Justice in Mexico I News Monitor

News Monitor Vol. 9, No. 9, September 2014
This Issue: • Mexican congressman from Jalisco found dead in Zacatecas • Three Michoacán mayors indicted, another appears in images with La Tuta • Around the States: Attorney General acknowledges challenges of implementing New Criminal Justice System • Eight members of Mexican Army arrested in connection with massacre of 22 Justice in Mexico • September 2014 w w w . j u s t i c e i n m e x i c o . o r g www.justiceinmexico.org About the Project: The Justice in Mexico Project is a research initiative hosted at the University of San Diego. The Justice in Mexico Project conducts and disseminates research on four broad areas: crime and violence; transparency and accountability; justice system reform; and human rights and civil society. The project receives generous financial support from the MacArthur Foundation. To make a financial contribution to our organization, please contact us at: [email protected]. About the Report: The Justice in Mexico Project produces monthly news reports based on regular monitoring of international, national, and sub-­‐national developments affecting the rule of law in Mexico. The project also provides periodic updates to its news blog and stores archives of past reports at http://www.justiceinmexico.org. This report was compiled by Cory Molzahn, Kimberly Heinle, Octavio Rodriguez, and David Shirk. Any opinions expressed in attributions for this summary are those manifested in the media reports and op-­‐ed pieces compiled herein, and not those of the University of San Diego, the Justice in Mexico Project, or its sponsors. Please report any questions, corrections, or concerns to [email protected]. About the Cover: Scene from inside a warehouse in Tlatlaya, State of México (Edomex) where soldiers from the Mexican Army killed 22 suspected members of organized crime on June 30, 2014. Photo: Esquire México. ©Copyright Justice in Mexico Project, 2014. All rights reserved. Index
CRIME AND VIOLENCE 1 MEXICAN CONGRESSMAN FROM JALISCO FOUND DEAD IN ZACATECAS "EL AMERICANO" REINSTATED TO RURAL POLICE AS MANHUNT CONTINUES FOR KNIGHTS TEMPLAR LEADER EDOMEX SECURITY STRATEGY YIELDING RESULTS, THOUGH SOME SPECULATION EXISTS LOS ZETAS LEADER CAPTURED IN NUEVO LAREDO REPORTS INDICATE THAT FOUR CARTELS ARE FORMING A "CARTEL OF CARTELS" ALLIANCE 1 2 3 4 5 TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY 6 THREE MICHOACÁN MAYORS INDICTED, ANOTHER APPEARS IN IMAGES WITH LA TUTA MEXICO SEEKS EXTRADITION FROM UNITED STATES OF SUSPECT IN OCEANOGRAFÍA-­‐BANAMEX SCANDAL 6 7 JUSTICE SYSTEM REFORM 8 AROUND THE STATES: ATTORNEY GENERAL ACKNOWLEDGES CHALLENGES OF IMPLEMENTING NEW CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 8 HUMAN RIGHTS AND CIVIL SOCIETY 10 EIGHT MEMBERS OF MEXICAN ARMY ARRESTED IN CONNECTION WITH MASSACRE OF 22 AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL RELEASES REPORT ON POLICE TORTURE IN MEXICO PGJE INVESTIGATING MAYOR AND MUNICIPAL POLICE FOR ORDERING ATTACK ON JOURNALIST 10 11 13 Justice in Mexico I News Monitor Crime and Violence Crime and Violence
Mexican congressman from Jalisco found dead in Zacatecas The bodies of a federal congressman from the state of Jalisco and his aide were found charred in an abandoned vehicle in the neighboring state of Zacatecas. On Monday, September 22, Deputy Gabriel Gómez Michel (49) of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI) and his assistant, Heriberto Núñez Campos, were kidnapped while driving in the outskirts of Guadalajara. Several vehicles surrounded Gómez’s SUV, bringing his car to a stop, and then armed men kidnapped the congressman and his assistance inside, a coordinated attack that took less than 55 seconds. On September 23, the victims’ burned bodies were then found in Zacatecas, though it is not clear what the cause of death was. Their identities were confirmed the day after when DNA tests were completed. involved in the kidnapping and later in the execution. They didn’t even talk with the families to demand a ransom.” An image captured from highway security cameras in
Guadalajara, Jalisco show armed men in white vehicles
surrounding Gabriel Gómez Michel's SUV during the
kidnapping. Photo: SDP Noticias.
As investigations unfold, some authorities, however, have been critical of their colleagues and their colleagues’ role in not preventing the kidnapping and killing from occurring. Attorney General Nájera, for example, claimed that the attack could have been avoided had proper security protocols been followed, writes Univisión. Information was not properly and efficiently shared amongst police forces, elaborated Nájera, particularly given that the crime spanned two states (Jalisco and Zacatecas). He specifically pointed to the poor job by the Tlaquepaque, Jalisco municipal police force “for acting negligently” and for not immediately locking down roadways to block the kidnapped car from escaping out of Guadalajara. “We are sure that the units that arrived [at the scene] did not do an efficient investigation; they did not ask the witnesses who were there,” he added. Gabriel Gómez MIchel had served as federal deputy for Jalisco since 2012, and prior to that was the mayor of the El Grullo municipality from 2010 to 2012, and an El Grullo councilman or reserve councilman from 2001 to 2006. Before his political career, Gómez was a well-­‐known and esteemed pediatric doctor, having received his degree from the University of Guadalajara (UdeG) and having served as coordinator for several medical boards and committees. He parlayed his medical career into politics, presenting and advocating for initiatives at the federal level related to healthcare, medicine, and human rights. Originally from the Federal Deputy Gabriel Gómez Michel. Photo: Milenio.
Authorities have not yet identified suspects or motive, though investigations are underway with the Federal Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de la República, PGR) and the Jalisco Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de Justicia del Estado, PGJE). However, it is largely assumed to be connected to an organized crime group (OCG) given the high level of coordination and planning the attack displayed, and the high-­‐powered firearms involved. The entire kidnapping was caught on film from a highway security camera—a video that Jalisco Attorney General Luis Carlos Nájera publicly released on September 25. Nájero’s counterpart in Zacatecas, Arturo Nahle, commented on the video, saying, “This is a classic organized crime execution. You only have to see the video, the weapons they’re carrying, the number of people 1
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municipality of El Grullo, Jalisco, Gómez’s funeral service was held in his hometown on September 25. Gómez’s murder is the first of a federal figure in Jalisco since the death of José Jesús Gallegos Álvarez, the state secretary of tourism, in March 2013 who was targeted one week after he began his position. More recently, the mayor of the Ayutla municipality in Jalisco, Manuel Gómez Torres, was killed just last month in August 2014. concentrating efforts in the Tierra Caliente, the western mountain and coastal regions of Michoacán. There were reportedly around 250 federally-­‐certified members of the Federal Police (Policía Federal, PF) involved in the deployment, valued for their deep knowledge of the regions involved, as well as the workings of the KTO. Alberto Gutiérrez, rural police commander, said that they have found caves and other hiding places showing evidence of La Tuta’s presence there, and that they believe that he is moving alone. La Tuta is believed to be hiding in the area containing the municipalities of Arteaga, Calcomán, Tumbiscatio, Lázaro Cárdenas, Coahuayana, and Aquila, which has easy access to Colima and Guerrero, and is the least populated region of Michoacán, making the hunt for him that much more complicated. Moreover, La Tuta is known to not use a cell phone, and has been seen in videos with a short-­‐range radio. Nevertheless, authorities say that they are close to capturing him. Sources: Ferrer, Mauricio et. al. “Plagian, ejecutan y calcinan al diputado federal priísta Gabriel Gómez Michel.” La Jornada. September 23, 2014. “Cinco facetas de Gabriel Gómez Michel.” Mlenio. September 24, 2014. Rama, Anahi. “Mexico lawmaker likely killed by drug cartel: prosecutor.” Reuters. September 24, 2014. “Un fiscal revela el video del secuestro del diputado mexicano que fue asesinado.” Univisión. September 25, 2014. “El Americano” reinstated to rural police as manhunt continues for Knights Templar leader A prominent founding member of Michoacán’s self-­‐defense groups (grupos de autodefensa) has been allowed to rejoin the rural police force of Michoacán (Fuerza Rural) after being suspended temporarily for allegedly appearing in a video with Knights Templar Organization (Caballeros Templarios, KTO) leader Servando Gómez , “La Tuta.” Luis Antonio Torres González, known commonly as “El Americano” because he was born in the United States and lived much of his life in El Paso, Texas, was formerly the leader of the autodefensa in Buenavista Tomatlán, Michoacán before joining the rural police force in May. He was one of the signatories to the disarmament pact between the federal government and autodefensa leaders in January. Torres González has traded accusations with fellow autodefensa leader Hipólito Mora of having ties to the KTO. El Americano was removed from his commander duties in Buenavista Tomatlán in late August on the request from Michoacán’s Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de Justicia del Estado, PGJE), as it opened an investigation into his suspected ties with organized crime. It seemed an unlikely charge at the time, given his history. Torres was kidnapped in 2012 when he was vacationing with his family in Michoacán; his family sold property to pay the $150,000 (USD) ransom, which he says compelled him to join the autodefensa movement; and on September 12, Michoacán’s Attorney General confirmed that it was not El Americano appearing in the video with La Tuta, but rather a KTO leader operating in Tumbiscatío. Meanwhile, the rural police forces, in conjunction with federal forces, have intensified the search for La Tuta, Members of the Rural Police Force (Fuerza Rural) patrol
in La Mira, Michoacán. Photo: La Jornada.
Moreover, the KTO’s operational capacity has been “highly restricted,” according to National Security Commissioner Monte Alejandro Rubido, though he acknowledged that La Tuta still maintains some local support in parts of Tierra Caliente. For its part, the Federal Police also has a strong presence there to keep him from capitalizing on that support. Meanwhile, reports indicate that such capacities of the Rural Force and the Citizens’ Force (Fuerza Ciudadana) have improved as of late. Along with the high-­‐caliber weapons they had as autodefensas, they are also equipped with night-­‐vision goggles and modern vehicles, many with off-­‐road capacity. They also enjoy a monthly salary of between $8,000 and $12,000 pesos ($595-­‐$893 USD), as well as benefits including social security, and housing and education stipends, according to statements in June from Alfredo Castillo, the federal Michoacán security commissioner. The Citizens’ Force, which coordinates with the PGJE, and includes intelligence and investigatory functions, has a starting wage of $15,000 pesos, as compared with the Rural Force’s $8,000 pesos. Members of the latter can aspire to join the ranks of the former, given that they meet certain requirements. Bernardo Trellez Duarte, head of the State Public Security Council (Consejo Estatal de Seguridad Pública, CESO), said that recruitment 2
Justice in Mexico I News Monitor has spread to the public and private universities in the state dedicated to studying the security situation in Michoacán. Security (Secretaría de Seguridad Ciudadana, SSC), the State Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de Justicia del Estado, PGJE), the Secretary of National Defense (Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional, SEDENA), the Secretary of the Navy (Secretaría de Marina-­‐Armada, SEMAR), the National Security Commission (Comisión Nacional de Seguridad, CNS), and the Center of Investigation and National Security (Centro de Investigación y Seguridad Nacional, CISEN). The Edomex security strategy, which is similar to those in Michoacán and Tamaulipas, is largely a result of the presence of organized crime groups (OCGs) in the state, with groups like the Knights Templar Organization (Caballeros Templarios, KTO), Gulf Cartel (Cártel del Golfo, CDG), Beltrán Leyva Organization (BLO), and La Familia Michoacana operating in half of Edomex’s municipalities, particularly those bordering Mexico City, Morelos, and Guerrero. It is important to note, too, that Edomex has also seen a rise in self-­‐defense groups (grupos de autodefensa), paralleling those in Michoacán, though on a smaller scale. It is not clear if such groups have contributed any to the recent decrease in crime rates, but they nevertheless share many similarities with those of Michoacán, explains Proceso. In a translation by Mexico Voices, José Gil Olmos wrote in June, “In both [states], organized crime has spread until it controls entire regions; in both, the authorities have become corrupted, leaving the population adrift; and in both, the military and police strategy to combat organized crime has failed.” Sources: Martínez, Dalia. “Salarios para policía Rural, entre 8 y 21 mil pesos.” El Universal. June 10, 2014. Notimex. “Notifican a El Americano salida de Fuerza Rural.” El Universal. August 27, 2014. Quadratín. “No es ‘El Americano’ quien aparece con ‘La Tuta’: PGJE.” Milenio. September 12, 2014. Martínez, Ernesto. “Fuerte operativo en Michoacán en busca de ‘La Tuta.’” La Jornada. September 24, 2014. Redacción. “’La Tuta’ anda ‘a salto de mata’ en el sur de Michoacán: Rubido.” Proceso. September 24, 2014. Edomex security strategy yielding results, though some speculation exists Four months after the federal government launched Operation Secure Mexico (Operativo Mexiquense Seguro) in the State of Mexico (Estado del México, Edomex), reports indicate that the government’s Photo: Justice in Mexico.
security strategy has decreased levels of crime and violence in that state. According to data from Mexico’s Secretary General of National Public Security (Secretariado Ejecutivo del Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública, SESNSP), the deployment of over 4,000 federal forces in April 2014 has decreased crime and violence in Edomex by 7.8% when comparing the number of cases documented in January and June. Crime rates in Edomex held rather steady in the first third of 2014, with 21,666 documented crimes in January; 20,411 in February; 22,656 in March; and 21,014 in April. After troops were deployed in April, levels remained at 21,524 in May, and then dropped to 19,958 in June. Of the 127,229 crimes reported between January and June, robbery with or without violence topped the list with 45,310 such cases reported, followed by assaults (24,351 cases), homicides (2,009), extortion (562), and kidnapping (80). The Peña Nieto administration began Operation Secure Mexico following a request in March by Edomex Governor Eruviel Ávila Villegas calling for the government’s support to quell high levels of crime and violence, and strengthen public security efforts. The ongoing operation led by Federal Police (Policía Federal, PF) and military troops receives support from municipal police, the Secretary of Citizen State of Mexico Police. Photo: Cuartoscuro, Notimex.
Nevertheless, Operation Secure Mexico continues, hoping to further decrease levels of crime and violence from those reported by the SESNSP. More recently the strategy has led to the takedown of four presumed Knights Templar members, including one of the KTO leaders known as “El Rastrojo.” On Monday, September 8, a group of armed men allegedly attacked a Base for Mixed Operations (Base de Operación Mixta, BOM) in the southern municipality of Amatepec—one of the 56 such official facilities established throughout Edomex as part of the security strategy. State 3
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Secretary General José Manzur Quiroga confirmed that four men were killed in the attack after the military responded. As part of the strategy, police forces throughout Edomex are also undergoing training to form part of an “elite” force, which will be operational by April 2015. The force will be made up of agents ages 18 to 30 that have passed the vetting exams, including psychological, physical, and academic testing. More than 4,000 cadets enrolled in August for the eight-­‐month training—a training that receives support from international police agents in Chile, Argentina, and the United States. Still, a report from La Jornada, however, suggests that the recruitment and training process has not been without challenges. Of the 500 municipal police from 13 Edomex municipalities that enrolled in August’s training, “the majority” of them have already deserted the force, “presumably having connections with organized crime.” If true, such a situation suggests that despite the progress the Edomex security strategy has made in beginning to decrease the crime and violence, there is still work to be done. (Subprocuraduría Especializada en Investigación de Delincuencia Organizada, SEIDO). Arce faces charges of drug trafficking, migrant trafficking, extortion, and ties to criminal activity. The National Security Commission (Comisión Nacional de Seguridad, CNS) reports that he was one of the driving forces behind the violence occurring in the Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas. Authorities also believe he was responsible for an attack in August 2014 against the Special Forces branch (Grupo de Armas y Tácticas Especiales, GATE) of the Coahuila State Security Commission (Comisión Estatal de Seguridad de Coahuila). When detained, Arce and the other three suspects were in possession of a large vehicle, two firearms, one pistol, a cell phone, marijuana, and a substance similar to the synthetic drug known as crystal. No shots were fired during the operation. Sources: Olmos, José Gil. “Las autodefensas mexiquenses.” Proceso. June 18, 2014. “Self-­‐Defense Groups Grow in State of Mexico.” Mexico Voices. June 19, 2014. Vicenteño, David. “Tras cuatro meses de operativos, bajan denuncias en Edomex.” Excélsior. August 25, 2014. García, Sandra. “Prepara Edomex cuerpo policial de élite.” Terra México. September 8, 2014. González, Claudia. “Muere en Edomex ‘El Rastrojo’, líder criminal.” Grupo Milenio. September 8, 2014. Redacción. “Abaten a ‘El Rastrojo’, jefe de plaza de Templarios.” Proceso. September 8, 2014. Redacción. “Deja 4 muertos enfrentamiento entre ‘Familia Michoacana’ y Ejército en Edomex.” La Jornada. September 8, 2014. Mario Alberto Arce Moreno.
Photo: El Mañana.
Arce’s arrest falls in line with the federal government’s ongoing security strategy in Tamaulipas, which began in May 2014. Since the operation began, the Tamaulipas Coordination Group (Grupo de Coordinación de Tamaulipas) has brought down eight of the 14 priority organized crime suspects, which, taking into account Arce’s takedown, includes three regional leaders from Los Zetas and one from the Gulf Cartel (Cartel del Golfo, CDG). Nevertheless, reports indicate that it is unclear if Arce was named as one of the top 14 priorities. Los Zetas leader captured in Nuevo Laredo Mexican authorities arrested an alleged high-­‐ranking member of the notorious Los Zetas criminal organization on August 31. Mario Alberto Arce Moreno (31) was a presumed leader of the Zetas, operating largely in Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas. He was detained in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, along with three other suspects ages 18 to 24, in a coordinated operation led by the Federal Police (Policía Federal, PF), with support from members of the Secretaries of National Defense (Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional, SEDENA) and the Navy (Secretaría de Marina), the federal Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de la República, PGR), and the local police. The suspects have since been transferred to Mexico City for holding under the PGR’s Office of Special Investigations on Organized Crime Sources: “Federal forces to maintain presence in Tamaulipas.” Justice in Mexico. August 13, 2014. Redacción. “Capturan en Tamaulipas a Mario Alberto Arce, cabecilla de Los Zetas.” Proceso. August 31, 2014. Vicenteño, David. “Capturan a cabecilla de Los Zetas en Tamaulipas.” Excélsior. August 31, 2014. 4
Justice in Mexico I News Monitor Reports indicate that four OCGs are forming a “cartel of cartels” alliance New reports have emerged indicating the start of a possible alliance growing among several of Mexico’s top organized crime groups (OCGs). According to information gathered from official U.S. and Mexican intelligence sources, media outlet Reforma reported on a meeting that occurred in June 2014 in Piedras Negras, Coahuila between the leaders of Los Zetas, the Beltrán Leyva Organization (BLO), the Juárez Cartel (also known as Los Carrillo Fuentes), and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (Cártel de Jalisco Nueva Generación, CJNG). Those in attendance included Omar Oscar Treviño Morales, “Z-­‐42,” a leader of Los Zetas; a Zetas representative identified in reports only as “Z-­‐43;” Fausto Isidro Meza, “El Chapo Isidro,” who stood in for BLO leader Héctor Beltrán Leyva, “El H”; Vicente Carrillo Fuentes, “El Viceroy,” head of the Juárez Cartel; and Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, “El Mencho,” leader of the CJNG. cartel allegedly specializing in certain areas. For example, explains Reforma, Los Zetas focus more on extortion, kidnapping, and low-­‐level drug trafficking, while the Jalisco New Generation Cartel works more with producing and distributing synthetic drugs. The Beltrán Leyva Organization and Juárez Cartel, meanwhile, both tend to focus on trafficking large-­‐scale quantities of cocaine. Regardless if the OCGs have indeed been weakened in recent years, if the “cartel of cartels,” as it has been called, continues to unify, “it will reconfigure the whole drug trafficking map in Mexico,” predicts Reforma. Sources: Barajas, Abel. “Detecta Gobierno cártel de cárteles.” Reforma. August 29, 2014. “Cárteles mexicanos de la droga realizan cumber para gestar alianza.” El Universo. August 29, 2014. SDP Noticias. “Capos se reunen en Piedras Negras, Coahuila; buscan alianza entre cárteles.” Vanguardia. August 29, 2014. From left to right: Omar Oscar Treviño Morales, Fausto
Isidro Mez, Vicente Carrillo Fuentes, and Nemesio
Oseguero Cervantes. Photo: Reforma.
Reports speculate that the OGCs are collaborating as a result of several years of being the target of continued government pressure. These groups, as well as other prominent Mexican cartels, have arguably been weakened by the government’s takedown of cartel leadership, along with continued blows to mid-­‐ and lower-­‐level command. In 2014 alone, for example, eight of the 14 top organized-­‐crime targets identified in the ongoing Tamaulipas Security Strategy have been arrested, including three regional leaders from Los Zetas—one of whom, Mario Alberto Arce Moreno, was detained on August 31—and a regional leader from the Gulf Cartel (Cartel del Golfo, CDG). Within just the first four months of the year, the government arrested Mexico’s most wanted person, Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera of the Sinaloa Cartel; detained the Beltrán Leyva Organization’s second-­‐in-­‐command, Arnoldo Villa Sánchez; and arrested or killed three of the four leaders of the Knights Templar Organization (Caballeros Templarios, KTO), leaving only Servando “La Tuta” Gómez in command of that group. Nevertheless, the four OCGs in attendance—Los Zetas, BLO, Juárez Cartel, and CNJG—are still very much in operation, and maintain a noticeable presence in Mexico. Between these groups, they operate in almost two-­‐thirds of Mexico’s 31 states and Federal District (Distrito Federal, DF). They also cover a variety of different illicit activities, with each 5
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Transparency and Accountability Three Michoacán mayors indicted, another appears in images with La Tuta A district court judge in Michoacán has indicted three Michoacán mayors who are facing charges of having connections with members of the Knights Templar criminal organization (Caballeros Templarios, KTO). The judge found that there was sufficient evidence indicating that former mayors Arquímides Oseguera Solorio (Lázaro Cárdenas), Salma Karrum Cervantes (Pátzcuaro), and Dalia Santana Pineda (Huetamo) used their positions to finance and otherwise support the KTO. The indictment of Santana Pineda is the latest in a string of former mayors detained for alleged ties to organized crime, including those of Parácuaro, Aguililla, Apatzingán and Tacámbaro. From left to right: Arquímides Oseguera Solorio, Salma
Karrum Cervantes, and Dalia Santana Pineda.
Photos: La Jornada, Al Minuto.
Former Huetamo Mayor Dalia Santana Pineda was arrested on August 14 on charges of homicide and extortion. The Michoacán Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de Justicia del Estado, PGJE) alleges that Santana, of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), ordered the assassination of Antonio Granados Gómez, identified as Santana’s godfather, and with whom she had personal conflicts, according to Michoacán Attorney General José Martín Godoy Castro. Godoy stated that his agency determined Santana’s role in Granados’ killing through “testimonies of various people.” Granados was killed on April 9 in a local restaurant by a member of an unnamed criminal group operating in Michoacán, according to state authorities. This allegation further implicates Santana as maintaining ties with organized crime. The charges of extortion against the former mayor originate from allegations that she took 20% of Huetamo’s 350 employees’ salaries to make payments to KTO leader Servando Gómez, “La Tuta.” There are also allegations that she imposed the same practice on street vendors in the city. Transparency and Accountability Just weeks before Santana’s arrest, Salma Karrum appeared in a video released in early August that was filmed in March of last year showing her alongside “El Tony,” the leader of the Templarios in her municipality of Pátzcuaro. The video was filmed days following the murder of the mayor’s son-­‐in-­‐
law, Jonathan Rondan Pacheco (28), in the doorway of Karrum’s home. In the video, she can be heard trying to arrange a meeting with La Tuta to seek an explanation for the murder of her son-­‐in-­‐law. Karrum, also of the PRI, confirmed the authenticity of the video and said that she would make herself available to authorities for questioning. Nevertheless, the video has been widely viewed as an indictment of her ability and willingness to hold meetings with members of the Templarios. Meanwhile, Oseguera Solorio, a member of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (Partido de la Revolución Democrática, PRD), has been in detention since April on suspicion of kidnapping and extortion. His former city, Lázaro Cárdenas, holds Mexico’s second-­‐largest port, and has been a focal point of the Mexican government’s current operation to weaken the influence of the KTO in the state. The group has made inroads into the lucrative iron ore exporting market, presumably with the help of local authorities in the port city. Oseguera also appeared in a video alongside La Tuta. More recently, during the month of September photos of another Michoacán mayor with La Tuta surfaced, adding him to a growing list of public figures with suspected ties to the Knights Templar leader that includes four mayors, former interim governor José Jesús Reyna García, and Rodrigo Vallejo, son of former Michoacán Governor Fausto Vallejo. The images made public by Mexican newspaper Quadratín show Juan Hernández Ramírez, mayor of the Aquila municipality, at a table with La Tuta, along with several other unidentified men. The images are believed to be still shots from a video, similar to others that have surfaced, and which appear to have been filmed with the knowledge of those now implicated by their release. The videos were presumably filmed with the interests of the KTO in mind, and their release to the public appears to be a calculated measure on the part of the KTO to destabilize the government’s position there, and to turn public support against local officials. The videos come as the federal government’s public security strategy in Michoacán continues to unfold, and as officials 6
Justice in Mexico I News Monitor claim to have come near to capturing La Tuta and having weakened the KTO’s operational structure. 2009 to restructure the company’s finances, and that he had since “directly, jealously and possessively” controlled the company’s dealings with Banamex. Díaz was given 15% of the company’s shares as a hiring bonus, thus making him the #2 shareholder. Yáñez also emphasized Díaz’s ties to Banamex, particularly with Francisco Gil Díaz, his uncle, former treasury minister during the Vicente Fox administration, and adviser to Banamex. According to the PGR, Díaz funneled the illegal funds from Oceanografía into a variety of businesses, including a tequila distillery boasting the most expensive bottle of tequila in the world. While the PGR has frozen Díaz’s bank accounts, it has thus far left his material assets untouched, including his expansive home in the upscale Lomas de Chapultepec neighborhood in Mexico City and a 300-­‐hectare ranch on the México-­‐Querétaro highway. Sources: Cueva, Álvaro. “Sonríe, te están grabando ‘Los caballeros templarios.’” Milenio. August 8, 2014. “Un juzgado dicta auto de formal prisión contra tres alcaldes de Michoacán.” CNN México. September 8, 2014. García, Adán. “Exhiben a Edil de Aquila con ‘La Tuta.’” Reforma. September 26, 2014. Mexico seeks extradition from U.S. of suspect in Oceanografía-­‐Banamex scandal Mexico’s Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de la República, PGR) is moving forward in its investigation into fraud in Citibank’s Mexican subsidiary Banamex, involving Mexican oil services firm Oceanografía, pursuing formal charges against Oceanografía CEO Amado Yáñez and seeking the extradition from the United States of a prominent Oceanografía shareholder. Earlier this year, Citibank accused Mexican oil services firm Oceanografía of defrauding its Mexican subsidiary Banamex out of more than $400 million (USD), forcing the bank to revise their 2013 earnings report downwards. 12 Banamex employees were fired as a result of the fraud, which Citibank said resulted from weak internal controls in the bank. Amado Yáñez. Photo: CNN Expansión.
Meanwhile, Treasury Minister Luis Videgaray answered concerns from the Mexican Congress that authorities had under-­‐prioritized Yáñez as a focus of investigations into the Banamex fraud case. Videgaray insists that the PGR continues to investigate Yáñez, and he also rejected claims from some members of congress that Yáñez is working as an assessor or employee of the Administration and Alienation of Assets Service (Servicio de Administración y Enajenación de Bienes, SAE), an agency within the Treasury Ministry. Following the revelation of the scandal, Oceanografía was taken over by the SAE, and is still being administered by that agency. Yáñez was held under house arrest for nearly two months before being released in early June on $6.2 million (USD) bail. This followed his indictment on fraud charges for his alleged role in the Oceanografía-­‐Banamex scandal, which he continues to deny. Photo: Oceanografía. Early this month, the Mexican government requested that the U.S. government detain and extradite Martín Díaz Álvarez, Oceanografía’s second largest stockholder and former Banamex manager. Speaking at a regional justice convention, Mexico’s Attorney General Jesús Murillo Karam indicated that Díaz is just one of a number of individuals under investigation by the PGR. The PGR has indicated that Díaz, who is said to be living in a luxury condominium in Miami, is one of the Oceanografía managers responsible for falsifying documents to obtain fraudulent loans from Banamex. His former associate Amado Yáñez, Oceanografía’s principle shareholder, has accused Díaz of being the one responsible for the fraud. Yáñez told the PGR’s organized crime division (Subprocuraduría Especial en Investigaciones de Delincuencia Organizada, SEIDO) that he had hired Díaz in Sources: Barajas, Abel. “Implica a socio Amado Yáñez.” Reforma. June 11, 2014. Muedano, Marcos. “PGR solicita a EU extradite a socio de Oceanografía.” El Universal. September 4, 2014. Guthrie, Amy. “Citigroup to Bolster Mexican Unit.” Wall Street Journal. September 9, 2014. Chávez, Víctor. “No se ha exonerado a Amado Yáñez, asegura el secretario de Hacienda.” El Financiero. September 10, 2014. 7
Vol. 9, No. 9, September 2014
Justice System Reform Justice System Reform Around the States: Attorney General acknowledges challenges of implementing New Criminal Justice System With less than two years until the New Criminal Justice System (Nuevo Sistema de Justicia Penal, NSJP) is slated to be fully implemented and operational nationwide, Mexico’s Attorney General recently spoke of the challenges inherent within the new system. Addressing the Chamber of Deputies, Jesús Murillo Karam explained that the switch from an inquisitorial system to more of an accusatorial system based on oral trials is not just a change in the justice system, but also a change in mindset. “It’s about fundamentally constructing something much more difficult—a new mentality. A new form of justice that requires a new perception of public servants, those that work inside the vocation, that have the ethical principles that a public servant requires to impart justice, and that can apply [the law] and support it,” said Murillo Karam. As such, it is important to recognize both the progress and challenges each state faces on an individual level as they move towards fully implementing the NSJP by June 2016. These are some of the recent developments around the states: Colima • The president of Mexico’s Bar Associa~on cau~oned that the state of Colima must offer more training to lawyers on the NSJP, or it risks having the system underperform a€er it is fully implemented. Nevertheless, he noted that the new criminal jus~ce system has been well received by ci~zens in Colima thus far. Durango Attorney General Jesús Murillo Karam speaking in
front of Mexico's Chamber of Deputies.
Photo: Noticieros Televisa.
• By the end of 2014, Durango is slated to have the new Federal Penal Code in effect statewide, joining Puebla as the only states to do so. Durango was also the first state to begin par~ally opera~ng under the Federal Code, star~ng in May in Mezquital and in June in Laguna. Part of creating this new mindset, he continued, is to strengthen judicial processes and criminal investigations at various levels of government and across agencies. He also reiterated the importance of not misinterpreting one state’s challenges with justice as general challenges across all states. He specifically pointed to the security issues recently in Michoacán, and explained that it is not representative of the nation as a whole. “I think that the problem is to think of it as a national strategy. The problems in Michoacán have nothing to do with those in Chihuahua. They are completely different,” he explained. “If we apply one strategy for two separate problems, it’s a mistake. Therefore we have different strategies [for each] state.” Morelos 8
• 96% of the popula~on in Morelos, and 23 of the state’s 33 municipali~es are now opera~ng under the unified police force (Mando Único), which na~onwide mandate that state police assume ~ghter control over the historically corrupt municipal police. Police training and strengthening is a key component in the na~on’s jus~ce system reform. Justice in Mexico I News Monitor Nuevo León • 77 public servants in Nuevo León completed training on the NSJP led by State Aƒorney Adrían de la Garza Santos. With that training complete, De la Garza Santos highlighted that Nuevo León is 90% of the way to having the NSJP fully implemented, the remaining 10% of which is projected to be finished by April 2015. Veracruz • Veracruz announced next steps the state will take to move toward implemen~ng and opera~ng oral trials under the NSJP. In December, construc~on will begin in Xalapa on an oral trials courtroom, which will also serve as a classroom for law students; and by May 2015, the state will have the new Federal Penal Code in full effect. Sources: “Nuevo Código debutará en Durango.” El Siglo. September 4, 2014. Ávila Rojas, Merit. “Iniciarán construcción de sala de juicios orales en Veracruz.” El Demócrata. September 9, 2014. Guzmán, Ángela. “Veracruz, listo para iniciar juicios orales: Sosa Hernández.” El Golfo. September 10, 2014. Redacción. “Terminan capacitación de nuevo Sistema de Justicia.” El Horizonte. September 13, 2014. Romero, Omar. “Prevén tres municipios más con Mando Único.” Diario de Morelos. September 21, 2014. Munguía, Bertha. “Falta capacitación para aplicar el nuevo sistema penal.” Mega Noticias. September 22, 2014. Guerrero, Héctor. “PGR: Una nueva mentalidad, el reto del Nuevo Sistema de Justicia Penal.” Noticieros Televisa. September 24, 2014. Badillo, Jesús. “Crece confianza en la policía, destacan gobernadores.” Milenio. September 25, 2014. 9
Vol. 9, No. 9, September 2014
Human Rights and Civil Society Human Rights and Civil Society Eight members of Mexican Army arrested in connection with massacre of 22 Eight members of the Mexican Army have been apprehended for their involvement in the killing of 22 suspected members of organized crime—21 men and one female minor—in the Tlatlaya municipality of the State of Mexico (Estado de México, Edomex) near the border with Guerrero. They stand accused of violating military code, and are in the custody of the Mexican military’s legal authority (Procuraduría General de Justicia Militar). One of the detainees, a lieutenant, also faces charges of insubordination (desobediencia e infracción de deberes). These pending charges, according to Mexico’s National Defense Ministry (Secretaría de Defensa Nacional, SEDENA), are “independent of the investigations being carried out by civil authorities,” namely Mexico’s Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de la República, PGR). The eight soldiers are currently being held in a military prison. Recent developments calling into questions official reports of the incident in Tlatlaya, which occurred on June 30, were first reported in the magazine Esquire México, based on an interview with a survivor of the incident. Her account differed widely from accounts from the Mexican Army and the Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de la República, PGR) that the soldiers had fired on the suspected criminals in “legitimate [self] defense,” as they had come under fire during a patrol of the area. According to the survivor, who was one of three women SEDENDA said had been kidnapped by the group and used the false name Julia, agreed to an interview with Esquire México two months after the incident in which she said that it was the soldiers who fired first and that the suspected criminals returned fire. Only one of the suspects died in the confrontation, said Julia, and that during the hours that followed the soldiers interrogated the remaining 21 before executing them. She also denied having been kidnapped, but requested that Esquire México not publish her reason for being at the warehouse. She found herself there in the early morning of June 30 along with Erika Gómez González, the minor that was killed in the incident—an execution-­‐style shot to the chest after being wounded in the leg, according to Julia. José Miguel Vivanco, director for Human Rights Watch’s Americas division, had for weeks requested an investigation into the Tlatlaya massacre, saying that there was evidence that the soldiers had “acted in an irregular manner.” In July, 10
the Associated Press challenged SEDENA’s claims that the suspected criminals had died in an armed confrontation, pointing out that the front of the warehouse only showed six bullet holes, and that the inside of the warehouse showed even less signs of the violent shootout that officials were maintaining took place there. On July 15, the State of Mexico’s Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General del Estado de México, PGJEM) issued a statement that “There were no short distance shots; the interchange of shots was proportional; according to the trajectory of the [bullets] and the position in which the bodies were found, [there does not exist] any indication of a possible execution.” Nevertheless, the AP pointed out that five spots inside the warehouse indicated holes from one or two bullets fired from close range surrounded by a splattering of blood, suggesting that the recipients had been on their feet against the wall and were shot chest-­‐high. This is consistent with statements made by Julia, who described soldiers turning over the injured Erika Gómez and shooting her in the chest before turning her back over and placing a rifle next to her body, as appeared many of the other bodies at the scene, giving the appearance that they were armed when they were shot and killed. Also arousing suspicion were the reports that just one soldier was wounded in the supposed armed confrontation. Scene from inside the warehouse in Tlatlaya.
Photo: Esquire México.
Following the incident in Tlatlaya, Julia said that she was in PGR custody for a week, where she was approached by members of the PGJEM, the Mexican Navy (Marina), and the PGR’s organized crime division coerced her into stating that the people who had died were criminals. She also said that she was made to sign a number of documents, but was not given copies of any of them. Finally, she added, she received Justice in Mexico I News Monitor AFP. “El caso Tlatlaya desafía la estrategia de seguridad de Peña: analistas.” CNN México. September 26, 2014. Associated Press. “Batallón de Tlatlaya tendría historial controversial: AP.” El Universal. September 27, 2014. no food during the first three days, and that she was photographed along with weapons seized in the warehouse. According to the AP, the seven soldiers and one officer facing possible disciplinary action are from a battalion with a nd
spotty history. Last December, the 102 Infantry Battalion nd
of the 22 Military Zone was in the news following an incident in which some of its members fired on a truck carrying several municipal employees from Arcelia, where several who died in Tlatlaya on June 30 were from. In February 2012, reports surfaced in the national news that nd
members of the 102 had sold operational information to the La Familia Michoacana criminal organization. Amnesty International releases report on police torture in Mexico Amnesty International (AI) released a report condemning torture perpetrated by Mexican law enforcement personnel, which it classifies as “play[ing] a central role in policing and public security operations by military and police forces across Mexico.” The report, titled “Out of Control: Torture and Other Ill-­‐treatment in Mexico,” is based on several years of research of reports of alleged abuses suffered by individuals both detained and awaiting trial, as well as others following sentencing. The report’s focus, though, is on incidences of torture and other forms of mistreatment occurring initially following detention. Specifically, AI examined documented cases from the Federal District (Distrito Federal, DF) and the states of Baja California, Chihuahua, and the State of Mexico (Estado de México, Edomex). Cases from other states were also included in the study, with the help of local human rights organizations. Aside from interviewing alleged victims, families, lawyers, and human rights organizations, AI also solicited statements from government officials and representatives from state and federal prosecutorial agencies, the judiciary, and state and federal human rights commissions, which AI acknowledged were both cooperative and invaluable to carrying out the study. Aside from an examination of what they term “widespread” use of torture by law enforcement personnel in Mexico and the government’s inadequate response to the problem, the authors also extensively cite individual cases throughout the report, answering their own criticism that the issue has become depersonalized. The report is the first in a series of five country reports to be released as part of AI’s global STOP TORTURE campaign. In its investigation, AI found that incidents of torture in 2013 were six times the level of 2003, and that a generalized use of torture is met with tolerance by authorities, despite what it characterizes as strong federal law to prevent and punish such mistreatment, partly due to an inability or unwillingness on the part of the justice system to address the problem. The report blames the widespread deployment of the army and navy marines for combating organized crime for being a key factor in the increased use of torture in Mexico. AI found that arbitrary detentions and the fabrication of evidence were also closely associated with acts of torture and other forms of mistreatment. The report also found that medical attention to victims was inadequate, falling well short of international standards, and that the burden of proving that torture occurred often falls on the Warehouse in Tlatlaya where the June 30 massacre took
place. Photo: Associated Press.
If Julia’s accounts are verified, this would represent the worst massacre carried out by the Mexican armed forces since President Enrique Peña Nieto took office in December 2012. Interior Minister Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong has maintained that should this be the case, it would be “an isolated action and not the general behavior of the Army and Navy.” José Miguel Vivanco, however, stresses that the massacre is just one side of the problem, and that it is now the “cover-­‐up” that needs to be investigated thoroughly to discover any official—military or civilian—who helped in hiding the true events from the public. Moreover, the case will prove to be the first high-­‐profile challenge for recent changes to Mexico’s justice system allowing personnel of the armed forces accused of committing abuses against civilians to be tried in civilian courts. Javier Oliva, security expert at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, UNAM), said that the event underscores the risks of an overdependence on the armed forces to perform security functions for which local authorities no longer take responsibility. Sources: Ferri Tórtola, Pablo. “Exclusiva: Testigo revela ejecuciones en el Estado de México.” Esquire México. September 19, 2014. “Detienen a 8 militares por caso Tlatlaya.” Milenio. September 25, 2014. 11
Vol. 9, No. 9, September 2014
victim, given the lack of independent, impartial investigations into torture allegations. AI issues a number of recommendations to the Mexican government to address the problem of torture carried out by law enforcement personnel, which include ensuring that detentions are carried out in a legal fashion, ending the role of the Mexican armed forces in policing functions, ensuring detainees’ access to legal counsel, as well as adequate, impartial medical attention, and immediately initiating investigations into suspected acts of torture against detainees. The authors also call on Mexico to align itself with international standards, particularly with regards to the Federal Attorney General Office’s (Procuraduría General de la República, PGR) Special Procedure (“Specialized medical/psychological evaluation”). They also recommend that more be done to exclude evidence obtained through human rights violations, and to establish a judicial mechanism through which to investigate allegations of such methods. Torture is employed for a variety of reasons, including to force confessions or statements implicating others, to extort money, or simply to humiliate and punish detainees. Methods include beatings, death threats, electric shocks, mock executions, near-­‐asphyxiation including waterboarding, stress positions, sexual violence, and threats against detainees’ families. According to data from the National Human Rights Commission (Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos, CNDH), there were 219 reports of torture and other ill treatment made to that agency in 2003, as compared with 1,505 in 2013. While the 2013 total represents a 29% decrease from the peak in 2012, it still reflects a 687% increase from a decade prior. Moreover, between 2010 and 2013 the CNDH received more than 7,000 reports of torture and other forms of ill treatment. Likewise, the CNDH issued one recommendation related to torture in 2003, as compared with 13 in 2013. Additionally, the complaints of torture made to the CNDH far under-­‐
represent the scale of the problem, in part because of victims’ reluctance to report violations, and in part due to the CNDH only handling allegations of abuse by federal law enforcement personnel. Data from the state-­‐level human rights commissions (Comisión Estatal de Derechos Humanos, CEDH) show a total of 2,323 complaints of torture between 2008 and 2013. However, the authors report that six CEDHs failed to provide information to AI. These numbers too, though, are an undercount, given what AI terms inconsistent and flawed CEDH procedures and the lack of a national registry for compiling CEDH data. The report highlights specific groups that have been targeted for arrests that have been particularly prone to resulting in torture. The authors mention the policing of public demonstrations as one of these cases, resulting in excessive force, arbitrary detentions, torture, and other forms of mistreatment. AI also mentions human rights defenders—including lawyers—who find themselves targeted for reprisal by authorities for defending individuals claiming to have been victims of torture by public security agents. The report highlights men from marginalized communities and vulnerable groups like irregular migrants as being the majority of victims in cases documented by AI. Beyond the numbers of complaints of torture and other mistreatment by law enforcement agents, AI is particularly critical of the impunity surrounding such incidences. Of the over 7,000 complaints the CNDH received between 2010 and 2013, the authors maintain that not one resulted in a conviction on torture charges. Moreover, according to the Federal Judicial Council, of the 123 prosecutions held in federal courts between 2005 and 2013, just seven resulted in convictions. At the state level, there have only ever been five torture convictions, according to the National Statistics and Geography Institute (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, INEGI). Moreover, AI cited Mexican government statements to the United Nations Committee Against Torture in 2012 that six verdicts had been handed down for the offense of torture since 2005, adding that there had been 143 trials for abuse of authority, 60 for misuse of public office, and 305 for unauthorized use of public authority, which AI said reflected a “pattern of downgrading crimes of torture to lesser offences that carry lighter sentences or, in some cases, are dealt with as minor disciplinary matters.” Amnesty International’s STOP TORTURE campaign.
Photo: Amnesty International. AI recognizes Mexican anti-­‐torture law as being “extensive” on paper, with Mexico having signed on to UN and Inter-­‐
American conventions against torture, as well as committing to abide by recommendations from the CNDH. Torture is also prohibited in the Mexican Constitution, with a federal law to prevent and punish torture in place since 1991. Nevertheless, the report denounces a criminal justice system that admits evidence obtained as a result of arbitrary detentions and torture. The report also criticizes “legal” detentions, pointing out that the majority of arrests in Mexico are carried out without a warrant, in which officers detain suspects “en flagancia,” or “red-­‐handed,” or immediately after an alleged crime has occurred. Government data on arrests, however, are inconsistent and inaccessible to the public, according to AI. Moreover, a 12
Justice in Mexico I News Monitor generally-­‐accepted assumption of guilt along with little to no burden on arresting officers’ part to demonstrate due cause has led to very few arrests being successfully challenged in the courts. The report points to what it terms as “trial by media” to characterize arrestees from poor or marginalized communities who find it difficult to counter fabricated or unlawful evidence against them because of discrimination at all levels of the judicial system. Suspects are regularly exhibited in the media looking their worst and often before seized drugs and/or weapons, and are condemned by public opinion before even being formally charged. Mexico City has established a protocol limiting the use of such practices, but AI says that they remain “routine” in other jurisdictions in the country. Likewise violating the presumption of innocence, the report criticizes, is the practice of arraigo, a detention mechanism requested by a public prosecutor and granted by a judge that allows for the detention of a suspect for up to 80 days without formal charges, intended to be applied to serious crimes. The authors cite international human rights organizations that have said that arraigo promotes the use of detention as an investigatory tool and have called for eliminating the practice. The report acknowledges some improvements, such as a lesser use of the practice under the Peña Nieto administration and a May 2014 Mexican Supreme Court ruling that limits the use of the practice to the federal government and only in cases involving organized crime, and allowing evidence gathered under arraigo to be challenged in trial to determine its admissibility. Nevertheless, the authors advocate for the removal of the practice altogether. charges being filed. The authors fault the lack independent forensic doctors and psychologists properly trained to carry out the requirements of the Protocol. Moreover, the PGR provides training to state-­‐level forensic scientists. The Special Procedure is also lacking independent oversight, which appears to depend entirely on the PGR’s own committee, consultative group, and advisory panel. Finally, the AI report faults Mexico with failing to provide restitution and reparations in cases of torture or other ill treatment with the exception of cases in which the Inter-­‐
American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) has ruled against the government. The authors criticize both the PGR and the CNDH for their reparations mechanisms, arguing that neither advocates for the payment of reparations through the national courts, in line with international norms. They criticize that NGOs in Mexico have stepped in to provide medical and psychological support to individuals falsely imprisoned as a result of torture or other ill treatment, filling a need that should be met by the federal government. AI points to the creation in 2013 of the National Commission for Victims as potentially valuable in addressing these needs, but stresses that it is “still at an early stage,” and that the “necessary law and financial resources to enable the Commission for Victims to become operational are still not in place.” Sources: Langner, Ana. “Deficiente trabajo de la CNDH con víctimas; acusa AI.” El Economista. September 4, 2014. “Out of Control: Torture and other Ill-­‐treatment in Mexico.” Amnesty International. Accessed September 29, 2014. PGJE investigating mayor and municipal police for ordering attack on journalist A story that first broke because yet another journalist was attacked in Mexico has now developed into accusations that a mayor and municipal police force ordered the attack. On September 4, 24-­‐year-­‐old Karla Janeth Silva was assaulted in her office in Silao, Guanajuato when three armed men broke in and beat her, repeatedly kicking her in the head and chest. Silva is a reporter for news outlet El Heraldo de León. The attack immediately caught the public’s attention after images of a beaten and bruised Silva surfaced in the media. Just days after, the Guanajuato State Attorney General’s Office (Procuraduría General de la Justicia del Estado, PGJE) then launched an investigation into the role local authorities had played in the attack, eventually leading to accusations that the Silao mayor and chief of municipal police force, had ordered it. Authorities have arrested all three of the armed suspects who actually carried out the orders, identifying Photo: CNDH.
The report finds that Mexico’s Special Procedure is not in line with the Istanbul Protocol, the UN Manual on the Effective Investigation and Documentation of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment of Punishment, although the two have come to be more or less synonymous in Mexico. Of 1,219 initial investigations into allegations of such treatment, only 472 saw the Special Procedures implemented, while only 12 resulted in torture 13
Vol. 9, No. 9, September 2014
them as Luis Gerardo Hernández, Joaquín Osvaldo Valero Garnica, and José Samuel Ornelas Martínez. The accusations of officials’ involvement stemmed from a brewing tension between Silva and local authorities. Reports indicate that Silva, in her profession as a reporter, had repeatedly tried to contact local authorities for interviews and information for stories, and was regularly denied her requests. At one point, Silao Mayor Enrique Benjamín Solís Arzola allegedly snapped at the journalist after she tried to contact him, stating, “Listen, I don’t want [to be bothered] any more!” For her part, Silva continued to report on issues surrounding local politics, increasing crime rates, and criticisms toward municipal authorities for “allegedly wasting resource and [for their] lack of transparency.” Silva, who had admitted to colleagues she was concerned for her safety, immediately accused local authorities of being behind the attack, not just because of the growing frustrations and criticizing reports she had written, but also because the suspects demanded she change the tone of her publications during the attack. act.” Meanwhile, national and international organizations including the United Nations’ Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the U.N. Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), as well as public support from Guanajuato and neighboring states, have condemned the attacks and demanded those responsible be held accountable. Sources: “Mexican journalist attacked after receiving threats.” Committee to Protect Journalists. September 8, 2014. Agencias. “Guanajuato: Jefe de la policía habría ordenado ataque a reportera.” Sipse. September 11, 2014. Díaz, Gloria Leticia. “’Profunda preocupación’ en la ONU por agresiones a periodistas en México.” Proceso. September 11, 2014. “Exigen que edil de Silao pida licencia por reportera agredid.” El Informador. September 12, 2014. “Recent Attacks Against Journalists Raise ‘Deepest Concern’ of UN.” Mexico Voices. September 12, 2014. Redacción. “Detienen a otro agresor de la reportera Karla Silva.” SDP Noticias. September 24, 2014. . Karla Janeth Silva. Photo: Telenoticias.
As investigations continue, members of the National Action Party (Partido de Acción Nacional, PAN) are demanding that Mayor Solís, who is a member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), step down from his position, alleging his potential role in pressuring Municipal Police Chief Nicasio Aguierre to carry out the attack. “This type of practices are inconceivable, but it would make it even more grave if the head of Public Security [Seguridad Pública] had been instructed by his superior to take action,” commented the PAN in a public statement. “This is the motivation behind requesting Mayor Enrique Benjamín Solís Arzola step down and make himself available to the Attorney General and the corresponding authorities,” it continued. Nevertheless, Mayor Solís has denied the accusations and called Silva’s beating a “horrible 14
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