Eurohealth Making the economic case for mental health in Europe

Transcription

Eurohealth
RESEARCH • DEBATE • POLICY • NEWS
Volume 13 Number 3, 2007
Making the economic case for
mental health in Europe
France:
Health promotion
for migrants
Intergovernmental
relations in Italian
health care
Health inequalities
in the decentralised
Spanish health
care system
Migration of Flemish doctors to the Netherlands • Romania: Pharmaceutical pricing and reimbursement
Austria: Electronic health record development • Institutional and community care for older people in Turkey
C
O
M
M
E
N
T
A timely opportunity for Europe
The European Commission has just published its new
Health Strategy ‘Together for Health: A Strategic
Approach for the EU 2008–2013’. Building on current
work, this Strategy aims to provide, for the first time,
an overarching strategic framework spanning core
issues in health, as well as in ‘health in all policies’
and global health issues.
Eurohealth
LSE Health, London School of Economics and Political
Science, Houghton Street, London
WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom
fax: +44 (0)20 7955 6090
www.lse.ac.uk/LSEHealth
Editorial Team
EDITOR:
David McDaid: +44 (0)20 7955 6381
email: [email protected]
FOUNDING EDITOR:
The explicit inclusion of the promotion of mental, as
well as physical, health is a timely reminder of the
importance of looking at health holistically. Poor
mental health affects more than 130 million Europeans
at a cost to every European household of more than
€2,000 per annum. Despite the high personal, social
and economic costs too often mental health has been
marginalised within public health policy.
Elias Mossialos: +44 (0)20 7955 7564
DEPUTY EDITORS:
Sherry Merkur: +44 (0)20 7955 6194
Philipa Mladovsky: +44 (0)20 7955 7298
EDITORIAL BOARD:
Reinhard Busse, Josep Figueras, Walter Holland,
Julian Le Grand, Martin McKee, Elias Mossialos
SENIOR EDITORIAL ADVISER:
In this issue of Eurohealth we report on the work of
the Mental Health Economics European Network
(MHEEN). With a wide ranging remit, MHEEN has
been collating evidence to support the case for
investment in the promotion of mental well-being and
prevention of mental health problems. Findings
suggest that investment in effective interventions in
different setting and across different stages of the life
course can be highly cost effective; it is also consistent
with EU goals of increasing economic productivity
and enhancing social inclusion.
Tackling health inequalities remains a key objective of
EC policy and we feature several articles concerned
with this theme. Marc Wluczka describes new
mechanisms put in place in France to help promote the
health of new migrants, while Cristina Hernández
Quevedo looks at decentralisation in Spain and its
implication for health inequalities. The financial and
organisational relationships between central and
regional government form the background to analysis
by George France of attempts in Italy to eliminate
marked variations in the financial solvency of health
services across the country. The EU Health Strategy
also highlights demographic change and ageing as an
important concern; an example of the challenges now
being confronted in Turkey is also featured.
The publication of the Health Strategy, with its myriad
of goals to be achieved in partnership with Member
States is welcome; monitoring mechanisms and hard
targets are still needed to judge progress in
implementation.
David McDaid Editor
Philipa Mladovsky Deputy Editor
Paul Belcher: +44 (0)7970 098 940
DESIGN EDITOR:
Sarah Moncrieff: +44 (0)20 7834 3444
SUBSCRIPTIONS MANAGER
Champa Heidbrink: +44 (0)20 7955 6840
Advisory Board
Anders Anell; Rita Baeten; Nick Boyd; Johan Calltorp;
Antonio Correia de Campos; Mia Defever; Nick Fahy;
Giovanni Fattore; Armin Fidler; Unto Häkkinen; Maria
Höfmarcher; David Hunter; Egon Jonsson; Meri Koivusalo;
Allan Krasnik; John Lavis; Kevin McCarthy; Nata
Menabde; Bernard Merkel; Stipe Oreskovic; Josef Probst;
Tessa Richards; Richard Saltman; Igor Sheiman; Aris
Sissouras; Hans Stein; Jeffrey L Sturchio; Ken Thorpe;
Miriam Wiley
Article Submission Guidelines
see: www.lse.ac.uk/collections/LSEHealth/documents/
eurohealth.htm
Published by LSE Health and the European Observatory
on Health Systems and Policies, with the financial support
of Merck & Co and the European Observatory on Health
Systems and Policies.
Eurohealth is a quarterly publication that provides a forum
for researchers, experts and policymakers to express their
views on health policy issues and so contribute to a
constructive debate on health policy in Europe.
The views expressed in Eurohealth are those of the authors
alone and not necessarily those of LSE Health, Merck & Co
or the European Observatory on Health Systems and
Policies.
The European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies
is a partnership between the World Health Organization
Regional Office for Europe, the Governments of Belgium,
Finland, Greece, Norway, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden, the
Veneto Region of Italy, the European Investment Bank, the
Open Society Institute, the World Bank, the London School
of Economics and Political Science, and the London School
of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine.
© LSE Health 2007. No part of this publication may be
copied, reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted
in any form without prior permission from LSE Health.
Design and Production: Westminster European
Printing: Optichrome Ltd
ISSN 1356-1030
Contents
Mental Health Economics
1
Mental health and economics in Europe: Findings from the MHEEN
group
David McDaid, Martin Knapp, Helena Medeiros and the MHEEN
group
Public Health Perspectives
7
From disease control to health promotion for migrants in France
Marc Wluczka
9
Health inequalities in the decentralised Spanish health care system
Cristina Hernández Quevedo
Eurohealth
Volume 13 Number 3
Jan De Maeseneer is Professor at Vakgroep
Huisartsgeneeskunde en Eerstelijnsgezondheidszorg, University of Ghent, Belgium.
George France is Senior Researcher, Institute
for the Study of Regionalism, Federalism and
Self-Government, Italian National Research
Council, Rome.
Bogdan Grigore is EU Affairs Advisor (Pharmaceuticals), Romanian Ministry of Public
Health, Bucharest.
Irina Haivas was studying for an MSc in International Health Policy, LSE Health, London
School of Economics and Political Science.
Health Policy Developments
12
The migration of Flemish doctors to the Netherlands
Jos van den Heuvel, Jan De Maeseneer and Lud van der Velden
Cristina Hernández Quevedo is Research
Officer, European Observatory on Health
Systems and Policies, London School of
Economics and Political Science.
16
Seeking a better balance: Developments in intergovernmental
relations in Italian health care
George France
20
Institutional and community care for older people in Turkey
Ömer Saka and Nebibe Varol
Martin Knapp is Professor, Personal Social
Services Research Unit, London School of
Economics and Political Science and Centre
for the Economics of Mental Health, Institute of
Psychiatry, King’s College London.
European Snapshots
23
Electronic Health Record development in Austria
Theresa Philippi
24
Pharmaceutical pricing and reimbursement in Romania
Irina Haivas and Bodgan Grigore
Evidence-informed Decision Making
26
“Bandolier” How good are we with numbers?
28
“Risk in Perspective” The cost of improving health by reducing
emissions from public transit buses
Monitor
31 Book Review
Screening: Evidence and Practice
by Angela Raffle and JA Muir Gray
Review by Walter Holland
32 Publications
33 Web Watch
34 News from around Europe
Helena Medeiros is Research Officer,
Personal Social Services Research Unit,
London School of Economics and Political
Science.
David McDaid is Research Fellow, LSE Health
and European Observatory on Health
Systems and Policies, London School of
Theresa Philippi is Deputy Programme
Manager of the task force implementing electronic health records (Arge ELGA), Austria.
Omer Saka is based at the Division of Health
and Social Care Research, King’s College
London.
Jos van den Heuvel is Researcher at NIVEL,
the Netherlands Institute for Health Services
Research, The Netherlands
Lud van der Velden is Researcher at NIVEL,
the Netherlands Institute for Health Services
Research, The Netherlands.
Nebibe Varol is reading for a PhD, LSE
Health, London School of Economics and
Political Science.
Marc Wluczka is Public Health Director,
Agence Nationale de l’accueil des étrangers
et des Migrations, Paris.
Walter Holland is Emeritus Professor of Public
Health, LSE Health, London School of
Economics and Political Science
MENTAL HEALTH ECONOMICS
Mental health and economics in
Europe:
Findings from the MHEEN group
David McDaid, Martin Knapp, Helena Medeiros and the MHEEN group
Summary: Mental health has become an increasingly important issue both at national
and European levels. Working across thirty two countries, the Mental Health
Economics European Network has been undertaking comparative analysis grouped
around a number of themes including organisational structures and service provision,
employment and the health/social care interface. In this article we highlight some of
the findings in respect of funding, look at how economic incentives can influence the
balance between institutional and community based care, and consider the merits of
the economic case for promoting mental health and wellbeing.
Keywords: Mental Health; Economics; Financing; Prevention; Balance of Care
Mental health and economics in Europe
Mental health has moved up the political
agenda in many European countries in
recent years, whether in terms of
promoting the general mental well being of
the population, or addressing the needs of
people who have a mental illness. The
European Commission has added its
weight to this trend with publication of its
widely discussed Green Paper in 2005,1
while the World Health Organization
brought together all 52 of Europe’s health
ministries earlier that same year to endorse
an ambitious plan for the region.2
Common concerns
There are many common concerns across
Europe. Among the most prevalent are:
human rights abuses; the continued
reliance in many countries on the old and
discredited asylums; the difficulties of
developing good community-based care to
replace them; the perennial and controversial issue of compulsory treatment; the
challenge of coordinating activity across
health, social care, housing, criminal
justice, employment and other systems;
the search for effective treatments and
support services; the question of how to
prevent mental health problems arising in
the first place; and the huge problems of
stigma and discrimination.
None of these concerns is ‘economic’, but
any actions taken to address them will have
economic implications. Increasingly,
therefore, politicians, managers and care
professionals across Europe have been
seeking economic evidence and insights to
inform and support their decisions.
Demands for economics
David McDaid is Research Fellow, LSE
Health and European Observatory on
Health Systems and Policies, and Helena
Medeiros is Research Officer, Personal
Social Services Research Unit both at the
Science. Martin Knapp is Professor,
Science and Centre for the Economics of
Mental Health, Institute of Psychiatry,
King’s College London.
Email: [email protected]
1
Eurohealth Vol 13 No 3
What are they looking for? What are the
‘demands’ or needs for economics in the
mental health field? Some needs relate to
the costs – often following recognition that
many mental health problems generate
substantial and wide-ranging costs that fall
on many agency budgets and also hit the
pockets of individuals and families.
Decision makers want to know if expenditure on treatment strategies might later
be compensated by reductions in the
future costs of inaction. New drugs
invariably look more expensive than old
drugs, and delivering psychological
therapy to more people requires
appointment of more staff, so questions
are inevitably asked about whether such
expenditure is ‘worth it’. Decision makers
also want to know whether spending more
money in the mental health area represents
a better investment in health improvement
and quality of life enhancement than, say,
spending the same amount on cancer
services. In other words, they are interested in cost-effectiveness.
There are other demands for economic
information – for example, on how best to
pay for mental health services to ensure
fair access, which is an especially challenging topic given that long-term mental
illness can impoverish someone, leaving
them unable to afford to pay for their own
treatment. There is the related question of
equity, and how to design resource allocation arrangements to support the most
vulnerable people in society. Economic
The authors would like to acknowledge the financial support of the European
Commission, Directorate General for Health and Consumer Protection. The views here
are those of the authors alone and not those of the European Commission.
Box 1: Questions addressed in MHEEN Phase II
How are mental health systems financed, and how much public expenditure is committed to the
area?
What are the barriers and incentives to improve mental health care, with particular focus on the
balance of care (and especially the reliance on institutional models of care) and employment?
What mechanisms and strategies are in place for mental health promotion and to prevent the onset
of mental health-related problems, and particularly what is known about the cost-effectiveness of
such strategies?
Can the European Service Mapping Schedule be refined so as to assess mental health service
utilisation and costs within small catchment areas?
Finally, is there a commitment to build capacity across Europe in mental health economics?
Figure 1: Mental health expenditure as a percentage of GDP (latest available year)
of key individuals and organisations so as
to encourage them to pay more attention
to mental health needs.
Supplying the answers
These are just some of the questions posed
by decision makers that have an economic
flavour, but not many answers have been
forthcoming. It was against this background that the Mental Health Economics
European Network (MHEEN), established in 2002 with the support of the
European Commission, has been collating
information, initially across seventeen, but
now thirty-two European countries.
Jointly coordinated by the Personal Social
Services Research Unit (www.pssru.ac.uk)
at the London School of Economics and
the Brussels-based non-governmental
organisation, Mental Health Europe, the
aim has been to develop a network of
representatives, at least one from each
country, with expertise and/or experience
of health economics and with personal
work or commitment to the economics of
mental health (see www.mheen.org for
MHEEN partners).
Activities in the first phase of work were
grouped around a number of themes:
financing; expenditure and costs;
provision, services and workforce;
employment; and the capacity for
economic evaluation. In the second phase
(2005–2007), and following expansion to a
larger group of countries, the overarching
aim remained the same, but the specific
topics changed slightly (See Box 1). In this
article we highlight some of the findings in
respect of funding for mental health, look
at how economic incentives can influence
the balance between institutional and
community based care and consider the
merits of the economic case for promoting
mental health and wellbeing (A series of
policy briefs prepared by MHEEN dealing
with these and other aspects of MHEEN
work are available at www.mheen.org).
data can help to smooth the often-difficult
process of agreeing joint action between
different government departments or other
bodies, given that mental health problems
can have such wide-ranging impacts.
Nowadays, there is better awareness of the
interconnections between mental health
problems, employment and social
exclusion, and hence growing mutual
interest among government ministries
responsible for employment, social
security and finance. Finally, there is the
question of economic incentives and
whether they can influence the behaviour
I. What public expenditure commitment
is made to mental health?
Do services and initiatives that aim to meet
mental health needs get their fair share of
available health system funding? When we
look across the countries of the Network,
mental health care generally looks to be
considerably under-funded. Despite the
high prevalence, substantial contribution
to the global burden of disability, strong
association between deprivation and
mental illness, and the growing body of
cost-effectiveness evidence, the proportion
of total public expenditure allocated to
2
mental health care is often modest. Only
four countries have committed as much as
0.75 of 1% of Gross Domestic Product
(See Figure 1), yet poor mental health may
cost national economies four times this
amount. We do, however, need to be a little
cautious about these figures because it is
difficult to make robust comparisons
between countries when accounting procedures differ, and particularly when the
boundaries around what is a ‘health
service’ can be drawn in different ways.
This last point has added significance
because it has been quite common across
Europe for the boundaries between health,
social care and other service systems to be
fluid.3 This has been partly a response to
the shifting balance of care away from
institutions and towards systems that are
more community-focused. Moving the
locus of care to the community creates
many new and welcome opportunities, but
also raises challenges, including the difficulties of coordinating services across
organisational and budgetary boundaries,
and different eligibility criteria for support
and for exemptions from payment.
How are mental health services funded?
The routes for funding mental health care,
at first glance, do not appear to differ very
much between countries. Funding relies
largely on taxation or social insurance,
respecting long-held principles of solidarity and universality. But this does not
necessarily mean that such systems operate
equitably. Systems where there is high
reliance on out-of-pocket payments at the
point of need (such as in Portugal) are
likely to be inequitable. Out-of-pocket
payments may be particularly inappropriate for people with mental health
problems, who may already be unwilling
to come into contact with services because
of fears of being stigmatised, and who are
already disadvantaged economically by the
consequences of chronic illness.
Supplemental voluntary insurance (often
called private insurance) continues to play
a minimal role in providing coverage for
mental health services in most western
European countries, but its role is more
significant in eastern Europe. Evidence
from the US, where the private health
insurance market is most well developed,
illustrates the difficulty that mental health
can have in achieving parity with physical
health, leading to unequal access to
insurance coverage for mental health
treatment. Of course, as responsibilities
shift out of the health system and into the
3
social care system, for example, financing
difficulties might arise because there might
not be the same commitment to the principles of universality and solidarity; means
testing is more common, for instance.
Resource allocation
With few exceptions, across MHEEN
countries that employ tax-based financing
systems annual budgets tend to be determined through some combination of
historical precedent and political preference. Few report having an allocation
mechanism objectively based on measures
of population health need. One consequence is that resources are unlikely to be
well targeted to areas where they have the
greatest chance of being effective or where
they can tackle inequities. Even when
budgets are supposedly earmarked for
mental health services, there are few safeguards in some countries to ensure that
resources are not actually spent on nonmental health services.
One possible way to improve the allocation of resources is through the use of
tariffs linked to specific procedures or
needs, such as diagnosis-related groups
(DRGs). These tariffs reimburse providers
of mental health services – in both social
insurance and tax-dominated countries –
on the basis of some pre-set amount. But
using DRGs has generated some difficulties: DRG tariffs have not always taken
full account of the costs associated with
chronic mental health problems and their
use remains limited.
II. Shifting the balance of care from
hospitals to the community
One of the greatest barriers to achieving
social inclusion of people with mental
health problems and improving the quality
of care in a number of countries is the
continued use of institutional care, as
exemplified by the old psychiatric
asylums, dispensaries and ‘social care
homes’ of many countries in central and
Eastern Europe.
It is important to distinguish between the
large, long-stay, social care homes in some
of these countries, where provision is of a
low standard, and human rights are often
overlooked, and the social care facilities
that accommodate many thousands of
people in countries such as the UK, where
standards are much higher. There are welldocumented accounts of individuals
admitted to institutions being kept in
‘caged beds’ or solitary confinement, experiencing physical or sexual abuse, or
electro-convulsive therapy without anaesthesia or muscle relaxants. While these are
undoubtedly exceptions, such practices are
common enough to warrant urgent action.
Charting the exact balance of mental health
care across thirty two countries was obviously beyond the resources of MHEEN,
but we were able to look at a number of
important features. First, we asked
Network partners to describe the general
direction of movement, if indeed there had
been any, in the provision of institutionbased services. For example, we asked
about increases in provision or admission
rates. Second, we were interested in the
economic barriers to changes in the
balance of care, and in the economic incentives that had been found to support
movement away from reliance on institutional services.
What is clear are that shifts in the balance
of care away from institutions towards
community based support (where appropriate), vary markedly across Europe
according to resources, financial incentives
and national traditions. In western Europe,
over a thirty-five year period, bed numbers
have fallen sharply (Figure 2). Individuals
have been transferred to other settings
such as general hospitals or various forms
of community-based supported living
establishment. In central and eastern
Europe the picture is more opaque – there
appears to be significant progress in the
Baltic States in particular; but little change
in countries such as Romania, Slovakia and
Slovenia (see Figure 3). These data may
present a better picture than the situation
merits as they do not take into account the
number of people transferred to the large,
isolated and poor quality social care homes
operated outside the health system.
The MHEEN group identified a number
of barriers to change. Funding may be
locked in long stay institutions, so service
providers may actually have incentives to
maintain a high rate of occupancy in order
to ensure that their budgets are not
ratcheted down. Moreover, isolated large
institutions may often be a major source of
jobs in a locality, meaning that resistance
to any reform may be substantial. The legal
guardians of people with mental health
problems may also have perverse incentives to place their relatives in a long stay
institutions, as they many be able to retain
the disability pensions of these individuals.
There also remains a shortfall in the
provision of community services in many
countries, particularly in southern (where
Figure 2: Trends in availability of psychiatric beds in western Europe
Source: WHO Health For All Database, 2007.
Figure 3: Trends in availability of psychiatric beds in eastern Europe
family support is significant), central and
eastern Europe. As countries continue to
rebalance care they must be aware of the
risks of closing beds before adequate
community care is developed and funded.
For a period of time there needs to be
parallel funding of community and institution based services; in situations where
resources are scarce this additional
investment may be difficult to make. Thus
there is a constant concern that bed reductions always precede the development of
comprehensive
and
well-developed
community-based services, leaving both
hospitals and community services underresourced. This can reduce public
confidence in the appropriateness of
community based care.
Flexible funding arrangements are one way
of overcoming some of these barriers. For
instance, joint budgeting arrangements, for
example, between health, social care and
employment departments in Sweden have
been used to tackle the problem of fragmented funding, while in Flanders money
notionally intended for the provision of
beds can actually be used to foster independent living. Mergers between institutions and ambulatory services in the
Netherlands were an important first step
in rebalancing care.4 Effective planning for
the alternative use of buildings, as well as
retraining and economic regeneration of
local communities dependent on institutions for jobs, can also help promote
change. Another important development
historically was increased access to social
welfare benefits, giving individuals a safety
net for supporting themselves in the
community. More recently a growing
number of countries in western Europe
have begun introducing individual
budgets, whereby people with mental
health problems receive a budget which
they can freely spend on services that best
meet their needs.
III. The economic case for promotion and
prevention
MHEEN has not just focused on those
with mental health problems, but has
examined many issues from a public health
perspective. There are many reasons for
promoting positive mental health and for
seeking to prevent the emergence of
problems in the first place. At the core of
all of this is a desire to improve the quality
of life of a population. But decision makers
are also very aware of the costs of not
acting appropriately or early enough.
Source: WHO Health For All Database, 2007.
For example, the total cost of depression
4
in Sweden in 2005 was estimated at €3.5
billion5 while the cost of schizophrenia in
England in the same year was estimated at
€10.4 billion.6 These cost estimates are
indicative of a familiar pattern across
Europe: the contribution of many different
budgets. For instance, the total economic
impact of depression in Sweden is
absolutely dwarfed by the cost of lost
productivity because so many people with
depression experience absences from work
or long-term unemployment. Similarly, the
costs of schizophrenia in England fall to a
host of budgets, and not just to the health
care system. There have also been studies
which have pointed to the average cost of
a completed suicide: €2.04 million in
Ireland and €1.88 million in Scotland.7
Each of these, and many other examples
could be given, is a substantial amount.
Again the costs of a completed suicide are
not just for health or police or other
agencies, but include lost productivity and
the various intangible costs, including the
pain and grief experienced by relatives and
the lost opportunity for individuals who
complete suicide to have future opportunities for life experiences.
While even the most optimistic of advocates would never imagine that all
instances of depression could be
prevented, or all psychoses avoided, or all
suicides averted, it is surely possible for
European societies to prevent some of
these distressing and often devastating
events occurring? Potentially this might be
a highly cost effective use of resources.
MHEEN partners have thus been trawling
through electronic databases and the ‘grey’
literature of policy and advocacy bodies, as
well as corporate documents, to find out
just what is known about the costeffectiveness of such initiatives. This has
complemented a systematic literature
review undertaken by MHEEN ranging
over many areas, including schools, workplaces, primary health care settings and the
community.8
accumulation of evidence that behavioural
and emotional problems in childhood, if
not adequately addressed by mental health,
education and social work services, can
have enormous adverse consequences in
adulthood. For instance, analyses of group
based parenting interventions suggest that,
even if only very modest quality of life
benefits can be gained, these interventions
have the potential to be highly cost
effective.9 The majority of this work is
though from the US, where a range of very
long-term economic benefits from a
variety of intervention programmes for
children and young people have been identified.10 The extent to which these interventions can be adapted to differing
contexts in Europe still needs careful
consideration.
“suicide prevention strategies
potentially are highly cost
effective”
Remarkably, despite considerable attention
given to suicide in policy discussions
across Europe, evidence on the cost effectiveness of suicide prevention strategies is
sparse. Yet potentially this may be highly
cost effective: work in Scotland suggests
that if just 1% of suicides could be avoided
then the national programme would
actually be cost saving.7 Looking at
training interventions, economic analysis
of STORM (Skills-based Training on Risk
Management) in England indicated that a
2.5% decrease in the suicide rate would
generate a cost per life year saved of just
€5,500, a value considered to be highly cost
effective.11 The use of taxation instruments
to influence behaviours, for example, to
reduce the over-consumption of alcohol,
and subsequent alcohol related addictive
behaviours, can also be much more cost
effective than other alcohol control
policies.
What do we know?
It remains the case that economic analysis
is rare, but its use is increasing and some
examples are given here. Perhaps most
strikingly, most of this evidence focuses on
preventive actions rather than on measures
to improve mental well-being. This reflects
current challenges being grappled with in
Europe on how to accurately measure
well-being.
The area where most work is available
relates to children. This builds on the
5
IV. Employment
Employment is a fundamental component
of, or contributor to quality of life, the
main source of income for most people,
commonly a major influence on someone’s
social network, and also a defining feature
of social status. The interconnections
between mental health problems and
employment are many and various. As
well as the link with individual well-being,
employment is a major contributor to
national and European productivity and
competitiveness, and obviously also has
implications for the sustainability of social
welfare systems. Total disability benefit
payments in England, Scotland and Wales
alone in 2007 amounted to €3.9 billion,
with the largest contribution (40%)
attributed to ‘mental and behavioural
disorders’.
Many national governments have now
turned their attention to the employment
difficulties experienced by people with
common mental health problems,
including stress and depression, and also
encouraging greater awareness among
employers as to their workplace responsibilities for promoting better mental wellbeing and reducing worker stress.
Evidence on the effectiveness of various
workplace based programmes, mental
health problems is growing. There may
well be substantial scope for economic
benefits, such as increased productivity
and a reduced need to pay disability
benefits, through investment in the workplace. But there are major caveats on what
we know: most evidence again comes from
the US and is often generated by
companies, and not subject to rigorous
peer-review. Nevertheless, there are some
tantalisingly interesting insights.
For example, evaluation of London
Underground’s
stress
reduction
programme suggests that in its first two
years there was a reduction in absenteeism
costs of €705,000. This is eight times
greater than the cost of the scheme. In
addition, improved productivity and some
positive healthy lifestyle changes were
observed.12 One stress management
programme in a Belgian pharmaceutical
company achieved a reduction in absenteeism of just 1%, but still avoided costs of
€600,000 because the economic impact of
stress-related absenteeism was so
substantial.13
Mental health promoting interventions can
also be cost effective in helping those who
are out of work and thus at greater risk of
developing mental health problems. One
US programme, designed to help individuals take more control when seeking
employment and cope with difficulties and
disappointments, both increased reemployment and generated a positive return
on investment.14 It has subsequently been
implemented, with some success, elsewhere including Finland, the Netherlands
and Ireland.
While the economic case is encouraging,
there are a number of key challenges to
meet in strengthening the evidence base on
workplace health promotion. Evaluation
in the workplace is clearly a sensitive issue;
both employers and employees may be
reluctant to participate. Caution must also
be exercised over the results of evaluations:
interventions reported to have significant
net benefits may be produced by organisations that stand to gain commercially from
their use.
“the highest levels of workplace
stress may well appear in public
sector organisations”
Recognition of the economic impact of
poor workplace mental health at national
and EU levels does however provide an
opportunity for action. Policy makers may
wish to carefully consider providing
financial support for the evaluation of
workplace based mental health interventions. Already there are some positive
signs: a number of ongoing and planned
economic evaluations have already been
identified by MHEEN. One pragmatic
approach may be to retrospectively add an
economic dimension to existing studies of
the effectiveness of interventions. More
partnership work between employers in
the private and public sectors is also well
merited; indeed the highest levels of workplace stress may well appear in public
sector organisations.
Much of the work to date in this area has
focused on large, often multi-national
corporations.
Demonstrating
the
economic case may also help persuade
policy makers of the case for providing
financial incentives to encourage small and
medium sized enterprises, which otherwise
might not have the resource, to invest in
effective workplace mental health
promoting interventions.
MHEEN: the way ahead
The personal, social and economic consequences of poor mental health can be
profound: examples of the fundamental
abuse of human rights in poor quality long
stay institutions with EU Member States
can still be found with regularity. All
Member States of the WHO European
Region, as well as the European
Commission, in 2005 endorsed an action
plan setting out a number of steps to be
taken to meet these challenges. Transforming good intentions into actions on
the ground is far from easy; activities like
those undertaken by MHEEN can help
strengthen the economic case for action
and identify economic levers and incentives to promote change.
MHEEN members have also been active
in raising awareness of the relevance of
economics within mental health discourse
in national, international and supranational contexts and have helped to
develop local capacity and interest in
economics and mental health. Because
mental health has impacts on many
different non-health sectors, a continuing
challenge for MHEEN and others will be
to engage with these sectors and provide
economic evidence that encompasses both
inputs from and impacts on the social care,
housing, education employment and
criminal justice systems.
In particular, a major gap in knowledge
that MHEEN has addressed is the
economic case for investment in
promotion and prevention activities; this is
vital to the better incorporation of mental
health within public health policy. While
the work of MHEEN indicates that this
evidence is still modest, where evaluations
have taken place the economic case often
is very strong. To increase this knowledge
one priority should be to incorporate
economics into more prospective evaluations, but another complementary
approach, which MHEEN members are
taking forward, will be to retrospectively
look at the economic implications of interventions already demonstrated to be
effective.
REFERENCES
1. Commission of the European Communities. Improving the mental health of the
population: Towards a strategy on mental
health for the European Union. Green
Paper. Brussels: Health and Consumer
Protection Directorate, European
Commission, 2005.
2. World Health Organization. Mental
Health Action Plan for Europe. Facing the
Challenges, Building Solutions. Copenhagen: World Health Organization, 2005.
3. McDaid D, Oliveira M, Jurczak K,
Knapp M and the MHEEN Group.
Moving beyond the mental health care
system: an exploration of the interfaces
between health and non-health sectors
Journal of Mental Health
200716(2);181–94.
4. Ravelli DP. Deinstitutionalisation of
mental health care in the Netherlands:
towards an integrative approach.
International Journal of Integrated Care
2006;6:1–11.
5. Sobocki P, Lekander I, Borgström F,
Ström O, Runeson B. The economic
burden of depression in Sweden from 1997
to 2005. European Psychiatry
2007;22(3):146–52.
6. Mangalore R, Knapp M. Cost of
schizophrenia in England. Journal of
Mental Health Policy and Economics
2007;10(1):23–41.
7. McDaid D, Halliday E, Mackenzie M, et
al. Issues in the economic evaluation of
suicide prevention strategies: practical and
methodological challenges. London:
London School of Economics, Discussion
Paper 2407, 2007.
8. Zechmeister I, Kilian R, McDaid D. Is it
worth investing in mental health
promotion and prevention of mental
illness? A systematic review of the evidence
from economic evaluations. BMC Public
Health 2007 (forthcoming).
9. Dretzke J, Frew E, Davenport C, et al.
The effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of
parent training/education programmes for
the treatment of conduct disorder,
including oppositional defiant disorder, in
children. Health Technology Assessment
2005;9:50.
10. Aos S, Lieb R, Mayfield J, Miller M,
Pennucci A. Benefits and Costs of Early
Prevention Programmes for Youth.
Olympia: Washington State Institute for
Public Policy, 2004.
11. Appleby L, Morriss R, Gask L, et al.
An educational intervention for front-line
health professionals in the assessment and
management of suicidal patients (The
STORM Project). Psychological Medicine
2000;30(4):805–12.
12. Business in the Community. London
Underground. Stress Reduction
Programme. London: BITC, 2005.
Retrieved September 26, 2007 from
http://www.bitc.org.uk/resources/case_
studies/afe_hw_05_londonu.html
13. Poelmans S, Compernolle T, De Neve
H, Buelens M, Rombouts J. Belgium: A
pharmaceutical company. In: M Kompier
and CL Cooper (eds). Preventing Stress,
Improving Productivity: European Case
Studies in the Workplace, London:
Routledge, 1999, pp.121–48.
14. Vinokur A D, van Ryn M, Gramlich E,
Price RH. Long-term follow-up and
benefit-cost analysis of the JOBS program:
a preventive intervention for the
unemployed. Journal of Applied
Psychology 1991;76(2):213–19.
6
PUBLIC HEALTH PERSPECTIVES
From disease control to health
promotion for migrants in France
Marc Wluczka
Summary: Every year the Public Health Department of the French National
Agency for the Reception of Foreigners and Migration (Agence Nationale de
l’accueil des Etrangers et des Migrations – ANAEM) conducts a survey of
medical examinations given to new immigrants. Obesity, type II diabetes,
cardiovascular disease, visual impairments and tuberculosis continue to be highly
prevalent. Excess poor health in women is found in migrants from every
continent except the Americas. Individuals in poor health, as well as those in high
risk groups, have been appropriately referred on to health care services. While
some conditions are difficult to identify, for example, mental health problems,
nonetheless, these medical examinations have proved to be valuable both as a
public health tool and as an aid to integration for first time migrants to France.
Keywords: Public health, Non-EU immigrants, France, Health Screening,
Integration Policy
The organisation of medical examinations
or checkups for first time non-EU immigrants is one of the key tasks of the Agence
Nationale de l’accueil des étrangers et des
Migrations (ANAEM). Originally, this
examination had two purposes: the first
was to carry out an evaluation of a
migrant's capacity and ability to work,
while the second focused on the
prevention of global and personal health
risks. There is now a third overarching
concept: a decree on 11 January 2006
placed this medical examination within a
public health context where promoting the
health of migrants is the key aim. This
evolution came about as a result of the
establishment of ANAEM as a public
service in 2005, bringing together the functions of the Office of International
Migration and the Social Services
Assistance for Emigrants association.
A comprehensive overview of migrants’
health concerns
There are approximately 200,000 new
immigrants to France every year. They can
be broken down into four principle categories: workers, families, students and
Marc Wluczka is Public Health Director,
Agence Nationale de l’accueil des
étrangers et des Migrations, Paris.
Email : [email protected]
7
Table 1: Gender and geographical distribution of 2006 survey sample
Geographical Origin
Men
%
Women
%
Europe
441
10.9
486
12.6
Asia
746
18.3
912
23.6
Sub-Saharan Africa
764
18.7
749
19.4
Maghreb
1,692
41.5
1,114
28.9
Americas
409
10
527
13.5
24
0.6
44
1.1
Others
Total
4,076
refugees. Since 2001, an epidemiological
survey has been conducted to assess their
health status.* This takes the form of a
cross-sectional survey, with data collected
from a random sample of clients who
attended a medical checkup service on two
different weeks of the year [one in May
and one in November].
The survey provides detailed sociodemographic and medical information on
approximately 8,000 individuals. This
makes it possible to draw up a picture of
the health of first time migrants and
measure how the prevalence of diseases or
3,832
risk factors have changed over time.
In 2006, 7,938 records were examined, of
which 51% were men.1 Individuals from
the Maghreb (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia,
Libya and Egypt) made up the largest
group in the study sample (Table 1).
1,339 medical records indicated the
presence of at least one clearly identified
disease, equivalent to a morbidity rate of
16.4%. This is the highest rate recorded
since 2001 but may, in part, be due to
improvements in data collection. 1,555
different diseases were identified (12.2%
* Available on the French public health database: www.bdsp.tm.fr
were diagnosed as having two diseases
while a further 2.5% had more than two
co-morbid conditions). Excess female
morbidity was found in migrants from all
continents except the Americas.
By far the most frequent disease identified
was malaria (498 cases), although this was
almost entirely from migrants from subSaharan Africa. Thyroid diseases were also
surprisingly numerous. The analysis also
indicates that non-specific diseases, for
example, dermatological, ear-nose-throat
or those of the digestive tract, are also
frequent and deserve more thorough
analysis, in particular parasitic disease and
the effects of the stresses of immigration.
Targeted continuous monitoring
The 2006 report justified the practice of
monitoring certain targeted conditions
such as type II diabetes. In 2003, the high
frequency of obesity persuaded the
authorities to make the monitoring of type
II diabetes compulsory. This is carried out
on the basis of age (>45) and Body Mass
Index (BMI) (> 29). 551 individuals (6.9%)
had a BMI greater than 29 and were
considered obese. It is particularly high
among women, especially those from subSaharan Africa. It is estimated that at the
current rate of medical examinations, more
than 6,500 cases of diabetes in individuals
previously not aware that they had the
condition would be identified. It also highlights nearly 60,000 people who are at risk
of developing diabetes.2
Other diseases are also linked to the same
risk factors, for example, arterial hypertension and cardiovascular diseases. As a
result, preventive actions are targeted at
those identified as being at greatest risk by
the survey: sub-Saharan African women
between 19 and 40 years of age.
Monitoring the prevalence of visual
impairments is more problematic, particularly if individuals are illiterate; it can
require much time and the use of
specialised hardware. However, by identifying visual impairments, it is often
possible to detect congenital visual disabilities which are linked to limited pre-natal
care in low income countries.
One limitation remains the lack of
adaptable tools or techniques to identify
mental health problems. This undoubtedly
leads to an underestimation of the prevalence of these problems.
In the future, other conditions that are
highly prevalent in sub-Saharan and
Caribbean populations, including sickle-
Table 2: Referrals from 2006 study sample
Referral status
Number
No referral
4,374
55.1
Vaccination centre
2,153
27.1
General Practitioner
1,041
13.1
288
3.6
Public dispensary
57
0.7
Hospital
25
0.3
Independent specialist
cell disease, will be tracked, following an
evaluation of specific tools planned for this
year.3
Screening for tuberculosis also continues
to be a major issue. Quite apart from the
impact on the individuals affected, the
ANAEM medical examination plays a key
strategic role in tuberculosis screening
owing to its high degree of contact with
new migrant populations: it is the
mandatory point of transit and dispersal
for some 200,000 of these most vulnerable
individuals every year.
Chest X-ray is the most effective screening
method. It is carried out prior to, or
during, the medical examination. Sixty
cases were identified leading to an estimated prevalence rate in the study population of 755 per 100,000. The distribution
of tuberculosis cases by country of origin
is in line with previous studies. SubSaharan Africa dominates (though only
19.1% of the study population compared
with 28.3% worldwide) along with the
Maghreb (35.3% of the study population,
28.3% worldwide). 20% of cases are found
in Asian migrants, 10% in those from the
Americas, similar to their proportion of
the study sample, while Europeans
accounted for 6.7% whilst making up
11.7% of the study population. Most cases
of tuberculosis are found in the 30–39 agegroup (19 cases), followed by the 20–29
age-group (15 cases).
Of the 1,594 women of childbearing age
(15–50) 281 (15%) were pregnant, of these
44.8% were from the Maghreb and 23.3%
from sub-Saharan Africa. Forty-eight cases
of disability were identified, a prevalence
rate of 0.6% in the study population.
Thirty-three of these forty-eight cases
(68.75%) were from the Maghreb and subSaharan African countries. In contrast to
the situation seen in France, there were
high rates of sensory disability (16 cases)
and motor disability (18 cases). Despite
Percentage
strong under-reporting, alcoholism was
observed in 2.5% of individuals, while
18.5% were smokers.
Referrals following medical examination
Over the past six years, there has been a
shift from a concept of ‘control’ to one of
‘prevention’. This has been accompanied
by an immense effort to form partnerships
with different health sectors, whether in
the field of treatment or prevention,
delivered by public, private or charitable
organisations, or linked to general practice.
As part of this, a key objective of these
medical examinations is to refer individuals
requiring further medical assistance to
appropriate health care services. Improvements in the health of migrants as a result
of these referrals demonstrate the value of
this medical screening process. The medical
examinations at ANAEM reception
centres also provide a unique opportunity
for confidential dialogue, which can reveal
social problems and lead to referrals to
social services for help and support.
In total 3,564 (45%) of the 2006 study
sample were referred for further treatment.
(Table 2). It should be borne in mind
however, that referrals were not made
solely on the grounds of identifiable
disease (only 16.4% of sample), but on the
basis of identified risk factors (positive
diabetes test, obesity or smoking) or the
need for observation (pregnancy,
newborns). These also included 2,302
referrals for compulsory combined diphtheria/tetanus/poliomyelitis vaccination
when vaccination status was unknown.
Most individuals identified as having a
disease were referred to general practitioners or independent specialists, while the
sixty cases of tuberculosis were sent to
public dispensaries, hospitals or medical
specialists (chest and tuberculosis
specialists). Another finding from this
analysis therefore, is that the medical
8
examination appears to result in appropriate referrals to other services when
required.
The work of ANAEM is complemented
by that undertaken within accommodation
centres for asylum applicants that are run
by CADA under ANAEM supervision.4
Here again, epidemiological investigations
are undertaken. Monitoring procedures,
like those used for type II diabetes, allow
immigrants to assume personal responsibility for their own health when medical
conditions are at a less advanced stage.
Results can still be improved and
constitute good practice examples for
other vulnerable populations.
Obligations and benefits
Since 2005 each accommodation service of
ANAEM (23 in France) has also proposed
a ‘contract of accommodation and integration’ (CAI) to migrants coming for
family or long-term work reasons, or who
are refugees. An evaluation of their needs
in terms of social services, knowledge of
French, and adhesion to France's republican values is provided at the same time as
the medical evaluation. Then they are
given the CAI. It places an obligation on
them towards the French state, while
ensuring access to health and social
services, French language lessons, and
information about the civic basis of the
republic.*
ANAEM’s public health activity has
undergone a true ‘silent revolution’ during
the last six years. It has become instrumental in relaying, emphasising and implementing public health policies. It has
engendered a culture of partnership
extending beyond the ANAEM medical
departments to administrative and social
departments. It has successfully promoted
the primary objectives of ANAEM in
relation to the integration of migrants in
France.
* Knowledge of the ‘republican values’ (valeurs républicaines) has been regarded as part of
French national identity and is referred in the most recent laws dedicated to immigration
and integration. Non-EU legal migrants are requested to become familiar with them,
candidates for French nationality are required to accept them.
REFERENCES
1. Wluczka M, Debska E. The Health of
First Generation Migrants in 2006. Paris:
Agence nationale de l’accueil des étrangers
and des migrations, 2006. Available at
http://www.anaem.fr/IMG/pdf/FIRST_
GENERATION_MIGRANTS_HEALTH
_TEXT.pdf
2. Wluczka M, Haddou H, Farozi A-M.
Contribution to Knowledge of the Oral
and Dental Health of First-generation
Migrants. Paris: Agence nationale de
l’accueil des étrangers and des migrations,
2005. Available at http://www.anaem.fr/
IMG/pdf/Study_about_dental_health.pdf
3. Wluczka M. Sickle cell disease. Epidemiological Elements Based on a Sample Population. Paris: Agence nationale de l’accueil
des étrangers and des migrations, 2003.
Available at http://www.anaem.fr/IMG/
pdf/sickle_celle_disease_register_part_1.pdf
and http://www.anaem.fr/IMG/pdf/sickle_
celle_disease_register_part_2.pdf
4. Debska E, Wluczka M. Health of
Asylum-seekers and Refugees Housed in
Accommodation Centres in 2004, 2005 &
2006. Paris: Agence nationale de l’accueil
des étrangers and des migrations, 2006.
Health inequalities in the decentralised
Spanish health care system
Cristina Hernández Quevedo
Summary: Despite the optimistic health outcomes that the Spanish population enjoy, there
are still disparities in health between different socioeconomic groups in the different
Autonomous Communities. Given the process of decentralisation in the Spanish health care
system and the lack of a national programme to reduce inequalities in health, initiatives at
regional level are particularly relevant. However, not all regions include this target in their
health plans, with the exception of the Basque Country. The balance between diversity at
regional level and social cohesion remains a challenge in the Spanish health care system.
Keywords: Socioeconomic Inequalities, Health status, Health Plans, Spain, Decentralisation
Cristina Hernández Quevedo is
Research Officer, European
Observatory on Health Systems
and Policies, London School of
Email:
[email protected]
9
As the European Union continues to expand,
disparities in the health of the European population, both within and between countries, are
increasingly a cause for concern. Several studies
quantifying health inequalities at the European
level have shown that they are related to socioe-
conomic factors such as education, income and
job status.1 Spain is no exception. The Spanish
health care system is decentralised, with health
being the responsibility of the seventeen
Autonomous Communities (ACs) that make up
the country. However, devolution has not been
homogenous as health care responsibilities
were transferred at different rates to all the
ACs. This has negatively affected the principal objective to guarantee the system’s
equity and quality.
Organisation and performance of the
Spanish health care system
The Spanish health care system is publicly
funded and has a regional organisational
structure resulting from a process of devolution. Population coverage under the
Spanish National Health System (NHS) is
almost universal (99.5%), including lowincome populations, immigrant adults and
children, hence providing a benefits
package to all inhabitants independently of
their ability to pay. It is a health system
financed mainly by general taxation, which
is intended to favour financial sustainability.2
The central government is responsible for
strengthening coordination and cooperation in the health sector, guaranteeing the
quality of all services and equity in access
to health care throughout the national
territory. In particular, the Spanish
Ministry of Health assumes responsibility
for general coordination and basic health
legislation, foreign health, international
relations, undergraduate and postgraduate
education, together with research and
high-level inspection.
At the regional level, the seventeen ACs
have the power to establish their own
health plans and to organise their own
health services. These competencies were
transferred over the past twenty years,
although this process did not take place
simultaneously. While several regions
obtained responsibility for health many
years ago (Catalonia in 1981, Andalucía in
1984, Basque Country and Valencia in
1988, Galicia and Navarra in 1991 and the
Canaries in 1994), the devolution of health
care responsibilities nationwide was only
completed in 2002.
To promote the cohesion of the NHS, the
Inter-territorial Council of the NHS was
created in 1987, consisting of health representatives from central and regional
governments. It is defined as an institution
facilitating the permanent coordination,
cooperation, communication and exchange
of information on health care services
across the ACs and with the state administration, thus helping to guarantee the
rights of citizens across all of Spain.
In terms of the performance of the Spanish
health care system, the international
ranking varies according to the source
considered. The World Health Report
2000, which focused on health systems
performance, ranked the Spanish health
care system sixth in the world. However,
this result has been challenged. Recently, a
report by Health Consumer Powerhouse,
a private consultancy collecting consumer
information on health care at EU level,
ranked the Spanish health care system
fourteenth among twenty-nine countries
studied.3 Although Spain was three places
up compared to its 2006 ranking, waiting
lists and the lack of information for
patients were still considered weak points
in this report.
This classification has already been criticised by the Spanish government which
has argued that the focus on consumer
information does not permit a fair evaluation of the universality of the Spanish
system. Furthermore, the ranking is not in
line with others such as the European
Union Barometer, where Spain occupies
seventh place. Nonetheless, despite the
different rankings reported, there is a
common consensus that waiting lists and
waiting times, despite the efforts to tackle
them made to date, remain important
policy issues in Spain.
Spanish health outcomes in the European
context
As with other high income countries,
Spain has experienced a significant
improvement in health during the last
twenty years. According to recent statistics
provided by the Instituto Nacional de
Estadística (INE – Spanish National
Institute of Statistics), life expectancy at
birth increased between 1995 to 2005 by
more than two years and now is 80.23
years. Furthermore, mortality data in
Spain reflect a decrease both in mortality
rates and in the probability of death within
each age group.
According to Eurostat, life expectancy at
birth in Spain ranks ninth in Europe.
Spanish female life expectancy is second
only to that in France. However, life
expectancy for men from Sweden, Ireland,
Holland, Italy and the United Kingdom is
higher than that observed in Spain. These
generally optimistic figures on life
expectancy at birth and mortality rates in
Spain are linked to the increase in the
number of older people; these now
account for approximately 15% of the
population. Furthermore, it is projected
that by 2010 40% of the Spanish population will be more sixty years of age.
Variability in life expectancy can be found
at AC level, with the highest figures found
in Navarra (81.51 years), Madrid (81.39),
Castilla-León (81.28) and La Rioja (81.18),
while the autonomous city of Ceuta
(78.62), Andalucía (78.83) and the Canaries
(79.16) have the lowest rates.4 There are
also variations in how individuals perceive
their health. Citizens from northern ACs,
including La Rioja, Aragón, Navarra and
Cantabria, are the most satisfied with their
health, while those from the south of
Spain, including the Canaries and
Extremadura report the worst levels of
perceived health.
Socioeconomic inequalities in health
within Spain
Regional and gender-based health inequalities persist in Spain, as in most other
European countries. By age group,
inequalities in health increase with age
until age 45–54; after 64 years of age they
tend to decrease. Furthermore, studies
have shown that these inequalities in health
are related to socioeconomic factors. The
prevalence of chronic illness and disability
is greater among those at the bottom of the
income distribution. Inequalities in selfassessed health (SAH) status between
social classes have been reported, as well as
education-related inequalities in SAH and
chronic diseases.
These inequalities also apply to other
health outcomes such as obesity and
smoking. The socioeconomic inequalities
in the prevalence of obesity are largely
explained by education and demographic
characteristics. Education and income
characteristics have been found to be
strong predictors of smoking. These
socioeconomic differences in smoking
behaviour in turn influence inequality in
lung cancer and total mortality.
According to the 2003 National Health
Survey, most Spanish ACs have significant
differences in self-assessed health status by
social class. In the Canaries and Galicia,
40% of men and 50% of women from the
working class have the highest levels of bad
health, while in contrast Aragón and La
Rioja have very small differences according
to social class.5 Moreover, there is evidence
to suggest that those ACs with the highest
levels of income-related health inequality
are also likely to display low levels in
average health status. Using data from the
Spanish National Health Survey for 2001,
García and López observed that the
Basque Country, Navarra and La Rioja
had the highest levels of average health
10
status and present the lowest degree of
income-related health inequality.6 At the
other extreme, Murcia’s population reports
one of the lowest levels of average health
status and suffers the greatest degree of
income-related health inequality, reinforced by the effects of education.
Compared to the Basque Country, other
ACs presenting high income-related health
inequality include Madrid, the Balearic
Islands and Catalonia.
Policies to reduce inequalities in health
The number of countries and international
organisations acknowledging the need to
reduce inequalities in health is increasing.
Most of these countries follow the equity
principles and values of the World Health
Organization and as such are explicitly
concerned with the socioeconomic
dimension of health inequalities. However,
there is considerable diversity in the public
policy goals and targets that aim to address
health inequalities across different
European countries.
In Spain, there is relatively little evidence
of national policies to tackle socioeconomic inequalities in health, but there are a
few examples of important regional or
local initiatives. The different Spanish ACs
specify their health policies in regional
health plans, including principles and
values, objectives, strategies and interventions to achieve certain goals over a specific
time period. Borrell and colleagues
undertook a systematic review of the
health plans of the different ACs in Spain,
excluding
Madrid,
Asturias
and
Cantabria.7 They found that the regional
health plans tend to include a description
of health areas by socioeconomic status
(SES) rather than including specific
policies to reduce inequalities in health by
SES.
Exceptions include the health plans from
the Basque Country and Extremadura,
where descriptions of health by socioeconomic characteristics were made and the
reduction of inequalities by SES were
included in their key plan objectives.
However, it was only in the Basque
Country that specific policies linked to
SES could be found. In particular, the
Basque Country health plan adopted
specific quantitative targets such as
reducing social class differences in
mortality from diseases of the circulatory
system by 25% from 39% in 2002 to 30%
by 2010. It also set a target to reduce social
class differences in mortality from cardiovascular diseases by 25% from 45% in
11
2002 to 34% by 2010.8 Elsewhere, while
Galicia and the Canaries do not include a
description of health status by SES, they
do include some targets in respect of
reducing inequalities in health by SES in
their health plans.
In terms of regional inequalities, the
central government is focussed on
improving equity in access to the health
care system. The current Minister of
Health recently expressed an interest in
guaranteeing geographical equity in access
to the health care system, meaning an
equivalent level of benefits for all citizens
provided independently of the place they
live. For this purpose, one of the objectives
of the current Minister of Health is to
strengthen the role of the Inter-territorial
Council of the NHS in order to enhance
territorial cohesion.
Some initiatives developed by the central
government target particular health care
services or segments of the Spanish population with the intention of improving
health. For example, as access to dental
care varies throughout Spain, one central
government objective has been to address
this issue head on and assure equity in
access to dentists for all children. Recently,
it announced that it will become
mandatory for all Spanish children
between seven and eight years of age to
have access to dentists free of charge from
2008. These treatments will be financed
equally by the Ministry of Health in
Madrid and the ACs. Access will then be
expanded over the ensuing five years, with
the goal of coverage for all children
between seven and fifteen years of age by
2012.
Final comments
Although there has been an increase in the
understanding of socioeconomic inequalities in health within Spain in recent
decades, this has not impacted sufficiently
on the policy agenda. At regional level,
little attention is paid to inequalities in
health by socioeconomic status in AC
health plans. Few ACs take them into
account, but even then not all areas are
covered. The importance given in the literature to the effect of socioeconomic factors
on individual health appears to be in
contradiction to the lack of reference to
this issue in health plans elaborated at
regional level. There is also a lack of a
national strategy to tackle health inequalities related to socioeconomic factors such
as education, job status or level of income.
Thus there appears to be more to do in
reducing regional inequalities in health and
improving coordination mechanisms
between the central and regional levels, so
as to link evidence to policymaking. These
equity challenges for the NHS should be
addressed within the context of the
broader goal of achieving a balance
between diversity and social cohesion
within the country.
REFERENCES
1. Hernández-Quevedo C, Jones AM,
López-Nicolás Á, Rice N. Socioeconomic
inequalities in health: a comparative
longitudinal analysis using the European
Community Household Panel. Social
Science and Medicine 2006; 63:1246–61
2. Durán A, Lara JL, van Waveren M.
Spain: Health system review. Health
Systems in Transition 2006;8(4).
3. Health Consumer Powerhouse. Euro
Health Consumer Index 2007 Report.
Brussels: Health Consumer Powerhouse,
October 2007.
4. INE. Mortality Tables 1992 – 2005.
Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadística,
2007.
5. García Altés A, Rodríguez-Sanz M,
Pérez G, Borrell C. Desigualdades en salud
y en la utilización y el desempeño de los
servicios sanitarios en las Comunidades
Autónomas. [Inequalities in health and in
the utilisation of health care services in the
Autonomous Communities] Cuadernos
Económicos de ICE (in press).
6. García-Gómez, P, López-Nicolás Á.
Regional Differences in Socioeconomic
Health Inequalities in Spain. Bilbao:
Fundación BBVA, Working Paper 09,
2007. Available at
http://w3.grupobbva.com/TLFB/dat/dt9_
07_regional_differences%20.pdf
7. Borrell C, Peiró R, Ramón N, et al.
Desigualdades socioeconómicas y planes
de salud en las comunidades autónomas
del Estado español [Socioeconomic
inequalities and the health plans of the
Autonomous Communities in Spain]
Gaceta Sanitaria, 2005;19(4):277–85.
8. Judge K, Platt S, Costongs C, Jurczak K.
Health Inequalities: A Challenge for
Europe. London: UK Presidency of the
EU, 2006. Available at
http://www.dh.gov.uk/prod_consum_dh/
groups/dh_digitalassets/@dh/@en/
documents/digitalasset/dh_4121583.pdf
HEALTH POLICY DEVELOPMENTS
The migration of Flemish
doctors to the Netherlands
Jos van den Heuvel, Jan De Maeseneer and Lud van der Velden
Summary: The cross border migration of Flemish general practitioners (GPs) to
the Netherlands was examined. In the recent past Belgium experienced a surplus
in GPs, while in the Netherlands a shortage was observed. Despite the
availability of potential incentives in respect of income and professional practice,
surprisingly very few Belgian GPs have moved to practices in the Netherlands.
Most probably considerations with regard to social-cultural factors are the most
important elements in individual decisions on whether or not to migrate.
Keywords: International Labour Migration, Health Care, General Practitioners,
Belgium, Netherlands
In the Netherlands, there was a shortage of
general practitioners (GPs) in the recent
past.1,2 By contrast, over the same period a
surplus was observed in the neighbouring
country of Belgium.3 As there are no
language barriers between the Netherlands
and Flanders (the Dutch speaking part of
Belgium) and no formal obstacles with
regard to the recognition of the professional qualifications, it would not have
been surprising if these conditions had
resulted in significant inward migration
flows of Flemish doctors to the Netherlands.
From the perspective of potential labour
migration within the European Union, it
is of interest to explore whether these
conditions did indeed lead to significant
migration. Therefore, a study was set up to
examine firstly, how many Flemish
doctors settled in general practice in the
Netherlands, and secondly, to determine if
it was possible to identify plausible explanations for these migration movements.
Jos van den Heuvel and Lud van der
Velden are researchers at NIVEL, the
Netherlands Institute for Health Services
Research, The Netherlands. Jan De
Maeseneer is Professor at Vakgroep
Huisartsgeneeskunde en Eerstelijnsgezondheidszorg, University of Ghent,
Belgium.
Methods
Data on the number of Flemish doctors
who have settled in the Netherlands were
obtained from the GP database of the
Netherlands Institute for Health Services
Research (NIVEL). This database provides
a complete picture of the work status of all
GPs in the Netherlands, from their initial
entry into the system until retirement.
This database was thus used to help
determine migration patterns of GPs
working in the Netherlands. Data from
Statistics Netherlands on population and
the number of contacts with GPs per
inhabitant were also used. Similar data on
the number of GPs, population and
number of GP contacts were also gathered
for Belgium as a whole, and Flanders in
particular, from the Belgian Federal
Organisation of Public Health Insurance,
RIZIV (Rijksinstituut voor Ziekte- en
Invaliditeits-Verzekering) and Statistics
Belgium. Furthermore, an examination
was made of relevant literature, while key
informants from both the Netherlands and
Belgium were interviewed in order to
obtain a more qualitative insight into
possible explanations for the migration
pattern observed.
Push and pull factors: selected drivers
and obstacles
Social and psychological conditions, as
well as professional opportunities, can
influence an individual’s decision to
migrate. In the scientific literature these
conditions are often called push and pull
factors.4 Not all commonly presented
factors have the same relevance within the
context of the Flemish/Dutch situation.
Several factors were considered most
pertinent and thus studied in more depth:
professional opportunities; working
conditions; income; educational opportunities and culture.
Professional opportunities
In general, professional opportunities
depend on the position within the health
care system, the workforce situation and
job responsibilities. In this regard, a
comparison between the two regions
yielded a number of findings. Firstly, the
most prominent difference between the
two countries is illustrated by the ‘gate
keeper’ function the Dutch GPs play in the
health care system, which is in contrast to
the position of their Flemish colleagues.
Referral by a GP to a specialist is required
for the coverage of specialist treatment in
the Netherlands, whereas in Belgium
patients are allowed to visit a specialist
without such a referral. Moreover, the
health insurance system in the Netherlands
requires the registration of patients with a
specific GP (patient-list), again something
that does not apply in Belgium. As a
consequence, Dutch GPs have a significantly stronger position as doctors of first
contact for patients.
12
Table 1: Key figures on GP and specialist care in the Netherlands, Belgium and Flanders
Netherlands
2005
Number of registered GPs
Number of professionally active GPs
Percentage of professionally active GPs
Belgium
Source
c
7,061
c
8,850
a
10,359
c
5,718
c
16,257
Mean number of GPs per 1.000 inhabitants
Source
14,050
74%
a
0.81
Number of inhabitants (in thousands)
2004
a
7,129
Mean number of FTE per GP
Source
10,061
88%
Number of full time equivalents (FTE) of GPs
2004
Flanders
7,655
81%
c
0.74
b
10,396
4,528
0.79
d
6,066
0.54
1
0.94
Mean number of inhabitants per GP
1,837
1,004
1,061
Mean number of inhabitants per FTE GP
2,280
1,358
1,340
Number of professionally active medical specialists (MSs)
Mean number of MSs per 1.000 inhabitants
Mean number of inhabitants per MS
Mean number of MS per GP
Mean number of contacts per year with a GP per inhabitant
Mean number of contacts per year per GP
14,283
a
Mean number of contacts per year per MS
c
8,561
0.88
1.64
1.41
1,138
610
709
1.61
1.65
1.5
3.6
b
6,613
Mean number of contacts per year with a MS per inhabitant
17,048
1.8
4.6
d
4,616
b
2,049
2.3
1,403
c
4.6
d
c
d
4,880
d
2.0
d
1,417
Sources:
a. NIVEL; b. Statistics Netherlands; c. RIZIV; d. Statistics Belgium.
The Netherlands has 5.4 GPs per 10,000
inhabitants (see Table 1). In Belgium there
are 10.0 GPs per 10,000 inhabitants, with
a similar supply of 9.4 GPs per 10,000
inhabitants in Flanders. Therefore, there
are almost twice as many GPs in both
Belgium and Flanders as in the Netherlands. However, for a more appropriate
comparison, working time equivalents
should be taken into account. Based on a
crude comparison, more GPs in Belgium
and Flanders seem to work on a part-time
basis than is seen in the Netherlands. The
average GP in the Netherlands works 0.81
of a Full Time Equivalent (FTE), while the
average Belgian GP works only about 0.74
FTE. This leads to an estimated 4.4 FTE
GPs and 7.4 FTE GPs per 10,000 inhabitants in the Netherlands and Belgium
respectively; which is still a remarkable 1.7
times more in Belgium compared to the
Netherlands.
13
Support from auxiliary health professionals also influences workforce capacity.
Working with a practice assistant allows
for the delegation of tasks, resulting in a
higher number of patients that a doctor can
care for. In the Netherlands, each GP has
roughly one practice assistant; in Belgium,
the use of such professionals is rare. Differences in the number of medical specialists
might also shed light on the difference in
the number of GPs. The number of
medical specialists per 1,000 inhabitants in
the Netherlands is low compared with the
situation seen in Belgium. As with GPs,
Belgium has almost twice as many medical
specialists. On the other hand, in the
Netherlands about 1,100 specialised
‘nursing home physicians’ provide care for
patients in nursing homes and similar institutions. This type of specialist does not
exist in Belgium where GPs must also
provide care for nursing home residents.
Regarding these differences, the way in
which the workforce is regulated should
be considered. In the Netherlands, the
number of GPs is regulated in two ways:
firstly, through a legally set ‘numerus fixus’
for undergraduate education; secondly, by
a limited number of positions for the postgraduate vocational education scheme. In
Flanders, by contrast, the only limitation
to the intake of undergraduate students is
an admission examination, which has only
been in existence since 1997. Moreover, it
was only in 2004 that any restrictions were
introduced on the number of positions
available in the postgraduate vocational
education scheme.
In general, no substantial differences
between the two countries exist regarding
job responsibilities of GPs. Consultation,
diagnosis, prevention, treatment, referral
to a specialist or allied health professional
and prescription of medicines are the
common elements of a position which is
crucial in the continuity of health care
provision.
Working conditions
In Belgium, most GPs work in singlehanded practices, without practice auxiliaries. In contrast, many Dutch GPs are
members of group-practices consisting not
only of several GPs, but also allied health
professionals and practice auxiliaries. The
benefits for these doctors of working in a
structured collaboration like grouppractice are less working hours per week
and working days per year.
Workloads are dependent on the number
of patients per GP and patient appeal to
the GP. The difference in the relative
number of GPs per 10,000 inhabitants
indicates that one GP in the Netherlands
has to deliver care to approximately 1,840
inhabitants. In Belgium this population to
GP ratio is 1,004:1 and in Flanders 1,061:1.
In addition, individuals in the Netherlands
on average visit a GP 3.6 times a year per
inhabitant. In Belgium and Flanders the
number of GP-contacts per inhabitant is
28% higher at 4.6 times a year. On average,
each GP has about 6,600 contacts with a
patient per year in the Netherlands,
compared with about 4,600 in Belgium and
4,900 in Flanders. So, compared to the
average Belgian or Flemish GP, Dutch GPs
have to deal with 43% or 36% more
contacts per year.
Time per contact also varies.5 In the
Netherlands, the average patient contact in
a GP practice lasts about ten minutes while
in Flanders, this is about 15 minutes.
Moreover in Belgium as a whole, 31% of
all contacts are house-calls, compared with
less than 10% of contacts in the Netherlands. This again will result in differences
in workload.
Income
data3
indicates that the
Recent OECD
average income of Dutch GPs was twice
the average of Belgian GPs in 2002:
€100,000 vs. €50,000. A number of caveats
must however be applied. First of all, the
definition of ‘GP’ is not the same in both
countries. In the Netherlands, the title of
‘huisarts’ (Dutch for GP) is legally
protected and allowed to be used only by
those doctors who have successfully
followed the post-graduate vocational
training scheme and who have been registered on the formal register for GPs. In
Belgium, however, the title of ‘general
physician’ can be used by all doctors who
have not finished formal specialist training.
In this sense, more than 17,000 Belgium
doctors are considered to be ’general
physicians’. However, the number of
professionally active GPs is less, at about
10,000, or 14,000 if we count those doctors
who are accredited GPs and perform at
least 1,250 patient contacts according to
the RIZIV. As a consequence, when
dividing the cost of GP care by 10,000
instead of 17,000, one arrives at a gross
average income for Belgian GPs that does
not differ much from that of their Dutch
counterparts. Secondly, the average income
figures for GPs in the OECD data reflect
the gross income of doctors. To fully
interpret these figures, differences in
taxation and post-retirement provisions
for doctors have to be taken into account,
in order to reach a judgement on actual
disposable income.
Continuing professional development
Continuing professional development
(CPD) is crucial in terms of quality
assurance in health care. Until recently, no
formal obligation for CPD existed for
Belgian GPs, but CPD contributed to
‘accreditation’ by health insurance
companies, including access to higher rates
fee-for-service. In 2006 some quality
criteria were introduced in order to retain
qualifications. In the Netherlands, the
system of a legally protected title is tied to
a system of periodical re-licensing. Practicing Dutch GPs can be re-licensed if they
can prove that they have been involved in
CPD activities above a certain minimum
level. Recently, the Belgian Minister of
Health approved legislation aiming to
develop a future system of mandatory
CPD activities for Belgian GPs.6
Culture
Flanders and the Netherlands are neighbouring geographical areas where the same
language is spoken. In this respect, from a
distance it may look as if both societies are
very similar. However, this is not really the
case. The general feeling in both countries
is that there are significant cultural differences which are reflected also in the overall
attitudes of doctors. The prevailing
attitude of Dutch physicians is aimed at
transparency in medical practice and
professional accountability: the science of
medicine, or in Dutch ‘geneeskunde’. This
is illustrated in the development of various
professional guidelines that are ‘evidence
based’.
These guidelines play not only an
important role in everyday practice, but
they are also commonly used as a
benchmark for ‘professional standards’.
Belgian doctors, on the other hand, while
naturally taking into account available
scientific evidence, tend to include more
‘soft’ considerations. In Belgium, medicine
is still considered more of an art, in French
expressed as ‘l’art de guérir’, or in Dutch
as ‘geneeskunst’. Potentially, this
difference in attitude could be a driver for
migration of doctors who feel more
attracted to the other approach.
In addition to these professional factors,
social differences can also play a very
important role. These can include educational opportunities for children, including
the quality of secondary education, labour
opportunities for partners and, last but not
least, family and friends.
Facts on cross border migration of GPs
between the two regions4
Before 1999, about two Belgian born (and
probably Flemish) GPs entered the Dutch
GP workforce each year. Compared to the
total inflow of GPs with foreign GP
training, these Belgian/Flemish GPs only
accounted for 7% of the total during this
period. Furthermore, compared to the
total inflow of some 250 GPs per year with
Dutch GP training, the Belgian/Flemish
inflow was almost negligible.
From 1999 until 2003, the inflow of
Flemish GPs was eleven per year, about
one quarter of all foreign trained GPs who
entered the Dutch workforce. Compared
to the total number of Dutch trained GPs
in this period (300 per year), the inflow
from Belgium remained marginal.
In 2004, only seven Flemish GPs entered
the Dutch GP workforce and in 2005 only
five. So, while the inflow was relatively
high in 2000, it has been declining in recent
years.
Interestingly, most GPs with foreign GP
training who entered the Dutch GP workforce are in fact Dutch born GPs who
went abroad for their vocational
education. This was due to the restrictions
on the number of vocational education
positions in the Netherlands. Most went to
Belgium and returned after a few years to
the Netherlands. A few went to England,
others to Germany.
The number of Dutch GPs who settle in
Belgium, is less than one per year. The total
number of GPs who are going to work
outside the Netherlands is about 5 per
year. They move worldwide, to work in
any country. From these data it can be
14
concluded that very few GPs migrated
between Flanders and the Netherlands
during the last decade. In general, Belgian
GPs do not tend to settle in practice
abroad frequently. Over the last decade on
average 15 GPs per year migrated to
France. The estimated numbers of migrant
GPs to Germany or the United Kingdom
were even smaller.
Shortage or surplus?
Based on the facts presented on the
available workforce and workload in
Belgium and the Netherlands, it is very
difficult to state objectively that in one
situation a shortage existed and in the
other a surplus. Waiting lists are often
mentioned as a yardstick for a shortage in
provision; unemployment for a surplus. It
should however be noted, that shortfalls
based on need can co-exist with the unemployment of health workers, due to local
market conditions.
In this survey, no structural problems with
regard to the accessibility of GP care in the
Netherlands, nor to the unemployment of
Belgian GPs, were observed. Therefore,
the question remains unanswered as to
whether the workforce mismatch in both
countries, as experienced by many individuals, reflected a real misbalance
between demand and supply for care.
Moreover, it can be stated that, methodologically, there are no gold standards for
assessing sufficiency of the workforce in
health care.7
Discussion and conclusions
The facts in respect of cross-border
migration of GPs between Flanders and
the Netherlands show that, despite potentially stimulating factors with regard to
income and professional practice, surprisingly very few Belgian GPs have settled in
the Netherlands. The small number of
migrants and the fact that no sound scientific explanatory model for migration
flows is available, do not allow for any
general conclusions on the reasons for
international migration between two
neighbouring countries.
Considering the potential drivers and
obstacles described in the literature, it can
be concluded that significant differences
between professional opportunities,
working conditions, income, educational
opportunities and cultural values, have not
stimulated many of the Flemish to go
abroad; even though ‘abroad’ is nearby and
no general obstacles, like foreign language
or the recognition of professional qualifi15
Box: Case study interviews
Two Flemish general practitioners shared their experiences to illustrate the individual dimensions of international labour migration. One doctor had migrated, the other had not, despite
previously planning to do so.
Belgian GP practising in the Netherlands; Dr A
At the end of the 1990s, Dr A was not happy in his GP practice in Flanders. Too little income,
too heavy a workload and the humble position of Flemish GPs within the health care system,
made him think of moving to the Netherlands. After a period of exploration of the opportunities
and disadvantages, including serious deliberations within his family, he became a GP in a
deprived area in one of the big cities in the Netherlands in 1999. After the decision to migrate,
he and his family had to go through a mountain of administrative procedures, not only with
regard to the recognition of his professional qualifications, but also with regard to practical
aspects of cross-border migration, like residence permits and insurance. Despite these
obstacles, the positive expectations for the future remained unbroken. Positive expectations of
a more challenging and more rewarding professional life overrode the insecurities of a professional and family life in an unfamiliar environment.
After seven years practicing in a non-native country, Dr A is able to state that his expectations
have been met. He feels really at home in the Dutch health care system, considering the position
of the GP and the organisation of GP care. In addition, he is very active in professional debates
on the changing scene of health care provision in the Netherlands.
Belgian GP not practising in the Netherlands; Dr B
In 1999 Dr B considered migrating to the Netherlands due to low income resulting from insufficient patient visits to his general practice in Flanders. At that time, meetings were organised
in Antwerp, the main city of Flanders, in order to recruit Flemish GPs to work in the Netherlands. Dr B attended one meeting. This was followed by visits to two locations in the Netherlands, where more GPs were needed and which were potentially interesting work environs. One
of these places was in the deprived area of a large city, the other in a small town close to the
Belgian border. Dr B was very much interested in this nearby town, but, so were some twenty
Dutch GPs. He considered his chances and the needs and desires of his family (a son with
severe disabilities, social environment, and housebound wife), and he decided to stay in
Belgium.
Dr B made the following general remark. The income differential between Belgian and Dutch
GPs, found in almost all international comparative studies, does not reflect the real difference
in disposable income. In his view disposable income during working life is about the same in
both countries due to differences in taxation. However, pension provisions in Belgium are very
poor and require additional payments during working life in order to achieve a reasonable
income post retirement.
cations played a role. It can also be
concluded that individual considerations
with regard to social-cultural conditions
are the most prominent in the process of
deciding whether or not to emigrate in
these two western European countries.
Consequently, the development of any
scientific model that might help to explain
objectively the reasons for individual
migration does not seem to be realistic; the
multitude of potential influences can have
quite different values for different individuals (See Box).
easy as that observed for more ‘technical’
disciplines such as anaesthesiology or
surgery.
In addition to the push and pull factors
described above, it might be the case that
for disciplines like ‘family medicine’ with a
high contextual ‘load’, migration is not as
2. Ontwikkeling capaciteit huisartsenzorg
[Development of GP Care Capacity],
2000–2004–2012. Capaciteitsorgaan, 2004.
REFERENCES
1. Van der Velden L, Hingstman L. The
supply of general practitioners in the
Netherlands. In: Wester FP, Jabaaij L,
Schellevis FG (eds). Morbidity,
Performance and Quality in Primary Care
– Dutch General Practice on Stage. Oxford,
Radcliffe Medical Publishing, 2006.
3. Simoens S, Hurst J. The Supply of
5. Deveugele M, Derese J, van den BrinkMuinen A, Bensing J, De Maeseneer J.
Consultation length in general practice:
cross sectional study in six European
countries. British Medical Journal
2002;325:472–77.
Physician Services in OECD Countries.
Paris: OECD, Working Paper 21, 2006.
4. Buchan J, Parkin T, Sochalski J. International Nurse Mobility: Trends and Policy
Implications. Geneva: Royal College of
Nursing/World Health Organization/
International Council of Nurses, 2003.
6. De Maeseneer J. Manpowerplanning in
de huisartsgeneeskunde in België: van
‘emotie’ naar ‘evidence’. [Manpowerplanning in family medicine in Belgium:
from ‘emotion’ towards ‘evidence’.
Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde 2006;62(22).
7. World Health Organization. The world
Health Report 2006 – Working Together
for Health. Geneva: WHO, 2006.
Seeking a better balance:
Developments in intergovernmental
relations in Italian health care
George France
Summary: Health care policymaking in Italy takes place at both central government
and regional levels. The latter have significant freedom on expenditure, but have
relied heavily on central funding. This asymmetry has caused accountability problems
manifested in chronic regional deficits. Deficit spending runs counter to the external
hard budget constraint – a condition of membership of the European Monetary
Union. Over the last seven years, central government has developed a two-pronged
strategy: use of central spending power and intergovernmental negotiation and
cooperation. Regions are offered financial help provided they respect conditions –
some extremely severe – on budgetary management and health service provision. The
conditions, negotiated between the State and the regions, are part of a series of
accords, bricks for the construction of a framework for intergovernmental cooperation. The strategy appears to be producing results, although it is too early to tell
if the structural problems causing the deficits will be amenable to rapid resolution.
Key Words: Italy; Health Care; Finance; Cooperation.
In elections held in Italy in June 2006, the
centre-left coalition headed by Romano
Prodi was victorious over Silvio
Berlusconi’s centre-right formation which
had governed Italy since 2001. The transfer
of power has been marked by some
changes in health care policy, but on the
whole there has been continuity. This may
come as a surprise given the gulf which
separates the two political groupings in
most policy areas. Continuity in health
George France is Senior Researcher,
Institute for the Study of Regionalism,
Federalism and Self-Government
(ISSiRFA), Italian National Research
Council, Rome.
policy, however, may be due to the
persistence of certain structural problems
in the Italian health care system.
Bipolarism in health policymaking
Italy has a constitutionally based system of
regionalism. There are twenty regions with
elected governors and legislative assemblies. Regional autonomy is most advanced
and visible in the health care sector where
responsibility is shared between central
government and the regions. The State is
responsible for setting health policy in
broad terms and for promoting and
protecting the national interest in health
care. This national interest takes concrete
form in the tax-financed National Health
Service (Servizio Sanitario Nazionale –
SSN) and in the national health care enti-
tlement (Livelli Essenziali di Assistenza –
LEA), that is services which are guaranteed
to all citizens regardless of place of residence. As a result of an amendment to the
Constitution in 2001, the State was
required to make sure that the LEA is
guaranteed to all citizens and to ensure, via
equalisation grants, that all regions have
the financial means to do this.
The constitutional jurisprudence has for
long held that the regions have virtually
complete autonomy in the organisation
and administration of the regional health
services. Until the early 1990s the regions
were mainly concerned with the detailed
design and implementation of centrally set
policies such as market oriented reforms,
public management, Diagnosis Related
16
Grouping (DRG) based hospital financing
and provider accreditation. More recently,
they have become more active policy
makers and less policy takers and have
been innovating across the entire health
policy sphere. For example, they have been
active in: setting guidelines and standards
(for the delivery of specific health services,
accreditation of centres for assisted reproductive therapy and transplant units, etc);
setting up programmes for immigrant
health care, improving the diets of school
children and women’s health, as well as
providing additional services not specified
in the LEA.
Groups of regions have agreed on procedures for regulating cross-border flows of
patients. Regions have also organised
schemes for centralised purchasing of
services and equipment and have experimented with complex accounting systems.
Finally, some regions are funding medical
and health services research. The constitutional amendment of 2001 then formalised
this autonomy which the regions had
begun to accumulate on an ad hoc basis
over the years. Health policymaking in
Italy has therefore two distinct loci – the
State and the region.
Asymmetry and the problem of regional
accountability
In contrast with the thrust of the regions
for power, the State in the second half of
the 1990s seemed to be gradually withdrawing from proactive health care policy
making with the important exception of
health care financing and expenditure
control.
The SSN has been plagued virtually from
its birth by a lack of regional accountability due to asymmetry between spending
and revenue raising responsibilities.
Taxation had been centralised in Italy in
1971; when the SSN was set up in 1978 it
was believed that the national interest in
health care required central financing. The
regions in consequence lacked any significant own-source revenues. At the same
time, constitutional limitations on central
intervention in the running of the SSN
meant that the State had very limited
influence over how the regions used their
grants. Inevitably, the regions failed to live
within the means provided to them and ran
up deficits. The State tried to contain
aggregate spending with a policy of deliberate under-financing, in the hope that
fiscal stress would induce the regions to
economise and rationalise their spending.
Instead, this tended to aggravate deficits.
17
Repeated measures to make the regions
responsible for their deficits foundered
because of their lack of revenue raising
powers. From the mid 1990s, the State
granted the regions important taxes, in
particular a ‘piggy-back’ tax on the
national personal income tax, a regional
business tax and a motor vehicle tax. A few
regions have become completely selfsufficient, but most still rely to some
degree on central financing, some very
heavily so. This in part reflects wide
disparities in regional tax bases: Using
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita
as an appropriate measure of regional tax
take, in the northern Lombardia region
this was 28% higher than the national
average, compared with the southern
region of Calabria where it was 35% lower
than the national average.
These differences in tax bases, combined in
some regions with weak administrative
and technical capacity and set in a context
of substantial regional autonomy, meant
that over time there was a growing divergence in the character of health care
available in the individual regions. The fear
was that the integrated SSN risked being
replaced by a loose-knit federation of
heterogeneous regional health systems,
placing in serious jeopardy the national
interest in health care. Moreover, year after
year, the regions continued to report
deficits, accumulating over time a
mountain of debt, some of this dating back
as far as 1994. Something had to be done.
afford per capita spending levels similar,
for example, to those in Germany, France
or the UK, unless it cuts expenditure elsewhere or increases tax levels. In addition,
as a condition of membership of the
European Monetary Union, Italy had to
undertake to maintain an overall balance in
the public budget and to substantially
reduce its public debt. Living with such a
hard budget constraint means rigorous
central planning of aggregate public expenditure levels; chronic divergence between
planned and actual spending cannot be
permitted, especially in a sector as large as
health care. Meantime, economic and
political considerations rule out the option
of increased national taxation.
Changing the balance
The need to impose a hard budget
constraint in public health care was all the
greater because of the approval by referendum of the constitutional amendment in
October 2001. This, among other things,
consolidated the autonomy of the regions
and placed an obligation on the State to
guarantee that the regions had sufficient
resources to deliver the LEA. The outcome
of the referendum had already been anticipated by the Berlusconi government
elected in May of that year. Foreseeing the
need for a re-adjustment in the intergovernmental balance of power, they
negotiated an accord with the regions
barely three months later.3
The external budget constraint
The irony is that, contrary to what the
chronic deficits in the SSN might suggest,
public spending on health care spending in
Italy was, and continues to be, relatively
low by international standards: 6.4% of
GDP in 2004 compared with the OECDEurope average of 6.6%. Expenditure per
head in 2004, at purchasing power parity,
was $1,828 compared with an OECDEuropean average of $1,942.1 The problem
lies elsewhere. Italy has built up a large
public debt over time, currently equivalent
to 107% of GDP. This has heavily
constrained spending options. To illustrate
the magnitude of this debt, if this could be
halved, €35 billion per annum in interest
payments could be avoided.2
This accord of 8 August 2001 provided for
central aid to the regions to help them
eliminate their accumulated deficits, but
only on condition that they demonstrated
concretely how they planned to avoid
future deficits, including resorting to
increased regional tax rates, patient copayments, property sales and steps to
reduce unnecessary and inappropriate care
and labour costs. An important innovation
was the imposition of rules on allocating
the blame between the State and the
regions for deficits and, therefore, responsibility for funding them. For example, a
distinction would be drawn between
increased expenditure due to a higher wage
bill as a results of nationally negotiated
labour contracts and new expenditure
stemming from regions providing services
not included in the LEA.
This opportunity costs of servicing the
public debt include foregone expenditure
on health care and other public services,
reduced investment in infrastructure and
limited scope to reduce taxes. It has meant
that for public health care Italy cannot
Seen in retrospect, the 2001 accord was a
watershed in intergovernmental relations
in health care. Cooperation replaced
confrontation. However, the accord on its
own proved insufficient to put a stop to
regional deficits. Over the period
2002–2005, a total deficit of €20,851
million was accumulated. Using the new
rules, almost 84% of this sum was attributable to the regions.4
On March 23 2005, another State-region
accord was signed under which, in return
for help in eliminating the deficits accumulated in the period 2001–2005 and any
remaining debt incurred before 2001, the
regions accepted considerably tougher
conditions.3 As with the 2001 accord, they
had to prepare detailed proposals for
balancing their future budgets, plus
describing how they intended to cover any
deficits that should occur. The regions had
also to agree to transmit detailed information to the central authorities on the
operation of their health services; this
information had to conform with definitions set by the New System for Health
Information (NSIS) operated by the
Ministry of Health. Additionally, they
were required to introduce in all facilities
detailed accounting systems based on cost
centres. Other conditions included action
being taken to rationalise the hospital
sector, in particular reducing the bed stock
and creating alternatives to inpatient care
such as day hospitals, ambulatory surgery,
domiciliary health care and extra-hospital
residential and semi-residential care.
Heavy emphasis was given to the need to
integrate these delivery options to secure
seamless care. State financial help in
tackling their budget imbalance would be
granted only after external appraisal of the
regions’ actions. 5% of the annual state
funding to a region to finance the LEA
entitlement would be withheld until the
central authorities were satisfied that the
conditions contained in the accord had
been met.
A survey of regional health policy in 20052006 found that the bulk of the regions
were trying hard to meet these conditions.5
In the closing months of the Berlusconi
government in 2006, the financial screws
were turned ever tighter on those regions
still running serious deficits. The bulk of
the deficits (64.4%) were run up by just
seven regions.4 Eligibility for state aid to
these regions was made dependent on their
preparing a Budgetary Balance Plan (Piano
di Rientro) which would serve as the basis
for a bilateral accord between the individual region and the State. This Plan had
to provide as precise an estimate as
possible of the region’s indebtedness,
calculated with the help of an Advisor
Bank nominated by the Ministry of the
Economy and Finance. Debt had to be
renegotiated with creditors; the State
helped to lighten the annual burden to a
region of debt repayment by making it a
long term loan repayable in thirty annual
instalments.
The Plan had to include measures aimed at
resolving the problem of structural budgetary imbalance, including further
increases in regional tax rates. These
measures were to be designed by each
region working closely with a team of
experts nominated by, and reporting
directly to, the Ministry of Economy and
Finance. In addition, each region was
expected to enter into a ‘partnership’ with
a region in budgetary balance, with a view
to facilitating the procurement of knowhow and experience. The seven regions
were subject to strict data reporting
requirements, continuous monitoring, as
well as quarterly and annual in-depth
appraisals. Regions receiving aid under
these terms were in effect under special
surveillance.
The Prodi government, which took office
in June 2006, continued this policy and set
itself the target of regional budgetary
balance by 2009. A State-region accord,
called A Pact for Health and signed in
September 2006, laid out the strategy to be
followed.6 The Prodi government
increased the resources going to the SSN
for fiscal years 2006 (via supplementary
funding) and 2007. The proportion of the
state grant to be retained until the central
authorities are satisfied that the conditions
have been met was however reduced to 3%
for 2007.
A Transition Fund has been set up to
provide additional aid to the regions with
serious deficits, provided of course they
meet the conditions included in the various
accords. Those running a deficit in 2006
equal to or more than 7% of planned
spending have been classed as “regions in
difficulty”. Three such regions accounted
for 75% of the total national deficit in 2006
(Lazio, where Rome is located, Campania,
including Naples, and Sicily), while
another four (Abruzzo, Molise, Liguria,
Sardinia) also meet the 7% criterion. The
State signed bilateral accords with five of
these regions in February 2007 and with
the remaining two in July.
Wielding the spending power
Central strategies to rein in regional
deficits have heavily conditioned regional
options on the financial plane. The seven
‘regions in difficulty’ are in such dire
financial straits that they have been
prepared to accept severe limitations on
their freedom of action. This exercise of
central spending power represents a
dramatic break with the period pre-2001
when state financing was granted virtually
unconditionally. Central grants had tended
to be seen as going to finance expenditure
considered to be essentially rigid in the
short to medium term. Moreover, these
grants were intended to help finance the
LEA which the State and regions were
constitutionally obliged to guarantee.
Finally, there was a tendency in Italy to see
regional autonomy as a situation whereby
there would be minimal central interference on how funds from the centre were
spent. This meant that central government
in Italy lacked the instruments to influence
regional policy in health care to any significant degree. Italy had differed here from
other countries with decentralised systems
of government, such as Australia, Canada
and the USA, where the federal governments have always made heavy use of the
power of the purse – spending power – to
condition the health policies of sub-central
governments.
Now, under the State-region accords
described above, the central government is
trying to do just this – use its spending
power to condition regional budgetary
policies. And it is going further. The
Berlusconi government saw a window of
opportunity and used the weakened
bargaining power of the regions stemming
from their precarious finances to impose
additional conditions aimed at influencing
regional policies on the provision of health
services. There seem to have been several
motivations for this. First, there was
concern that, with the imperative to
balance their budgets, the regions might
evade their constitutional obligation to
provide the LEA. Second, as noted earlier,
regional autonomy plus differences in tax
bases and administrative capacity risked
creating excessive geographical heterogeneity in the SSN and damaging the
national interest in health care. Third, the
central government may have been trying
to re-assert the constitutional power to set
the broad direction of health care policy
that had been placed in question by the
regions’ thrust for autonomy during the
1990s.
Thus, the 2005 accord required, as an additional condition for receiving supplementary funding and the 5% retention,
that the regions design programmes to
implement national plans for prevention,
training and revalidating SSN staff and
18
reducing waiting lists. Additional state
funding was available for this, provided the
regions also met part of the cost.
The regions have responded positively
here. For example, all regions had
announced measures to cut waiting lists by
March 20077 and most had published
strategies on prevention by the end of
2006.5 In addition, as already noted, the
2005 accord contained requirements
regarding the rationalisation of the hospital
sector and the integration of health care
delivery options. The regions continue to
have wide discretion in the design and
administration of programmes, but it is a
measure of the effectiveness of the centre’s
spending power that they have accepted
policy directives from the centre which
only a few years ago would have been
immediately contested in the Constitutional Court or possibly just ignored.
Another likely reason for regional
compliance is that the national strategies
have been negotiated by the State and
regions and included in the accords as
annexes.
The Prodi government has continued the
strategy of using central spending power
to influence health care service provision
by the regions. Regions are required to
submit to regular appraisals and monitoring by teams attached to the Ministry of
Health with the specific purpose of verifying that the regions are meeting their
LEA obligations.
Over and above requiring continued
regional action in the specific fields
targeted by the Berlusconi government,
the Prodi government has created an ad
hoc fund for the co-financing of projects
in other fields, for example women’s
health, rare diseases and spinal units.
The new government has also continued to
encourage intergovernmental cooperation
and has taken it further. It called for “a new
form of shared government” and urged a
“cooperative and consultative approach”.
One of its first initiatives was the presentation in Parliament in July 2006 of A New
Deal for Health [Un New Deal della
Salute].5 This strategy went beyond stateregional cooperation (addressed in the Pact
for Health) and covered all the stakeholders in the health care system. As part
of the New Deal, the Ministry of Health is
cooperating with other ministries in
investment programmes in health care in
southern Italy, financed in part with
European Union funds, and in initiatives
to promote population health. It has also
19
signed agreements for the promotion of
population health with voluntary associations, patient groups and consumer
organisations. Finally, it has set up a broad
swath of ministerial commissions and
working parties involving the health care
professions, with briefs to make recommendations regarding, for example, AIDS
policy, doping in sport, appropriateness of
medical prescriptions, pain therapy and
palliative care, immigrant health care, stem
cell research, women’s health and vaccination policy.8
Prospects
Continuity in national health care policy
since the early 2000s reflects the
persistence of imbalance in regional health
care budgets, particularly for the ‘regions
in difficulty’. It also derives from the
search for compatibility between the
pursuit of the national interest in health
care and strong regional autonomy.
Finally, continuity is the result of the need
for national government to respect the
hard external budget constraint accompanying membership of the European
Monetary Union.
An important development has been the
use of central spending power to influence
regional policies, but what may prove to
be equally significant is the emergence of a
form of ‘cooperative regionalism’. The two
are corollaries: the bitter pill for the
regions of the exercise of central spending
power may be made easier to swallow by
intergovernmental negotiation and cooperation in policy design and implementation. This would represent a break with
a past characterised by State-region
conflict and mutual incomprehension
regarding the adequacy of central funding.
The strategies developed over the past six
years may now be producing results. The
majority of the regions appear to have their
financial situation under control and the
‘regions in difficulty’ are under strict
surveillance. It remains to be seen if it is
possible to modify markedly the structural
factors contributing to large deficits, at
least within the short time frame set by the
Prodi government. It is also an open
question as to how long the ‘regions in
difficulty’, particularly those with lower
than average tax bases, can sustain the
higher than average tax levels which they
have had to include in their Budgetary
Balance Plans. The other side of the coin is
that some of the ‘virtuous’ regions which
have attained budgetary balance are
unhappy with the special treatment given
to the ‘regions in difficulty’ via the Transition Fund, complaining that this is tantamount to rewarding improvidence.
Further subsidies of this kind could be
opposed.
Using spending power to influence the
provision of health services may also be
problematical. The regions do seem to
have responded positively and are setting
up programmes to implement national
policies for prevention, waiting lists, integrated care processes, etc., but it is one
thing to prepare programmes, it is another
to implement them actively. It also remains
to be seen if these programmes will
produce the desired results, including
containing costs. In any case, it is
inevitable that there will be inter-regional
differences here. But at least central policymakers do seem to have learned, albeit
belatedly, a basic law governing policymaking in systems of decentralised
government. This is, if it is to attain its
goals, a central government needs the
cooperation of subcentral government just
as much as subcentral government need its
funding.
REFERENCES
1. Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development. Health
Data 2006. Paris: OECD, 2006.
2. Camera dei Deputati. Documento di
Programmazione Economico-Finanziaria
Relativo alla Manovra di Finanza Pubblica
per gli Anni 2008–2011. Rome: Camera dei
Deputati, 2007, p 7.
3. Available at ISSiRFA website (section La
Cooperazione Interistituzionale),
www.issirfa.cnr.it
4. Istituto di Studi e Analisi Economica.
Rapporto ISAE: Finanza Pubblica e
Istituzioni. Rome: Istituto di Studi e
Analisi Economica, 2007.
5. Camera dei Deputati. Rapporto 2007 sul
la Legislazione tra Stato, Regioni e Unione
Europea. Rome: Camera dei Deputati,
Osservatorio sulla Legislazione, 2007, Part
II, chapter 5.
6. Available at www.ministerosalute.it
7. Ministero della Salute. Riepilogo Piani
Regionali – Liste d’Attesa al 30 Marzo
2007. Rome: Ministero della Salute,
Dipartimento della Qualità, Ufficio III,
2007.
8. Ministero della Salute. Diario delle
Attività e delle Iniziative del Ministro
Livia Turco, Giugno 2006 – Maggio 2007.
Rome: Ministero della Salute, 2007.
Institutional and community
care for older people in Turkey
Ömer Saka and Nebibe Varol
Summary: Turkey still has a young population in respect to most other
European countries, although the proportion of the population comprising older
people is expected to increase in future years. This will necessitate a change in
the perception and provision of health and social care services. Current services
are already insufficient to meet the needs of the older population. The
government and other institutions in Turkey need to be ready to meet these
ever increasing needs and enhance the quality of existing services in order to
improve the health and living conditions of older people in the country.
Keywords: Institutional Care, Social Care, Older People, Turkey
International awareness of health issues
relating to ageing populations has been
increasing in recent years as populations
age. The rate of increase in population
growth in Turkey slowed from 1.41% to
1.26% between 2000 and 2005. During the
same period, the percentage of the population aged 65 years old and above
increased from 5.4% to 5.9% and is
expected to rise further to 7.75% by 20201
and to reach 17.6% by 2050.2 Older people
account for a even higher share of the
population in rural areas, 9% compared to
just 6% in urban settings.3 90% of all those
over 65 have to live with chronic health
problems. This ageing of the population,
coupled with a change in family structures
away from the extended family to the
smaller nuclear family will increase the
need for formal services for older people.4
Living arrangements for older people
While 65 years of age has traditionally
been seen as the beginning of old age in
many high income countries, individuals
above 60 have been defined as being of old
age in Turkey.5 This is also the cut-off
point for admission into residential long
term care facilities. In 2003, according to
one survey carried out by the State
Planning Agency (DPT), 63% of older
Omer Saka is based at the Division of
Health and Social Care Research, King’s
College London. Nebibe Varol is reading
for a PhD, LSE Health, London School of
people lived independently in their own
homes, 36% resided with their children
and just 1% lived with other relatives or
within a residential care facility.6
Although traditionally in Turkey, as in
many other Mediterranean countries, older
people in need have often lived with other
family members, the situation is beginning
to change. The demand for access to
formal care services has expanded due to a
myriad of factors. These include migration
by children from rural areas to urban areas;
the increase in the number of women in
employment; changing culture and
increasingly divergent values between
young and old generations; and social and
economic deprivation.7
Access to formal support services
The 1985 Law on Agency for Social
Services and Child Protection, set out the
conditions under which support and care
could be provided to various groups of the
population including older people,
children and people with disabilities.8
There are two principal types of support:
access to financial support and secondly
access to support services. Social security
benefits are available to clients of the
Retirement Fund (Emekli Sandigi), the
Social Insurance Association (SSK) and the
Social
Insurance
Association
for
Tradesmen and Craftsmen (BAG-KUR).
Since 1976, some provision has also existed
for “a monthly salary for indigent,
destitute and homeless Turkish citizens
over 65”.3
The largest single provider of social care
services for older people is the General
Directorate for Social Services and Child
Protection Agency (Sosyal Hizmetler ve
Çocuk Esirgeme Kurumu – SHCEK).
Operating nationwide, services include
residential care homes (‘huzurevleri’),
home-care services, day centres and rehabilitation services.3 Other service
providers include municipalities, voluntary
sector organisations (‘vakifs’) and the
private sector.
Publicly funded places in residential care
homes are primarily for those demonstrated to be destitute through an
assessment of means, rather than those
with severe health care needs.3 Indeed, to
gain admission an individual must be
healthy enough to undertake activities of
daily living independently, have no serious
disability or illness requiring continuous
medical care, no drug or alcohol abuse
problems and demonstrate social and/or
economic destitution through a social
analysis report.
As Table 1 indicates the size of residential
care home varies substantially, with more
than 20,000 beds available in total. As of
October 2007, SHCEK operated 69 homes
with 7,504 beds.9 There are no charges
levied on residents, who in addition have
all their health care needs, including
medications and access to prosthetics
covered. A further 25 homes with 4,432
beds are provided elsewhere by the public
sector. More than 7,000 beds are also
provided in 143 residential homes by other
20
Table 1: Residential care home places in Turkey
Residential care home service provider
Number of homes
SHCEK
Number of beds
69
7,504
6
2,442
Municipalities
19
1,990
Total public sector
94
11,936
Voluntary sector (including vakifs)
33
2,360
7
991
Private sector
103
4,478
Total voluntary and private sectors
143
7,829
Total
237
19,765
Other government ministries
Minority group organisations
Table 2: Membership of day (solidarity) centres in Turkey, October 20072
Day Centres
Men
Women
Total
Ankara Emek
31
174
205
2
2
4
Canakkale
23
163
186
Izmir Nebahat Dolman
79
375
454
Eskisehir
57
13
70
192
727
919
Ankara Mamak
Total Members
public and private sector organisations2
(See Table 1). Legislation on private homes
passed in 1997 states that individuals
accepted into private homes must be above
55 years of age and require institutional
care due to social and/or economic need.
Those in need of nursing and medical care
and without mental health problems may
be admitted to rehabilitation and care
centres. Those with little income, as well
as all who have been awarded state military
honours (‘Istiklal Madalyasi’), are
admitted free of charge. Everyone else
must pay a charge.10
Community day centres
Five community day centres for older
people (known locally as ‘solidarity
centres’) fall under the remit of legislation
enacted in 2001. The centres (including one
with just four participants) provide an
opportunity for mobile older people to
expand their social networks, enjoy entertainments and improve the use of their
leisure time; these activities, by reducing
social isolation, can help individuals
21
maintain psychological well-being and
stave off illness. The centres also provide
advice on health, psychological and social
needs. Older people also act as volunteers
in these centres helping their peers. There
is a need to expand both the number of
centres available, while also widening their
appeal within the male population as the
overwhelming majority of members are
women. Additionally, SHCEK runs one
day care centre for people with
Alzheimer’s Disease in order to provide
some respite to family carers, reduce the
risks of staying at home alone and avoid
overcrowding in nursing houses.11
In 1994, SHCEK started a project training
home-carers. Families whose older relatives are in need of care can accept help
from these carers after completion of
training. The project, which is carried out
by the Provincial Social Service
Management (Sosyal Hizmetler İl
Müdürlüğü) and implemented solely in
Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir is anticipated
to become widespread.
Challenges
The principal problem that older peoples’
services face today is the lack of institutional capacity, which is far below population need, as Tables 1 and 2 indicate. The
Ninth Development Plan aims to support
home-care services for older people and
improve both the capacity and quality of
residential care centres. It has been noted
that “inadequate conditions in these facilities and the incompetence of the staff are
the two foremost problems encountered”.7
Professor
Zerrin
Soylemez
from
Gaziantep University, who is currently
undertaking analysis of the situation in
Turkey, also notes that other important
issues include the lack of social and
cultural programmes to support the social
needs of residents of these institutions and
the absence of special programmes on
geriatrics at departments of nursing; these
are only to be found in departments of
psychiatry and public health.7
A study conducted in Izmir in the west of
the country, indicated that older people
living in a family environment had higher
levels of self-assessed quality of life
compared to those living in institutions.12
The study suggested that it was difficult
for health care services to meet the needs
of older people by building residential care
home or geriatric hospitals as in high
income countries. Another study in a semi
rural province concluded that living with
family members results in higher levels of
life satisfaction for older people.14 Given
the deficiencies in these institutions, home
care services have an important role to play
in resolving this problem. It is important
to encourage individuals to remain at
home by giving priority to organisations
such as ‘Care at Home’ and ‘Daytime Care
Homes’.
Another study analysed the situation faced
by older people using data on 1106 individuals aged 65 plus from the 1998 Turkey
Demographic and Health Survey.13
Socioeconomic variables relating to individual, household and community-level
factors were selected and the study then
looked at housing, heating, source of
drinking water and the type of toilet facilities, which are important factors
impacting on daily life. It reported that
87.5% of older people owned their own
homes, while the remaining 12.5% lived in
rented accommodation. 82.7% were using
stoves for heating, 45.8% lived in houses
with a pit or other type of toilet difficult to
use, 1% were using rivers/streams as a
source of drinking water, while 35.9%
were living in houses with earth or
wooden floors. When these figures and the
declining sensory and physical abilities of
older people are taken into account, it can
be safely assumed that the risk of hip fractures due to the physical danger of living
in such conditions can be very high.
Turkey needs to improve the living conditions and quality of housing to decrease
the risk of domestic hazards and improve
quality of life.
This study also suggested that 25.2% of
older people live in poverty without any
regular income. This situation is particularly acute in the rural areas of the country,
although it is complex because of cultural
factors such as the understatement of the
need for regular income, good food and
access to health care services. While the
government pays a quarterly salary to
older people over 65, this is insufficient to
meet needs. Despite free access to public
transportation, the majority of older
people in Turkey do not have access to
health and geriatric service; geriatrics
services in particular are scarce and
unevenly distributed across the country.14
Malnourishment and depression are also
significant problems. One recent study
suggested that up to 5.4% of older people
living alone, 2.4% in residential care homes
and 0.4% living with families could be
regarded as malnourished.15 In a much
older study from 1991, the prevalence of
depression, assessed using the Hamilton
Rating Scale was 35% (33% for men, 37%
for women) for the total population, 41%
(40% for men, 42% for women) for those
living in an institution and 29% (24% for
men, 33% for women) for those living at
home.16
Reflections
The increasing proportion of older people
in the population and their unmet need for
care and support is a challenge that Turkey,
a developing and changing society, now
must face. Living conditions and access to
health care are in need of revision and
improvement. As the Ninth Development
Plan indicated, policies to encourage and
support care for older people within their
own homes have to be adopted. Solutions
need to be adapted to account for differing
circumstances in rural and urban areas.
Both the capacity and the quality of the
residential care institutions have to be
improved. This must include those residences that cater for older people with
disabilities and chronic health problems.
The number of qualified personnel both
for social and health care has to be
increased. Preventive care services to
maintain physical and mental health and
advisory services on health and personal
care needs have to be developed. Projects
and programs to enable the social, cultural,
economic and political involvement of
older people should also be supported.7
Turkey also needs more research to map
and profile the older population, in order
to identify their expectations and service
needs and appropriate social policies. The
EU can also help in this respect. One such
research initiative now underway involves
the Contemporary Women and Youth
Foundation, Gaziantep University and
Gaziantep Social Services Directorate. This
international project is carried out with
partners in four other European countries
under the coordination of the Paritatische
Akademie in Germany.17 Entitled Competency Profile of Trainers for Domiciliary
Care of Older People, the project runs for
two years until October 2008 within the
scope of the EU Leonardo da Vinci
programme. Activities include data
collection on care; quality management
education for older person care and on
assessment of the need for education in this
area; and the organisation of a National
Conference in March 2008 in order to
discuss findings with social partners.
REFERENCES
1. Turkish Statistical Institute. Population
Statistics and Projections. Turkish Statistical
Institute: Ankara, 2007. Available at
http://www.turkstat.gov.tr
2. Social Security High Advisory
Commission. Dokuzuncu Kalkinma Plani
[Ninth Development Plan]. Ankara:
SSHAC, 2006. Available at
http://plan9.dpt.gov.tr/oik11_
sosyalguvenlik/sosyalgu.pdf
3. Research and Application Centre of
Women Issues (GUKAMER). Elderly care
in Turkey. Gaziantep: Gaziantep
University, 2006. Available at
www1.gantep.edu.tr/~gukamer/eng/
eldery.htm
4. Yavuz S. Changing Household and
Family Compositions in Turkey: A Demographic Evaluation for 1968–1998 Period.
Hacetteppe University: Ankara, 2004.
Available at http://www.sdergi.hacettepe.
edu.tr/sutaymakale.htm
5. SHCEK. Yaşliliğa Genel Bakiş Ankara:
SHCEK, 2006. Available at
http://www.shcek.gov.tr/hizmetler/yasli/
Yasliliga_Genel_Bakis.asp
6. Atalay B, Kontas YM, Beyazıt S,
Madenoglu K. Turk Aile Yapısı Araştırmas.
An Investigation of Turkish Family
Structure. Ankara: State Planning Agency
Publications,1992.
7. Soylemez Z. Elderly Care and Elderly
Structures in Turkey. Wuppertal: First
Transnational Conference, 2006. Available
at http://www1.gantep.edu.tr/~gukamer/
docs/Wup2.ppt#256,1,Elderly Care &
Elderly Structures in Turkey
8. Secretariat General for EU Affairs. EU
Accession Negotiations. Screening Chapter
23: Judiciary and Fundamental Rights.
Ankara: Secretariat General for EU Affairs,
2006.
9. SHECK. Yaşli bakim hizmetleri dairesi
başkanliğinin görev ve yetkileri [Services
for the care of older people] Ankara:
http://www.shcek.gov.tr/hizmetler/yasli/Y
asli_Bakim_Hizmetleri.asp
10. SHECK. Huzurevleri ile Huzurevleri
Yasli Bakim ve Rehabilitasyon Merkezleri
[Residential Care Homes and
Rehabilitation Service Centres]. Ankara:
SHCEK, 2006.
11. SHECK. Ümitköy huzurevi müdürlüğü
Alzheimer hastası yaşlılar gündüzlü bakım
merkezi [Day care centres for older people
with Alzheimer’s disease] Ankara:
http://www.shcek.gov.tr/hizmetler/yasli/
Alzheimer.asp
12. Ozer M. A study on the life satisfaction
of elderly individuals living in family
environment and nursing homes. Turkish
Journal of Geriatrics 2004;7(1):33–36.
13. Ayranci U, Ozdag N. Old age and its
related problems considered from an
elderly perspective in a group of Turkish
elderly. The Internet Journal of Geriatrics
and Gerontology 2005;2(1).
14. Senol Celink S, Celik Y. Ageing in
Turkey. Perspectives 2001;4. Available at
http://aabss.org/journal2001/Celik2001.
jmm.html
15. Bekaroğlu M, Uluutku N, Tanrıöver S,
Kırpınar I. Depression in an elderly
population in Turkey. Acta Psychiatrica
Scandinavica 1991;84(2):174–78.
16. Şanlıer N, Yabancı N. Mini nutritional
assessment in the elderly: living alone, with
family and nursing home in Turkey.
Nutrition & Food Science 2006;36(1):50–58.
17. Research and Application Centre of
Women Issues (GUKAMER). Gaziantep:
Gaziantep University, 2006. Basin
duyurusu. Available online at
http://www1.gantep.edu.tr/~gukamer/
2006.12.07.htm
22
Electronic Health Record
development in Austria
Theresa Philippi
The Electronic Health Record (EHR) or
Elektronische Gesundheitsakte (ELGA)
aims to integrate the various but isolated
systems of information technology (IT)
based health data management that exist in
Austria. The new ELGA, it is anticipated,
will help promote the implementation of
integrated care, in particular, through
enabling better cooperation between the
secondary/acute care sectors and the
primary/community care (extramural)
sectors.1
Currently, hospitals are the leaders in
information communication technology
(ICT) based data management and storage.
Some have already implemented local
EHR solutions allowing both individual
units within and clusters of hospitals to
gain access to specific health data. Doctors
are, however, more reluctant to use IT in
the management of patient data. The aim
now is to place all health care providers on
the same technological level playing field
through ELGA. Data will originate from
health care providers, as well as patients,
and will be stored at the individual health
care provider’s facilities or hospital.
The use of ELGA obviously should
increase the amount of information
available to doctors, patients, nurses and
pharmacists. At the same time the electronic health record will have an impact on
established forms of cooperation and
communication in the health care system.
The highest levels of data security and data
protection are indispensable preconditions
to successful implementation. Access to
data will thus be restricted to authorised
individuals. Initially these will include
health care providers working in hospitals,
as well as doctors, laboratory and pharmaTheresa Philippi is Deputy Programme
Manager of the task force implementing
electronic health records (Arge ELGA) in
Austria and also responsible for legal and
public affairs.
Email: [email protected] More
information in German at
http://www.arge-elga.at
23
cists. Nevertheless, being a strongly technology driven process, its introduction
might prompt some scepticism, for
instance in respect of data confidentiality
and privacy issues, as well as concerns
about a potential increase in bureaucracy
required to operate the new system.
Thus, a broad and in depth process of
information and communication with all
stakeholders has been an essential prerequisite to implementation. The dossier
Outlook on the first implementation phase
of ELGA in Austria was the subject of a
broad consultation process prior to
approval by the Federal Health
Commission in May 2007. Consequently,
representatives of the principal stakeholders, as well as legal and data protection
experts, have been integrated into the
subsequent creation of the ‘masterplan’ for
IT architecture completed in autumn 2007.
Further features of ELGA will be shaped
and implemented by six project teams,
consisting of the key representatives from
the principal players in the health system,
i.e. doctors, pharmacists, social care, social
security and the federal and regional
administrations. Additionally, an analysis
of the costs and benefits of the system will
be conducted.
IT-Architecture
The ELGA-IT-Architecture will be built
on an international framework of health
related IT-standards, the so-called ‘Integrating the Health Care Enterprise’ (IHE)
standards. The basic components of this
Architecture are set out in Box 1. Core
applications of the first implementation
phase consist of the electronic discharge
summary, e-Report laboratory, e-Report
radiology and an e-Medication tool.
The architecture also contains crucial
elements for data security. A special audit
layer allows for the full control of
retrievals, as well as the detection of abuse.
Another important tool is the so-called
‘Basic Patient Privacy Consent Register’
which is designed to allow for the opt-in
and opt-out of patients with regard to the
Box 1: Basic components of ELGA
Nationwide master patient index
Health service provider index
Document registry providing links to documents
Authorisation system
Internet portal providing high quality health
information as well as individual and secure
access to personal data
accessibility of their individual data.
Integrated care in a federal state
Austria’s constitution as a federal state,
consisting of nine provinces (Länder) and
a federal entity (Bund), provides a special
challenge when it comes to the implementation of this new EHR system. Legislative
competence is shared between the Bund
and the Länder, whereas the vast majority
of hospitals in Austria are run solely by the
Länder. Furthermore, although social
security is state funded it is organised independently. In this environment it is crucial
to create interfaces to facilitate integrated
care and encourage communication in
order to avoid redundant investments.
Consequently, the task force for the implementation of ELGA (Arge ELGA),
created in July 2006 consists of representatives from the Bund, Länder and social
security system. Step by step implementation of the new system is dependent on
regular consultation between all these
system partners, in addition to decisions
taken by the Federal Health Commission.
Legal matters
Implementation also has a number of legal
implications, first and foremost in respect
of privacy laws. Notwithstanding the
provisions of the Austrian Data Protection
Act, the EU Data Protection Directive
95/46 EC (most notably Articles 6 and 8)
is the principal instrument to comply
with.2 The challenge for legislators will be
to establish a balance between the right to
privacy and the right to patient information. Long established legal acts already
oblige doctors and hospitals to file patient
documentation. More recently, the Health
Telematics Act has provided rules on the
electronic exchange of health data and
respective information management.
Pharmaceutical pricing and
reimbursement in Romania
Initially under the new system electronic
health records will only be accessible to
authorised health professionals, thus
leading to impacts on relevant health
system legislation. One way of addressing
legal questions over patient identification
(which is also a precondition for data
protection) might be to take the data
processing rules of the E-Government Act
as a role model.
Irina Haivas and Bodgan Grigore
Potential for greater patient focus
The new ELGA clearly has much potential
to improve information for patients and
enhance patient empowerment. It is
destined to give doctors and patients faster
access to more and better quality information on their health status. With all
relevant data readily retrievable, delays can
be reduced and therapy commenced
earlier. Redundant checks which are often
burdensome for the patient (and at the
same time costly for the health system)
might be reduced or avoided.
Health care providers are also expected to
benefit from the comfort of the ‘full
picture’ of a patient’s condition, as well as
from higher quality communication with
their colleagues and improved data
management. In the long run, it is
envisaged that the patient will be able to
access his or her own record and feed data
into the system by means of a personalised
internet portal. Thus patient information
will be enhanced. In this regard, patient
groups have already been contacted by the
ELGA team in order to integrate their
needs in the design of ELGA’s functionalities as much as possible.
REFERENCES
1. Kodner D. Integrated care: meaning,
logic, applications and implications – a
discussion paper. International Journal of
Integrated Care 2002; Oct–Dec(2):e12.
2. Commission of the European
Communities. Working Document on the
processing of personal data relating to
health in electronic health records (EHR).
Brussels: Directorate General Justice,
Freedom and Security, 2007. Available at
http://ec.europa.eu/justice_home/fsj/privac
y/docs/wpdocs/2007/wp131_en.pdf
Overview of pharmaceutical funding
and expenditure
The Romanian health care system is based
on social health insurance, operating
through a single National Health
Insurance House (NHIH). Within the
framework of social health insurance, the
insuree benefits from access to medicines
listed in the Medicines List. In 2007, the
Romanian government allocated 4.2% of
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to health
care, the largest budget as a proportion of
GDP since 1990;1 80% of pharmaceutical
expenditure is funded by the NHIH.
However, per capita consumption is still
low, at an average of €75 per annum,
despite significant market growth of over
20% per year in recent years. The value of
the Romanian pharmaceutical market in
2006 was €1.55 billion, with prescription
medicines accounting for approximately
€1.3 billion.
Pharmaceutical pricing
Pricing decisions are taken separately from
reimbursement decisions. The National
Catalogue of Medicine Prices sets the
maximum retail prices, inclusive of VAT
for prescription medicines, both imported
and locally produced. The catalogue is
published by the Ministry of Health and
every three months updated and adjusted
for inflation. These updates are available
online free of charge.2
Prices for original medicines and generics
are set through an external reference
pricing mechanism, using the minimum
price from three selected countries (Czech
Republic, Bulgaria and Hungary). If data
from these three countries are lacking or
contradictory, Poland, Slovakia, Austria,
Belgium, Italy, Denmark and the UK are
then used.
Pharmaceutical reimbursement
Insurance coverage for medicines is based
on the National Medicines List. This is a
positive list compiled by a speciality technical committee called the Therapeutic
Strategy Committee and then subject to a
debate by a National Transparency
Committee which includes representatives
of NHIH. Finally, it is approved through
an official government decision. The Therapeutic Strategy Committee is formed
mostly of key opinion leaders in the
medical field, generally heads of Speciality
Committees. It also includes representatives of the NHIH, the Ministry of Health,
and observers from trade and industry.
The list is organised into three sublists
according to the level of reimbursement
and cost sharing: 90% reimbursement
(sublist A), 50% reimbursement (sublist B)
and 100% reimbursement (sublist C). The
latter includes medicines for ambulatory
care for a group of diseases (category C1);
medicines for patients included in national
health programmes for diabetes, cancer
and post-transplantation care (category
C2); and medicines for people aged 18 and
younger. Other groups covered include
students and apprentices aged 18–26 if
they have no income, as well as expectant
and new mothers.3
Bogdan Grigore is EU Affairs Advisor
(Pharmaceuticals), Romanian Ministry of
Public Health, Bucharest.
The level of reimbursement refers to the
cheapest medicine within a cluster of
medicines with the same International
Nonproprietary Name (INN), strength
and pharmaceutical form.3 The price is the
reference price from the National Catalogue of Medicines Prices. Patients have to
cover any additional costs if the medicine
used is not the cheapest in a cluster, or if it
is not fully reimbursed.
The current Medicines List has been
Irina Haivas was studying for an MSc in
International Health Policy, LSE Health,
Science.
24
Box: Criteria for the National Medicines List5
Inclusion criteria
1. New INN, with new therapeutic indication and a major clinical benefit.
2. Existing INN, with new therapeutic indication and a major clinical benefit.
3. INN with superior clinical efficacy compared to INNs in the same therapeutic cluster, as
demonstrated by controlled clinical trials.
4. INN with superior clinical safety compared to INNs in the same therapeutic cluster, according to
the data presented by the authorisation owner within the marketing authorisation process.
5. INN or associations of INNs, from the same therapeutic group, with the same therapeutic
indication as the existing products for a certain disease, if this brings a cost reduction (the cost
of a defined daily dose).
Non-inclusion criteria
1. INN not intended for outpatient treatment.
2. OTCs (over-the-counter medicines).
3. INN that brings no benefit, is not safer or cheaper than medicines already on the list.
Exclusion criteria
1. INN therapeutically obsolete.
2. INN for which the benefit/cost ratio (according to national pharmacovigilance regulations) has
changed in favour of risk.
3. INN that can be replaced with another approved medication with a better cost/efficacy based
on daily therapeutic dose.
inequalities widening over time; it may
also reduce competition between pharmacies. This threshold is often reached
before the end of the month, and thus no
pharmacy in any county may be able to
dispense medicines on a reimbursement
basis, even if a patient presents a
prescription for a medicine that would
normally be reimbursed.
While one possible reason for this is insufficient
pharmaceutical
expenditure,
another cause may relate to prescribing
practices. With a lack of incentives for
good prescribing practices, feedback from
prescribing doctors to the NHIH is
usually delayed for four to five weeks. A
strategy to implement a national information technology network has been
drafted with a goal to improve feedback
and efficiency in measuring prescribing
patterns.
Another issue is that the pharmaceutical
budget is distributed between local
agencies of NHIH (one for each county),
based on crude population levels, but
without using other resource allocation
formula or risk adjustment mechanisms.
Such adjustments may merit future consideration, alongside any increase in the
percentage of GDP allocated to health care
in general and pharmaceutical care in
particular.
4. INN that changed status to OTC medicine.
REFERENCES
5. INN with expired marketing authorisation.
produced in line with the World Health
Organization recommended process for
developing clinical practice guidelines and
the EU Transparency Directive. The law
states some broad general criteria
regarding inclusion, non-inclusion and
exclusion (See Box).4 Members of the
Therapeutic Strategy Committee are not
accountable for the economic or public
health impact of their decisions. Moreover,
the process of how the reimbursement
level is assigned to certain medicines is not
fully transparent to the public.
Furthermore, no health technology
assessment criteria are used for setting
price and reimbursement, although some
interest has been expressed in using these
in future.
There is no formal policy for generics, but
as patients usually choose the product that
allows the lowest level of cost-sharing,
medicines whose prices are closest to the
reference price are the most dispensed;
25
generic manufacturers try to get prices
close to, or below, the current reference
price. This helps to drive prices down.
Other issues
Pharmaceutical legislation in Romania
requires further development in terms of
complexity, transparency and clarity. A
new law for medicine pricing is expected
by the end of 2007. The Ministry of Health
expects this to lead to an overall decrease
in retail prices of 15%. Not all prices will
be modified by the same percentage and
some might increase, but the exact price
changes in each category are not yet
known. The law will increase the number
of countries used for reference pricing.
Each pharmacy is allocated a monthly
budget threshold and must only dispense
reimbursed medicines within this limit.
County Health Insurance Houses are
responsible for this budget allocation,
based on historic sales. This may lead to
1. Parlamentul Romanâniei. Meeting of
Commission for Health and Family.
Bucharest: Romanian Parliament, 26
October 2006. Available at www.cdep.ro/
comisii/sanatate/pdf/2006/sz102426.pdf.
2. Pharmaceutical Directorate, Romanian
Ministry of Public Health.
www.msf-dgf.ro
3. Government Ordinance No.1842/2006.
21 December 2006. Available at
http://www.cnas.ro/?id=223
4. Order of the Ministry of Public Health
No. 917 27 July 2006.
Evidence-based
health care
How Good Are We With Numbers?
Bandolier 103 featured a study that looked at literacy attainments in rheumatoid arthritis
patients. Literacy is especially important because these patients often have complicated
medication regimens. The study found that one patient in six would, at best, struggle with
patient education material, and one in twenty could not read prescription labels. We now
have some studies looking at numeracy, both in medical students and patients.
Table 1: Some definitions of health numeracy
Concept
Definition
Health
numeracy
The degree to which individuals have the capacity to
access, process, interpret, communicate, and act on
numerical, quantitative, graphical, biostatistical, and probabilistic health information needed to make effective health
decisions
Basic
numeracy
Computational
numeracy
Having sufficient skills to identify numbers, and to make
sense of quantitative data requiring no manipulation of
numbers. An example would be identifying the correct
number of pills to be taken, data and time of appointments,
using a phone book
The ability to count, quantify, compute, and otherwise use
simple manipulation of numbers, quantities, items, or visual
elements in a health context so as to function in everyday
situations. An example would be using nutritional labels
correctly
Analytical This involves the ability to make sense of information, as
numeracy well as higher functions like inference, estimation, proportions, percentages, frequencies, and equivalent situations.
Information may be from multiple sources, and an example
would be determining whether an analytical result was
within the normal range, or understanding graphs
Statistical
numeracy
An understanding of basic biostatistics involving probability statements, skills to compare different scales (probability, proportion, percent), to critically analyse quantitative
information like life expectancy or risk, and understanding
concepts like randomisation and blinding. An example
would be making choices between treatments based on
standard outcomes of relative or absolute risk
Bandolier is an online journal about evidence-based healthcare, written by
Oxford scientists. Articles can be accessed at www.jr2.ox.ac.uk/bandolier
This paper was first published in 2006. © Bandolier, 2006
26
First we need to have some understanding of what
is numeracy. The dictionary definition is one of
competence in mathematical skills to allow us to
cope with everyday life, but also includes understanding mathematical terms from graphs, charts, or
tables. Fortunately health numeracy has been
provided with a set of definitions.1
Various levels of health numeracy have been defined
(Table 1). The four levels start at the most basic,
with statistical numeracy being that degree of
numeracy that we would expect from most doctors,
and quite a lot of other health professionals.
Numeracy in medical students
One way of measuring numeracy is to ask a few
simple maths questions, and see how many correct
answers you get. It does not need to be an intensive
examination, and one set of questions used in
studies of medical students and patients is shown in
Table 2.2 Most of us would expect to get the right
answers to these three questions, on simple probability, and converting frequency to percentages and
back again. The level is that of basic and computational numeracy in Table 1.
These questions were answered by 62 first-year
medical students at the University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill Medical School who
attended a risk-communication seminar. Most
students answered all three questions correctly, but
5% (1 in 20) answered only one or none correctly
(Figure 1).
Students were also given information about
treatment choices, with results presented in different
ways (relative risk reduction, absolute risk
reduction, number needed to treat, and a combination). Most students (90%) correctly stated which
drug worked better (comparative answer), but only
61% could work out the quantitative answer. For
both, there was a strong relationship with being able
to answer the simple maths questions correctly
(Figure 2).
Table 2: Three simple questions to test numeracy
Question
Calculation
Correct answer
Imagine that we flip a coin 1000 times.
1000 x 0.5
500
1/100
10/1000
What is your best guess about how many times the coin would
come up heads?
In the lottery, the chance of winning a prize is 1%.
What is your best guess about how many people would win a
prize if 1000 people each buy a single ticket to the lottery?
= X/1000
In the publishing sweepstake, the chances of winning a car is 1
in 1000.
1/1000
0.10%
= X/100
What percent of tickets to the sweepstake wins a car?
Figure 1: Numeracy as measured in medical students and patients
only 40–60% were able to determine
which of two treatments was better, but
fewer than 20% (1 in 5) were able to work
out the quantitative difference.
Comments
There is not a huge literature on numeracy,
but it is likely to be important, and at least
as important as literacy. For instance, a
single observational study4 showed that
patients older than 50 years attending anticoagulation management units had significantly poorer control of INR when they
had low numeracy skills, while low
literacy made no difference.
But numeracy and literacy have to be
taken together. A detailed paper too
difficult to précis5 asked professionals and
public about ways of expressing results
relating to prenatal diagnosis and chromosome abnormalities. There were huge
differences in the way people responded to
the same information. For instance, when
asked which of 5% or 1 in 20 sounded
bigger, 81% thought 1 in 20 sounded
bigger. That paper is certainly worth a read
for anyone teaching communication skills.
The bottom line, though, is that on limited
information, we can identify that many
patients and some professionals have problems with numbers. That puts even more
heat on trying to explain those numbers in
ways that people can understand.
REFERENCES
Figure 2: Students' interpretation of quantitative information according to their correct
answers to numeracy questions
1. Golbeck AL, Ahlers-Schmidt CR,
Paschal AM, Dismuke SE. A definition
and operational framework for health
numeracy. American Journal of
Preventive Medicine 2005;29:375–76.
2. Sheridan SL, Pignone M. Numeracy
and the medical student's ability to
interpret data. Effective Clinical Practice
2002;5:35–40.
3. Sheridan SL, Pignone M, Lewis CL. A
randomized comparison of patients'
understanding of number needed to treat
and other common risk reduction
formats. Journal of General Internal
Medicine 2003;18:884–92.
4. Estrada CA, Martin-Hryniewicz M,
Peek BT, Collins C, Byrd JC. Literacy
and numeracy skills and anticoagulant
control. American Journal of Medical
Science 2004;328:88–93.
Numeracy in patients
The same research group performed the
same tests in 257 patients aged 50 to 80
years attending for health care at an
internal medicine clinic.3 The results for
numeracy are in Figure 1, and show that
most patients could answer only one
(30%) or no (41%) numeracy questions
correctly. It was also true that whatever
way information was presented to them,
5. Abramsky L, Fletcher O. Interpreting
information: what is said, what is heard –
a questionnaire study of health
professionals and members of the public.
Prenatal Diagnosis 2002;22:1188–94.
27
Risk in
Perspective
THE COST OF IMPROVING HEALTH BY REDUCING
EMISSIONS FROM PUBLIC TRANSIT BUSES
Joshua T Cohen, James K Hammitt and Jonathan I Levy
Improvement of outdoor air
quality is a key priority for
both the federal
government and local
regulatory agencies
This article is reproduced with
permission and was first published
as Risk in Perspective Volume 11,
Issue 4 by the Harvard Center for
Risk Analysis in October 2003.
Harvard Center for Risk Analysis,
Harvard School of Public Health,
718 Huntington Avenue,
Boston, Massachusetts, USA.
The full series is available at
www.hcra.harvard.edu
28
Introduction
Because improvement of outdoor air quality
is a key priority for both the federal
government and for some local regulatory
agencies, standards limiting tail-pipe emissions by motor vehicles in general and urban
transit buses in particular are steadily
becoming more stringent.
To address regulatory and public concern over
emissions, transit agencies across the United
States have been investigating the effectiveness
and feasibility of alternative propulsion
systems for these vehicles. Alternative
propulsion systems represent various changes
to engine design, fuel, and exhaust treatment.
In this issue of Risk in Perspective, we discuss
a recent Harvard Center for Risk Analysis
(HCRA) study that evaluates two of the most
common alternative technologies now in use
for urban transit buses – emission controlled
diesel (ECD) and compressed natural gas
(CNG). For each of these technologies, we
quantify both the health benefits and resource
costs. We find that CNG has a modest edge
over ECD in terms of its health benefits.
However, CNG comes at a substantial cost
relative to ECD. The complete study
appeared in the April 15, 2003 issue of Environmental Science and Technology. Our
analysis draws on a wide range of information
in the scientific literature, and was guided by
input from an advisory panel that included
members from academia, industry, and public
transit agencies.
Alternative propulsion technologies
evaluated
We consider a scenario in which a hypothetical transit agency purchasing new buses
can choose among three propulsion technologies – conventional diesel (CD), ECD,
and CNG. We estimate the health benefits of
ECD and CNG by comparing the morbidity
and mortality impacts of their emissions to the
morbidity and mortality impacts of CD emis-
sions. In particular, we estimate how much
opting for ECD or CNG instead of CD
would reduce the number of quality adjusted
life years (QALYs) lost as the result of operating a fleet of 1,000 buses, with each bus travelling an average of 40,000 miles annually. We
estimate the additional resource costs for each
alternative technology relative to CD,
including the cost of vehicle procurement,
infrastructure improvements, and operations
(fuel and maintenance). Emissions from all
three types of buses contribute to global
climate change, and we include the resulting
damages as another monetary cost. Dividing
the incremental cost by the incremental
QALYs saved yields the cost-effectiveness
(CE) ratio. A low CE ratio (fewer dollars
spent per QALY saved) is more favourable
than a high CE ratio (more dollars spent per
QALY saved).
We define the ECD technology as a new
conventional diesel bus equipped with both an
oxidising catalyst and a continuously regenerating diesel particulate filter (DPF). A DPF
traps particles and uses exhaust gases to
oxidise and eliminate the material. To prevent
fouling of the DPF, ECD vehicles require fuel
with lower sulphur content than conventional
diesel fuel. The DPF also requires annual
cleaning to remove built-up ash.
CNG burns cleaner than diesel fuel. Because
it is a vapour at ambient temperature, CNG
must be compressed to around 3,000 pounds
per square inch (psi) to carry sufficient quantities onboard, requiring stronger fuel tanks.
Compression also requires additional energy
and special equipment. Storage, fuelling, and
maintenance facilities must be equipped with
special ventilation and detection equipment to
minimise the risk of an explosion if there is a
gas leak.
Buses relying on other propulsion technologies could also be considered, including
electric buses, hybrid buses that have electric
RISK IN PERSPECTIVE
power trains and small fossil fuel engines,
hydrogen fuel-cell vehicles (which
generate electricity from hydrogen
without producing harmful combustion
byproducts), and more advanced diesel
technologies that address other emission
components. We chose to compare only
the ECD and CNG technologies, for two
related reasons. First, these are the most
common alternative technologies used by
transit authorities. For example, CNG
vehicles represent around 60% of all alternative fuel transit buses purchased and
New York City has plans to equip 3,500
vehicles in its diesel fleet with DPFs.
Second, because these technologies are the
most common, they are the only technologies for which adequate performance
data are available.
Because the values of many of the parameters in our analysis are uncertain, we
estimate how best case and worst case
values for these parameters influence our
results. We also estimate how risk may
change across the US due to geographic
variation in factors such as population
density and atmospheric chemistry.
Health effects and emissions
Our analysis accounts for the health effects
associated with emissions of particulate
matter (PM), nitrogen oxides (NOx), and
sulphur dioxide (SO2). PM is thought to
substantially increase mortality due to
cardiopulmonary factors. In addition, EPA
and other regulatory agencies judge that
diesel PM may contribute to lung cancer,
whereas it is widely assumed that CNG
PM does not. Although these assumptions
are both controversial, we accept both for
this analysis, biasing our results in favour
of CNG.
NOx is important to health because of the
chemical reactions it undergoes after
leaving the tailpipe. First, NOx can
become a ‘secondary particulate’ when it is
converted to nitrate and combined with
ammonium, thus adding to PM exposure.
Second, when it reacts with volatile
organic compounds (VOCs) in the
presence of sunlight, NOx generates
ground-level ozone, a contributor to
smog. Ozone may contribute to mortality
and to the incidence of asthma. Like NOx,
SO2 also contributes to the formation of
secondary PM.
Our analysis takes into account both emissions associated with vehicle operation and
emissions generated by ‘upstream’ activities – i.e., the extraction, production, and
distribution of fuel. For PM, NOx, and
29
Figure 1: Annual QALYs lost due to emissions from a fleet of 1,000 buses
SO2, up stream emissions are for the most
part far smaller than corresponding emissions from vehicle operation.
Compared with CD, both ECD and CNG
reduce PM emissions by approximately
three-fourths. For NOx, CNG reduces
aggregate emissions by around one-third,
while ECD does not reduce NOx emissions at all. ECD reduces SO2 emissions to
a greater extent than does CNG, but the
baseline emissions are so small that the
contribution of SO2 to baseline health
risks is limited.
Taking all the emissions and their health
impacts into account, our central estimates
are that a fleet of 1,000 new CD buses
would result in a loss of 16 QALYs each
year. Accounting for uncertainty underlying this calculation, we estimate that this
loss might be as little as 0.1 QALYs (best
case bounding assumptions) or as much as
85 QALYs (worst case bounding assumptions). Replacing these buses with 1,000
ECD buses would reduce this loss by 6.3
QALYs annually (range: 0 to 41 QALYs),
and replacing them with 1,000 CNG buses
would reduce the loss by 8.6 QALYs
annually (range: 0.01 to 65 QALYs).
Figure 1 summarises these results.
Resource costs
For each bus, the annualised incremental
cost for ECD relative to CD is $1,700
(range: $1,300 to $2,100). The major
components of that difference are the
amortised cost of equipping the vehicle
with the diesel particulate filter and the
added cost of ultra-low sulphur fuel.
Maintenance of the filter contributes a
small amount as well.
The annualised incremental cost for each
CNG bus is substantially higher than for
ECD, ranging from $15,300 in areas with
low land costs (range: $4,800 to $26,000)
to $20,500 in areas with high land costs
(range: $5,800 to $36,000). Land costs
significantly affect overall CNG costs
because of the need to provide adequate
ventilation of storage, fuelling, and maintenance facilities. Transit authorities can
address ventilation requirements by
building single-story facilities, which can
take up substantial amounts of land. Alternatively, they can build multi-story structures to reduce land requirements, but
must include more sophisticated ventilation equipment. In low-cost areas, where
land is readily available, we estimate the
amortised incremental cost for infrastructure to be $950 per bus. In high-cost
areas, the corresponding annualised
estimate is $6,200.
In addition, CNG buses themselves are
more expensive because of the complexity
of the fuel tanks and onboard fuel-distribution system. Amortising these costs
yields an annualised increment of $2,800.
Further, based on the experience of large
transit agencies, we conclude that CNG’s
operating costs are higher than CD.
Although CNG fuel is less expensive than
diesel (per unit energy content), the lower
efficiency of CNG engines means that the
annual fuel cost for CNG is around $3,200
higher than for CD. Data from New York
City suggest that the annual maintenance
cost for each CNG bus is $6,000 higher
than for each CD bus. (Some transit
agencies have reported that maintenance
costs decreased when they purchased
CNG vehicles. However, inspection
reveals that these agencies were comparing
new CNG buses to old diesel buses, or
that they reported maintenance costs net
of those covered under warranty.)
RISK IN PERSPECTIVE
Figure 2: Annual health damages and incremental costs for a fleet of 1,000 buses*
*Bubble area is proportional to QALYs lost for each technology. Cost for CNG ($15
million per year) is for areas with low land costs. For areas with high land costs, the
annual incremental cost is $21 million.
Finally, the CNG fuelling infrastructure
(natural gas compressors) must be maintained, adding another $2,300 in costs
annually per bus.
Both ECD and CNG generate more
greenhouse gas emissions than do CD
vehicles. The incremental monetised
damage associated with CNG ($200 per
year) exceeds the corresponding figure for
ECD ($30 per year), but these increments
are very small compared with the acquisition, infrastructure, and operational costs
for these technologies.
Cost effectiveness
Compared with CD, we estimate that
ECD improves health and reduces
mortality at a cost of $270,000 for each
QALY saved. For CNG, the corresponding cost is $1.7 million per QALY in
an area with low land acquisition costs and
$2.4 million per QALY in an area with
high land acquisition costs. Directly
comparing the two alternatives we
considered, the incremental cost effectiveness of CNG relative to ECD is estimated as $5.8 million (low land cost) to
$8.4 million (high land cost).
Because of uncertainty about the appropriate values of many of the parameters in
our analysis, the ranges of plausible values
for the ECD and CNG CE ratios are wide.
For ECD, the cost per QALY saved may
be as small as $30,000 or infinite (i.e., no
health benefits per incremental dollar
invested). For CNG, the CE ratio ranges
from $70,000 to $2 billion per QALY
saved in low land cost areas, and from
$90,000 to $3 billion in high land cost
areas. We also find that the CE ratios
depend on local atmospheric conditions
and population patterns, factors that affect
population exposure to air pollution.
Conceivably, the gains of both ECD and
CNG may both be too small to justify
their costs. Alternatively, it is possible that
even though the reduction in health
damages achieved by CNG is more
expensive than the reduction achieved by
ECD, this saving of 2.3 QALYs per year
may be worth the added annual cost of $13
million (low land cost areas) to $19 million
(high land cost areas).
One way to address this issue is to compare
these technologies with other investments
that improve public health. Doing so
suggests that both ECD and CNG are
expensive. QALYs can be saved at a lower
cost by investments in the medical
prevention of coronary heart disease and
cancer, reduction of motor-vehicle injury
trauma and fatalities, and the prevention of
infectious disease. However, CE ratios for
public-health investments often differ
substantially across domains. For example,
an analysis conducted by HCRA in the
1990s found that the median cost per
QALY saved for regulations considered by
different agencies were much higher for
EPA ($7.6 million) than for several other
agencies: Federal Aviation Administration
($23,000), National Highway Traffic Safety
($78,000), Occupational Safety and Health
Administration ($88,000), Consumer
Product Safety Commission ($68,000).
Interestingly, two issues that garner
substantial attention – the effect of diesel
exhaust on lung cancer and the contribution of emissions to climate change contribute little to our quantitative estimates. When measured in terms of lost
QALYs, the impact of lung cancer, even if
it is caused by diesel exhaust, is far less
than the impact of PM on the cardiopulmonary mortality rate. As mentioned
above, the estimated monetary value of the
incremental effect of ECD and CNG on
climate change is small compared with
their other costs. Hence, our conclusions
are not affected by these factors, no matter
what plausible assumptions we choose.
When compared within the domain of
other clean-air policies, investments in
ECD and CNG do not look as expensive.
For example, results from another HCRA
analysis suggest that controls on stationary
air-pollution sources (for example., power
plants) save lives at a cost ranging from
tens of thousands to a million dollars per
life year. Mobile source controls (for
example, motor vehicles) cost from tens of
thousands to four million dollars per life
year saved. For ECD, the return per dollar
invested falls within both of these ranges,
while the return for CNG falls within the
range of CE ratios for mobile-source
programs only, and is towards the high end
of this range.
Discussion
As illustrated in Figure 2, the reduction in
health damages afforded by CNG
compared with ECD is modest and comes
at a substantial increase in resource costs.
However,
while
cost-effectiveness
provides an indication of the relative efficiency of investing in either of these technologies to improve health, it does not by
itself indicate which investment, if either,
is desirable in an absolute sense.
Of course, economic efficiency is not the
only issue that a transit agency must
consider in choosing among alternative
propulsion technologies. There are
aesthetic considerations (diesel buses are
often said to be noisy and to generate a
strong, unpleasant odour), and safety
issues (CNG can explode, while diesel fuel
can cause environmental damage if a spill
occurs). Moreover, although aggregate
population risks may be small, individual
impacts may be comparatively large for
30
RISK IN PERSPECTIVE
those who live or work near locations
where buses operate. It must also be kept
in mind that our results are imprecise, as
indicated by the wide range of plausible
results described earlier.
Nonetheless, cost is an important issue.
Spending more for each new alternative
technology bus may delay the process of
replacing older, dirtier buses if a transit
agency's budget is limited. Alternatively,
if the number of buses to be purchased is
fixed, a more expensive technology drives
up the purchase price, potentially taking
resources from other investments. For
example, spending may be reduced for
other mass transportation priorities, such
as improving or extending service. A
model developed for the American Public
Transportation Association suggests that
such reductions depress public transit
ridership, as people tend to switch to
private vehicles in response to a decrease
in the quality of public transit service.
Increased use of private vehicles increases
congestion and air pollution and offsets
intended gains.
The increased use of private vehicles is one
potential “adverse side effect” of spending
on alternative-technology buses. Understanding whether this and other side
effects offset the benefit of investing in
cleaner buses depends on quantifying the
technology’s costs and benefits, which is
the goal of the type of analysis described
in this issue of Risk in Perspective. While
there are other factors that influence such
decisions, consideration of economic efficiency – the health return per dollar
invested – is an important part of the
discussion.
ADDITIONAL READING
Cambridge Systematics Inc. and
Economic Development Research Group.
Public Transportation and the Nation’s
Economy: A Quantitative Analysis of
Public Transportation’s Economic Impact.
Underwritten by the American Public
Transit Association, 1999. Available at:
http://www.edrgroup.com/
pages/pdf/Public-Transport.pdf.
Cohen JT, Hammitt JK, Levy JI. Fuels
for urban transit buses: a cost-effectiveness analysis. Environmental Science
and Technology 2003;37:1477–84.
US Environmental Protection Agency
(EPA). Regulatory Impact Analysis:
Control of Emissions of Air Pollution
from Highway Heavy-duty Engines.
EPA420-R-00-010. Office of Air and
Radiation, 2000.
31
Book Review
Screening: Evidence and Practice
Angela Raffle and JA Muir Gray
Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2007
ISBN 978-019921449-5
Paperback, 336 Pages, £24.95
This is very good book with some outstanding chapters. The approach to the
problem of screening is novel and differs from that of many other authors in
this field reflecting their background. Raffle is a practising public health
physician, who has had responsibility for cervical cancer screening in the
Bristol area for many years. Muir Gray, also a public health physician, has
been Programme Director of the UK National Screening Committee for the
past eleven years.
Raffle exemplifies the characteristics of what public health physicians should
do. With her responsibilities for screening services in a large community in
South-West England, she has analysed the necessary characteristics for the
delivery of quality public health services, undertaken the required measures
and been active in the communication of these. Muir Gray brings to the topic
wide knowledge and appreciation of the national policy perspective.
Praise for this work is not limited to this review. Apart from the foreword, by
the English Chief Medical Officer, there are three endorsements from eminent
individuals in Australia, the Netherlands and the USA – a novel initiative.
The first chapter is intended to give a brief historical account of how
screening began. This concentrates on the history of periodic health examinations. This, perhaps, is the only major reservation I have of this book. The
importance of screening for tuberculosis, and mass miniature radiography, is
neglected. A pity – because screening services for disease may not be only
considered in the improvement of health, but also for health protection and
quarantine. This concentration on chronic conditions such as cancer and
cardiovascular disease means that consideration of the issues of screening for
infective conditions such as tuberculosis and HIV are omitted.
Subsequent chapters consider the definition of screening and basic principles,
what it does, including the measurement of test performance, how screening
needs to be implemented, necessary measures for quality control, as well as
the management of screening. Perhaps the best, and most novel chapter, is the
last, which examines in detail the way in which screening policy is formulated
at national and local levels. This chapter examines in detail the various
pressures such as ethics, values and beliefs as well as the use of evidence. This
chapter has general applicability to all health policy making, not only
screening, and illustrates the authors’ experiences at national, regional and
local levels.
Each chapter is illuminated by case examples as well as tests that the reader
may take to determine his/her appreciation of the chapter. The illustrative
examples do not stop at description of medical/technical matters but also
illustrate legal issues. This book is of particular relevance to public health
practitioners responsible for the design and delivery of screening services but
should also be read by all those involved in decisions on pubic health services.
Review by Walter Holland, Emeritus Professor of Public Health, LSE Health,
London School of Economics and Political Science
NEW PUBLICATIONS
Eurohealth aims to provide information on new publications that may be of
interest to readers. Contact Philipa Mladovsky at [email protected] if you
wish to submit a publication for potential inclusion in a future issue.
Joint Report on Social Protection and
Social Inclusion: Social inclusion,
pensions, healthcare and long term care
European Commission, DirectorateGeneral for Employment, Social Affairs and
Equal Opportunities Unit E2 (2007)
Freely available at:
http://ec.europa.eu/employment_social/soci
al_inclusion/docs/2006/joint_report_en.pdf
418 pages
ISBN 978-92-79-05561-4
Inequalities in health in Scotland:
What are they and what can we do
about them?
Sally Macintyre
Occasional Paper Number 17, October
2007, MRC Social and Public Health
Sciences Unit
16 pages
Freely available online at:
http://www.sphsu.mrc.ac.uk/files/File/
reports/OP017.pdf
32
The report provides a broad overview of
social protection and inclusion in the
EU, drawing on the material provided by
Member States in their National Reports
on Social Protection and Social Inclusion,
as well as analysis provided by independent experts and a set of common
indicators reporting trends.
The document is divided into two parts.
The first relates to the common objectives for promoting social cohesion and
ensuring effective interplay between the
Open Method of Coordination and the
EU’s Lisbon and Sustainable Development Strategies. It begins with an
analysis of the economic and demographic context in which measures to
combat poverty and exclusion and to
ensure the adequacy, quality and sustainability of social welfare are being implemented. It goes on to examine the social
situation across the fields of social
inclusion, pensions, health and long-term
care; the health dimension looking at the
The report outlines key facts about
socio-economic inequalities in health in
Scotland, presenting mortality and
morbidity data by socioeconomic group.
It goes on to highlight policy issues, such
as distinguishing between upstream and
downstream interventions, the importance of multisectoral interventions and
area based approaches. The report also
reviews evidence on the effectiveness of
policies aiming to reduce health inequalities, pointing out that disadvantaged
groups tend to be harder to reach and
find it harder to change behaviour.
Summarising lessons learnt from research
on how best to reduce inequalities in
health, the paper recommends putting a
high priority on changes in the physical
and social environment (for example,
building and planning regulations, fiscal
policies, and reducing price barriers to
health-promoting goods and services),
rather than information-based campaigns
or interventions which require people to
opt in. The report ends by arguing that
because targeting the already advantaged
indicators of levels of health across the
Union and at health care spending, health
status and inequalities.
The second half systematically examines
the current systems and policy strategies
relating to social inclusion, health, longterm care and pensions of the 27 Member
States. It particularly explores how
Member States set out to address
inequalities in access to the resources,
rights and services needed for full
participation in society.
Contents:
Key messages
Supporting document: scope and outline
of the report
Part one: quantitative analysis
Part two: thematic analysis
Annexes: country profiles
may produce more aggregate health gain,
value judgments may have to be made
about the relative priority to be given to
creating aggregate health gain as
compared to reducing inequalities.
Contents:
Inequalities in health in Scotland: what
are they and what can we do about them?
What are inequalities in health, and what
causes them?
Social gradients in health and health risks
Policy issues and principles
What do we know about what works to
reduce inequalities in health?
What do we know about what is likely to
reduce inequalities in health?
Possibly competing goals
Appendix 1: chronology of selected
reports and actions on inequalities in
health in the UK
References
WEBwatch
The health programme of the
Portuguese Presidency of the EU
http://www.eu2007.min-saude.pt/PUE/
en/conteudos/programa+da+saude/
presidencys.htm
International Society for
Pharmacoeconomics and
Outcomes Research (ISPOR)
http://www.ispor.org
The European Health Management
Association (EHMA)
http://www.ehma.org
Association Internationale de la
Mutualité (AIM)
http://www.aim-mutual.org
The BBVA Foundation
http://w3.grupobbva.com/TLFB/TLFB
index.htm
The Robert Koch Institute (RKI)
http://www.rki.de/EN/Home/
homepage__node.html
33
Please contact Philipa Mladovsky at
[email protected] to suggest websites
for potential inclusion in future issues.
This website contains information on Portuguese Presidency initiatives in the field of health.
It provides information on meetings, publications, technical initiatives, news, reports and
other documents, as well as links to other Presidency websites. It also features a newsletter
and a calendar of events. The website is available in Portuguese and English.
ISPOR promotes the science of pharmacoeconomics and outcomes research (the scientific
discipline that evaluates the effect of health care interventions on patient wellbeing,
including clinical outcomes, economic outcomes and patient-reported outcomes) and aims
to facilitate the translation of this research into useful information for health care decision
makers. The English language website provides information on meetings, publications,
research and educational courses, as well as information on job opportunities in the pharmaceutical sector.
EHMA is a network of health organisations throughout Europe. Its objective is to improve
health through better management, partly through advocacy with the European
Commission on behalf of members, and partly by providing services on their website.
These include: news and events; a monthly bulletin on health-related news; briefings on EU
health policy; advice on EU funding opportunities; and publications on EU health policy.
Some services are available to members only, but the remainder of the English language
website is available to non-members.
AIM provides information on developments in the field of social protection and health care
at European and international levels. The website contains information on the members of
AIM as well as position papers, a programme of events, reports and links on topics related to
social protection and health care. It is available in English, French and German.
The BBVA Foundation undertakes and commissions research in the social sciences,
biomedicine and the environment, with priority being given to key challenges and opportunities faced in the new millennium. The website provides access to detailed information on
programmes, including one on biomedicines, health and the health care system and another
on demographic change, the family and social integration. Both provide information on
current and completed projects and publications. The Foundation also has a working paper
series, many of which are on health-related issues. All working papers as well as a regular
newsletter are freely downloadable. The website is available in Spanish and English.
The Robert Koch Institute serves the German Federal Ministry of Health as a central scientific institution in the field of biomedicine. Its tasks include protection against infectious
diseases, analysis of the health situation in Germany and safety assessment of genetic engineering methods and products. The English language web pages contain selected items from
its German language site and are being continually expanded. A few reports are downloadable in English, but it mostly provides English language abstracts and summaries of
German language reports and research projects.
MONITOR
EUROPEAN MONITOR
News
New EC Health Strategy
launched
On 23 October the European
Commission adopted a new
health strategy, ‘Together for
Health: A Strategic Approach
for the EU 2008–2013’. Building
on current work, this strategy
aims to provide, for the first
time, an overarching strategic
framework spanning core issues
in health, as well as in health in
all policies and global health
issues. The strategy aims to set
clear objectives to guide future
work on health at the European
level, and to put in place an
implementation mechanism to
achieve those objectives,
working in partnership with
Member States.
The strategy focuses on four
principles and three strategic
themes for improving health in
the EU. The principles include:
– taking a value-driven
approach,
– recognising the links between
health and economic prosperity,
– integrating health in all
policies, and
– strengthening the EU’s voice
in global health.
The strategy notes that the EC’s
important role in health policy
has been reaffirmed in the
Reform Treaty agreed by EU
Heads of State and Government
in Lisbon on 19 October 2007,
which proposes to reinforce the
political importance of health.
Press releases and
other suggested
information for
future inclusion
can be e-mailed to
the editor
David McDaid
[email protected]
A new overall aim on
supporting citizens’ wellbeing is
expected, as well as an encouragement of cooperation
amongst Member States on
health and health services. Work
on health at Community level
adds value to Member States’
actions, particularly in the area
of the promotion of quality, and
the launch of a number of
health-related agencies.
However, there are several
growing challenges to the health
of the population which require
a new strategic approach.
The three strategic themes
include demographic changes
and population ageing, which
the Strategy notes are “changing
disease patterns and putting
pressure on the sustainability of
EU health systems. Supporting
healthy ageing means both
promoting health throughout
the lifespan, aiming to prevent
health problems and disabilities
from an early age, and tackling
inequities in health linked to
social, economic and environmental factors.” Proposed
actions include measures to
promote the health of older
people and the workforce and
actions on children’s and young
people’s health, as well as development and delivery of actions
(in partnership with Member
States) on tobacco, nutrition,
alcohol, mental health and other
broader environmental and
socioeconomic factors affecting
health. New guidelines on
cancer screening and a communication on European action in
the field of rare diseases are
planned by the Commission,
while there will also be a follow
up of the Communication on
organ donation and transplantation.
Major threats to health
including pandemics, major
physical and biological incidents, bioterrorism and climate
change are another area of
concern. A core part of the
Community’s role in health is to
coordinate and respond rapidly
to health threats globally and to
enhance the EC’s and third
countries’ capacities to do so.
Actions will strengthen mechanisms for surveillance and
response to health threats,
including a review of the remit
of the European Centre for
Disease Prevention and Control
and examination of the health
implications of adaptation to
climate change.
A third overarching theme is to
support what the Commission
calls ‘dynamic health systems
and new technologies’.
Proposed actions include
support for Member States in
managing innovation in health
systems and in the implementation and interoperability of ehealth solutions. The Strategy
also calls for a Communitywide framework for safe, high
quality and efficient health
services, noting that “new
technologies must be evaluated
properly, including for costeffectiveness and equity, and
health professionals’ training
and capacity implications must
be considered. New and unfamiliar technologies can generate
ethical concerns, and issues of
citizen’s trust and confidence
must be addressed.”
The White Paper and other
background documentation are
available at http://ec.europa.eu/
health/ph_overview/strategy/
health_strategy_en.htm
Health Programme 2008–2013
With a budget of €321.5 million,
the Second Programme of
Community Action in the Field
of Health 2008–2013 will come
into force from 1 January 2008.
This follows on from the first
programme (2003–2008) which
financed over 300 projects and
other actions. There are three
principle objectives: to improve
citizen’s health security; to
promote health, including the
reduction of health inequalities;
and to generate and disseminate
health information and
knowledge.
In terms of health security,
proposed actions include developing strategies and mechanisms
for preventing, exchanging
information, on and responding
to health threats from communicable and non-communicable
diseases, as well as health threats
from physical, chemical or
biological sources, including
deliberate release acts; taking
action to ensure high-quality
diagnostic cooperation between
Member States’ laboratories;
supporting existing laboratories
carrying out work with relevance to the Community; and
working on the establishment of
34
MONITOR
a network of Community reference
laboratories.
In terms of promoting the safety of
citizens, measures will include help to
enhance the safety and quality of organs
and substances of human origin, blood,
and blood derivatives; and then
promoting their availability, traceability
and accessibility for medical use, while
respecting Member States’ responsibilities as set out in Article 152(5) of the
Treaty.
To promote health, action will be taken
on health determinants such as nutrition,
alcohol, tobacco and drug consumption,
as well as social and environmental
determinants. There will be measures on
the prevention of major diseases of
particular significance in view of the
overall burden of diseases in the
Community, and on rare diseases, where
Community action, by tackling their
determinants, can provide significant
added value to national efforts; reducing
health inequalities across the EU; and
actions to increase healthy life years and
promote healthy ageing.
Actions to foster dissemination and
knowledge exchange will include further
development of a sustainable health
monitoring system with mechanisms for
the collection of comparable data and
information, with appropriate
indicators.
The text of the decisions adopted jointly
by the European Parliament and the
Council of the European Union can be
viewed at http://eur-lex.europa.eu/
LexUriServ/site/en/oj/2007/l_301/l_301
20071120en00030013.pdf
Commission thinking ahead on health
challenges
DG Health and Consumer Protection
has published a ‘Future Challenges
paper: 2009–2014’. This paper provides a
‘draft vision’ of the main challenges that
we may face under the lifespan of the
next Commission. It is built on the
views of many Health and Consumer
Protection officials and the input of a
number of external experts.
Four drivers of change were identified
(governance, consumer confidence,
globalisation and changing society) and
the scenarios were developed on the
basis of uncertainties linked to these
drivers. These scenarios were used
during internal workshops held between
January and May 2007. Questions raised
35
during these workshops included issues
concerned with nanotechnologies,
consumer behaviour, ethical
consumption and health equity. The
results of the workshops were then used
to draft the ‘Future Challenges’ paper.
Issues that the paper flags up include:
will consumers have confidence in what
we purchase in a supermarket? Will
consumers be increasingly looking for
ethical or local products? Will citizens
live longer and healthier? Will
consumers spend even more time on the
internet looking for information or
making a purchase? What are the
different future scenarios? What does it
mean for us? How should we prepare
ourselves pro-actively?
The paper is now being widely circulated
inside the Commission and externally
and comments may be sent by the end of
December to [email protected]
The Future Challenges Paper can be
downloaded at
http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/health_consumer
/events/future_challenges_paper.pdf
Musculoskeletal disorders still the most
widespread work-related diseases
Musculoskeletal disorders (MSDs)
remain the most common work-related
diseases, according to a new comparative
report ‘Managing Musculoskeletal
Disorders’ published by the European
Foundation for Living and Working
Conditions’ European Working
Conditions Observatory (EWCO). The
results, which constitute the first
secondary study based on the
Foundation’s fourth European Working
Conditions Survey, were presented to
European social policy-makers at a highlevel conference, under the auspices of
the Portuguese EU Presidency, in
Lisbon on 11–12 October 2007.
MSDs, like backache or muscular pain of
the shoulders, neck or limbs, are the
most often reported symptoms of workrelated ill health. The report found that
MSDs were associated with strenuous
working conditions and physical strain,
such as tiring and painful working positions, repetitive movements, carrying
heavy loads and poorly designed workstations. Work intensification and stress
lead to increased occurrences of MSDs.
Surprisingly, job rotation and team
working are also associated with a higher
incidence of MSDs. Lean production
models require workers to perform
repetitive tasks at a higher work pace,
resulting in a higher prevalence of
MSDs. Enhanced autonomy over
working methods, work pace and choice
of breaks is associated with a reduction
of MSDs. The risk is lowered where
there is training provided by employers
and consultation about working conditions and about organisational factors.
MSDs are differently defined in different
Member States, making it tricky to
investigate their prevalence or to
establish Europe-wide trends. Some
definitions refer to body parts, like
WRULD (work-related upper limb
disorders), while others refer to causes,
like RSI (repetitive strain injuries).
Moreover, there is a lack of homogeneous data or standards in monitoring
MSDs. Relatively few countries report
on the direct costs of MSDs, like sick
leave and disability benefits, or indirect
costs like lost productivity. The study
outlines good practice of interest to
policy-makers, employers and workers
alike.
The report and more information on the
high-level conference are available on
www.eurofound.europa.eu
European countries adopt milestone
declaration on tuberculosis
In Berlin on October 22 over 300 delegates at the WHO European Ministerial
Forum ‘All against Tuberculosis’ adopted
the Berlin Declaration on Tuberculosis,
which describes the disease as “an
increasing threat to health security in the
WHO European Region”. The Declaration calls for urgent action to halt and
reverse the high levels of tuberculosis
(TB), including its man-made multidrug-resistant (MDR) and extensively
drug-resistant (XDR) strains. In the
Declaration, Member States and international partners commit themselves to
providing more political support and
resources to control and eventually eliminate the disease.
In 2005, there were 445, 000 new cases of
TB and 66,000 TB-related deaths in the
Region. Of the fifty three countries in
the Region, eighteen have a high TB
burden and thus are of high priority for
TB control: Armenia, Azerbaijan,
Belarus, Bulgaria, Estonia, Georgia,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia,
Lithuania, the Republic of Moldova,
Romania, the Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Ukraine
and Uzbekistan. The disease is not
MONITOR
confined to one part of the Region: even
in some countries with a relatively low
burden there has been a reversal of the
previous decline. Moreover TB is the
most prevalent cause of illness and death
in people living with HIV/AIDS in the
Region, and few countries address
TB/HIV co-infection in a comprehensive way.
The Forum, which sought to place TB
control higher on public health agendas,
attracted health ministers and high-level
decision-makers from forty-nine of the
fifty-three Member States in the WHO
European Region, along with representatives from other United Nations
bodies, intergovernmental agencies and
nongovernmental organisations
(NGOs). The agenda of the Forum
addressed current challenges facing
health systems in responding to TB and
achieving Target Eight of Millennium
Development Goal (MDG) Six: to have
halted and begun to reverse the
incidence of TB by 2015.
At present, the European Region is the
only WHO region other than Africa
where TB rates are declining too slowly
to reach Target Eight. The Declaration
sets out several directions to speed up
action, mainly relating to each country’s
responsibility to strengthen political
will, public health and social services
systems, human resource capacity, TB
surveillance and monitoring and intersectoral collaboration, and to the need
for a Region-wide approach to control
the disease, which respects no borders.
Allocating more funding from appropriate multilateral mechanisms at the
global and European levels is also
important.
While recognising previous achievements, the Declaration calls for more
action in specific areas. Some actions,
such as investing in and strengthening
health systems for better TB control,
form part of a Region-wide commitment
for the first time. Others are well
known: applying the high-quality
directly observed treatment, shortcourse (DOTS) strategy launched by
WHO in 1995; addressing MDR-,
XDR- and HIV-related TB, removing
stigma and promoting research into new
diagnostic methods and tools, drugs and
vaccines.
A mechanism involving the European
Union, other organisations, civil society,
communities and private sector will be
put in place to ensure that the Declaration is implemented efficiently and
promptly. Progress will be assessed at
the regional level every second year,
starting in 2009.
The process of developing the Declaration took over a year. The WHO
Regional Office for Europe consulted
countries and partners in devising and
revising drafts. The consultation in The
Hague, Netherlands on 6 July 2007 was
organised in collaboration with the
KNCV Tuberculosis Foundation.
Speaking about the Declaration, Dr
Marc Danzon, WHO Regional Director
for Europe, said “will this Declaration
make a difference to the more than
445,000 TB patients in the WHO
European Region? It will if governments
carry out the decisions made in Berlin.
And we in WHO are committed to
helping with programmes that target
areas where we have something
substantial to contribute and where we
can make a difference. The good news is
that many of the challenges that have
been pointed out in Berlin can be tackled
with good political will and
commitment. The reason we called this
Forum was to draw attention to TB
problems that health systems in our
Member States have to face so that
governments can do something about
them.”
Dr Jorge Sampaio, the United Nations
Secretary-General’s Special Envoy to
Stop TB and former President of
Portugal, added that “European
ministers are today demonstrating their
commitment to fighting TB through
their participation in this forum. This
event is an important step towards
greater international partnership and
coordination.”
On behalf of the host country, German
Federal Minister of Health, Ulla Schmidt
stressed that the “successful fight against
TB is always rooted on two levels:
medical progress and support by public
health policy; one is unthinkable
without the other. Germany has already
bundled TB-related activities for World
TB Day this year in March, and run a
TB symposium. Today’s Ministerial
Forum in Berlin gives the political signal
for an enhanced fight against TB.”
More information on the Ministerial
Forum can be found at
http://www.euro.who.int/tuberculosis/
TBForum/20070621_1
EU and US harmonise ‘orphan drugs’
approval procedures
The European Commission, the
European Medicines Agency (EMEA)
and the United States Food and Drug
Administration (FDA) adopted on 26
November 2007 a common application
form for drug developers seeking
approval for orphan medicines on both
sides of the Atlantic. Both drug administrations will, however, continue
conducting independent reviews to
ensure compliance with their respective
scientific requirements.
Rare diseases are defined as those
affecting fewer than five in 10,000 people
in the EU and fewer than 200,000 people
in the USA. Companies are reluctant to
spend their resources on the development of drugs for such rare conditions, as they expect relatively low
profits from sales and, in some cases, a
financial loss, when the costs of research
and development of these drugs are
taken into account.
Some thirty million EU residents and
twenty five million Americans suffer
from more than six thousand rare
diseases. Realising that some potentially
promising orphan medicinal products
for rare diseases would not be
developed, the Orphan Drug Act was
enacted in the USA in 1983 and the
European Union adopted its Regulation
on Orphan Medicinal Products in 1999.
These legal frameworks aim to provide
regulatory and financial incentives, such
as protocol assistance, and marketing
exclusivity, to sponsors to develop and
market orphan medicinal products.
To be eligible for receiving orphan
incentives, sponsors of orphan medicines
have had to submit separate applications
for orphan designation to the EMEA
and to the FDA using different
submission formats to satisfy the
respective regulatory requirements.
These different formats have imposed an
additional burden on sponsors. Hence,
the parties have agreed to harmonise the
application form to simplify part of the
orphan medicines designation process.
This common application format will
now allow sponsors to apply to both
jurisdictions at the same time with one
application. A common format will also
establish a favourable environment for
the EMEA and FDA to share common
experiences and gain an understanding
of the similarities and differences of the
36
MONITOR
process of obtaining orphan designation
in the two regulatory systems.
The common application form contains
a section for common information
required by both the EMEA and the
FDA. It also has sections for requirements unique to each agency. A sponsor
who wants to submit an orphan designation application to EMEA alone may
also use this form. The EMEA and the
FDA will still conduct independent
reviews of such submissions to assure
the data submitted meet the legal and
scientific requirements of their
respective jurisdictions.
This initiative follows an agreement
made in June 2007 between the
Commission, EMEA and FDA to
expand transatlantic regulatory cooperation on several issues to reduce
unnecessary differences in regulations
and associated costs for industry and
consumers.
The European biotech industry has
welcomed the common application form
for orphan drugs and awaits further
transatlantic harmonisation in the field.
Another twenty eight areas for simplification in the approval and marketing
authorisation of medicines were
presented to EU and US authorities by
the industry during a transatlantic
workshop on administrative simplification in medicines regulation on 28
November 2007.
The common application form is
available at http://ec.europa.eu/
enterprise/pharmaceuticals/orphanmp/
doc/annex2_application-form.pdf
Countries start negotiating a European
charter on health systems
Experts met in Bled, Slovenia on 19–20
November 2007 to discuss how people’s
increasingly complex health needs
require a change in the balance of
professional and patient involvement in
care. The meeting also provided a forum
for discussing a European charter on
health systems, currently under development by Member States in the WHO
European Region. Its objective is to
provide guidance and a strategic
framework for strengthening health
systems throughout the Region. This
process is led by a charter-drafting group
of experts from Member States.
As people live longer and can be treated
for long-term conditions, but are
exposed to modern lifestyle risk factors,
37
the burden of disease that health systems
must tackle has changed. Diseases
including heart disease, diabetes and
asthma, some mental disorders, cancer,
certain disabilities and impairments, as
well as some communicable diseases
such as HIV/AIDS, require management
over a period of years or decades.
Today health systems that have traditionally dealt with people’s acute, shortterm health needs must change and adapt
to this new reality. As managing chronic
disease is not about cure but enhancing
quality of life and minimising symptoms
long term, patients should clearly take
an active role in managing their illness.
“Patient empowerment is vital for health
systems to be responsive and adapt to
people’s needs. Yet we must also ensure
that the weakest in society, indeed those
who so often require health care most,
are not left behind. WHO is committed
to helping countries find effective ways
of providing professional care and
improving information and selfmanagement for all patients. I hope that
these early discussions on a European
charter on health systems will lead in the
right direction,” said Dr Marc Danzon,
WHO Regional Director for Europe.
Countries increasingly recognise that
addressing diseases early reduces the
pressure on health systems. This shifts
the focus from treatment to prevention,
which also has economic repercussions.
In the United Kingdom, for example, it
has been estimated that the financial
needs for health care projected for 2022
will differ by €50 million, depending on
whether the health of the population
improves according to the most optimistic or pessimistic estimates.
The experts meeting in Bled also
considered strategies that ensure the
coordination and continuity of care,
both of which are central to ensuring the
cost-effective and responsive delivery of
services. The meeting emphasised the
role of integrating health system services
in cancer control, and also learnt from
work under way, in preparation for the
Slovenian presidency of the European
Union in 2008, on fighting against
cancer in Europe.
The findings from the meeting will also
contribute to the agenda of the WHO
European Ministerial Conference on
Health Systems: ‘Health Systems, Health
and Wealth’, to be held in Tallinn,
Estonia, in June 2008. The charter is also
expected to be submitted for adoption
by Member States at the Conference in
Tallinn.
Further information on the Tallinn
Conference is available at
http://www.euro.who.int/
healthsystems2008
ECJ NEWS
Commission refers Finland to the
European Court of Justice a second time
over tobacco for oral use
On 24 October the European
Commission decided to refer Finland to
the European Court of Justice (ECJ) for
a second time for failing to comply with
an earlier judgement by the European
Court of Justice on 18 May 2006
concerning tobacco for oral use in the
Åland Islands, an area of Finland which
enjoys extensive autonomy over most
issues, including health matters.
The Court’s judgment in this case
(C-343/05) confirmed Finland’s failure
to comply with Article 8 of Directive
2001/37/EC on the manufacture, presentation and sale of tobacco products,
which prohibits the placing of tobacco
for oral use on the market. This includes
“all products for oral use, except those
intended to be smoked or chewed, made
wholly or partly of tobacco” and
includes ‘snus’ – a form of moist snuff
used in the Åland Islands. The
Commission will ask the Court to
impose on Finland a lump-sum fine of
€2,029,536 and if Finland fails to comply
before the judgment, a daily penalty
payment of €19,828.80.
Because of their special status, the Åland
Islands had to adopt their own legislation in order to comply with Directive
2001/37/EC. In 2002, as the Åland
Islands had not yet transposed Article 8
of that Directive, the Commission
started an infringement procedure. In
2005, given that the Åland Islands had
still taken no measures to comply with
their obligations, the Commission
referred the case to the Court. On
18 May 2006 the Court concluded in its
judgment in case C-343/05 that by
failing to ensure transposition by Åland
of Article 8 of Directive 2001/37/EC and
observance on vessels registered in
Finland of the prohibition on placing on
the market of snuff laid down by that
MONITOR
provision, the Republic of Finland has
failed to fulfil its obligations under the
EC Treaty and Directive 2001/37/EC.
Only in January 2007 did the Åland
Islands, after the opening of a second
infringement procedure under Article
228 EC, adopt new legislation aiming to
comply with the judgment. However,
that legislation the EC deems still fails to
implement the above Directive because
it only prohibits oral tobacco known as
‘snus’ from entering the market, rather
than oral tobacco in general, as foreseen
in the EU Directive; and in relation to
the selling of oral tobacco on vessels, the
law limits its application to vessels operating within Finnish territorial waters.
This would allow the sale of oral
tobacco on vessels registered in the
Åland Islands, once these vessels exit
Finnish territorial waters.
The Commission will only be satisfied
with a ban without restrictions. It has
also stressed that the sales of ‘snus’ on
vessels not only affect the 25,000 residents of Åland but also tourists from
other parts of Finland and other
Member States. In addition, both
Finland and Sweden have signed and
ratified the United Nations Framework
Convention on Tobacco Control
(FCTC), and therefore have legal
obligations under international law to
cooperate in favour of tobacco control.
Tobacco is the single largest cause of
avoidable death in the European Union,
accounting for over 650,000 deaths each
year. It is estimated that 25% of all
cancer deaths and 15% of all deaths in
the Union could be attributed to
smoking. Tobacco for oral use contains
particularly large quantities of
carcinogenic substances.
Commenting on this decision, European
Health Commissioner Markos
Kyprianou said that “the Commission
decision underlines that given the health
risks linked to the use of oral tobacco,
the Commission has no tolerance for
allowing the placing on the market of
that product. We cannot accept that the
prohibition of placing of tobacco for
oral use on the market is not transposed
or implemented by Member States or
even by parts of Member States. Only
the consistent and continuous
application by all Member States of all
Community provisions relating to
tobacco can achieve our goals in fighting
tobacco.”
COUNTRY NEWS
Netherlands: Availability of medical
cannabis for scientific and medical
research
Since 2003, patients have been able to
obtain cannabis on prescription. It is
cultivated under government supervision. Ab Klink, Minister of Health,
Welfare and Sport, wants a five-year
extension of the availability of medicinal
cannabis for scientific and medical
research. Mr Klink believes that
medicinal cannabis should simply be a
registered medicine. His aim in
extending the availability is to give the
development of cannabis-based medicine
a serious chance of succeeding. Last year
a Dutch company began work on
developing such a medication. The
work, which will take several years to
complete, may provide scientific data
and understanding into the balance
between the effectiveness and safety of
medicinal cannabis.
It will continue to be possible for
patients to obtain medicinal cannabis
from pharmacies on prescription, for
example as a painkiller. If a registered
alternative comes on the market in the
coming five years, the minister will
review the need for this supply. To date,
demand for medicinal cannabis has been
low, in part because of the availability of
similar products at a third of the price in
‘coffee shops’, where it remains illegal
but tolerated if sold in small amounts.
In a letter to Parliament, Mr Klink stated
that “this development track will take
years, but it can yield scientific evidence
and give insight into the balance between
safety and effectiveness of medical
cannabis.” Klink conceded that the
Bureau for Medical Cannabis, the body
that licenses the growing of medical
cannabis, would make a loss this year of
approximately €200,000 and said he
hoped a drug under development would
eventually replace cannabis and the need
for official growers.
Pro-cannabis campaigners continue to
call for full legalisation and claim that
this would lead to better labelling of the
plant’s chemical contents. Currently the
‘coffee shops’ have no way to legally
source their products. Many are supplied
by mini-plantations hidden in residential
areas, which may be a fire hazard.
Amsterdam benefits from tourists who
come to smoke cannabis, but this also is
a drain on the emergency services who
have to cope with smokers affected by
unusually potent drugs. Border towns
also suffer problems from ‘drug tourists’
who travel from neighbouring Germany
and Belgium and nearby France to stock
up on weed.
Under the previous conservative
government, Parliament was dissuaded
from outright legalisation by fears that it
would lead to a confrontation with the
European Union. According to data
compiled by the Netherlands’ Trimbos
Institute for Mental Health and
Addiction, after thirty years of the
Dutch tolerance policy, usage rates are
above those in Germany and the Scandinavian countries, but below those of
France, Britain and the United States.
Finland: Conference reports alcohol
responsible for 15% of early deaths in
EU
Alcohol use increases the risk of several
types of cancer and is a significant cause
of premature death in EU countries. The
hazard it poses to health outstrips any
health benefits it may have.
This is according to Professor Jürgen
Rehm, who addressed a conference held
in Espoo, Finland on 15 November that
concluded a 2004–2007 alcohol
programme run by the government. The
programme sought to cut the harmful
effects of alcohol use and involved a
wide range of organisations and sectors
of society.
Professor Rehm said that alcohol use has
clear links to the risk of cancer of the
lips, throat and mouth, larynx,
oesophagus, liver, small and large
intestine and, in women, breast cancer.
He said that although alcohol use was
increasing among women in EU countries, its harm is most apparent among
men.
In Central and Eastern Europe it is
responsible for 15%, and in other parts
of the Community 12%, of premature
deaths. Rehm said that worldwide
alcohol use is increasing most in more
densely populated countries. It is also
linked to the spread of chronic diseases
and rising accident rates involving
inebriated people.
Alcohol use in Finland has increased.
Per capita consumption of pure alcohol
increased from 6.7 litres in 1996 to 8.2
litres in 2005. And yet over the same
38
MONITOR
period time spent on alcohol production
and retailing dropped from 29,000 to
27,000 working years.
Scotland: Health and Wellbeing budget
outlined
Patient-focused services and investment
aimed at helping Scots live longer and
healthier lives with reduced inequalities
are at the heart of the Health and Wellbeing spending plans outlined on 14
November by Cabinet Secretary for
Health and Wellbeing Nicola Sturgeon.
The Health and Wellbeing portfolio is to
be responsible for public spending of
£11.2 billion in 2008–09, or £2,200 for
every person living in Scotland, rising to
£12.2 billion in three years time. This
comes amid what the Scottish
Government believes to be the tightest
UK spending settlement since devolution. Ms Sturgeon said it was vital to
Scotland’s economic future that every
penny of this funding supported people
in leading longer and healthier lives,
with a particular focus on areas and
communities with the worst health
records. She acknowledged that the
priority would be “to focus on measures
which improve health and prevent
illness. There can be no doubt that
reducing alcohol and tobacco abuse
leads to healthier lifestyles, so these will
be key spending priorities over the next
three years.”
To help achieve a healthier Scotland, the
2007 spending review includes £350
million of new money on health
improvement and better public health,
including £85 million over three years to
reduce harm done by alcohol, £3 million
a year on further action to reduce
smoking and a £11.5 million a year
programme on diet and physical activity
for health and to prevent obesity. There
is also an injection of £270 million to
ensure that by the end of 2011, nobody
will wait longer than 18 weeks from GP
referral to treatment for routine conditions, and £30 million (£10 million each
year) to ensure more flexible access to
primary care.
Investment in prevention, screening and
early detection of serious illnesses are
also key priorities, with a new immunisation programme to protect women
against cervical cancer costing £64
million, a commitment of £53 million to
screen people admitted to hospital for
MRSA and continued action to help
prevent the spread of infection, and a
39
£41 million national screening
programme to detect serious illnesses
early.
£97 million will be provided to phase
out prescription charges over a three
year period, while £134 million will
be invested in sport to increase
participation and improve sporting
performance, contributing to a range of
outcomes including better physical and
mental health.
Minister Sturgeon also indicated that
“tackling the misuse of alcohol in
Scotland is a significant challenge, not
least because of the tragic effects that
misuse can have in terms of heart and
liver disease, cancer and problems in
families and communities” She added
that “£85m of additional investment will
fund a radical range of measures to
reduce alcohol harm as part of a
forthcoming long term strategy.”
Reducing health inequalities is also
important for the Minister, who noted
that the “spending plans target resources
in particular at communities most at risk
of poor health. They allow us to increase
the supply of good quality, sustainable
housing, to tackle poverty and
deprivation at its roots, and to promote
equality, as well as strengthening
primary care health care services in our
most deprived areas and expanding early
years support for those most in need.”
The full text of the Scottish Budget and
Spending Review 2007 by Finance and
Sustainable Development Secretary John
Swinney can be accessed at
http://www.scotland.gov.uk/News/ThisWeek/Speeches/spendreview07
Spain: Strengthening pharmacovigilance of medicinal products
The Council of Ministers has approved a
new Royal Decree on 11 October 2007
which develops pharmacovigilance of
medicinal products for human use. This
Royal Decree develops the Law of
Guarantees and Rational Use of
Medicinal Products and Medical Devices
of 2006. Although the Royal Decree has
not yet entered into force, these new
measures assure an effective vigilance in
the provision of medicinal products to
patients.
One of the measures adopted by the new
Decree is an electronic notice in case of
possible adverse effects which will
enable the creation and maintenance of a
European database managed by the
European Medicines Agency (EMEA)
and its access by Member States.
Another measure is a definition of risk
management which is described as the
“planning of the pharmacovigilance
activities to enable the anticipation of
security problems and the introduction
of measures that may decrease the
known risks of medicinal products and
the effective communication of such
activities”.
The Decree also introduces a duty to be
carried out by pharmaceutical companies
so as to include a warning (in the shape
of a yellow triangle) during the five year
period of commercialisation of a new
active substance in communications
directed to health professionals. There
are also improvements in the procedures
to be taken in case of revocation of the
authorisation of a medicinal product.
Germany: Health insurers’ rebate
contracts may breach European Competition Law
The European Commission initiated the
first step of treaty violation proceedings
against Germany through publication of
a letter of intent on 17 October 2007.
The allegation is that rebate contracts
under Section 130a(8) of the Social Act
V (Sozialgesetzbuch V – SGB V)
concluded between the Statutory Health
Insurance Funds and individual
companies regarding the delivery of
particular medications without a
European-wide tender violates
European public procurement law.
Since the right to negotiate discounts
was granted to the Statutory Health
Insurance Funds, the insurers have
signed about 7,500 rebate contracts with
sixty-two manufacturers covering 20,500
medicinal products. At the end of
September 2007 the German General
Local Health Insurance Fund (Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse – AOK) started
its second tendering procedure in which
40% of all prescription medicinal
products purchased would be covered
by rebate contracts. The German Cartel
Office (Bundeskartellamt – FCO)
became involved after Germany’s four
main industry associations lodged an
official complaint about the AOK’s
operations and conducted a hearing with
the AOK. It is argued that the Public
Procurement Tribunal of the FCO
should stop this second tendering
procedure as it may violate the
provisions of general German public
MONITOR
procurement law. However, the AOK
denied the applicability of the German
public procurement law, with the
argument that Statutory Health
Insurance Funds are not public
contracting entities.
The discussion focuses on whether the
Statutory Health Insurance Funds are
public contracting entities under Section
98 No. 2 of the Act Against Restraints of
Competition (Gesetz gegen Wettbewerbsbeschränkungen – GWB) and
whether rebate contracts are considered
as public contracts pursuant to Section
99(1) GWB. Separately, discussion is
continuing as to whether rebate
contracts are excluded from public
tender requirements on the basis of
social security legislation (Section 69
SGB V). If both these issues are
answered in the affirmative and public
procurement law is considered as superseding social law, discount agreements
will have to be publicly tendered on a
European basis.
The National Health Insurance
Authority (Bundesversicherungsamt –
BVA), the supervising authority for
Statutory Health Insurance Funds,
stated in August 2007 that Statutory
Health Insurance Funds are to be
considered public contracting entities
under German public procurement law
and rebate contracts are public contracts
under Section 99(1) GWB. Therefore, in
its view, rebate contracts pursuant to
Section 130a(8) SGB V fall under the
scope of the GWB and should be
publicly tendered European-wide. In
addition, the BVA clearly expresses that
public procurement law is not ruled out
by Section 69 SGB V.
As the legal jurisprudence regarding the
use of public procurement law principles
for rebate contracts is inconsistent, the
situation is unclear. Against this background, the decision of the FCO and the
course of the treaty violation
proceedings of the European
Commission against Germany is
awaited.
Poland: Act on healthcare services
financed from public funds
On 29 September 2007, the Act on
Healthcare Services Financed from
Public Funds (the ‘Healthcare Law’)
entered into force, incorporating anticorruption provisions (Art. 63a-c and
Art. 192b-c) with penal sanctions. The
Act is controversial, as its original aim
was to remove reimbursable products
from the market, but the final wording
adopted by Parliament distinguishes
between normal and ‘unjustified’
practices. Moreover, the new provisions
under the Act overlap with existing anticorruption provisions in the Pharmaceutical Law and Penal Code. Even though
the rule is that provisions prohibiting
certain activities as well as penal provisions should be interpreted narrowly,
there are opinions supporting a wider,
punitive interpretation.
Art 63c of the Act confirms the general
rules of competition law. This provision
prohibits unequal treatment of
competitors at the wholesale level in the
pharmaceutical market. This provision
does not affect normal commercial activities as stated in article 94(4) of Directive
2001/83. The unclear wording of this
provision has, however, caused problems
in the market. It is interpreted by some
commentators as a prohibition on all
discounts, even though such an interpretation is contrary to Directive 2001/83
and the EU Constitution.
Article 63a of the Act supplements the
prohibition on advertising already
contained in pharmaceutical regulations.
It prohibits the corruption of pharmacists, supervisors/managers of wholesale
companies or other employees of pharmacists or wholesalers by offering them
benefits in return for increased sales.
This prohibition appears to apply only
to private persons.
Breach of Articles 63a and 63c, or by
employees of a company as described in
Article 192b-c of the Healthcare Law,
may result in criminal liability. The
penalties for a company may include a
ban on taking part in tenders or a fine of
up to PLN twenty million. If the regulations are violated by an employee, it is
possible to avoid punishment if the
company proves that the violation was
the result of unusual behaviour by the
employee and that the company acts
according to proper rules and exercises
care in selecting and controlling its
employees. It is now up to the new
government to interpret these
provisions.
Russia: 30,000 deaths in man-made
and road traffic accidents in 2007
More than 3,500 people have been killed
in about 2,000 man-made incidents in
Russia since the beginning of 2007, the
country’s emergencies ministry said on
4 October. As reported by the Russian
News and Information Agency –
NOVOSTI, “during the first nine
months, 1,933 emergency situations
were registered in Russia with 3,535
people being killed,” the ministry said in
its statement. In September 2007 alone,
Russia registered 174 man-made accidents, which left 283 dead and 511
injured, the ministry said. At the same
time, all regions in Russia witnessed a
decline in the number of man-made
emergencies, the ministry said.
“Compared with the same period last
year, the number of man-made incidents
declined by 14.9% while the number of
people killed in emergencies fell 20%,”
the ministry said.
Meantime on November 12, NOVOSTI
reported that more than 27,000 people
had been killed in road accidents in
Russia since January 2007. In a statement
the Russian Traffic Police said that
“from January–October 2007, a total of
27,289 people were killed and 247,770
injured in 194,000 road accidents." This
is a 3.4% increase on the same period in
2006. The majority of accidents were
caused by violations of road traffic rules.
However, tougher punishments for
driving under the influence of alcohol
saw a 10% drop in drink-driving
accidents. The drop in child road deaths
saw a similar decrease.
Russia: Work on new strategy for health
care development.
According to the Russian daily newspaper, Kommersant, Russia’s Health and
Social Development Ministry will focus
in 2008 on developing a new Strategy for
Health Care Development for the period
2009–2019. The document should detail
growth in medical expenditure and put
forward a programme of health system
reforms to be carried out in 2009
through 2012.
Russia’s newly appointed Minister of
Health and Social Development, Tatiana
Golikova, made the first public
statement related to the mid-term
strategy of the ministry. “The document
shouldn’t be a general slogan, but feature
definite directions for the first three, and
then for the following seven years,” the
minister pointed out. It appears the
Finance Ministry, where Golikova
worked prior to her current
appointment, will now face a strong
advocate for greater health system
funding. According to Kommersant,
40
MONITOR
sources do however indicate that
Golikova does not think that funding is
the major concern; more important is
the need to introduce quality control
measures in the health system.
UNICEF has requested the Government
to provide additional information on the
conditions of care in other institutions
for children with disabilities as part of
the review of residential care system.
More information in Russian at
http://www.kommersant.ru/doc.aspx?D
ocsID=822336
The statement indicates that key reforms
are still needed to convert existing residential institutions into a system of
community-based services, thus
protecting the right of the child to live in
a family environment. UNICEF is also
committed to helping the government
further expand family support services
for the prevention of abandonment and
help local municipalities in designing
appropriate interventions and channelling adequate financial resources for
deinstitutionalisation of children.
Bulgaria: UNICEF responds to
intolerable situation in children’s home
In Sofia on 19 November, the United
Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)
renewed calls for accelerated efforts to
improve the child welfare system in
Bulgaria, particularly the reliance on
institutionalising children without
parental care.
The statement was made in response to a
documentary ‘Bulgaria’s Abandoned
Children’, first broadcast by the BBC in
September. This documentary depicts
the intolerable situation at one institution in Mogilino. It once again emphasised that additional and urgent efforts
have to be channelled towards the
prevention of institutionalisation and
improving assistance to children without
parental care.
A plan of action has now been
developed by the Government of
Bulgaria with the ultimate objective of
closing the institution in Mogilino. It
will be implemented in partnership with
UNICEF and an alliance of non governmental organisations. As part of the
plan, on 7 and 8 November, UNICEF
conducted a joint assessment mission of
the institution in Mogilino, with the
Agency for Social Assistance and
representative of the alliance of NGOs
to identify the immediate needs.
The main finding of the team confirmed
that the overall standard of care
provided to all sixty-five children in that
institution was bad and the staff were
not adequately qualified. The situation
of three children was critical and they
were hospitalised, while another twenty
children needed immediate additional
care and feeding to alleviate deprivation
caused by meagre nutrition and care.
Based on the assessment and the plan
developed by the Government’s Social
Assistance Agency, a group of care
providers and medical experts are being
selected and will start working in the
institution immediately. Meantime, individual assessments and plans for alternative care are being developed, while
41
Information on the documentary
‘Bulgaria’s Abandoned Children’ is
available at http://www.bbc.co.uk/
bbcfour/documentaries/features/
bulgarias-children.shtml
UK: BBC report claims cancer studies
‘wasted millions’
An investigation by the BBC has
discovered that millions of pounds of
charity donations and taxpayers’ money
have been wasted on worthless cancer
studies. Gerry Northam, reporting for
the BBC Radio Four programme ‘File
On 4’ discovered that the results of
thousands of studies have been invalidated. His investigation found that some
scientists have failed to carry out simple
and inexpensive checks to ensure they
are working with the right forms of
human tumour cells.
These cancer cell-lines, grown in flasks
kept at body temperature, form the basis
of many experiments. To the naked eye
cell-lines for different cancers all look
fairly much the same – a cluster of tiny
dots on the bottom of the flask. Using
the right cells is vital for much research,
but even under a powerful microscope,
it can be hard to tell them apart.
In fact, human cancer cell-lines can be
contaminated by rat or mouse cancer
cell-lines as Professor Geoff Pilkington,
who runs the biggest laboratory in the
UK studying brain tumour research, can
testify. He told the BBC that “whole
programmes of research had to be
redone using verified human brain
tumour cells” because of this type of
contamination. “It’s hugely expensive
and it’s incredibly frustrating and it
means that the laboratory is put into
some degree of disrepute in a way,
because you don’t want your lab to be
associated with something which is
purporting to have cells which clearly
they’re not. And the only way you can
deal with this is to be upfront and honest
about it and get rid of those cells and
then re-evaluate everything you’re doing
in the lab,” Professor Pilkington added.
Northam claims that “such contamination of cell cultures is by no means
unique. Many laboratories suffer similar
catastrophes, even with well-established
lines of cells, which are sold all over the
world by specialist companies. There’s
also a lively informal system of exchange
in which scientists send each other celllines, blissfully unaware that some have
become contaminated and are not what
they purport to be. These mistakes can
go undetected for years – on occasions
even for decades.”
One of the latest examples of scientific
research to be affected by this problem is
a study of oesophageal cancer.
Researcher Dr Chris Tselepis worked
with an international team which has
found that TE7, an experimental culture
of cancer cells used in labs for the past
twenty years, was the wrong cancer.
“Fortunately, for us our research was
based on a number of cell types, so the
impact of a mistaken identity for this
line has actually been fairly minimal to
us,” said Dr Tselepis who is studying the
cancer at the Cancer Research UK
laboratories in Birmingham University.
“But I’m sure there’s many other laboratories UK and worldwide-based that
essentially base lots of their conclusions
on one cell line and in that case, this
mistaken identity has a massive impact
on conclusions that people draw from
such studies,” he added.
Scientists at the German Government’s
collection of tumour cell cultures have
also recently checked the identities of
the samples they’re sent by researchers
all over the world. They found discrepancies in 17% of all tumour types, a
finding which left them astonished.
This problem is compounded by the fact
that studies based on erroneous research
data will be printed in reputable scientific journals and become part of the
accepted literature, thus misleading
future researchers. Earlier this year
nineteen eminent cancer specialists from
the UK and USA wrote to the US
Health Secretary urging tough action to
MONITOR
end this waste of time, effort and money.
The US authorities replied that there
appeared to be “abundant evidence” that
many studies and publications had been
compromised. The letter’s originator,
Professor Roland Nardone of the
Catholic University of America, said the
best way to get scientists to comply
would be to withhold research grants
and publication in scientific journals
unless their research used authenticated
cell-lines. This verification can be
achieved using a technique of DNA
profiling which compares the cell-line
with a list of known contaminants and
can cost as little as £180 per sample.
Research found high levels of support
for smokefree by both the general public
and businesses. Three quarters of adults
support the law and 79% believe it will
have a positive effect on public health.
A greater proportion of smokers (47%)
support the new law than oppose it
(37%).
However the Medical Research Council,
the major source of public funds for
such research in the UK providing £70m
of grants annually for cancer studies,
told the BBC that there was no evidence
that this problem is happening on a
significant scale. Nonetheless, one of the
UK’s leading cancer medicine experts
told the programme that it was time for
the scientific community to put its house
in order. “No grant or no publication,"
said Professor Karol Sikora, of Imperial
College, London. “If one of the leading
journals, which all of us want to publish
in, said: ‘You have used cell-line - just
give us the certificate of authenticity’.
Now we can tell all that and it doesn’t
necessarily cost a lot of money.”
The number of calls to the smokefree
compliance line has also tailed off
considerably, falling from over 1,000
calls during the first week of operation
down to an average of twenty a day in
September. Also, there have only been
seventy fixed penalty notices issued to
individuals smoking in smokefree places
since 1 July, both of which suggest that,
as in Scotland and Ireland, the ban has
been largely self-enforced.
The transcript of the File on 4
programme ‘Cancer Research’ is
available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/
shared/bsp/hi/pdfs/20_11_07_fo4_
research.pdf
Smokefree England: The first three
months
The introduction of smokefree workplaces and public places has run
smoothly. People are particularly
enjoying a healthier atmosphere in all
workplaces including pubs and clubs,
with the primary benefits of cleaner air
and not smelling of smoke after a night
out - according to a three-month report
issued on 2 November by the
Department of Health in England.
When surveyed, the top three benefits
people had noticed since England
became smokefree were that clothes and
hair don’t smell of smoke after visiting a
pub or club; that there was a more
pleasant or better atmosphere in pubs,
clubs and/or restaurants; and the air was
cleaner
Of over 275,000 businesses inspected
between 1 July and the end of
September, 98% were found to be
compliant with the new law, with 84%
displaying the correct signage. 86% of
businesses said the implementation of
the new law had gone well and 78% said
it was “a good idea”.
Minister of State for Public Health,
Dawn Primarolo, said that the report
“confirms that smokefree law is not only
popular, but that the vast majority of the
general public believe it is good for
public health. People of all ages are
reaping the benefits of healthier, less
smoky work and social environments,
which in turn are seen as an incentive for
many to get out and socialise more.” She
added that she was “especially proud to
hear that nine out of ten businesses say
that implementation went well and that
the majority of people, smokers
included, are supportive of the new
legislation. The evidence is clear,
secondhand smoke is a killer and
removing it from enclosed public and
work environments marks the single
biggest improvement in public health for
a generation."
In the run-up to 1 July, Smokefree
England provided detailed information
and support to businesses, as well as
running a high profile campaign to
ensure the general public were aware of
and ready for the law. The figures appear
to speak for themselves: general
awareness of smokefree law reached
98% in mid-July. 85% of adults said
they had seen publicity about the introduction of smokefree law, with 75%
citing TV ads; 41% TV programmes;
30% press ads and 21% per cent had
seen Smokefree England advertisements
on billboards. 49 % said the ads “stuck
in their mind” and 91% understood the
message of the advertising.
October 2007 also saw the age of sale for
tobacco products increased from 16 to
18 years, while in 2008, hard hitting
picture warnings will be required on all
tobacco products produced for the UK
market from 1 October.
The Smokefree England three month
report and further information about the
legislation can be found at
http://www.smokefreeengland.co.uk.
Public health in England: improvements
and challenges
Life expectancy is at the highest level
ever, deaths from cancer, heart disease
and stroke are falling, and infant
mortality is at its lowest level ever
according to the Health Profile of
England 2007, published on 22 October
by the Department of Health in
England.
The Profile contains international
comparisons and compares the health of
England to that of the European Union.
It reports that early death from the two
biggest killers, circulatory disease and
cancer are reducing faster in England
than the average for the EU, while
deaths from motor vehicle traffic
accidents in the UK are amongst the
lowest in the EU.
Whilst the statistics show that there has
been ongoing improvement in many
aspects of the nation’s health, the Health
Profile also shows that there are some
issues where progress is slow. Regional
health inequalities still exist, and rates of
obesity, diabetes and alcohol related
hospital admissions are rising.
In comparison to the EU-15, the
prevalence of obesity in England is the
highest. Deaths from chronic liver
disease and cirrhosis have risen
markedly, and England has risen above
the EU-15 average. Despite declining
teenage pregnancy rates, the UK also has
the highest proportion of births to under
20s compared to other Western
European countries.
Public Health Minister, Dawn
Primarolo, acknowledged that “there is
still a lot to do in tackling health
inequalities.” She said that to address
this there would be major improvements
42
MONITOR
to GP services across the country,
including greater flexibility in opening
times, and over 100 new GP practices in
the 25% of Primary Care Trusts with the
poorest provision.”
She went on to add that “whilst we have
made good progress in stopping people
smoking, I am determined to move
further and faster to respond to all these
challenges – with a cross government
drive to tackle obesity, improve diet and
activity levels and promote safe and
sensible drinking … our ambition is to
reverse the rising tide of obesity and
overweight in the population, by
enabling everyone to achieve and
maintain a healthy weight. Our initial
focus will be on children: by 2020, we
aim to reduce the proportion of overweight and obese children to 2000
levels.”
The health profile of England 2007 can
be accessed at http://www.dh.gov.uk/en/
Publicationsandstatistics/Publications/
PublicationsStatistics/DH_079716
Sweden: Report on the consequences of
privatising retail alcohol sales
As a member of the European Union,
Sweden since its entry has been questioned about its alcohol retail monopoly
and there exist rather constant pressures
from the EU to eliminate aspects of
national alcohol policy which have
historically been established for Sweden
in the interest of protecting public health
and safety. While the EU Court has
upheld the legality of an alcohol retail
system in Sweden, there are other pressures to reduce or eliminate the provisions of the retail monopoly. The recent
European Court decision to overturn
the Swedish law which bans internet
sales of alcohol is just such an example.
What potential consequences would a
privatisation of the Systembolaget
alcohol monopoly have on Sweden’s
public health? This question is the focus
of a new publication from the Swedish
National Institute of Public Health. The
report, written by an international team
of experts, presents the potential effects
of a privatisation of the current system
of selling alcohol. According to the
conservative estimates presented in the
report, an elimination of the alcohol
monopoly in Sweden would lead to a
14% increase in alcohol consumption
(1.4 litres per capita) if sales were
restricted to licensed speciality stores.
43
The increase in alcohol consumption
would be 29% (2.8 litres per capita) if
the sale of alcohol was allowed in, for
example, supermarkets. Taking into
account the increase in negative externalities associated with alcohol, the risk of
increased sales and consumption of
alcohol and conservative estimates of
increased per capita consumption of
alcohol associated with a private
licensing system, the authors conclude
that the consequences of establishing a
private licensing system would be detrimental to Swedish public health and
safety.
This report is available at
http://www.fhi.se/upload/ar2007/
Rapporter%202007/Monopolstudie_eng_
ver19_0711.pdf
Ireland: Largest ever health research
study finds strong satisfaction with
health services
On 28 September 2007 the Health
Service Executive (HSE) published
consumer research results which show
that there is strong satisfaction with
health services and a high degree of
confidence and trust in health professionals. Commissioned by the HSE in
2006, the study was carried out by the
School of Public Health and Population
Science in University College Dublin
(UCD) in partnership with Lansdowne
Market Research.
Insight 07 is the first independent large
scale study undertaken among people
who have used hospitals and community
based health services. The study identified for the first time what proportion
of the population is using which service.
The General Practitioner (GP) is
confirmed as the most frequently
consulted point of the health service and
is the best rated service. One third of the
population had some contact with the
hospital system in the past 12 months;
almost two thirds had been in contact
with their GP; and one fifth reported
contact with community services other
than their GP.
Professor Cecily Kelleher of UCD
commented that “this pattern of service
use, which shows high utilisation of GP
services, coupled with the fact that the
vast majority of respondents stated that
they got their health information from
the GP, reinforces the central part
primary care plays in the promotion,
provision and maintenance of health.”
For the health service in general, the
results show a number of positive
results, including the level of confidence
and trust in the care received in hospital
and community settings being rated
highly (67–86%), while a majority of
respondents were admitted to hospital in
a timely manner (76% immediately).
While General Medical Service (GMS)
cardholders (individuals entitled to most
services free of charge) were more likely
to use health services and have poorer
health, there was no notable difference
in service satisfaction between cardholders and non cardholders. The results
also confirm the paradox that people
want access to both local and specialist
services. While a large majority of
respondents stated that they believe that
acute hospital services should be
provided in every county, seven out of
ten respondents also indicated a preference to be treated at a specialist or
concentrated acute centre where there is
evidence that this will provide the best
outcome for them. Nonetheless, ease of
access remains very important to most
respondents.
Professor Brendan Drumm, Chief Executive Office of the HSE, said that the
results are “a true reflection of how the
majority, rather than the vocal minority,
view the health service” and that “it is
time that staff got the credit for what is
very positive feedback from people who
are using our services.”
Professor Drumm also pointed out that
the role of patients or healthcare
consumers is central to the success of the
Health Transformation Programme and
influencing change. He stated that “it is
increasingly acknowledged that the most
successful approach to building a safer
and quality health care system is when
the health service works together with
patients and communities” he said at
today’s launch “and the information
from this study will help us achieve
this.”
The study involved detailed face-to-face
interviews with 3,517 people across the
country. Respondents were asked about
their experience of the public health and
social care services during 2006 and
2007.
The full results of the survey can be
accessed at http://www.hse.ie/en/
Publications/HSEPublicationsNew/
INSIGHTCustomerSatisfactionSurvey
News in Brief
EC health services impact assessment
tool launched
This web-based tool launched by DG
Health and Consumer Protection is designed to help produce a Health Systems
Impact Assessment (HSIA) as part of
the European Commission's impact assessment procedures.
Member States are fully responsible for
health policy and the organisation of
health systems, but nevertheless EU
policies often have an impact on health
and, in particular, many policies have
unintended positive or negative consequences for Health Systems, due to their
large and complex structures in every
Member State.
The tool provides information on the
objectives and health system functions
that a proposal may impact on, either in
a positive or negative way. It will also direct users to information and evidence
from past initiatives to help determine
whether a proposal will have an impact,
and if so, what that impact might entail.
More information at
http://ec.europa.eu/health/ph_overview/
co_operation/high_level/index_en.htm
Alcohol Forum underway
The summary of the first meeting of the
European Commission Alcohol and
Health Forum is now available online.
Commitments for action by participating umbrella organisations are scheduled
to start in January 2008, with the next
plenary session set for April.
More information at
http://ec.europa.eu/health/ph_
determinants/life_style/alcohol/Forum/
alcohol_forum_en.htm
Europe-wide day promotes healthier
eating for children
Over four thousand European chefs
helped children to take part in the first
European healthy eating day in November. The day saw chefs giving demonstrations in schools and fun events in
restaurants as the EU teamed up with
the European Association of Chefs to
champion the cause. Lessons were organised on how to prepare simple, balanced meals that taste good. The idea of
eating together with friends or family
was also a key ingredient. For example,
in Sofia, the city council and the European Commission put on an event in a
city centre cinema where forty chefs and
four hundred children explored healthy
eating issues and watched a special
screening of the film ‘Ratatouille’. Obesity is on the rise across the EU, with
twenty-two million children categorised
as obese or overweight, while twenty
thousand obese children are diabetic and
millions more are heading towards heart
disease. More than 1.4 million are estimated to have liver disorders.
More information at
http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/health_
consumer/events/minichefs_en.htm
Mixed messages in latest EU drugs
report
After over a decade of rising drug use,
Europe may now be entering a more stable phase, says the Lisbon-based European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and
Drug Addiction (EMCDDA). Not only
are there signs that heroin use and drug
injecting have become generally less
common, but new data suggest that levels of cannabis use may now be stabilising after a sustained period of growth.
Nevertheless, positive messages are
marred by high levels of drug-related
deaths and rising cocaine use. Moreover
the EU risks failing to meet targets to reduce drug-related deaths: there are between seven and eight thousand
overdose deaths per year, with no downward trend detectable in the most recent
data. These are among the findings of
the EMCDDA’s annual report on the
State of the Drugs Problem in Europe
published on 22 November.
five years to complete, and involving
nine teams from around the world, data
from seven thousand published studies
were analysed. Convincing evidence directly linking body fat to six cancers including colorectal and post-menopausal
breast cancer was identified.
The report is available at
http://www.dietandcancerreport.org/
Ukraine: prisoners unaware that TB
can be cured
A new WHO study conducted in
Ukrainian prisons shows that most prisoners do not know that they can protect
themselves from tuberculosis (TB), or
that it is curable. Individuals in prison
are up to one hundred times more likely
to get TB than the general population.
The study calls for better efforts in
working with inmates. It offers recommendations on how to provide them
with knowledge about TB and how to
avoid infection or cope with treatment.
The study stresses that doctors and
nurses should be offered more tools to
bridge the knowledge gap. They should
also be given special training to equip
them with skills not only to inform but
also to motivate the inmates.
Research results will become a basis for
the WHO Office in Ukraine to draw up
detailed proposals on how to improve
the situation concerning TB awareness
and hence TB control in the prison system. They will be discussed with the
State Department of Ukraine for Execution of Punishment to explore possibilities for further cooperation.
More information at
http://www.euro.who.int/PressRoom/
pressnotes/20071109_1
The report is available at
http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/events/
2007/annualreport.cfm
Report links body fat to increased
cancer risk
The World Cancer Research Fund together with the American Institute for
Cancer Research launched its second expert report entitled ‘Food, Nutrition,
Physical Activity and the Prevention of
Cancer: a Global Perspective.’ Taking
Additional materials supplied by
EuroHealthNet
6 Philippe Le Bon, Brussels.
Tel: + 32 2 235 03 20
Fax: + 32 2 235 03 39
eurohealth Vol 13 No 3
44
Eurohealth is a quarterly
publication that provides
a forum for researchers,
experts and policy makers
to express their views on
health policy issues and so
contribute to a constructive
debate on health policy in
Europe
ISSN 1356-1030

Eurohealth Making the economic case for mental health in Europe

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