The Extent and Consequences of Child Maltreatment Diana J. English

39
The Extent and
Consequences of Child
Maltreatment
Diana J. English
Abstract
Specific, accurate understanding of the extent of maltreatment in American society, the
nature of the maltreatment that occurs, and the consequences it has for children are
crucial to inform policies regarding child protection and to guide the design of prevention and treatment programs. This article examines how child abuse and neglect
are defined and discusses the controversies that surround that definition, which attracts
attention because it justifies government intervention to stop actions by parents or caregivers that seriously harm children. The article also presents statistics indicating how
widespread maltreatment is, reviews research on the characteristics of families that are
more prone to abuse or neglect, and summarizes knowledge about the impact of maltreatment on children. Finally, it mentions the efforts of public child protective services
agencies to responsibly ration calls on their limited resources by using risk-assessment
approaches to target scarce services to the children who need them the most.
P
ublic policies and programs addressing child maltreatment are developed based on an overall understanding of the extent of maltreatment and its consequences across the society. That understanding
must be based on clear definitions of what is meant by maltreatment and
accurate estimates of its prevalence nationally and locally. Data gathered
from public agencies across the United States reveal that nearly three million reports of possible abuse or neglect were made to authorities in 1994,
and just over one million children were found to be victims of maltreatment.
The experience of maltreatment is unique to each individual child, however. Although serious consequences often result, these may depend on the
intensity and frequency of the maltreatment. The child’s characteristics,
relationship to the perpetrator, and access to a supportive caregiver can also
influence the effects of maltreatment. Workers in child protective services
(CPS) agencies need a better understanding of the dynamics of maltreatment to guide their decisions regarding the degree of risk that any given situation poses to a child. Such knowledge would also provide a foundation for
The Future of Children PROTECTING CHILDREN FROM ABUSE AND NEGLECT Vol. 8 • No. 1 – Spring 1998
Diana J. English, Ph.D.,
is office chief of research
at the Washington State
Department of Social
and Health Services,
Office of Children’s
Research, and a member
of the clinical faculty at
the School of Social
Work at the University
of Washington, Seattle.
40
THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – SPRING 1998
the development of appropriate programs to prevent or ameliorate the
effects of abuse and neglect on children.
This article discusses the national definition of maltreatment and
explains debates over the breadth of that definition, then examines current
attempts to measure the problem. The article also reviews major factors
associated with the occurrence of maltreatment and considers the consequences of maltreatment for children. Finally, the article concludes with a
discussion of efforts to use this understanding to create risk-assessment systems that can help set priorities for effectively using the limited resources
available for child protection.
Defining Child
Maltreatment
The concept of child maltreatment is relatively new in Western society, although there
is historical evidence that children have long
been murdered, abandoned, incarcerated,
mutilated, sexually exploited, beaten, and
forced into labor by their parents and caregivers.1 For instance, in colonial America,
children were flogged to instill discipline,
and in the early twentieth century, children
routinely worked 14-hour days in mills and
mines.2 Such actions were not formally
defined as maltreatment, however, and public authorities seldom interceded on the children’s behalf. (See the article by Schene in
this journal issue.)
The emergence of official definitions of
unacceptable treatment of children has
helped to trigger and sustain efforts by
authorities to protect children. Because they
have important policy implications, however,
definitions of maltreatment have been hotly
debated. Despite efforts to create uniform
approaches, the definitions used by state legislatures, agency officials, and researchers
remain ambiguous and inconsistent.3,4 Some
of the key differences are discussed below.
By the mid-twentieth century, legislation
defining child maltreatment was introduced
into many state statutes,5 and some states
required physicians to report abuse or
neglect.6 In 1974, the U.S. Congress passed
the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment
Act (CAPTA), Public Law 93-247, to give a
national definition of child maltreatment
and prescribe actions states should take to
protect children. That law established a
broad definition of maltreatment as: “The
physical and mental injury, sexual abuse,
neglected treatment or maltreatment of a
child under age 18 by a person who is
responsible for the child’s welfare under circumstances which indicate the child’s health
and welfare is harmed and threatened thereby, as determined in accordance with regulations prescribed by the Secretary of
Health, Education, and Welfare.”7
This definition of child maltreatment
specifies that only parents or caregivers can
be perpetrators of child abuse and neglect.
Abusive behavior by other individuals,
whether known to the child or strangers, is
considered assault. Of particular note, this
national definition includes both mental
injury and neglect. Definitions of the four
major types of maltreatment (physical
abuse, sexual abuse, neglect, and emotional
abuse) are provided in Box 1.
The federal CAPTA legislation sets minimum definitional standards for the states
receiving federal funds, but the details of
defining maltreatment fall to the states, and
specific definitions vary considerably.8 For
example, some states include educational
neglect (when a child consistently fails to
attend school) in their definition of child maltreatment, while others do not. States also
vary in the criteria and procedures they use to
first screen and later validate reports of
alleged maltreatment.9 These variations make
it difficult to compare abuse and neglect statistics across states. Nationally in 1993, an average of 42.9 children per 1,000 were reported
to authorities as victims of alleged abuse or
neglect, but reporting rates ranged from a
low of 8.7 per 1,000 children in Pennsylvania
to a high of 74.4 per 1,000 children in
Idaho.10 Approximately 35% of those reports
were substantiated.9 Such large differences
across states complicate efforts to accurately
establish the magnitude of the problem maltreatment poses on a national level.
The Extent and Consequences of Child Maltreatment
Box 1
Definitions of the Major Forms of Maltreatment
Physical abuse: An act of commission by a caregiver that results or is likely to result
in physical harm, including death of a child. Examples of physical abuse acts include
kicking, biting, shaking, stabbing, or punching of a child. Spanking a child is usually
considered a disciplinary action, although it can be classified as abusive if the child is
bruised or injured.
Sexual abuse: An act of commission, including intrusion or penetration, molestation
with genital contact, or other forms of sexual acts in which children are used to provide sexual gratification for the perpetrator. This type of abuse also includes acts such
as sexual exploitation and child pornography.
Neglect: An act of omission by a parent or caregiver that involves refusal or delay in
providing health care; failure to provide basic needs such as food, clothing, shelter,
affection, and attention; inadequate supervision; or abandonment. This failure to act
holds true for both physical and emotional neglect.
Emotional abuse: An act of commission or omission that includes rejecting, isolating, terrorizing, ignoring, or corrupting a child. Examples of emotional abuse are
confinement; verbal abuse; withholding sleep, food, or shelter; exposing a child to
domestic violence; allowing a child to engage in substance abuse or criminal activity;
refusing to provide psychological care; and other inattention that results in harm or
potential harm to a child. An important component of emotional or psychological
abuse is that it must be sustained and repetitive.
Broad Versus Narrow Definitions
Debates over how broadly to define maltreatment began with the drafting of the
CAPTA legislation, and they have continued.
Underlying the debate is the difficulty of
identifying an appropriate government
role in the lives of children and families.
Advocates for a narrow definition of child
abuse and neglect argue that before the government has a right to intervene in the privacy of a family, the parental action should
have resulted in actual observable harm or
pose an imminent risk of such harm. Others
stress the damage that persistent neglect or
psychological abuse can do to children, even
if that damage appears only later.11 Thus,
arguments center on whether to include
mental injury and neglect, whether cumulative harm should be considered, and
whether threatened as well as actual harm
should count as maltreatment.
Maltreatment behaviors that are associated with ongoing neglect and with repeated
emotional maltreatment typically result not
in a discrete injury, but in cumulative
harm—the child’s well-being or developmental trajectory is impaired. For example,
a parent may constantly berate a child, calling that child stupid, ugly, fat, a whore, or
another pejorative term. This behavior does
not cause harm that is immediate or observable, but over time the child’s sense of selfworth and ability to trust adults will be
damaged.12 Similarly, cumulative harm may
result if a parent neglects to provide adequate medical care. If a parent fails to take a
child with chronic ear infections to a doctor
for treatment, the child may lose hearing
capacity, even if no life-threatening consequences ensue. The advocates for a narrow
definition of child maltreatment would have
excluded such actions from the concept of
child maltreatment, but supporters of a
broad definition prevailed when the federal
definition above was established.
Controversy has also surrounded the
inclusion of endangerment (behavior that
threatens but has not yet caused observable
harm) in the definition of maltreatment.
For example, if endangerment was not a
standard for maltreatment, when a parent
kicked a five-year-old child down a flight
of stairs but no bruises or broken bones
resulted, the parent’s act would not be considered abusive. If neither endangerment
nor cumulative harm was included in the
definition, the parent could kick the child
down the stairs day in and day out without
being guilty of abuse, as long as the child
never experienced a physical manifestation
41
42
THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – SPRING 1998
of injury. Even though the child might suffer
serious psychological harm and there would
be a potential for significant physical injury,
these acts would not fit a restrictive definition of child maltreatment.
As these examples suggest, the concepts
adopted in definitions of child maltreatment (inclusion of neglect and mental
injury; imminent risk versus cumulative
harm; and actual harm versus endangerment) influence estimations of the size and
scope of the maltreatment problem in the
United States. They have implications for
policy and practice, as well. Adoption of a
narrow definition of child maltreatment
would simplify the operation of a child protection system by making the determination
of abuse less ambiguous, since physical
A 1995 Gallup Poll of 1,000 parents yielded
the estimate that 3 million U.S. children
were victims of physical abuse by their
parents, or about 44 per 1,000 children.
evidence of bruising or a broken bone
would support the finding of maltreatment.
It would also restrict the number of children
identified as maltreated and served by public child welfare agencies. However, since a
significant number of seriously maltreated
children go unnoticed even now, such a system would not necessarily keep children
safe. (See the article by Waldfogel in this
journal issue.)
How Many Children Are
Abused and Neglected?
Clear definitions of child maltreatment
increase the ability of researchers to count
how many children are victims of maltreatment. Yet even if definitions were explicit
and uniform, the true extent of child maltreatment would still be unknown. Estimates
of the scope of this problem are based on
cases that are mentioned by respondents in
self-report surveys or reported to child protective services, but many incidents of abuse
or neglect are not admitted or reported.13
Despite this difficulty, it is important to know
how widespread the problem of child maltreatment is in order to anticipate the
resources needed to address the problem.
Two terms are commonly used to
describe estimates of the extent of maltreatment in society: prevalence and incidence.
Prevalence is defined as the number of people
who have experienced at least one act of
child abuse or neglect in their lifetime.
These experiences may or may not have
been reported to child protective services
(CPS), the public agency charged with collecting and responding to reports of maltreatment. (See the articles by Schene and
by Waldfogel in this journal issue.) Incidence
is defined as the number of child maltreatment cases that come to the attention of CPS
agencies each year. The incidence rate only
captures children whose abuse or neglect
was reported, not the number of children
who were actually abused or neglected.
Self-report surveys of parents and victims
are used to measure the prevalence of child
maltreatment, and incidence rates are measured by tallies of the official reports
received by CPS agencies. Each method of
measuring child maltreatment has limitations. For example, parents asked about
their maltreating behavior may not disclose
their actions to interviewers, and victims may
not remember abusive experiences. On the
other hand, not all instances of child abuse
and neglect are reported, and official
reports reflect the differing definitions and
screening criteria adopted by states.
While the exact number of children who
are maltreated is unknown, the data derived
from surveys and official reports provide an
emerging picture of the extent of child maltreatment in U.S. society that suggests many
more resources are needed to address its
causes and effects.
Self-Report Surveys
Social surveys measuring the prevalence of
maltreatment focus on reports by parents
and victims of abuse or neglect that they
inflicted or experienced. These surveys typically reveal rates of maltreatment higher
than the rates of abuse and neglect reported
to public agencies.4
For instance, the National Family
Violence Survey (NFVS) interviewed nationally representative samples of families in
1976 (2,146 families) and in 1985 (3,002
families). The interviews concerned family
violence and asked respondents to report on
The Extent and Consequences of Child Maltreatment
their own behaviors toward their children
during the previous 12 months.14–16 Actions
considered physically abusive were those
that had a high probability of injuring a
child, such as kicking, biting, punching, hitting or trying to hit a child with an object,
beating up a child, burning or scalding, and
shooting or threatening a child with a gun.
In the 1985 survey, 20 parents per 1,000
interviewed admitted to at least one such act
of violence toward their children during the
previous year. The parent reports indicated
that 7 per 1,000 children were hurt as a
result. Projecting these percentages to the
total population, one can estimate that 1.5
million children in 1985 experienced acts of
violence, and 450,000 were injured at the
hands of their caregivers.
Even higher rates of self-reported abusive
behavior were found in a 1995 Gallup Poll
involving 1,000 parents. That study yielded
the estimate that 3 million of 67 million U.S.
children were victims of physical abuse by
their parents, or about 44 per 1,000 children.17 This estimate based on parents’
reports is 16 times higher than the rates of
physical abuse reported to officials.9
Sexual abuse has been studied using a
variety of methods, and early studies found
widely differing rates of occurrence.18 In
1985, a national survey of 2,626 adults found
that 27% of the women and 16% of the men
reported at least one incident of sexual
abuse during their lifetime.19 These estimates were confirmed by the 1995 Gallup
Poll, which found that 23% of surveyed
adults reported they had been victims of sexual abuse by an adult or older child.
Projected to the population, this finding represents one million child victims of sexual
abuse, or 10 times the official reported rate.17
Far less information exists regarding the
prevalence of the other forms of maltreatment. No national self-report studies address
the extent of children’s exposure to neglect.
Limited information is available on emotional abuse. In one self-report study based
on a national sample of 3,346 adults, 63% of
parents reported they had used at least one
form of psychological aggression on their
children during the previous year.20 Another
form of emotional trauma for children is witnessing domestic violence.21 Data from the
1985 survey of family violence suggest that
from 1.5 million to 3.3 million children witness domestic violence each year.17
In sum, self-report studies of parents
suggest that several million children suffer
physical or sexual abuse yearly, and that
psychological abuse is even more common.
Unfortunately, these studies offer no information about neglect, even though, as the
studies discussed below indicate, neglect
apparently affects about twice as many children as do physical and sexual abuse.
National Incidence Studies
Surveys of community and public agency
professionals provide information on the
incidence of both abuse and neglect by
counting cases of maltreatment that were
observed by someone outside the family. In
1974, as part of the CAPTA legislation, the
U.S. Congress mandated that a National
Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect
(NIS) be conducted periodically. This survey
collects comprehensive information about
child abuse and neglect from a nationally
43
THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – SPRING 1998
44
representative sample of community-based
professionals and social service agencies.
Like other studies, the NIS has methodological limitations, but its strength is that it examines the characteristics of maltreatment
cases that are known to professionals in the
community, including cases that were not
reported to authorities. Furthermore, the NIS
studies conducted in 1986 and 1993 collected
information about incidents that endangered
a child, in addition to those incidents that
inflicted actual, observable harm.13,22
Figure 1 shows how the rates of maltreatment observed by the NIS respondents
changed from 1986 to 1993 for the four
major categories of maltreatment. The figure also shows, on the left, the number of
children identified as experiencing a maltreatment incident that resulted in harm,
while the graph on the right shows those
who were either endangered or harmed by
an incident of abuse or neglect. (Note that
all the children who were harmed are also
included in the category of “endangered.”)
Approximately twice as many children were
The National Incidence Study found that
neglect is by far the most common form of
maltreatment, harming an estimated
879,000 children in 1993.
endangered as were actually harmed. The
category of neglect is by far the most common form of maltreatment, harming an estimated 474,800 children in 1986 and 879,000
children in 1993. Reports of both actual and
potential harm to children increased significantly over the seven-year period between
the two studies.13
Official Report Data
The third major source of data on child
abuse and neglect is official report data systems. These official records include all formal reports to public CPS agencies made by
individuals in the community such as family
and friends, and by professionals such as
police, teachers, doctors, mental health professionals, or child care providers. A standard national system for aggregating state
data on child maltreatment was developed
only in 1990. Before then, several national
organizations collected information periodi-
cally from state agencies on reported rates of
child abuse and neglect.
The American Humane Association
reported a 12% yearly increase in reports of
child abuse and neglect to CPS agencies
from 1980 to 1985.23 Picking up from that
point, the National Committee to Prevent
Child Abuse and Neglect surveyed the states
to track the increases in reports from 1985 to
1992, and found that the number of reports
rose by 6% per year. In 1985, approximately
30 children per 1,000 were reported to CPS
agencies as experiencing abuse or neglect.
In 1992, the rate was 45 children per 1,000.5
In 1990, the National Child Abuse and
Neglect Data System (NCANDS) was established. States voluntarily contribute to this
data system, which records the number and
types of child abuse and neglect reports to
public agencies on a yearly basis. The 1995
NCANDS report, which summarizes reports
to CPS agencies in 48 participating states
from 1990 to 1994, indicates a continued
increase in reports of maltreatment. The
number of children reported rose from 2.6
million in 1990 to 2.9 million in 1994. In
1994, the majority of referrals came from
professionals (52%), and nearly half (48%)
were made by friends, family, neighbors, or
other citizens in the community.9
Although 2.9 million children were
reported for child abuse and neglect in
1994, only 1.6 million of those reports
were actually investigated. Some reports were
accepted but not investigated, while others
were screened out because, for instance, the
eligibility criteria for investigation were not
met, or the reporter did not know where the
child could be located. Upon investigation
in 1994, about one in three reported cases
were substantiated as involving maltreatment. (See also the article by Waldfogel in
this journal issue.) In that year, as Figure 2
shows, neglect was the most frequent type of
maltreatment substantiated (53%), followed
by physical abuse (26%), sexual abuse
(14%), and emotional abuse (5%).9
In short, although there is no precise way
to know the true extent of child maltreatment, its prevalence can be estimated with
methods that have improved over the years.
Surveys reveal that several million adults
admit engaging in violent acts toward their
45
The Extent and Consequences of Child Maltreatment
Figure 1
Child Abuse and Neglect Observed by Professionals:
Number of Children Identified as Experiencing Harm from
or Being Endangereda by Abuse or Neglect in 1986 and 1993
Harm
Endangerment
2.2
2
Number of Children (in millions)
1.8
1.6
1.4
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
1986
1993
1986
1993
Year
a
Neglect
Emotional abuse
Physical abuse
Sexual abuse
Children who experienced harm are also included in the counts of children who were endangered.
Source: Sedlak, A.J., and Broadhurst, D.D. The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect. Washington, DC:
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1996.
children each year, and many more adults
recall abusive experiences as children. The
number of official reports of child maltreatment has risen in every category each year
since the CPS system was established. These
increases have strained the capacity of state
and local governments to respond and to
fund the prevention and treatment programs needed to protect children.
Factors Associated with
Abuse and Neglect
While knowing how many children are
abused and neglected is critical to policy
development, understanding the factors
that contribute to maltreatment and that
shape its consequences for children is crucial to the development of prevention and
treatment approaches. For instance, the likelihood that an individual child will experience abuse or neglect may be influenced by
characteristics of the parent or caregiver,
the family’s socioeconomic situation, or the
child. Caregiver characteristics such as psychological impairment, experience of child
abuse or domestic violence, and attitudes
toward parenting contribute directly to the
occurrence of maltreatment. Aspects of
the family’s social and economic situation
46
THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – SPRING 1998
Figure 2
Substantiated Official Reports of Maltreatment in 48 States in
1994, Percentage of Victims by Type of Reported Maltreatment
Neglect
Type of Maltreatment
Physical
Other a
Sexual
Emotional
Unknown
Medical
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Percentage of Victims b
a
“Other” includes abandonment, congenital drug addiction, and threats to harm the child.
b
Because some victims had substantiated reports for more than one type of abuse, the total does not
equal 100%. The total number of substantiated victims was 1,011,628 children.
Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect. Child maltreatment
1994: Reports from the states to the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1996, Figure 2-4.
(such as unemployment, poverty, or social
isolation) affect maltreatment both directly
and indirectly, through their effects on
parents’ psychological well-being.3 Finally,
characteristics of the child (such as age and
gender) may increase the potential for
abuse or re-abuse, or may intensify the
harmful consequences of maltreatment.
Caregiver Characteristics
A wide variety of characteristics of the child’s
parents or caregivers have been linked to an
increased likelihood of child abuse or
neglect. For instance, individual attributes
such as low self-esteem, poor impulse control, aggressiveness, anxiety, and depression
often characterize maltreating parents or
caregivers.3 Inaccurate knowledge of child
development, inappropriate expectations of
the child, and negative attitudes toward parenting contribute to child-rearing problems,
as well. However, because cultural groups
differ in the child-rearing and disciplinary
practices they consider appropriate, cultural
norms must also be factored in when judgments are made about child maltreatment
and responses to it.24
Domestic violence involving the child’s
caregiver is a problem that is more likely to
contribute to physical abuse than neglect. As
stated earlier, data from a 1985 national survey indicated that between 1.5 and 3.3 million children in the United States witness
domestic violence each year.25 Not only is the
experience of witnessing violence likely to be
psychologically harmful, but several studies
have found that male batterers are more
likely than other men to physically abuse
their children.26 Women who are victims of
domestic violence are also more likely to be
reported for maltreating their children.27
Substance abuse by the parent or caregiver is strongly associated with child maltreatment. Current estimates indicate that
The Extent and Consequences of Child Maltreatment
between 50% and 80% of families involved
with child protective services are dealing
with a substance-abuse problem.28 The use
of crack cocaine, which rose rapidly in the
late 1980s, has increased referrals to CPS
agencies and has resulted in cases of both
abuse and neglect that are more complex
and challenging for caseworkers to handle.29
Socioeconomic Characteristics
From the earliest history of child protection,
concerned citizens have identified poverty as
an environmental factor that contributes to
child maltreatment. (See the articles by
Schene and by Courtney in this journal issue.)
In recent times, researchers have focused on
the relationship between child maltreatment
and both poverty and single-parenthood.23,30
Although child abuse and neglect occur in
families of all income brackets, cases of child
maltreatment are drawn disproportionately
from lower-income families.31 Studies suggest
that sexual abuse and emotional abuse,
specifically, are not closely related to socioeconomic status.32 However, the 1993 National
Incidence Study found family income to be
the strongest correlate of incidence across categories of child maltreatment. Poverty was
especially related to serious neglect and
severe violence toward children.13
No one fully understands the links
between poverty and maltreatment. The
stress and frustrations of living in poverty
may combine with attitudes toward the use of
corporal punishment to increase the risk
of physical violence. For instance, researchers
have found that unemployment can lead
to family stress and to child abuse.3 When
a family lacks the basic resources needed to
provide for a child, neglect is likely, although
researchers suggest that dynamics over and
above poverty (such as disorganization
and social isolation) differentiate neglecting
families from others.33 Indeed, most poor
people do not mistreat their children. The
effects of poverty appear to interact with
other risk factors such as unrealistic expectations, depression, isolation, substance abuse,
and domestic violence to increase the likelihood of maltreatment.
Child Characteristics
Studies suggest that younger children, girls,
premature infants, and children with more
irritable temperaments are more vulnerable
to abuse and neglect. Girls are more likely to
suffer from sexual abuse than are boys, but
other types of maltreatment affect both
sexes about equally.13 Maltreated infants and
young children are significantly more likely
to be reported to CPS agencies than are
older children. About 16 per 1,000 children
under age one were involved in substantiated reports in 1994, compared to only 9
per 1,000 adolescents ages 16 to 18. The
youngest children, whose bodies are fragile,
more often die from maltreatment: 45% of
the maltreatment-related fatalities from
1993 to 1995 involved infants, and 85%
involved children under age five.34
Consequences of Child
Maltreatment
During the past 30 years, the focus on the
extent and nature of child maltreatment has
been coupled with an increasing interest in
the effects of maltreatment. The accumulated evidence indicates that children who
Current estimates indicate that between
50% and 80% of families involved with
child protective services are dealing with a
substance-abuse problem.
are maltreated often experience disrupted
growth and development. Adverse effects
have been identified in maltreated children’s physical, cognitive, emotional, and
social development, and these adverse
effects accumulate over time. While there
are indications that the negative effects on
development can often (but not always) be
reversed, this reversal requires timely identification of the maltreatment and appropriate intervention.
The psychological, emotional, or physical damage that a child suffers as a result of
maltreatment depends on aspects of the
abuse itself and on the child’s stage of development.35 It should be noted that most
research on maltreated children comes
through clinical studies of young children
who have been referred for treatment, who
are typically those exhibiting the most serious behavioral problems. Moreover, most of
the children studied are involved with public
child welfare agencies and come from families of lower socioeconomic status and
47
48
THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – SPRING 1998
minority populations. For both reasons, the
findings summarized below may not reflect
the consequences of child maltreatment
for the entire population of abused and
neglected children.36,37
In some cases, children do not appear to
exhibit significant effects from maltreatment. These children may have been
buffered by personal characteristics such as
optimism, high self-esteem, high cognitive
ability, or a sense of hopefulness despite
their circumstances. Damaging effects may
be limited if the abuse occurs only once, or
if a supportive adult is available who lets the
child feel he or she is believed and will be
As they get older, children who have been
abused and neglected are more likely to
perform poorly in school; to commit crimes;
and to experience emotional problems, sexual
problems, and alcohol/substance abuse.
protected.38 In some cases, however, effects
of abuse may surface long after the experience. For example, some preadolescent
sexual-abuse victims do not exhibit the
effects of the abusive experience until adolescence or adulthood, when they become
involved in intimate relationships.39
Other children who suffer maltreatment
evidence signs of serious emotional or physical harm. For some children the maltreatment experience is fatal. From 1990 to 1994,
a total of 5,400 children are known to have
died from an act of abuse or neglect.9 A survey of 26 states that could report the type of
maltreatment that caused fatalities between
1993 and 1995 revealed that 37% of the children died from neglect, 48% died from
abuse, and 15% died as a result of both types
of maltreatment.34
Children who survive maltreatment are
also likely to suffer serious consequences.
Lasting growth retardation may result when
the caregiver’s feeding of an infant becomes
disturbed; this response to neglect is called
nonorganic failure to thrive. Other physical
sequelae can afflict victims of sexual abuse,
who may become infected with sexually
transmitted diseases.3
Psychological problems are prevalent
among victims of maltreatment. Physically
abused children tend to be aggressive toward
peers and adults, to have difficulty with peer
relations, and to show a diminished capacity
for empathy toward others.40 Studies of
neglected toddlers show that their ability to
trust others is often impaired. This may lead
to feelings of being unloved and unwanted,
and may inhibit the development of the
social skills needed to form healthy relationships with peers and adults. When a child
cannot master developmental tasks (like
learning to trust) at the appropriate age, the
accomplishment of later tasks becomes more
difficult throughout the life span.41
As they get older, children who have
been abused and neglected are more likely
to perform poorly in school and to commit
crimes against persons. They more often
experience emotional problems, depression, suicidal thoughts, sexual problems,
and alcohol/substance abuse.38,42 Some children internalize reactions to maltreatment
by becoming depressed or experiencing
eating disorders, sleep disruption, and alcohol/drug abuse. Others externalize their
reactions by engaging in physical aggression,
shoplifting or committing other crimes, or
attempting suicide.37,43,44 Retrospective studies of adults who were mistreated as children
reveal a similar array of short- and long-term
impairments.43,45,46
As can be seen from this brief description, the effects of maltreatment on children
are often severe and long-lasting, although
for any given child, the consequences of
abuse or neglect will be shaped by the intensity, duration, and type of abuse; the presence of supportive adults; and the age of the
child at the time.37,45,47,48 The fact that each
child and maltreatment experience is
unique means that each child requires individual assessment and tailored supports. The
younger the child is at the onset of maltreatment, the more important it is to accurately
assess and ameliorate the effects of the experience so that the child can recover and go
on to master other life tasks successfully.
Implications for Policy and
Practice
During the past century, U.S. society has
made considerable progress in defining and
The Extent and Consequences of Child Maltreatment
protecting children from abuse and neglect.
A century of advocacy has resulted in federal
statutes providing minimum standards for
the identification of child maltreatment,
and financing to enable states and local
communities to investigate cases of abuse
and neglect and provide intervention programs. Although the total extent of child
maltreatment in the United States remains
unknown, studies of parents, professionals,
and official records reveal that several million children suffer abuse or neglect at the
hands of their caregivers every year. There is
also evidence that the experience of maltreatment inhibits children’s healthy growth
and development (physical, psychological,
emotional, cognitive, and social), and that it
impairs their functioning as adults.
Considerable disagreement remains,
however, over the extent to which the government should be involved in the lives of
families in which children may be mistreated.
Should the public CPS agency intervene
when the child does not face immediate serious injury, but caregiver behaviors are likely
to result in negative effects over the long
run? Should CPS provide prevention or
early intervention services for families that
are “at risk” but not yet abusive or neglectful?
While these questions are debated, most
CPS agencies are unable to respond to the
increasing volume of child maltreatment
allegations reported by professionals and
the community at large. (See the article by
Waldfogel in this journal issue.) Although
these agencies are charged with the responsibility for investigating reports and acting to
protect children in cases of substantiated
maltreatment, the National Commission on
Children reported in 1991 that the current
system of child protection falls far short of its
goals.49 The past decade saw a substantial
increase in the identification of maltreated
children without a corresponding increase
in resources to help these families and their
children. (See the article by Courtney in this
journal issue.) To cope with swelling and
increasingly severe caseloads, child welfare
agency administrators, supervisors, and line
social workers are looking for ways to serve
families more efficiently and effectively.
One way that CPS agencies nationwide
have responded to the imbalance between
reported cases of maltreatment and agency
resources is to make judgments about the
cases that should receive priority for services.
Currently, it is estimated that between 40%
and 60% of cases in which maltreatment is
substantiated receive no subsequent services.5,9 Many CPS agencies have developed
risk-assessment systems or guidelines to target limited resources so the children facing
the most imminent risk, at least, can be
served. (See Box 2 for an example.) In practice, however, this approach often means
that physical-abuse and sexual-abuse referrals are prioritized for services, since the
harm to these children is usually observable
and unambiguous. Victims of neglect, the
form of child maltreatment most frequently
reported to authorities, are likely to fall to
49
50
THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – SPRING 1998
Box 2
Main Categories Included in Risk-Assessment
Model Used in Washington State
Child Characteristics
Age of child
Physical/mental/social disability or developmental delay
Behavioral problems
Self-protection, ability to resist abuse
Fear of caregiver or home environment
Caregiver Characteristics
Victimization of other children
Mental, physical, or emotional impairment
Substance abuse, past or current
History of abuse or neglect as a child
Poor parenting skills or knowledge, inappropriate expectations
Inability to nurture child
Failure to recognize problem or accept responsibility
Unwillingness or inability to protect child
Uncooperative with child protective services (CPS) agency
Parent/Child Relationship
Inappropriate response to child’s behavior
Poor attachment and bonding
Child has inappropriate family role
Severity of Child Abuse/Neglect
Dangerous acts that create risk of injury
Extent of physical injury or harm
Extent of emotional harm
Inadequate medical care, routine and in case of injury or illness
Failure to provide for basic needs
Inadequate supervision for child’s age
Physical hazards in the home
Sexual contact
Chronicity of Child Abuse/Neglect
Chronic or repeated maltreatment
Perpetrator Access
Has unsupervised access to child (in case of abuse)
Has sole responsibility for care of child (in case of neglect)
Social and Economic Factors
Stress on caregiver
Unemployed caregiver
Lack of social support for caregiver
Lack of economic resources
Source: Washington Risk Assessment Matrix. Developed in 1987 by the Division of Child and Family Services, Children’s
Administration, Department of Social and Health Services, Olympia, WA.
The Extent and Consequences of Child Maltreatment
the bottom of the list and receive few services. Yet the harm these children may suffer
from years of chronic neglect can be more
damaging and pervasive than bruising or
broken bones.
Even though child advocates were successful in rallying support for a federal definition of child maltreatment that included
neglect and emotional injury, they have
been unable to mobilize national, state, and
local governments to provide the resources
needed to carry out the law. Research indicates that child neglect and emotional abuse
may result in as much or more harm to children than physical or sexual abuse. Yet these
cumulative, long-term harms are often not
addressed by the child protection system.
Although the laws governing public agency
responses to child maltreatment are broad,
inadequate resources have produced a narrow system for protecting children from
harm at the hands of their parents or
caregivers.
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