he put it, it is necessary to build bridges and find mutual understanding between Europe and the others “in a world so fragile and haunted by demagogy, disorientation, fanaticism and bad will.” After its Lectures in Modern Philosophy (19911999), the IWM launched a new public lecture series on the occasion of the 100th birthday of HansGeorg Gadamer, supporter of the Institute since its inception: the IWM Lectures on Human Sciences. Nach den IWM-Vorlesungen zur modernen Philosophie (1991-1999) begann das IWM anlässlich des hundertsten Geburtstags von Hans-Georg Gadamer eine neue Reihe öffentlicher Vorlesungen: Die IWM-Vorlesungen zu den Wissenschaften vom Menschen. The lectures are published by Harvard University Press, Suhrkamp Verlag (Frankfurt/Main) and ZNAK publishers (Krakow). Die Vorträge erscheinen bei Harvard University Press, Suhrkamp Verlag (Frankfurt/Main) und ZNAK publishers (Krakow). Previous speakers 2003 Abraham B. Yehoshua (Haifa) The Shaping of Jewish Identity: Three Bible Stories 2002 Cornelia Klinger (Tübingen/Vienna) „Nicht nach dem Maße des Menschen gebaut“ Der verlorene Ort des Subjekts im System der modernen Gesellschaft 2001 Paul Ricoeur (Paris) The Process of Recognition 2000 Charles Taylor (Montreal) The Varieties of Religion Today: William James Revisited after 100 Years Polizeiverhören. Seit seinem 10. Todestag veranstaltet das IWM zu seinem Gedenken die Jan-Patocka-Gedächtnisvorlesungen. 2004 lud das IWM Lord Dahrendorf ein, der am 19. November im Wiener Palais Schwarzenberg einen seltenen Typus des Intellektuellen vorstellte: Den „Erasmier“. Lord Dahrendorf Engagierte Beobachter: Intellektuelle und die Versuchungen der Zeit IN DER DIESJÄHRIGEN Jan-Patocka-Gedächtnis-Vorlesung unternahm Ralf Dahrendorf den Versuch, eine Figur des modernen Intellektuellen zu konturieren, der den moralischen Herausforderungen der Zeit und den totalitären Versuchungen ein besonders kritisches Gegengewicht gegenüberzustellen vermag. In Anlehnung an den Humanisten Erasmus von Rotterdam führte Dahrendorf diese Figur unter dem Titel des „Erasmier“ in seine Auseinandersetzung mit der intellektuellen Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts ein. Der Erasmier ist demnach eine spezifische Variante des öffentlichen Intellektuellen, der in „Zeiten der Prüfung“ auf eigentümliche Weise das bewusste Engagement mit der Fähigkeit verbindet, zu den aktuellen Fragen stets die Distanz des nachdenklichen Beobachters aufrecht zu erhalten. Den Begriff des „engagierten Beobachters“ auf alle eminenten öffentlichen Intellektuellen anzuwenden, wäre jedoch allzu vorschnell. Tatsächlich birgt der engagierte Beobachter ein fundamentales und in der langen Reihe der Intellektuellen des 20. Jahrhunderts – von Jan Patocka und Thomas Masaryk bis Edward Said und Czeslaw Milosz – kaum aufgelöstes Dilemma in sich, das zum Kern des eigentlichen Erasmiers gehört. Denn Akteur und Beobachter, Berufspolitiker und Berufswissenschaftler seien jeweils wesentlich unvereinbare Tätigkeiten, wie Dahrendorf erklärte. Nun ist das eigentliche Instrument des engagierten Beobachters das Publizieren, seine Triebfeder die Besessenheit von den Themen der Zeit. Gleichwohl geht es dabei um mehr, als um engagierte Publizistik. Was den Intellektuellen erst zum Erasmier macht, ist der besondere Standpunkt des Beobachters. Es geht um einen Standpunkt, der umso objektiver ist, je schärfer der Beobachter seine eigene Position kritisch reflektiert. Zum aktiven Engagement gehört Besessenheit, zum kriti- On November 19, 2004, Lord Dahrendorf, member of the British House of Lords and former Warden of St. Antony’s College in Oxford, held the 18th Jan Patocka Memorial Lecture in Vienna introducing a specific type of intellectual: the „Engaged Observer“ or “Erasmian”. According to him, there is an obvious antagonism between passionate engagement and objective observation. Engagement needs obsession, observation needs reflection. However, true “Erasmians” have to combine these two abilities – and this way of critical engagement is incompatible with any ideology. No. 87 Winter 2005 3 Lord Dahrendorf 18. JAN-PATOCKA-GEDÄCHTNISVORLESUNG 4 Lord Dahrendorf, geboren 1929 in Hamburg, ist Mitglied des britischen Oberhauses. Er lehrte als Professor für Soziologie an deutschen und amerikanischen Universitäten, war Direktor der London School of Economics und Warden des St. Antony’s College in Oxford. 1968-70 war er Abgeordneter des Landtages von BadenWürttemberg, 1969-70 MdB und Parlamentarischer Staatssekretär in der ersten Regierung Brandt und 1970-74 Mitglied der Kommission der Europäischen Gemeinschaften. Publikationen: Der Wiederbeginn der Geschichte: Vom Fall der Mauer zum Krieg im Irak, Reden und Aufsätze, München, 2004; Auf der Suche nach einer neuen Ordnung: Vorlesungen zur Politik der Freiheit im 21. Jahrhundert , München, 2003; Über Grenzen. Lebenserinnerungen, München, 2002; Universities after Communism. The Hannah Arendt Prize and the Reform of Higher Education in East Central Europe, Hamburg, 2000; Liberal und unabhängig: Gerd Bucerius und seine Zeit, München, 2000. No. 87 Winter 2005 schen Beobachten jedoch die Fähigkeit reflexiver Distanznahme. Insofern ist die Leidenschaft der Vernunft und nicht die leidenschaftliche Hingabe an die politische Sache das formale Merkmal des engagierten Beobachters, und so werden sie zuweilen auch zu Fremden für viele ihrer intellektuellen Zeitgenossen. Substanzielle Folgen gewinnt diese Art rationaler Passion, die den Erasmier vom öffentlichen Akteur und anderen Intellektuellen unterscheidet, als unerbittliches Schutzschild der Vernunft gegen jeden „Gott der keiner war“. Dahrendorf machte an verschiedenen Fallbeispielen bedeutender Intellektueller des vergangenen europäischen Jahrhunderts – eines Jahrhunderts, das weitgehend geprägt war von den beiden falschen Göttern totalitärer Systeme, den verschiedenen Formen des Faschismus und des Kommunismus – immer wieder darauf aufmerksam, dass das kritisch-reflexive Engagement mit keiner Parteilinie oder Ideologie zu versöhnen ist. Genau diese lebenslange Bereitschaft, immer neue Gründe für die eigene Position geben zu können und sich dabei von jedweder doktrinären Ideologie frei zu halten, konnten aber im Sog zur Konformität mit vorherrschenden Meinungen und oft lebensbedrohenden politischen Zwängen nur wenige Intellektuelle bewahren. Jene, die sich zu stark engagierten, hörten unweigerlich auf, Beobachter zu sein, während jenen, die zu viel Abstand zum Beobachteten nahmen, das nötige Engagement fehlte. Den einen, wie Arthur Koestler oder Edward W. Said, mangelte es nach Dahrendorf an kritischer Distanz zum aktuellen politischen Geschehen; andere, stärker künstlerisch inspirierte Intellektuelle, wie Theodor W. Adorno oder Ernst Jünger, spielten bloß ihr Engagement, betrieben aber in Wahrheit ästhetische und nicht engagierte Reflexion; während wieder andere, wie Jan Patocka oder HansGeorg Gadamer zu sehr Philosophen blieben um wirklich öffentliche Intellektuelle zu sein. Demgegenüber gehörte Karl Poppers Verteidigung der „Offenen Gesellschaft“ etwa zu den genuinen Leistungen eines Erasmiers und so wären auch Hannah Arendt, Czeslaw Milosz, Isaiah Berlin oder Raymond Aron unbedingt in die kurze Liste der Erasmier aufzunehmen. An dieser Liste wird gleich noch ein weitere Kontur des Erasmiers erkennbar: Die meisten von ihnen waren „äußere Emigranten“, Intellektuelle, für die das Exil zur Heimat wurde, wie für Erasmus selbst, der unentwegt auf Wanderschaft war. Das Dilemma, mit dem die Diktatur die Integrität eines jeden einzelnen Individuums herausfordert und dem sich der engagierte Beobachter zu stellen hat, macht ihn zuweilen zu einem Helden seiner Zeit. Dass der engagierte Beobachter selbst keine vorgefertigten Antworten auf die Fragen liefert, die sich der moderne Mensch stellt, sondern parteien- und staatenlos und doch kosmopolitisch, auf dem Weg der rationalen Argumentation, der Überzeugungskraft des Dialogs und doch nicht humorlos, um der gewaltlosen Veränderung und der Bewahrung des Friedens willen kämpft – dies macht ihn jedenfalls zu einem für jede offene Gesellschaft unerlässlichen Zeitgenossen. Ohne selbst der Versuchung zu erliegen, die Zwiespältigkeiten des Erasmiers vorschnell glätten zu wollen, schloss der selbst parteienlose britische Abgeordnete Lord Dahrendorf seine Skizze dieses Zeitgenossen folgerichtig mit einer weiteren Figur, einem persönlichen Bild aus dem politischen Alltag – den so genannten „Querbänklern“ des britischen House of Lords: diese parteienlose Parlamentarier die quer zur regierenden Position und der Opposition von ihren „cross benches“ aus das Konfliktgeschehen zwischen den Parteien beeinflussen, machen den eigentlichen Witz des Oberhauses aus. Dessen Mandatsverteilung mache sie zu unverzichtbaren Entscheidungsträger der demokratischen Prozesse, wiewohl die Querbänkler keine einheitliche Interessensgruppe darstellten, so Dahrendorf. Die individuellen Stimmen dieser Querbänkler seien somit immer nur so stark, wie es ihre Argumente sind. Diese Stimmen aber sind genau die Stimmen der Erasmier, die Stimmen jener von ihm vorgestellten „engagierten Beobachter“. Jan Patocka (1907-1977) war Schüler von Edmund Husserl und Martin Heidegger und gilt als einer der bedeutendsten tschechischen Philosophen des 20. Jahrhunderts. 1937 habilitierte er sich über „Die natürliche Welt als philosophisches Problem“. Im Jahre 1949, kurz nach der kommunistischen Machtergreifung, mußte er die Universität verlassen. Er widmete sich daraufhin Forschungen zu Aristoteles, Comenius und Masaryk. 1968, während des „Prager Frühlings“, wurde er zum Ordinarius berufen, aber bereits 1972 im Zuge der „Normalisierung“ zwangsemeritiert. Bis zu seinem Tode lehrte er in privaten Seminaren weiter. Sein Werk umfaßt Arbeiten zur antiken Philosophie, zur Phänomenologie, Ästhetik, Geschichtsphilosophie und zur tschechischen Kultur und Geschichte. Als Denker, Lehrer und moralische Autorität übte Jan Patocka großen Einfluß auf zwei Generationen von tschechischen Intellektuellen aus. Patocka gehört zu den Initiatoren der Charta ’77 und war einer ihrer ersten Sprecher. Er starb am 13. März 1977 nach einer Serie von Polizeiverhören. Am IWM wird seit 1984 zum Werk des tschechischen Denkers geforscht (http://www.iwm.at/r-janpat.htm). CONFERENCE On November 6-7, 2004, an international conference on “The Conditions of European Solidarity” was held at the Im Passagen Verlag, Wien, sind erschienen: Palais Schwarzenberg in Vienna. In three sessions, more Mario Vargas Llosa Demokratie heute François Furet Jean-Jacques Rousseau und die Französische Revolution George Soros Die Macht der Fehlbarkeit Albert O. Hirschman Tischgemeinschaft. Zwischen öffentlicher und privater Sphäre Tadeusz Mazowiecki Politik und Moral im neuen Europa. Mit einem Essay von Jan Patocka William Julius Wilson Soziale Ungleichheit in den USA. Plädoyer für eine multiethnische Bündnispolitik than sixty participants debated the question, “What Can Previous speakers 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 George Steiner (Cambridge) Das Cordelia-Paradox Giuliano Amato (Rome / Brussels) United Europe: What Should It Be? Edward W. Said (New York) The Public Role of Writers and Intellectuals Czeslaw Milosz (Berkeley/Krakow) Lesung aus seinen Gedichten William Julius Wilson (Harvard) Rising Inequality in the United States and the Case for Multiracial Political Coalitions Elie Wiesel (Boston) Hasidic Modes Tadeusz Mazowiecki (Warschau) Politik und Moral im neuen Europa Albert O. Hirschman (Princeton) Between Private and Public Spheres George Soros (New York) A Failed Philosopher Tries Again François Furet (Paris) Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the French Revolution Mario Vargas Llosa (Lima/London) Democracy Today Jacques Derrida (Paris) Le secret – de la réponse et de la responsabilité Charles Taylor (Montreal) Two Theories of Language Paul Ricoeur (Paris) The Person: Its Ethical and Moral Structure Zbigniew Brzezinski (New York) The General Crisis of Communism Leszek Kolakowski (Oxford/Chicago) Die Illusionen der Entmythologisierung Hans-Georg Gadamer (Heidelberg) Phänomenologie und das Problem der Zeit Hold the New European Union Together?” A matinee panel discussion about “The Spiritual and Cultural Dimension of Europe” closed the conference. Solidarity in the European Union AFTER THE WELCOMING ADDRESS by Krzysztof Michalski, Rector of the IWM, and Markus Beyrer, Secretary General of the Federation of Austrian Industry, which has generously supported the confer- ence, the first session, “Economic Cohesion and the Need for Political Unity,” was introduced by Pascal Lamy, Commissioner for External Trade. According to him, the European Union is entering “a period of troubled waters.” The “affectio societatis,” the interests and values that bind the EU countries together, is diminishing as a result of enlargement and the decline of European legitimacy in the eyes of the public. At its core is the relationship between economic integration and political unity. Lamy argued that for the last 50 years there have been two schools of thought on the relationship between economic and political integration: the idea that “economic integration leads gradually and naturally to political integration,” and the notion that “political integration is a process in itself ” that does not necessarily follow economic integration. The first school of thought was that which the founding fathers of the EU used as a theoretical base after the failure of the European Community of Defense, a politically driven entity. As a result of their steps taken towards economic integration, this school of thought can now boast the development of the Euro. But the Euro has not been the only result. In order to create an internal market for the European Union, issues like environmental and social standards and consumer protection – all valuebased political issues – have had to be addressed. Unfortunately, this school of thought has also run into some failures, such as the European Patent, an economy-driven idea that has had problems for purely political reasons, or the Stability Pact, where a common currency could not eliminate political problems between Germany and France. These failures show that economic integration does not guarantee political solidarity. The second school of thought views solidarity as an option rather than as a direct effect of economic integration. In order to create political integration, it is necessary to actively share the same values. This is visible in areas such as foreign policy Was kann die „neue“ Europäische Union nach der Erweiterung um zehn Mitgliedsländer zusammen halten? Zu dieser Frage debattierten am 6. und 7. November 2004 mehr als 60 Teilnehmer der Konferenz „Die Bedingungen der europäischen Solidarität“ im Wiener Palais Schwarzenberg. In drei Sitzungen wurden verschiedene Problematiken erörtert. Die Veranstaltung schloss mit einer Podiumsdiskussion zum Thema „Die geistige und kulturelle Dimension Europas“. No. 87 Winter 2005 5 Solidarity in the European Union CONFERENCE Pascal Lamy and security issues. In order to agree on these issues, money and goods are not as important as “sharing dreams and nightmares,” according to Lamy. Lamy concluded that only a combination of the two schools of thought could raise public support for European integration: “You need both the economic integration because it leads to many of the results we care about, but it also now needs this political process which of course is much more difficult because it does not stem from the economic system we live in.” The American Perspective Emil Brix, Erhard Busek Wanda Rapaczynski, Ira Katznelson 6 Vlado Dimovski Ralf Fücks Ulrike Lunacek No. 87 Winter 2005 The lecture of Ira Katznelson, Professor of Political Science and History at Columbia University, New York, introduced the second session on “European Cohesion from a (North) American Perspective.” According to the scholar, the US shares various issues with the EU, such as broadly liberal, democratic organizations and values. He described the US as a country that is remarkably diverse demographically and spatially, and that is characterized by multiple dimensions of inequality. Questions about integration, legitimacy, solidarity and stability are issues and challenges that the US and Europe have in common. There are bases of solidarity, such as a shared commitment to liberty, a shared commitment to certain moral values and the conditions of citizenship. Therefore, there are “perpetually choices to be made, not just about whether to promote a common – say European or American or Western – solidarity but what kind of solidarity to have.” As Katznelson explained, it is best not to assume that more solidarity is better, but instead to focus on finding a beneficial solidarity with a strong base. Moreover, solidarity should not be assumed to be good in and of itself, but instead good in terms of what it can accomplish and in its ability to deal with human diversity and crisis: “If we cannot deal with diversity, if solidarity cripples diversity, then it [solidarity] will fail.” Katznelson moved on to speak particularly about the situation in the US. He pointed out that, in the last election, Bush won majorities in only three states that had not been part of the former American South, where up until 1954 racial segregation was still mandated by law. In other words, the US continues, even after 200 years, to experience the effects of the legacy of two social systems. Finally, Katznelson recommended that we look at Europe and America “in more subtle and richer relational, not comparative, terms.” He sees more similarity between the liberal side of the New Deal and post-war European social democracy than between pre- and post-war democracy in Europe. A working dinner by invitation of the Austrian Federal Chancellor, Wolfgang Schüssel, who was Poul Nyrup Rasmussen represented by Martin Bartenstein, Austrian Federal Minister for Economic Affairs and Labour, closed the day. During the dinner, speeches on the conference’s prevailing topics were held by Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, President of the Party of European Socialists; Jan Figel, Commissioner for Education, Training, Culture and Multilingualism; and Jan Rokita, Chairman of the Polish Parliamentary Faction of “Citizens Platform.” Challenges for European Politics Kurt Biedenkopf, former Minister President of Saxony, held the third keynote speech, “Challenges for European Politics,” in which he introduced the concluding remarks of the IWM Reflection Group on the Spiritual and Cultural Dimension of Europe (see newsletter 86). Set up in 2002 on the initiative of Romano Prodi, the group members – amongst them Kurt Biedenkopf – have analyzed the conditions of European cohesion since enlargement. The politician warned against predicting the future based on the past. He based this on the fact that since the early 1970s there has been a trend in Europe that will result in a revolution in the next ten years: “the aging of Europe.” As a result of the European population having fewer children, soon the balance between young and old will be different than it has ever been before. And, as Biedenkopf put it, “We don’t really know, and we cannot possibly know from past experience, how aging societies will act.” Biedenkopf next moved on to the question of what holds Europe together: Faced with growing diversity, what forces can hold the expanded European Union together? What moral concepts, which traditions, what goals are capable of bringing together the Union’s diverse inhabitants in a democratic structure and so underpin and anchor the European Constitution? He believes that this question has arisen as the result of three events – the disappearance of the threat from outside with the end of the Cold War; the enlargement of the EU, increasing diversity; and the last enlargement, with the EU now comprising 25 countries, which will increase the “centrifugal force emanating from competition among countries with very different standards of living and with very different political and economic experiences in the past.” Biedenkopf stressed the necessity of the new members having a lot of freedom in order for them to “untie and stimulate all the political and economic and scientific energies within these countries to progress to the expectations the old Europe was signaling to them before they joined.” Also in regards to future policies, he pointed out that the European market alone is not the source of cohesion in Europe, and that Europe as a political entity Solidarity in the European Union CONFERENCE can only function with a common European solidarity as its basis. But what kind of solidarity? In America, there is a national solidarity that is not based on social policy. According to Biedenkopf, “In Europe we don’t have that kind of national solidarity. Europe will not be a nation-state.” In fact, the more the states integrate and transfer power to the European Union, the more they will rely on their own nations when there are problems, tensions, or political conflicts within the EU. He believes that it will not be possible to have a European social policy that would be equivalent to a national social policy. In conclusion, Biedenkopf indicated that an increase in diversity will bring about the need for an increase in cohesion within Europe. It will be necessary to look at what outside changes will bring Europeans together on the basis of a common culture. He offered as some examples the areas where Europe will have to work together, such as the redistribution of resources in the world and the Middle East crisis. Culture and Spirit in Focus After the third session, a public panel discussion and presentation of Transit 26 and 27 was held, entitled “The Spiritual and Cultural Dimension of Europe.” Both issues of the journal, which is published by the IWM, contain articles and essays on different aspects discussed in the framework of the IWM Reflection Group mentioned above. The chair, Michael Naumann, Editor-in-Chief of the German weekly Die Zeit, began the discussion by pointing out that the European cultural budget is extremely low. But Danuta Hübner, Polish Commissioner for Regional Policy, responded that “culture is not about money or budgeting.” She chose to focus on the issue of whether or not culture would be able to hold Europe together the way other factors have in the past. Rather than seeing the increasing diversity and enlargement of the EU as a hindrance to European cohesion, she sees it as a “new potential for the re-integration, for the revitalization of European integration.” As Hübner further explained, she prefers Europe to be integrated from within rather than identifying itself through its differences from the rest of world. Claus Offe, Professor of Political Science at Humboldt University, pointed out that neither language nor religion could really be seen as unifying factors in Europe – based on the fact that there are 20 languages and three forms of Christianity, and because Europe is the most secularized continent. According to the scholar, the members of the EU have not merged into one territory without borders, and they have joined only in the interest of economic advantage and opportunity. In Offe’s opinion, a European identity is actually “a giant process of auto-critique, of a critical reflection and review of its own history.” The Hungarian Vice President of the EPP-ED Group, Josef Szajer, commented that, observing Europe as an “outsider” – a Hungarian citizen – he now sees Europe as embodying both a cultural and legal/economic identity. He believes that Europe’s Christian heritage is at the root of many of its current values, such as human rights and tolerance. Szajer also commented that language divides Europeans in many ways, especially due to the lack of reciprocity between “smaller cultures or cultures of Central Eastern Europe” and larger countries in Western Europe. Michael Naumann pointed out that funding would be an obvious solution to this problem because it would allow smaller nations to have their works translated into the larger languages. He finally ended the discussion by stating that defining the EU’s intellectual, cultural and political identity in opposition to the US is probably one of the worst things that Europeans can do. A working luncheon by invitation of the Austrian Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ursula Plassnik, closed the conference. Veit Sorger, President of the Federation of Austrian Industry, greeted the participants before Lech Kaczynski, Mayor of Warsaw, spoke about the values of the European Union. The conference was organized in collaboration with Prince and Schwarzenberg generously supported by the Austrian Federal Chancellery, the Austrian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and the Federation of Austrian Industry. Participants Martin Bartenstein Federal Minister for Economic Affairs and Labour, Vienna Ference Bartha Chairman, TriGránit Holding Limited, Budapest Markus Beyrer Secretary General, Federation of Austrian Industry, Vienna Kurt Biedenkopf former Minister President of Saxony, Dresden Emil Brix Head of the Cultural and Educational Policy Department, Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Vienna Erhard Busek Special Coordinator of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe; Chairman, Institut für den Donauraum und Mitteleuropa, Vienna Ramiro Cibrian Head of Cabinet of Commissioner design. Vladimir Spidla, European Commission, Brussels Just De Visser Ambassador of The Netherlands, Vienna Vlado Dimovski Slovenian Minister of Labour, Family and Social Affairs, Ljubljana Caspar Einem Spokesman for European Affairs, Austrian Social Democratic Party, Vienna Ján Figel Member of the European Commission, Brussels Georg Fischer Head of Unit (Social Protection, Pensions and Health), European Commission, Brussels Michael Fleischhacker Editor-in-Chief, Die Presse, Vienna Claus Offe, Michael Naumann, József No. Szájer, 87 Danuta Hübner Winter 2005 7 Solidarity in the European Union CONFERENCE 8 Ralf Fücks Chairman of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Berlin Daniela Graf Head of the “Grüne Bildungswerkstatt” of the Austrian Green Party, Vienna Alfred Gusenbauer Chairman of the Austrian Social Democratic Party, Vienna Friedrich Hoess Advisor to the Board, Federation of Austrian Industry; former Ambassador to Washington and Bonn, Vienna Hans-Henning Horstmann Ambassador of Germany, Vienna István Horváth Ambassador of Hungary, Vienna Danuta Hübner Member of the European Commission, Brussels Marek Jedrys Ambassador of Poland, Vienna Rudolf Jindrak Ambassador of the Czech Republic, Vienna Lech Kaczynski Mayor of Warsaw Ira Katznelson Professor of Political Science and History, Columbia University, New York Júlia Király Dean and CEO, ITCB Training und Consulting Ltd., Budapest Albrecht Konecny Secretary of Internatio- No. 87 nal Affairs, Austrian Social Democratic Party, Vienna János M. Kovács Permanent Fellow, Institute for Human Sciences, Vienna Pascal Lamy Member of the European Commission (External Trade), Brussels Paul Lendvai Editor-in-chief, Europäische Rundschau, Vienna Peter Lennkh Member of the Managing Board, Raiffeisen International Bank-Holding, Vienna Agnieszka Liszka Marketing and Communications Manager, KPMG, Warsaw Jaroslav Lobkowicz Deputy to the Czech Parliament, Prague Reinhold Lopatka Secretary General, Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), Vienna Michael Löwy Head of the International Department, Federation of Austrian Industry, Vienna Ulrike Lunacek Member of Parliament; Spokesperson on Foreign Policy of the Austrian Green Party, Vienna Krzysztof Michalski Rector, Institute for Human Sciences, Vienna; Professor of Philosophy; Chair of the Reflection Group “The Spiritual and Cultural Dimension of Europe“ Michael Naumann Editor-in-Chief, Die Zeit, Frankfurt Klaus Nellen Permanent Fellow, Institute for Human Sciences, Vienna Ewald Nowotny Professor of Economics, Vienna; former VicePresident of the European Investment Bank Claus Offe Professor of Political Science, Humboldt University, Berlin Andrzej Olechowski European Deputy Chairman of the Trilateral Commission; former Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Warsaw Anton Pelinka Professor of Political Science, University of Innsbruck Wanda Rapaczynski President of the Management Board, Agora S.A., Warsaw Poul Nyrup Rasmussen President of the Party of European Socialists, Brussels; former Prime Minister of Denmark Hans Rauscher Columnist, Der Standard, Vienna Jan Rokita Chairman of the Parliamentary Faction of “Citizens Platform“ in the Sejm, Warsaw Christian Schmidt CDU/CSU Spokesman for Defence in the German Bundestag, Berlin Aleksander Smolar Research Fellow at the Centre National de Recherche Scientifique, Paris; President of the Stefan Batory Foundation, Warsaw Miroslav Somol Deputy Minister for European Affairs, Ministry for Industry and Trade, Prague Veit Sorger President, Federation of Austrian Industry, Vienna Andreas Stadler Adviser to the Austrian Federal President in Scientific and Cultural Affairs, Vienna Hannes Swoboda Vice-Chairman of the PSE Group in the European Parliament; Head of the Delegation of Austrian Social Democratic members in the EP József Szájer MEP; Vice-Chairman, Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats; Vice President of Fidesz, Budapest Alexander Van der Bellen Chairman of the Parliamentary Faction and Spokesperson of the Austrian Green Party, Vienna Peter Van Lieshout Member of the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy, The Hague Alexander Vondra Director of the Prague Security Studies Institute Lord Weidenfeld Chairman, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London Observers Marc Fähndrich Deputy Head of the Representation of the European Commission in Austria, Vienna Johannes Kopf Ministry of Economic Affairs and Labour, Cabinet of the Minister, Vienna Andrzej Kosnikowski European Commission, Cabinet of Commissioner Danuta Hübner, Brussels Peter Krauth Chief of Protocol, Federal Chancellery, Vienna Jana Lovsin Head of International Relations and European Affairs Department, Ministry of Labour, Family and Social Affairs, Ljubljana Janja Romih Head of Cabinet, Ministry of Labour, Family and Social Affairs, Ljubljana Winter 2005 Andrzej Olechowski, Caspar Einem, Hans-Henning Horstmann, Hans Swoboda, Ewald Nowotny Elisabeth Niesielska (translator), Lech Kaczynski, Lord Weidenfeld, Kurt Biedenkopf, Aleksander Smolar With Your Support, We Can Make a Change „I think that the IWM remains a rare place where neither geopolitical nor disciplinary boundaries matter too much.“ Slavica Jakelic was a Junior Visiting Fellow at the IWM in the academic year 2001/2002. She is now Associate Director and Lecturer at the Center on Religion and Democracy of the University of Virginia. As a Junior Fellow at the IWM I very much enjoyed the encounters among Western and Eastern European scholars and the representatives of the North American academia. I think that the IWM remains a rare place where neither geopolitical nor disciplinary boundaries matter too much. But what I particularly remember from my IWM fellowship tenure is the way in which the institute shaped the context and provided the resources for a conversation between junior and senior scholars. My work greatly benefited from the questions raised by some of the leading scholars in my field. They challenged my premises and sharpened my analysis, daring me to define my project on religion and collective identity in a way in which I probably would not have done otherwise. Slavica Jakelic “The IWM has created an exceptional, perhaps a unique synthesis. It is at once an institute for advanced study, a think tank, a forum for informed Each year approximately 20 Junior Visiting Fellows from East Central Europe, Western Europe, and the United States are awarded scholarships to pursue their studies at the IWM – as members of the institute’s international and multidisciplinary scholarly community. Join the circle of IWM friends – your contribution helps to support and extend these opportunities for young scholars such as Slavica Jakelic. Jedes Jahr bietet das IWM etwa 20 europäischen und amerikanischen Nachwuchswissenschaftlern die Möglichkeit, während eines sechsmonatigen Studienaufenthaltes ein Forschungsprojekt zu verfolgen – als Mitglieder der internationalen und multidisziplinären Gelehrtengemeinschaft am IWM. Werden auch Sie ein IWM friend – Ihr Beitrag hilft mit, diese Stipendienprogramme für junge Wissenschaftler wie Slavica Jakelic weiterzuführen und auszubauen. All donations for IWM friends are greatly appreciated. Donations can be transferred to the following account: The IWM is registered as a non-profit organization according to Austrian law. Financial contributions are tax deductible. Banking account: Erste Österreichische Sparkasse Bank code: 20111 Account number: 28056986103 For bank transfers from abroad: IBAN: AT50 2011 1280 5698 6103 BIC: GIBAATWW discussion – and a bridge between the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ Europe.” Lord Dahrendorf has been a close friend and supporter of the IWM for many years. Lord Dahrendorf www.iwm.at/friends No. 87 Winter 2005 9 RESEARCH PROJECT Death – Religion – Ritual, the second workshop of the project The Meaning of Death in Society Today, took place on December 10-11, 2004, at the IWM. The participants delved into the changes that death, burial, and mourning have gone through as a result of modernity. Places of the Dead in Modernity Gemeinsam mit der BerlinBrandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Berliner Akademie der Künste hat das IWM 2004 ein Forschungsprojekt zur Bedeutung des Todes in der Gesellschaft heute gestartet. Der zweite workshop am 10. und 11. Dezember in Wien stand unter dem Thema Tod – Religion – Ritual. 10 Die wissenschaftliche Leitung wird vom IWM und der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften gleichermaßen wahrgenommen. Die Federführung über Planung und Durchführung von Veranstaltungen im Bereich Kunstund Kulturwissenschaften liegt bei der Berliner Akademie der Künste. Unterstützt wird das Projekt von der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung. HOW AND WHY have the spaces where the dead are laid to rest changed over time? Thomas Laqueur attempted to answer these questions in his public lecture. The relationship between the dead and the living has changed immensely over the past 200 years – death has, in many ways, become more private and secularized. But at the same time it has taken on a marked pluralism which has had a large effect on the places we bury the dead. Burial in cemeteries began in the 18th century, but its popularity is largely a result of public health awareness in the 19th century. The dead body came to be described medically and scientifically as simply a decaying object, a source of anxiety and disgust. According to Laqueur, the metaphysical aspects of death have virtually disappeared in the face of the modern pluralism of death. Death in the Hereafter In his introductory statement to the first session of the colloquium, “How Religion and Theology Help Us to Prepare for Death,” Christoph Markschies showed that Christianity has not always described death as the beginning of a new and better life. The Old Testament includes passages where death is simply described as the end of life - rather than looking forward to an afterlife, people should enjoy life to the fullest. Throughout history, there have been different views within Christianity on the existence of an afterlife. Religion and theology play many roles in the preparation for death. How people use religion and theology in their own personal preparation for death is highly dependent on the culture in which they live. Death in the Here and Now Introducing the second session on “The Hopelessness of Mourning a ‘Preventable’ Death,” Daniel Callahan focused his lecture on death and mourning in the current age of medical technology and progress. For thousands of years humans accepted death as a natural event and did not focus their attention on trying to prevent it. In modern countries, this has been replaced by a fight against death at all costs. We are now in a new phase of modernity where medical research rejects the inevitability of death. Determined medical researchers see death as a problem that, with the proper research and technology, could be prevented altogether. No. 87 Winter 2005 Mourning has been greatly affected by this attitude: it is difficult to come to terms with – following above – a death that could have been prevented. It seems much better emotionally for humans to accept death as a natural part of life, the way it has been accepted for centuries. Participants Ulrike Brunotte Senior Assistant, Institute of Cultural Studies, Humboldt University, Berlin Daniel Callahan Philosophy, Director of International Programs, The Hastings Center, New York Christa Frateantonio Religious Studies, University of Erfurt Alois Hahn Professor of Sociology, University of Trier Evelyn Hansen Akademie der Künste (AdK), Berlin Hanfried Helmchen Professor em. of Psychiatry, Free University, Berlin; Member, BBAW Cornelia Klinger Permanent Fellow, Institute for Human Sciences, Vienna; apl. Professor in Philosophy, University of Tübingen Wolf-Hagen Krauth Head of Department for Interdisciplinary Working Groups, BerlinBrandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (BBAW) Gary Laderman Associate Professor, Department of Religion, Emory University, Atlanta Thomas W. Laqueur Professor of History, University of California, Berkeley Christoph Markschies Professor of Church History, Humboldt University, Berlin; Member, BBAW Krzysztof Michalski Professor of Philosophy, Boston University and University of Warsaw; Rector, Institute for Human Sciences, Vienna Ferdinand Muehlbacher Professor of Surgery, University Hospital of Surgery, Vienna Istvan Rev Professor of History and Political Science, Central European University, Budapest; Director, Open Society Archives, Budapest Hans-Ludwig Schreiber Professor of Criminal Law and Theory of Law, University of Göttingen Angelo Volandes M.D., Post-doctoral Researcher (Ethics), Harvard University P r o c e d u r e 4 The objective of the fellowships is to support research that: _ contributes to the present understanding of death and dying, considering historical, cultural, religious, and societal aspects _ analyzes the implications for society as well as society’s coping with death _ creates awareness for ethical, legal, political and scientific issues related to death and dying. Transdisciplinary and comparative approaches looking at a specific question (or set of questions) from a broader angle will be given preference. A p p l i c a t i o n O b j e c t i v e 1 The fellowships shall enable doctoral, postdoctoral or senior scholars to concentrate on their research while working in residence at the Institute for Human Sciences (IWM) in Vienna for three to six months during the academic year 2005/06. The Research Fellows will receive a stipend to compensate for a loss of income and to cover travel, accommodation and other living expenses. The amount of the stipend will be determined with prospective fellows according to the “no gain, no loss” principle based on the current income of the recipient. Furthermore, fellows will be provided with an office and personal computer, and will have access to e-mail, Internet, in-house research facilities and other relevant sources in Vienna. During their stay fellows will take part in the scholarly community and activities of the IWM. E l i g i b i l i t y R e q u i r e m e n t s 3 Candidates for the fellowships must: _ be pursuing a Ph.D. degree in the humanities or social sciences, or _ be engaged in post-doctoral research at an academic institution, or _ hold a senior academic position with a research focus related to the objective of this program. In addition to pursuing their own research project, prospective fellows will be asked to provide editorial assistance during their Research Fellowship in the publication of a collection of essays, which will result from the project on “The Meaning of Death in Society Today.” Perfect command of German and English is a prerequisite. Deadline for application is May 15, 2005 Please send your application to: Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen Fellowship Coordinator Spittelauer Lände 3 1090 Wien AUSTRIA Research Fellowships The Meaning of Death in Society Today 2005/06 The Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, the Akademie der Künste, Berlin, and the Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen (IWM), Vienna, have launched a project in 2003 on “The Meaning of Death in Society Today” with the support of the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung. It is based on the presumption that European/ Western modernity is characterized by a break with tradition in many aspects, including its relation to death. The secularization of modern society has ended the role of religion as the leading normative discourse covering all levels and aspects of society. It has led to the privatization of all religious questions, including the central dilemma of giving meaning to life and death. In a series of four workshops, this project sets out to discuss the specific occidental and epochal understanding of death – not least with regard to the possible ‘end of modernity,’ which might eventually lead to a change in our relation to death again. The project aims at the scientific examination of and scholarly reflection on death with regard to the specific and presently relevant issues related to the subject, their genesis as well as possible scenarios for their development in the future. For a more detailed outline of the project’s theme and main questions, see www.iwm.at/fdeath.htm. 11 or submit by e-mail to: [email protected] Subject header: Fellowships on “The Meaning of Death” 5 S e l e c t i o n C o n d i t i o n s 2 The application consists of the following materials: 1. the application form (please download from www.iwm.at/f-death.htm) 2. a concise research proposal (max. 4 pages) in English or German, including: _ the scientific problem(s) addressed _ a critical consideration of current relevant research and literature _ research goals and expected results _ the planned work and time schedule (if the proposal is part of a larger, ongoing project, please indicate which part you intend to complete during the fellowship) 3. a Curriculum Vitae 4. Ph.D. and Post-doctoral candidates are asked to provide two letters of reference by senior faculty familiar with their work. Senior scholars are asked to substantiate their expertise in the field with their publication record. A jury of experts comprised of a representative nominated by each of the three cooperation partners will meet in June 2005 to evaluate the applications and select the finalists. To complement this project, the Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, the Akademie der Künste, Berlin, and the Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen jointly invite scholars in the humanities and social sciences to submit proposals for Research Fellowships at the IWM, Vienna. Applicants will be notified of the jury decision in July 2005. It is not required for the jury to publicly justify its decisions. FOR Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen T I OcieNncSes A C I L A P P r Human S fo stitute N E hen In c I s n L e D vom M D E A 5, 2005 haften 1 issensc W May ie d für Institut CALL No. 87 Winter 2005 FORSCHUNGSPROJEKT Am Montag, den 15. November 2004, fand am IWM ein Workshop der Arbeitsgruppe des FWFgeförderten Forschungsprojekts „Projekt Europa. Die politische Philosophie Jan Patockas“ statt. Unter dem Titel „Phänomenologie und Politik“ wurden dabei Analysen zu Patockas Werk und weiterführende Ansätze einer „Phänomenologie des Politischen“ diskutiert. Phänomenologie und Politik 12 On November 15, 2004, the first workshop of the recently launched research-project „Project Europe. The Political Philosophy of Jan Patocka“ (for more information please visit www.iwm.at/ r-patpp.htm) was held at the IWM. The main goal of this workshop was to present and discuss the ongoing research and to open perspectives for future work which should aim at elaborating a phenomenological account of the political. Papers presented during this workshop dealt with problems related to Patocka‘s work as well as with other positions which share the same interest in a political ethos. No. 87 Winter 2005 DER ERSTE WORKSHOP der Arbeitsgruppe des im Jahr 2004 neu begonnenen Forschungsprojekts „Projekt Europa. Die politische Philosophie Jan Patockas“ war dem Themenkreis „Phänomenologie und Politik“ gewidmet. Diskutiert wurden aktuelle Arbeiten von Projektmitarbeitern sowie Ansätze zu einer „Phänomenologie des Politischen“, die neben Patocka auch eine Reihe anderer phänomenologischer Ansätze berücksichtigte. Ludger Hagedorn gab in seinem Vortrag einen Überblick über die im letzten Forschungsprojekt aufgearbeiteten ideengeschichtlichen Forschungen Patockas, die er als einen möglichen Leitfaden für dessen spätere Beschäftigung mit dem Politischen interpretierte. Im Anschluss daran stellte Ana Santos (Paris/Prag) ihre systematisch zusammenfassende Lesart von Patockas Schriften zur Kunst vor, die hinsichtlich der Überlegungen zur Rolle des Opfers auch auf ein politisches Moment verweisen. Peter Trawny (Wuppertal) widmete sich Patockas kontrovers diskutiertem Begriff des Krieges, den er insbesondere mit Überlegungen Heideggers zu diesem Thema konfrontierte. Ivan Chvatik beschloss die Reihe der Referate, die sich explizit mit Patockas Philosophie befassten; er präsentierte eine eingehende Lektüre vor allem der späten Schriften Patockas, in denen eine „Phänomenologie des Sinnes menschlichen Lebens“ in Aussicht gestellt wird. Die anschließenden Vorträge öffneten das Thema dann auch auf die Diskussion anderer phänomenologischer Positionen, die mit Patockas Denken das Interesse an der grundsätzlichen Klärung eines Ethos des Politischen teilen. Giovanni Leghissa untersuchte in dieser Hinsicht Derridas „dekonstruktives“ Vorgehen auf dessen mögliche ethisch-politische Implikationen. Sandra Lehmann stellte eine originäre Lektüre von E.T.A. Hoffmanns „Elixieren des Teufels“ vor, wobei hier nicht nur die phänomenologische Perspektive den philosophischen Hintergrund bildete, sondern auch die Auseinandersetzung mit Schellings „Freiheitsschrift“. Michael Staudigls Vortrag über Alfred Schütz und dessen sozialphänomenologische Analyse rassistischer Praktiken im politisch definierten Raum der Lebenswelt beschloss den Workshop. Eine größere Konferenz zum Thema „Phänomenologie und Politik“ soll im Winter 2005 folgen. Michael Staudigl, APART-Stipendiat der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Visiting Fellow IWM, Mitglied der Arbeitsgruppe des Forschungsprojekts „Projekt Europa. Die politische Philosophie Jan Patockas“ und Organisator des Workshops. Information: http://www.iwm.at/r-janpat.htm Programm Ludger Hagedorn Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter IWM, Wien Ideengeschichte Europas in den frühen Werken Jan Patockas Ana Santos Paris, Prag Kunst, Philosophie und Opfer. Welche Wahrheit, welches Scheitern? Peter Trawny Universität Wuppertal Der Krieg bei Heidegger und Patocka Ivan Chvatik Direktor Patocka-Archiv, Prag; Zentrum für phänomenologische Forschung Prag Prolegomena zu einer Phänomenologie des Sinnes menschlichen Lebens in den späten Essays Jan Patockas Giovanni Leghissa Universität Triest Derridas Grenzen Sandra Lehmann Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin IWM, Wien Die Ambiguität des Standpunkts Michael Staudigl APART-Stipendiat der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Visiting Fellow IWM Ungleichheit, Rassismus, Gewalt. Perspektiven und Grenzen von Schütz‘ Analyse der Sozialwelt CONFERENCE The IWM’s Junior Visiting Fellows meet on a regular basis at the JVF seminar to discuss their ongoing projects. The results of their research are then presented at the Junior Visiting Fellows’ Conference at the end of their stay. Last semester’s conference took place on December 9. Junior Visiting Fellows’ Conference Program Chair: Title: Speaker: IWM Project: Respondent: Panel 1: Mathias Thaler Chair: Otto Mühl and the Aesthetics of Seduction Thomas Nesbit Ph.D. candidate in Religion and Literature, Boston University Gender and Violence in “Wiener Aktionismus“ (Viennese Actionism) Cornelia Klinger Title: Speaker: IWM Project: Title: Speaker: IWM Project: Respondent: Spinoza and the Continuum of Activity Justin Steinberg Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy, Boston University The Concept of Freedom in Spinoza’s Political Writings Michael Staudigl Respondent: Title: Speaker: Chair: Title: Speaker: IWM Project: Respondent: Title: Speaker: IWM Project: Panel 2: Christoph Bärenreuter Positive Progress or the Crisis of Enlightment Uner Daglier Ph.D. candidate in Political Science, Boston College Mill’s Argument for Free Expression Ludger Hagedorn Just Numbers? Theoretical and Practical Considerations for the Measurement of Poverty in Rich Societies Matthias Till Doktorand (Soziologie, Technische Universität Wien); DOC-Stipendiat der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Stations of Being Poor in New Europe – Social Change and Persistence of Precarious Living Conditions in Budapest, Dublin and Vienna IWM Project: Respondent: Chair: Title: Speaker: IWM Project: Respondent: Title: Speaker: Mathias Thaler, Uner Daglier IWM Project: Respondent: Thomas Nesbit, Justin Steinberg Panel 3: Michael Staudigl Clashing Claims, from Baghdad to Belgrade: Humanitarian Intervention between Law, Morals and Politics Mathias Thaler Doktorand (Philosophie, Politikwissenschaft, Universität Wien); DOC-Stipendiat der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Gründen, Fundieren, Rechtfertigen. Eine Archäologie moralischer Argumente im Feld des Politischen Franz M. Wimmer Women – the Paradigmatic Victims in Warsituations? Gender, Victimization and War in the Symbolical Order Maria Katharina Moser Doktorandin (Institut für Fundamentaltheologie, Katholisch-Theologische Fakultät, Universität Wien); DOC-Stipendiatin der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Opfer – eine politische und theologische Kategorie zwischen Affirmation und Ablehnung. Zur feministisch-ethischen Reformulierung eines Begriffs Franz M. Wimmer 13 Maria Katharina Moser Panel 4: Maria Katharina Moser What remains for Nationalism Studies? Michal Luczewski Ph.D. candidate in Sociology, Warsaw University; Chairman of the Polish Invisible College; Jozef Tischner Junior Visiting Fellow National Experience. Practice and Theory of the Nation in Everyday Life Marci Shore Identity, Responsiveness and Empty Signifiers: Some Remarks on the Theorization of the European Public Sphere Christoph Bärenreuter Doktorand (Politikwissenschaften, Universität Wien); DOC-Stipendiat der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Researching the European Public Sphere. Theory of democracy and empirical evidence. Johannes Pollak No. 87 Michal Luczewski Christoph Bärenreuter Winter 2005 IHS BOSTON The activities of the Institute for Human Sciences at Boston University – founded in 2001 – mainly focus on the relationship between Europe and the United States. The following overview of IHS Boston events gives an impression of the institute’s work. The US and Europe: Partnership or Competition? The US and Europe: Partnership or Competition? Alain Juppé 14 James Hoge, David Phillips Michael Mertes, Thérèse Delpech On November 16, 2004, the Institute for Human Sciences at Boston University, in cooperation with the Duitsland Instituut at the University of Amsterdam, convened its second international conference on “The US and Europe: Partnership or Competition.” Introductory remarks were given by John Silber, President Emeritus of Boston University, University Professor and Professor of International Relations, who expressed his hope that the conference might mark the beginning of a “renewed and reinvigorated transatlantic partnership.” The first session focused on the diverse conflicts in the region stretching from the Maghreb countries to Iran, and on American and European responses. The key note speech was given by former French Prime Minister Alain Juppé. The panel was chaired by James Hoge, Editor-in-Chief of Foreign Affairs and a member of the Institute’s Board of Directors. Rachel Bronson, Director of Middle East and Gulf Studies; David Phillips, Senior Fellow and Deputy Director of the Center for Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations; Therese Delpech, Director of Strategic Affairs at the Atomic Energy Commission in Paris; and Michael Mertes, former policy advisor to Helmut Kohl, joined Prime Minister Juppé for the discussion. The second session focused on the changing forms, institutions, and structures which, as IHS board member and chair of the session’s panel discussion, Aleksander Smolar, put it, are the foundations of trust. Smolar is the Senior Research Fellow at the CNRS in Paris and President of the Stefan Batory Foundation in Warsaw. The key note speech was given by Wolfgang Ischinger, Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany to the United States. Members of the panel included Maarten Brands, Professor of History at the University of Amsterdam; Charles Kupchan, Professor of International Relations at Georgetown University and Director of Europe Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations; and Steven Walt, Belfer Professor of International Relations at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. Wolfgang Ischinger A “Courageous Policy of Dialogue and Cooperation” In his key note address, Prime Minister Juppé reiterated the importance of peace and stability in the Middle East to both Europe and the US, despite their differences over the means to achieve it. He emphasized the multitude of geographic and hisNo. 87 Winter 2005 Charles Kupchan, Aleksander Smolar torical ties between Europe and the Middle East, and called for a “courageous policy of dialogue and cooperation” with the US moving forward. Juppé outlined his main concerns: the unresolved situation in Iraq, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the current uncertainty in Iran and the growing phenomenon of Islamic terrorism. He expressed hope that the dialogue with Iran would succeed, but said he felt the goal of a Middle East free of weapons of mass destruction to be a utopian one. There is, “a genuine aspiration of people in those countries for democracy, human development, freedom and social justice. We must, refrain from attempting to impose our model from outside, risking offending the pride and dignity of the people concerned.” Finally, Juppé addressed the question of Turkish membership in the EU. Such enlargement “would fundamentally change the European project of a political entity sharing the will of carrying out our own foreign policy and building our own security force in the framework of friendship and frank partnership with the United States.” US and European Policy: Complementary or Contradictory? Before introducing the panellists, Hoge underscored the urgency of the “partnership or competition” debate in the Middle East, stating that how we come out will have deep and lasting effects on the transatlantic relationship. Bronson agreed, attributing the tensions in the transatlantic relationship to the changed international environment in the wake of 9/11, and blaming the failure of US policy in the Middle East on the Bush administration’s mistaken belief that, given sufficient US resolve, other countries would come along in the end. She argued that, while the US and Europe perceived the threat of terrorism differently, their agendas were complementary and not at odds. Delpech addressed Europe’s shortcomings, in particular the “narrowest vision of its strategic environment in its history.” Particularly alarming to Delpech is that Asia is “absent from the European radar.” As Europe enlarges its territory, it should enlarge its strategic vision, accepting a more political role. Whereas Bronson offered an explanation for a Bush policy gone awry, her colleague Phillips was openly critical. Echoing Juppé, he stressed the need for a policy that addresses the injustices and inequities that give rise to terrorism. He disagreed with the former prime minister on the question of Turkish IHS Boston University ACTIVITIES membership in the EU, however, arguing that a rejection of Turkey would compromise European security, “shifting the frontline of terrorism from Turkey’s eastern border closer to the heart of Europe.” Mertes agreed with Phillips that Europe cannot afford to define itself against Islam, given its growing Islamic population. The answer to the Turkish question depends on what sort of Europe one has in mind: a “United States of Europe” or a looser confederation or free trade zone? Mertes stressed the need for the US and Europe to develop and coordinate a common strategy for promoting democracy in the Middle East. Walt noted that the whole idea of a transatlantic community was a historical accident whose demise should not shock us. He attributes the breakdown in the relationship to structural changes and shifting power relations. Walt did not agree that institutions could salvage the transatlantic relationship. As he put it, institutions allow states to reach shared interests and common goals more effectively; they are less useful in resolving differences. He suggested that, rather than trying to recreate a partnership, we might lower our expectations, focusing on areas where we agree and where we can cooperate successfully, intelligence-sharing being only one example. The Breakdown of Trust Opening the second part of the conference, Ambassador Ischinger traced the turning points in the transatlantic relationship to the key dates of 11/9/ 89 and 9/11/01. He expressed hope that the US and Europe might act in tandem in the future. He stated that Germany shares the US objective of a stable and peaceful Iraq. The real problem in the transatlantic relationship today, according to Ischinger, is one of trust. He expressed hope that Europe’s diplomatic negotiations with Iran would succeed, leading the US to review its position. “Do international alliances still matter?” was the question taken up in the discussion which followed. Smolar questioned whether the breakdown in trust was a result of the weakening of the institutions established to safeguard it. There is, at least in Europe, a feeling of “rupture.” He asked whether this was, in fact, as Bronson suggested, a normal redistribution of roles and powers in the new situation created by 9/11. Brands agreed with Ischinger that the events of 11/9 and 9/11 have changed the world completely, but added that it is foolish to think that post-WWII alliances could be rebuilt as they were, noting Europe’s growing insignificance in US foreign policy. For his part, he cannot imagine European integration succeeding without the US. Cooperation is possible, Brands suggested, but a socalled equal partnership between the US and Europe is an illusory goal. Kupchan argued that the re-election of George Bush marked the triumph of an “assertive nationalism” over liberal internationalism and an end to the transatlantic alliance. He expressed hope for a renewed partnership between the United States and a united Europe. Taking issue with Brands, he said he thought the EU could indeed emerge as a world power, citing the weakness of the United States in the years following the civil war. He added, however, that it is vital for European politicians to resist anti-Americanism rather than capitalizing on it to win elections if Europe is to emerge as a geopolitical power. A Celebration of Jacek Kuron’s Life On December 5, 2004, the Institute for Human Sciences, in cooperation with the American Council on Learned Societies and the journal East European Politics and Societies, organized a panel to commemorate the Polish opposition leader Jacek Kuron, who died on June 17, entitled “Jacek Kuron’s Legacy: The Last Dissident.” The panel, moderated by Irena Grudzinska Gross, discussed the relationship between Kuron’s politics and social activism. Participants included Padraic Kenney, Professor of History at the University of Colorado; David Ost, Professor of Political Science at Hobart and William Smith Colleges; Joanna Regulska, Professor and Chair of Women’s and Gender Studies at Rutgers University; Jacques Rupnik, Professor of Political Science at CERI and at the Institut d’Etudes Politiques in Paris and Professor of History at the Sorbonne; and Andrzej Tymowski, Director of International Programs at the American Council on Learned Societies. The evening was less a presentation of the facts of Kuron’s life than a celebration of his extraordinary character, in Gross’s words, “his political inventiveness, his courage, and his indomitable energy.” Emerging from the discussion were several themes – compassion, honor, justice – which resonated throughout Kuron’s life and, as Kenney brought to light, were evidenced even in Kuron’s childhood reading. Kuron’s was not a life without contradictions, but they were wrought of his unwavering commitments to social justice and citizens’ self-organization. Das Institute for Human Sciences at Boston University wurde im Jahr 2001 gegründet, um den Austausch zwischen europäischen und US-amerikanischen Wissenschaftlern, IHS Board of Directors Timothy Garton Ash Director, Center for European Studies, St. Antony’s College, Oxford Irena Grudzinska Gross Professor of Modern Foreign Languages and Literatures, Boston University (Executive Director) James Hoge Editor-in-Chief, Foreign Affairs Ira Katznelson Ruggles Professor of Political Science and History, Columbia University Michael Mertes Partner at “dimap consult,“ a commercial think tank based in Bonn and Berlin Krzysztof Michalski Professor of Philosophy, Boston and Warsaw Universities; Rector, IWM, Vienna (Chair) Pierre Rosanvallon Director of Studies, Centre de Recherches Politiques Raymond Aron, EHESS, Paris; Professor of Modern and Contemporary Politics, Collège de France Lilia Shevtsova Senior Associate, Carnegie Moscow Center Aleksander Smolar Senior Research Fellow at the CNRS, Paris; President, Stefan Batory Foundation, Warsaw Fareed Zakaria Editor-in-Chief, Newsweek International Intellektuellen und Politikern zu fördern. Es ist regelmäßig mit Berichten über Konferenzen, Vorträge und andere Veranstaltungen im Newsletter des IWM vertreten. No. 87 Winter 2005 15 TUESDAY LECTURES Every Tuesday evening the IWM hosts a speaker, often a current fellow or guest, who Tuesday Lectures holds a public lecture related to one of the Institute’s projects or research fields. An e-mail information service on upcoming events is available at www.iwm.at. Jeden Dienstag ist die Bibliothek des IWM Schauplatz eines öffentlichen Vortrags, gefolgt von einer informellen Diskussion. Fellows und Gäste des Instituts sowie internationale Wissenschaftler und Intellektuelle werden eingeladen, ihre aktuellen Forschungsergebnisse zu präsentieren. Einen E-Mail-Informationsservice zu bevorstehenden Veranstaltungen bietet die Website des IWM, www.iwm.at. 16 Ulrike Lunacek, Anne Phillips 4. NOVEMBER 9. NOVEMBER Anne Phillips Reihe: Die Rolle des Staates Gender Equality, Cultural Diversity, and the Interventionist State Tomas Halik Europe’s Unknown God WHAT HAPPENS when recognising cultural diversity threatens to conflict with protecting women’s equality? When those in an ethno-cultural minority call on society to recognise and accommodate minority practices and traditions, they sometimes invoke highly contested versions of these practices and traditions, and may even defend ones that are particularly harmful to women. Meanwhile, when those in an ethno-cultural majority call on public authorities to protect women from practices such as veiling or forced marriage or socalled “honour killings”, they may invoke the language of gender equality in ways that encourage cultural stereotyping, or even promote hostility towards minority ethnic groups. What, in this context, is appropriate for governments to do? Drawing mainly on examples from the UK, Anne Phillips’ lecture explored the alternative strategies associated with regulation, exit and dialogue. Anne Phillips is Director of the Gender Institute, London School of Economics. Kommentatorin: Birgid Weinzinger Abgeordnete zum Nationalrat und Frauensprecherin der Grünen In Zusammenarbeit mit der Grünen Bildungswerkstatt. No. 87 Winter 2005 THE EXPERIENCE OF Communism’s militant atheism and the abuse of religion by radical Islamists should make Europeans rethink the relationship between secularism and faith – two paths which have coexisted for so long in this spiritual space. In a culture where the world was full of gods, the apostle Paul found an “altar to the unknown god.” Perhaps in this secularised age we must again seek islands of the sacred, as Tomas Halik argued in his lecture, so that this altar might once more be a starting point for an intelligible interpretation of the same gospel. Christianity expresses the ambivalent and paradoxical nature of God and therefore must be preached on the thin borderline between religion and atheism. Tomas Halik is Professor of Sociology, Charles University, Prague. 16. NOVEMBER Sabine Berghahn Reihe: Die Rolle des Staates Staat und Privatheit: Warum der Staat so an der Ehe hängt DIE EHE als verfassungsrechtlich privilegierte Institution hat in konservativen „Wohlfahrtsstaatsregimen“ wie Deutschland und Österreich einen hohen Rang. Sie wird daher gerne bei politischen Kontroversen um sozial-, steuer- und familienpolitische Veränderungen und um die Verbesserung der Rechtssituation von gleichgeschlechtlichen und „eheähnlichen“ Paaren als Reformbremse verwendet. Auf diese Weise erweist sich die Institution Ehe tendenziell auch als Gleichstellungshindernis im Geschlechterverhältnis. Sabine Berghahn stellte in ihrem Vortrag die Frage nach den Gründen und Motiven: Worin besteht das Interesse des Staates an der Institution Ehe? TUESDAY LECTURES Sabine Berghahn ist Professorin für Politikund Sozialwissenschaften, Freie Universität Berlin. In Zusammenarbeit mit der Grünen Bildungswerkstatt. Michel Wieviorka est Directeur d’études à l’EHESS et directeur du CADIS, Paris. In Zusammenarbeit mit dem 7. DEZEMBER 23. NOVEMBER Timothy Snyder Brotherlands: A Proposal for a Family History of the East European Nation WHILE MOST SCHOLARS agree that the nation is a political idea, few have drawn the important conclusion that it must also be a political choice. Because most political history is written within the national framework, the element of freedom tends to disappear. At certain historical moments, however, people who became national leaders were indeed free to choose their own nationality. To recreate their situation, and to revise theories of nationalism, Timothy Snyder’s lecture followed the biography of European families in which siblings or close relatives chose different nationalities, and became important in rival national movements. Timothy Snyder is Associate Professor of History, Yale University and currently IWM Visiting Fellow. 30. NOVEMBER Michel Wieviorka Violence: une nouvelle approche LES APPROCHES CLASSIQUES de la violence circulent généralement autour de trois axes: ou bien la violence répond a une crise, des frustrations, des dysfonctionnements; ou bien elle relève du calcul et de la stratégie; ou bien encore elle correspond à l’état d’une culture, voire a une personnalité. Il n’y a pas a rejeter entièrement ces raisonnements. Mais si l’on centre l’analyse sur les processus de perte et de surcharge de sens qui caracterisent le sujet violent, si l’on s’interesse à la cruauté, si l’on fait l’hypothèse que la violence peut correspondre à une réaction de survie sans agressivité, alors la réflexion peut prendre un tout autre tour. Gabriele Wilde Reihe: Die Rolle des Staates Europäische Verfassung und Bürgerschaftspolitik – Herausforderungen und Perspektiven politischer Integration DIE KONSTITUTIONALISIERUNG der EU weckt Hoffnungen für eine Demokratisierung europäischer Strukturen ebenso wie für die Herausbildung einer europäischen Bürgerschaft. Gabriele Wildes Vortrag fragte nach den Möglichkeiten einer nicht nur rechtlichen, sondern auch politischen Integration europäischer Bürgerinnen und Bürger im Kontext europäischer Verfassungspolitik. Reflektiert wurden besonders Probleme, die sich aufgrund der Pluralität europäischer Bürgergesellschaften ergeben. Die Politikwissenschaftlerin verdeutlichte dies unter anderem am Beispiel der Geschlechterdifferenz. Ihre These: Die mit der europäischen Verfassung intendierten Ziele können nur dann erreicht werden, wenn die verfassungsrechtlichen Normen und Grundsätze die Bedingungen bürgergesellschaftlicher Differenz und Heterogenität berücksichtigen. Gabriele Wilde ist wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin im Fach Politikwissenschaft, Bergische Universität, Wuppertal. In Zusammenarbeit mit der Grünen Bildungswerkstatt. 14. DEZEMBER Hans-Ludwig Schreiber Wann beginnt menschliches Leben? Die neue biorechtliche und bioethische Diskussion um den Menschen MIT DER ENTWICKLUNG von Technologien zur Gewebe- und Organgewinnung aus Embryonen hat eine breite, internationale Diskussion über den Beginn menschli- chen Lebens und die Verwendung von Embryonen für Forschung und Therapie begonnen. Auch Möglichkeiten genetischer Eingriffe in den Embryo vor der Geburt und in die Keimbahn zur Bekämpfung bisher nicht heilbarer Erbkrankheiten werden diskutiert. Hans-Ludwig Schreibers Vortrag beleuchtete die rechtliche Dimension der dabei zu diskutierenden Fragen: Wann beginnt der Mensch? Und: Von welchem Zeitpunkt an verdient er Schutz? Hans-Ludwig Schreiber ist Professor em. für Strafrecht und allgemeine Rechtstheorie an der Universität Göttingen. Er ist Mitglied des Arbeitskreises zum IWM-Forschungsprojekt „Die Bedeutung des Todes in der heutigen Gesellschaft“, das von der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung gefördert wird. 17 18. JANUAR, 2005 Michael Staudigl Über Geben und Nehmen. Eine Phänomenologie der Gewalt DASS GEWALT mit Mitteln selbstreflexiver Beschreibung nicht verstanden werden kann, ist ein Gemeinplatz der Gewaltforschung. Der Vortrag von Michael Staudigl widmete sich vor diesem Hintergrund der Frage, ob die Phänomenologie dieser Beschränkung entkommt und andere Möglichkeiten eröffnet, Gewalt zu denken. Insbesondere um das Ereignis Gewalt zu fassen, sind demnach methodische Adaptionen notwendig. Dies erfordere eine Vertiefung des Erfahrungsbegriffs und eine Kritik an klassischen Konzeptionen von Subjektivität. Lasse sich auf diesem Wege ein „verletzliches Subjekt“ erkennen, so könne eine wirkliche Sensibilität für Gewaltphänomene schließlich dadurch gewonnen werden, dass die Modalitäten ihrer Praxis in Begriffen beschrieben werden, die die Verletzungsoffenheit des Menschlichen reflektieren. No. 87 Winter 2005 NEUE REIHE: POLITISCHER SALON Gemeinsam mit der Tageszeitung Die Presse hat das IWM ein Michael Staudigl ist APART-Stipendiat der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und IWM Visiting Fellow. neues Diskussionsforum zu aktuellen politischen und gesellschaftlichen Fragestellungen eingerichtet: Die Veranstaltungsreihe der „Politischen Salons“. Als erster Gast diskutierte am 18. 25. JANUAR, 2005 18 Podiumsgespräch und Buchpräsentation Avantgarden gestern und heute November Lord Dahrendorf über „Probleme der Demokratie BEREITS IN DAS WORT Avantgarde ist das geschichtsphilosophische Credo der Moderne eingeschrieben. Seit ihren ersten Anfängen ist die Avantgarde den großen Narrativen der Moderne verpflichtet gewesen – mit all ihren Hoffnungen, aber auch ihren Schrecken. Fast von Anfang an bildeten Krisen und Katastrophen die Rückseite der Fortschrittsidee. Die Wirkungen und das Scheitern der Avantgarden des vergangenen Jahrhunderts, das sich wie vielleicht kein anderes zuvor als das Jahrhundert des Neuen verstanden hat, standen 2001 im Mittelpunkt einer internationalen Konferenz des IWM. Deren Ergebnisse versammelt das nun erschienene Buch „Das Jahrhundert der Avantgarden“, das im Rahmen eines Podiumsgespräches in Wien präsentiert wurde. Probleme der Demokratie heute Podiumsgespräch mit: Hans Belting, Direktor des IFK, Wien Cornelia Klinger, Permanent Fellow, IWM Vivian Liska, Universität Antwerpen Wolfgang Müller-Funk, Universität Wien Moderation: Daniela Hammer-Tugendhat, Hochschule für Angewandte Kunst In Zusammenarbeit mit Wilhelm Fink Verlag No. 87 Winter 2005 heute“. IM KONTEXT der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Integration der erweiterten Europäischen Union hat das Thema governance einen ganz neuen Stellenwert erhalten. Demokratie heute steht vor der Herausforderung, die Formen politischer Beteiligung und Entscheidungsfindung zu erneuern – eine Notwendigkeit, die während des Krzysztof Michalski, Lord Dahrendorf, Michael Fleischhacker europäischen Verfassungskonvents und der Utopie eines „europäischen Staates“. angesichts der niedrigen Wahlbeteiligung Nach Dahrendorf könnte die Zuan den letzten EU-Parlamentswahlen ein- sammenarbeit der einzelnen Nationalstaamal mehr deutlich wurde. Traditionelle ten innerhalb der EU als globales Modell Institutionen der politischen Interessens- der Demokratiebeschleunigung dienen. vertretung verlieren an Gewicht und Dies werde aber nur gelingen, wenn die Durchschlagskraft; gleichzeitig hat sich in Herausforderung einer geopolitischen den letzten Jahren eine Vielzahl von zivil- und kulturellen Öffnung ernst genomgesellschaftlichen Vereinigungen (NGOs) men werde. entwickelt, die immer effizienter Partikularinteressen auf lokaler, nationaler Ralf Dahrendorf ist Mitglied des britischen und auch internationaler Ebene vertreten. Oberhauses. Er lehrte als Professor für SozioAls erster Gast der neuen Reihe „Politi- logie an deutschen und amerikanischen Unischer Salon“, einer Kooperation des IWM, versitäten, war Direktor der London School of der Direktion für Sicherheitspolitik im Economics und Warden des St. Antony’s ColVerteidigungsministerium und der „Pres- lege in Oxford. se“, diskutierte Lord Dahrendorf über „Probleme der Demokratie heute“ mit In Zusammenarbeit mit der Direktion für SicherMichael Fleischhacker, Chefredakteur, heitspolitik des Bundesministeriums für LanDie Presse, und Krzysztof Michalski, Rek- desverteidigung. tor des IWM. Die größte Bedrohung für die mo- Als nächster Gast in der Reihe „Politischer dernen Demokratien sieht Lord Salon“ diskutiert der renommierte IslamDahrendorf demnach im schleichenden wissenschaftler Bernhard Lewis, Professor Autoritarismus technisch zunehmend Emeritus of Near Eastern Studies an der Unikomplexer demokratischer Prozesse. Mul- versität Princeton, am 9. März 2005 über die ti- und supranationale politische Gebilde Bedeutung des Islam für die Europäische Inwie die EU hätten nicht nur mit tegration. Legitimationsdefiziten zu kämpfen, sondern begünstigten zudem die Intransparenz der politisch-ökonomischen Sphäre – bei gleichzeitiger Abnahme des politischen Interesses der Bürger. Die Stärkung europäischer Demokratien bestünde gleichwohl nicht in der Verwirklichung 2005 / 2006 Call for Applications Milena Jesenská Fellowships for Journalists Milena Jesenská (1896-1944) was an outstanding journalist and mediator between the Czech and the German cultures in Bohemia as well as an astute political commentator. She was detained in the Nazi concentration camp in Ravensbrück for her political involvement and resistance, where she died in 1944. She is widely known for her famous correspondence with Franz Kafka. The European Cultural Foundation is an independent non-profit organization that promotes cultural participation and cooperation within Europe and beyond its borders. It was founded in 1954 as the cultural counterpart to economic Europe. It strives to reinforce Europe’s cultural dimension and to stimulate intercultural dialogue. www.eurocult.org E U R O P E A N C U L T U R A L F O U N D A T I O N The Institute for Human Sciences (IWM) is an institute for advanced study. Its mission is to offer, in Austria, a place for research and discussion that crosses borders and disciplines with a view to contributing to the formation of a new intellectual geography in Europe. www.iwm.at Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen Project Syndicate is an international association of 226 newspapers in 107 countries, devoted to bringing distinguished voices from around the world to informed national audiences so as to create a global forum for broadening debate and exchanging ideas. www.project-syndicate.org PROJECT S Y N D I C AT E AN ASSOCIATION OF NEWSPAPERS AROUND THE WORLD I Objective III The Jury The Milena Jesenská Fellowship program was established by the Institute for Human Sciences and by the European Cultural Foundation and is supported by Project Syndicate . Sabine Aßmann, Public Relations, IWM, Vienna Helena Luczywo, Managing Editor-in-chief, Gazeta Wyborcza, Warsaw Gerfried Sperl, Editor-in-chief, Der Standard, Vienna (Chair) Laura Starink, NRC-Handelsblad, Rotterdam Gottfried Wagner, Director of the European Cultural Foundation, Amsterdam It offers journalists working in print, broadcast and electronic journalism time off from their professional duties in order to pursue in-depth research on a European topic of their choice. The call for applications 2005/06 is directed towards cultural journalists, with the term ‘cultural’ interpreted in a broad sense to encompass a wide variety of artistic and intellectual fields. II Conditions Milena Jesenská Fellows are invited to spend three months at the IWM in Vienna, Austria. Recipients of the fellowships are given a stipend of € 7.630 and are provided with office space, a PC with broadband Internet access, and the use of IWM’s in-house research facilities as well as other relevant sources in Vienna. Travel grants of up to € 1.820 will be available for research visits to neighbouring countries. Candidates for the Milena Jesenská fellowships must have several years of experience in professional journalism. Their work may deal with any topic related to cultural issues of European relevance, especially having to do with the issue of European integration. Fellowships are not intended for entry-level journalists or students. IV Application The application consists of the following: - the application form (please download from www.iwm.at/f-milena.htm, or request by fax: +43-1-313 58-30 or by e-mail: [email protected] - a concise project proposal in English (not more than 3 double-spaced pages) - a Curriculum Vitae including a list of publications Deadline for applications is March 25, 2005 (date of receipt). Applicants will be notified of the decision in June 2005. The jury is not obliged to publicly justify its decisions. Please address applications to: Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen (IWM) Milena Jesenská Fellowships for Journalists Spittelauer Lände 3 1090 Vienna, Austria Applications by e-mail are also eligible: [email protected] subject header: Milena Jesenska The program has also been generously supported by VÖZ (Association of Austrian Newspapers) and Oberbank AG Linz. No. 87 Winter 2005 19 Visiting Fellows All IWM Fellows are asked to present their research projects in the Institute’s quarterly newsletter. Some of the current fellows have already given a more detailed insight into their work in the previous newsletter or will do so in the next one. Benjamin Frommer Length of stay: Project: Research: 20 Project: there a “future for nostalgia” 15 years after the fall of communism? How do different cultures (Bulgarian, Czech, Slovak) deal with nostalgia and difficult feelings like insecurity and shame? Her interest also lies in the possibility for new narratives about the past to be created in and shared through the internet. Assistant Professor of History, Northwestern University, Evanston September 2004 – June 2005 Living in the Shadow of the Iron Curtain: The Czech/Slovak – Austrian/German Borderlands, 1945 – 2000 Having recently completed his first book, National Cleansing: Retribution against Nazi Collaborators in Postwar Czechoslovakia, Frommer is currently writing a comparative history of the frontier on both sides of the former “Iron Curtain.” In particular, he aims to evaluate how individuals, communities, and governments experienced and managed the borderlands in the context of the Cold War and its aftermath. Length of stay: Ludger Hagedorn Length of stay: Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter, Johannes-GutenbergUniversität, Mainz und IWM, Wien Research Associate, Patocka Project Projekt Europa: Die politische Philosophie Jan Patockas Vlasta Jalusic Project: Susanne Lettow Project: Research: Diana Ivanova Length of stay: Project: Research: No. 87 Freelance journalist, Sofia Milena Jesenska Fellow January – March 2005 Human Library on Socialism Diana Ivanova has broad journalistic experience in Bulgarian TV and print media and seven years of international broadcasting experience working for Radio Free Europe in Prague. In 2004, she was one of the initiators of an internet-based storytelling project about socialism (together with the writer Georgy Giospodinov, the psychiatrist Rumen Petrov and the journalist Kalin Manolov) – the first website in Bulgaria to offer personal stories from the time of socialism, www.spomeniteni.org. During her stay at the IWM she will try to develop further the idea of the project as a “human library on socialism,” and through collecting stories, interviews and talks in Prague and Bratislava to look for an answer to several questions: What is the place for memories when political dreams become reality in the former socialist countries? Is there a place for memories? Is Winter 2005 Associate Professor, The Peace Institute, Ljubljana November – December 2004 Sex Work Between Catholicism, Liberalism and Social Democracy. A Comparison of Austria and Slovenia Lehrbeauftragte Gender Studies, Institut für Philosophie, Freie Universität Berlin Lise Meitner Fellow October 2004 – October 2005 Gender in the Philosophical Debates on Biotechnology At the beginning of the 21st century information- and biotechnology seem to be the key technologies of the future. The technological revolutions of biological reproduction, food production and medicine are far-reaching processes with consequences, especially concerning gender relations, not yet to foresee. Lettow’s project centers on the question of how these processes are articulated in philosophical discourse . Marci Shore Length of stay: Project: Assistant Professor of History, Indiana University July 2004 – August 2005 The Wonder of Words: Cosmopolitanism and the Avant-garde in East-Central Europe, 1919 – 1930 Research: The project focuses on EastCentral European avant-garde movements in Vienna, Prague, Bratislava, Krakow, Lviv, Warsaw, and Kiev, exploring how the avant-gardes’ understanding of the materiality of language shaped their philosophy. Marta Simeckova Length of stay: Project: (aesthetic) taste and, in a broader sense, of judgment, and re-thought in the terms of modern aesthetic thinking by many philosophers from Lord Shaftesbury, to Hutcheson and Hume to Kant. Hence 18th century taste always presupposes the inherent sociability of men, a genuine plurality and, as such, is a communal sense, a faculty of creating community, while its inherent social-political contents cannot be divided from its aesthetic nature. And it connects to the concept of freedom, which is one of the clues to Arendt’s political philosophy. She says that the original political faculty is not the lawgiving reason, but the judgement (phronesis), which a priori considers the standpoints of others: “Im Sinne der Polis war der politische Mensch in seiner ihm eigentümlichen Ausgezeichnetheit zugleich der freieste, weil er die größte Bewegungsfreiheit vermöge seiner Einsicht, seiner Fähigkeit, alle Standorte zu berücksichtigen, hatte.” Taking this and her understanding of freedom as a kind of virtuosoship of political activity especially in the cases of Machiavelli and Montesquieu, Szecsenyi adds to these insights Lord Shaftesbury’s and Hutcheson’s virtuosoship of polite conversation (its traces can be found in Kant’s third Critique) as a kind of “aesthetic” freedom in order to reinterpret Arendt’s theory of judgement, and her conception of freedom in a new way, and to exploit some theoretical potentials of both her interpretation and the Kantian treatment of aesthetic judgement. Editor at the Slovak daily “Sme”, Bratislava Milena Jesenka Fellow January – March 2005 New Democracies and Their Questions Timothy Snyder Length of stay: Project: Research: Assistant Professor of History, Yale University July 2004 – August 2005 Brotherlands: A Family History of the Slavic, German, and Jewish Nations Timothy Snyder is beginning a family history of nationality in Europe. His method is the serial biography of prominent families whose members chose different national identities, 1848 – 1948. Michael Staudigl Length of stay: Project: Research: Habilitand (Phänomenologie, Politische Philosophie), Universität Wien, APART-Stipendiat der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften October 2003 – June 2005 Phänomen Gewalt. Perspektiven phänomenologischer Forschung Verletzlichkeit und verletzen Können des handelnden Subjekts verweisen auf das anthropologische Grundfaktum leiblicher Verletzungsoffenheit, dessen phänomenologische Auslegung im Zentrum des Forschungsprojektes von Michael Staudigl steht. Seine Forschungen gelten der Auslotung des scheinbar unbegrenzt modulier- und erweiterbaren Spektrums des Gewalthandelns. Philipp Ther Length of stay: Project: Research: Endre Szecsenyi Length of stay: Project: Research: Associate Professor of Philosophy, Eötvös Lorand University, Budapest Andrew W. Mellon Fellow January – March 2005 Hannah Ahrendt and the “Aesthetic” Freedom Hannah Arendt’s Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy, a stimulating interpretation of Kant’s Critique of Judgement, is the starting point of Szecsenyi’s research. In these lectures, Arendt’s major interest is to elaborate the political aspects of taste as sensus communis – but tacitly at the expense of its very aesthetic nature. Though the Roman Stoic concept of sensus communis has been connected to the issue of Junior Professor of Polish and Ukrainian Studies, Europa-Universität Frankfurt/Oder Körber Visiting Fellow October 2004 – March 2005 The History and Legacy of 20th Century Ethnic Cleansing in Europe Philipp Ther’s research project focuses on the 20th century as an age of ‘ethnic cleansing.’ Over its course, about 50 million people have been forced to permanently leave their homelands within Europe alone. In the Balkans, the legacy of ethnic cleansing is very destructive to this day. Ther therefore sees an urgent need to publish a book which goes beyond the national(ist) interpretation of this process. Junior Visiting Fellows Christoph Bärenreuter Length of stay: Project: Research: Doktorand (Politikwissenschaften, Universität Wien), DOC-Stipendiat der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften July 2004 – January 2005 Researching the European Public Sphere. Theory of democracy and empirical evidence. The project focuses on the role of a European PubNo. 87 Winter 2005 21 lic Sphere in the construction of a European identity and for legitimizing the European polity. tries, EU accession meant the promise of new laws conforming to the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which guarantees “freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers.” But while these governments have been quick to push their countries’ markets toward Western standards, they have been slower to protect independent reporting. Many governments continue to block access to public records, and many impose prison sentences for insulting state officials. Reporters also face coercion from criminals who prefer to keep their activities secret and from foreign investors concerned not with the public interest, but with the bottom line. Eoin O’Carrol’s report will study the challenges faced by reporters in Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Asli Baykal Length of stay: Project: Ph.D. Candidate in Anthropology, Boston University February – July 2005 Socioeconomic and Cultural Change in Uzbekistan Greg Charak Length of stay: Project: Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy, University of California, San Diego; guest scholar of Institut Wiener Kreis February – March 2005 Reduction and Liberal Renewal: the Fate of the ‘Höherer Standpunkt’ Susan Costello Length of stay: Project: Research: 22 Ph.D. Candidate in Anthropology, Boston University January – June 2005 Tibetan Pastoralists’ Uses of Wealth in an Environment of Risk: Choosing Between Tribal and Religious Moral Ideals and Market Efficiency? Susan Costello’s dissertation describes the conditions of pastoral production, consumption and exchange of the Tibetan nomads who live in the high altitude Golok Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Qinghai Province, China. She finds that the choices they make regarding their economic activities – such as minimizing the slaughter of livestock, and ‘investing’ discretionary income in the religious sphere, not only reflect their strong faith in Buddhism but also their lack of trust in the alternatives the modern world offers them – namely the Chinese Communist government and the developing free market – to provide security of livelihood. While Buddhism orients their otherworldly concerns, they continue to find practical this worldly support in traditional social relations based on kinship and tribe. Their economic activities thus include relationship building practices of hospitality, mutual aid and gift exchange. Having these relationships to draw on is crucial when they make attempts to take advantage of the new opportunities the developing market offers. Currently, Susan Costello is exploring the applicability of the theme of ‘trust’ that runs through these issues as a unifying theoretical framework. Eoin O’Carroll Length of stay: Project: Research: No. 87 Candidate for MS degree in Print Journalism, Boston University January – June 2005 Regardless of Frontiers: Press Freedom in the EU’s Newest Members At the stroke of midnight on May 1, 2004, the EU grew from 15 to 25 states, eight of which had spent a generation behind the Iron Curtain. At that moment, nearly 75 million people, from the Baltic to the Adriatic, came closer than ever before to the promise of free markets, open governments and respect for human rights. For reporters in these coun- Winter 2005 Thomas Nesbit Length of stay: Project: Ph.D. candidate in Religion and Literature, Boston University July 2004 – January 2005 Gender and Violence in Wiener Aktionismus (Viennese Actionism) Emily Rohrbach Length of stay: Project: Research: Ph.D. Candidate in English Literature, Boston University January – June 2005 European Historiography 1770-1830, Revolution in Literary Time Emily Rohrbach’s research concerns early nineteenthcentury historiographical debate and competing notions of contemporaneity in British and European historical writings. In her dissertation on British Romantic literature, that debate helps to account for the ways in which the poetics of Keats and Byron respond to the problems of modernity in their lateral temporal movements—their dilations of the moment, a spatialization of coexistent, incompatible times: “hours by hours,” Keats writes in “To Autumn.” In the course of the European eighteenth century certain notions of linear progress, enabled by modernity’s new constellation of the “present” in relation to the past and future, had begun to shape both popular historical writing (the writing of history as a progress through periods) and narratives of personal development (the Bildungsroman). Against these forms, Keats’s and Byron’s aesthetics, she argues, resist any singular, totalizing march through time by way of a more radi- cal immediacy and sense of modernity’s present as history, as the new historical age. Their non-totalizing poetics insist on an intersection of subjectivity with historiography so that modern epistemological uncertainty can be seen as a problem for both national-historical and subjective self-understanding, and as a negotiation of the modern philosophical problem of finding the “present” on its own terms. Astrid Swenson Length of stay: Project: Research: Ph.D. Candidate in History, Cambridge University Körber Junior Visiting Fellow January – June 2005 Conceptualizing Heritage in 19th Century France, Germany, and Britain Astrid Swenson’s dissertation analyses the conceptualization of ‘cultural heritage’ in 19th century Europe, with particular reference to France, Germany and England. Within the framework of the Körber Foundations’ fellowship on ‘History and Memory in Europe’ the project addresses the need to historicize the central, yet often so poorly defined concepts of ‘heritage’ and ‘memory’. Whereas most previous studies only consider national contexts, it combines a comparative approach with an analysis of intercultural transfer. This method helps to explain similarities and differences but is also revealing with regard to the question of the construction of a transnational identity. The study investigates the emergences of a Pan-European ‘culture of memory’ in which the preservation of ‘heritage’ was increasingly promoted as a “yardstick of a people’s cultural attainment.” Within the domestic scene, proponents of competing ideas on heritage sought to bolster their desired policy by citing examples from other countries. The question then arises of how far this entangled process involved the idea of a common identity. In the first instance, European states were intent on establishing their standing within Europe, but this very habit of confrontation also bound them together, engendering the idea that Europe was more ‘civilized’ and legitimizing colonialism. 23 No. 87 Winter 2005 Publications Christoph Bärenreuter Krzysztof Michalski Junior Visiting Fellow „Massenmedien und Europäische Öffentlichkeit(en)“, in: science.ORF.at (online publiziert am 1. November 2004). Rector of the IWM “What holds Europe together?”, Kurt Biedenkopf, Bronislaw Geremek, Krzysztof Michalski, and Michel Rocard; published in several European media, amongst them Gazeta Wyborcza (Poland, December 11, 2004), La Vanguardia (Spain, December 5, 2004), Diario de Notocias (Portugal, November 21, 2004), Kristeligt Dagblad (Denmark, January 6, 2005), and Caffe’Europa (Italy, published online December 11, 2004). Benjamin Frommer Visiting Fellow National Cleansing: Retribution against Nazi Collaborators in Post-war Czechoslovakia. New York 2005. “Getting the Small Decree: Czech National Honor in the Aftermath of Nazi Occupation”, in Pieter M. Judson and Marsha L. Rozenblit (eds.), Constructing Nationalities in East Central Europe, New York 2004. Cornelia Klinger 24 Permanent Fellow Das Jahrhundert der Avantgarden, Cornelia Klinger, Wolfgang-Müller-Funk (Hrsg.), München 2004. Janos Kovacs Permanent Fellow “‘Western Enlargement’. Studying Economic Cultures in Eastern Europe”, in: Petya Kabakchieva and Roumen Avramov (eds.), East-West Cultural Encounters. Entrepreneurship, Governance, Economic Knowledge, Sofia 2004. “Vergangenheit oder Vorvergangenheit? Kultur und Wirtschaftsentwicklung in Osteuropa nach 1989”, in: Berliner Debatte INITIAL, Bd. 5/6 2004. Susanne Lettow Visiting Fellow „Nutzen, Wert und Würde. Fortpflanzung im Diskurs der Bioethik“, in: Forum für Feministische GangArten, Nr. 51 (Dezember 2004). Thomas Nesbit Junior Visiting Fellow “Umstrittene Kunst: Otto Mühl unter der ‘Gender-Lupe’”, in: science.ORF.at (online publiziert am 17. November 2004). Emily Rohrbach Junior Visiting Fellow “Representing Time and Gender: Keats’s Prose, Keats’s Poetics”, in: Revue d’Etudes Anglophones (Autumn 2004). “Austen’s Later Subjects”, in: SEL: Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 (Autumn 2004). MAGEEQ Senior Researcher Geschlecht und Politik. Institutionelle Verhältnisse, Verhinderungen und Chancen, Bd. 1 der Reihe “Alte und neue Ungleichheiten”, Berlin 2004. Visiting Fellow Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist’s Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine, New Haven/London, forthcoming 2005. “In die Falle getappt (über das Rätsel der Wiederwahl des George W. Bush)”, in: Falter (12. November 2004). “War is Peace,” in: Prospect, Number 104, (November 2004), German: “George Orwell trifft George Bush”, in: Transit – Europäische Revue Nr. 28; Polish, “‘Rok 1984’ czytany w roku 2004: George Orwell spotyka George’a Busha: o jezyku amerykanskiej polityce po 11 wrzoenia”, in: Tygodnik Powszechny, (October 31, 2004); Czech, “Jak eist 1984 v roce 2004”, in: Lidove Noviny (October 30, 2004); Turkish, “Sava Baritir”, in: Vizon (December 2004). “Eine Chance für Europa: Die EU ist in der Ukraine als Schutzmacht der Demokratie gefordert”, in: Der Standard, (26. November 2004). “Revolutionäre Republikaner”, in: Falter (29. Oktober 2004). Michael Staudigl Transformationen und Perspektiven von Geschlechterverhältnissen, Berlin 2004. Visiting Fellow “Phänomenologie der Gewalt. Eine Problemskizze”, in: Analecta Husserliana, Bd. 84, New York 2005. “Ein ewiges Pilotprojekt? Gender Mainstreaming in Österreich”, in: Meuser, Michael/Neusüß, Claudia (Hrsg.): Gender Mainstreaming. Konzepte - Handlungsfelder - Instrumente, Bonn 2004. “Der Anspruch des Anderen und das Problem der Gewalt. Zur Problematik gerechten Handelns bei Levinas”, in: I. Copoeru / N. Szabo (Hg.), Beyond Identity. Transformations of Identity in a (Post)Modern World, Cluj 2004. Visiting Fellow Caviar and Ashes: A Warsaw Generation’s Life and Death in Marxism, 1918-1968, New Haven/London, forthcoming 2006. Winter 2005 Timothy Snyder Birgit Sauer Marci Shore No. 87 “Children of the Revolution: Communism, Zionism, and the Berman Brothers”, in: Jewish Social Studies, vol. 10, no. 3 (2004). Travels and Talks Astrid Swenson Benjamin Frommer Marci Shore Junior Visiting Fellow “Image(ining) Antifascism: Politicizing women in France and Britain in the 1930s”, in: K. Cronin, K. Robertson (eds.), Image(ining) Resistance, Kingston, Ontario, forthcoming 2005. Visiting Fellow Seminar Europe or the Globe?: “The Czechoslovak Gleichschaltung: Retribution Courts in the Aftermath of ‘Victorious February’,” IWM, Vienna (December 15, 2004). Visiting Fellow Seminar Europe or the Globe?: “Once Upon a Time, in a Café Called Ziemianska: Making Choices and Coming to Marxism in Interwar Poland,” IWM, Vienna (November 24, 2004). Endre Szecsenyi Ludger Hagedorn Andrew W. Mellon Fellow “Lord Shaftesbury’s ‘Aesthetic Freedom’”, in: Ferenc Hörcher and Endre Szecsenyi (eds.), Aspects of the Enlightenment: Aesthetics, Politics, and Religion, Budapest 2004. Patocka Research Associate Vortrag „Ideengeschichte Europas in den frühen Werken Jan Patockas“, Workshop „Phänomenologie und Politik“, realisiert im Rahmen des IWM-Forschungsvorhabens Projekt Europa, Wien (15. November 2004). Lecture “A Funeral for Futurism: Or, How the Polish Avant-Garde Found Its Way to Marxism in the 1920s,” School of Slavonic and East European Studies, London (November 5, 2004). “John Macmurray – egy skot szabadsagfilozofus” [John Macmurray – a Scottish Philosopher of Freedom], in: Ivan Zoltan Denes (ed.), A szabadsag ertelme – az ertelem szabadsaga: filozofiai es eszmetörteneti tanulmanyok [The Understanding of Freedom – The Freedom of Understanding: Studies in Philosophy and Intellectual History], Budapest 2004. Lecture Some remarks on ‘knowledge society’. The phenomenological perspective of Jan Patocka, given on the invitation of the faculty of philosophy at Södertörns högskola (University College), Stockholm (December 3, 2004). Janos Kovacs Permanent Fellow Participation in several national workshops of the comparative research project DIOSCURI in Sofia, Zagreb, Ljubljana, Belgrade, Bucharest, Warsaw and Budapest (November and December 2004). “Little America. On the Non-European Features of Eastern European Societies”, paper presented to the conference on Past and Present: Is There Anything New with Anti-Americanism Today?, Center for Policy Studies, Central European University, Budapest (December 11-12, 2004). Krzysztof Michalski Rector of the IWM Interview with Giancarlo Bosetti, La Repubblica, on “Cosa tiene unita l’ europa” [“What holds Europe together”], published December 8, 2004. Birgit Sauer Lecture “When God Died: Slavoj Zizek on Modernity and Revolution in Eastern Europe”, workshop Modernity and Its Disciplines, University College London and School of Oriental and African Studies, London (November 4, 2004). Timothy Snyder Visiting Fellow Lecture “Poles, Jews, and Soviets in Volhynia, 1939-1941”, at an international workshop jointly organized by the Institute on Historical Justice and Reconciliation (Salzburg), the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs (New York), and the Simon Dubnow Institute for Jewish History and Culture at the University of Leipzig, Leipzig (January 21, 2005). “How Was Bush Elected?”, radio interview, broadcasted in FM4, Vienna (November 3, 2004). “Orwell’s 1984 Today,” interview, BBC, Night Waves (November 9, 2004). “The Democratic Revolution in Ukraine,” radio interview, broadcasted in FM4 (November 29, 2004). Lecture “Two Views of a Common History: Ukrainian and Polish Historiography,” Osteuropäisches Institut der Universität Wien (December 16, 2004). MAGEEQ Senior Researcher “Relevance of (Research on) Representation”, paper presented at the Workshop Gender and Representation, Department de Science Politique, Universite de Geneve, (December 3, 2004). No. 87 Winter 2005 25 Michael Staudigl Visiting Fellow Lecture “Phenomenological Explanations of Violence and Their Interdisciplinary Value,” at the conference Cultures of Violence, Mansfield College, University of Oxford (September 20, 2004). „Ungleichheit und Rassismus als Problem bei Levinas und Schütz“, Vortrag im Rahmen des Workshops Phänomenologie und Politik der Arbeitsgruppe des FWF-geförderten Forschungsprojekts Die politische Philosophie Jan Patockas, IWM, Wien (15. November 2004). Vortrag „Gewalt als Problem bei Husserl, Merleau-Ponty und Lévinas“, im Rahmen der Third Central and Eastern European Conference on Phenomenology – Subjectivity, Intentionality, Evil. In memory of Jozef Tischner, Warschau (26. November 2004). Astrid Swenson Junior Visiting Fellow Lecture “Memory or Maternity’. (En)gendering Antifascism in 1930s France and Britain,” at an international workshop on Gendering Memory, Mannheim University (January 21, 2005). 26 Lecture “La Patrie du Patrimoine? Conceptualising Heritage in 19th Century France. A European Perspective” at the Hexagonal Forum (Interdisciplinary French Studies Seminar), Cambridge University (November 30, 2004). Lecture “Entangled Memories. ‘National Heritage’ in France, Germany and England. 18701914,” at an international conference on The Politics of Cultural Memory, Centre of the Study of Location, Memory and Visuality, Manchester Metropolitan University (November 4, 2004). Maria Szmeja Visiting Fellow Seminar Europe or the Globe?: “History – How People Use It in Poland,” IWM, Vienna (December 1, 2004). Mieke Verloo MAGEEQ Research Director Participation in the European conference Gender Equality Policy in Europe: Making Progress in Difficult Times; lecture on “Challenges in gender mainstreaming and gender budgeting,” Athens (November 25-26, 2004). No. 87 Winter 2005 Varia Assisting the UNECE Secretariat in drafting the Chairpersons Conclusions to the BEIJING +10 Conference, Geneva (December 13-15, 2004). Discussant to the session on gender mainstreaming, at the workshop Enlargement, Gender and Governance, European Commission, Brussels (January 25, 2005). Mathias Thaler Junior Visiting Fellow Kommentar zum Vortrag von Jan Sokol, „Woher kommen die Menschenrechte?“, im Zuge der Konferenz Menschenrechte zwischen Wirtschaft, Recht und Ethik, Institut für Wissenschaft und Kunst der Universität Wien (3. bis 4. Dezember, 2004). Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, langjähriges Mitglied des Wissenschaftlichen Beirats des IWM, wurde am 3. Dezember 2004 der Hannah-Arendt-Preis verliehen. Die Jury würdigt mit ihrer Entscheidung nicht nur die produktive Rolle, die der Rechtsphilosoph und ehemalige Bundesverfassungsrichter durch seine fundierten Interventionen in verfassungsrechtlichen Kontroversen gespielt hat, sondern auch seine Beiträge, die sich mit der Stellung von Religion in modernen säkularen Gesellschaften beschäftigen. Nikolai Butzki studiert Journalistik an der HS Magdeburg-Stendal und absolviert von Januar bis März 2005 ein Praktikum am IWM. Sein Schwerpunkt liegt im Bereich Presse- und Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Slavenka Drakulic, 1994 Visiting Fellow und 2001 Milena Jesenska Visiting Fellow am IWM, erhält den Leipziger Buchpreis zur Europäischen Verständigung 2005. Mit ihrem Buch “Keiner war dabei – Kriegsverbrechen auf dem Balkan vor Gericht” zeige die Autorin das Banale und das Böse als das große europäische Motiv des 20. Jahrhunderts sowie die Psychologie des Terrors als ein zentrales Problem der heutigen Welt, erklärte die Jury. Anna Verner studied Global Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and is an intern at the IWM from January to March 2005. Her interests lie in European languages as well as cultural and social interactions. She plans to pursue a career in publishing and editing. 27 No. 87 Winter 2005 NOTES ON BOOKS The IWM regularly invites its fellows, guests and friends to share their thoughts on current publications with the readers of the IWM Post. This time, Benjamin Frommer, historian and currently a Visiting Fellow at the institute, comments on a book dealing with Dilemmas of Justice. Dilemmas of Justice Die IWM Post bringt regelmäßig Buchbesprechungen von Fellows, Gästen und Freunden des Institutes. In der vorliegenden Ausgabe kommentiert der Historiker Benjamin Frommer, derzeit als Visiting Fellow am Institut zu Gast, ein Buch von Noel Calhoun: Dilemmas of Justice in Eastern Europe’s Democratic Transition. 28 Zu den Publikationen von Benjamin Frommer zählt sein 2004 erschienenes Buch National Cleansing: Retribution against Nazi Collaborators in Postwar Czechoslovakia, New York, Cambridge University Press. No. 87 Winter 2005 IN CONTRAST TO the mass expulsions and vigilante retribution that characterized the end of the Second World War, the 1989-1991 Eastern European revolutions and their aftermath have proved remarkably bloodless. Nonetheless, over the past decade and a half the region’s peoples have still fought, verbally not violently, over the need and proper means to come to terms with the legacy of communist rule. In Dilemmas of Justice, a new comparative study of transitional justice in Poland, Russia, and the former East Germany, Noel Calhoun argues that the tenets of liberal democracy have shaped and constrained the region’s efforts to punish communism’s enablers and rehabilitate its victims. In the 1990s political competitors as diverse (and at odds) as Solidarity and the Polish ex-communists adopted the same language to describe their beliefs and goals. This liberal democratic language, in turn, both reflected and inflected the field of politics. In addition to offering a detailed and enlightening analysis of post-1989 retribution, Dilemmas of Justice challenges a number of assumptions common to the social science literature. For example, the chapter on Germany rebuts the view that transitional justice in the reunified country represented the conquest of the East by the West. Through a careful and absorbing revisiting of the events of 1989-90, the book demonstrates that most of the ideas about coming to terms with the past predate the demise of the DDR. Calhoun perceptively reminds us that the Wende did not end with the toppling of the Wall. The leaders of the SED (Socialist Unity Party) continued to temporize and plot for several months more, during which the Stasi retained control over its files and burned what it could. It took a second revolution in January 1990, when ordinary East Germans stormed and occupied Stasi offices, to secure what remained of the secret police records. The leaders of West Germany and the SED ironically shared a desire to keep the files closed, albeit for different reasons: the communists sought to cover their tracks while Bonn aimed to monopolize control over information. Thus, the decision to open the files to former victims ultimately represented a victory of East over West. It became “an emblem of the East German revolution.” In “Poland’s Long Search for Justice,” Calhoun challenges the dominant view that the type of transition determines the intensity of retribution, in particular, that drawn-out negotiated handovers of power necessarily inhibit purges. At first, Poland seemed to demonstrate this rule: with Wojciech Jaruzelski as president and a communist Minister of Interior, Solidarity’s leaders initially adopted the “Spanish Model,” based on the idea that Franco’s successors built a stable democracy in the 1970s and 1980s by collectively ignoring the fascist past. Over the next years, however, a series of scandalous disclosures about Polish politicians’ alleged secret police connections showed that the “thick line” had not fully isolated Poland’s present from its past. Ironically, rumour-mongering hurt the former communists far less than the political offspring of the Solidarity movement. While no one was surprised by revelations about the communists, allegations about former spies in Solidarity were fodder for muckraking journalists and political opponents. After years of acrimonious debate, by the late 1990s the Poles ultimately chose a variant of the German model of opening files and “lustration” (the Czech neologism now widely used to describe post-communist purges). As the recent controversy over “Wildstein’s List” demonstrates, however, Poland may not yet be ready to (re)draw that thick line between the present and the past. At first, the book’s inclusion of Russia may seem a bit of a stretch, but the relative absence of transitional justice in the former Soviet Union casts into stark relief the remarkable similarity between developments in Poland and Germany. If the Poles and Germans bound themselves in the language of liberal democracy, then Russian politicians rarely paid lip service to human rights and due process. Even for committed liberals, Calhoun comments, “Using the Western experience—whether in introducing trial by jury or the right of habeas corpus— demanded detailed explanations and half-hearted apologies.” Although the book’s detailed analysis stops before Vladimir Putin came to power, the events of the past several years, in particular, the Russian president’s effective mixture of nationalism, authoritarianism, and just enough Soviet nos- Benjamin Frommer NOTES ON BOOKS talgia, only serve to confirm the author’s thesis. Without political consensus, attempts to work through the past have either faltered or become a weapon in a power struggle of “kto-kogo.” Nonetheless, Calhoun reminds us, there was a brief burst of retribution in the wake of the failed August 1991 putsch. But Yeltsin’s most radical measures (outlawing the Communist Party and confiscating its property) were primarily an attempt to cement his position in Russia by burying the Soviet Union. The trials that took place were of the putsch’s leaders. In other words, they were a purge of presentday political rivals, not an investigation into a communist legacy, in which Yeltsin, like so many other reformers, was implicated. After the Communist Party regained its legality, the few half-hearted attempts to work through the country’s past ended with the bombing of the parliament in October 1993. Thereafter, calls for investigation of communist crimes led to demands for an investigation of Yeltsin’s actions. The Russian army’s more recent conduct in Chechnya has merely added to this burden. Russia, it might be argued, can hardly come to terms with its past crimes, when it is still committing them in the present. Over the past two decades, Calhoun argues, there has been a remarkable “convergence” in attempts to deal with the legacy of authoritarian regimes. By the mid-1990s countries as diverse as South Africa and the Czech Republic had settled on some combination of a few high profile trials, an investigative commission (often parliamentary), a limited purge (lustration), and the opening of secret police files to former victims. This convergence, this adherence to policies of “truth and justice,” as the author terms it, can exacerbate divisions in societies and distract governments from other tasks. Nonetheless, Dilemmas of Justice concludes, the attempt to construct an effective and just retributive system is salutary. The effort to seek justice without causing greater injustice forces a debate over values that is essential to the construction of a democratic polity. It is a debate that Poland and Germany have had, and one that Russia still awaits. Benjamin Frommer is Assistant Professor of History at the Northwestern University, Evanston/IL. His research project which he currently pursues at the IWM is entitled “Living in the Shadow of the Iron Curtain: The Czech/ Slovak – Austrian/German Borderlands, 1945 – 2000.” In 2004, his book National Cleansing: Retribution against Nazi Collaborators in Postwar Czechoslovakia, New York, Cambridge University Press was published (see p.28) Noel Calhoun Dilemmas of Justice in Eastern Europe’s Democratic Transitions New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004 Transit Europäische Revue Heft 28 »1984« – neu gelesen Aus heutiger Sicht ist das fiktive Datum von Orwells near-futureDystopie Realität einer immer noch nahen Vergangenheit. Transit lädt ein zum Nachdenken über die Zukunft des Zukunftsdenkens im Rückblick auf eine Zukunftsvision der Vergangenheit, die unsere Gegenwart offenkundig verfehlt – oder vielleicht doch trifft? Cornelia Klinger Erinnerungen an »1984« Timothy Snyder George Orwell trifft George Bush Barbara Holland-Cunz Orwell und Foucault Rena Tangens und padeluun Informationen sind schnell. Wahrheit braucht Zeit Gerald Heidegger Kino als Utopie, Utopien im Kino Katja Stuke CCTV (Closed Circuit Television). Photographien Was hält Europa zusammen? Zentrale Thesen der Reflexionsgruppe über die geistige und kulturelle Dimension Europas werden zur Diskussion gestellt. Diskussionspapier Biedenkopf, Geremek, Michalski und Rocard Kommentare Abraham (Bratislava), Amato (Rom), Bauböck (Wien), Carnogursky (Bratislava), Frevert (Yale), Hübner (Brüssel), Kaczynski (Warschau), Katznelson (New York), Krastev (Sofia), Leggewie (Gießen), Lunacek (Wien), Mertes (Bonn), Miller (Moskau), Murphy (London), Pelinka (Innsbruck), Riabchuk (Kiew), Rokita (Warschau), Scheffer (Amsterdam), Snyder (Yale) Jan-Werner Müller Europäischer Verfassungspatriotismus? Claus Offe Die Zukunft des eropäischen Sozialmodells Weitere Beiträge aus dem Kontext der Reflexionsgruppe in Transit 26 und 27. Transit (ISSN 0938-2062) ist zu bestellen über: Verlag neue kritik T. +49-69-72 75 76 F. +49-69-72 65 85 Kettenhofweg 53 60325 Frankfurt a.M. Deutschland oder online: www.iwm.at/transit.htm Herausgegeben am Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen Preis: Abo € 24,- (D) Zwei Hefte pro Jahr Einzelheft € 14,- (D) No. 87 Winter 2005 29 GUEST CONTRIBUTION With the inauguration of the new Ukrainian president, liberal opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, on January 23, 2005, dramatic weeks of struggle for justice and of resistance against a corrupt regime came to a happy end. But the new leadership faces a lot of challenges, at home and in international relations. Ukrainian scholar Tatiana Zhurzhenko gives her insights. Orange Victory: Ukraine Tastes the Exotic Fruits of Democracy 30 Mit der Amtseinführung des neuen Ukrainischen Präsidenten Viktor Juschtschenko am 23. Januar 2005 fanden dramatische Wochen des Kampfes für Gerechtigkeit und Widerstands gegen ein korruptes Regime ihr glückliches Ende. Doch die neue politische Führung des Landes steht vor großen Herausforderungen – zuhause wie in den internationalen Beziehungen. In ihrem Gastbeitrag versucht die ukrainische Wissenschaftlerin Tatiana Zhurzhenko eine erste Bilanz der “Orangen Revolution”. No. 87 Winter 2005 UKRAINIAN HISTORY has not had many of such moments, and it is hard not to be optimistic and proud. Whatever the political arrangements among the ruling elite will be, it is the people who are the main winners. The citizens of Ukraine woke up from years of political passivity to defend their choice. In a little more than a month, a society has emerged which wants to be informed and respected, which insists on its newly won freedoms. The unique moment of solidarity between the poor and the rich, between the Russian-and the Ukrainian-peakers, between students, workers and pensioners against the corrupted regime represents the birth of the Ukrainian political nation. It is the first time in Ukrainian post-Soviet history that the president has a truly democratic mandate, that his victory is not a result of dirty political techniques and clever manipulations of formal democratic rules. Unlike his predecessors, Yushchenko has been elected in a situation of real choice and hard, sometimes brutal competition against the enormous pressure of the state propaganda machine. The moral credit he got from the people is the best starting point for the long-expected reforms. It seems, however, that too many political and moral expectations are now projected on Yushchenko. Maybe it is unavoidable that the “Orange Revolution” is widely perceived in eschatological terms, as a final victory over evil. But, if the promised reforms succeed, what the Ukrainians will have is a boring Western type of democracy which does not need heroes and mass street actions. The paradox is that democracy cannot function without a founding myth of a heroic sacrifice encoded in the national memory. It is not the least achievement of the Orange Revolution that now the Ukrainians finally have their own myth, indispensable for every modern nation. Since 1991, state-employed intellectuals and politologists have tried, without much success, to construct a “national identity” and “national idea.” Finally they can relax: “It is fashionable now to be Ukrainian,” Yushchenko recently said. An essential element of this new national myth is that, for example, the students from Russianspeaking Kharkiv rallied at the Majdan together with L’viv students. Despite the persistent EastWest divide of the country, the Orange Revolution has made it much easier for Russian-speakers to identify with the Ukrainian nation now than it was for them in the early ‘90s, when Ukrainian postSoviet identity referred to an exclusive ethnic and linguistic core. With the Orange Revolution, a political nation of Ukrainians has emerged, which includes all Ukrainian citizens regardless of their language and ethnicity. In 1991, the hopes of many Russian-speaking Ukrainians for reforms were still connected more with Moscow and Yeltsin than with Kyiv and its provincial and conservative communist nomenklatura. It was only in November 2004 that orange Kyiv has become the real capital of the Ukrainian nation. A New Deal between Ukraine’s West and East? The East-West divide of the country, which became so visible again during these elections, will of course not disappear overnight. Unlike in the earlier “Velvet Revolutions” in Central Eastern Europe, Ukrainian opposition leaders will have to deal with a more heterogeneous society. It will be a difficult challenge for the new president to follow his reformist course and, at the same time, find a way to meet the interests of those Ukrainian citizens who voted for his opponent. But there is also a positive side to the threat of separatism evoked by some regional leaders in the East and South: it has made the Ukrainians aware that the unity of the country is not something given and guaranteed, but that it has to be protected by its citizens. Mass demonstrations in Russian-speaking Kharkiv against the separatist course of governor Kushnaryov are only one example. To play the separatist card was perhaps the biggest mistake of Yanukovich, especially given his official position as Prime Minister. Contrary to common fears, Yushchenko’s victory could open the way to a new political deal between the East and West of Ukraine. Some politicians from the opposition, such as businessmen and the leader of the “Yabluko” party, Brodskiy, have already proposed some compromises in cultural policy: for example, reintegrating Russian literature into the school curricula. Yushchenko agreed that the issue of Russian language in Ukraine should become a subject of serious discussion free from political speculation. Indeed, if Yushchenko wants to find the way to the hearts of Tatiana Zhurzhenko GUEST CONTRIBUTION his East Ukrainian compatriots he has to be sensitive to the language issue. In a more independent Ukraine, there is a chance that Russian language and culture will not be seen anymore as a threat to national unity and identity, but as an asset. And, in perspective, Russian-speakers will win: Russian language rights can be better protected within the European legal space than through the help of populist Russian politicians like Moscow’s mayor Luzhkov. Orange and Velvet Revolutions The other difference between the Ukrainian situation and the Velvet Revolutions in Central Eastern Europe is that some tasks have already been finished. Privatization is more or less done, no matter how unjust it might look in the eyes of the people. Ukraine has already passed the low point of transformation hardships: its economy, though destabilized by the recent political crisis, is growing. At the same time, Yushchenko will not be a Ukrainian Putin (who also owes his popularity to an anti-oligarchic program), and it is rather improbable that there will be a Ukrainian Khodorkovski case. The best Yushchenko could achieve is to establish transparent rules for the Ukrainian capitalists and force them to work for and not against the national interests. This will be difficult, but there are already some encouraging developments, e.g., business groups which show some interest in bringing their corporate policy in line with European standards. In any case, the interests of the powerful Donetsk clan go far beyond the borders of the region and even of Ukraine, and its representatives probably do understand that they need active support of the state to enter European markets. There are of course also some geopolitical parallels with the era of the Velvet Revolutions of 1989. Ukraine seems to be Foto: © PIOTR OSSOWICZ (Polish Invisible College), Kiev im November 2004 repeating the scenario of escaping its satellite status in order to “return to Europe.” Attempts to construct a Ukrainian geopolitical identity according to the Central European model – Ukraine as an authentic part of Europe having been kidnapped by Russia – are very popular among Ukrainian intellectuals. But, in fact, this model only fits for the west of Ukraine. For the rest, it is more complicated: proEuropean and pro-Russian orientations are not mutually exclusive here. Against this backdrop, imposing the agenda of a NATO membership right now could add to the existing tensions in Ukrainian society. Ukraine between a Divided West and Russia Contrary to 1989 – the golden age of Velvet Revolutions – the West itself is now divided. The US as a model of perfect democracy is rather compromised by its foreign and domestic policy. The Western anti-American sentiment has contributed to the interpretation that the democratic opposition in Ukraine is a creation of Washington. Indeed, the support of the Bush administration makes it difficult for many to appreciate the truly democratic achievements of the Ukrainians. Ukrainian troops in Iraq were aimed at covering dubious deals of Ukrainian oligarchs and Kuchma’s administration. Democratic Ukraine does not need these kinds of arrangements anymore. NATO membership is certainly not the most urgent issue on the Ukrainian agenda, and the US would show real commitment to Ukrainian democracy by supporting it even if it does not bring an immediate geopolitical dividend. The issue of EU membership for Ukraine is a different question. Such an aim could unite the Ukrainian elites in the long run. The Orange Revolution has certainly put a challenge to the EU in terms of its moral and political responsibility in the region. But are Europeans, and EU officials in particular, really happy that their values have triumphantly traveled to the East? If Yushchenko’s government will successfully implement his reforms, the EU has to respond with something more serious than just offering the status of a “good neighbor.” There have already been initial signs that the prevailing attitude is changing: on January 13, the European Parliament voted overwhelmingly to endorse Ukraine’s aspirations for EU membership. Finally, Russia seems to be the most difficult problem at the moment. The reactions of Putin show that the Ukrainian oppositional movement is seen as a threat not only to Russia’s plans for economic and political integration of the post-Soviet space, but also as a threat to the authoritarian political regimes in Russia and in other CIS countries. Lukashenka in Minsk must have had some orange nightmares recently. Until now, Russian regional hegemony has been based on corrupted, and therefore controllable national ruling elites. This might change now. Yushchenko’s presidency can be seen as a chance to build serious pragmatic relations between the Ukraine and Russia that are not dependent on personal deals and interests of oligarchic clans, but instead on national interests. Tatiana Zhurzhenko is Associate Professor of Philosophy, V. Karazin Kharkiv National University (Kharkiv, Eastern Ukraine). She was an IWM Junior Fellow in 2001, and from 2002-04 a Lise Meitner Fellow at the Institut für Osteuropäische Geschichte, Universität Wien, where she worked on a research project on the Ukrainian-Russian border regions. No. 87 Winter 2005 31 IWM EVENTS Upcoming Events The following events will take place at the IWM at 6 p.m. Die folgenden Veranstaltungen finden um 18:00 Uhr in der Bibliothek des IWM statt. Montag, 7. März On Modern History of Central and Eastern Europe New Series: Tischner Debates Peter Berger Professor Emeritus of Religion, Sociology and Theology and Director of the Institute on Culture, Religion and World Affairs at Boston University The IWM and Warsaw University have jointly launched a new series in remembrance of the Polish priest and philosopher Jozef Tischner, former President of the IWM. Orthodoxy Confronting Modernity Mittwoch, 9. März, 19:00 Uhr Politischer Salon Die Presse and IWM present The Role of Islam in the Integration of Europe Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen Jozef Tischner The first debate takes place at Warsaw University. Spittelauer Lände 3 1090 Wien AUSTRIA Bernard Lewis Professor Emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University On Solidarity March 7, 2005, 6:00 PM Ph. (+43 1) 313 58-0 F. (+43 1) 313 58-30 Panel members: Participants: [email protected] www.iwm.at Michael Fleischhacker, Die Presse Krzysztof Michalski, IWM 32 Impressum Responsible for the contens of the IWM Post: In collaboration with the Austrian Newspaper Die Presse, and with the Austrian Ministry of Defence. 15. März Barbara Cassin Directrice de recherches au Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique et codirecteur de la collection L’Ordre philosophique aux Editions du Seuil Le vocabulaire européen des philosophies. Dictionnaire des intraduisibles In Zusammenarbeit mit dem Französischen Kulturinstitut Kurt Biedenkopf Ombudsman of the German government for the labor market reform; former Prime Minister of Saxony Marek Borowski Chairman of “Social Democracy of Poland” Jan Maria Rokita Chairman of “Citizens Platform,” Sejm Aleksander Smolar President of the Stefan Batory Foundation, Warsaw Jerzy Szacki Professor of Sociology, Warsaw University In cooperation with the City of Warsaw, the Austrian Cultural Forum, Warsaw, the journal Rzeczpospolita, and the Polish Broadcasting Corporation. 5. April Arjo Klamer Chair of Economics of Art and Culture, Erasmus University Rotterdam; Research Professor of Economics, The George Washington University Dear Readers, Benjamin Frommer Assistant Professor of History, Northwestern University, Evanston We hope you will agree that the IWM Newsletter has grown to become something more than an ordinary newsletter. Aside from reporting on the institute’s fellows and activities, it offers exclusive articles, such as guest commentaries and book reviews by renowned scholars and friends of the IWM. While providing an insight into our work, it also offers readers an opportunity to reflect upon important issues of the day. With this in mind, we have decided to rename our publication. We thank you for your interest in our work, and hope that you will enjoy the IWM Post. One Country, Two Reckonings: Czech and Slovak Retribution against Nazi Collaborators, 1945-1948 The IWM Money and its Limits In collaboration with the Royal Netherlands Embassy 12. April No. 87 Winter 2005 Editor Sabine Aßmann Editorial Assistance Christoph Bärenreuter, Nikolai Butzki, Claudia Stadler, Thomas Szanto, Anna Verner Production Manager, Layout Iris Strohschein Photos Renate Apostel, IHS Boston University, IWM, Piotr Ossowicz, Krzysztof Wojciewski Design Gerri Zotter The IWM Post is published four times a year. Current circulation: 6200. Printed by Rema Print. © IWM 2005