Complementiser-introduced clauses with main clause word order in

Complementiser-introduced clauses with main clause word order in

Ulrike Freywald
CoCoLaC workshop
University of Potsdam
[email protected]
Interfaces between Syntax and Pragmatics
Helsinki, 18 Oct 2013
Evidence from infinitives (only finite verbs move):
(4)
a. Bei Überschwemmungsgefahr die
at
danger_of_flooding
Brücke nicht betreten!
the
bridge
not
step_at
‘In the case of floodings, keep off the bridge!’
Complementiser-introduced clauses with main clause word order in
spoken German – Some thoughts on (in)subordination
b. *Bei Überschwemmungsgefahr betreten die Brücke nicht!
Evidence from periphrastic verb forms (so-called ‘sentence bracket’):
1 Word order regularities in German
1.1
(5)
the
Sentence types
a. Hans isst oft
Hans
b. Isst
eats
eats
Kürbissuppe.
often
Kürbissuppe?
Hans
pumpkin_soup
often
eat
jetzt bitte
[V1, interrogative]
now please your
travel
pumpkin_soup
habe
gedacht, dass
Hans oft
Kürbissuppe
isst.
I
have
thought
John
pumpkin_soup
eats
often
würde ich eine Suppe
Had
I
a
pumpkin would I
a
‘If I had a pumpkin I would make some soup.’
soup
kochen.
ab?
off
Unexpected orders
[V1, dependent]
cook
habe
gedacht, Hans isst
oft
Kürbissuppe.
I
have
thought
often
pumpkin_soup
Adverbial clauses
[V2, dependent]
(7)
‘I thought Hans eats pumpkin soup quite often.’
Oder du
gehst halt nach München, weil
or
go
you
auch schon
PTCL
to
Munich
gute Restaurants, die
also already good restaurants
in München gibts
because in
M.
halt
exists=it
PTCL
’n großen Namen haben.
which a
big
name
have
‘You could go to Munich instead because in Munich there are indeed some good
restaurants with a big name.’
(Gaumann 1983: 268)
! V2/V1 and complementiser are in complementary distribution
1.2
morgen
already tomorrow
– co-occurrence of an introducing element (complementiser, conjunction, wh/d-pronoun) +
verb fronting in almost all types of subordinate clauses
b. Ich
eats
participants
c. …, dass die meisten Teilnehmer schon morgen abreisen.
1.3
– dependent clauses: V in C (= V in non-final position)
Hans
Teilnehmer schon
[VL, dependent]
‘I thought that Hans eats pumpkin soup quite often.’
a. Hätte ich einen Kürbis,
some
b. *Abreisen manche Teilnehmer schon morgen?
a. Ich
that
arrived
‘Do some of the participants leave already tomorrow?’
– dependent clauses: introduced by complementiser/conjunction; V in final position
(3)
a. Reisen manche
[V1, imperative]
‘Please, eat your pumpkin soup now!’
(2)
angekommen.
only yesterday
Evidence from particle verbs:
(6)
deine Kürbissuppe!
are
c. …, dass die meisten Teilnehmer erst gestern angekommen sind.
‘Does John often eat pumpkin soup?’
c. Iss
participants
b. *Die meisten Teilnehmer sind angekommen erst gestern.
[V2, declarative]
pumpkin_soup
Hans oft
most
‘Most of the participants arrived only yesterday.’
– main clauses: V in C (= verb in non-final position)
(1)
a. Die meisten Teilnehmer sind erst gestern
Complement clauses
Basic word order
(8)
– final position is the base position of the verb
(for finite verbs only available in subordinate clauses)
also ich hab das Gefühl, dass wahre Mystik
well I
have the feeling
that
real
PTCL
was
Jenseitiges
something
otherworldly
‘Well, I’ve got the feeling that real mysticism is something otherworldly.’
(uttered in a discussion, 2003)
– verb first and verb second orders are derived by fronting of the finite verb to the left
1
ist ja
mysticism is
2
(9)
Keiner kann
sagen, was
ist
geplant.
nobody can
say
is
planned
what
(12) Es ist nämlich tatsächlich etwas
‘Nobody can tell what is planned.’
it
(uttered during a staff meeting, 2012)
is
namely indeed
dran, dass man nicht immer das Teuerste
something at_it
that
one
kaufen muss. Obwohl natürlich Kleiderstoffe
Relative clauses
(10) Bei
buy
den Büchern sind welche, die
among the
books
are
some
that
gehören
mir nicht.
belong_to
me
not
‘Among the books there are some that don’t belong to me.’
must
although
of_course clothing_materials or
die
kauf
ich in
meinem Alter gern
those
buy
I
my
at
age
not
always the most_expensive
oder solche Sachen,
such
things
solide.
rather solid
‘There’s something to it, that one needn’t to buy always the most expensive things.
Although, fabrics and the like I like to buy in good quality at my age.’
(Gärtner 2001: 98)
(Database of Spoken German, 1961; see fn. 1)
2 Main clause word order in adverbial clauses
Conclusions from syntax:
(conjunction + verb fronting)
2.1
Connectives …
Syntactic status of conjunction
– subordinating conjunctions with paratactic counterparts in spoken language:
- do not subordinate
- are not in complementary distribution with the fronted finite verb
- do not fill the C position
weil ‘because’, obwohl ‘although’, wobei ‘whereat’, and während, wogegen ‘whereas’
(11) a. Ist das überhaupt Kunst? Weil – ordinär ist das
is
this at_all
art
because vulgar
is
this
2.2
schon!
Is there a general tendency for subordinate clauses to give up verb final order?
indeed
‘Is this really art? Because this is indeed vulgar!’
(Scheutz 2001: 112)
am incredibly
full
although the
doughnut eat I
still
‘I’m incredibly full, but this one doughnut I’ll have.’
(as assumed by Vennemann 1974, Kann 1972, Weinrich 1984 among others)
Certainly not …
b. Ich bin unheimlich voll, obwohl den Berliner eß ich noch.
I
How come?
– restriction to spoken language; relatively low corpus frequencies1
(Gaumann 1983: 229)
c. Beinahe finde ich es schade, dass es in Prenzlauer Berg keine Garagen gibt.
almost
find I
it
sad
that
it in P.
no
Wobei, eigentlich hätte ich ja
lieber
einen Balkon.
while
rather
a
actually
had
I
PTCL
garages
verb final
exist
verb first / verb second
balcony
Fig. 1: Corpus frequencies
weil
obwohl
wobei
während
91,7 %
90,8 %
100 %
85,2 %
8,3 %
9,2 %
0%
14,8 %
(Freywald 2010)
‘I almost find it’s a pity that there are no garages in Prenzlauer Berg [= district in
Berlin]. While, actually, I’d rather have a balcony.’
(taz, German newspaper, 16/04/2013, p. 24)
d. Mit Südafrika
ist aber
– ‘dual function’ is restricted to a closed set of conjunctions from specific semantic domains
•
noch nicht fest, während mit den Seychellen klappts.
with South_Africa is however still
not
firm whereas
with the Seychelles work=it
‘South Africa isn’t sure yet, whereas the Seychelles are working out fine.’
(Gaumann 1983: 229)
they do not form a constituent of the preceding clause
•
they show structural and non-structural main clause phenomena (topicalisation, left
dislocation, modal particles, …), cf. (12)
•
they have independent illocutionary force
3
weil ‘because’, zumal ‘particularly as’
obwohl, obschon, obgleich ‘although’ (= all concessive subordinators)
wobei ‘whereat’
während, wo(hin)gegen ‘whereas’
(= all adversative subordinators)
! connectives which potentially link independent propositions (separate “information
units”, in the sense of Brandt 1990)
– the former adverbial clauses are not longer dependent clauses
•
causal
concessive
additive
adversative
•
1
no word order variation with temporal, local, purpose and conditional conjunctions
Data are drawn from corpora (about 4 million tokens) of the Database of Spoken German, compiled from
1950s to 1970s, and available online at the Institut für Deutsche Sprache Mannheim, http://dgd.idsmannheim.de.
4
– a kind of ‘improper’ subordination as an intermediate stage
(13) Die berlinern
they speak_with_Berlin_accent
unheimlich, genau, und n bißchen anders
eben,
Direction of shift
amazingly
PTCL
Meaning of
connective
Level of
interpretation
Syntactic
category
weil
obwohl
wobei
während
‘because’
‘although’
‘whereat’
‘whereas’
concrete
(„semantic use“)
content level
subordinating
causal
de re
concessive relative
causal
de dicto
corrective
exactly and
obwohl ich immer noch nich genau weiß, wie, na
although I
always still
not
exactly know
a bit
different
einfach viel intensiver.
how PTCL simply
much more.intensive
‘They speak with a strong Berlin accent, yeah, and just a bit differently, although I still
don’t know exactly how, simply much more intensively.’
exist
es noch warmes Wasser? Weil
it
still
warm
water
ich
because I
noch
spülen muß.
still
rinse
must
‘Is there any hot water left? Coz I need to do the dishes.’
(Uhmann 1998: 127)
– adverbial clauses of this kind show many signs of independence (in spite of their being
marked as subordinate by verb final order); they …
•
are not topologically free (they do not form a part of the preceding sentence)
•
are separated from the preceding clause by an intonational break; they constitute complete
intonational phrases
•
are not integrated into the illocution of the preceding clause
•
are most frequently interpreted at epistemic or speech act level
– from there it is only a small step to a completely independent sentence …
temporal
local/temp.
epistemic level
(DWDS corpus, 1995)2
(14) Gibt
Examples
abstract
speech act level
(„pragmatic use“)
paratactic
corrective adversative
Fig. 2: Semantic shifts
2.4
Pragmatic effects
– contents of the combined clauses have equal pragmatic weight
– the former adverbial clause is not anchored in the syntactic but in the discourse context
– paratactic connectives link independent clauses which represent separate speech acts
(differences wrt illocutionary type are possible)
– connectives develop functions of discourse markers (Auer & Günthner 2005), such as
•
indicating relevant clues to discourse structure
(marking something as new / important / side information, change of subject, indicating
beginning / end of discourse section, …)
2.3
Semantic shifts
– semantically, sources of polyfunctional conjunctions are restricted to the causal, the
concessive, and the adversative domain
– starting point: propositional interpretation, logical relation
aiming point: speech act related interpretation, discourse relation
(wrt causal connectives, see also, e.g., Sweetser (1990) for English, and Pit (2003) for German,
Dutch, French)
– all connectives undergo a semantic change from concrete to more abstract meaning
(this corresponds to “semantic use” vs. “pragmatic use”; van Dijk 1979)
•
organising the interaction between discourse participants
(claiming of right to speak, hedging, politeness and face-saving strategies, marking
information as controversial, …)
Discourse functions:
weil
obwohl
wobei
während
wogegen
2
The DWDS corpus (2,000 million words) is part of the Digitales Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache [Digital
Dictionary of the German Language], http://www.dwds.de/.
5
indicates an epistemic reason, or the beginning of
a new discourse section, change of subject, etc. (Günthner 1996)
disagreement / correction marker
contrast marker
(Günthner 2000)
(Freywald, in prep.)
6
3 Main clause word order in complement clauses
d. es ist SO, dass die
(complementiser dass + verb fronting)
3.1
it
Syntactic status of complementiser and pragmatic effects
– complements clauses with dass ‘that’ and main clause word order (verb second)3
(15)
would say
that
both
have
so
that
the
fiXIERT,
sie
determined
they can
BRUTzeit
der
sittiche
ist genetisch
breeding_season of.the parakeets is
KÖNnen
genetically
nicht beliebig
spät im
jahr BRÜten
not
late
year breed
arbitrarily
in.the
‘The thing is that the breeding season of the parakeets is genetically determined, they
can’t breed as late in the year as they want.’
(German broadcast, 2005)
Ich würde sagen, dass BEIde haben ihre Performanzvorteile.4
I
is
their performance_advantages
‘I’d say that both of them have advantages regarding performance.’
- only with certain matrix predicates (verbs/nouns of saying, thinking, perception, etc.)
- only in affirmative contexts
- restricted to being placed after its matrix clause
- typically in spoken language, often in argumentative contexts
– distribution is very similar to complement clauses without complementiser (Freywald 2013)
(16) a. Ich
habe
gedacht, Hans isst
oft
Kürbissuppe.
I
have
thought
John
often
pumpkin_soup
b. Ich
habe
den
Eindruck,
Hans isst
oft
Kürbissuppe.
I
have
the
impression
John
often
pumpkin_soup
eats
eats
this
liegt einfach DAran,
lies
simply
dass KINder, die
thereupon that
children
für die
pharmaindustrie DAR
no
for the
drug_industry
market
hiv-infiziert sind,
who HIV-infected are
keinen markt
but
I
have sometimes
at
some
points
the
make
impression
WEG
that
poeta
way
doctus
the
poet
in.the
‘But sometimes, at some points, I’ve got the impression that the poeta doctus stands
in the poet’s way.’
(German broadcast, 2004)
c. das
the
wesentliche ist DAran
crucial
is
ja,
thereupon PTCL
dass der
regisseur sitzt UNten
that
director
und sieht mich von
kopf
bis ZEH
and
head
to
sees me
from
the
sits
below
toe
‘The crucial thing is that the director sits below and sees me from head to toe.’
(Database of Spoken German, 1962; see fn. 1)
3
4
are restricted to specific classes of matrix verbs and nouns
•
are compatible with affirmative contexts only
•
realise an independent illocution
•
matrix clause: short, often set phrase; frequently phonetically reduced; not very
informative
•
V2 clause: carries great communicative weight, contains the relevant information
(18)
Ich
würde
sagen
dass
beide haben ihre Performanzvorteile.
I
would
say
that
both
reduced matrix syntagm /
syntactic fragment
have
?
their performance_advantages
V2 clause
(= main clause syntax)
an manchen stellen den eindruck,
poeta doctus dem dichter im
stands the
•
up
dass HIER steht der
here
do not behave like a constituent of their syntactic hosts (= are not embedded)
stellen
‘The reason is that children who are HIV-infected don’t constitute a market for the
drug industry.’
(German broadcast, 2004)
b. aber ich hab MANCHmal,
•
– pragmatic features of matrix and complement clause
– further examples: !
(17) a. das
! conflicts: dass-clauses with main clause word order are arguments of a selecting head –
but they …
epistemic/evaluative;
structuring of discourse
potentially independent statement;
bears illocutionary force (assertion)
– the function of dass:
(i) linking a syntagm that represents a frame for the interpretation of the following
utterance with this utterance, which has the form of an independent, declarative clause
(ii) marking the declarative as being an assertion (= the proposition is declared to be true
by the speaker)
dass ! assertion marker
Data and findings are based on a collection of about 160 examples of dass-V2-clauses, containing selfaccumulated recordings from German broadcasting, examples from everyday conversations, and extractions
from corpora of the Database of Spoken German (see fn. 1).
Capitals mark accents.
7
8
3.2
Comparative evidence from other Germanic languages
3.3
– the same pattern of embedded V2, i.e. ‘matrix clause – that – main clause’, is attested in
Mainland Scandinavian, West Frisian, and Afrikaans
– analogously, embedded V2 is confined to assertive, non-factive predicates and to affirmative contexts (cf., e.g., de Haan 2001, Biberauer 2002, Julien 2007, Wiklund et al. 2009)
(19) Norwegian
a. Han trodde at
he
vi
hadde ikke sett denne filmen.
believed that we had
not
seen this
[main clause order]
film
‘He believed that we hadn’t seen this film.’
b. Han trodde at vi ikke hadde sett denne filmen.
[subordinate clause order]
Diachrony – co-existing developmental stages
Stage I
– with the complementiser dass there appear syntactically complex structures that are
scarcely or not at all acceptable when embedded (cf. (23))
– main clause word order is a kind of ‘last resort’ strategy in these cases
– the resulting structures can be seen as a direct “response to the pressure of discourse”
(Bybee & Hopper 2001: 3)
(23) a. Embedded je … desto - construction (‘the … the’)
Jede Farbe also, um
(Wiklund et al. 2009: 1919)
(20) Swedish
a. Han sa
he
said
Hinterhalte haben. Daher
att
Lisa hade inte läst boken.
that L.
had
not
ambush
[main clause order]
[subordinate clause order]
(Wiklund et al. 2009: 1915)
skip wie juster
He believed that the ship was
fergien.
come
diensplig
therefrom comes
in
Paris
is
it
so
that
lebst, dann kommst du
[subordinate clause order]
it
that
heller
light
in.the
und glänzender die
the brighter and
shinier
the
erscheinen die Farben.
if
da
you once
nie
in
a
Arabic
ghetto
mehr raus.
live
then
come
you there never more out
‘The thing in Paris is that if you live in an Arab ghetto once, you will never get out again.’
(http://www.migration-boell.de/web/integration/47_1098.asp; 26/02/2009)
(de Haan 2001: 6)
it
must a
b. Embedded wenn … dann - construction (‘if … then’)
In Paris ist es so, dass wenn du einmal in einem arabischen Ghetto
[main clause order]
yesterday wrecked
‘He believed that the ship was wrecked yesterday.’
b. Hy leaude dat it skip juster fergien wie.
be
pads
are the
more_beautiful appear
the colours
‘Each colour, in order to be seen, must have a light in the background. Thus the brighter
and shinier the pads are, the more beautiful the colours appear.’
(J. W. v. Goethe, “Zur Farbenlehre” [Theory of Colours], 1808)
‘He said that Lisa hadn’t read the book.’
(21) West Frisian
a. Hy leaude dat it
have
to
kommt es, daß je
Unterlagen sind, desto schöner
read book-the
b. Han sa att Lisa inte hade läst boken.
(22) Afrikaans
a. Dit kom
gesehen zu werden, muß ein Licht im
each colour then in_order seen
eintlik daarop
neer dat
verlengde
really thereupon down that extended
bring probleme mee
military_service bring
problems
[main clause order]
with
‘It comes down to it that extended military service creates problems’
b. … dat verlengde diensplig probleme mee bring
[subordinate clause order]
(Ponelis 1993: 342)
– function of that in these languages?
various interpretations, such as …
- complementiser that embeds a V2 clause (= ‘normal’ subordination)
(Mainland Scandinavian: Vikner 1995, Julien 2007, Wiklund et al. 2009, among others)
- paratactic connector (West Frisian: de Haan 2001; Afrikaans: Biberauer 2002)
Stage II
– continuing a complex embedded clause with main clause order (i) saves the sentence, and
(ii) creates a number of positive side effects
– an immediate advantage that comes for free for the speaker is being able to …
•
foreground the content of the dass-clause
•
assign illocutionary potential to the dass-clause
•
satisfy information-structural needs more easily (e.g. putting topics or frame setters
into first position; cf. (24))
•
apply main clause phenomena (left dislocation, speaker-oriented expressions, etc.)
– performance routines get generalised, with side benefits acting as catalysers
– structural complexity is no longer necessary to enable dass to introduce a V2 clause
- cataphoric pronominal element within the matrix clause (Swedish: Petersson 2009)
9
10
(24)
ich merke immer, dass NORDdeutsche
I
realise always
that
denken
Northern_Germans think
dann,
then
! the shift from hypotaxis to parataxis is confined to specific semantic domains and not a
general phenomenon in German
dass es ein präTEritum sei
that it a
preterite
be
[contrastive topic]
‘I always realise that Northern Germans think that it would be a preterite.’
(25) a. und der nächste punkt war, dass die UNterschiede, die
and
the next
point
was
that
the differences
waren zwischen
they were
between
WOHNvierteln und nicht zwischen ETHnien
neighbourhoods and not between ethnicities
[left dislocation]
‘The next point was that the differences were between neighbourhoods, not between
ethnicities.’
b. ansonsten könnte man auch sagen, dass am
otherwise
partner
could
one
und KINder
also say
that
SAMStag können
on.the Saturday
can
– prerequisites for developing paratactic use of conjunctions:
• ability to link independent propositions
• ability to link subordinate clause with declarative mood
– ‘normal’ subordinate clauses do not decrease
! better than speaking of “word order change”: conjunctions are splitting off functional
variants
! obviously, contemporary spoken German (and maybe German in general) prefers
polysemy to lexical distinctions within the inventory of clause linkers
mitkommen
partners and children with_come
[topicalisation]
‘Otherwise one could also say that partners and children can come along on Saturday.’
References
Stage III
– the matrix clause has lost prominence; it fulfils discourse functions
– no bi-clausal structure anymore
– the former subordinator dass has been reanalysed as an assertion marker
! process of pragmaticalisation
dass develops from a purely syntactic means to a particle that
expresses speaker attitudes towards the uttered proposition
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4 Concluding remarks
! there is a tendency in German that hierarchically structured complex sentences decompose
into a sequence of independent clauses
! gain of syntactic independence correlates with increasing pragmatic independence
– increasing speaker orientation (= subjectification, in the sense of Traugott 1995)
– pragmatic effects support processes of syntactic disintegration
! subordinate clauses do not switch into independent clauses in one step
! the dependent–independent division is best described as a continuum
(and categories within this continuum are rarely clear-cut) (see also Lehmann 1988)
11
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12
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