Focus Europe Investment gap Deutsche Bank Research
Transcription
Focus Europe Investment gap Deutsche Bank Research
Deutsche Bank Research Europe Economics Date 10 October 2014 Mark Wall Chief Economist (+44) 20 754-52087 [email protected] Focus Europe Investment gap After the sharp fall during the Great Recession, investment has recovered in most advanced countries but has remained anemic in the euro area. In other words there appears to be an investment gap in the euro area. This week we examine the causes of this gap and assess the current debate on initiatives for expanding investment in the EU, the most fleshed out of which is the potential extension of activities of the European Investment Bank. All in all, we expect new agreed initiatives to focus more on better deployment of existing resources and catalysing private investment than on material further increases in funds for public investment. More flexible instruments for the deployment of still limited EU resources would be a positive, but it is unlikely that we will see an investment initiative big enough to become a game changer – neither in volume nor in terms of sentiment. Investment spending will thus likely continue to lag crisis resolution rather than lead it. On 14 October the European Court of Justice (ECJ) will hold a hearing on the ECB’s OMT programme within a preliminary ruling procedure initiated by the German Constitutional Court (GCC). The opinion of the ECJ and the GCC’s final ruling will likely have an impact on the legal feasibility of QE. The provision of the GCC that acceptance of a debt cut could be avoided could particularly affect public QE. The market perception of the efficacy and durability of the public QE may be weakened if the final judgement on OMT is still outstanding. The Italian parliament cast its first vote in favour of the labour reforms. Whether the benefits of the reform will be marginal or material will depend on the final design, implementation and resources. In any case, we do not think that the labour reform will be enough to turn the economy around without an overhaul of the public administration and of the tax system. Research Team Euroland Peter Sidorov [email protected] Marco Stringa [email protected] Mark Wall [email protected] UK/Scandinavia George Buckley [email protected] Central Europe Caroline Grady [email protected] Gautam Kalani [email protected] Inflation Strategy/Economics Markus Heider [email protected] Politics has taken centre stage in the UK with polls pointing to a hung parliament in May. There are risks associated with all outcomes – a majority Conservative government would deliver an EU referendum while a Labour administration plans a 'mansion tax' and may slow austerity. As a result, markets may be least concerned by a continuation of the current coalition. Euro-area investment underperformance 110 Table of contents European investment initiatives: disappointing volume and momentum Investment, pre-crisis peak = 100 105 Page 03 Private/Public QE: Repercussions of the Page 13 OMT case at the ECJ 100 95 Italy: the beginning of labour reform Page 18 85 Euro Sovereign Events Page 21 80 UK: A look ahead to May's election Page 24 75 Rate views Page 30 90 70 65 2006 Euro area 2007 2008 UK 2009 US 2010 Canada 2011 2012 Japan 2013 2014 Source: Deutsche Bank, Haver ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Deutsche Bank AG/London DISCLOSURES AND ANALYST CERTIFICATIONS ARE LOCATED IN APPENDIX 1. MCI (P) 148/04/2014. 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Economic Forecasts Real GDP % growth b c CPI % growth Current a/c % GDP d Fiscal balance % GDP 2014F 2015F 2016F 2014F 2015F 2016F 2014F 2015F 2016F 2014F 2015F 2016F 0.7 1.0 1.4 0.5 1.1 1.5 2.5 2.1 1.6 -2.6 -2.5 -2.1 1.5 1.5 1.4 0.9 1.5 1.8 7.2 6.7 6.6 0.2 -0.1 -0.2 0.4 0.9 1.5 0.6 0.9 1.5 -1.8 -1.8 -1.5 -4.4 -4.3 -3.8 -0.4 0.4 0.7 0.2 0.8 1.2 1.6 1.6 1.5 -3.0 -2.9 -2.7 Spain 1.2 1.9 1.8 -0.1 0.8 1.4 0.4 0.5 0.7 -5.6 -4.6 -3.3 Netherlands 0.7 1.7 1.1 0.5 1.1 1.5 10.9 11.4 11.5 -2.5 -2.0 -1.9 Belgium 1.0 1.0 1.6 0.7 1.3 1.5 -1.0 -0.8 -0.5 -2.5 -2.3 -2.2 Austria 0.8 1.3 1.8 1.5 1.7 1.7 2.7 2.9 3.1 -3.0 -1.8 -1.2 Finland -0.4 0.6 1.6 1.1 1.2 1.4 -2.0 -1.7 -1.3 -2.4 -1.8 -1.1 Greece -0.2 2.1 2.7 -1.0 0.4 0.9 1.0 1.5 1.5 -1.8 -0.6 0.1 Portugal 1.0 1.1 1.7 -0.1 0.9 1.3 1.0 1.0 1.0 -4.2 -3.3 -2.7 Ireland 3.7 2.5 3.7 0.4 1.1 1.6 6.5 7.0 7.0 -4.0 -2.7 -2.5 UK 3.1 2.5 2.3 1.7 1.9 2.0 -4.0 -3.2 -3.0 -4.6 -3.5 -2.1 Sweden 2.2 2.6 2.5 0.2 1.5 2.0 6.0 5.5 5.0 -1.5 -1.0 -0.5 Denmark 1.0 2.0 1.8 1.0 1.5 2.0 6.7 6.4 6.0 0.0 -1.0 -2.0 Norway 2.4 2.5 2.5 1.8 2.2 2.0 11.0 10.5 10.0 7.0 6.7 6.5 Switzerland 1.3 1.8 2.0 0.0 0.3 0.6 12.0 11.0 10.5 0.0 0.2 0.5 Poland 3.1 3.5 3.8 0.2 1.1 2.3 -1.8 -2.0 -2.2 4.3 -2.9 -2.8 Hungary 3.4 2.7 3.0 0.2 2.6 3.3 1.6 1.5 1.5 -2.9 -2.7 -2.8 Czech Republic 2.4 2.6 2.8 0.4 1.8 2.0 -1.5 -1.4 -1.5 -2.6 -2.5 -2.4 US 2.4 3.6 3.1 1.8 2.2 2.4 -2.5 -2.5 -2.7 -2.9 -2.5 -2.8 China 7.8 8.0 8.0 2.2 3.0 3.0 2.3 2.5 2.3 -2.1 -1.5 -1.8 Japan 1.0 1.3 1.4 2.9 1.7 1.8 0.2 1.4 2.1 -7.0 -6.1 -4.6 Worldf 3.3 3.9 4.0 3.5 3.8 3.7 Euroland (top-down) Germany b France Italy Sources: National statistics, national central banks, DB forecasts Forecasts: Euroland GDP growth by components and central bank rates Euroland, % qoq GDP Private Consumption Gov. Consumption Investment Stocks (contribution) Exports Imports Net Trade (contribution) HICP inflation, % yoy Core inflation, % yoy EMU4 GDP, % qoq Germany France Italy Spain Central Bank Rates (eop) ECB refi rate BoE bank rate US Fed funds target rate PBOC 1Y deposit rate BoJ O/N call rate 14-Q1 0.2 0.2 0.7 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.8 -0.3 0.7 0.8 14-Q2 0.0 0.3 0.2 -0.3 -0.2 0.5 0.3 0.1 0.6 0.8 14-Q3F 0.2 0.2 -0.2 0.7 0.0 0.5 0.5 0.0 0.3 0.8 14-Q4F 0.1 0.1 -0.2 0.5 -0.1 1.0 0.8 0.1 0.5 0.9 15-Q1F 0.2 0.2 -0.1 0.2 0.0 1.0 0.8 0.1 0.7 0.9 15-Q2F 0.4 0.2 -0.1 0.5 0.0 1.3 0.9 0.2 0.9 1.0 15-Q3F 0.4 0.2 0.0 0.7 0.0 1.3 1.1 0.1 1.2 1.1 15-Q4F 0.4 0.2 0.0 0.7 0.0 1.3 1.1 0.1 1.4 1.2 2014F 2015F 2016F 0.7 0.7 0.6 1.4 0.0 2.6 2.8 0.0 0.5 0.9 1.0 0.7 -0.4 1.6 -0.1 4.1 3.3 0.5 1.1 1.1 1.4 1.1 -0.2 2.6 0.1 4.4 4.3 0.1 1.5 1.3 0.7 0.0 -0.1 0.4 -0.2 0.0 -0.2 0.6 0.4 0.2 -0.2 0.4 0.2 0.1 -0.1 0.4 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.5 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.5 0.4 0.4 0.2 0.5 1.5 0.4 -0.4 1.2 1.5 0.9 0.4 1.9 1.4 1.5 0.7 1.8 0.25 0.50 0.125 3.00 0.10 0.15 0.50 0.125 3.00 0.10 0.05 0.50 0.125 3.00 0.10 0.05 0.50 0.125 3.00 0.10 0.05 0.75 0.250 3.00 0.10 0.05 0.75 0.500 3.00 0.10 0.05 1.00 1.000 3.25 0.10 0.05 1.25 1.500 3.50 0.10 Sources: National statistics, national central banks, DB forecasts. (a) Euro Area and the Big 4 forecasts are frozen as of 26/09/14. All smaller euro area country forecasts are as of 26/09/14. Bold figures signal upward revisions. Bold, underlined figures signal downward revisions. (b) Annual German GDP is not adjusted for working days. (c) HICP figures for euro-area countries/UK (d) Current account figures for euro area countries include intra regional transactions. (f) As of the week starting 14 July 2014, our global and regional forecast aggregation methodology has changed to dynamic rather than static annual IMF PPP weights. The change added 0.2pp to global growth in 2014 and 2015 due to rising weight of EM economies. Page 2 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Eurozone Economics Peter Sidorov, CFA Economist (+44) 20 754-70132 [email protected] European investment initiatives: disappointing volume and momentum Investment fell across advanced economies following the Great Recession. However, while it has recovered somewhat in countries such as the US, it remains weak in the euro area. Some of this may reflect correction of past overinvestment in the periphery, but factors such as financial fragmentation and greater policy uncertainty in the EMU suggest that the fall has been excessive, creating an investment gap. We believe that supply side measures – reducing financial fragmentation and improving the investment climate through structural reforms, to facilitate private investment, are pre-requisites for closing the investment gap. That said, with a high degree of slack in the economy these should be complemented by demand side increases in public investment. Risks of inefficient investment cannot be ignored but should not be used as an excuse for no action. Of the measures currently on the table a potential extension of the activities of the European Investment Bank (EIB) is most fleshed out. The most important instruments currently are project loans/bonds, intermediated loans to national development banks and financial instruments that allow member states to leverage EU structural funds at national level (ESIFs). Moreover, the European Investment Fund (EIF) as a branch of the EIB Group can provide venture capital to SMEs. There is a general consensus in European politics that there should be an extension of activities of the EIB, which currently disburses EUR 50-70bn annually in the EU. One option could be to allow more flexible use of EU structural funds for ESIF instruments. The second option would be for the EIB to engage in riskier projects. In the absence of a capital increase this could, however, affect its current AAA rating. The third option would be to increase the capital base of the European Investment Fund by rededicating funds coming from either ESM or EFSM. This, however, is currently rejected by major EMU ‘core’ countries. It is certainly not as foregone a conclusion as the vivid discussion in the media does currently suggest. Proposals outside existing instruments have also been brought to the table in the current debate, ranging from the idea of a mini bond market, such as the one created in Italy in 2012, to a EUR 700bn 5-year public investment fund suggested by Poland. That said, we expect new agreed initiatives to focus more on better deployment of existing resources and catalyzing private investment than on further contributions of public funds. Some additional investment in Europe will come – however it is open as to whether it will be invested in the right projects. Given the risk of repeated distribution battles and political activism the perspectives of implementing the most complementary solution to the investment and reform gridlock linking the disbursement of additional funds to the compliance with the recommendations for structural reforms – are rather weak. More flexible instruments for the deployment of still limited EU resources would be a positive, but it is unlikely that we will see an investment initiative big enough to become a game changer – neither in volume nor in terms of sentiment. Investment spending will thus likely continue to lag crisis resolution rather than lead it. Deutsche Bank AG/London Nicolaus Heinen Economist (+49) 69 910-31713 [email protected] Page 3 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Investment initiatives back on the agenda Following the recent weakening of the growth trajectory for the Euro area and the possible threat of economic stagnation and deflation, the recent weeks have brought a heated debate across EMU countries on how public and private investment could be reinvigorated. First proposals were discussed at the Eurogroup Summit in Milan on 12 September and the debate continued at the special European Council on growth and employment on 7 October. Two debates – private vs public The general debate on increasing investment in the Euro area to stimulate the economy goes along two major strands. Adjusting austerity efforts in order to foster public investment. Since 2012 there has been a general understanding in the European Council and the Ecofin that public investment should not be undermined by austerity efforts (so-called “growth friendly consolidation”). For instance, national public spending which is used to finance projects that are co-funded by European Structural and Cohesion Funds can be excluded from the measurement of the Maastricht deficit threshold. The Stability and Growth Pact provides for some flexibility as exemption clauses allow to refrain from an Excessive Deficit Procedure for those countries suffering from weak economic conditions. Leveraging public funds in order to activate private investment. The other strand of the debate aims to enhance the cooperation between private and public investors using public funds as an incentive or as a means of risk sharing to motivate companies and households to invest. While a less ambitious austerity stance seems to already be the pragmatic consensus in Europe, politics is currently focusing on the second option. Is there an investment gap in the euro area? Before we begin to examine the details of the existing and proposed investment initiatives as well as the likelihood of and any potential problems in their implementation it is worth briefly examining the underlying macroeconomic issues. Is investment at a sub-optimal level in the euro area creating an ‘investment gap’? If so, what have been the causes? Calls for a need for greater investment have been near the front line of economic discussion across the advanced economies, most recently by the IMF in its latest World Economic Outlook in which it claims that the time is right for a push in public infrastructure. Since the financial crisis investment as a percentage of output has declined across the G7 economies (Figure 1). While the decline in investment has been seen across most advanced economies during and in the aftermath of the Great Recession – to be expected as investment is cut in an environment of economic weakness and increased uncertainty – the decline in the euro area has been more persistent than that in, for instance, the US, with the sharpest decline in the peripheral countries (Figure 2)1. This further raises concerns as to whether the euro area is currently stuck in a situation of excessively low investment. 1 A point of note is that while the UK has seen a prolonged decline in investment following the Great Recession similar to the euro area, investment is currently growing at +9.1% yoy in the UK (as of Q2) versus a paltry +1.3% yoy in the EMU. Page 4 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Figure 1: Investment declined across Figure 2: But in Europe the decline G7 during Great Recession has continued 35 35 Investment as % of GDP EA UK US CA JP 30 Investment as % of GDP EA ES FR IT DE 30 25 25 20 20 15 15 2008-2010 Great Recession 10 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 Source: Deutsche Bank, AMECO, Haver 2005 2008-2010 Great Recession 2010 10 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Source: Deutsche Bank, AMECO, Haver Falling investment ratios do not necessarily imply an investment gap We should point out, that the above comparison of the headline investment ratios across countries and time periods does not in itself automatically imply the existence of an investment gap. There are a number of reasons why the efficient investment ratio could now be lower than before the crisis: Adjusting for past overinvestment. This in particular relates to the construction-focused investment booms before the Great Recession in the peripheral economies. The share of construction investment in GDP reached 22% in Spain and Ireland in 2007, double that in the ‘core’ countries (Figure 3). Efficiency of investment The above construction overinvestment in the periphery is an example of relatively inefficient investment. More broadly, investment will have limited benefits if it is focused on ”white elephants” and other unproductive projects. On this note, in 2 September Focus Germany our colleagues find that German investment is relatively efficient compared to most euro area countries, especially in the periphery, one the potential reasons for this being the higher propensity in Germany for more productive investment in machinery & equipment versus less productive construction investment. Catch up over time. Investment ratios may be temporarily (even if for a rather prolonged period) boosted by an economy catching up from a lower starting level of capital stock. The high investment in Japan in 1960s-70s and the 1990s post-reunification investment boom in Germany are examples. Structural shifts. These can happen both across countries and over time. For instance, movement in value added over time away from manufacturing towards knowledge-based services industries may lower the investment ratio, as replacing and increasing capital stock becomes relatively less important. That said, the inclusion of R&D in investment that is taking place in European national accounts this year may somewhat offset this. Figure 3: Construction– adjustment still ongoing in Spain and Portugal 25 Construction as % of GDP 20 15 10 5 0 1995 1998 FR DE IT IE PT ES 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013 Source: Deutsche Bank, AMECO, Haver …but there are enough factors to suggest that it does exist While we should undoubtedly consider the above caveats when making our conclusions on the need for greater investment in Europe, there are a number of factors which continue to weigh down investment in the euro area beyond what can be justified by the above considerations. Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 5 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap First, the dearth of public investment. True, this in part reflects a similar correction of past overinvestment, which was seen both in the public and private sector. The decline in public investment in the euro area periphery, has been at least as sharp as that in private investment (Figures 4 and 5) and unlike private investment which fell across the euro area, the public investment contraction has been limited to the periphery. This is as it has been the biggest victim of euro area austerity as budgetary pressures resulted in cuts focused away from the more politically sensitive areas of public consumption, which has remained relatively resilient (Figure 6). The need to prioritize public spending towards growth-friendly measures has been highlighted by both the European Commission and the ECB. Re-prioritizing public investment should be part of this. Figure 4: Private investment has Figure 5: Public investment decline Figure 6: …in contrast to relatively declined in ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ has been sharp in the periphery… resilient public consumption there 28 26 Private investment as % of GDP 24 22 6 EA ES FR IT DE Public investment as % of GDP Public consumption % of GDP 25 EA ES FR IT DE 5 4 IE ES IT GR PT 20 15 20 3 18 10 16 2 14 10 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 5 1 2008-2010 Great Recession 12 2005 2010 Source: Deutsche Bank, AMECO, Haver 0 1980 2008-2010 Great Recession 2008-2010 Great Recession 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Source: Deutsche Bank, AMECO, Haver 0 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Source: Deutsche Bank, AMECO, Haver Another factor suggesting the existence of an investment gap is the financial fragmentation in the euro area. While the ECB’s easing policies have fed through into borrowing costs in the core countries – firms’ borrowing costs in Germany and France have been on a downward path since late 2011 (Figure 7), in Spain and Italy they have remained resiliently high. At the peak of the euro crisis these largely reflected the high sovereign risk associated with the periphery. However, the reduction in sovereign yields to record lows over the past two years have not been reflected in bank lending rates (Figure 8). Figure 7: Borrowing rates in the periphery have remained high Figure 8: Even as sovereign yields have plummeted Figure 9: Borrowing rates must be viewed in the context of the growth outlook 7 6 7 Interest rate on new NFC borrowing, 1-5 year maturity, % % interest rate 7 6 5 5 5 4 4 4 3 3 3 1 0 2003 2005 France Germany Italy Spain 2007 2009 Source: Deutsche Bank, ECB, Haver Page 6 2011 2013 2 2005 2007 2009 Source: Deutsche Bank, ECB, Haver 2011 Italy Spain 2 1-5 year NFC banks loans 1-5 year NFC banks loans Italy 5-year sov yield Spain 5-year sov yield 1 0 2003 France Germany 6 2 Two-year ahead potential nominal GDP forecast, % yoy 1 0 2013 Year 2005 F'cst date Dec-03 2007 Dec-05 2009 Dec-07 2011 Dec-09 2013 Dec-11 2015 Nov-13 Source: Deutsche Bank, ECB, Haver Due to data availability we calculate the ‘potential nominal GDP forecast’ by summing the potential real GDP forecast from the Nov/Dec editions of the OECD Economic Outlook and the inflation forecast from the November European Commission forecast e.g. forecasts for 2013 made in autumn 2011. Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap It could be argued that thanks to the loose monetary policy the lending rates in the periphery are now lower than before the Great Recession i.e. that there is no problem of rates being too high and the higher peripheral borrowing rates simply reflect a risk premium given the greater economic uncertainty there. However, we feel that the borrowing costs have to be viewed in the context of lower growth prospects. We can indicatively demonstrate this point by a comparison of corporate borrowing rates and expected nominal GDP growth. We use the two year ahead potential nominal GDP growth rate as an indicative proxy for short-tomedium term investment opportunities. This has fallen across the EMU4 with the exception of Germany, with the fall most dramatic in Spain (Figure 9). Hence, although borrowing rates in Spain in 2013 were broadly in line with 2006-07, they were well above expected nominal growth unlike the pre-crisis period when interest rates were too low encouraging excessive leveraging. Nominal borrowing rates may be cheap at the moment, but the weaker inflation outlook real rates have adjusted as far, and when compared to the growth outlook they remain expensive. What does this mean for policy? So what does the above discussion imply for European policy choices? First and foremost, measures addressing the structural impediments to investment are needed. On financial fragmentation, banking union should take us some way towards solving the problem, but it is not, by itself, sufficient. Even if the transmission problems in the bank funding channel are resolved, the euro area economy will remain vulnerable from its overreliance on the banking channel to finance investment. Work on developing new channels facilitating the financing of investment are needed, including the potential expansion of EIB facilities to encourage private investment that are currently under discussion as well as broader work to expand the role of capital markets. The creation of a ‘Capital Markets Union’ is a new buzzword in EU circles and would be complementary to the ECB’s desire to expand the ABS market in Europe. Further on the supply side, broader measures to improve the investment climate and potential growth and reduce the impact of economic and policy uncertainty are needed. Structural reform progress has unfortunately slowed since the peak of the euro crisis in 2012. While we view the above supply side measures as a pre-requisite for a strong sustainable recovery in investment, given the high level of slack and the limits being reached on monetary policy, action on the demand side, via increased public investment, is also warranted. As highlighted by the IMF in its latest WEO2, in situation of high economic slack3 public investment can boost output and even lower public debt/GDP ratios in both the short-term and long-term – provided that the investment is efficient. Given the limited fiscal room, such measures may need to be budget neutral, as part of the reorientation of fiscal policy towards a more growth-friendly stance. And importantly, to reduce the credibility risks and potential moral hazard concerns from increased spending, higher public investment should be used to complement, not replace, the above structural measures. We next look at the existing and potential investment initiatives in the euro area and assess how they measure up against the points raised above. 2 See Chapter 3 of the October 2014 IMF World Economic Outlook, available at http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2014/02/pdf/c3.pdf. 3 Higher multipliers on public investment are likely when the output gap is large as there is little risk crowding out private investment. Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 7 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap First initiatives in 2012 Back in June 2012 EU heads of state and government signed the so-called Compact for Jobs and Growth. Apart from being a political commitment to structural reforms in order to improve the conditions for private investment the Compact provided for a collection of new hybrid financing mechanisms to leverage the impact of public funds with private financial resources. In a nutshell the compact provided for EUR 120bn of public funds – with a big share of these funds redirected from existing sources: The capital of the European Investment Bank (EIB) was increased by EUR 10bn in order to increase the lending capacity of the Bank by EUR 60bn so that commercial banks could pass on these loans to client SMEs. In case of a strong demand for these loans it was estimated this could have activated up to EUR 180bn of additional investment. However, as the general investment climate did not turn positive, the demand for credit remained rather low. Also the eligibility of creditors was not sufficient in peripheral countries. Meanwhile in the economically strong countries of the EMU ‘core’ the EIB resources crowded out the credit supply of commercial banks4. It was also decided to reallocate EUR 55bn of undrawn Structural Funds from the EU budget to finance measures for SMEs and youth employment. However, particularly those member states which needed these financial resources most had difficulties to identify projects as they had only narrow room for maneuver due to fiscal policy constraints and/or political gridlock. Moreover, EUR 5bn were made available for so-called project bonds. This new asset class provides that project companies – i.e. special purpose vehicles for public-private partnership which invest in large scale projects in the field of energy, transport and broadband infrastructure – could benefit from a credit enhancement by the European Investment Bank in order to increase their appeal to institutional investors. We will elaborate more on the project bonds below. Also project bonds were only scarcely used by member states as they had to save money themselves and could not pay for the necessary co-financing tranches. Looking back at this initiative it can be concluded that the financial resources were not drawn as expected – and if they were they did not unfold the investment dynamics and second and third round effects that had been intended. In fact the following year the Commission remarked in an interim evaluation report that the Compact had “not yet been used to its full potential.” While commitments under the cohesion policy budget and structural funds were reprogrammed and co-financing requirements were reduced the Commission remarked that the Member States should focus on the implementation of projects. At the same time, the pace of structural reforms – which were another integral part of the compact – has slowed down. As recent as on 1 October the European Commission admitted that only 10 percent of the measures that were proposed within the annual cycle of economic policy surveillance (“European Semester”) had been fully implemented or made “substantial progress”. Looking at the current debate it remains to be seen whether the instruments that are currently being discussed will increase the propensity of the private sector to invest. Certainly the pressure is not as high as back in the year 2012 4 Cf. Dullien, S. (2013). Ein Jahr EU-Wachstumspakt: Die Enttäuschung war abzusehen. Wirtschaftsdienst 2013 (6). pp. 354–355. Page 8 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap with capital markets having calmed down due to pragmatic ECB action. After all, it depends on the willingness of Euro area countries to implement structural reforms in order to enhance the investment climate. Most prominent initiative: Enhancing the role of the EIB Of the measures currently on the table a potential extension of the activities of the EIB is most fleshed out. The EIB is owned by the 28 EU Member states. It is currently vested with subscribed capital of EUR 243bn and works with different instruments5. The most important instruments of the EIB are: Project loans for individual projects for which total investment cost exceeds EUR 25m. The lending sum of the loans can cover up to 50% of the total cost. The current average share of the EIB is about one third as the activities of the EIB attract investors from the private sector. Intermediated loans are loans which are passed to local banks and which are then “lent-on” to SMEs, Mid-Cap businesses but also public sector bodies – as long as the financial resources are deployed for objectives that are in line with the EIB’s policies – for instance economic and social cohesion. ESIF Financial Instruments transform national financial resources coming from the EU budget into financial products such as loans, guarantees and equity. The management of the placement is made by the national authorities. These financial instruments have been used so far for Structural Fund investments. Project bonds are the most recent product of the EIB. As outlined above private/public project companies investing into large scale projects in the field of energy, transport and broad-band infrastructure could benefit from a credit enhancement: The EIB guarantees a tranche of subordinated debt so that the credit standing of the senior debt (project bonds) is enhanced and becomes more attractive for institutional investors6. Eligible Projects are selected by the EIB. The approval of each project is up for decision by the board of directors. Apart from these the EIB holds a 62% share of the European Investment Fund (EIF) which provides venture capital to small and medium size enterprises. The success of the measures of the EIB and the EIF with regard to public and private investment in the Euro crisis has not yet been fully assessed. Nevertheless, there is a general agreement in European politics that the activities of the EIB should be extended. In this context there are several options that are currently discussed. First option: Increase the flexibility of ESIF Financial instruments. A relatively easy way to make more funds available for investment projects would be to make the use of financial resources coming from the EU budget more flexible in order to leverage them in national ESIF financial instruments. Second option: Increase special activities. Investment activities which carry a higher risk are normally backed up by a “special activities reserve” which currently amounts up to EUR 6.1bn. One possibility would be to increase the 5 The subsequent description of projects and programmes refers to information given on the EIB’s website. 6 Cf. Heymann, E. (2013). Project Bond Initiative: Project selection the key to success. EU Monitor. Frankfurt: Deutsche Bank Research Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 9 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap EIB’s special activity reserve. In this context, however, the EIB and its shareholders are currently facing a dilemma. If the EIB wants to extend its special activities but keep its AAA rating in order to further take advantage of low funding costs it needs an increase of subscribed capital. This capital increase, however, would have to be financed by the EU member states and would run contrary to their austerity efforts. Third option: Strengthen the capital base of the European Investment Fund. The third option would also require additional resources coming from the EU member states. In this context the rededication of financial resources coming from the ESM (either guarantees or parts of the cash reserve) is currently discussed in order to recapitalize the European Investment Fund (EIF). However, this would be certainly objected by some Euro area countries – and unanimity is required in order to redefine the purpose of ESM guarantees. Politically more feasible would be the rededication of financial means coming from the small European Financial Stability Mechanism (EFSM), a EUR 60bn facility which is attached to the European Commission and which complemented the EFSF in its financial aid to Ireland (EUR 22.5bn) and Portugal (EUR 26bn) back in 2010 and 2011. Currently a sum of about EUR 11.5bn would still be available. However, there are also plans to rededicate these financial means to the balance of payments facility – a rescue mechanism of Non-EMU countries. To conclude, the rededication of funds coming from either ESM or EFSM is certainly not as foregone a conclusion as the vivid discussion in the media currently suggests. While there is a general understanding among most heads of state and governments in the Euro area, the President of the EIB (Werner Hoyer) has recently underlined in various press statements and interviews that he would not be willing to exchange the triple-A rating for a higher lending capacity. Any change in the lending policy of the EIB would require a qualified majority in the Board of Governors – the most important decision making body of the EIB which determines the guiding principles of the EIB’s policies, including credit policy guidelines. That means that it would need at least 18 out of 28 votes and represent at least 68% of the subscribed capital. In any case, any change in the investment policies by the EIB would have to follow the agreement by the European Council – and this will be agreed on unanimously. President Hoyer’s resistance could therefore be regarded as a mere political statement – but not as a real threat of vetoing. Other investment proposals That said, expansion of the EIB resources and scope is not the only set of measures potentially on the table. Two other ideas were reportedly discussed at the EU finance ministers meeting in September: Poland’s ’European Fund for Investments’ (EFI) idea Based on a presentation at the Bruegel Institute on 4 September (and an accompanying VoxEU post) by the Polish Finance Minister this calls for a public investment programme to invest EUR 700bn over 5 years. Under the proposal it is suggested that this EFI could be funded with paid-in capital from the EU states, leveraging this on the capital markets, similar to the ESM. A number of features appear quite similar to existing institutions including the EIB and the European Investment Fund (EIF). However, some of the details are considerably different: Page 10 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap The size is much greater – at an average of EUR 140bn of investment annually over 5 years it is more than double the EUR 60bn annual lending programme of the EIB in the EU. The fund would invest directly into infrastructure projects taking direct equity stakes which can be privatized in the future, rather than providing debt funding. The proposal is commendable for its boldness, both in terms of size and the concept of having a coordinated scheme for direct investment. However, given its large, somewhat arbitrary size it raises more questions than it answers on how efficiency of investments would be reached – the choice and availability of suitable projects to meet the ambitious size is unclear. The size of the suggested borrowing in the capital markets, at over EUR 100bn annually on average if completed over 5 years, would have an substantial impact on the market, which would need to be considered. Italian mini bonds plan We did not get any detail on the discussion on this but we would expect it to involve the possibility of expansion to EU level of a programme launched in Italy in 2012. Changes to legislation allowed SMEs to issue debt securities, facilitating the creation minibond market in Italy. Under the scheme SMEs with audited financial statements can issue bonds, with credit classification of the issuer performed by a sponsor (usually a local bank). The minibonds can be invested into directly but have often been packaged into asset-backed securities. The mini bonds scheme is novel in its attempt to address a key financing problem in the euro area – the severe impact of financial fragmentation on SMEs, which represent a large portion in the economy. However, it is not a magic solution – although promising, the minibond market in Italy has been limited in size so far and most of the issues have been by relatively large companies. For such type of scheme to be genuinely successful at European level we would likely require a bolder move towards an EU capital markets union. JeanClaude Juncker pledged that the creation of a ‘capital markets union’ was one of the goals of his mandate. However, as far as we are aware there are no official details beyond this ‘buzz phrase’ and the challenges to creating a true single capital market in Europe are arguably even more onerous than those for banking union. Conclusion The coming months should bring an intense political discussion on how to increase both private and public investment in the Euro area. For economists it will be a particular challenge to distinguish those initiatives that are rather driven by political activism and those that are economically well grounded. In any case, there is a need to act. Our evidence suggests that both aggregate public and private investment in Europe are too low. The underlying reasons of the fall in investment are partly due to downward adjustment for past overinvestment but there are reasons to believe that the fall in investment has been excessive. Country differences do apply. This in turn could imply some downside risks for potential growth in Europe. Therefore, the potential effects of investment measures on potential growth and the potential synergies between public funding and private investment should be better explored. In this context the major risk is that political activism can overlook potential moral hazard risks and possible inefficiencies Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 11 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap of investment. Spending additional financial resources is tempting - and in the current low interest environment it is tempting as well to disregard efficiency requirements. In this context, the special European Council on growth on employment last Wednesday in Milan was quite telling: Among the heads of state and government of the EU no general agreement could be achieved on which projects additional funds should be invested. Nevertheless, the caveats on efficiency of investment and potential moral hazard should not be referred to as reasons not to act. To conclude, the overall outlook on investment in Europe is rather mixed. Some additional investment in Europe will come - however it is open as to whether it will be invested in the right projects. Given the risk of repeated distribution battles and political activism the perspectives of implementing the most complementary solution to the investment and reform gridlock - linking the disbursement of additional funds to the compliance with the recommendations for structural reforms – are rather weak. More flexible instruments for the deployment of still limited EU resources would be a positive, but it is unlikely that we will see an investment initiative big enough to become a game changer – neither in volume nor in terms of sentiment. Investment spending will thus likely continue to lag crisis resolution rather than lead it. Page 12 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Europe Economics Nicolaus Heinen Economist (+49) 69 910-31713 [email protected] Private/Public QE: Repercussions of the OMT case at the ECJ On Oct 14 the European Court of Justice (ECJ) will hold a hearing on the ECB’s OMT programme. It will be an official exchange of views between the plaintiffs and the ECB. Neither the statements nor the hearing will be public, and also the composition of the jury is secret until 14 October. There will be no judgment, and similar proceedings have taken up to 15 months on average in the past. The legal proceedings go back to constitutional complaints that were filed at the German Constitutional Court (GCC) in the year 2011 and 2012 questioning Germany’s involvement with the ESM and the ECB’s sovereign bond purchases on secondary markets. On 7 February 2014 the GCC passed the case against the OMT to the ECJ sending a list of specific questions regarding the legality of OMT and stayed the proceedings. While the ECJ will take its own approach towards this case, its opinion (and the GCC’s final ruling) will likely have an impact on the legal feasibility of any future private and public QE by the ECB. The GCC formulated four conditions which it considers relevant to make OMT compliant with the ECB’s mandate and the EU treaty. The most critical condition is that any acceptance of a debt cut must be excluded for the ECB. Looking forward this could become a limiting factor for public QE as any acceptance of a debt cut could be regarded as direct monetary state financing. As purchasing non-CAC bonds only would distort markets the ECB could aim to seek a weighted approach: it may buy both CAC and non-CAC bonds but no more than 25% of any individual CAC bond issue. Alternatively it could consider demanding guarantees for possible losses as discussed in the context of ABS already. We think it is quite likely that the ECJ and subsequently the GCC will come to a favourable ruling on the subject of OMT. However, proceedings and timeline are still unclear. We expect economic conditions to force the ECB into public QE within the next 6 months. The market perception of the efficacy and durability of the public QE may be wakened if the final judgement on OMT is still outstanding Barbara Boettcher Economist (+49) 69 910-31787 [email protected] Recap: What happened? There will be a hearing in the European Court of Justice (ECJ) on the ECB’s OMT programme on 14 October. These legal proceedings go back to various constitutional complaints that were filed at the German Constitutional Court (GCC) in 2011 and 2012. They questioned Germany’s involvement with the ESM and the ECB’s sovereign bond purchases on secondary markets. While the GCC had deemed Germany’s participation in ESM as being constitutional already in late summer 2012, it separated the aspect of the ECB’s sovereign bond purchases on secondary markets from the proceedings and examined it separately. Meanwhile, the plaintiffs extended their constitutional complaints upon the ECB’s OMT announcement – although the programme had never been activated. Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 13 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap On 7 February 2014 the GCC passed the case against the OMT to the ECJ and stayed the proceedings. For the first time in history the GCC involved the ECJ in a preliminary ruling on constitutional issues. The proceedings in Germany itself were highly controversial which was expressed by the fact that two of the judges explicitly mentioned their dissenting opinions. The Court sent a list of specific questions regarding the legality of OMT to the ECJ. The GCC has so far put on hold its inquiry on OMT until it gets the legal opinion from the ECJ. But in the end, it will be the GCC that gives the final ruling on the complaints – only taking into account the legal opinion of the ECJ. The hearing on 14 October will be an official exchange of views at the ECJ between the plaintiffs and the ECB. Several Euro area countries such as Spain and Italy have lodged their statements as well. Neither the statements nor the hearing will be public, and also the composition of the jury is secret until 14 October. There will be no judgment, and similar proceedings have taken up to 15 months on average in the past (the GCC did not apply for a fast-track procedure). When the GCC forwarded the case to the ECJ it stated in its declaration that it regarded the OMT decision as exceeding the competences that were given to the ECB through the European Treaties. The GCC considered OMT as not being covered by the mandate of the ECB on monetary policy (Art. 119 and 127 TFEU) and in violation with the prohibition of monetary financing of the budget (Art. 123 TFEU). Acting as a monetary "bypass" if politics impede decisions was not the mandate of the ECB. The Court criticized that this would lead to a structural shift in the competences and the burden sharing between member states. In the opinion of the German judges, the only possibility to render OMT compliant with EU Treaties would be the following four-fold specification of the – never spelled out - OMT programme: 1. OMT should not undermine the conditionality of the assistance programmes of the EFSF and the ESM, 2. The acceptance of a debt cut must be excluded (which would imply that the ECB should be cautious when purchasing bonds that include CACs, and would by construction go against the ECB's intention to be "pari passu") 3. government bonds of selected Member States should not be purchased up to unlimited amounts, and 4. interference with price formation on the market is to be avoided where possible. While this seemed to be addressed towards the ECJ as "guidelines" or even “criteria” on how to make OMT compliant with EU Treaties, the ECJ will doubtlessly take its own approach towards this case. It could back the ECB, which might end up in a constitutional stalemate with the German constitutional law being seen in contradiction with the EU primary law. This could become problematic as there is still a largely undefined relationship between the German Court and its European counterpart. On the one hand, even after referring on the case to the ECJ, the GCC considers itself principally entitled to reject the decisions or opinions of the ECJ if it still considers actions taken to be “manifestly in violation of powers, and that the challenged act entails a structurally significant shift in the allocation of powers to the detriment of the Member States”. This entitlement of the Court was originally set up by the so-called Honeywell decision of 2010, and the Court has explicitly referred to this judgment in its latest declaration. Page 14 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap On the other hand, the Court has bound the most important part of its assessment to the judgment of the ECJ. When the GCC forwarded the case to the ECJ the pronouncement read “Subject to the interpretation by the Court of Justice of the European Union, the Federal Constitutional Court considers the OMT Decision incompatible with primary law; another assessment could, however, be warranted if the OMT Decision could be interpreted in conformity with primary law.” That transfers the power of interpretation on the OMT decision to the ECJ. Therefore, we consider it likely that the ECJ will issue a positive vote on the role of the ECB. Given the ex-ante commitment of the GCC to the ECB’s assessment, the GCC will likely take the vote of the ECJ as a foundation for its judgment. Nevertheless, the strong wording in the Court's declaration that it regards OMT as not compliant with the constitution is an important signal to the German political decision-makers in the government and the parliament. Thus, OMT could lose its character as an insurance "in case of turmoil" in the market, at least until the two Courts have come to a decision. Looking forward: Implications for private and public QE The general view is that the GCC, in asking the four questions, has limited the intervention power of the OMT. However, this is only one part of the story as the four criteria might also have their implications on the legal feasibility of any future private and public quantitative easing by the ECB. On 2 October the European Central Bank further outlined the details of the asset backed securities (ABS) and covered bond (CB) purchasing programmes – also known as private Quantitative Easing (private QE). The purchases will be confined to assets which are currently ECB repo eligible and done via both primary and secondary markets. However, in our view the ECB will find it challenging to meet even half of its net E1tr balance sheet expansion via private QE and TLTROs. Particularly the ECB’s confirmed demand for a guarantee to buy mezzanine ABS suggests an unwillingness to take on a large amount of credit risk. Against that background we remain of the opinion that the ECB will move to broad-based asset purchases including public QE within the next 6 months (see Focus Europe of 26 September). The ongoing procedures at the ECJ will have their implications on the legal compatibility of both private and public QE. As the ECJ will structure its assessment of the OMT case along the four conditions that were set up by the GCC we will refer to these four conditions in the remainder of this article. Note that our analysis below is highly speculative as we do not know the outcome of the hearings at the ECJ and we do not know what line of arguments plaintiffs of future constitutional complaints will follow. Criterion 1: No undermining of economic conditionality A first condition that the GCC set up is that OMT should not undermine the economic conditionality of the macroeconomic adjustment programmes for countries that are currently subject to financial support by either ESM or EFSF. This condition reflects the reasoning of the claimants when they filed their cases back in 2011 and 2012 when the activity of EFSF and ESM had reached its peak. Currently, Greece and Cyprus are the only countries left under a macroeconomic adjustment programme as Portugal, Ireland and Spain have left their respective programmes behind – in the current low interest environment they can easily refinance themselves on the markets. The programme of Greece expires at the end of this year. Current political rhetoric suggests the country could have left its macroeconomic Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 15 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap adjustment programme by the end of this year – though under substantial concessions of its Euro area peers, e.g. another cut in interest rates on support credit lines. The programme of Cyprus will expire in March 2016. Conditionality for Cyprus mainly refers to adjusting public revenues and expenditures, as well as pension and health care reforms and a restructuring of the financial system. Looking forward, the issue of conditionality under macroeconomic adjustment programmes will therefore play only a minor role compared to conditionality efforts in the past. Nevertheless, Mario Draghi also stressed in his comments that private QE for Greece and Cyprus were linked to complying with the programmes. He did so with good reason as ABS purchases will most likely affect the pressure on banks for balance sheet consolidations – also in the case of Greece as the effects could materialize even before the country leaves its current macroeconomic adjustment programme at the end of this year. Given the longer time horizon for the adjustment programme of Cyprus, these considerations do also apply to Cyprus – and in addition, also with regard to public QE. It could well limit the market pressure for economic reforms for national politics. However, given the small economic size of Cyprus and the fact that the economy of the island mainly depends on the economic situation in Greece one could argue as well that conditionality was anyhow limited due to the gravity of external influences. To conclude, if the first criterion of the current proceedings at the ECJ were applied as a reference upon public and private QE any possible influence on the conditionality of future programs would most likely be considered as not being problematic. Criterion 2: No acceptance of a debt cut Things could turn out to be different with the second criterion. In the current proceedings the GCC requires that the acceptance of a debt cut must be excluded. This would imply that the ECB must refrain from purchases of bonds that include CACs. Moreover, it would go by construction against the ECB's intention to be "pari passu”. The intention behind this requirement is that the budgetary authority of national parliaments in the Euro area could be violated if the ECB – or the national central banks – had to account for losses in case of a debt cut on those papers in their portfolio and would forward lower central bank revenues to the national budgets. This could become quite a challenge regarding private and public QE. Moreover, in case of any public QE, there would be another challenge as any acceptance of a debt cut could be regarded as direct monetary financing of the state - and therefore a clear breach of the EU Treaty provision. One option for the ECB could be to discriminate between CAC/non-CAC bonds as a strategy to minimize the debt restructuring risks. Limiting the purchases to non-CAC sovereign bonds could take care of the sovereign restructuring concern, but would distort the market. In our understanding, limiting purchases of CAC bonds to no more than 25% of an issue allows the private market to decide on an orderly debt restructuring should it be necessary in the future without the agreement of the ECB. This would at least avoid the ECB voluntarily accepting losses — though that still might not be sufficient for the GCC. Still, it is possible the ECB uses a weighting of purchases between CACs (below 25%) and non-CACs as a middle way through the problem. Page 16 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Alternatively, separate guarantees could be one possibility to hedge the ECB’s risk of losses in case of a debt cut in private QE. A first indication could be the ECB’s recent insistence that EMU countries will have to provide additional guarantees for mezzanine ABS tranches to be bought by the ECB. It remains to be seen where this additional money could come from. In the case of public QE the discussion could quickly turn to a reorientation of the ESM’s mandate. Apart from that, the option of running the ECB with negative equity has often been discussed in the context of possible larges losses in its portfolio. However, any attempt to compensate for the negative equity would result in lower central bank profits being forwarded to the national budgets. Criterion 3: No purchases up to unlimited amounts The third criterion should be less problematic to comply with. Already in the hearings on the current OMT case back at the GCC in Germany last year the impact of the OMT was implicitly limited – e.g. by limiting the possible area of intervention to certain maturities. The desired impact of the current private QE programme has been defined as an extension of the ECB’s balance sheet to about EUR 1tr in order to put the balance sheet back to the levels of mid-2012. This target should also apply to any kind of public QE which would only be triggered if the EUR 1tr balance sheet extension could not be reached by private QE alone. Criterion 4: No interference with the market price formation The fourth criterion could be again tricky. However, the provision has a rather weak wording in the preliminary ruling (“to be avoided where possible“) and it can thus be doubted whether price formation will remain a critical part in future GCC cases. All the more so, as in contrast to OMT, QE is not about the price of debt but about the size of the ECB’s balance sheet. Moreover, as the ECB’s target of both private and public QE is to get inflation closer to its target in the Euro area, this move should still be backed by the explicit mandate of the European Central Bank. This is not to deny that both private and public QE are a considerable market intervention and will have their interferences with market price formation for ABS, covered bonds, and sovereign bonds and their yields, respectively. The ECB estimates that out of the 1.2tr covered bonds market roughly EUR 600 bn would be eligible for purchase given the ECB’s own requirements and out of the ABS market volume of EUR 690bn app. EUR 400bn. Outlook This article has reviewed the ongoing proceedings on the OMT that will be dealt with in the hearing at the ECJ on 14 October. The outcome of the proceedings, but also the reference that the GCC has already made by defining the four criteria for ECB action to be compatible with both European Law and the German constitution are framing the ECB’s future action. We have seen that particularly the issue of a debt cut will remain critical and cannot easily be solved. Last, not least, the creativity of future plaintiffs at the GCC and the ECJ should not be underestimated. It can almost be taken for granted that plaintiffs will take the opinion by the ECJ and the subsequent judgment by the GCC as an incident to formulate new constitutional complaints. They will address the alleged legal inconsistencies within the judgment but also the implications that we discussed with regard to private and public QE. The judgment by the GCC on the current OMT case – for which no timeline is available - could therefore create more uncertainty around any nonconventional action by the ECB in the future than politics, markets and central banks across Europe would like to see. Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 17 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Italy Economics Marco Stringa, CFA Economist (+44) 20 754-74900 [email protected] Italy: the beginning of labour reform The Italian Parliament’s Upper House has voted in favour of labour reforms. This is the beginning of the labour reform process, which should be completed towards mid-2015. Note that the vote was on a "delegation law". The perimeter defined by the delegation is very wide; hence, uncertainty about the final form of labour reform will remain until the government approves the legislative decrees. We are confident that the labour market reform, when completed, will bring benefits. However, whether the benefits are marginal or consistent will depend on three elements: (i) the detailed design; (ii) implementation; (iii) the resources allocated to it and whether these are permanently funded via equivalent cuts in current expenditure. That said, we do not think that labour market reform will be enough to turn the Italian economy around. Labour reform needs to be planted in more fertile soil for growth. In our view, this requires an overhaul of the public administration and the tax system in favour of productive factors. The government has committed to tackling these key two issues, but so far we find the proposed measures unconvincing. Italian government won confidence vote on labour reform On 8 October the Italian Parliament’s Upper House voted in favour of labour reform. The government won the confidence vote by 165 to 113.7 The next step is the vote by the Lower House; even in this case, PM Renzi stated that he will impose a confidence vote on labour reform if parliamentary discussion is not swift. However, uncertainty about the final form of labour market reform is high; hence, here we provide a brief summary of the key themes to monitor. An important vote, but it is the beginning of the reform process This is the beginning of the labour reform process, which should be completed towards mid-2015. Indeed, the Upper House did not vote on the final labour reform but on a so-called delegation law. Such a law will delegate to the government the power of writing the detailed labour reform with the ex-ante approval of parliament as long as the government moves within the perimeter established by the delegation law itself. The perimeter defined by the delegation is very wide; hence, uncertainty about the final form and benefits of labour reform will remain until the government approves the legislative decrees. It is unusual to impose a confidence vote on a delegation law. Some might question whether it is fully in line with the Constitution. The government imposed the confidence vote given the divisions within Renzi’s PD party. With six months having passed since the initial proposal, Renzi probably also wanted to show some progress ahead the special European Council on growth and employment on 7 October in Milan. 7 There were 111 no votes and 2 abstentions, the latter count as no votes in the Upper House. Page 18 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Key objectives of the reform Last week in Focus Europe we took a look at the performance of the Italian economy and the state of structural reforms. 8 Here we provide a brief summary of the key objectives of labour reform. A toxic combination for young generations Italy’s labour market manages to combine too much flexibility for temporary contracts, which deters human capital investment, with too much rigidity for permanent employees, which discourages investment in productive capacity. This is topped up with ineffective active employment policies for the unemployed, uneven and inefficient unemployment benefit schemes and a civil justice system that is painfully slow. Finally, the wage bargaining process is too centralized given Italy’s deep regional differences. It is no surprise that this toxic mix is detrimental to productivity. The government’s objectives and an uncertain outcome The government’s aim is to introduce comprehensive reform that (i) decreases the above duality of the labour market by easing individual redundancy rules (Article 18); (ii) decreases the fragmentation of unemployment benefits; (iii) improves active employment policies and (iv) simplifies the byzantine labour regulation code. A minimum wage could also be introduced. The most contentious element is, as usual, the first point above – Article 18. Article 18 applies to firms with more than 15 employees. In its original formulation of more than 40 years ago, Article 18 gave employees the right to be reinstated if a judge declares a dismissal as unfair. The key problem here is that because of the slowness of the civil justice system, a final judgment can take up to four years, if not more (depending on geographical location, the time can vary from one to six years). This introduces a high degree of uncertainty in the form of contingent liabilities for the employer, potentially stifling economic activity and introducing a disincentive to offer permanent positions. Unfair dismissal decisions can be due to (i) economic, (ii) disciplinary or (iii) discriminatory factors. In case of unfair dismissal, the right to reinstatement automatically applies if the cause is discrimination as dictated by the Constitution. After the labour reform of Monti’s government, it is the judge who decides whether an unfair dismissal for disciplinary or economic reasons requires a reinstatement or a pecuniary compensation of between 12 and 24 months’ salary. This, however, does not remove the uncertainty that could follow a long legal process. Initially, it appeared that PM Renzi was aiming to remove the reinstatement options for unfair dismissal for both economic and disciplinary reasons. The government, however, as confirmed this week by the Labour Minister, has partially softened its position in response to pressure from the left of his party (PD). The reinstatement option will remain for some serious cases of unfair dismissals for disciplinary reasons. But no details were provided ahead of the vote in Parliament. We will need to see the final formulation of labour market reform before assessing its potential benefits: 8 See “Italy: internally and externally constrained”, http://pull.db-gmresearch.com/p/30070CA6/65867619/DB_FocusEurope_2014-10-03_0900b8c088cebada.pdf Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 19 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap First, there is the possibility that an employee appeals to a judge arguing that her/his dismissal for economic reasons actually masks a disciplinary motivation. In that case, legal uncertainty could return. Our understanding is that the above modifications of Article 18 will not apply to existing contracts but only to new ones. Second, besides simplifying the labour regulation code, the government aims to introduce a new form of permanent contract that would progressively increase the level of protection. It is unclear whether Article 18 will be temporarily or permanently suspended for these contracts. In the latter case, progressive protection would take the form of increasing compensation. Third, for this new form of permanent contract with increasing protection, the most important element is not necessarily the debate around Article 18. It is crucial that the new proposed permanent contract with progressively increasing protection is incentivized by significant tax savings for firms with respect to temporary contracts. In this case, the new contract could significantly decrease the above-described duality of the labour market. This should benefit productivity in the medium term. The key question is whether the government can identify enough resources. At the moment, we find it difficult to be very optimistic. The fourth element is the gap between available and necessary resources to decrease the fragmentation of unemployment benefits and improve active employment policies. In February 2014, key members of Renzi’s current economic team estimated the cost at around EUR 7-8bn (c0.5% of GDP). Now it seems that the estimated cost has been lowered to about EUR 2bn. The fifth element is whether labour market reform will also encompass the public sector. Will labour reform bring material benefits? The answer will depend on two broad developments: First, we are confident that labour market reform, when completed, will bring benefits. However, whether the benefits are marginal or consistent will depend on three elements: (i) the detailed design; (ii) implementation; and (iii) the resources allocated to it and whether these are permanently funded via equivalent cuts in current expenditure. Second, we do not think that labour market reform will be enough to turn the economy around, as has happened in Spain. Labour reform needs to be planted in more fertile soil for growth. In our view, this requires an overhaul of the public administration – justice system included – and of the tax system in favour of productive factors. The government committed to tackling these key issues, but so far we find the proposed measures unconvincing. Page 20 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Eurozone Economics Euro Sovereign Events Mark Wall Marco Stringa, CFA Chief Economist (+44) 20 754-52087 [email protected] Economist (+44) 20 754-74900 [email protected] Peter Sidorov, CFA Economist (+44) 20 754-70132 [email protected] The following is a list of key events to watch in the coming weeks and months – events that could have bearing on how the euro sovereign debt crisis evolves. 2014 October October (ongoing): Troika mission to Greece. The fifth, and what should final, review of the current Greece assistance programme started in the last week of September, expected to complete over the course of October, with the later stage likely to come around the time of publication of ECB’s AQR/stress test exercise on 26 October. The review was proceeded by talks between the Troika and Greek officials, ostensibly on how the exit from the current programme will be structured. The Greek government called a confidence vote for 10 October to dispel speculation about a possible early election next year and improve its political standing on reform implementation. For our latest update on Greece see 26 September Focus Europe. 13/14 October: Eurogroup/ECOFIN finance ministers’ meeting The agenda on financial and macro stability developments in the euro area will include the review of Greece’s adjustment programme, preparation for the October European Council and discussion on the draft of budgetary plans and banking union. 14 October: ECJ public hearing on GCC OMT referral The European Court of Justice is due to hold a public hearing to consider arguments on the legal challenge to the ECB’s OMT programme that was referred to the ECJ by the German Constitutional Court. 15 October: Eurozone countries’ draft 2015 budget submission deadline Euro area member states are due to submit their draft budgetary plans to the European Commission under the Two Pack regime. The Commission then issues its opinion on the submitted plans on 15 November. October (second half): ECB launches asset purchase programmes The ECB is set to begin its private asset purchase programmes, starting with the Covered Bond Purchase Programme (CBPP3) in the second half of October. The ABS Purchase Programme (ABSPP) is due to follow later in Q4, with both programmes to last at least two years. See ECB reaction article in this issue of Focus Europe for more details. 17 October: Moody’s credit rating review for Spain 23-24 October: European Council – EU leaders’ summit 24 October: Fitch’s credit rating review for Italy 24 October: Fitch’s credit rating review for Spain 24 October: Moody’s credit rating review for Germany 26 October: Ukraine parliamentary elections Fresh elections, which had been on the cards since the presidential elections in May, won by Petro Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 21 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Poroshenko, were called on 25 August. The elections are likely to generate noise and add to uncertainty around the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. 31 October: Moody’s credit rating review for the Netherlands October (second half): ECB comprehensive bank assessment results. ECB due to publish the results of the comprehensive assessment of around 130 largest euro area banks, comprising an asset quality review and stress test. Banks facing a shortfall will be requested to submit capital plans within two weeks, which will then be evaluated by the SSM. The assessment exercise began in November 2013 and will take 12 months to complete with the results published prior to the ECB taking on its role as the single supervisor in November 2014. November 4 November: ECB assumes Single Supervisor role. Following the publication of the results of comprehensive assessment exercise and 12 months after the SSM regulation came into force the ECB will assume its full supervisory tasks. 4 November: US mid-term elections All 435 seats will be up for election in the House of Representatives, which the Republicans currently control with 234 seats (16 above majority threshold). The Democrats control the Senate with 53 of the 100 seats (55 including two Democrat leaning independents). 36 Senate seats will be up for election in 2014, 21 of these currently Democrat and 15 Republican. 6 November: ECB Governing Council meeting in Frankfurt 6 November: Eurogroup/ECOFIN finance ministers’ meeting 7 November: Standard and Poor’s credit rating review for Portugal 9 November (tentative): Proposed Catalan independence referendum (Spain) Leaders of Catalonia’s secessionist parties that control the Catalan parliament have proposed a consultation vote on Catalonia’s independence. The planned vote would ask two questions: “Do you want Catalonia to be a state?” and, if answered ‘yes’ to the first, “Do you want that state to be independent?” The Spanish government has repeatedly rejected the plans as illegal. Although it appears highly likely that the Spanish Constitutional Court will reject Catalonia's request for a selfdetermination referendum, the situation remains uncertain. For example, we would still see a non-negligible possibility that some sort of nonbinding referendum will take place in November. In any case, a permanent solution does not look forthcoming. See article in 12 September issue of Focus Europe for more details. 12 November: New forecasts by the European Commission. The European Commission will outline the economic reform priorities for the EU for 2015 in the light of its growth forecasts. Given the weak economic outlook we expect that the Commission will signal some flexibility with regard to austerity targets. The Commission will also publish its assessment on macroeconomic imbalances (alert mechanism report) in EU and EMU on the same day. 14 November (tbc): Commission comments on draft budgetary plans of EMU countries. If the draft budgetary plans are not in line with the fiscal policy recommendations of the Commission, the Commission can require the budgetary drafts to be readjusted already by the end of October. The assessment of the budgetary draft will also be taken into consideration when the Commission assesses the countries' compliance with the country-specific provisions set out under the Excessive Deficit Procedure in April. Page 22 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap 14 November: Standard and Poor’s credit rating review for Spain 15-16 November: G20 leaders’ summit in Brisbane, Australia 21 November: Fitch’s credit rating review for Greece 21 November: Standard and Poor’s credit rating review for the Netherlands 21. November (tbc): Eurogroup on draft budgetary plans. The Eurogroup will review the Commission's assessment on draft budgetary plans and the fiscal stance across the euro area. 28 November: Moody’s credit rating review for Greece November/December: French Budget vote French National Assembly votes on 2015 budget draft. After the recent cabinet reshuffle (in August Prime Minister Valls replaced three ministers who openly opposed his reform course) tensions within the Socialist party have increased. An even larger number of dissenters than in the confidence vote for Valls' new team on September 16, when more than 30 out of 290 Socialist MPs did not vote in favour of the cabinet, would put a majority for the government's budget proposal at risk. December 4 December: ECB Governing Council meeting in Frankfurt 5 December: Standard and Poor’s credit rating review for Ireland 5 December: Standard and Poor’s credit rating review for Italy 8 December: Eurogroup/ECOFIN finance ministers’ meeting 11 December: 2nd TLTRO The ECB is due to allot the second round of its targeted long-term refinancing operations. A total of EUR 83bn was taken up under the first operation in September, a disappointment relative to our projection for around EUR 100bn take up and even higher market expectations. We do expect higher take up in the second operation but the total in the first two TLTROs is likely to fall well short of the EUR 400bn total allowance (DB exp EUR ~250bn), making the ECB’s aim of expanding the size of its balance sheet more challenging. 12 December: Fitch’s credit rating review for France 18-19 December: European Council – EU leaders’ summit December (end): End of second adjustment programme in Greece 2015 1 January: Lithuania due to join the euro area Lithuania will adopt the euro in 2015 (on 23 July the European Council approved Lithuania’s requires to join the euro are at of 1 January 2015 at a conversion rate of €1=LTL3.45280). The country becomes the last of the Baltic States to join the euro after Estonia (2011) and Latvia (2014). Lithuania’s entry into the euro area will trigger a change in the ECB voting structure that was planned for when the 19th member joins. The number of voting members on the council will be limited to 21 at any one meeting (currently 23 – 6 executive board members and 17 national central bank governors), with a rotation process among NCB governors that should marginally favour the largest countries compared to the current system where each member has one vote at every meeting. Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 23 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Europe George Buckley Economics Chief Economist (+44) 20 754-51372 [email protected] UK: A look ahead to May's election Party conference season and by-elections have put politics firmly back on the agenda in the UK in the run up to the next general election – scheduled for a little over six months’ time (May 7). The polls have moved in favour of the Conservatives in recent weeks with the latest giving a small lead for the incumbent senior coalition partner. Such a small lead is unlikely to be sufficient to produce a majority government, however. Indeed, our rules of thumb suggest that the Conservatives need to be 5% or more ahead of the opposition Labour party to be sure of forming a majority government next May. Because of the nature of the UK’s political system (first-past-the-post), however, even if the two parties are neck and neck in the polls, this could be enough to produce a Labour majority. We take a look at what various political configurations next May could mean for the economy and the markets. Unlike the 2010 general election, financial markets may be happier with the certainty of the current coalition being returned to power. After all, a majority for one of the two major political parties comes with important risks: EU exit in the event of a Conservative victory, and a mansion tax/higher top-rate income tax/slower austerity in the event of a Labour win. Introduction With the Party Conference season now over, UKIP having claimed their first seat in the House of Commons following this week’s Clacton by-election (and coming close to securing a second win in Heywood & Middleton), and a general election only a little over six months away, we review in this week’s article the political landscape and how it might affect economic policy going forward. Figure 1: Polls have tightened 50 Figure 2: How polls translate into seats 10 Opinon polls, % (5 poll moving average) All polls since GE 2010 45 5 40 35 0 30 -5 Conservative Labour Lib Dem UKIP 25 20 15 Cons -10 lead over Lab, % -15 10 5 2010 -20 2011 2012 Source: Deutsche Bank, UK Polling Report Page 24 2013 2014 -50 -25 Number of seats: Con (blue dots) or Lab (red dots) majority 0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 Source: Deutsche Bank, UK Polling Report, Electoral Calculus Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Where the polls currently stand Last month (September), opinion polls had been showing a Labour lead over the Conservatives of around 4pp on average. This is illustrated in Figure 1 above. Over the past two years this chart shows the polls tightening significantly, with Labour’s lead having averaged a far more comfortable 10pp between spring 2012 and mid-2013. A number of recent YouGov polls conducted since the start of this month (i.e. after the Conservative Party Conference) have begun to show the Conservatives ahead of Labour – by one or two points. Whether the Prime Minister’s better performance than the opposition leader at their respective Conferences (this is the view of some of the – even left-of-centre – press coverage) will mean this is a permanent or temporary shift in the polls of course remains to be seen. Figure 3: UK election results since 1945 200 Figure 4: Breakdown of Scottish MPs in Westminster Parliamentary majorities (seats) Blue Conservative, red Labour governments 150 6 1 Scottish MPs in Westminster Majority 100 11 Con Lab 50 Lib Other 0 Minority 41 1966 1970 1974 1974 1979 1983 1987 1992 1997 2001 2005 2010 1964 1959 1955 1951 1950 1945 -50 Source: Deutsche Bank, UK Parliament Source: Deutsche Bank, UK Parliament How do the polls translate into seats in parliament? We have developed simple rules of thumb based on the results of all the main opinion polls published since the last election in 2010 (of which there have been more than 1,500). We use each of these polls to work out the number of seats majority/minority (of the 650 MPs in the House of Commons) using electoralcalculus.co.uk. This is shown in Figure 2 above. By adding lines of best fit to the scatter chart we can work out roughly what election results would be generated by various percentage-point polling differences between Labour and the Conservatives: Conservative lead of over 5%: CON MAJORITY Conservative lead of 2-5%: CON MINORITY Conservative lead of 0-2%: LAB MINORITY Labour lead of 0% or better: LAB MAJORITY Taking an average of the latest polls published since the start of October (CON 33%, LAB 35%, LIB 7%) would, according to electoralcalculus.co.uk, give Labour a majority of just 14 seats. This is small relative to history, as Figure 3 above left shows. Importantly, if there is pressure to resolve the West Lothian question in the next parliament (i.e. in return for fuller devolution for Scotland, Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 25 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap removing the ability of Scottish MPs in Westminster to vote on English-only matters) then this would mean an effective Labour minority in the House of Commons when voting on English-only affairs. Assuming Labour were to achieve the same number of seats in Scotland as is currently the case (i.e. 41 – see Figure 4 above right) then they would need a majority of 24 seats in the House of Commons to be sure of also having an effective majority for Englishonly legislation post the West Lothian question being resolved. As highlighted above, current polling puts them short of this. But polls can, of course, change quickly. Electoralcalculus.co.uk notes that, “In every election since 1983, the Labour party has lost ground over the two years before the election”. The economic situation could have an important bearing on the election result too. For example, while economic output is now over 2.5% above its previous peak, the same cannot be said for real wages, which remain particularly weak (Figure 5). Should household finances recover more quickly in the months leading up to the election, this may support the incumbent government. In this respect, the ONS announcement this week of its intention to publish “economic wellbeing” figures from the end of this year could be useful in judging how important the economy is to voters. Figure 5: Earnings outlook important for election 6 Figure 6: UKIP gains first MP in Clacton by-election Regular pay growth, single month estimates, % yoy 25,000 Clacton by-election results, number of votes 5 4 20,000 2010 general election 3 2014 by-election 2 15,000 1 0 10,000 -1 -2 Nominal -3 Real (delfated by CPI) -4 2002 5,000 0 2004 2006 2008 2010 Source: Deutsche Bank, ONS, Haver Analytics 2012 2014 Con Lab Lib Dem UKIP Source: Deutsche Bank, BBC The outcome of the election will also depend on the performance of the UK Independence Party (UKIP) – the changing support for which the electoral calculus website does not take full account of. While UKIP is unlikely to win anywhere near as many seats as its current 15% polling suggests (thanks to the first-past-the-post electoral system used in the UK), its support could be crucial depending on which of the larger parties it ends up milking its support from. Typically, one would expect more votes to be leaked more from the Conservatives given their questioning of the UK’s membership of the EU and their right-of-centre political stance, but some Labour heartland constituencies in the north of England, for example, may also be at risk. What the parties are offering It is worth looking briefly at the fiscal announcements made by the three largest parties (by parliamentary seats) at their recent Party Conferences. Conservatives: On the theme of austerity a two-year freeze in working age benefits starting in 2016 (estimated GBP3bn saving) and a tightening up of Page 26 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap multi-national tax avoidance. Manifesto sweeteners will include raising the income tax-free allowance from £10,500 to £12,500 and raising the threshold for the 40% income tax band from just under £42,000 currently to £50,000 – both by the end of the next parliament. Labour: The Conference headlines were more focused on Labour’s plans to raise money through a mansion tax on properties worth over £2m, reintroducing the 50% top rate of income tax and extending the cap on child benefit increases. That said, it seems likely that Labour would opt to reduce the structural budget deficit at a slower pace than a Conservative government would (see Figure 7 below). Figure 8 shows – intriguingly – that Labour’s plans back in their final Budget of March 2010 were to cut the deficit more quickly than the Conservative coalition actually ending up doing. However, we suspect that had Labour been re-elected in May 2010 the eventual decline in the deficit would have been even less than what has been delivered to date by the coalition. After all, the Conservatives in the run up to the 2010 general election were suggesting the need for a faster reduction. Figure 7: Current coalition plans to reduce the deficit 3 2 Change in structural deficit as % of GDP Figure 8: Deficit cuts relative to Budget plans OBR March 2014 forecasts 9 Structural deficit (ex Royal Mail & APF transfers), % of GDP, inc official forecasts 6 1 3 0 0 -1 Budget Mar 2010 Budget Jun 2010 Budget Mar 2014 Source: Deutsche Bank, Office for Budget Responsibility, HM Treasury 18-19 17-18 16-17 15-16 14-15 13-14 12-13 11-12 10-11 09-10 08-09 07-08 06-07 05-06 04-05 03-04 -2 -3 90-91 94-95 98-99 02-03 06-07 10-11 14-15 18-19 Source: Deutsche Bank, Office for Budget Responsibility, HM Treasury Headlines from the Liberal Democrat Conference were dominated by plans to spend an extra GBP1bn per year on the National Health Service funded by reducing pension tax relief (among other policies), and Vince Cable’s (Business Secretary) arguments against the Conservative coalition partner’s focus on deficit reduction. The current coalition may be the market’s best friend Given the above fiscal – and other macroeconomic – plans of the main political parties, are there any conclusions we can draw as to the impact on the financial markets/economy as a result of different election results come next May? There are four likely political configurations following next May’s election: a Conservative or Labour outright victory, or either of those parties forming a coalition with the Liberal Democrats. Of course there are many other, arguably less likely, possibilities particularly with the Liberal Democrats potentially losing a sizable number of seats (based on current polling at least) and uncertainties over UKIP’s performance. These include: a grand coalition, a coalition with more than one smaller party as well as the Liberal Democrats (UKIP, for example, given their latest performance in the Clacton by-election Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 27 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap and the European Parliamentary elections earlier in the year), a minority government with the ‘support’ of smaller party (outside of a formal coalition agreement) or even fresh elections. The 1970s provides the precedent for the latter two options; in 1974 Harold Wilson ran a Labour minority government until a second election was called later in the year, while Prime Minister James Callaghan made a pact with the Liberal Party in the late 1970s when byelection defeats turned his fragile Labour majority government into a minority. Back in 2010 at the time of the last election there was fear of what a coalition government might mean for the markets. After all, this was the first time a UK general election had not delivered a majority government since the mid-1970s. This time round, however, it may be that a continuation of the current coalition is the market’s preferred and ‘least-uncertain’ outcome. Consider the market/economic issues that the various configurations would generate: Conservative majority: The biggest potential concern over an outright Conservative victory would likely be Mr Cameron’s promise of a referendum on EU exit by the end of 2017. An exit looks to be a more risky prospect than Scotland voting to leave the UK (see Figure 9 below) and would be highly dependent on the scale of renegotiation that Mr Cameron achieves over what is a relatively short time horizon (Figure 10). After all, it would not be long into a new Conservative government that campaigning would begin and arrangements made for the vote. Business and inward investment – and thus in turn economic growth – are likely to be negatively impacted in the run up to the referendum as would be the Bank of England’s willingness to normalise policy during such a period of uncertainty. Increased austerity by the Conservatives (relative to other political parties) too could negatively affect growth in the medium term – though, as we’ve argued in the past, it may be positive for the long term if reflected in lower yields through tighter risk premia. Figure 9: Polling suggests EU exit vote neck and neck Figure 10: Much depends on the extent of renegotiation 55 60 If there were a referendum on Britain's membership of the European Union, how would you vote? 50 50 45 40 40 30 45 39 In 38 Out 32 23 20 35 10 30 Leave the EU Remain in the EU 25 2011 2012 Source: Deutsche Bank, YouGov How would you vote in an EU referendum if David Cameron secured: (%) 52 2013 0 No renegotiation 2014 Modest renegotiation Major renegotiation Source: Deutsche Bank, YouGov Labour majority: Here the focus would be squarely on a more limited pace of deficit reduction (which may help growth in the short term but not necessarily further ahead – see comments above). In addition, the risks to the London housing market (which we discussed in our housing market special report ‘London vs. the rest’, 18 July 2014) may be larger under a Labour administration with a Mansion Tax on highly valued properties potentially removing the key support of overseas buyers from the top of the market. Page 28 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Labour/Lib Dem coalition: Both Labour and the Liberal Democrats favour a Mansion Tax, and with both parties being outwardly more sympathetic to the less financially fortunate, this coalition would probably reduce the deficit less quickly than the Conservatives (and raise taxes on higher incomes more generally). That said, the Liberal Democrats may provide some break on the aspirations of a Labour administration given that in their conference they argued in favour of reducing the structural deficit to zero by 2018 (though that may simply reflect the fact they are part of a coalition government which agreed such forecasts in its last Budget). Conservative/Lib Dem coalition: This would be more of the same as we’ve had over the past four years. While it may be difficult to see a similar coalition lasting another five years, it may be a case of ‘better the devil you know’ in terms of market impact. Moreover, the Liberal Democrats would almost surely resist Mr Cameron’s promise of an EU referendum. Another issue is that if the Lib Dems win far fewer seats this time round compared to the 2010 general election, there may be demands among Conservative ranks to clip their wings in government. As kingmaker and having played an important role in government over the past four years, however, the Lib Dems may be unwilling to readily accept a commensurate reduction in power to their loss in seats. In summary, therefore, other configurations than the current Conservative/ Liberal Democrat coalition could present increased uncertainty to the markets thanks to policies on housing, taxation, deficit reduction and Europe. It may be that a repeat of the current coalition is the best option in terms of lower uncertainty and market reaction. Summary At present the political opinion polls – despite having moved sizably in favour of the Conservatives over recent weeks – fall within what we might call a ‘hung parliament zone’. This zone of uncertainty is between the parties being neck-and-neck and the Conservatives polling 5% more than Labour. Anything outside of that range should produce an outright majority for one of the two major parties. Six months is a very long time in politics, and anything could happen en route to next May’s general election. The way in which the polls on Scottish independence moved in the months ahead of last month’s vote is proof enough. Whatever the result, any other government configuration than the current coalition could generate additional market and economic uncertainty. Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 29 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Central Banks & Financial Forecasts Euro Area Financial Forecasts Euro Area Draghi’s rhetoric took a step back in October, not repeating that the ECB is ready to adjust the “size and composition” of purchases and de-emphasising balance sheet targets. We view this as reflecting patience within the Council and don’t see it as a challenge to our new view of public QE within 6 months. UK Expectations of the first rate rise have been gradually put back since Governor Carney’s remarks suggesting a hike could be delivered by year-end. Weak wage/price pressures have been the cause, despite strong growth, and as a result we have put back our call for the first move to February 2015. Switzerland The SNB left policy and its statement unchanged in September. Despite small revisions to its inflation view, we see no change in policy within the next year. Latest Dec 14 Mar 15 Sep 15 Refi rate 0.05 0.05 0.05 0.05 3m Euribor 0.08 0.10 0.10 0.10 10Y govt bond 0.89 1.30 1.40 1.60 EUR/USD 1.26 1.25 1.22 1.18 Bank Rate 0.50 0.50 0.75 1.00 3m Libor 0.56 0.55 0.75 1.00 10Y govt bond 2.24 3.00 3.10 3.30 GBP/USD 1.60 1.62 1.61 1.59 EUR/GBP 0.79 0.77 0.76 0.74 3m Libor Tgt 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 EUR/CHF 1.21 1.22 1.23 1.25 Repo rate 0.25 0.25 0.25 0.25 EUR/SEK 9.14 8.95 8.90 8.80 Deposit rate 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 EUR/NOK 8.24 8.00 7.95 7.85 Lending rate 0.20 0.20 0.20 0.20 EUR/DKK 7.44 7.46 7.46 7.46 2w repo rate 2.00 1.75 1.75 2.00 EUR/PLN 4.18 4.13 4.08 4.03 UK Switzerland Sweden Sweden We broadly agree with the Riksbank’s latest forecasts showing official rates remaining at current levels until the end of next year before rising gradually. Norway Norges Bank left rates unchanged at 1.50% in September. The Bank continues to expect the first rate hike from end 2015. Norway Denmark Poland Denmark Following the ECB’s decision to cut rates, the Nationalbank took deposits rates back into negative territory, though left the lending rate unchanged at 0.20%. Poland Rates remained on hold in September, but rhetoric from the NBP is very dovish. We expect two 25bps rate cuts, one in October and one in November. Hungary Base rate 2.10 2.10 2.10 2.60 EUR/HUF 305.8 315.0 319.0 324.0 Repo rate 0.05 0.05 0.05 0.05 EUR/CZK 27.5 27.0 27.0 27.0 O/N Call Rate 0.10 0.10 0.10 0.10 3m Tibor 0.21 0.20 0.20 0.20 Czech Rep. Memo Hungary Rates are expected to remain on hold given that the NBH has already undertaken aggressive easing and inflation is showing signs of picking up gradually. Japan 10Y govt bond USD/JPY 0.51 0.55 0.65 0.70 107.9 112.0 114.0 118.0 Czech Republic US 0.125 0.125 0.250 1.000 The CNB has stated that fx intervention, with the same target level for EURCZK (27), will continue until 2016. With inflation picking up, albeit gradually, a further weakening of the fx floor is now unlikely. 3m Libor 0.23 0.35 0.35 1.30 10Y govt bond 2.23 2.80 2.90 3.15 Page 30 Fed Funds Tgt Sources: DB, Bloomberg Finance LP, National Central Banks Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Euroland Data Monitor B’berg code Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep 2013 2014 2014 2014 2014 2014 2014 2014 2014 2014 51.9 53.1 53.4 52.8 54.0 53.5 52.8 53.8 52.5 52.0 Business surveys and output Aggregate PMI composite ECPMICOU Industry EC industrial conf. EUICEMU -4.1 -3.5 -3.6 -4.9 -3.5 -3.1 -4.3 -3.8 -5.3 -5.5 PMI manufacturing 51.9 53.4 52.4 50.9 53.4 52.2 51.8 51.8 50.7 50.3 Headline IP (% pop ) PMITMEZ Index EUITEMUM 2.3 0.7 -0.2 1.1 -1.1 -0.3 1.0 Capacity Utilisation EUUCEMU 78.4 80.1 79.5 79.8 EUCOEMU -28.6 -29.0 -30.7 -28.1 -30.4 -30.1 -31.7 -28.2 -28.4 -27.7 1 Construction EC construction conf. Services EC services conf. EUSCEMU -1.3 3.4 3.9 3.3 3.5 3.8 4.4 3.6 3.1 3.2 PMI services PMITSEZ Index 51.2 52.1 53.1 53.2 53.1 53.2 52.8 54.2 53.1 52.4 National Sentiment Ifo GRIFPBUS 108.8 110.8 110.4 106.3 111.2 110.3 109.6 108.0 106.3 104.7 INSEE INSESYNT 98.7 100.0 99.3 96.3 101.0 99.0 98.0 97.0 96.0 96.0 -14.4 -11.2 -7.7 -9.9 -8.6 -7.1 -7.5 -8.3 -10.0 -11.4 -0.5 2.4 1.3 2.1 0.1 0.2 0.3 -0.4 1.2 5.0 5.1 3.9 4.9 5.3 3.2 3.2 5.7 4.4 -14.7 -14.4 -14.8 -14.8 -15.0 -14.4 -15.1 -14.8 -14.1 1.7 4.4 0.7 -0.4 0.8 -0.3 -0.2 Consumer demand EC consumer survey Retail sales (% pop) EUCCEMU RSSAEMUM New car reg. (sa, % yoy) Foreign sector Foreign orders Exports (sa val. % pop) EUI3EMU Imports (sa val. % pop) Net trade (sa EUR bn) XTSBEZ -4.8 5.6 -0.1 -0.5 0.5 0.6 0.9 43.5 42.6 43.6 14.6 15.2 13.8 12.2 -15.6 Labour market Unemployment rate (%) Change in unemployment (k)Employment (% yoy) UMRTEMU 11.9 11.7 11.6 11.5 11.6 11.6 11.5 11.5 11.5 -175.3 -258.7 -215.3 -116.5 -84.0 -3.0 -129.0 39.0 -137.0 -0.4 0.1 0.5 Prices, wages and costs Prices (% yoy) Harmonised CPI ECCPEMUY 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.3 0.7 0.5 0.5 0.4 0.4 0.3f Core HICP (Eurostat) CPEXEMUY 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.8 1.0 0.7 0.8 0.8 0.9 0.7f Harmonised PPI PPTXEMU -1.2 -1.6 -1.1 -1.3 -1.1 -0.8 -1.1 Oil Price (USD) EUCRBRDT 109.3 108.2 109.7 102.0 107.8 109.5 111.8 106.8 101.8 97.4 EUR/USD EUR 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.3 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.3 1.3 15.4 13.1 8.5 6.4 7.4 9.6 8.5 8.6 6.6 4.0 1.7 0.5 -0.9 -0.7 -1.3 -1.3 -0.1 0.4 -0.7 -1.8 Unit labour cost 0.7 0.4 0.9 Labour productivity 0.9 0.8 0.2 Compensation. 1.6 1.2 1.1 Hourly labour costs (sa) 0.9 0.8 1.4 1.2 1.2 1.9 0.8 1.1 1.6 1.8 2.0 1.0 1.2 1.5 1.8 Inflation expectations EC household survey EC industrial survey EUA8EMU EUI5EMU Unit labour cost (% yoy) Money (% yoy) M3 M3 trend (3m cma) ECMAM3YY ECMA3MTH 1.3 Credit - private ECMSCDXE -2.3 -2.2 -1.9 -1.6 -1.8 -2.0 -1.8 -1.6 -1.5 Credit - public ECMSCDGY -0.2 -0.2 -1.6 -1.5 -0.9 -1.4 -2.6 -1.8 -1.2 Quarterly data in shaded areas are quarter-to-date. Monthly data in the shaded areas are forecasts.(1) % pop = % change this period over previous period. Quarter on quarter growth rates are annualised. ‘f’ stands for flash estimate ‘Source: Deutsche Bank forecasts, Eurostat, Ifo, INSEE, Reuters, European Commission, National statistical offices. Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 31 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap The Week Ahead: Euro Zone In the Eurozone, markets will be focused on the inflation data for the region as well for big-4 economies. We expect HICP for Euro area to rise by 0.4% in September. In soft data, ZEW surveys (Tue) will be important. In other data releases, the trade balance (Thu), construction output (Fri) and new car registrations (Fri) for the region as a whole are the other important releases due in the coming week. Key Data & Events Release Day Time (GMT) Tue 06.45 French HICP (Sep) 0.5% (0.5%) 08.00 Italian HICP (Sep) -0.2% (-0.2%) 08.00 Spanish HICP (Sep) 09.00 German ZEW survey (Current situation) (Oct) 16.0 09.00 German ZEW survey (Econ.Sentiment) (Oct) 0.0 09.00 Euroland ZEW survey (Current situation) (Oct) 09.00 Euroland ZEW survey (Econ. sentiment) (Oct) 09.00 Euroland Industrial production (Aug) 06.00 German HICP (Sep) 12.00 Spanish Trade balance (Aug) 08.00 Italian Trade balance (Aug) EUR6.9bn 09.00 Euroland Trade balance (Aug) EUR12.2bn 09.00 Euroland HICP (Sep) 09.00 Euroland Core HICP (Sep) 06.00 Euroland New car registration (Sep) (2.1%) 10.00 Euroland Construction output (Aug) 0.0% (0.4%) Wed Thu Fri DB Forecast Consensus Previous 0.1% (-0.5%) 25.4 6.9 -43.8 14.2 -0.8% -1.7% 1.0% (2.2%) 0.0% (0.8%) 0.0% (0.8%) -EUR1.8bn 0.4% (0.3%) (0.8%) 0.1% (0.3%) 0.1% (0.4%) (0.9%) dbCalendar: For more forward-looking calendars of data and events, as well as various tools to analyse data surprises, go to our new online calendar: http://gm-secure.db.com/dbCalendar Mon, 13 Thu, 16 ECB’s Praet to speak in Munich – 12:00 GMT. Euro area finance ministers to meet in Luxembourg – 12:30 GMT. ECB’s Weidmann to speak in Frankfurt ECB’s Constancio to speak in Frankfurt – 07:45 GMT. Wed, 15 ECB’s Draghi to speak in Frankfurt – 07:00 GMT. ECB’s Nouy to speak in Frankfurt – 15:30 GMT. ECB’s Draghi to speak in Frankfurt – 18:00 GMT. Source: Various National Statistical Offices, Bloomberg Finance LP, Reuters, S&P MMS, DB Global Markets Research. Growth rates in parentheses are year-on-year, while those without parentheses are this period over last period. Page 32 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap The Week Ahead: Rest of Europe & the USA In the US, IP and retail sales data are the key releases this week. IP is expected to grow by 0.3% mom while retail sales are expected to rise by 0.1% mom. Among the survey data, consumer sentiment is expected to improve while Philly Fed is forecast to ease. In the UK, the labour market report – and specifically earnings growth – will be the most important release next week. Look out also for inflation (CPI & PPI) data on Tuesday too. Key Data & Events Day Time (GMT) Release Tue Wed Thu Fri DB Forecast Consensus Previous 07.30 Swedish CPI headline (Sep) -0.1% (-0.2%) 08.30 UK Input PPI (Sep) -0.2% (-6.5%) 08.30 UK Output PPI (Sep) 0.1% (-0.1%) -0.1% (-0.3%) -0.1% (-0.3%) 08.30 UK CPI (Sep) 0.3% (1.4%) 0.2% (1.4%) 0.4% (1.5%) 08.30 UK RPI (Sep) 0.3% (2.3%) 0.3% (2.3%) 0.4% (2.4%) 08.30 UK Claimant count rate (Sep) 2.8% 2.8% 2.9% 08.30 UK ILO unemployment rate (Aug) 6.1% 6.1% 6.2% 12.00 Polish CPI (Sep) 12.30 US PPI (Sep) 0.2% 0.1% 0.0% (1.8%) 12.30 US Retail sales (Sep) 0.1% -0.2% 0.6% (5.0%) 13.30 US NY Fed empire state survey (Oct) 20.0 20.5 27.5 14.00 US Business inventories (Aug) 0.4% 0.4% 0.4% (5.9%) 08.30 Swedish Unemployment rate (Sep) 12.30 US Initial jobless claims (Oct 11) 13.15 US Capacity utilization (Sep) 79.0% 79.0% 78.8% 13.15 US Industrial production (Sep) 0.3% 0.4% -0.1% (4.1%) 14.00 US NAHB housing market index (Oct) 58.0 59.0 59.0 14.00 US Philly Fed (Oct) 20.0 20.0 22.5 12.30 US Building permits (Sep) 1,100.0k 1,035.0k 998.0k 12.30 US Housing starts (Sep) 1,100.0k 1,002.0k 956.0k 13.55 US Consumer sentiment prelim (Oct) 86.0 84.2 84.6 -0.6% (-7.2%) (-0.4%) -0.4% (-0.3%) 7.4% 287.0k dbCalendar: For more forward-looking calendars of data and events, as well as various tools to analyse data surprises, go to our new online calendar: http://gm-secure.db.com/dbCalendar Mon, 13 Fri, 17 Thu, 25 Fed’s Evans to speak in Indianapolis – 16:30 GMT. Fed’s Yellen to speak in Boston – 12:30 GMT. National B setting me Thu, 16 Fri, 26 Fed’s Plosser to speak in Pennsylvania – 12:00 GMT. Fed’s Lockhart to speak in Rutgers – 13:00 GMT. Fed’s Kocherlakota to speak in Montana – 14:00 GMT. Fed’s Bullard to speak in Washington – 17:00 GMT. SNB’s Jord The list of data an more complete li Thu, 25 Source: National Statistical Offices, Bloomberg Finance LP, Reuters, S&P MMS, DB Global Markets Research The list of data and events for the US is not comprehensive. Please see the web-based week ahead for a National Bank of Poland to publish minutes of its April rate more complete list setting meeting Fri, 26 SNB’s Jordan to speak in Berne – 08.00 GMT The list of data and events for the US is not comprehensive. Please see the web-based week ahead for a more complete list Deutsche Bank AG/London Page 33 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap Appendix 1 Important Disclosures Additional information available upon request For disclosures pertaining to recommendations or estimates made on securities other than the primary subject of this research, please see the most recently published company report or visit our global disclosure look-up page on our website at http://gm.db.com/ger/disclosure/DisclosureDirectory.eqsr Analyst Certification The views expressed in this report accurately reflect the personal views of the undersigned lead analyst(s). In addition, the undersigned lead analyst(s) has not and will not receive any compensation for providing a specific recommendation or view in this report. Mark Wall Page 34 Deutsche Bank AG/London 10 October 2014 Focus Europe: Investment gap (a) Regulatory Disclosures (b) 1. 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