Document 6578864

international foundation for development alternatives
fundacion intemacional para altemativas d e desarrollo
fondation internationale pour un autre developpement
i f d a dossier 52
ALTERNATIVES
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The O t h e r Economic Summit (TOES)
LOCAL SPACE
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L o k a y a n ' s e f f o r t s t o overcome t h e new r i f t ( R a j n i K o t h a r i )
San F r a n s i s c o : Q u a d r i - l i n g u a l p a p e r s e r v e s c h a n g i n g community
(Sam Q u i n o n e s )
15
N A T I O N A L SPACE
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P e r u w a n t s a h i s t o r i c r e - e n c o u n t e r w i t h t h e l a n d (A. G a r c i a P e r e z ) 17
T H I R D WORLD SPACE
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.
L f A r a b s a t (Azzouz Kerdoun)
E l n e c e s a r i o a p o r t e d e l a t e c n o l o g f a a 1 problema h a b i t a c i o n a l
d e l a s m a y o r i a s e n America L a t i n a ( H o r a c i o B e r r e t t a )
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41
GLOBAL SPACE
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L e s s o n s from t h e baby f o o d campaign (Andy C h e t l e y )
A r o l l b a c k f o r t h e T h i r d World? ( C h a k r a v a r t h i Raghavan)
NEWS FROM THE T H I R D SYSTEM
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T a b l e of c o n t e n t
The T h i r d World P r i z e t o Nelson and Winnie Mandela
Apac: La S a t e l l i t e
Uruguay: CIEDUR e n l a r e c o n s t r u c c i 6 n n a c i o n a l
LETTERS
FOOTNOTES
M A T E R I A L S R E C E I V E D FOR P U B L I C A T I O N
steering
committee:
ismail-sabri
m e i j e r , marc n e r f i n ( p r e s i d e n t ) ,
r o d o l f o stavenhagen, i n q a t h o r s s o n
abdalla,
iqnacy
ahmed
sachs,
ben
salah,
godfrey
marie-anq61ique
gunatilleke,
savane,
juan
jan
somavia,
council co-chairpersons: aldo a j e l l o , r a j n i k o t h a r i
4 p l a c e du march&, 1260 nyon, s w i t z e r l a n d ; phone 41 ( 2 2 ) 61 82 81; t e l e x 28840 i f d a c h
rome o f f i c e : 207 v i a p a n i s p e r n d , 00184 rome, I t a l y ; phone 39 ( 6 ) 48 65 87
i f d a d o s s i e r 52
.
m a r c h / a p r i l 1986
a1 t e r n a t i v e s
T H E OTHER ECONOMIC SUMMIT ( T O E S )
The Other Economic Summit (TOES) was established in 1984 as, initially,
a one-off response to the Economic Summit of the seven richest Western
countries - USA, Canada, Japan, France, West Germany, Italy, UK
which
was held in London that year. The motivation for staging an alternative
Summit of this kind came from a deep perception that not only were the
sort of economic policies likely to be advocated at the Summit totally
inadequate to combat the multiple and growing economic crises now besetting human societies worldwide, but that much of the very basis of economic theory had now ceased to be useful, and a profound rethink of economics was called for.
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In the event, TOES 1984 drew 170 people from 16 countries and was widely
reported. Here, at last, was a serious, expert forum committed to challenging the fundamental assumptions of conventional economic theory and
developing a New Economics more in line with the reality of the late
20th century. The twenty-person independent Steering Committee, including thinkers and practitioners from many fields who had long been seeking new ways forward for economics, decided to stay together and formulated a strategy to take the New Economics into the mainstream of economic debate. TOES 1985, attended by some 450 people from all continents, was held in April 1985 and the 1986 one will take place in London
on 17-18 April with the participation of, among others, Amir Jamal and
Marie-Angelique Savans.
TOES seeks to contribute to new economic understanding through the development of new economic theory, policy and practice. Its main theoretical concerns include:
.
the satisfaction of human needs. Conventional theory has little to
say about material human needs and nothing to say about non-material
ones. It concentrates instead on effective demand. TOES is seeking to
develop a coherent theory of human needs and to formulate ways of giving
these economic weight.
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the nature of work. TOES seeks to move beyond the bald equations in
conventional theory of work with labour, a factor of production, and of
work with employment. A broader view of work is called for, taking account of personal satisfaction and skill-utilisation, the social usefulness of the product and increasingly flexible working patterns.
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environmental resources. The natural world is not an infinite
source of resources nor an infinite sink for the wastes of economic activity. The new concept of sustainability and the development of cyclical economic processes, whereby the wastes of one process are the raw
material of another, need to supplant a mere concern with throughput.
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economic self-reliance. The theories of comparative advantage, specialisation and division of labour have led to unprecedented economic
dependency among peoples, communities and countries, leaving them extremely vulnerable. TOES is seeking to formulate a new theory of econo-
(continued on page 1 0 3 )
i f d a d o s s i e r 52
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m a r c h / a p r i l 1986
l o c a l space
TWO WORLDS W I T H I N EACH S O C I E T Y :
L O K A Y A N ' S EFFORTS TO OVERCOME T H E NEW R I F T
R A J N I KOTHARI S
R I G H T L I V E L I H O O D AWARD ACCEPTANCE SPEECH
Lokayan
13 A l i p u r Road
D e l h i 110 054. I n d i a
A b s t r a c t : I n t h e f o l l o w i n g acceptance speech of t h e Right L i v e l i h o o d
Award, o f t e n r e f e r r e d t o a s t h e A l t e r n a t i v e Nobel P r i z e , ( S t o c k h o l m , 9
December 1985) R a j n i K o t h a r i , i n i t i a t o r of Lokayan and c u r r e n t c o - c h a i r p e r s o n o f t h e IFDA C o u n c i l , a d d r e s s e s t h e c r u c i a l theme o f t h e "two
w o r l d s " w i t h i n e v e r y s o c i e t y , i n e v e r y s p a c e . Some - t h e m a j o r i t i e s a r e pushed n o t o n l y t o t h e p e r i p h e r i e s of economic and p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m s , b u t a l s o t o t h e p e r i p h e r i e s o f o u r c o n s c i o u s n e s s . Such a n "amnes i a " i s t h e most d a n g e r o u s t h i n g t h a t c a n happen, and i t i s what Lokayan
w a n t s t o c o n t r i b u t e t o overcome i n I n d i a . Conceived a s a n a l t e r n a t i v e
i n t e l l e c t u a l e f f o r t t o intervene i n t h e s o c i a l processes (not t h e p a r t y
p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s ) t h r o u g h d i a l o g u e s w i t h t h e p e o p l e , Lokayan, p o s i t i o n e d a t t h e p o i n t o f c o n v e r g e n c e between t h e m a s s e s , a c t i v i s t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s , i s a n e f f o r t t o open up t h e s p a c e s of b o t h t h e S t a t e and t h e
c i v i l society.
DEUX MONDES DANS CHAQUE S O C I E T E :
L ' E F F O R T D E LOKAYAN POUR DEPASSER L E NOUVEL A B I M E
Resume: Dans s o n d i s c o u r s d ' a c c e p t a t i o n du " P r i x d e l a bonne f a c o n d e
v i v r e " , s o u v e n t a p p e l e I e P r i x Nobel a l t e r n a t i f , R a j n i K o t h a r i i n i t i a t e u r d e Lokayan e t C O - p r e s i d e n t du C o n s e i l d e l a FIPAD, a b o r d e I e theme
c r u c i a l d e s "deux mondes" d a n s chaque s o c i e t e , d a n s chaque e s p a c e . Cert a i n - l e s m a j o r i t e s - s o n t r e j e t e s non s e u l e m e n t v e r s l e s p e r i p h e r i e s
d e s s y s t e m e s economiques e t p o l i t i q u e s , m a i s a u s s i v e r s l e s p e r i p h e r i e s
d e n o s c o n s c i e n c e s . C e t t e a m n e s i e e s t c e q u e p e u t a r r i v e r d e p l u s dang e r e u x 2 l ' e s p 6 c e humaine, e t c ' e s t c e que Lokayan e n t e n d c o n t r i b u e r a
e v i t e r e n I n d e . Consu c o m e un e f f o r t i n t e l l e c t u e l a l t e r n a t i f i n t e r v e n a n t d a n s I e p r o c e s s u s s o c i a u x ( m a i s non d a n s I e p r o c e s s u s p o l i t i q u e d e s
p a r t i s ) 3 t r a v e r s d e s d i a l o g u e s a v e c I e p e u p l e , Lokayan, s i t u e a u p o i n t
d e convergence e n t r e l e s masses, l e s m i l i t a n t s e t l e s i n t e l l e c t u e l s , s e
propose d ' o u v r i r l e s e s p a c e s de 1 ' E t a t e t d e l a s o c i e t e c i v i l e .
L O S DOS MUNDOS E N CADA S O C I E D A D :
E L ESFUERZO DE LOKAYAN PARA SUPERAR E L NUEVOS A B I S M O
En s u d i s c u r s o d e a c c e p t a c i 6 n d e l " P r e c i o d e l a buena manera d e v i v i r " ,
a menudo l l a m a d o e l P r e c i o Nobel a l t e r n a t i v o , R a j n i K o t h a r i , i n i c i a d o r
d e Lokayan y C O - p r e s i d e n t e d e l C o n s e j o d e l a FIPAD, a b o r d a e l tema c r u -
Rajni Kothari
TWO WORLDS WITHIN EACH SOCIETY;
LOKAYAN'S EFFORTS TO OVERCOME THE NEW R I F T
May I on behalf of the Lokayan community of activists, scholars, and intellectuals and the scores of concerned individuals and organizations that have supported Lokayan over
the nearly six years of its existence, extend our warm greetings and grateful thanks to the Right Livelihood Foundation, the Swedish Parliament and the Swedish society and
people. Ours is a fairly modest and still developing endeavour towards broadening the base of the democratic process in
India by drawing upon diverse practical initiatives and experiments in alternatives at the grassroots of our society
as well as new thinking and reflection that have become necessary at the macro level as a consequence of this.
Lokayan has been conceived as an intellectual effort that is
different from mainstream academic work and a political effort that is different from mainstream politics. It is so
both in content and even more in style. It is an effort at
both listening to, and interpreting, the grassroots dimension of the democratic process, articulating and nurturing
the same. We seek to comprehend what is going on but we also
intervene whenever necessary, in humility and in a spirit of
shared experience. And we engage in frank exchanges and debates, mutual criticism and dialogue - for we believe that
dialogue is the essence of the democratic process, provided
it is "dialogue of the people" and not just among the privileged, and provided it is dialogue not for its own sake but
for participating in collective transformation involving
both micro and macro thresholds.
Lokayan believes in intervening in the social process
through the method of dialogue and its concomitant processes
providing a broad platform of debate, documenting reality
on diverse issues, undertaking research arising out of felt
need of activists, and disseminating all this widely among
both activists and the public at large. It believes in the
primacy o f dialogue because of its perception that we live
in a deeply divided world with increasing loss of contact
between the divisions and growing estrangement between them.
It is an estrangement that not only promotes ignorance and
loss of empathy, but through capsuled stereotypes and inbuilt prejudices creates a psychic condition of growing immunization, apathy and amnesia. We live in a habitat consisting of two worlds that are so wide apart that it is just
not possible to think of them as being one. This is not
along the post-war stereotypes of the capitalist and c o m u nist worlds or the North and the South or the earlier one of
the West versus the East. The two worlds I speak of cut
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across all these along the simple indicators of human survival arid access to resources and life opportunities as well
as access to political power and decision-making institutions.
The "two worlds" are also found within each nation and at
the lower reaches of territorial existence. Thus there are
not just two worlds inhabiting this planet of ours but also
two Indias; and within India, each political entity and each
human settlement, whether urban or rural, is split into two.
This split undermines both larger unities of the national or
the subregional kind and the senses of community at the local level. But, even worse than this, there is another process at work that undermines the rich social diversity and
cultural pl-urality through which a sense of unity had been
organically felt for so long. Modern technology and the modern State seek to deal with the problem of poverty or exploitation or ineq11ir.y by imposing centralizing and homoqenizinq solutions chat are meant to "integrate" various elements. But in fact, modern economy and the modern State destroy natural and cultural diversity and far from integrating
in fact, produce a basically dualist economy and cent.ra1i.sing State. The modern project of integration, whether into
the world economic market or into the world strategic order
and the technological marketplace, has effectively split.
each society into two. And the more the integration of the
one segment, the less the care and understanding and knowledge about the other.
The Lokayan dialcgues and related processes are a way of
raising issues that go to the heart of the great divide between the two Indias and the two worlds that these two
Indias epitomize. We do this in a variety of ways: through
contact and communication between academics, professionals
and opinion-makers residing in the metropolitan world and
activists and political cadres working among groups and constituencies in the non-metropolitan, "vernacular" world.
Through dialogue among individuals sensitized to the grassroots reality in different ways or having different ideological interpretations of that reality. And above all through
establishing contact and building relat.ionships among the
activists themselves and through them the diverse public
they attempt to serve. We have found that the world of
action too is a highly divided world. And so is the world of
knowledge and social analysis and ideological interpretation. Lokayan is an attempt to build bridges across both the
world of action and the world o f knowledge. It i s also an
attempt at normative interventions - we seek to do all this
simultaneously and not in separate compartments o f reflection and action, theory and praxis, science and practical
knowledge. In this lies Lokayan's distinctiveness, as a method of social intervention: relating and interrelating diverse segments of practical reality and enablinq the practi-
tioners of knowledge to participate in the building of the
same interrelationships.
Lokayan also represents a mode of action, of intervention,
of politics, of struggle. While its members operate outside
the Parliamentary and the party spaces, their work and activities, including the knowledge and intellectual debate
they qenerate, are clearly political in nature. It is just
that these are carried out at different thresholds of the
political process, through quite different infrastructures
of democratic participation from those in which political
parties and electoral machines operate. And in articulating
this process, Lckayan activists employ forms and procedures
of intellectual intervention in ways that assist and enhance
the political role of action qroups and individuals engaged
in political acts. Lokayan's innovation is to closely relate
its activities to the concerns and problems of those involved in political action, from the grassroots to the national
and in some ways international
thresholds. On the other
hand, Lokayan operates from a basic premise arising out of
its perception and understanding of the crisis of our times:
that it is fundamentally an intellectual crisis, a crisis of
ideas, a crisis of human knowledge, both generally but especially in the social arena. The stock of theories and
models of social change and progress that have shaped the
modern industrial civilization, its colonial. expansion and
its subsequent even larger expansion through the paradigm of
modernization and 'development' has created the world we
live in. It is a world in an undesirable state in numerous
ways, among other things because of this intellectual tutelage of the whole world to the post-Enlightenment Western
models and to the framework of modern science and technology
through which these mode1.s have structured patterns of domination, manipulation and violence. This undesirable state of
affairs cannot be substantially changed without raising
basic questions about the structure of economic and political reality and the ideas and assumptions underlying it. Of
course, we must also come forward with alternative answers
to existing ways of managing the world. And this is a fundamentally intellectual task, an intellectual-political task.
This is our conviction.
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It is in the manner of conceiving and pursuing this intellectual-political task that Lokayan's specificity and methodology has developed. Lokayan has been a movement away from
specialized knowledge to what we call social knowledge. Second, while it promotes carefully conducted studies in selected problem areas, it has moved away from the cool and
amoral conception of scientific objectivity which does not
permit one to take sides. We, in Lokayan, believe in taking
sides, not in any dogmatic or sectarian manner or in any
watertight ideological frame but on the basis of informed
consideration of diverse or opposing points of view and a
"dialogue" among these. And third, Lokayan conceives of the
knowledge process as one of participation and involvement of
diverse people, not just academics and intellectuals but
activists, professionals and politicians as well. Indeed,
Lokayan's basic input into India's intellectual, political
and social life has been that based on the activist-intellectual interactions which are raising new issues, asking
unconventional questions and, as we shall see, redefining
the agenda of both political action and political theory.
Our activity of raising new questions and coming up with new
issues does not take place in a vacuum. Nor is there some
previously well thought out grand design that only ideoloques and model-builders are given to indulge in. Our thinking has gradually crystallized from a series of interactions between different strands, arising out of struggles
against existing hegemonies in the social structure, resistance to exploitation and inequities generated by the development process, new forms of protest within the broad civil
liberties and human rights movement, and new and alternative
ideas and experiments in technology, social and economic
organization and modes of decision-making and participation.
Lokayan's is an effort to broaden the scope and the range of
politics, to open up new spaces in both the sphere of the
State and in the large and complex terrain of civil society
outside the State, which in India presents a vast arena. It
is this simultaneous process of "conscient ization", engagement in actual struggles as well as a search of new alternatives on a variety of concrete tasks that Lokayan is concerned with.
It is a process that has given rise to a new class of people
drawn from the highly conscious and politicised stream of
the middle classes. These individuals are engaged in a wide
range of grassroots activism but also in broad touch with
the larger context within which their work among the distressed and the restless masses has to be carried out. It is
from this convergence of restless people increasingly conscious of their plight and a conscientious and equally restless class of volunteer politicians (to be distinguished
from professional party politicians) on the one hand and
restless intellectuals on the other that the new grassroots
movements are emerging and pressing on the mainstream political process in India. Such convergence of masses, activists and intellectuals is gradually making it possible to
articulate and present the large numbers and wide range of
micro experiments and struggles in a macro perspective. This
is precisely where Lokayan's overall aim and perspective lie
- in bringing to bear at the threshold of macro politics the
stirrings and struggles that nave appeared in a variety of
micro settings. It is a process still under way and has by
no means been fulfilled. But it has begun.
From this process another convergence is taking shape: new
definitions of the agenda of politics and the rise of new
social movements. For example, the issue of environment. It
is not something that can any longer be left to experts in
ecology or in economic development or to departments of environment. These departments may have been set up in response to popular pressures but they have now become part of
the bureaucratic status quo. Nor can environmental problems
be left to be sorted out in the future. The environment must
be preserved and regenerated here and now and cannot be left
to pious declarations of governments. It must become part of
peoples' own active involvement, including agitations to
restrain the State and corporate interests from destroying
the resource base of the poor, of future generations as well
as the resources of non-human species and plants with whom
our lives are organically linked. Ordinary people understand
this much more than experts. They only have to be made aware
that these also happen to be their rights.
The same is the case with health, with access and entitlement to food and nutrition, with shelter and housing. It is
increasingly beinq realized that the new hazards to health,
the new epidemics that are breaking out, and the problems
associated with modern drugs are in good part a product precisely of experts in the medical profession. The horrors let
loose by chemical industries and nuclear plants are increasingly coming to light; the tragedy in Bhopal dramatised it
but this is happening in many other places too. The socalled self-reliance in food production (as in India) has
little to do with actual access and entitlement to that food
for the poor, and the same applies to shelter and housing
and the availability of drinking water and access to fuel.
The green and the white "revolutions", the revolution in
materials technology and the umpteen schemes of "housing for
the poor" have not been able to remove the scourge of hunger
and malnutrition, of millions being shelterless, of still
more millions being driven from the rural areas into ghettos
of dirt, squalor and disease in the cities from where, too,
they are bulldozed and driven away and tossed around hither
and thither. The poor have been reduced to being stateless
people in their own State. All this is making matters that
were hitherto considered issues for experts and specialized
handling into urgent political tasks.
Implied in this is yet another change that has taken place
in the thinking on development which has a bearing on practical politics and on intellectual work. The earlier logic
of development based on accumulation-distribution - in which
distribution was to be taken care of at a later stage - has
been exposed and repudiated. Implied in that logic was another presumption, never fully spelt out. It looked upon people as objects, not as subjects in their own right; as beneficiaries of the process of development, not as direct participants in it. Thus, they had no control over how things
should go. And things
gone awry. This is now beinq realized. And with this realization has also come the convic-
tion that the process of distribution, access and empowerment, or narrowing gaps and countering monopolies are matters in which the people themselves will have to be involved, through their own organizations and through their own
conceptions of what is relevant and what is not. These are
issues of sheer survival; they are too serious to be left to
either technocrats or professional politicians.
Nowhere is the enlargement and redefinition of the scope of
politics brought out as vividly and dramatically as in what
is called the women's movement. I prefer to think o f it as a
feminist input into our whole thinking on politics. It has
not just enlarged the scope of politics by bringing into its
ambit what was until recently considered a personal and a
private world. From a position that the personal and the
political are polar opposites to one that "personal is political" on to the position that "political is personal" is
a massive shift, not just in the position of women in politics but in our whole understanding of politics as such.
The entry of women into politics is leading to new approaches and methods to deal with basic problems like the environment, health, drunkenness, sanitation, reassertion of the
community and the choice of technology. The feminist input
serves not just women, but also men. There is no limiting
relationship between feminist values and being a woman.
Above all, there is emerging an unprecedented convergence
between the ecological and feminist movements and between
the two of them and the peace movement. This has already
happened in Europe with the spectacular spread of the peace
movement and with the affirmation that peace and disarmament
are too important to be left to governments. In realising
that, left to themselves, governments will, in all likelihood, blow up the world, women have played a major role.
This is yet to happen in our part of the world. Our people
are still under the spell of theories of threat from within
and without. But the awakening will come there too even if
it takes time and calls for much greater effort to build
pressures from the grassroots; we just cannot afford to be
prisoners o f this arms race, and women will have to play a
major role in changing this.
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But the more important point is one about the inter-relationship of issues and movements, of a holistic approach to
life, which goes against the grain of the modern scientific
culture with its emphasis on specialization and fragmentation. As women come out of their presently narrow approach
of catching up with men, and as feminist values become more
generalised for humanity as a whole, a holistic approach
will develop. It will be an approach that is also plural and
based on complementarities. This is more likely to happen in
the non-Western world than in the West because our cultures
have always been embedded in a holistic way of life; they
have just been recessive in recent times.
I have said earlier that it is in this effort at interrelating issues and transcending a specialized conception of
both knowledge and action and, through such a conception,
also interrelating levels and thresholds
of micro and
macro
that Lokayan has found its role both as an articulator of what is already under way and as an intervener in it
by raising new questions and initiating dialogue and debates
on them. It is this perception of our role through the method of dialogue that has made it possible for us to transcend
the gaps that exist between the world of action and the
world of intellect (a dichotomy that is based on a rather
narrow view of knowledge) and between both these worlds and
the organs of public opinion (imperceptibly the content of
both reportage and commentary in the press and in other
media has been changing). And in the same manner, we also
hope to transcend the gap between the modern metropolitan
world and the "vernacular" world from which it has over time
got so alienated. We are still struggling at this because so
many of us live in the metropolitan world even if the political leaders of that world wished we were not there. We
raise critical voices which they wish were not raised.
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Our efforts are by no means successful; all we can claim is
that the voices which we reflect and articulate cannot any
longer be suppressed. We do realize the larger context in
which we operate. It is a context in which the engines of
growth are in decline, where the organised working class is
not growing and the process of marginalisation is spreading,
where technology is turning anti-people, where development
has become an instrument of the privileged class, and the
State has lost its role as an agent of transformation, or
even as a protector and mediator in the affairs of the civil
society. In fact one finds that the whole relationship between the State and civil society is increasingly being visited by a growing coercion of the State apparatus. There is
a growing demand for unity and consensus
not in the form
of an organic expression of civil society but in the form of
compliance with whatever happens to be the ruling orthodoxy
- dissent from which is considered illegitimate. And as this
happens, the State becomes more and more repressive.
-
All this is taking place within a global context in which
the centralising thrust does not stop at the national centre; it makes the nation-state itself an abject onlooker and
a client of a global "world order". It is a context of growing international pressures and subtle brainwashing that
herald an end of self-reliance of the Third World countries.
There is at work a process of integration of the organised
national economy into the world market while removing millions of people from the economy by throwing them into the
dustbin of history - impoverished, destitute, drained of
their own resources and deprived of minimum requirements of
health and nutrition, denied 'entitlement' to food, fuel,
water and shelter and even access to their traditional cul-
t u r e s . I n s h o r t t h e y h a v e b e e n made a n unwanted and d i s p e n s a b l e l o t whose f a t e seems t o b e ' d o o m e d ' .
I t i s w i t h t h e p l i g h t o f t h e s e r e j e c t s o f s o c i e t y and o f
o r g a n i z e d p o l i t i c s t h a t t h e g r a s s r o o t s movements and nonp a r t y f o r m a t i o n s i n I n d i a a r e c o n c e r n e d . They a r e a p a r t o f
t h e democratic s t r u g g l e a t various l e v e l s , i n a r a d i c a l l y
d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c o n t e x t from w h a t was p o s i t e d b o t h by t h e
i n c r e m e n t a l i s t s and t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . They h a v e s p r u n g up
a t a p o i n t o f h i s t o r y when e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d t h e
t h e o r e t i c a l models on which t h e y were based have r u n t h e i r
c o u r s e . T h e r e i s a s e a r c h f o r new i n s t r u m e n t s o f p o l i t i c a l
a c t i o n i n t h e l a r g e vacuums i n p o l i t i c a l s p a c e t h a t a r e
emerging, t h a n k s t o t h e d e c l i n e i n t h e r o l e o f t h e S t a t e a s
an a g e n t o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and t h e v i r t u a l c o l l a p s e o f 'gove r ~ i n e n t ' i n l a r g e p a r t s o f r u r a l I n d i a . The g r a s s r o o t s movements and non-party f o r m a t i o n s a r e based on deep s t i r r i n g s
o f c o n s c i o u s n e s s , o n a n a w a r e n e s s o f c r i s i s t h a t c a n conc e i v a b l y b e t u r n e d i n t o a c a t a l y s t o f new o p p o r t u n i t i e s .
They n e e d t o b e s e e n a s a r e s p o n s e t o t h e i n c a p a c i t y o f t h e
S t a t e t o h o l d i t s v a r i o u s c o n s t . i t u e n t s i n a framework o f
p o s i t i v e a c t i o n , i t s growing r e f u s a l ( n o t j u s t i n a b i l i t y ) t o
' d e l i v e r t h e g o o d s ' when i t comes t o t h e p o o r and i t s i n c r e a s i n g l y r e p r e s s i v e c h a r a c t e r . The r e p r e s s i o n i s d i r e c t e d
against vulnerable sections of the population, a c t i v i s t s
w o r k i n g among t h e m , i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s s i d e n t s a n d g r o u p s a n d
o r g a n i z a t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e s e . What t h e s e g r o u p s a n d
o r g a n i z a t i o n s a r e i n f a c t d o i n g i s t o o p e n a l t e r n a t i v e pol i t i c a l s p a c e s o u t s i d e t h e u s u a l a r e n a o f p a r t y and qovernment t h o u g h n o t o u t s i d e t h e S t a t e . When t h e S t a t e and o t h e r
v e s t e d i n t e r e s t s mount a b a c k l a s h , t h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s a r e
c a l l e d upon t o p l a y a f u r t h e r r o l e o f n u r t u r i n g a n d p r o v i d i n e p r o t e c t i o n t o t h e v i c t i m s o f t h i s b a c k l a s h . Lokayan
b o t h j o i n s i n t h i s e f f o r t and s e n s i t i z e s t h e wider p u b l i c t o
t h e r e a l i t i e s on t h e ground.
I n sum, t h e pfienomenon o f ' g r a s s r o o t s ' a c t i v i s m i s a p a r t o f
a n a t t e m p t t o k i n d l e f a i t h and e n e r g y i n a n t i - e s t a b l i s h i r e n t
f o r c e s i n a v a r i e t y o f s e t t i n g s a t a time o f general d r i f t
a n d l o s s o f e l a n . I t i s a l s o a t i m e when t h e s u f f e r i n g masses are scared o f confrontation with the s t a t u s
and
t h u s , a t i m e w h i c h c a l l s f o r t h p e o p l e who h a v e t h e w i l l ,
c r e a t i v i t y a n d a r e a d i n e s s t o wage s u s t a i n e d s t r u g g l e s , n o t
j u s t against a particular local tyrant but against the larq e r s y s t e m , b o t h n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l .
z,
No+ e v e r y o n e i n v o l v e d i n p o p u l a r movements s e e s i t i n t h i s
m a n n e r . Many o f them * r e t o o p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h i m m e d i a t e
s t r u g g l e s t o be a b l e t o t h i n k i~ w i d e r t e r m s ; o t h e r s a r e
s u s p i c i o u s o f b o t h a b s t r a c t i o n s a n d a g g r e g a t e s . And, i n a n y
c a s e , t h e c o n d i t i o n s f o r c o n c e r t e d and c o n s o l i d a t e d a c t i o n
i n f o r m e d by a n a d e q u a t e t h e o r y a r e j u s t n o t t h e r e . And y e t
t h e r e i s enough e v i d e n c e t o s u g g e s t t h a t u n d e r l y i n g t h e
mi-cro movements i s a s e a r c h a n d r e s t l e s s n e s s f o r a more a d e -
quate understanding of the forces at work as well as a more
adequate response to them. The movements show a certain conviction that available ideologies are inadequate. They have
enough experience which tells them that the existing instruments of formal politics - parties, elections, even the
press and judiciary - cannot be expected to cope with the
crisis in which they and those they work among find themselves. In one area after another, where we in Lokayan have
had dialogues with activists working among the "untoucha b l e ~ " ,the landless, the tribals and various other segments
of the rural poor, we found that none of the existing parties, including those that month radical slogans, really
cared for these incohate, unorganized and on the whole mute
suffering masses. Hence the need for a new genre of organization an? a new conception of political roles.
It is a conception of politics that differs from party politics in that, for it, State power is not seen as the only or even the predominant - object of politics. It sees an
equal, perhaps even greater, necessity to keep struggling
against injustices which are bound to occur no matter which
party or coalition is in power. It believes in experimenting
with new modes o f organising social, economic and technolcgical spaces, insisting on norms in politics and in keeping
the intellectual ferment. alive. The new conception of politics holds that it is not enough to provide participation in
the system; the aim is also to create a just society. Participation is necessary but not sufficient for this to happen. A just society needs self-government and a decentralized order through which the masses are empowered. But it is
not decentralized in the sense of a scheme of territorial
devolution of functions and resources to lower levels but
decentralization in which the people are the centre.
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For us in India there is no alternative but to move towards
a pluralist, decentralized polity with a humane technology
and a relatively self-reliant economy. Our concept is that
the self reliance for the people, not just for the State as
has been the thinking on self-reliance in the context of the
New International Economic Order. In our highly plural context, a just society cannot be built except by the people
coming into their own and assuming responsibilities for shaping their lives. We just cannot afford to hand these things
over to experts. This may be possible in centralized and
homogeneous societies like the Western ones. To follow that
model in India is of necessity to create a dual society with
large masses left out of citizenship, out of civilization
really.
Fundamentally, the vision that informs the grassroots model
of mass politics (as against the parliamentary or presidential or party model of mass politics) is one in which the
people are more important than the state. This is cruclkl,
and it is not as simple as it sounds. In fact, in times we
are living in, it is a revolutionary idea. The dominant tendencv and mode of thouaht todav is to olace the state above
the people, the security of the nacion-state above people's
security; the removal of real or inaginary threats to the
state has become more pertinent than preventing threats to
the people and their interests.
To restore to the people their sovereignty is not to undermine the role of the state but to transform it. This transformation can be achieved only through the transformation of
the civil society, not the other way around. For this, the
role of the centralized state must decline. The State will
be very must there - some functions will have to be carried
out by a centralized apparatus - but the State must basically operate in concert with other centres as well as other
institutional spaces in civil society. And, for this to happen, we need to move beyond the nation-State syndrome of
Statehood. We must, in particular, move beyond the 'national
security State' syndrome which has been the source of both
militarism and hegemonism in our time. In any case, so long
as the 'national security State' rules the roost, the masses
cannot and will not come into their own.
For us regaining power for the people, for communities, for
autonomous societal forces is crucial. To that end Lokayan
aims to be a "dialogue of the people". It still is not one,
not adequately at any rate. But that is its conception. We
need all the empathy and involvement and support that we can
mobilize for this purpose - and a dialogue, a continuing
dialogue with others similarly inclined in other parts of
the world.
it is in this spirit of fellowship that we accept the Right
Livelihood Award.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I have in this short statement gone
over a range of issues and observations. But basic to it all
is the theme of "Two Worlds" with which I started. We are
fast moving into a situation where those belonging to that
other world
the "vernacular" world - are not just getting
marginalized and pushed to the peripheries of socio-economic
and political systems; they are also getting pushed to the
peripheries of our consciousness, our sense perceptions, our
emotions. This is the most dangerous thing that can happen
to this planet of ours - the danger of immunization, of amnesia as I mentioned earlier in this speech. It is this that
we in Lokayan want to overcome and are struggling against.
Hence the emphasis on dialogue, on building interrelationships. And we sincerely hope that the Right Livelihood Award
to Lokayan will enable us to being a process that carries
the dialogue and the interrelations across the great divides
that separate us globally, transcontinentally. If and when
that materializes, we will have a global Lokayan underway.
It is then that the objective of the "Right Livelihood"
movement will be really fulfilled.
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c i a l d e 1 0 s "dos mundos" e n c a d a s o c i e d a d , e n c a d a e s p a c i o . Algunos (La
m a y o r i d a d ) s o n r e c h a z a d o s no s o l a n i e n t e h a c i a l a s p e r i f e r i a s d e 1 0 s sistemas econ6micos y p o l i t i c o s , p e r 0 tarnbien h a c i d !as p e r i f ~ r l a sd e nuest r a s c o n c i e n c i a s . Lo rnZs p e l i g r o s o q u e pueda s u c e d e r a l a e s p e c i a humana
e s e s t a a m n e s i a , y e s t o e s 10 c u e Tokayan i n t e n t ? c o n t r i b u i r a s u p e r a r e n
I n d i a . Concebido como un e s f u e r z o i n t e l e c t u a l a l t e r n a c i v o i n c e r v e n i e n d o
e n e l p r o c e s o s o c i a l ( p e r o no e l p r o c e s s p o l i t i c o d e 1 0 s p a r t i d o s ) p o r
medio d e d i a l o g o s con e l p u e b l o , Lokayan, l o c a l i z a d o a l purito d e c o n v e r g e n c i a e n t r e !as m a s a s , m i l i t a n t e s e i n t e l e c t u a l e s , e s tin e s f u e r z o d e
a b r i r I n s e s p a c i o s d e ambos e l E s t a d o y l a s c c i e d a d c i v i l .
SAN FRANSISCO; QUADRI-LINGUAL PAPER
SERVES CHANGING COMMUNITY
by Sam Quinones
Inter Press Service
United Nations, Room 485
New York, NY 10017, USA
San Fransisco "Tenderloin" district is an area of poverty
amid wealth, often neglected by all except its residents.
Marked by seedy residential hotels, adult movie arcades and
liquor stores, the Tenderloin is home to a constantly changing mixture of elderly people, gays, transients, blacks and
hispanics and, increasingly, Asians.
It is also home to "The Tenderloin Times", a publication
that several local journalists cite as the city's most vibrant community newspaper. "The Tenderloin Times" al.so has
the distinction of being perhaps the only quadri-lingual
newspaper in the country, publishing pages in Vietnamese,
Khmer, Lao and English.
"It's a small-town paper", says Larry Lee, head of the local
national broadcasting corporation-TV affiliate's special investigative reporting team. "Like all good small-town papers, it pays attention to the lives of the folks right
there. Also, like many small-town papers without advertisers, they don't have anybody to suck up to or satisfy.. so
they tend to tell a bit more of the truth about the Tenderloin than the other media here do".
.
The paper's quadri-lingual approach was dictated by reality.
Just as California has become the nation's centre for southeast Asian refugees, so the Tenderloin is now San FransisCO's centre. The Indochinese immigrants now account for almost half the Tenderloin's 25,000 residents. Most speak haltinq English, if they speak it at all, and many have yet to
adjust to the radically different culture of the United
States.
"Tne Tenderloin Times" realised that if it was to serve its
readers, it would have to adjust. The paper was started inauspiciously in 1977 with one photocopied issue. By 1979 it
had gone bi-monthly and remained that way until 1982, when
it became a monthly and hired its first full-time editor.
"It was begun to serve as a community organ", says Rob
Waters, 28, the editor who was hired and who still holds
that post. The publication was "a community information link
to inform people in the neighbourhood about issues of importance, to serve as a voice for people and an advocate for
the people in the Tenderloin". "I think that still is the
basic purpose of the paper", he adds.
"The Tenderloin Times" concentrates on stories relevant to
its low-income tenant conununity. Rent control and real estate development, big issues for San Fransisco, are covered
in detail in the paper, along with articles on social services and neighbourhood problems such as crime and mental
health.
Given the diverse nature of the area, the paper has to "promote a greater sense of understanding of the different communities", Waters says. "We've tried to break down some of
the cultural barriers that exist by just letting people know
who their neighbours are, and what kinds of things they went
through". Towards that goal, "The Tenderloin Times" English
section, the bulk of the paper, often runs stories about the
refugee community, while the Asian pages frequently explain
the various kinds of social services available.
The change to the four-language format was made possible
when "The Tenderloin Times" received a $76,000 grant from a
local foundation last year. The money allowed the paper to
hire another editor and three southeast Asian reporters,
themselves refugees, and boost circulation from 10,000 to
15,000 copies per month. Production of the paper is now a
trial and error process. The Tenderloin Times "didn't have
any idea as to what was involved", says Sara Colm, the newly
hired editor.
A typewriter with Vietnamese is used for the Vietnamese section, but the Khmer and Lao pages must be laboriously written by hand by the reporters, then photographed and layed
out. Articles for the southeast Asian sections are written
in English first, edited, then translated into the respective languages and reviewed by neighbourhood residents for
mistakes. The staff delivers the paper door-to-door throuqhout the neighbourhood, allowing it to get feedback first
hand. Response over the years to the paper has been "very,
very good", says Waters. "In fact, it's amazingly good".
Members of the mainstream media have also been impressed.
'I think it's probably the best community newspaper in San
Fransisco", says Katy Butler, who has reported for "The San
Fransisco Chronicle" for nine years.
Butler notes that "The Tenderloin Times" was the first paper
"to talk about the problems of the homeless", now a frequent
topic in the city's media. Thouqh the kinks are still beinq
worked out in the Tenderloin Times' quadri-lingual format,
the paper's future appears bright. Its ties to the community
have never been closer, and a formerly silent section of San
Fransisco now has a voice. "It's looking better all the
time", says Lee. "I think they're heroes".
i f d a d o s s i e r 52
.
m a r c h / a p r i l 1986
n a t i o n a l space
THROUGH NATIONAL AFFIRMATION OF ITS FOOD AND ITS GEOGRAPHY
PERU WANTS AN
HISTORIC RE-ENCOUNTER WITH I T S L A N D
by Alan G a r c i a P k e z
P r e s i d e n t o f t h e R e p u b l i c o f Peru*
Lima, P e r u
O r i g i n a l : Spanish
A b s t r a c t : A f t e r a s h o r t a n a l y s i s o f t h e c u r r e n t w o r l d economic s y s t e m ,
Alan G a r c i a o u t l i n e s a n a t i o n a l p o l i c y o f l i b e r a t i o n grounded i n t h e
d e e p e n i n g of democracy. For democracy t o be t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e peop l e , h e a r g u e s , i t must h e l p t h e n r e c o v e r a n a w a r e n e s s o f t h e i r g e o g r a p h i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y , t h a t i s t h e i r i d e n t i t y . T h i s c a n b e
s e e n a s a p a r t o f n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n . He shows
achieved through
w i t h many examples how t h e h i s t o r y of P e r u , from t h e t i m e o f c o l o n i s a t i o n t o t h e p r e s e n t day, h a s b e e n t h a t o f a p r o d u c t i o n and consumption
model whose main f e a t u r e s a r e a s e r i e s of s t r u c t u r a l i m b a l a n c e s , mass
p o v e r t y , a l i e n a t i o n arid d e p e n d e n c e . What i s now c a l l e d f o r i s a m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l r e v o l u t i o n , s t a r t i n g from a n a u t o c h t h o n o u s food model and
including n a t i o n a l s e l f - r e l i a n c e , d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , s o c i a l j u s t i c e , rea f f i r m a t i o n of t h e s o c i e t y ' s c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y , a s w e l l a s a d o p t i n g o f
t h e s t r u c t u r e s of t h e new s t a t e t o t h e endogenous s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s
t h a t have s t o o d t h e t e s t of t i m e . Such p o l i c i e s r e q u i r e t h e good u s e of
i n t e r n a l f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s ; t h i s i s why P e r u h a s d e c i d e d t o l i m i t t o
10% of i t s e x p o r t e a r n i n g s t h e s e r v i c e of i t s d e b t and t o r e j e c t t h e
S h y l o c k - l i k e d i c t a t e s o f t h e If{F.
m,
LE PEROU VEUT RETROUVER SA TERRE
Resume: AprZs une b r e v e a n a l y s e du s y s t e m s m o n d i a l a c t u e l , Alan G a r c i a
e s q u i s s e une p o l i t l q u e n a t i o n a l e d e l i b e r a t i o n f o n d e e s u r l ' a p p r o f o n d i s sement d e l a d e m o c r a t i c . Pour que l a d e m o c r a t i e s o i t l ' e x p r e s s i o n du
p e u p l e , d i t - I l , e l l e d o i t a i d e r c e l u i - c i ii r e p r e n d r e c o n s c i e n c e d e l a
r e a l i t 6 e t d e son i d e n t i c e g g o g r a p h i q u e e t h i s t o r i q u e . On p e u t y p a r v e n i r e n voyant d a n s l ' a l i m e n t a t i o n une d i m e n s i o n d e l a l i b e r a t i o n . A
t r a v e r s d e nombreux e x e m p l e s , 11 montre comment l ' h i s t o i r e du P e r o u , d e
--* The t e s t re'pi~vd'xc2h e l m is an abridced English v e r s i o n of the 14th
i'^Ci,ou~alt i " l e , ~ i ~ ' ~ ~L.cc'ti.~e
\.ci.~
del:'i't?red i n Spanish 'bif t h e Fpesident o f
Peru i n Rome, u n 11 November f i r f a , on t h e occas-icr o f t h e 4 0 t h ca'.r."'versary o f FAO. A feu passages o f t h e o f f i c i a ' l - E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n have
been amended so as t c " e f f e c t more d o s e l y tke m-zg'inaZ. The f u l l t e s t
o f t h e 'iesture ran be obtained ir. e i t h e r Spanish o r English from t h e
FAO, v i a d e l l e T e m e di Carosalta, ~OOZCO Kme, I t a l y .
la colonisation 2 aujourd'hui, s'est traduite par un modele de production et de consommation caracteris6 essentiellecent par de nombreux dSsGquilibres structurels, la pauvret6 du plus grand nombre, l'alienation
et la dependance, La reponse ne peut Stre qu'une revolution irulti-dimensionnelle done les elements sont i partir d'un modZle alimentaire autochtone, l'autonomie nationale, la dGcentralisation, la justice sociale, la reaffirmation de 11identit6 culturelle aussi bien que l'adaptation des structures i I'organisation saciale endogsne qui a resist6 au
temps. Une telle politique, exige Ie bon usage des ressources financisres internes; c'est pourquoi le PSrou a decide de limiter 2 10% de ses
recettes d'exportation Ie service de sa dette et de rejetter les diktats
S la Shylock du FMI.
EL PERU EN BUSQUEDA DE SU TIERRA
Resumen: Alan Garcia, despues una breve analisis el sistema muiidial actual, esboza una polltica de liberation nacional fundada sobre la profundisaci6n de la democracia. Para que la democracia sea la expresion
del pueblo, debe ayudar a1 pueblo a recobrar conciencia de la realidad,
de su identidad geogrzfica e historica. Y esto se puede obtener considerando la alimentacion como una dimension de la liberaci6n. Por medio
de varios ejemplos, nos da a conocer de que manera la historia del Peru,
desde la colonizaci6n a nuestros dfas, se traduce por un modelo de producci6n y de consumo caracterizado esencialmente por varios desequilibrios estructurales, la pohreza de la mayorfa, la alienation y la dependencia. La unica respuesta posible es la de una revolution nultidimensional, cuyos elementos son, sobre la base de un modelo de alimentaci6n aut6cton0, la autonomla nacional, la descentralizaci6n, la justicia
social, la reafiruacion de la identidad cultural, y la adaptaci6n de las
estructuras a la organization social endkena que ha resistido a1 tiempo. Este tipo de politica exige el huen empleo de recurvos financieros
internos, raz6n por la cual el Peru ha decidido limitar a1 10% de sus
exportaciones el servicio de su deuda y rechazar las diktats del IMF.
NB: El texto espafiol completo de esta disertacion se puede obtener de la
FAO, via della Terme di Caracalle, 00100 Roma, Italia.
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T A R I F D E S ABONNEMENTS
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Alan Garcfa PErez
T H R O U G H N A T I O N A L A F F I R M A T I O N O F OUR
FOOD AND OUR GEOGRAPHY
PERU WANTS A H I S T O R I C RE-ENCOUNTER WITH THE LAND
Scourged by hunger, debt and the threat of nuclear war, our
world is full of paradoxes and contrasts. At one extreme are
the industrialized countries, where average per caput income
is as much as ten thousand dollars a year, and where people
consume more than 3 400 calories a day. At the other extreme
are nearly 2 500 million inhabitants of the Third World
whose incomes barely amount to 300 dollars a year.
Linking these two extremes is a single system, a single
economic order, whose injustice has been repeatedly condemned without, however, very much being done to remedy it. The
exchange of raw materials for technology is growing increasingly unfair, with more and more tons of fish meal or sugar
being needed to purchase just one tractor.
The external debt is a blatant means of extracting and
transferring resources; this year the figure was 970 000
million dollars, and many countries devoted more than half
of their 1984 export revenues to servicing it. Through the
industry of death and sophisticated arms, the sale of which
divides the poor countries by intrigues, we have transferred
thousands of millions of dollars to the rich countries.
This has been said many times before. What I want to do now
is to point out the glaring contradiction between institutions in this system of international relations. On the one
hand there is FAO, fighting against hunger and to give the
poorest countries access to development technologies. On the
other hand there is the International Monetary Fund, whose
conditions and policies for stabilization have worsened our
countries' problems, with dramatic consequences.
The IIG? is an institution in which nations are not, as here,
sovereign equals, but are valued for the size of their contributions and the strength of their currency. In my country, the conditions imposed by the IMF forced us to apply
mistaken economic policies which constricted demand, reduced
credit and public spending, and brought about a decline in
production and employment and a drop in incomes and deterioration in nutrition, which hit the poor hardest of all.
1 am here now because we have decided to adopt a different
approach. We have abandoned the prescriptions of the IMF and
are now resolutely following the path marked out for us by
FAO - rescuing the rural world as a source of well-being and
nutrition. We are now planning to expand production, iricrease consumption, facilitate access to credit, and promote
productive public spending. ( . . . l
We shall do this, not by asking for charity, but by callin7
for a fairer system in which the value of the work of poor
nations and their equal sovereignty are recognized. The
world needs a new basis for trade and the distribution of
wealth. A new monetary system is required in which the dollar is no longer the sole universal currency, turning us
into the tools o f one single country. ( . . . )
This struggle has the support of all peoples, but we also
need to strengthen democracy everywhere as a weapon against
hunger and justice. This is our primary duty.
Democracy must be the expression of the people; but in poor
countries it also plays the role of an authentic historical
conscience. Our countries are not only victims of injustice,
indebtedness and violence; political domination has deprived
our people of a sense of geographical identity. In other
words, their awareness of their reality is ambiguous and
alienating. This false vision has produced technological and
food consumption models which have linked neither with geography nor with social history.
This is the main theme which I should like to develop in
this lecture. In this assembly, much has been heard about
hunger, famine and human suffering. We recognize that these
are serious subjects, but on this occasion I should like to
speak of food in a different sense, placing it in its cultural and historical context. I should like to show how democracy can be understood through food and how it can be built
with food as its objective, not just in response to famine
but as a conscious part of national liberation. This is what
we are doing to regain a real awareness of our country's
geography.
Over the centuries Peru, once the base of an empire founded
on agriculture, has forgotten its mountainous terrain, its
altitude, its mountain ranges and its native crops, and begun to consume foreign foods grown on plains which do not
exist in my country, thus falsifying its view of itself.
(...)
Over the last few decades, agricultural production in my
country has declined. Yield per hectare has fallen, while
food imports have increased considerably. The huge consumption of foreign food products has caused the country's technical conditions and social organization to be forgotten. As
a result, the people have lost faith in their ability to
control their own geographical environment. Food imports are
not just a foreign exchange problem; they also make a country lose touch with its sense of its own history and geography. The mass consumption of wheat, which comes from another
geographical area, another ecological system, and does not
grow in Peru, ended the usefulness of the Andes, the mountains and the technical instruments for dominating them, the
old language, the conceptual structure, family relations,
and any kind of political or religious awareness. Peruvians
have come to accept scarcity and poverty as an inevitable
fact o f life, and the peasants, without moving from their
land, are exiled from their own history.
Yet less than 500 years ago the agrarian civilization of the
Incas provided sufficient food for a population as large as
or even larger than the present one, because the Incas accepted Peru's geography and dominated it technologically.
Five centuries ago, like today, Andean civilization covered
a great ecological variety, resembling more than half the
climates in the world. The great complexity of ecological
levels and climates was mastered by the old Inca civilization through technical works aimed at simplification. Aware
of the country's rugged and mountainous geography, the Incas
dominated it by growing their crops on terraces stretching
far up the slopes.
While other civilizations on plains and plateaux replaced
the plough with the tractor, which is useful on flat land,
Peru relied on different technical instruments, the terraces, known as "andenes", and on human organization too, because the complexity of ecology and climates made collective
work essential. There was thus a clear identification of society with the land, and a feeling of security and political
continuity.
The European invasion in the 16th century broke this relationship between the people and the land. The conquistadores
came from countries with a different geography, countries
with plains and plateaux, and did not understand Peru's different geography. They imposed a vision which did not correspond to this geography and a different historical understanding of space and time. The Andean axis and the capital
of Cuzco were replaced by lands nearer the sea. People's
identification with farming gave way to mining, because Peru
ceased to be an agricultural country and became merely a
mining satellite of mercantile Europe. And the traumatic
conquest placed the conquering European group over the conquered society, so that the agriculture of the old society
became an activity associated with the beaten, the defeated.
The Andes were no longer the historical and economic centre,
but became the home of those who had lost the battle.
I have frequently said in my country that the underlying
motivation o f the peasants who abandon their land in the
Andes to go to the city is the desire to escape from the
centuries of living as a conquered race. The conquest gave
rise to a false vision of Peru, which treated the country as
though it consisted of lowlands and plateaux when in fact it
is mountainous, a country made for terracing, for growing
potato and maize, which constitute our contribution to human
history. Peru gradually became converted into a country con-
suming wheat, a crop requiring large stretches of lowland
which do not exist.
Little by little millions of hectares of terraces were abandoned; the roads which linked the agricultural zones of Peru
were forgotten, the population shrank and society retreated
before geography. The land no longer provided the people
with an identity; it was just a deposit for the vanquished
or the tool of social domination in the feudalism that then
arose.
For almost five centuries Peru has ceased to identify itself
with the land. Like almost everyone else, we have had not
only an agrarian reform, but a juridical reform concerned
solely with title deeds, which has maintained the domination
of the town over the countryside, the marginalization of the
Andes that began with the Conquest, and the growing trend
toward importing food. Society continues to be divorced from
its physical basis.
The great Indira Ghandi once quoted from this same rostrum a
Hindu hymn which says: "All the creatures that live on the
earth are born from food, live on food and when they die
return to food." I might paraphrase this by saying: "Societies are born from food, live on food and build up their
awareness of time and space through the food they consume,
which is the expression of their technical capacity to dominate their geography."
For this reason, the democracy we want in Peru is not an
urban democracy, not a bureaucratic and administrative democracy. Peru wants an historic re-encounter with the land,
through national affirmation of our food and our geography.
From the beginning of this century Peru has been following
the path laid down for it by the Conquest. It has followed
the cycles of the world capitalist economy. Like other peripheral countries, Peru exported agricultural raw materials
such as cotton and sugar, but these were produced by a new
agriculture, located near the sea, different from Andean
agriculture. The economy of the Andes continued to be marginalized.
With the Second World War, Peru began a process of industrialization and urbanization which isolated the peasants, particularly those in the Andean region, even more. Industrialization in Peru from 1945 on has been centralized and urban;
it has concentrated on processing food and milling foreign
wheat and thus has increased the mass consumption of external commodities, which replaced the national food. The industrialization, begun three decades ago, has completed
Peru's conversion into an importing country, installing big
mills and beginning almost total replacement of our own
foods.
Between 1 9 7 0 and 1 9 8 3 alone, domestic per caput
of maize fell from 45 to 3 1 kg; that of potatoes,
ginate from Peru, dropped from 1 4 0 to 6 0 kg. But
same period per caput importation of wheat rose
52 kg and that of maize from 1 to 24 kg.
production
which oriduring the
from 3 5 to
The process of industrialization impoverished the Andean
peasants even more, accentuated migration, and implanted in
the peasants arriving in the city a feeling of insecurity
with regard to food and technological capacity; and since
the land is linked to people's self-awareness, the migrants
also lost their self-respect. The generosity of the land was
replaced by the hostility of the urban environment, and the
idea of society as a community was replaced by individualism
as a response to the hostile surroundings.
Since 1 9 7 0 , the oil crisis and the end of the expansion in
world economy have led to protectionism in the richer countries. The transnational corporations have been replaced by
banks as a means of drawing off the surplus. In my country
Industry has been affected by the opening up of the market,
since imports are financed by greater indebtness, and in
recent years marginalization and destitution have grown
worse.
Peru has been, successively, an exporting country, a country
in the process of urban industrialization, and a debtor
country, retaining throughout the same kind of link with
world capitalism: the affirmation of urban life, administrative procedures and importation, and continual depression of
agriculture.
There are therefore deep contradictions in its structure of
my country: excessive centralization in the towns, and particularly the capital; a very high concentration of income;
and great imbalance between industry and administration on
the one hand and an increasingly depressed agriculture on
the other. This produces a vicious circle: agriculture produces less and less because of food imports, the peasants
therefore grow ever poorer, and industry in turn grows weaker because it lacks a market for its products.
In these circumstances a process of historical transformation is essential to attain social justice and economic
self-reliance. This process cannot consist of reactivating
the vicious economic structures; if by reactivation we mean
conventional measures benefitting the high income group, we
shall continue to be condemned to import commodities. The
far-reaching transformation we need must be inspired by an
autochthonous food model, because only in this way will
there be a revolution in its multiple dimensions: national
autonomy, economic decentralization, social justice and reaffirmation of our cultural identity.
The first objective of a nationalist revolution must be to
rediscover the forgotten reality and the agricultural spacetime dimensions; in other words, to recognize ecological
variety, accept terraced farming, rediscover native products
and conuxunity organization, and see again the Andes, which
are the historical axis of Peru, as space useful to human
beings.
This is the essence of the historical-cultural reaffirmation
we are seeking: recover the identity of society and land,
restore security in the consciousness and leave behind with
migration the tendency to flee from reality.
For this transformation to be possible, we define our nationalism as the right to an autonomous existence, as the right
to work and to defend our industry from the liberal opening
up of markets, as the right to plan the economy and to direct resources toward an historical model linked with food,
agriculture and fisheries.
Because of this we have decided to limit drastically the
resources previously allocated to payment of the external
debt, in particular to commercial banks. We maintain that
this debt is unjust, that it originates from unequal exchange, is accentuated by usurious interest rates and aggravated by protectionism which lowers the prices of our
commodities and hinders trade. History shows that the attempt to maintain financial relations through a "carousel"
of new loans leads only to a worse situation.
We deplore the fact that the economically stronger countries
do not understand the need to find a political solution to
this problem.
We deplore the fact that the many talks and meetings have
not yet led the debtor countries to agree on action. We believe in joint action and solidarity. We also believe in
national decisions, and therefore reject the idea of continuing to contract debts in order to pay previous ones. We
reaffirm our decision to allot 10 percent of exports, that
is to say, only one out of every ten dollars of our export
earnings, to servicing the debt, principally to that part
which relates to cooperation loans and real aid we have received. At this moment when hundreds o f millions o f people
in Africa, Asia and Latin America are waiting in vain for
food, when poverty and violence loom over our societies, the
banks can wait: the poor have waited long enough for reason
and justice. ( . )
..
To affirm our right to fix a programme o f economic transformation without foreign intervention, we have rejected the
mediation of the IMF, whose letters of intention are rather
letters of renunciation of sovereignty ordering us to open
up our borders, devalue our currency, raise interest rates
a n d r e d u c e S t a t e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l e x p e n d i t u r e . We
h a v e o p t e d f o r a c o m p l e t e l y d i f f e r e n t p a t h : a s o v e r e i g n mod e l with substantial reduction of i n t e r n a l i n t e r e s t r a t e s ,
s t a b l e exchange r a t e s , r e g u l a t e d p r i c e c o n t r o l and r e d u c t i o n
o f t h e p r o f i t m a r g i n s o f t h e m o n o p o l i e s . A s a p r o o f o f what
o u r p e o p l e c a n do w i t h o u t t h e t u t e l a g e o f t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l
m o n e t a r y s y s t e m , i n f l a t i o n h a s b e e n r e d u c e d i n o n l y two
m o n t h s from 11 t o 3 p e r c e n t a month.
Now t h a t p a y m e n t s o n t h e e x t e r n a l d e b t h a v e b e e n r e d u c e d ,
t h e p u r c h a s e o f armaments and o t h e r u n n e c e s s a r y i m p o r t s l i m i t e d , and t h e S t a t e ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s
s u c h a s o i l i n c r e a s e d , t h e Government c a n c h a n n e l more
r e s o u r c e s t o t h e s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and t o economic r e c o v e r y ,
p a r t i c u l a r l y a g r i c u l t u r a l production. ( . . . l
The p r i c e s o f o u r a g r i c u l t u r a l c o m m o d i t i e s , t h e p r i c e s o f
m e a t , m i l k , c o t t o n , s u g a r , c o p p e r , s i l v e r and f i s h m e a l , a r e
dropping d a i l y a s a r e s u l t o f t h e p r o t e c t i o n i s t p o l i c i e s of
t h e r i c h e r c o u n t r i e s , which s u b s i d i z e t h e i r domestic product i o n i n o r d e r t o d o m i n a t e t h e w o r l d e x p o r t economy. They
l o w e r t h e p r i c e s o f o u r raw m a t e r i a l s a n d demand t h a t we p a y
t h e b a n k s p u n c t u a l l y . What a r e we g o i n g t o p a y w i t h ? Why
s h o u l d we p a y ? We s a y t h a t f i r s t comes t h e n e e d t o d e f e n d
o u r n a t u r a l w e a l t h . We a r e n o t g o i n g t o p a y ,
as in
S h a k e s p e a r e ' s "Merchant o f Venice", w i t h t h e f l e s h and blood
o f o u r p e o p l e ; we a r e g o i n g t o d e f e n d a n d r e t a i n w i t h i n o u r
c o u n t r y t h e s u r p l u s e s and r e s o u r c e s t h a t t h e v i c i o u s s t r u c t u r e o f w o r l d economy d i r e c t s a b r o a d , a n d we a r e g o i n g t o d o
i t t o a f f i r m a n h i s t o r i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f
what Peru was. A r e v o l u t i o n i s o n l y t h e r e c o n q u e s t o f o n e ' s
own h i s t o r y . So when p e o p l e a s k u s w h a t we w i l l d o w i t h t h e
r e s o u r c e s t h a t we now k e e p w i t h i n P e r u , we r e p l y t h a t t h e s e
r e s o u r c e s w i l l s e r v e t o s u p p o r t a new e c o n o m i c and s o c i a l
model t h a t c a n b e summarized a s a democracy f o r f o o d . F o r
t h i s r e a s o n i t i s o f s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r P e r u t o come
t o t h i s a n n i v e r s a r y o f t h e FAO.
F i r s t o f a l l , we a f f i r m t h a t t h e f u n d a m e n t a l b a s i s o f n a t i o nalism i s t h e land. A nation is technological capacity over
geography and o n l y r e c o g n i t i o n and awareness o f t h i s geography c a n e n a b l e u s t o p r o d u c e t h e f o o d t h a t t h i s g e o g r a p h y
c a n g i v e u s and b r e a k t h e v i c i o u s c i r c l e o f i m p o r t s w h i c h
i m p o v e r i s h t h e p e a s a n t s a n d condemn u r b a n i n d u s t r y t o a n
inadequate market.
We t h e r e f o r e b e l i e v e i n t h e o b l i g a t i o n o f
o t h e r c o u n t r i e s t o g e t t h e i r own l a n d t o
t h e i r own s o c i e t i e s t o work. I t w i l l t a k e
we a r e g o i n g t o r e p l a c e t h e f o o d p r o d u c t s
by t h o s e t h a t P e r u ' s l a n d c a n p r o d u c e .
o u r c o u n t r y and
produce and p u t
a long time, b u t
we consume t o d a y
P e r u , whose c o n t r i b u t i o n t o h i s t o r y i n c l u d e d c u l t i v a t i o n o f
t h e f i r s t p o t a t o e s , w h i c h w e r e l a t e r i n t r o d u c e d i n t o many
other countries, has gone back to being an importer of potatoes; Peru, which, with the rest of Latin America, introduced maize into the human diet, now imports 40 percent of
its maize; it imports dairy produce and fats, soybeans, and
all its wheat, which is now the staple food of the poor in
Peru.
..
We are also aware that the agricultural surpluses distributed throughout the world are distributed in a market where
some countries, particularly the most powerful countries,
hold a monopoly; these countries take advantage of this situation to bring pressure to bear on our countries. Moreover, the agricultural surpluses which are sold to the rest
of the world on concessionary terms have an adverse effect
on the agriculture of our country, keeping our people in
ignorance of what Peru could produce, and impoverishing and
discouraging Peruvian agriculture.
We do not aspire to self-sufficiency but rather to the development of indigenous crops like potato, maize and quinoa.
With the arrival of the European conquerors, some crops to
which old Peru accorded a religious significance because of
their high calorie and protein content, were banned for this
very reason. We should like to recover this forgotten germ
plasm, we should like to recall the long period when Peru
held sway over its own geography; all of which was changed
by the imposition of eating habits and import patterns which
were not right for us. We therefore established a fund to
support farm prices and took one decisive action: we reduced
the interest rate on agricultural credit in the most depressed areas to one-fifth of what it was three months ago.(
)
...
However, our nationalism is expressed not only in agriculture but also in fisheries. Instead of producing fish meal
for foreign markets, we should be channelling our resources
to feed our own people. ( . . . l In Peru, at one time the leading fishing country in the world, average consumption
caput per annum is only 10kg. In the last thirty years, out
of every 100 tons of catches, only one was used for human
consumption. The other 99 were sold off as fish meal, to
)
fertilize European crops. ( .
=
..
Nationalism in food is also an affirmation of democracy. If
democracy means equitable distribution of resources, democracy should start with the poorest, it should start with
the marginalized peasants in the Andes. They are at the base
of the social pyramid in Peru, We are also encouraging the
production and consumption of potato, maize and guinea, because these crops are grown on plots belonging to the Andean
communities, which are the poorest in Peru.
The transformation model we propose is based on food. Our
nationalism, through the reconstitution of a consumption
model, is democratic because it begins with the poorest peasant, and it is decentralist because it is focused on the
land. Democracy cannot be the reproduction of the urban model; it must recognize the social organizations that have
stood the test of time, like the communities in Peru, and
adapt the structures of the new State to them. ( . . )
.
The revolutionary fact is the economic recognition of the
peasant community. The old community organization of Peru
withstood the passage of time because of its social solidarity and paradoxically because it was marginalized. In thousands of communities, millions of peasants are the living
proof of the old historical awareness and the time when the
land belonged to the people.
The new State must recognize the peasant community as part
of itself. To this end, we have allocated resources directly
to the communities. The State has never been able to reach
them, suspended as they are at an altitude of four or five
thousand metres. Now we shall reach them directly, bypassing bureaucratic and urban middlemen who would distort
the Government's idea of linking up with the peasant communities.
However, just as the Peruvian Government is now proposing a
nationalist and decentralized democracy through food, we are
also trying through food to construct a homogeneous economy.
Our urban, industrial and administrative sectors are sharply
divorced from the marginal economy of agriculture. We therefore want to create a national market, incorporating the
production and the well-being of peasant families in the
national demand.
The entrepreneurs and industrialists in my country are aware
that only the development of marginal agriculture and the
distribution of income among the peasants will strengthen
the possibilities for urban industry, which is now in a
state of crisis for lack of a market. ( . . . )
I have tried so far to demonstrate that the food model proposed by the Peruvian Government is the basis of democracy.
(
However, it is also a participatory model in a society
at present torn by violence. The world press and media describe my country as one in the grip of violence and subversion.
In recent years, the dramatic problem of terrorism and subversion has led to thousands of deaths. We reject totalitarian ideological inspiration and the historical justification of violence. We shall meet subversive arms with the
arms of the law and of democracy, fighting hard, but respecting law and human rights. However, we understand why
terrorism has chosen the most depressed areas in the country, trying to exploit the wretchedness and frustration of
the peasants and hide behind the age-old organization of
peasant communities, taking advantage of their organizing
capacity.
In the United Nations General Assembly, I explained that
this was why we limited our repayments of foreign debt, and
called for a regional agreement in Latin America that millions of dollars should not continue to be spent on arms
when they could be saving the forgotten peoples from their
poverty and rehabilitating depressed regions, through direct
allocation of resources, lowering of interest rates, encouraging the consumption of locally produced commodities, and
the recognition of their social organization. By restoring
to them the historical force of which they have been deprived, the Government will truly identify itself with society. The ideological struggle in Peru, as in most poor
countries of the world, is the struggle between violence,
which has raised itself to the status of an ideology, and
democracy, which has to prove its ability to solve social
problems. I am confident that democracy will overcome violence; but it will have to conquer with the strength of justice and development for the most deprived sectors. Democracy must mean, above all, respect and defence of the most
important human right, which is the right to food.
This is the major historical purpose of our efforts to constitute a nationalist, democratic and popular Government; an
effort to rebuild geographical and historical awareness; an
effort to emancipate Peru historically; an effort to affirm
nationalism, democracy, decentralism and the constitution of
a sound economy that will survive the crisis; and an effort
to win bread, which is peace and freedom.
I have therefore taken the liberty of giving you an account
of the history of Peru to illustrate, in hommaqe to FAO on
its Fortieth Anniversary, the model of food democracy that
we are advocating, seeking to prove that food is not only a
response to hunger but also a cultural symbol around which a
revolution may be constructed. ( . . . l
NOTE TO OUR READERS IN SWITZERLAND
The practice of including a 'bulletin de versement' in each issue is
yielding positive results and we thank those who have already used it.
For practical reasons, however, it is impossible to be selective in enclosing the 'green bulletin' and we apologize to those who have already
contributed for its continuing inclusion.
i f d a d o s s i e r 52
.
m a r s / a v r i l 1986
t h i r d world space
L'ARGBSAT: ACTION COMMUNE ARGBE EN
MGTIERE DE COMMUNICATIONS SPAT1ALES
par Azzouz Kerdoun
Universite de Constantine
6 1 , rue Pierre Curie
Constantine, Algerie
Resume: Dans cet article - que nous avons forternent abrGg6 - l'auteur
rappelle les efforts de la ligue des Etats arabes, fond6e en 1945 pour
developper la cooperation arabe, et gtudie Ie cas des communications
spatiales. Outre I'importance des tel~cornmunicationsdans la quste de
l'unite arabe et malgre certains problsmes encore non resolus c o m e celui de la maitrise de la technologie ou celui de l'amortissement de
l'investissement, l'experience d'Arabsat - c'est Ie non de l'organisation et du satellite - est prometteuse tant institutionnellement qu'operationnellement. AprSs tant d'echecs dans d'autres domaines, Ie satellite Arabsat a et6 lance en fevrier 1 9 8 5 , ouvrant une ere nouvelle pour
la cooperation arabe. Les gouvernements voudront-ils et sauront-ils saisir I'occasion?
ARABSAT:
A J O I N T A R A B A C T I O N FOR S P A T I A L C O M M U N I C A T I O N
Abstract: In this paper - which we have drastically shortened - the author evokes the efforts of the League of Arab States established in 1 9 4 5
to develop Arab cooperation, and examines in detail the case of spatial
communications. Beyond the importance of telecommunications in the pursuit of Arab unity, and insplte of certain yet unsolved problems such as
the control of technology and amortization of the investment, the Arabsat - which is the name of both the organization and the satellite experience is rich in institutional and operational promises. After so
many failures in other fields, the Arabsat satellite was launched in
February 1 9 8 5 , opening a new era in Arab cooperation. The question is
whether governments will be willing and able to size the opportunity.
A R A B S A T : U N A ACCION
COMUN A R A B E P A R A L A S
COMMUNICACIONES E S P A C I A L S
Resumen: En este artfculo - que hemos abreviado bastante - el autor recuerda 10s esfuerzos de la Liga de 10s Estados iirabes, fundada en 1 9 4 5 ,
para desarrollar la cooperaci6n Arabe, y estudia ademas el tema de las
comunicaciones espaciales. M& all5 de la irnportancia de las comunicaclones en la busqueda de la unidad 5rabe y a pesar de ciertos problemas
no resueltos tales que el dominio de la tecnologfa o la amorizaci6n de
las inversiones, la experiencia de Arabsat - nombre de ambos la organizaci6n y satelite - es prometedora desde Ie punto de vista institucional
y operational. Despues de Cantos fracasos en otro sectores, el satelite
Arabsat fue lanzado en febrero 1985 dando comienzo a una nueva era en la
cooperaci6n iirabe. La cuesti6n es de saber si 10s gobiernos tendran la
voluntad o sabran aprovechar esta oportunidad.
Azzouz Kerdoun
L'ARABSAT: ACTION COMMUNE ARABE EN
MATIERE DE COMMUNICATIONS SPATIALES
Introduction
Le pacte constitutif de la Ligue arabe sign6 Ie 22 mars 1945 a pose dans
son article 2 Ie principe de la cooperation entre les Etats arabes dans
les domaines politique, economique, social et culturel. Dans son article
4 il a prevu la creation d'organismes techniques specialises 2 travers
lesquels se concretiserait cette cooperation.
Parmi les differents aspects que couvre l'action commune arabe Ie domaine des communications spatiales a retenu l'attention de la Ligue et
des Etats arabes depuis au moins deux decennies: 1'idCe d'un projet arabe de satellite de communications a commence 2 germer et i prendre forme
des les annees 60. La Ligue et 1'Union arabe des telecommunications, une
des premieres institutions sp6cialisees de la Ligue, cree en 1953, ont
vu tres t3t la ngcessite d'un satellite de t~l~communications
qui reponde aux besoins des pays arabes dans le domaine de l'information et de
la communication.
A la suite de la reunion des ministres arabes de l'information, tenue en
1967 2 Bizerte en Tunisie, 1'Union arabe des tel6communications (UATi a
et6 chargee d'etudier en collaboration avec llOrganisation arabe pour
I'education, la science et la culture (ALECSO) les possibilit6s d'utilisation dans le monde arabe des moyens modernes de developpement des communications, particulierement la radio et la television. Le projet pr6sent6 fut trgs vite adopt6 et d6veloppe par 1'UAT qui a Cgalement inclu
Ie telephone, Ie telegraphe et Ie telex. Les etudes et les consultations
avaient commence avec 1'UNESCO et 1'Union internationale des t616communications (HIT), ainsi qu'avec d'autres organisations internationales
sp6cialisees pour trouver Ie meilleur moyen de faire beneficier les pays
arabes d'un ou de plusieurs systemes de satellites de communication.
Mais dss 1974, les ministres arabes de l'information estimsrent qu'il
serait preferable de doter la region de son propre satellite de communication afin dt6viter les ingerences GtrangSres dans un domaine aussi
important. Les ministres des communications deciderent alors de creer un
reseau de satellites de communications pour toute la region arabe et
signerent 2 cet effet, au Caire, en avril 1976, un accord portant creation de 1'Organisation arabe de communications spatiales, Arabsat, organisation chargee d'acquerir les satellites, v6hicules de lancement et
moyens de contrsle et dtopCrations pour l'exploitation du systSme. Cette
institution devait repondre efficacement 2 la mission qui lui a 6t6 confree, surtout apres Ie lancement reussi en fgvrier 1985 du premier satellite arabe par la fusee Ariane 2 partir de la base de Kourou en Guyanne, mais c ' e s ~maintenant que l'organisation devra faire preuve de son
aptitude 2 mener 2 bien l'action commune arabe dans Ie domaine des communications. D'un autre ccte, l'action commune arabe devra se concretiser aussi 2 travers l'utilisation commune du satellite dans un contexte mondial caracteris6 par une forte inegalitg sur Ie plan technologique aussi bien qu'en matiere d'information et d e communication entre
Ie Nord et le Sud. Forts du monopole qu'ils ont sur Ie production et la
technologie, les pays industrialises exercent controle sur l'information
dans le monde. Voila desormais les pays arabes dotes de leur propre organisation et de leur propre satellite de communication, lesquels vont
constituer un nouveau test de la credibilite de leur action commune.
C'est 5 cette action que nous avons voulu consacrer cette etude qui se
veut une contribution a l'etude de la cooperation inter-arabe dans un
domaine specifique et recent.
L'ARABSAT,
O R G A N I S M E DE L A C T I O N
COMMUNE A R A B E
L'arabsat est une organisation ouverte 2 tous les membres de la Ligue
des Etats arabes qui detiennent une participation dans Ie capital de
l'organisation. Tout Etat arabe qui n'a pas encore sign6 l'accord peut,
s'il Ie desire, adherer en deposant son instrument d'adhesion auprss de
la Ligue. L'Arabsat est par ailleurs une organisation independante au
sein de la Ligue. Elle dispose pour cela d'une personnalite complete.
Elle a Ie droit de conclure des contrats et des accords, de posseder et
de gerer des fonds et des biens, dlester en justice et de prendre toute
autre mesure legale dans les limites de ses objectifs. Ces caracteristiques lui conferent une personnalite internationale au m?me titre que
d'autres organisations. Cette independance lui permet en principe de
poursuivre librement ses activites sans avoir 2 souffrir de la tutelle
du Conseil de la Ligue ou d'autres procedures plus lourdes ou contraignantes qui pourraient lui etre Imposees par les organes de la Ligue.
Structures de ItArabsat
La structure organisationnelle de ItArabsat est analogue au modsle des
autres organisations internationales spEcialis6es dans Ie meme domaine,
c o m e Intelsat, lfOrganisation internationale de t6l6communications par
satellite, llOrganisation de telecommunications spatiales Interspoutnik
ou surtout 1'Organisation internationale de telecommunications maritimes
par satellite, Inmarsat. L'accord de creation prevoit une structure tripartite classique compartant un organe plenier, un organe restreint et
un organe executif.
a) L1Assemb16e generale, composee des ministres des communications et
des telGcommunications de tous les Etats membres, constitue l'organe
supreme de 1'Arabsat et se reunit au moins une fois par an. Chaque Etat
dispose d'une voix. Les decisions relatives aux objectifs sont prises 2
la majorit6 des deux tiers des membres representgs. L'accord portant
creation de 1'Arabsat donne 2 1'Assemblee generale le pouvoir de regler
les litiges qui peuvent survenir entre les membres ou entre l'organisation et les membres.
L'Assemblee generate determine les principes gen6raux de l'organisation.
Elle Glabore les plans, selectionne les projets d'extension et de developpement du secteur spatial, determine les taux de redevances d'utilisation du secteur spatial pour tous les types de services, elabore les
specifications et normes generales. Elle fixe Ie mode de rsglement des
participations et les parts d'investissements conformenent aux recommandations du Conseil d'adrninistration et approuve les augmentations de
capital proposees par l'organe restreint.
L'Assemblee generate adopte les decisions relatives 2 la representation
des Etats au sein du Conseil d'administration, elit les membres du dit
conseil et n o m e Ie directeur general de l'organisation. L'Assemblee
generals est ainsi appelee 2 intervenir sur tous les points interessant
directement la vie de l'organisation. Elle peut s'attribuer aussi tout
autre pouvoir qu'elle juge necessaire pour la realisation des objectifs
de 1'Arabsat. L'Assemblee generale exerce une suprematie certaine sur
tous les autres organes y compris le Conseil d'administration 2 qui elle
delsgue une partie de son autorite bien que celui-ci posssde de nombreuses attributions qui Ie font apparaltre c o m e Ie rouage essentiel de
ltOrganisation.
Quant au Conseil d'administration il faut d'abord noter que sa composicion est selective, du moins pour les cinq premiers membres permanents.
Ces membres permanents sont en effet choisis sur la base de leur participation au capital de l'organisation. Les autres membres qui composent
Ie Conseil, au nombre de quatre, sont elus par roulement par 1'Assemblee
generals pour une duree de deux ans renouvelables. Lors de sa reunion
generals 2 Amman en avril 1981, l'Assembl6e a designe 1'Arabie Saoudite,
la Jamahiria Libyenne, Ie Koweit, les Emirats Arabes Unis et 1'Irak
connne membres permanents de la direction generate. Ces pays detiennent
la part la plus importante des actions de l'organisation.
Bien que chaque membre du Conseil ait droit 5 un vote, la procedure pour
leur election permet un 6quilibre entre les pays riches et les pays pauvres de l'organisation. Le mandat du President et du Vice-President du
Conseil renforce le principe d'egalite des Etats dans le cadre du Consell, qui regroupe en fait des Etats qui n'ont pas Ie meme poids financier dans Ie capital de IfArabsat.
Les attributions du Conseil d'administration consistent principalement
en la surveillance et Ie maintien du secteur spatial, ainsi qu's I'ex6cution des politiques adoptees par 1'AssemblSe generate. L'accord de
creation de ItArabsat fixe en detail les fonctions du Conseil d'administration qui sont assez nombreuses et equilibrees par rapport 5 celles de
1'Assemblee generate. Le Conseil fixe pgriodiquement les taux de redevances d'utilisation du secteur spatial pour tous les types de service
sur la base des propositions de lqorgane executif. I1 etablit les normes
et les conditions generales applicables aux stations terriennes pour
qu'elles puissent acceder au secteur spatial.
Les reunions du Conseil sont ouvertes. Peuvent y participer 2 titre
d'observateurs des representants de la Ligue, de llUAT, de 1'Union des
radiodiffusions des Etats arabes et de 1'ALESCO. En plus, Ie Conseil a
Ie droit d'inviter toute personne de son choix dont 11 juge la presence
benefique.
L'organe executif de ItArabsat est dirige par un Directeur general assists d'un corps de fonctionnaires qu'il recrute sur la base de leur
competence et de leur efficacite dans les domaines technique et administratif. L'accord de creation de 1'Organisation prevoit pour Ie recrutement du personnel, l'application du principe de la repartition geographique. Le Directeur general est tenu alors 2 chaque fois que crest possible de choisir les agents sur cette base.
Le Directeur general de 1'Arabsat est n o m e par contrat sur proposition
du conseil d'administration par 1'Assemblee generate pour une p6riode de
trois ans renouvelable. Le Directeur general represente 1'Organisation
sur le plan juridique et il est responsable devant Ie Conseil qui 1'a
propose et qui peut aussi Ie relever de ses fonctions. Cette subordination du Directeur 2 l'organe restreint qu'il assiste derive directement
de la nature administrative de ses fonctions: Ie Directeur n'a pas d'attributions politiques.
Objectifs de 1'Arabsat
L'article 3 de l'accord enonce que, "l'organisation se propose de faire
des investissements necessaires pour fournir un secteur arabe utilisable
par tous les Etats arabes membres de la Ligue arabe pour leurs services
de tel~comunicationssp6cialisees et publics, conform6ment aux nonnes
arabes et internationales en vigueur." A cet effet, ltOrganisation est
chargee de faire des etudes et des travaux sur les techniques spatiales.
Ce qui suppose evidemment l'emploi d'un personnel techniquement qualifie
apte i entreprendre des recherches dans un domaine 06 les technologies
sont trSs developpees et evoluent rapidement. Dans ce contexte, les pays
arabes sont-ils 5 l'heure actuelle en mesure de dominer les technologies
spatiales hautement sophistiquees? Cette question se rattache 2 celle du
transfert de technologie sur laquelle nous reviendrons, d'autant plus
que I'Organisation a aussi pour but d'encourager la creation des industries destinees 2 fournir des equipements pour Ie secteur spatial et
les stations terriennes de reception. L'Organisation doit egalement procurer une aide technique et financigre aux Etats membres pour la conception et la mise en place des stations terriennes.
Enfin, le secteur spatial arabe devant couvrir et satisfaire les besoins
1'Arabsat est chargee d'assurer l'echange de progranmes
de 21 pays
de radiodiffusion et de tel6vision entre les divers pays arabes et de
reglementer l'utilisation des recepteurs de television en fonction des
besoins specifiques et communautaires des Etats arabes. L'Arabsat est
ainsi appelee 5 favoriser et 2 renforcer la cooperation entre les Etats
membres et joue 6galement Ie role d'un organe de coordination pourvu
d'un pouvoir reglementaire l'habilitant 2 organiser l'utilisation commune du satellite.
I/,
Les dispositions ainsi 6noncees par l'accord de creation suggsrent que
ItArabsat devrait pouvoir realiser ses objectifs. Mais depuis sa creation, 1'Organisation n'a pu reellement faire beaucoup, etant don& que
Ie systeme n16tait pas encore operationnel. Ce n'est qu'2 partir de 1983
semble-t-il qu'on a commence 5 realiser certaines operations destinees
d'abord a preparer les conditions de lancement du premier satellite (intervenu en 1 9 8 5 ) , puis celles qui pourraient faciliter l'utilisation du
satellite des sa mise en service. C'est done 5 cette utilisation du satellite et aux implications qu'elle engendrera que l'on va consacrer la
deuxisme partie de cet article.
I / AZgerie, Arabia Saoudite, Bahrein, Egypte, i r a k , Jordanie, Koweit,
-
Liban, Libye, Maroc, Hauritanie, Onan, P a l e s t i n e , h a t a r , Somazie, Soudan, S y r i e , T u n i s i a , Yemen du Sord, Yemen du Sud, Emirats arabes u n i s .
11. L'uTILIsATIoN COMMUNE DU SATELLITE ARABE
ET SES IMPLICATIONS SUR LES ETATS MEMBRES
L'annonce officielle du lancement reussi du premier satellite arabe
'Arabsat A" en fevrier 1985 par la fusee Ariane a suscite une satisfaction generals dans Ie monde arabe qui venait enfin de reussir une premiere entree dans Ie monde des communications spatiales. Ce projet va
pennettre d'assurer la liaison des reseaux de communication entre les
pays arabes s'etendant de I'Atlantique au Golfe.
(a) Utilisation technique et naissance d'un nouveau besoin
technologique
I1 est sous-entendu dans la creation de 1'Arabsat qu'il ne serait pas
possible aux Etats menbres de profiter indefiniment des services du satellite sans action commune de leur part pour maitriser progressivement
les techniques spatiales. Cette condition est indispensable au regard
des caracteristiques techniques du systeme Arabsat qui pose Ie problsme
du transfert de la technologie et de sa maitrise par les pays arabes.
Les caract6ristiques techniques du systeme Arabsat. Le systeme regional
Arabsat de tel~communicationconsiste en deux satellites geostationnaires, avec un satellite actif et un satellite de recharge. "Arabsat A" a
une masse de lancement de 1,195 kg et de 592 kg en orbite. I1 comporte
des technologies de pointe, dont la stabilisation trois axes qui peut
Stre utilises durant Ie transfert ou en orbite geostationnaire. I1 a des
pieces en composite Carbone-epoxy qui lui assurent un allegement maximum
des elements structuraux et qui lui permettent de realiser une double
polarisation des signaux pour la reutilisation des frequences.
Sont egalement prevus des canaux pour la radiodiffusion directe et chaque Etat arabe disposera de stations terrestres pour l'emission et la
reception des signaux en provenance du satellite, ainsi que d'un certain
nombre de petites antennes pour la radiodiffusion directe educative et
culturelle. Le satellite est equip6 de 24 canaux radio permettant 12 000
liaisons simultanees. Le systzme peut assurer la connexion de 5 000 S 8
000 lignes telephoniques. I1 peut aussi couvrir deux 3 quatre chalnes de
television en couleur dans toutes les capitales et dans les villes principales arabes. La particularit6 principale du systeme est sa flexibilit6 qui lui permet de s'adapter et de repondre ainsi 2 tout changement,
notamment par rapport aux programmes des stations terriennes existantes
ou 2 ceux des nouvelles stations, qui peuvent quant 2 elles s'incorporer
facilement au dit systsme.
Durant sa vie, estimee 5 7 ans, Arabsat A sera contrSl6 par deux stations terriennes done la principale est situee 2 Dirban en Arable Saoudite et l'autre Zi Dikhlet Lansarine en Tunisie. Le systeme est par
ailleurs muni de douze larges bandes de frequences electroniques pennetCant d'assurer les communications de type commercial. Ce genre de bandes
est Ie mSme que celui dont sont equipes les satellites HS 333 operant
actuellement dans des pays comme Ie Canada et les USA. Ce profil technique du satellite Arabsat A amene S relever la naissance d'un besoin
technologique pour les Etats membres, obliges desonnais de former un
personnel technique 2 la mesure de leur ambition.
Transfert de technologie et participation - L'utilisation des satellites
pour s'assurer les communications de longue distance a fait Ggalement
naitre un besoin de participation des pays du Tiers Monde aux activites
spatiales. Pendant longtemps ces pays se sont trouves en marge des activices d'exploration et d'utilisation de l'espace extra-atmosph6rique vu
la faiblesse de leur d6veloppement scientifique et technique, sans parler du facteur 6conomique.
Le monopole de la technologie spatiale a toujours et6 l'apanage des pays
industrialises, notamment des grandes puissance comme les USA et 1'URSS.
Par la suite, se sont d'autres pays 6conomiquement riches - Japon, Canada, Australie et certains pays de 1'Europe de 1'Ouest - se sent lances
2 leur tour dans l'exploration et l'utilisation de l'espace. Ce n'est
que recement qu'il a et6 possible 2 quelques pays du Tiers Monde, qui
ne sont d'ailleurs pas nombreux 2-1, de s'engager dans des activites spatiales. En fait, Ie problsme qui se pose ici est celui du transfert de
technologie. Ce ph6nomSne n'est certainement pas nouveau, de tout temps
11 y a eu transfert et partage des connaissances scientifiques et techniques entre les hommes. C'est grace 2 cette transmission des connaissances que l'humanite a realise des progrss considerables dans de nombreux domaines. Aujourd'hui la technologie est devenue un facteur de
differentiation entre les pays industrialises et les pays du Tiers
Monde. C'est pourquoi ces derniers souhaitent acqu6rir les technologies
dont ils ont besoin.
L'article I, 5 I du Trait6 sur l'espace de 1967, indique 2 ce propos que
l'exploration et l'utilisation de l'espace extra-atmospherique doivent
se faire dans 1'interSt de tous les pays, "quel que soit Ie stade de
leur developpement economique ou scientifique" ce qui suppose un droit
de participation des pays du Tiers Monde 2 l'utilisation de l'espace.
Cependant, comment va-t-on assurer la participation de ce's pays 2 l'utilisation de l'espace si ces derniers sont demunis des technologies necessaires aux activitss spatiales? C'est 2 cette question importance que
les pays arabes sont confrontes, notamment apres avoir etabli leur propre reseau spatial satellite.
L'accord de creation de 1'Arabsat n'a pas omis de souligner l'interst de
I'aspect technique en signifiant 2 1'Organisation d'entreprendre "des
etudes et des travaux de recherche sur les techniques spatiales." Elle
doit egalement aider les Etats arabes sur le plan technique 5 concevoir
et 2 installer des stations terriennes. L'action commune arabe doit acquerir et maltriser la technologie pour assurer au moins la maintenance
des Gquipements de son secteur spatial et ceux necessaires au fonctionnement du satellite.
LIOrganisation a d6j2 affect6 pour cela un personnel pour formation au
Japon, en France et aux Etats-Unis, personnel qui sera appele 2 participer aux differents travaux d'operations et 2 prendre en charge 2 I'ave-
P a m i ceux-ci figurent 1 "Inde, Le BrdsiZ, I'Argentine,
dite et I "Indondsie.
-2 /
1 'Arabic saou-
nir tout le secteur spatial arabe. C'est l5 un des objectifs des signataires de l'accord qui souhaitent arriver un jour 2 une totale autonomie
sur ce plan. Mais la cooperation inter-arabe sera-t-elle en mesure de
realiser un tel objectif, qui suppose une grande solidarite et une vision supgrieure de l'interst de la nation arabe?
Pour arriver 5 ce resultat, il faut beaucoup d'efforts. La cooperation
avec le maitre de l'ouvrage des satellites en l'occurrence Ie consortium
international Aerospatial auquel participent des entreprises francaises,
allemandes, japonaises, italiennes et americaines et aussi la cooperation internaticnale, pourrait faciliter les transferts de technologie
vers les pays arabes en les faisant beneficier de l'assistance technique, de la planification et des programmes 6labores. La contribution
d'lntelsat et d'Inmarsat dans ce domaine est 2 cet egard positive. La
premiere a mis au point un modsle de contrat de fourniture par lequel
les Etats membres peuvent obtenir et utiliser les "donnees de premier
plan" 3 / , c'est-5-dire des donnges techniques et des renseignements obtenus aprSs l'accomplissement d'un travail, ou encore ils peuvent ben&ficier des inventions mises au point pour realiser un travail en vertu
du contrat. La seconde s'est attelge 2 definir les normes et les rzglements pour Ie transfert de technologie.
I1 faut tout de mSme souligner que si ces deux organisations font preuve
d'une certaine comprehension en matisre de transfert de technologie et
consentent 5 fournir des connaissances techniques sur la base d'accords
contractuels 5 leurs Etats membres, il n'en est pas de mSme pour 1'Agence spatiale europeenne et certains pays cornme les USA et ceux da 1'Europe de I'Ouest, qui n'autorisent pas Ie transfert de certains types de
technologie spatiale vers d'autres Etats. On se demande dSs lors comment
Arabsat pourra-t-elle cooperer avec les entreprises qui ont construit et
lance son satellite et qui appartiennent aux pays membres de 1'Agence
spatiale europeenne ou 2 ceux que nous avons cite.
I 1 est evident que pour les besoins de la realisation du contrat entre
Arabsat et le consortium, certains elements techniques seront transferes
mats on ne transferera pas Ie know-how necessaire 2 la maitrise des
techniques, pour la bonne raison que la technologie des objets spatiaux
est en grande partie Ie monopole des entreprises privges transnationales
qui n'ont aucun interet 2 divulguer leur savoir-faire qui leur donne
pouvoir et puissance.
En tout etat de cause, si les Etats de la Ligue arabe ont aujourd'hui un
d6sir particulier de vouloir participer activement dans Ie domaine des
t616communications par satellites, et ils se sont d6j5 dotes d'un systZme de satellite regional financizrement fort, ils sont contraints de
par ce choix d'engager une action commune pour former, acquerir et m a i triser la technologie indispensable 5 la maintenance et au developpement
de leur secteur spatial. Cette condition essentielle pour la poursuite
des activites dans ce domaine est 5 realiser, car l'utilisation des sa-
-3 /
36
I n t e l s a t , Principal c o n t r a c t o r t e r n s m.d c o n d i t i o n s , Washington, 1967.
tellites implique un savoir-faire sur Ie plan technique pour pouvoir
assurer la continuite des services demandes.
Les dirigeants de Iforganisation sont sur ce plan assez confiants et
m?me optimistes pour dire que l'expgrience dfArabsat constitue une aubaine pour les scientifiques et les ingenieurs arabes qui pourront ainsi
s'initier 2 la technologie spatiale et developper des recherches scientifiques et techniques dans ce domaine. Le Directeur de 1'Organisation
va mSme jusqu'i affirmer que "les techniciens de la Ligue arabe seront
eux-memes capables de construire et de lancer dans un proche avenir les
satellites." 4-/
Si cet optimisme est encourageant, 11 ne faut pas oublier pour autant
les obstacles qui pourront freiner l'action commune arabe. I1 y a lieu
de prevenir sur ce point des difficultes qui risquent de surgir face 2
l'action commune en ayant 2 l'esprit l'gchec de certaines experiences
communautaires anterieurement lancees par les pays arabes sur d'autres
aspects de leur cooperation. En effet, la cooperation inter-arabe en
matisre de t6lecommunication par satellite risque de se heurter au niveau technologique 2 l'absence de circulation de l'information scientifique et technique entre les pays arabes. D'abord, parce que la plupart
d'entre eux sont mal outilles sur ce plan, ensuite, parce que cette cooperation peut serieusement souffrir de leurs divergences. Rappelons 2
cet effet les nombreux accords conclus dans le pass6 au sein de la Ligue
et qui n'ont pas about! faute de ratification pour certains et de la
formulation de reserves pour d'autres par les Etats arabes. 5/
Certes, l'accord de creation d'Arabsat lui garantit son independance et,
s'agissant d'un organisme 3 vocation technique intervenant dans un domaine strategique, 11 est possible que les Etats membres saisiront tout
1'interSt qu'ils ont 2 cooperer trGs 6troitement dans ce domaine.
(b) Utilisation 2 des fins Gconomiques et commerciales
L'Organisation arabe de communications spatiales qui se propose de r6aU s e r des investissements en vue de fournir un secteur spatial arabe
utilisable par les Etats membres entend aussi exploiter economiquement
et commercialement Ie systSme. DSs Ie depart, 1'Arabsat a recu une vocation commerciale dans la mesure ou elle va pouvoir offrir de multiples
services specialisgs. Les Etats membres espsrent ainsi tirer des bensfices de l'exploitation du systsme et effectuer Ie partage en fonction
du montant de leur souscription.
4/ Cf. A . CZark, "Ardbsat: a dream f u l f i l l e d " ,
m a r s - a u r a 1 9 8 5 ) p.13. Notre t r a d u c t i o n .
ARMCO World Magazine,
5 / Parmi l e s accords q u i n ' o n t pas 6t6 r a t i f i e s ou sic" t e s q u e l s iZ y a
e u des r e s e r v e s , nous pouvons c i t e r ceux portant sur l e Fends arabe pour
Le ddveloppement, Le ConseiL de L ' a v i a t i o n c i v i t e , lfOrganisme arabe
pour Les s p 6 c i f i c a t i o n s e t Les mesures, L1Organisme arabe de ddveloppement de L1aqricuLture e t Le march6 c o m n arabe.
Les services que peut prodiguer Ie satellite relsvent de la transmission
et de la reception des donnees, de la liaison des appels telephoniques,
de l'envoi de messages telex, de la transmission des fac-similes, du son
pour les radios et des images pour les t6levisions. Les administrations,
les organismes specialises, les agences de presse et les journaux peuvent 2 ce titre b6n6ficier de ces services moyennant paiement pour chaque utilisation. Cette fonction commerciale permettra 2 l'organisation
d'avoir des ressources propres en plus des contributions versees par les
Etats membres.
Sur Ie plan economique, I'intgrSt que procurera Arabsat A 2 ses utilisateurs est partiellement important, car les Etats arabes comptent s'en
servir pour ameliorer leur cooperation economique. Les participants au
systzme Arabsat ne nient cependant pas que les echanges commerciaux
inter-arabes sont tr6s limites en depit de tous les accords conclus. De
plus, les economies arabes ne sont pas tournees vers la compl&mentarite.
Ceci pose objectivement la question de la rentabilite d'Arabsat A, en
sachant par ailleurs que l'ensemble du projet, stations de contr8le comprises, a coCt6 quelque 3 milliards de francs francais. 61 Comment done
amortir les depenses engagees pour la realisation de ce projet? I1 y a
certes les redevances de l'utilisation qui seront payees 2 l'organisation, mais les taux de ces redevances ne sont pas encore determines et
on ne peut s'attendre
ce que les tarifs d'utilisation des services
soient plus eleves que ceux pratiques par l'organisation international
Intelsat. Cependant on pense que la rentabilit6 du systeme qui depend de
la duree de vie des satellites, se situant actuellement entre 5 et 10
ans, sera eventuellement assurge pour Arabsat dont la duree de vie est
estimee 2 7 ans. D'autre part, avec la mise en place de nouveaux relais
terrestres, les Etats arabes comptent augmenter Ie trafic des t616communications entre eux en se servant davantage du satellite au lieu de recourir 2 l'utilisation des cables sous-marins qui ont jusqu'z maintenant
rspondu 2 leurs besoins.
De plus, et cornme Ie souligne Ie Secretaire general de la Ligue arabe,
'Ie rayon dlArabsat deborde largement Ie monde arabe, ce qui entralne
que certains pays dfAfrique ou d'Asie peuvent demander les services de
ce satellite." Si ces dires se confinnent, 1'Organisation percevra d'autres revenus qui augmenteront ses ressources, mais nous n'en sommes pas
encore 16 et sur ce plan il y a un autre obstacle 2 franchir, celui de
la comp6titivit.G et de la concurrence avec d'autres systemes qui peuvent
offrir eux aussi de nombreux services. Dans ce cadre, Arabsat pourra-telle relever Ie defi?
Sur ce plan la concurrence est impitoyable et les dirigeants de 1'Arabsat n'ignorent certainement pas cette question importante. Mais 2 tenne
elle ne semble pas constituer une priorit6 urgente dans la politique
generate de ltOrganisation dans la mesure oC les principaux utilisateurs
du satellite seront d'abord les Etats arabes et leurs administrations,
ceux qui participent dejd au financement de Itorganisation. Tout indique
alors qu'Arabsat sera avant tout utilise pour la realisation d'objectifs
politiques.
-6 1
Cf. Le Monde, 11 f6vrier 1985
(c) Utilisation pour la realisation d'objectifs politiques
Si Ie texte de l'accord portant creation d'Arabsat ne mentionne pas expressement la realisation d'objectifs politiques, cela ne signifie pas
du tout que les membres de l'organisation ne s'en prgoccupent pas. Au
contraire, ces objectifs sont consid6r6s c o m e fondanentaux voire vitaux
dans la vole du rapprochement entre les Etats arabes. C'est dans ce sens
que s'est prononcee la Ligue des Etats arabes par la voix de son Secretaire general. Dans une declaration publiee 2 l'occasion du lancement du
satellite arabe, 11 est dit en substance, "La creation de cet important
projet civilisationnel se repercutera largement sur Ie d6veloppement de
nos pays." Et au responsable de la Ligue de poursuivre, "Je pense que
nous allons faire un bond en avants trss important pour rapprocher les
differents pays sur Ie plan de telecommunications, des echanges entre
televisions et radios." 7/
Mais par quel moyen peut-on justernent atteindre cet objectif? Par l'interaction intellectuelle dit-on, qui devra amener les pays arabes 2
mieux se connaltre, car en fait ils ne se connaissent pas assez. Pourtant, ces pays ont en c o m u n deux facteurs essentiels: la langue et la
religion. On compte dorenavant sur Ie satellite Arabsat A pour assurer
des echanges culturels r6ciproques et pour diffuser les informations
necessaires 2 une meilleure connaissance des pays arabes. I1 est vrai
que l'information joue un role important dans Ie rapprochement, surtout
si elle est prise en charge directement par les agences des pays arabes,
au lieu de transiter comme (a a toujours et6 le cas par les grandes
agences transnationales qui detiennent jusqu'; l2 le monopole de l'information et qui vehiculent des idGes et des valeurs etrangsres aux peupies arabes.
Ce problsme qui mobilise actuellement les pays du Tiers-Monde dans leur
revendication d'un nouvel ordre mondial de l'information est l'objet de
controverses entre les tenants de l'ordre actuel et ceux qui souhaitent
le remodeler et Ie remplacer par un ordre plus juste et plus Gquilibre.
C'est dans ce cadre que sfinscrit 'action commune arabe en matisre de
communications, qui devra poursuivre les efforts en vue de creer les
conditions necessaires 2 une solidarite agissante des pays arabes dans
Ie domaine de l'information pour corriger 1' image d'eux-memes, Ie plus
souvent tronquee par les agences de presse Gtrangsres, et realiser ainsi
leur rapprochement,
Dans cette optique, IfArabsat A peut constituer une alternative 2 l'influence des grandes agences et des sociGtes transnationales qui controlent l'information dans Ie monde arabe. Arabsat revet une signification
politique toute particulisre pour les membres de la Ligue arabe qui
viennent pour la premiere fois depuis sa creation, 11 y a quarante ans,
de realiser un projet collectif grace 5 leur action commune. On note en
effet la coincidence heureuse du lancement du satellite avec la quarantieme anniversaire de la fondation de I'Organisation. Ce projet men6 2
son terme a et& sal& comme un evenement politique important dans la
7/ Cf. EZ-Moudjahid, 11 fduriev 1985, p.6
-
voie de la consolidation des rangs arabes. Un tel succss, qu'on attribue
5 l'action commune arabe, ne manquera pas, dit-on, d'avoir un double
impact. La realisation du projet va stimuler davantage l'unanimite des
Etats qui a souvent fait defaut 2 l'action commune, tandis que l'utilisation des canaux de television et des differents circuits de telephone
du satellite Arabsat A va permettre aux pays arabes d'avoir des relations plus etroites.
Cependant, beaucoup de problGmes subsistent encore et peuvent entraver
l'action commune arabe en matisre de communications. Par exemple,
1'Egypte. dont Ie poids culture1 et scientifique dans Ie monde arabe est
considerable, et avec qui les &changes sont importants, risque du fait
de son exclusion de la Ligue des Etats arabes, de s'abstenir d'utiliser
Ie satellite tant qu'elle n'aura pas retrouve sa place au sein de 1'Organisation. Nous pouvons aussi redouter que certains Etats soient tentes
d'exercer leur influence dans le choix des programmes communautaires de
television ou d'imposer des orientations politiques, qui, loin de s e m i r
l'interet general de la nation arabe, serviront plutSt des objectifs
particuliers. En principe, cette hypothese est ecartee par l'accord portant creation de 1'Arabsat qui a charge 1'Organisation de veiller sur
l'echange des programmes de radio et de television et de reglenenter
l'utilisation. Cette disposition suggsre que les signataires de l'accord
ont voulu preserver avant tout la cohesion des Etats membres, car c'est
elle qui determine toute action en faveur d'un reel rapprochement entre
les pays freres.
Cet evenement capital qui constitue aussi une reussite pour les pays
arabes et la Ligue est 2 porter au credit de l'action commune. Mais ce
succSs, si important soit-il, ne peut 5 lui seul garantir l'application
par les pays arabes d'une politique constante de cooperation entre eux,
dans la mesure ou l'action commune reste toujours soumise 2 l'epreuve de
l'utilisation du satellite et 2 la realisation des autres objectifs,
tant ceux assignes 2 1'Organisation elle-meme, que ceux qu'on considere
c o m e fondamentaux dans la voie de l'unite arabe et qui n'apparaissent
pas explicitement dans l'accord de creation de 1'Arabsat.
C o m e nous l'avons montre, 11 peut y avoir des blocages ou des carences
dans la poursuite des activites de I'Organisation du fait, soit des divergences entre Etats, soit des conflits de competence qui pourraient
eventuellement surgir entre les instances de la Ligue et l'organisation,
meme si celle-ci est independante, soit enfin des tentatives de certains
Etats qui voudront, pour exercer leur leadership, influencer l'institution.
Le satellite Arabsat A qui augure des lendemins prometteurs, offre aujourd'hui aux Etats arabes l'occasion d'unir leurs efforts dans une action concertge pour realiser les ideaux des peuples arabes. Saura-t-on
exploiter cette chance pour construire un espace arabe des t6lecomunication? C'est du moins un par! sur l'avenir. Sera-t-il tenu?
EL NECESARIO APORTE DE LA TECNOLOGIA AL PROBLEMA
HABITACIONAL DE LAS MAYORIAS EN AMERICA LATINA
-
por Horacio Berretta
Arquitecto
Director Centre Experimental de la Vivienda Economics
Igualdad 3585, Villa Siburu, Estafeta 14
5000 Cordoba, Argentina
'La teenologia que se n e c e s i t a e s aquella que ayude a proveer l a s
necesidades bdsicas de l a hwanidad y desarrotlar en plenitud todas
sus capacidadss, empleando 10s recursos disponibles de manera que
no conduzca a l a explotaci6n o s o j u z g m i e n t o d e l hombre n i a l a
destruccidn de l a n a t w a l e z a " I/
El problema del cuantioso y creciente deficit habitacional, hoy, en "el
mundo del desarrollo", del "consumo sin Unites", "de 10s grandes avances de la ciencia y la tecnica
se hace casi incomprensible. Sin embargo, la realidad es que un tercio de la humanidad vive en tugurios, y
aim en la calle (como en Calcuta, El Cairo, El Salvador o Kabul).
..."
Hay un hecho generalizado que nos puede ayudar a descubrir la ralz del
problema: "las personas carentes de vivienda, carecen tambien de semicios adecuados, de salud, de education, empleo fijo y blen remunerado;
de participation en la sociedad", etc. 21. Estas carencias est5n Intimamente ligadas a la constatacion de que "10s pueblos pobres permanecen en
la pobreza, y 10s pueblos ricos se hacen cada vez mis ricos" 31.
Mientras tanto 500.000 cientfficos y tecnicos trabajan dIa y noche perfeccionando armas cada vez mis destructivas. Viajamos a la luna o deterioramos fuentes de energfa no renovables, mientras enturbiamos el mundo
para consumir lujo innecesario o danino...
For otra parte, 10s proyectos materialistas del "consumo irrestricto" o
del poder del "Partido-Estado", corno propuestas de cambio, no son d s
que "nuevas formas" de un "viejo proyecto" de codicia y opresi6n.
La modernization del mundo (con el concurso de la ciencia y la tecnica)
se realiza junto a1 ostentoso confort y poder de 10s parses ricos del
norte, y cimenta la dominaci6n de 10s pueblos, aunque tambign la esperanza... La "vision ideal" de la hermandad universal, justicia social y
derechos humanos, se entrelaza sin embargo con una "vision operativa"
que busca someter aun a& a1 hermano. El trigo y la cizana crecen juntos
y entremezclados.
Jorge Sdbato-Boletin de l a SECYT - Abril 1984
2/
Antonio
Fernandez Ibanez, Fundaciifn SaZvadorena, Ponencia Medellin
-
-If
1982
F r e n t e a e s t a s comprobaciones, f a l s a s opciones e n t r e e l e s t e y e l o e s t e
q u i e r e n e n r o l a r n o s en d i s p u t a s a j e n a s a l a Gnica l u c h a p a c i f i c a y tenaz
q u e debemos emprender p a r a p o d e r e f e c t i v i z a r : j u s t i c i a , amor y l i b e r t a d
en un p r o y e c t o d e " C i v i l i z a c i 6 n u n i v e r s a l y s o l i d a r i a " .
E n t r e t a n t o , pensadores d e l Norte e i n v e s t i g a d o r e s , c o n t r a r i a n d o 10s proyeccos i m p e r i a l e s de s u s p r o p i o s p a l s e s , j u n t o a p e n s a d o r e s , i n v e s t i g a d o r e s y r e a l i z a d o r e s d e l T e r c e r Mundo, s e a b r e n camino s i g u i e n d o l a
t r a z a d e l a h a s t a a h o r a mayorfa muda, d e 1 0 s p o b r e s y o p r i m i d o s , e n s u
i n c e s a n t e l u c h a y b u s q u e d a p o r s e r a c t o r e s tambien e l l o s d e l a h i s t o r i a ,
marcando l a t a r e a d e e d i f i c a r una nueva e s t r u c t u r a c o n v i v e n c i a l y p a r t i c i p a t i v a , e n l a c u a l puedan d e s a p a r e c e r l a s c a r e n c i a s b a s i c a s d e t o d o s .
P a r a a p o y a r e s t e i t i n e r a r i o l i b e r a d o r no b a s t a p u e s con e l " s a b e r " (cie n c i a ) , n i tampoco con e l " s a b e r c6mo" ( t e c n o l o g f a ) , s i no s e o r i e n t a l a
c r e a t i v i d a d humana a 1 0 s f i n e s e s e n c i a l e s y a l a s n e c e s i d a d e s c o n c r e t a s
d e " t o d o e l hombre y t o d o s 10s hombres". Es i n s o s l a y a b l e y u r g e n t e t a r e a
d e l a c i e n c i a y l a t 6 c n i c a s a b e r e s c u c h a r l a voz d e 1 0 s p u e b l o s , a c e r c a n d o l e s metodos y h e r r a m i e n t a s l i b e r a d o r e s y a d e c u a d a s p a r a a y u d a r l o s a
o r g a n i z a r s e p a r a c o m p a r t i r : c o n o c i m i e n t o s , b i e n e s y p o d e r , d e manera q u e
t o d o s podamos p a r t i c i p a r s i n i m p o s i c i o n e s n i m a n i p u l a c i o n e s e n l a "const r u c c i o n d e un mundo nuevo".
Vivienda y s o l u c i o n e s importadas
La habitation r e a l i s t a y p o s i b l e e n un h a b i t a t humanizado p a r a t o d o s y
no e l p r o d u c t 0 i d e a l y r e s t r i c t i v e " v i v i e n d a H a v e e n mano", e s uno d e
10s i n d i c a d o r e s m a s c l a r o s p a r a e v a l u a r e l f u n c i o n a m i e n t o e f e c t i v o y no
d e c l a m a t o r i o d e una s o c i e d a d d e t e r m i n a d a . Podriamos d e c i r a s f con j u s t i c i a "mu6strame como v i v e e l p u e b l o y c o n o c e r e 10s i d e a l e s d e e s a s o c i e dad". S i n embargo e l c o n c e p t o d e v i v i e n d a moderna " H a v e e n mano", p r o d u c i d a a t r a v 6 s d e l a organization e m p r e s a r i a , t a n t o e n 10s p a f s e s r i c o s
d e l e s t e como d e l o e s t e , s e h a r e s u e l t o a t r a v 6 s d e s i s t e m a s c o n s t r u c t i v o s t r a d i c i o n a l e s r a c i o n a l i z a d o s o nuevos s i s t e m a s d e avanzada.
T e n n i n a d a l a Segunda G u e r r a M u n d i a l , y con e l d e s p o j o c r e c i e n t e d e l Terc e r Mundo, Europa s e r e c o n s t r u y e a p l i c a n d o e x p e r i e n c i a s t e c n o l 6 g i c a s
acumuladas e n e l campo m i l i t a r y d e s u p e r v i v e n c i a . A s i p o r e j e m p l o e n
F r a n c i a e l "plan Spineta" d e v i v i e n d a masiva r e l a c i o n a sabiamente e n una
p o l l t i c a national: a 1 s i s t e m a c i e n t i f i c o , a 1 s e c t o r p r o d u c t i v o y a 1 d i s e n o , a p a r t i r d e l a p l a n i f i c a c i o n y e l c r e d i t 0 o f i c i a l . De e s t a manera
i n t e g r a l d e e n c a r a r v i v i e n d a y h a b i t a t , s e e x p o r t a a 1 T e r c e r Mundo l a
i d e a d e v i v i e n d a d e a l t o c o s t o y c o n f o r t , " H a v e en mano", f u e r a y a d e l
c o n t e x t 0 q u e I e d i e r a o r i g e n y d e una p l a n i f i c a c i o n g l o b a l . Los g o b i e r n o s d e 10s p a i s e s p o b r e s s e e n t u s i a s m a n con l a a p l i c a c i 6 n d e p o l i t i c a s
i d e a l e s , que terminan l l e g a n d o irremediablemente a s e c t o r e s m i n o r i t a r i o s
d e l a p o b l a c i o n . Un c o n c e p t o i m p o r t a d o d e "modernidad" h a c e irruption
s o b r e s e c t o r e s Z v i d o s d e l p r e s t i g i o q u e l a a d o p c i o n d e un e s t i l o t e c n o l o g i c 0 exogenerado. E s t a desenfocada v i s i o n s e s u s t e n t a e n l a i l u s i o n
d e l c r e c i m i e n t o econ6mico i r r e s t r i c t o que e n l a p r i c t i c a s e t r a d u c e e n
e l c r e c i m i e n t o econ6mico d e l a s m i n o r i a s q u e d e t e n t a n e l p o d e r .
En b u s q u e d a d e caminos
"Los
p l a n e s de d e s a r r o l l o c i e n t l f i c o y t e c n o l o g i c o e l a b o r a d o s en l a
r e g i o n ( S u r ) , a l g u n o s d e e l l o s con g r a n e s f u e r z o y a l t o g r a d o d e compe-
t e n c i a , no p a s a r o n e n g e n e r a l , en l a f a s e o p e r a t o r i a d e e x p r e s i o n e s d e
d e s e o , con poco o ningiin impacto e n l a r e s o l u c i 6 n d e 1 0 s p r o b l e m a s a 1 0 s
c u a l e s e s t a b a n d i r i g i d o s " 4-1.
En n u e s t r o s p a l s e s p o b r e s , l a r e i n c i d e n c i a en l a r e p e t i c i 6 n d e l a s p o l l t i c a s d e 10s p a l s e s r i c o s , p r i n c i p a l m e n t e en s u s a s p e c t o s de e x c e l e n c i a
aunque s i n s u c a p a c i d a d d e e s t r u c t u r a r un s i s t e m a d e investigation y
d e s a r r o l l o en funci6n d e o b j e t i v o s n a c i o n a l e s y r e g i o n a l e s , r e s u l t a i r r e l e v a n t e . La a p l i c a c i 6 n d e l a c i e n c i a y e l d e s a r r o l l o t e c n o l o g i c o d e b i d o ,
a 10s f i n e s s o c i a l e s e s t o d a v i a p a r a n o s o t r o s una l e j a n a q u i m e r a . A s I ,
e n e s t a optics, s o n a r con r o b o t s e n p a l s e s donde e l mayor c a p i t a l que
tenemos e s l a mano d e o b r a o c i o s a puede t e n e r c o n n o t a c i o n e s s u i c i d a s
...
A s i t a m b i e n , e n e l campo d e l a f o r m a c i o n s u p e r i o r "La U n i v e r s i d a d ab i e r t a a 1 pueblo" d e b e r f a t r a d u c i r s e e n l a p r e p a r a c i 6 n de p r o f e s i o n a l e s
comprometidos con 10s p a l s e s que podemos y debemos c o n s t r u i r , e n e l marCO d e una c u l t u r a l o c a l y a m e r i c a n a , p r i o r i z a n d o l a r e s o l u c i 6 n de l a s
n e c e s i d a d e s b a s i c a s de l a s mayorlas.
T e c n o l o g f a Adecuada
' S i l a s p o b l a c i o n e s p o b r e s , p o r c u e n t a p r o p i a y con m i s e r a b l e s r e c u r s o s ,
c o n s i g u e n r e a l i z a r t a n t o , d e qu6 no s e r l a n c a p a c e s s i c o n t a r a n con l a
c o l a b o r a c i 6 n y apoyo que r e i v i n d i c a n ? " ( C o n f e r e n c i a E p i s c o p a l B r a s i l e n a )
M i e n t r a s caminamos p o r l a Luna y s e h a n c r e a d o a n n a s c a p a c e s d e d e s t r u i r
n u e s t r o p l a n e t a , "en e l g r u e s o d e l a p o b l a c i 6 n d e l T e r c e r Mundo no ha
h a b i d o d e m a s i a d o s cambios e n m a t e r i a d e c o n s t r u c c i 6 n d e v i v i e n d a s d e s d e
e l hombre p a l e o l f t i c o " (Hans Harms).
For o t r a p a r t e , l a i r r u p c i 6 n i n c o n t r o l a d a d e l a t 6 c n i c a y formas de v i d a
i m p o r t a d a s , d e s t r u y o e n g r a n medida, l a i n g e n i o s a c r e a t i v i d a d p o p u l a r
( f o l k l o r e ) , d e j a n d o un v a c i o i n s a l v a b l e e n l a s n e c e s i d a d e s , a p e t e n c i a s y
p o s i b i l i d a d e s , t a n t o n u m e r i c a s como d e s o l u c i 6 n i n t e g r a l d e l problema
s o c i o - h a b i t a c i o n a l , e n 10s p a r s e s p o b r e s .
S o l a m e n t e b u s c a n d o e l camino y e l e s t i l o t e c n o l 6 g i c o mas a d e c u a d o a 10s
v a l o r e s p r i o r i t a r i o s y l a s n e c e s i d a d e s b a s i c a s de n u e s t r o s p u e b l o s , y
s a b i e n d o i n c o r p o r a r l o s a n u e s t r o p a t r i m o n i o c u l t u r a l , e s q u e podremos
e n c o n t r a r e l a n t i d o t e a 1 consumismo y a 1 m a t e r i a l i s m 0 d e e s t a s o c i e d a d
g e n e r a d a d e a f u e r a , y r e c o r r e r n u e s t r o p r o p i o i t i n e r a r i o . No s e t r a t a d e
rechazo i n d i s c r i m i n a d o , s i n o de l a s a b i a a c t i t u d d e aprender a r e s c a t a r
10 r e s c a t a b l e y t r a n s i t a r n u e s t r o camino. No s e t r a t a d e a p l i c a r r e c e t a s
d e mods, n i d e r e s t r i n g i r l a c a p a c i d a d c i e n t l f i c a y t e c n i c a d e l i n v e s t i g a d o r , s i n o d e a u t o l i m i t a r r a c i o n a l m e n t e e l campo, a j u s t S n d o l o a l a r e a l i d a d l o c a l , s u p l i e n d o 10s r e c u r s o s d e f i c i e n t e s con mayor a p o r t e d e c r e a t i v i d a d e I n g e n i o . No s e t r a t a d e v o l v e r a maneras a t r a s a d a s o i n f e r i o r e s d e h a c e r l a s c o s a s . Tampoco s e t r a t a d e r e g r e s i o n , s i n o d e tomar
Amicar Herrera, "Prospectiva teano16qica en Arnhca Latina: impacto
y e s t r a t e g i a s " - Campinas 1984 - Brasil
-4 /
c o n c i e n c i a d e q u e no debemos c o n f u n d i r p r o g r e s o con o p u l e n c i a , o t e c n o l o g i a d e p r o y e c c i o n s o c i a l con e v a s i o n a un f u t u r e i n p o s i b l e p a r a t o d o s .
E s Bias, una a c t i t u d e q u i v o c a d a e i n j u s t a , e s t a en q u i e n e s miden e l prog r e s o , no p o r l a humanization d e l a v i d a d e t o d o s 1 0 s hombres, s i n o p o r
o de
p a t r o n e s de media esquem.5ticos "en b e n e f i c i o d e 1 0 s mZs a p t o s " . .
bellas abstracciones perfeccionistas.
.
E s t o no d e s c a r t a l a c o n v e n i e n c i a d e u t i l i z a r o a d a p t a r t e c n o l o g l a import a d a e n a q u e l l a s a r e a s donde e s i r r e m p l a z a b l e y no v i o l e n t a , p e r o siemp r e , y e s t o e s e s e n c i a l , que l a s t e c n o l o g l a s i m p o r t a d a s como l a s l o c a l e s , r e s p o n d a n a l a s r e a l e s n e c e s i d a d e s q u e h a c e n a l a f e l i c i d a d y human i z a c i o n c r e c i e n t e d e " t o d o e l hombre y t o d o s 10s hombres", e n una v i s i o n p r o f e t i c a d e l a s o c i e d a d f u t u r a que queremos a y u d a r a c o n s t r u i r .
S o c i e d a d que "ha d e t e n d e r a s e r p a r t i c i p a t i v a , e q u i t a t i v a d e s d e e l punt o d e v i s t a d e l a distribution d e l a r i q u e z a e i n t r l n s e c a m e n t e compat i b l e con s u medio f l s i c o " (Amflcar H e r r e r a ) . En e s t a t e s i t u r a s e h a i d o
d e s a r r o l l a n d o l a i d e a d e " t e c n o l o g l a s a d e c u a d a s " en b u s c a d e c o n t r i b u i r ,
j u n t o a o t r a s v i s i o n e s , a un g e n e r a l i z a d o y e f e c t i v o m e j o r a m i e n t o d e l a
v i d a d e 10s p u e b l o s .
E s t o p r e s u p o n e un e s t i l o t e c n o l o g i c o que " i n t e n t e a l a r g a r 1 0 s b r a z o s d e
Las m a y o r l a s con u n a t e c n o l o g l a mansa y c o n r o s t r o humane" (E.F. Schumacher- Lo Pequeno e s Hennoso). En e l campo d e l a v i v i e n d a y e l h a b i t a t
a c c e s i b l e a l a s masas, l a i n v e s t i g a c i o n para e l d e s a r r o l l o de tecnolog l a s a d e c u a d a s no c u b r e s o l a m e n t e a s p e c t o s c o n s t r u c t i v o s , s i n 0 que s e
o r i e n t a e n l a l l n e a d e " i n v e s t i g a c i 6 n - a c c i 6 n 1 ' a una t a r e a i n t e r d i s c i p l i naria: constructiva; socio-organizativa;
e d u c a t i v a ; economics; l e g a l
e t c . , q u e a p u n t a no s o l o a 1 " p r o d u c t o " v i v i e n d a , s i n o t a m b i e n a 1 " p r o c e s o " p l a n i f i c a d o d e a u t o c o n s t r u i r , en una 6 p t i c a p a r t i c i p a t i v a y d e a p r o bacion, para l a autogestion.
V i s i o n s i n t e t i c a no d e d u c i b l e s o l a m e n t e d e s d e e l l a b o r a t o r i o o e l g a b i n e t e , s l n o a d e s a r r o l l a r e n una a c t i v i d a d d e s e r v i c i o c i e n t l f i c o - t 6 c n i c o
comprometido con l a r e a l i d a d .
La i n v e s t i g a c i o n e n r a i z a d a e n " p r o c e s o s p a r t i c i p a t i v o s d e v i v i e n d a y
promociOn", c o n v e n i e n t e m e n t e p l a n i f i c a d o s , e j e c u t a d o s y e v a l u a d o s , r e t r o a l i m e n t a e l c i r c u i t o : investigation-accion p a r a una t r a n s f e r e n c i a
creciente.
E s t a t a r e a mancomunada e n t r e i n v e s t i g a d o r e s , t e c n i c o s y u s u a r i o s , p a r t e
d e l descubrimiento de l a s n e c e s i d a d e s p o p u l a r e s p a r a ayudar a desenvolv e r capacidades p e r s o n a l e s y c o m u n i t a r i a s a c r a v e s de metodologfas y
tecnologlas adecuadas para l a construcci6n organizada de l a vivienda y
e l habitat.
As£ nuevas y v a r i a d a s e x p e r i e n c i a s s e a p l i c a n en e l
enda e n r e l a c i o n a 1 h a b i t a t y l a promotion s o c i a l ,
A s i a y A f r i c a , p e r m i t i e n d o un p r o g r e s i v o a p o r t e d e l a
n i c a a una d e l a s n e c e s i d a d e s mayores y mas s e n t i d a s
bres.
campo d e l a v i v i en Latlnoam6rica,
ciencia y l a tecd e t o d o s 10s hom-
.
ifda dossier 52
march/april 1986
g l o b a l space
THE POWER TO CHANGE
LESSONS FROM THE BABY
FOOD CAMPAIGN
by Andy Chetley*
4 4 Longridge H o u s e , Rockingham St.,
London S E 1 6QW, U K
Abstract: In August 1973, a scandal was exposed by the magazine New Internationalist
the baby killer scandal. Over-zealous promotion of
bottle feeding by the manufacturers of artificial infant feeding products was linked to increased illness, malnutrition and sometimes death.
Andrew Chetley, an eminent activist in the baby food campaign, reviews
the 12-year long controversy and assesses the impact of the campaign for
changes. If no battle is ever won forever, many things have changed in
this particular battlefield and, above all, the third system has learnt
a lot; its power to change things will continue to develop all the more
so in that it will draw lessons from the baby food campaign.
-
LECONS D E L A CAMPAGNE "BABY FOOD"
Resume: En 1973, Ie New Internationalist, denoneaft le scandale du "baby
killer", de tue-bEb6. La promotion et la publicit6 excessives pour
l'alimentation au biberon par l'industrie fut alors li6e 2 la maladie,
la malnutrition et parfois la mort. Andrew Chetley, militant eminent de
cette campagne, passe en revue les changements survenus au cours de ces
douze annees et en 6value les r6sultats. Si nulle bataille n'est jamais
dgfinitevement gagnee, beaucoup de choses ont change dans ce domaine et,
surtout. Ie tiers systeme a beaucoup appris; sa capacitg de faire changer les choses continuera de se developper d'autant mieux qu'il tirera
pleinement les lecons de la campagne du baby food.
L E C C I O N E S D E L A CAMPANA " B A B Y
FOOD"
Resumen: En 1973, el New Internalionalist, denunciaba el escandalo del
"baby killer". Las promoci6n y publicidad excesivas en favor de la alimentacion con biberon fueron vinculados a1 aumento de enfermedades, malnutrition y hasta a veces la muerte. Andrew Chetley, un eminence artesano en la campana del "baby food", analiza 10s cambios que han tenido
lugar en estos Ciltimos 12 anos y evalua 10s resultados obtenidos. No
hay ninguna batalla que se gane definitivamente, sin embargo muchos aspectos han cambiado en este asunto, principalmente el que el tercer sistema ha aprendido mucho, su capacidad de cambiar las cosas continuarz a
desarrollarse si saca bien las conclusiones de la campana del "baby
food".
Jk
Andrew Chetley is a freelance writer/researcher on health and development issues, based in London. He is the author of The Baby K i l t e r
Scandal and Cleared for Export.
Andrew Chetley
THE
POWER
TO CHANGE:
LESSONS FROM
THE BABY
FOOD
CAMPAIGN
After more than a decade of campaigning on the infant feeding issue, a question which has to be asked is: has anything
really changed? The answer is both yes and no.
Yes, there have been changes. Many sectors of the world community are now aware of the need for action to protect the
right of infants to adequate nutrition. There is less obvious promotion of bottle feeding in many countries, brought
about largely through public exposure of the problems and
the consequent public pressure. An International Code exists
which provides the minimum standard for marketing behaviour.
A handful o f governments have adopted and begun to implement
it. A larger number are moving in that direction, as well as
launching public education campaigns and better training
programmes for health workers.
One company, Swiss-based Nestle, has been forced to negotiate an agreement with pressure groups, committing itself to
abide by most of the provisions of the Code in most countries. Other companies have changed some marketing practices, and more appear likely. Two UN agencies, WHO (the
World Health Organisation) and UNICEF have increased their
stature and legitimacy somewhat through their efforts on
this issue. The issue is slowly becoming an integral part of
popular culture, with a novel based on it written by a
Nigerian, a children's adventure comic book published in
France, a play performed in the UK, and a calypso record put
out in the Caribbean.
Health workers in scores of countries have changed practices
in their own facilities. A wide variety of activities have
been undertaken by the International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN), its affiliate groups and other nongovernmental
organisations (NGOs) to publicise the problem and promote
the solutions. The establishment of IBFAN was, itself, a
positive step forward, marking a new initiative in the way
NGOs organise internationally, and serving as a model for
similar networks. Yet, an activist would not be satisfied
with the progress made, and might even deny the concept of
success is appropriate, given what still remains to be done.
Six questions, based on the recommendations of a 1979 WHO/UNICEF meeting on infant and young child feeding, provide a
means of measuring progress:
Do h e a l t h systems provide adequate encouragement and support for
b r e a s t feeding i n t h e i r prenatal, d e l i v e r y and post-natal practices?
Are adequate s o c i a l and economic supports f o r women i n place, m h
as m a t e r n i t y leave, creches and o t h e r community and governmental
support?
.
Are weaning p r a c t i c e s
l o c a l food resources?
appropriate,
w i t h e r p h a s i s on t h e u s e o f
.
Do h e a l t h workers, parents and t h e general public r e c e i v e c l e a r ,
c o n s i s t e n t and c o r r e c t information, education and t r a i n i n g about
i n f a n t and young c h i l d feeding?
.
Has t h e h e a l t h and s o c i a l s t a t u s o f women improved so they can play
a f u l l and a c t i v e r o l e i n t h e i r corvrunity and have access t o adequate n u t r i t i o n ?
.
I s t h e marketing and d i s t r i b u t i o n o f baby m i l k s and w a n i n g foods
appropriate, and have a l l companies and c o u n t r i e s implemented t h e
I n t e r n a t i o n a l CO&?
The s h o r t a n s w e r t o t h o s e q u e s t i o n s i s , o f c o u r s e , No.
Yet t h e v e r y s u c c e s s o f t h e c a m p a i g n , p a r a d o x i c a l l y , makes
it d i f f i c u l t t o s u s t a i n e f f o r t s t o complete t h e p r o c e s s o f
change. I n t h e e a r l y 1970s, a 10-minute s t r o l l t h r o u g h a
m a t e r n i t y w a r d , o r a few m i n u t e s l i s t e n i n g t o t h e r a d i o was
s u f f i c i e n t t o c o l l e c t a m p l e e v i d e n c e o f heavy-handed promot i o n o f b o t t l e feeding, coupled w i t h inexperienced advice
from h e a l t h w o r k e r s . T o d a y , t h a t p r o m o t i o n i s more s u b t l e .
The m e s s a g e o n e v e r y o n e ' s l i p s i s : b r e a s t f e e d i n g i s b e s t ;
even i f t h e p r a c t i c a l s u p p o r t t o e n s u r e it happens i s s t i l l
l a c k i n g . A t t h e same t i m e , t h e e x p l a n a t i o n s o f t h e i s s u e
h a v e become more c o m p l e x a n d t h e n e e d f o r r a d i c a l c h a n g e
seemingly l e s s urgent.
P a r t of the reason f o r t h i s i s the consistent l i n e put out
by t h e i n f a n t f o o d i n d u s t r y t h a t " t h e c o n t r o v e r s y i s o v e r " .
One o f t h e f i r s t r u l e s o f m a r k e t i n g i s : r e p e a t t h e e s s e n t i a l
m e s s a g e - u s u a l l y t h e b r a n d name o r a s n a p p y c a t c h - p h r a s e s o t h a t i t s t i c k s i n t h e mind. From t h e t i m e t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f I n f a n t Food I n d u s t r i e s ( I C I F I ) l a u n c h e d i t s
own weak a n d v o l u n t a r y c o d e i n 1 9 7 5 , u p t o t h e p r e s e n t , t h e
i n d u s t r y h a s a p p l i e d t h a t marketing s t r a t e g y t o i t s p u b l i c
s t a t e m e n t s on t h e i s s u e . A t e v e r y p o i n t o f change - t h e
l a u n c h o f I C I F I a n d i t s c o d e , t h e 1979 WHO/UNICEF m e e t i n g ,
t h e p a s s a g e o f t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Code i n 1 9 8 1 , t h e e n d o f a
s e v e n - y e a r b o y c o t t o f m a r k e t - l e a d e r N e s t l e i n 1984 - t h e
i n d u s t r y h a s claimed: "we've changed; t h e c o n t r o v e r s y h a s
ended".
A t f i r s t t h i s was t r e a t e d w i t h s c e p t i c i s m , b u t s l o w l y , l i k e
w a t e r d r i p p i n g on s t o n e , t h e s c e p t i c i s m h a s been eroded. It
i s c o m f o r t i n g f o r t h o s e i n v o l v e d i n a campaign t o b e l i e v e
t h a t t h e i r e f f o r t s have l e d t o s u c c e s s and, t h e r e f o r e , t h e
a s s u r a n c e s o f t h e c o m p a n i e s t h a t t h e y h a v e mended t h e i r ways
c a n b e u s e d a s e v i d e n c e o f s u c c e s s . B u t it i s a d o u b l e - e d g e d
s w o r d . The r e l a x a t i o n o f p r e s s u r e means t h a t f u r t h e r c h a n g e s
a r e unlikely t o occur.
A f t e r e a c h o f t h e major t u r n i n g p o i n t s i n t h e campaign, a
h i a t u s s e t i n . A c t i v i t y s l u m p e d , m e d i a i n t e r e s t waned, a
belief built up in people's collective consciousness that
other topics could now be pursued. The only way to prevent
that hiatus was to clearly articulate the next step in the
process - having first ensured that the supporters of the
campaign understood that it was, indeed, a process, not a
single activity.
After the WHO/UNICEF meeting, the next step was obvious;
develop a code. Once the Code was approved by the World
Health Assembly, the next step was also fairly obvious, although much more difficult to achieve: get the Code implemented, including bringing about the other changes that
would reinforce its effectiveness. With the end of the
Nestle boycott, the opportunity for a single international
focus disappeared, and the options for further action have
become much more complex.
Other companies can be targetted. Specific countries can be
encouraged to act as models. Improving the status of women
or strengthening work on appropriate weaning foods are other
possible options, as the questions mentioned above indicate.
None of these, however, provides the sharp focus that existed in the past. There is no single enemy, no simple solution - not that there ever was, but by targetting the infant
food industry in general and Nestle specifically, it was
possible to create the illusion of one, and therefore concentrate effort and power.
From the campaign it is possible to draw lessons about both
the approach needed to present information about a particular issue and the organisational strategies required to ensure action occurs. With infant feeding, as with most other
issues, a very complex set of interrelated factors was at
play. Initially, those factors were reduced
the industry
would say over-simplified - to a single common denominator
and a single target: the profits of some transnational corporations (TNCs) were earned from the ill health or death of
infants and the suffering of their parents. In its baldest
terms, the problem, cause and solution reduced to: bottle
feeding can kill; TNCs promote bottle feeding; TNCs must
stop the promotion.
-
The industry was quick to retort that its promotion of bottle feeding was not the only cause, or even a significant
cause; that the reason bottle feeding kills is due to incorrect preparation or utilisation, and that stopping promotion
is not the answer. Some scientists, health workers and even
governments supported that view. The objectors , of course,
do have a point. The control of inappropriate marketing
practices is not the complete answer to the problems of infant health. Yet without a starting point, in this case the
activities of TNCs, it is unlikely that any complex issue
would ever be resolved. Dr. Sam Shuster has noted that "you
never advance a complicated problem with a broad balanced
approach as much as with a sharp point, however painfully
placed".
The focus on the industry was such a sharp point. Undoubtedly the argument will continue as to whether or not it was a
misplaced attack. In many ways, it is an irrelevant question. If, for a decade or more, the pressure groups had simply stuck to the first simplistic premise and not expanded
the debate, then the objections would warrant attention.
However, the campaign has both deepened and broadened. Within IBFAN, there is now considerable expertise on the intricacies o f codes, their benefits and shortcomings; the marketing strategies and influence-peddling activities of TNCs:
and the way in which international organisations such as WHO
and UNICEF function. More and more, that specialist knowledge is being called upon by health ministries as NGOs are
invited to participate on code drafting committees at the
national level. At the same time, the broadening process has
led to the identification of other areas that need to be
pursued - groups in South East Asia have examined sweetened
condensed milk as a risk factor in infant malnutrition;
groups in Asia and Europe are studying ways to improve the
education and training of health workers; maternity legislation and other social supports for mothers are being examined by groups in all parts of the world; the question of
appropriate weaning foods is receiving special attention in
Europe and Africa.
Nutritionist Ted Greiner notes with some satisfaction that
this has led to a situation where "in recent years, the problem of poor health and high death rates among infants has
finally attracted the attention it deserves. It sets a precedent in terms of coordinated worldwide action in trying to
solve a serious problem in which non-governmental orqanisations played a key role".
The ability of NGOs to play that role depends on their organisational strategies as well as informational capabilities. The campaign began in a small way, with a few prominent health workers raising questions in scientific literature and using available structures in the scientific community to continue the discussion. It was a relatively "private" concern. Paralleling this were the unsung efforts of
health workers, individuals and breast feeding mothers'
groups who were attempting to motivate mothers to breast
feed. This too, was "private". It was not exciting news and
received little publicity or prominence. Another characteristic of these activities was the lack of interaction and
coordination. Groups o r individuals in one country often
were not aware of similar groups in other countries. Dr.
Thorn Kerstein notes that for NGOs to be effective, they must
learn "to cooperate with each other. This cooperation must
be highly flexible and pragmatic, as different situations
require".
The next stage of the campaign, the first public phase, was
also largely uncoordinated. The organisations which took up
the campaign in the early 1970s - New Internationalist, the
International Organisation of Consumers Unions (IOCU), War
on Want, the Swiss-based Third World Working Group, the Interfaith Centre on corporate Responsibility (ICCR) and the
Infant Formula Action Coalition (INFACT)
all knew about
previous initiatives. Each activity reinforced what had gone
before, but there was no real unity of purpose. Each activity did have one thing in common: it began from a recognition of an international problem and the links between the
causes of the problem and the home country in which the NGO
was based. It was the dawning of an international perspective amongst largely national organisations. At this stage,
the campaign was like a relay race, with the baton of action
being passed from one group to another.
-
The beginnings of coalition building and some true internationalisation came with the start of the Nestle boycott in
1977 by INFACT, itself a coalition. When the boycott spread
to Canada and later to other countries, the idea of working
together with the same objective, across national boundaries
was introduced into the campaign.
.
The international approach was reinforced by the WHO/UNICEF
meeting and the establishment of IBFAN in 1979. The meeting's recommendations and the proposal for a code provided
the necessary common focus, but the mechanics were helped in
that three of IBFAN's founding organisations had a strong
international perspective. Both OXFAM and War on Want were
used to working in partnership with groups in other countries on a project support basis, although neither had really tried to develop international campaign strategies. IOCU
was an international NGO. It maintained close links with
scores of consumer groups around the world and was increasingly developing campaign topics to be taken up jointly.
Thus, the cycle was one of isolated, small-scale local activities, followed by more public national action, then larger scale international action - all mutually reinforcing.
Local and national activities did not stop, but became
stronger and helped reinforce international action.
With the passage of the Code, the emphasis swung back to
national action, but this time, with a difference. Emphasizing national action did not mean eliminating international
action, but implied a redefinition of priorities and a shift
in the flow of information and resources. When the boycott
ended in 1984, another shift was beginning - a movement towards more local action and a strengthening of grassroots
organisations. It is conceivable that the pattern established in the infant feeding campaign is a recurring one and
that the ebb and flow amongst the three levels of action
will continue.
The organisational pattern of IBFAN has served as a model
for other groups to follow. A desire to achieve rational
medicines use which emerged at local and national levels in
several countries is now being transformed into an international campaign, coordinated by Health Action International ( H A D , organised along similar lines to IBFAN. A corresponding concern over the health and environmental hazards of
some pesticides led to the formation of the Pesticides Action Network (PAN). Both these networks encourage strong
local, national and regional action and identify possible
focuses for international pressure. Like IBFAN, they have
looked to the UN system as a forum to provide additional
legitimacy for their campaigns and possibly international
guidelines or standards. HA1 concentrates on WHO and the UN
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), while PAN focuses on the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and the
UN Environmental Programme (UNEP). Both networks have also
benefitted from resolutions at the UN General Assembly which
led to the establishment of a consolidated list of products
which have been banned, restricted or not approved.
In an interesting development during 1 9 8 4 , representatives
from several of the networks met together to look at ways of
joining forces. The international Coalition for Development
Action (ICDA), the European Office of Consumers Unions
(BEUC), PAN, HA1 and IBFAN set up a working group particularly to lobby the EEC on the question of hazardous exports.
During 1 9 8 5 , IOCU, the European Environmental Bureau (EEB)
and the newly-formed Seeds Action Network (SAN) became part
of this Coalition Against Dangerous Exports.
What has the industry learned?
While NGOs have learned from the experiences of the infant
feeding campaign, so too have the TNCs, and not only the
infant food companies. The infant feeding issue has become
an essential case study in management and marketing schools
in Europe and the US.
Within the business community, a new concept - issues management - is developing. Bob Leaf of the public relations
firm Burson-Marsteller advises that "companies can't wait
for a thing to become an issue and then react. Because then
they are on the defensive. The key to the 80s will be defining the issues before they have an impact on you so that you
can diffuse them, be prepared to have an action plan when
something comes up rather than having to act hurriedly under
attack". As long as 1978, Business International warned of
the dangers of failing to act before an issue became entrenched. A survey of 100 major US and European firms found most
did not become involved in public policy process until it
was well advanced, usually at a stage where it was too late
to have any impact on impending regulations. Four years later the magazine provided a checklist of six lessons that
could be learned from the mismanagement of the infant feeding controversy. Top of the list was the instruction to ensure that all staff take seriously any voluntary codes.
Simply paying lip-service to voluntary controls was a recipe
for controversy.
It was also important to learn how products are used, preferablv before the critics do. It was no lonaer an acceotable argument to say that if all the instructions are followed, the product is safe - particularly if, as in the case
of infant feeding products, the likelihood of that happening
was remote, given the economic and social conditions of the
end user. Companies were urged to avoid misleading appeals
to the modern way of life in promotion campaigns because an
increasingly important criticism was that TNCs exported inappropriate consumption patterns to Third World countries.
Full disclosure of information about health and safety in
the use of the product was advised on all labels and instruction materials. At the same time, companies were advised to involve identifiable constituencies in the exporting
countries, such as shareholders and workers, in frank discussions on the relative risks and benefits of the products.
This would help protect the image of the company. Finally,
companies were advised to address the issue, not the
critics. Although it might be tempting to expose critics in
terms of their background or financial support, such attacks
would generally backfire. The proposals set out by Business
International were virtually the opposite of Nestle's (and
the rest of the infant food industry's) early approach to
the infant feeding issue. One of the chief architects of the
shift in Nestle's policy, Rafael Pagan, President of the
Nestle Coordination Centre for Nutrition, shares the belief
that Nestle got it wrong at first. He claims that the fact a
boycott occurred "represents a major failure by a large multinational company to identify legitimate concerns early
enough, compounded by inadequate communication to influential opinion leaders of the policy responses actually made
by the company".
Pagan suggests that it is important for companies to go beyond issues management. He would like to see TNCs become
actively involved in efforts to change attitudes both within
the business community and in the wider world. Some of his
suggestions for change within industry offer hope: he wants
business to become less secretive and give clear reasons for
its actions, in an acknowledgement that where business is
granted the "privilege to create wealth and profits" it must
also accept a broad array of responsibilities to the community and the world. Pagan's recipe for changing perceptions
would involve corporations in thinking and acting "politi-
cally". That begs the question about whether they have not
acted politically in the past. Clearly, there are vivid examples o f the political action of TNCs, such as the role of
ITT in the downfall of the Allende government in Chile. One
of Pagan's major strategies for political action rests on
the idea of coalition building amongst the business community. He says, "if activists with radically different
world views and goals can cooperate, so must we". He believes that industries should develop their own "NGOs" and
ensure they gain representation "at every possible UN agency" as a means of dealing "constructively and effectively"
with the international mood for regulation. He claims the
activists gained "a political head start" in this, but if
companies learn to think and act politically, they can ultimately defeat their activist critics.
Certainly, the infant food industry is now pursuing Pagan' S
advice. After ICIFI was refused representational status with
WHO for the third time in 1983, it sank rapidly into oblivion. From its ashes, there arose a new, and potentially
stronger body, the IFM (International Association of Infant
Food Manufacturers). Formed in mid-1983, it has 31 member
companies and has been involved in discussions with WHO
about gaining official NGO status.
It is, perhaps, a glowing compliment to the effectiveness of
IBFAN that a major TNC like Nestle decided to copy some of
IBFAN's informational and organisational strategies. As far
back as 1980, Nestle and ICIFI recognised the need to involve "grassroots" organisations. After IBFAN began producing regular reports on company violations of the International Code which included photographic evidence of the actual ads or posters plus powerful graphics to convey the
simple message that the companies were breaking the rules,
Nestle responded with a well-designed rebuttal which copied
the style by showing illustrations of non-offending posters,
repainted delivery vans and new labels, as well as some effective typography to hold the reader's interest. In late
1983, the comoanv beaan to oublish a monthly newsletter.
News, but with better design
~ e s t i eNews, modelled on
and qrauhics. The stories were short and uunchv and, for the
mostpart, played up news about organisations whowithdrew
from the boycott. Ostensibly, it was a publication to provide information about "human nutrition". In reality, it was
a public relations document displaying the positive side of
the corporation. It was effective.
IBFAN
Nestle News also provided the company with a vehicle to disseminate a new view of the history of the campaign. In an
editorial in the February 1984 issue, Nestle gave its "historical perspective" on the issue - one which omitted the
role played by the various pressure groups over the decade,
and made it appear as if Nestle was the driving force behind
the changes that had occurred internationally.
The future
war of words and interpretations will undoubtedly continue
for some time between industry officials and the pressure
groups as the practical work of translating international
guidelines into day-to-day marketing instructions lumbers
on. But more importantly, in hospitals, clinics, and communities, the efforts of the unsung heroes and heroines
the
frontline health workers, the mothers' support groups, the
community workers - will continue. This is where the real
battle is being fought. In another ten years, it may be possible to declare a "winner", or rather a community of winners
adequately nourished mothers and infants.
A
-
-
What will also continue is the effort to provide a voice for
the third system - the people's movements, pressure groups
or NGOs who represent specific constituencies or provide the
momentum for action on specific issues. Governments of all
political colours are often characterised as moribund bureaucracies, slow to respond to changes in society. Similarly, the other major actors on the world stage, the TNCs, are
characterised as only responding to change if there is a
profit in it. They too, are beset with their own bureaucracies, usually somewhat more flexible than those of government. Between these two giants, lie the inter-governmental
agencies, characterised as part-mediator, part sounding
board, part think tank, part advisory service.
The inter-governmental agencies too, have their own ponderous bureaucracies. Left to these three groupings, the wheels
of change would grind excrutiatingly slowly.
The third system is the driving force for change. Loosely
structured, flexible to the extreme, it is a wild, exciting
concoction of ideas, strategies and plans that range from
sheer madness to absolute genius. The pressure groups don't
always have the solutions. (Neither do governments, TNCs or
the international agencies.) But they have the energy and
determination to confront situations and often force a
search for solutions.
The pressure groups are able to inject a large dose of reality into what are otherwise sterile discussions about the
way to organise an ideal world. That reality is often shocking, often unpalatable to the ruling elites at the tops of
the world's various decision-making structures, whether they
be national governments, TNCs or international agencies. The
claims and demands of the pressure groups come forward with
powerful emotional force, often with anger, frequently with
frustration. There are reasons for the anger and frustration. The day-to-day sight of the victims of poverty, repression and violence has a politicising effect. The pressure groups are talking about real lives, real people. They
can put faces and names to the faceless statistics.
Throughout the infant feeding campaign, the emotional response has led to moments of great courage amongst individuals and groups. It took courage for Dr. Natividad Clavano
to tear down the bottle feeding posters in her hospital in
the Philippines and replace them with breast feeding posters
in the face of opposition from some of her colleagues, the
infant food industry and a laissez-faire government. It took
courage for a group of breast feeding mothers to take their
babies into a leading London department store in protest
over a woman having been removed from its restaurant for
quietly breast feeding her baby while she herself ate lunch.
It took courage for the Indian Academy of Paediatrics to
turn down offers of funding from the pharmaceutical and infant food companies to avoid any possible conflict of interest. These were acts that went against the dominant flow of
society. They were acts of defiance, moments of catalytic
change.
During the campaign, it has also been possible to identify
organisations and individuals who have acted with "discourage". These include governments who are reluctant to change
the status quo; scientists who claim that all the possible
avenues of research have not been explored, therefore it is
too early to make a decision about what to do; people who
hide behind the thought that the issue is so complex, and
only part of a much larger world malaise, that it is pointless to even try to resolve it.
The infant feeding issue is a political issue, not party
political, but realpolitik. In order for long-term change to
be sustained, existing structures must be questioned - in
some cases, bluntly. Inevitably, that creates friction. A
dichotomy appears between those who are in favour of change
and those who are not, except the dichotomy is usually blurred by the use of carefully worded phrases. Few people willingly admit to being against change. Instead they will agree
that change is needed and argue about how it should be
achieved, a delaying tactic which ensures that change is
slow and less painful. Throughout the campaign, those distinctions have been exposed. Confrontation has been used
frequently, and has enraged not only the industry but more
moderate supporters of the basic cause. At the same time,
tactful diplomacy has been underway, the give-and-take of
compromise and consensus. Without the confrontation, the
compromises would be less palatable to those with the most
to lose, the consensus impossible to achieve.
Dr. F.G. Joseph, formerly with the Public Health Department
in Kenya, argues that "antagonism and rancour on either side
(the company's or the health promoter's) will not contribute
to the reduction of infant mortality". On one level he is
right. Antagonism alone will not improve infant health. However, it is a necessary ingredient in the final prescription. Without the input of the pressure groups, often antag-
onistic, this issue would still not be on the international
agenda. Governments or individual health workers would not
have monitored the industry's voluntary code of ethics, so
there is little likelihood that an International Code would
have been developed. A decade of activity would have been
lost and, during that time, so would many lives. Bottle feeding would be more entrenched and harder to fight against.
The pressure groups' activities have not solved the problem,
but they have established a climate of urgency, which has
contributed significantly to the process for its resolution.
IBFAN and the individual groups in the network have been
flexible in their approach. They have worked within the existing national and international structures.But where those
structures have proved to be clumsy, intransigent or in opposition to change, they have moved outside of them to organise informally to achieve results. To some, such an approach smacks of anarchy, terrorism and the downfall of democracy. It suggests that articulate and manipulative minorities will be able to unduly influence decisions affecting
the majority of the populace. In fact, it could equally be
argued that the current systems operate in precisely that
way - an elite and privileged minority, with access to education,
finance
and
power,
controls
the
major
decision-making processes and moulds them so that they
reinforce the existing system.
Alvin Toffler, author of The Third Wave, claims that the
concept of majority rule is becoming increasingly obsolete.
He calls for new approaches that provide for a democracy of
minorities and the development of imaginative new institutions that will allow for the transfer of decision making to
its appropriate space. Many health and environmental issues
are global issues and should be decided as such. Some decisions need to be made in national spaces; others in the
regional or local ones within a country. Toffler calls for
the unleashing of a wide-ranging public debate to generate
imaginative proposals for political restructuring.
In some small ways, the development of the infant feeding
campaign, the organisation of IBFAN and the role it has
played in developing cooperative links in all spaces and in
all societies, is a precursor to what Toffler suggests.
IBFAN is an experiment in a new way of coping with huge,
complex world problems. Like many experiments, it has design
flaws and imperfections. But, according to Anwar Fazal, former president of IOCU, the campaign and the founding of
IBFAN was a watershed for the international consumers' movement. Fazal said it provided a learning experience about the
UN and the interaction between TNCs, the UN and individual
governments; offered an opportunity for diverse groups to
work together, pooling expertise and resources; and showed
how the third system, the citizens of the world, could unite
to change irresponsible and inappropriate technology.
THE U S D R I V E TO B R I N G S E R V I C E S I N T O GATT
A ROLLBACK FOR THE THIRD WORLD?
by Chakravarthi Raghavan
Chief Editor, IFDA/IPS Special United Nations Service (SUNS)
Palais des Nations, Room C.504
1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
Abstract: After a decade of 'standstill' on its efforts to restructure
international economic relations, the Third World appears now to be
facing a 'rollback'. Through a new round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations (MTNs), the US is seeking to hijack the North-South dialogue from
other LW forums into GATT, bringing within GATT jurisdiction new issues
like 'services', 'investment', and 'intellectual property rights', in
order to rewrite some of the basic rules of the current world order. The
sovereign right of Third World countries to choose their own development
paths, and their own socio-economic philosophies, is now sought to be
curbed in order to give a free hand to TNCs. While these instruments of
US finance capital would be enabled to maximise profits for global capital accumulation, Third World governments would be forced to adopt
laissez faire economics, and their peoples condemned for ever to be
hewers of wood and drawers of water.
L E S E F F O R T S A M E R I C A I N S POUR ETENDRE L A COMPETENCE DU G A T T
AUX S E R V I C E S ;
UN RECUL POUR L E T I E R S MONDE?
Resume: AprSs une dscennie d'immobilisme oppose 5 ses efforts pour Ie
restructuration des relations 6conomiques internationales, Ie Tiers
Monde est maintenant menace d'un recul. Par Ie biais d'un nouveau
'round' de negotiations commerciales multilat6rales (MTN), les EtatsUnis essaient de dgtourner Ie dialogue Nord-Sud des autres fora des Nations Unies vers Ie GATT en incluant dans Ie mandat de celui-ci de nouvelles questions comme les services, l'investissement et la propriete
intellectuelle, reformulant ainsi quelques-unes des r6gles 616mentaires
de l'ordre mondial actuel. On s'efforce de limiter Ie droit souverain
des pays du Tiers Monde de choisir leurs propres voies et leurs propres
philosophies de dsveloppement afin de donner libre jeu aux transnationales. Alors que ces instruments du capital financier seraient en mesure
de maximiser leurs profits en vue de l'accumulation globale du capital,
les gouvernementsdu Tiers Monde seraient forces d'adopter une economie
de laissez-faire et leurs peuples condamn6s 2 demeurer 5 perpetuite des
coupers de bois et des porteurs d'eau.
L O S USA T R A T A N D E EXTENDER L A C O M P E T E N C I A !EL
S E R V I C I O S ; UNA R E G R E s I ~ NPARA E L TERCER MUNDO.
GATT A
LOS
Resumen: Despues de un inmovilismo opuesto a sus esfuerzos de reestructuracion en las reladones econ6micas internacionales, el Tercer Mundo
se encuentra actualmente frente a la amenaza de una regresi6n. Mediante
un nuevo 'round' de negociaciones cornerciales multilaterales (MTN), 10s
USA tratan de desviar el dizlogo Norte-Sur de otros N.U. foros hacia la
jurisdiccih del GATT con nuevos asuntos tales que 'servicio', 'inverf s i w e en la vagina 681
Chakravarthi Raghavan
A ROLLBACK OF THE T H I R D WORLD?
1985 was the 40th anniversary of the founding of the United
Nations and the postwar order that the victorious allies
created. While the UN provided the political underpinning
for that order, the economic framework was that of the Bretton Woods and GATT systems, covering the areas of Money,
Finance and Trade, and charged with promotion of full employment and growth, through interventionist government policies, in order to prevent a repetition of the 1930s.
Within two decades, and totally unanticipated by the founders of the UN, the countries of'Asia and Africa became independent, and joined the system. They began with the naive
view that with independence would come prosperity and rising
living standards for their peoples, but were soon disiliusioned.
At first, they sought concessions and minor changes in the
systems - commodity agreements, generalised system of preferences for their exports, codes of conduct (liner shipping,
transfer of technology, restrictive business practices etc),
BOP financing, and ODA targets as percentage of GNP. These
did not challenge the international economic system as such,
but merely sought some reforms in them. I/
Soon these countries discovered that these minor changes did
not suffice to change the basically inequitous relations
that thwarted their development, and saw the need for basic
changes in the system, and specifically in the 'decisionmaking process which affects the production and price levels
and the international distribution of income'. L/
This led to the 1974 Declaration and Programme of Action for
the NIEO, and the convening of the Conference on International Economic Cooperation (CIEC) at Paris on 16 December
1975. The CIEC ended two years later, achieving little. Individual issues were taken up in different forums for neqotiations, and talked to death in endless debates. There were
a few, minor, marginal gains for the South, but overal.1
there was an impasse.
By 1979, the Third World saw the futility of sectoral negotiations, and sought Global Negotiations, which were agreed
to in principle, but blocked in disputes about 'forums'.
Most OECD countries, meanwhile, had changed course, virtually abandoning full employment and growth objectives in
l/
-
2/
-
Trade and DeueZopmeni Report, K82. UN Sales NoE. 81. I1.D. 9, p . 2 4 .
i b i d p . 25.
favour of attack on inflation via monetarist policies. The
policy-induced recession was used to attack the working
classes and the welfare state at home, and the Third World
and its demands for NIEO abroad. Through the IMF and the
World Bank, severe adjustment policies were forced on the
Third World, affecting mainly the poor and the marginalised
people in these countries. At the same time, the US launched
a drive to bring into GATT new issues like 'services', 'investment', 'intellectual property rights', etc.
The US choice of GATT as the preferred forum was not without
reason. Though Keynesian in its origins (in the Havana Charter and its International Trade Organisation), GATT has become the foremost exponent of laisgez faire economics, and a
champion of private enterprise and of TNCs.
The US drive in GATT began in 1981, and initially met with
some resistance on the 'services' and 'investment' issues,
not only from the Third World but the EEC too. Ultimately, a
compromise was reached at the GATT Ministerial Meeting in
1982, for (a) interested countries undertaking national studies on services, (b) for exchange of information on such
national studies inter alia through international organisations such as GATT, and (c) for the GATT contracting parties
(CPs), in the light of such exchange of information, to decide whether any multilateral action on services is 'appropriate' and 'desirable'.
But disagreements on GATT Secretariat's role blocked the
exchange of information, and this became possible only in
1985, under an agreed procedure by which the Chairman of the
CPs (who was then Felipe Jaramillo of Colombia), was authorized to organise the meetings, and with a very limited role
for the Secretariat. This exercise became known as the 'Jaramillo track', emphasising its separateness from the other
GATT activities in its traditional areas of competence, and
is yet to be completed.
Since mid-1984, the US with varying support from other OECD
countries has been trying to launch a new round of Multinational Trade Negotiations (MTNs), and include within it
new issues and themes. It is seeking negotiations on 'trade
in services', 'high-technology', and 'intellectual property
issues', though without specifically spelling out details of
what it wants.
The Third World countries have been resisting the new round,
arguing that the first priority is for implementation of
past commitments - like 'standstill' and 'rollback' of protectionism promised at the 1982 Ministerial Meeting
and
the implementation of the GATT Work Programme for 1980s,
agreed upon at the 1982 Ministerial Meeting. There has also
been opposition from some of them to new themes. In the beginning the opposition came from all the Third World coun-
-
tries. But under intense political and other pressures,
mounted by the US at capitals, some of the US allies have
either remained silent or have been giving support of sorts
to the US. But a number of Third World countries - including
Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, Egypt, India, Kuwait, Nicaragua,
Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru, Sri Lanka, Uganda and Yugoslavia have continued to voice their opposition, with varying
nuances.
At the November 1985 session of the CPs, the two sides avoided a confrontation, through a procedural device that has
put off the fight to at least September 1986. They agreed to
the setting up of a Preparatory Committee to determine the
'objectives, subject matter, modalities, and participation,
in a new round, and report to a Ministerial Meeting in September. At the same time they agreed to continue the separate exercise on services, with the additional mandate of
making recommendations on services to the CPs at their next
session. All the issues will thus come up before the 1986
Ministerial Meeting.
The term 'services', covers a wide range of very disparate
activities
whose only common element seems to be that they
are not 'agriculture' or 'manufacturing', and that the outcome of their activities are 'invisible'. Some of the activities sought to be included under this term are: accounting;
advertising; banking; building, construction, and engineering; franchising; hotels and motels; insurance; leasing;
legal services; motion pictures; telecommunications; data
processing and information; tourism; transport (air); and
transport (maritime).
-
In many countries, both industrial and Third World, several
of the services are in the public sector or monopolies subject to heavy state regulations - on grounds of national
security, development objectives, consumer protection, or
other public policy considerations.
The exchange of information on services in GATT has brought
out that they are heterogenous; pose difficulties in 'defining precisely' the range of activities in the term; that in
many cases the services are consumed where produced (because
they are intangible, and are neither storable nor transportable); that there are difficulties in defining the 'traded'
or 'tradeable' services, or in identifying the 'obstacles'
to the trade and distinguishing them from obstacles to 'investment' or 'establishment'; and that there is no international understanding on problems faced in data collection,
classification, data needed for analysis, and problems of
confidentiality. 3 /
See Report o f t h e Chairman o f t h e CPs t o t h e 41st s e s s i o n ,
S e c r e t a r i a t document L / 5 9 1 1 .
3/
-
60
GATT
Despite these acknowledged deficiencies, the US and its supporters want to push ahead with negotiations for an international framework on 'services', and restrict the right of
countries to undertake regulatory actions in such areas as:
currency and foreign exchange controls; state authorization
for purchase of real estate and property; right of foreign
firms to establish themselves on the territory of a country;
conditions under which foreigners may enter, leave, reside
and be employed; business competition; protection of intellectual property.
Without committing itself to what its ultimate goals are,
the US has said there should be an overall framework on
'services' in GATT, applying some of the rules and principles of GATT, and that within this there should be separate
codes for various service sectors. It has already made clear
that it does not want the GATT's fundamental provision for
most-favoured-nation (MFN) treatment to apply to the services, but wants the GATT provision for national treatment
to foreign service enterprises and their products.
To begin with, under the overall framework, the US wants
countries to notify all their regulations on services, and
make them 'transparent', so that countries could be asked to
justify the 'reasonableness' of their regulations, namely,
"the balance between their regulatory requirements and their
restrictive effects on 'trade' in services".
At the same time the US wants to exclude laws that come
within the purview of consular affairs, so that while the
rights of countries to regulate use of foreign managerial
and highly technical personnel, working in 'service establishments' in their country, would be subject to the international framework on services, the rights of countries to
control 'immigration' and prevent entry of 'labour' and 'labour services' would not be affected.
On intellectual property, the US and the EEC refer to what
they call the growing menace of counterfeit products in international trade, and the need to deal with it through GATT
in a multilateral way. Presented in these terms, the issue
appears 'reasonable', since the term 'counterfeit' itself
evokes an image of illegality and fraud. In fact what is
being sought is to use GATT to impose higher obligations on
Third World countries, on 'patents' and 'trademarks' rights
for foreigners, than those provided in the relevant international agreement, namely the Paris conventions. Though heavily loaded against newcomers, the Third World, and their
access to technology, the Paris conventions still provide a
great deal of autonomy to its members, on the sectors of
activities where they might allow patents and trade mark
rights. Many Third World countries, for example, do not
allow 'product' patents for pharmaceuticals and food products, but only 'process' patents. The life of such 'pro-
cess' patents can also be smaller, and often is. Many do not
allow 'plant breeders rights'. In all these sectors, if a
product is produced by a different process than the patented
one, there are no patent rights, and thus could be freely
'imported'. National patent laws also provide for judicial
or administrative processes for alleged violations of patents and trade mark rights, and for remedies. The effort
via GATT is to shortcircuit all these, and provide for certain rights and obligations, for countries, and incorporate
them in a GATT code, on the same lines as the various nontariff codes under the Tokyo Round MTNs. Those subscribing
to them will get the benefits of their exports not being
subject to harassment and seizure by customs, while others
would have no such rights!
In this 'debate' on services, the US and its supporters have
sought to make out that this is an area of growing international importance, that no one has been addressing this,
that 'liberalisation' of international exchanges in this
area would be of benefit to all, just as it has been in the
case of trade in goods, and that GATT which has been dealing
with 'trade' in goods is the best place to deal with 'trade'
in services.
All the neo-classical economists of the North and South who
have been advocating liberalisation of trade in services &
la GATT base themselves on Ricardo's theories of free trade,
and international division of labour based on comparative
advantage, for the benefit of all countries. Some of them,
in the South, have also advocated support to the US in GATT
on 'services', on the ground of need to improve bilateral
relations, hardly an economic argument.
From the time of Hume and Ricardo to now, advocates of free
trade have always used it to advance their country's interests.
free trade on its first premise was
entirely
preoccupied with the interests of the native country.. In
the construction given to the theory of foreign trade by
Ricardo, the factors of production - land, labour, and capital
of a country were presumed to be mobile only within
the country, but not over its boundaries. From the point of
view of economic policy, however, the most important aspect
to note is that it was out of a concern for the interests of
their own country that free trade theorists demanded free
exchange with other countries. 4/
"...
...
.
-
Theories of free trade and free market are formulated on the
basis that the transactions are between independent entities
in different countries. But even when Ricardo enunciated his
theory, with the example of Portuguese wine in exchange for
British cloth, "the wine production and distribution from
4 / Eli F. Heckscher, Mercant'iT-ism (London: George A l i e n & Unuin Ltd.,)
Vol. 2, p . IS.
. ..
Portugal at the time was not Portuguese
it was the English Bristol Wine Companies which owned the land, controlled
the production of the wine, bottled it, stored it, shipped
it and sold it". 5/
If the thesis of international trade being between independent enterprises was a myth in 1948 (when GATT came into
being), it is even more of a myth today. When GATT came into
being, the phenomenon of TNCs, and their dominance of international trade had not become so prominent as now, when a
large proportion of international trade in goods are transactions within a TNC, and based on nothing else than the
interests of maximisation of 'global profits' for the benefit of the TNC and the capital accumulation process of the
home-country of the TNC.
But the rise of the transnational conglomerates, linking
production and distribution of goods, and finance, technology, transport, etc., have already raised issues that call
into question the GATT views about 'market' and 'free
trade'. Also, since the late 50s, governments of industrial
countries are non-interventionist and neutral when it comes
to taking actions against TNCs, but act positively abroad
for furthering the interests of their TNCs.
At least in the area of 'free trade in goods', Ricardo and
his successors had sought to present an image of comparative
advantage among countries in different goods. To get around
the difficult questions being raised about what would be the
differing comparative advantages for countries in different
service sectors or in services as a whole, the advocates of
'free trade in services' have hit upon the idea of comparative advantage, viewing both goods and services as one. This
is on the basis of the three-step theory of economic growth,
propounded by Fisher and Clark, that the process moves from
agriculture to manufacturing and then to a service economy.
But as UNCTAD has pointed out, this is at best a partial
explanation of the service phenomenon, and one that ignores
the vital role of services in the process of growth. It also
ignores the fact that through control over the supply of
services, the existing comparative advantage of a country in
production and exports of goods can easily be negated and
reversed. Even the determinants of trade flows in services,
applied by some of the 'free trade' theorists, are challenged be several others. S /
S/ Stuart Holland, speech at UNCTAD1s 2 0 t h anniversary symposia, UN
zocument TAD/INF/PUB/85/1, p. 48.
G/ See UNCTAD Services and Development Process, UN Sales N0E. 85.II. D. 13.
These theories about services being a higher stage of economic growth, and that free trade in goods and services on
the basis of comparative advantage would benefit all, really
amounts to consigning the Third World for ever to the position of hewers of wood and drawers of water, for the benefit
of the industrial countries and their prosperity.
The attempt to lump these heterogenous activities under one
common term 'services', is really aimed at creating confusion to foster the idea that it is a field not being dealt
with by anyone, and should be looked into at one place. By
putting 'trade' before the word ' services ' , the legitimacy
of GATT to deal with it is being fostered. In fact the protagonists freely admit in private that if all the issues in
services' had been presented in their true light, namely,
as issues of investment and establishment, they could not
have been brought into the international debate, since these
are within the 'sovereign' rights of countries, and there
are no institutional mechanisms except those of the UN.
Many of the activities now sought to be brought under the
term 'services' and dealt with in GATT, are in fact governed
by international conventions and treaties, and institutional
mechanisms are in place to monitor and administer them.
The ITU is dealing with telecommunications and related services, the IBI in Rome with informatics, the WIPO with intellectual property issues, ICAO and IATA with air transport
and related services, and IMO and UNCTAD with various shipping issues. Some of the issues relating to foreign investments, the rights and obligations of TNCs and those of host
countries, have been engaging the attention of the UN Centre
for TNCs (UNCTC), for over a decade now. The UNCTC and the
IBI are together involved in creating an international
framework on information and data flows. UNCTAD has been
involved in insurance/reinsurance issues, and in formulating
a code of conduct on technology transfer. All these forums
have been taking an integrated view, within their areas of
competence, and have been formulating policy and/or enabling
negotiation of new agreements to deal with issues arising in
the international arena.
But in all these forums, it is the US that has been blocking
progress, and has brought the dialogue to a standstill.
No convincing reasons or arguments have been put forward as
to why these various different subjects should be put under
one common heading 'services', and dealt with in GATT, allegedly on their 'trade' aspects, but in reality covering investments, rights of establishment, technical standards, and
everything else.
If the US or any other country feels the need for an international agreement on 'services', the only recourse they
have is to go to the UN for the convening of a special conference to deal with it, or go to UNCTAD, with its wider
mandates on trade and development, to initiate such a move,
or convene an international conference on their own initiative, in which interested states may participate.
Ever since the US launched its drive to bring these new issues into GATT via a new round of MTNs, it has been sought
to be presented as part of GATT's periodic attempts at trade
liberalization. There have been repeated references to the
earlier seven MTNs, and the gains to world trade from these
seven rounds.
When the General Agreement was signed in 1947, of the 22
signatories, 11 were from the Third World. Two of them ultimately did not join, while a third (KMT China) withdrew. For
a long time, until the 60s, the number of Third World members of GATT were very small, and they played no real role.
Tariff concessions were negotiated and exchanged on the basis of 'reciprocal and mutually advantageous approach', in
successive trade rounds. Third World countries had little to
offer and got little either. Any MF'N benefit that accrued to
them was not really significant, since these were mainly in
industrial products, where the main suppliers were from industrial countries.
GATT itself functioned largely as an organisation of the
industrial countries who were the major trading partners. In
1958, the Haberler report made several specific recommendations and these were followed up by a report of a GATT
committee, pinpointing the specific actions industrial countries should take to enable a substantial expansion in the
export earnings of the Third World countries. But no actions
were taken on these, and there were only promises that these
too would be addressed in the impending new round of MTNs
(the Dillon Round of 1961-62).
None of the problems were addressed in the Dillon Round, but
it marked the beginning of a period of discriminatory measures against imports of manufactures from the Third World,
under spurious economic theories about 'low wage imports'
and 'market disruption' - al.1 alien to the theories of free
trade on the basis of comparative advantage.
This was to be the pattern over the next two decades: the
Third World putting forth demands and focussing on its special handicaps, the US and industrial countries promising
actions in a new round of MTNs, launching of MTNs, and trade
liberalisation among industrial countries with few benefits
to the Third World, and new discriminatory measures against
the Third World.
During the Dillon Round, came the Short-term Arrangements
(STAI governing trade in cotton textiles and clothing, to
enable import restrictions against these products from the
Third World. The STA was soon followed by the LTA (long-term
arrangement), which remained in force till 1 9 7 3 , and followed by the Multifibre Arrangement (MFA), which has been in
force from 1 9 7 3 to date.
The Dillon, Kennedy and Tokyo Rounds saw a gradual tightening of the import restrictions against the Third World,
mostly outside GATT, and covering footwear, leather and leather goods, electronics, steel, and other sectors where the
Third World has emerged as competitive suppliers.
Now the Third World is again being told that negotiations on
some of its outstanding trade problems will be taken up in a
new round, provided the Third World agrees to linked negotiations on new themes. In effect the Third World is being
told that the industrial countries will carry out their GATT
obligations to the Third World and remove any illegal restrictions on imports of goods from the Third World, if the
Third World would accept new obligations favouring the industrial world in 'services'.
Any such action for liberalisation of trade in services,
automatically involves 'investment' and 'establishment'
rights for the TNCs. Several of the service sectors, like
banking and insurance, play a vital infrastructural role in
the development process of the Third World, including mobilisation of domestic capital and its channelling into areas
of priority investment. Others, like informatics, are mostly
undeveloped. All of them would need active state involvement. By bringing 'services' into GATT, and setting up international disciplines for them, the US is trying to prevent the development of endogenous service sectors in the
Third World and thus the pursuit of autonomous development
paths in the Third World.
The service sectors are dominated now by the TNCs, and the
nature of the services enables them to offer a wide range of
services and an integrated package once the data network is
established.
For TNCs, the right of establishment is more critical than
the right of access to markets. It is through relocation of
production of goods that the TNCs have transnationalised the
production, distribution and consumption of goods. Through
their participation in banking, insurance and other financial services, and data flows, the TNCs are now seeking to
transnationalise finance capital and thus dominate and control Third World economies. This in turn will enable the US
to dominate and control the Third World politically and thus
exercise hegemony.
As it is, even in trade in goods, the Third World countries
find that the TNCs are not amenable to national disciplines
and will find the TNCs are even less amenable in respect of
services' transactions which are 'invisible'.
Again trade in services cannot be delinked from investment.
This poses serious policy questions for the Third World.
Foreign private investments do not lead to transfer of capital or its accumulation inside the Third World. The main
benefit is supposedly in the areas of transfer of technology
and managerial skills. As against this are the costs of foreign private investments: adverse impact on balance of payments and on patterns of domestic investment, output and employment. Also, TNC operations rarely, if ever, result in
any industrialisation of the country with forward and backward linkages within the economy, essential for self-sustained development. It mostly creates 'enclave' industries
which are vertically integrated externally.
It is for these reasons that Third World countries have resisted international agreements in this area, preferring to
keep their options open and taking pragmatic decisions on a
case-by-case basis.
The US effort to bring 'services' into GATT by prefixing
'trade' before it, is really aimed at reducing, if not eliminating, Third World options in this, and obtaining for the
TNCs full freedom of 'investment' and 'establishment' on the
foreign territory and the ability to operate without restraint, and without the government of the host-country being
able to exercise any effective control.
The effort to bring all these new issues into GATT under
threat of US disregard of its GATT obligations and taking
recourse to bilateral and plurilateral measures, really
amounts to an effort at hijacking the North-South dialogue
from other UN forums into GATT.
If the US succeeds in its efforts, it would enable th US to
rewrite some of the postwar rules and principles of international economic relations. And instead of the world moving
towards a New World Order, it would be moving towards a
Transnational World Order. In economic terms the US would
then have succeeded in giving the Third World a 'rollback'
to its days under the colonial era, when the role of the
State was only to keep law and order, and keep the natives
quiet for the benefit of 'entrepreneurs' from the metropolitan centres.
si6n' y 'derechos de la propiedad intelectual', asi escribiendo de nuevo
algunas de las reglas elementales del orden mundial actual. Se esfuerzan
en limitar a 10s parses del Tercer Mundo el soberano derecho de elegir
sus propias vlas de desarrollo y sus propias socio-econ6micas filosoflas, dando de esta manera mano libre a las transnacionales. Mientras
que estos instrumentos del capital financier0 de 10s USA le daran la
posibilidad de obtener el maxim0 de sus ganancias con vista a la acumulaci6n global del capital, 10s gobiernos del Tercer Mundo se verzn en la
obligation de adoptar una economfa de laissez faire, y sus populaclones
condenadas a ser perpetuamente cortadores de madera y portadores de
agua.
A VIDEO-CASSETTE AVAILABLE FROM DOCIP:
I N D I A N SUMMER I N GENEVA
INDIGENOUS PEOPLES FROM THE AMERICAS AT THE U N I T E D NATIONS
I n d i g e n o u s peoples have u n d e r t a k e n t o a s s e r t themselves and u p h o l d t h e i r
rights.
They now p a r t i c i p a t e e v e r y y e a r i n t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s m e e t i n g s on human
r i g h t s i n Geneva t o p r e s e n t t h e i r s i t u a t i o n and p l e a d t h e i r cause.
T h e i r message focuses on f o u r key p o i n t s :
self-determination.
nation,
land,
genocide and
T h e i r o b j e c t i v e i s t h e r e c o g n i t i o n b y t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l community o f
t h e i r fundamental r i g h t s as peoples and as n a t i o n s .
W h i l e i n i t i a t e d i n N o r t h America, t h e s e approaches a r e now a l s o t h o s e o f
i n d i g e n o u s groups i n C e n t r a l and South America as w e l l as i n t h e
Pacific.
I n d i a n Summer i n Geneva i s meant t o broaden t h e audience o f t h e i n d i g e n ous groups. I t r e f l e c t s t h e i r s p e c i f i c i t i e s
and what makes them d i f f e r e n t from the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d world: a sacred r e l a t i o n w i t h the e a r t h
which i s t h e b a s i s f o r a common s p i r i t u a l i t y .
-
Among t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s : Jimmie Durham (Cherokee, USA), M a r i o Juruna
(Xavante, B r a s i l ) , A l v a r o Tukano (Tukano, B r a s i l ) , R i g o b e r t a MenchU
( Q u i c h e , Guatemala), Ramiro Reynaga (Quechua, B o l i v i a ) and Haunani-Kay
Trask (Hawaii ).
P r o d u c t i o n : Volkmar Z i e g l e r Research and i n t e r v i e w s : P i e r r e t t e
B i r r a u x ( 5 2 m i n u t e s ) . A v a i l a b l e on VHS, U-matic o r Beta (PAL, SECAN,
NTSC) v i d e o - c a s s e t t e s i n E n g l i s h o r French ( S p a n i s h v e r s i o n i s under
preparation).
Orders and f u r t h e r information from DOCIP, Indigenous Peoples' Center
f o r Documentation, Research and Information, P a l a i s Wilson annexe, POB
101, 1211 Geneva 21, Switzerland, T e l : 22/ 6 7 IS 81 o r 35 40 47. Price:
Swiss francs 800. - ( s p e c i a l r a t e s for committed groups). Cheques payable
t o DOCIP must accompany orders.
dossier 52
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m a r c h / a p r i l 1986
news f r o m t h e t h i r d system
OF CONTENT
The T h i r d World P r i z e Award t o Nelson and W i n n i e Mandela
CARAF: Corps A f r i c a i n de R e f l e x i o n e t d l A c t i o n C e n t r e l a Fam
APAC: La S a t e l l i t e
Appui du B I T au S e c t e u r Non S t r u c t u r e (SNS) u r b a i n dans t r o i s
pays d l A f r i q u e francophone
Uruguay: SERCOM
Uruguay: CIEDUR en l a r e c o n s t r u c c i 6 n n a c i o n a l
Ecuador: C o n s t i t u c i h de una r e d de c e n t r e s de i n v e s t i g a c i 6 n
p a r a e l e s t u d i o de l a p r o b l e m a t i c a de 10s s e r v i c i o s urbanos en
America L a t i n a
Phi1 i p p i n e s : K a s a r i n l a n
ICES p u b l i c a t i o n s
Canada: Food Systems Group C e n t r e f o r D e v e l o p i n g - A r e a S t u d i e s
Human e c o l o g y : An e d u c a t i o n t o l i v e w i t h
-
The Third World P r i z e - U S 100,000 and a medallion
i s awarded t o i n d i v i d u d s or a s s o c i a t i o n s for outstanding c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o Third World
development. The S e l e c t i o n Committee, which i n c l u d e s S h r i d a t h Ramphal,
E w i q u e I g l e s i a s ( b o t h members o f t h e IFEA C o u n c i l ) , R.K.A. Cardiner,
B.K. flenru and A . Husain, decided t o c o n f e r t h e 1985 P r i z e on Nelson and
Winnie Mandela. Here i s t h e t e x t o f t h e c i t a t i o n :
Nelson R o l i h a h l a Mandela i s a t o w e r i n g l e a d e r f o r t h e p e o p l e o f S o u t h
A f r i c a i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t a p a r t h e i d . For h u n d r e d s o f m i l l i o n s t h e
w o r l d o v e r who s h a r e t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s f o r a j u s t s o c i e t y , h e i s t h e
symbol o f hope f o r human c i v i l i s a t i o n . H i s c e a s e l e s s m i s s i o n f o r a nonr a c i a l s o c i e t y f o r a l l t h e p e o p l e o f S o u t h A f r i c a i s a s o u r c e of i n s p i r a t i o n a l i k e f o r t h o s e who a r e o p p r e s s e d and t h o s e beyond S o u t h A f r i c a
who s h a r e t h e b u r d e n o f humanity f o r t h e i r o p p r e s s i o n . When he was sent e n c e d t o l i f e imprisonment h e p r o c l a i m e d from t h e dock: "I have cher i s h e d t h e i d e a l of a d e m o c r a t i c and f r e e s o c i e t y i n which a l l p e r s o n s
l i v e t o g e t h e r i n harmony and w i t h e q u a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s . I t i s a n i d e a l
which I hope t o l i v e f o r and t o a c h i e v e . But i f n e e d s b e , i t i s a n i d e a l
f o r which I am p r e p a r e d t o d i e . " 2 3 y e a r s l a t e r , Nelson Mandela i s s t i l l
i n p r i s o n , s t i l l d e d i c a t e d t o t h i s n o b l e i d e a l , and s t i l l a symbol of
hope - i n c r e a s i n g l y , f o r a l l t h e p e o p l e o f South A f r i c a .
Nelson Mandela was b o r n on 18 J u l y 1916 i n Umtata i n t h e p a r t of S o u t h
A f r i c a known a s T r a n s k e i , now one of t h e s o - c a l l e d homelands. The f i r s t b o r n s o n of a r o y a l h o u s e , h e was t o r e n o u n c e h i s c h i e f t a n c y on h i s f a t h e r ' s d e a t h . T r a i n e d a s a l a w y e r , h e was soon t o j o i n b a t t l e a g a i n s t
t h e l a w s o f a n u n j u s t s o c i e t y . H i s s e a r c h f o r j u s t i c e l e d him i n 1944 t o
t h e A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s , which had b e e n founded i n 1 9 1 2 .
I n t h e n e x t two d e c a d e s , h e p l a y e d a n i n c r e a s i n g l y i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n t h e
work o f t h e ANC, s h a r i n g i n and g u i d i n g i t s development a t a c r i t i c a l
s t a g e of w i d e n i n g p o l i t i c a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s among t h e o p p r e s s e d p e o p l e of
S o u t h A f r i c a . A c t i v e i n b u i l d i n g up t h e ANC's Youth League i n t h e e a r l y
y e a r s , h e was l a t e r p r o m i n e n t i n t h e n a t i o n a l Day o f P r o t e s t of 26 J u n e
1950 a g a i n s t p o l i c e v i o l e n c e d i r e c t e d a t May Day d e m o n s t r a t o r s , and two
y e a r s l a t e r i n t h e D e f i a n c e Campaign a g a i n s t u n j u s t l a w s .
I n 1955 - h e was by t h e n P r e s i d e n t o f t h e ANC f o r t h e T r a n s v a a l P r o v i n c e
N e l s o n Mandela p l a y e d a key p a r t i n t h e C o n g r e s s of t h e P e o p l e , which
a d o p t e d t h e Freedom C h a r t e r which s a i d t h a t "South A f r i c a b e l o n g s t o a l l
who l i v e i n i t , b l a c k a n d w h i t e " . T h i s r a i s e d t h e b a s i c q u e s t i o n of n o t
what amendments s h o u l d be made t o t h e law, b u t who makes t h e law. I t was
c l e a r a f f i r m a t i o n o f comnitment t o democracy and n o n - r a c i a l i s m , b u t i t
was a commitment which S o u t h A f r i c a ' s r u l e r s found s u b v e r s i v e .
-
I n March 1960, S h a r p e v i l l e became a synonym f o r t h e v i o l e n c e of t h e
a p a r t h e i d r e g i m e , whose f o r c e s gunned down 69 men, women and c h i l d r e n
p e a c e f u l l y p r o t e s t i n g a g a i n s t S o u t h A f r i c a ' s n o t o r i o u s p a s s l a w s . But
Mandela p e r s i s t e d i n h i s q u e s t f o r n e g o t i a t e d change and i n J u n e 1961
i s s u e d h i s c a l l t o t h e Government t o h o l d a N a t i o n a l C o n v e n t i o n t o draw
up a d e m o c r a t i c c o n s t i t u t i o n on t h e b a s i s o f t h e e q u a l i t y of a l l p e o p l e
o f t h e c o u n t r y , i r r e s p e c t i v e o f r a c e o r c o l o u r . The Government s p u r n e d
this call.
The o b d u r a c y of t h e r e g i m e and i t s i n c r e a s i n g r e p r e s s i o n - o f which
S h a r p e v i l l e had g i v e n s u c h t r a g i c e v i d e n c e
and t h e r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t
h a l f a c e n t u r y o f p a t i e n t p e t i t i o n i n g f o l l o w e d by p e a c e f u l p r o t e s t had
a c h i e v e d no s o f t e n i n g i n t h e r i g o u r s o f a p a r t h e i d b u t had b r o u g h t e v e r
g r e a t e r v i o l e n c e i n i t s d e f e n c e l e d Mandela t o e s t a b l i s h "Umkonto We
Siswe" o r S p e a r of t h e N a t i o n . I t l a u n c h e d a programme o f s a b o t a g e w i t h
a t t a c k s on s e l e c t e d government i n s t a l l a t i o n s , marking a new l e v e l i n t h e
p o p u l a r s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t a p a r t h e i d r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e v i o l e n c e w i t h which
t h e r e g i m e seemed d e t e r m i n e d t o p e r p e t u a t e i t .
-
I n t h e r e p r e s s i o n which f o l l o w e d S h a r p e v i l l e , t h e ANC was o u t l a w e d , b u t
t h e p e r s e c u t i o n o f Mandela by t h e a u t h o r i t i e s had begun e a r l i e r . A f o u r y e a r t r i a l f o r t r e a s o n of Mandela and 155 o t h e r p e r s o n s , b o t h b l a c k and
w h i t e , ended i n t h e i r a c q u i t a l i n 1961. R e - a r r e s t e d i n 1 9 6 2 , Mandela was
s e n t e n c e d t o f i v e y e a r s h a r d l a b o u r b u t was t a k e n from h i s p r i s o n c e l l
i n 1963 t o f a c e y e t new c h a r g e s . He, a n d s i x o t h e r s , w e r e s e n t e n c e d t o
l i f e imprisonment.
He h a s j u s t b e e n a u n i f y i n g f o r c e t o a l l t h o s e s t r u g g l i n g f o r j u s t i c e i n
S o u t h A f r i c a . I n t h e l a t e 1 9 7 0 s , h e was o f f e r e d h i s freedom i f he a g r e e d
t o l i v e i n t h e T r a n s k e i where he was b o r n and where h e c o u l d h a v e become
t o k e n Prime M i n i s t e r . H i s a n s w e r was a f i r m r e f u s a l . T h i s y e a r h e was
e q u a l l y f o r t h r i g h t when o f f e r e d h i s freedom on c o n d i t i o n t h a t h e publ i c l y r e n o u n c e v i o l e n c e . H i s answer was g i v e n t h r o u g h h i s d a u g h t e r t o a
r a l l y i n Soweto l a s t March. "Let him (Botha) r e n o u n c e v i o l e n c e . L e t him
s a y h e w i l l d i s m a n t l e a p a r t h e i d . L e t him f r e e a l l who h a v e b e e n i m p r i -
soned, banned or exiled. I cherish my own freedom dearly but I care even
more for your freedom. I cannot sell my birthright nor am I prepared to
sell the birthright of the people to be free."
Nelson Mandela is honoured wherever democracy and freedom are valued.
Streets and buildings around the world have been named after him; so has
a nuclear particle. Many cities have given him their freedom; numerous
universities have conferred degrees on him.
In awarding this year's Third World Prize to Nelson Mandela, we salute
him for his heroic fight against oppression based on a profound faith in
the equality of human beings and in their right to be free. We honour
him as a great son of Africa and of the Third World.
Throughout his years of incarceration, his wife Nomzamo Winnie Mandela
has kept faith with him and the cause he made his own, despite the many
tribulations visited on her. To the agony of desolation and the anguish
caused by her husband's sufferings has been added a vendetta against
herself. She has been banned, detained and brought to trial on many occasions; for only ten months in the last 23 years has she been free of
restrictions imposed by the regime. Following the Soweto uprising in
1976, she was banished to Brandfort to remain under constant surveillance and many restrictions on her freedom. There have been several attempts on her life; her children and her friends have suffered harassment. Her home was recently fire-bombed.
But, with remarkable courage and a resilience of spirit, she has continued to uphold the banner of freedom as her brave husband has continued to do from his prison cell. To the extent that the inhumane laws of
the apartheid regime have allowed her, and often in defiance of them,
she has herself championed the cause of her people as they suffered the
pains of increasing repression and violence: deaths, detentions, forcible removals and dispossessions, separation from families and the
other torments and indignities we have come to associate with apartheid.
Despite the heartbreak of separation from her husband, she has steadfastly supported him in his refusal to compromise the struggle for his
people's freedom for the sake of his own freedom.
In the year that marks the end of the United Nations Decade for Women,
it is appropriate that, as we honour Nelson Mandela, we also honour
Winnie Mandela for her own outstanding contribution to the struggle for
justice in South Africa.
The Selection Committee for the Third World Prize is proud to award this
year's Prize jointly to Nelson and Winnie Mandela.
CARAF: CORPS AFRICAIN DE REFLEXION
ET D'ACTION CONTRE LA FAIM
Le CARAF est une association sans but lucratif, 2 caractere scientifique, creee 3 Geneve par des Africains pour lutter contre la faim en Afrique. Le CARAF se veut une organisation humanitaire, faisant appel 2 ia
soiidarite de chacun, pour que tous vivent une vie humainement acceptable. C'est un groupe de travail oG doivent s'allier reflexion et action en vue de realisations concretes. Le francais et l'anglais en sont
les langues de travail.
Pourquoi Ie CARAF? Parce que les problemes lies 2 la faim en Afrique
prennent une ampleur considerable et croissante. Parce que les Africains
peuvent et doivent apporter leur contribution materielle et intellectuelle aux solutions proposees. Parce que seule une action en profondeur, d'effet durable, soutenue par une recherche appliquee et cons&quente, peut apporter des solutions adequates.
Objectifs: R6unir Ie maximum d'informations sur les causes, les con.&quences et les solutions de la faim en Afrique. Informer sur les possibilites de solution. Collaborer avec les personnes, les organisations et
les gouvernements pour tenter dt&radiquer ce fleau. Elaborer et contribuer 5 realiser des projets specifiques et concrets, pour resoudre Ie
problsme 2 long tenne. Alder les personnes et les populations touchees 5
se prendre en charge. Utiliser chaque contribution pour la realisation
des objectifs fixes.
Que pouvez-vous faire avec Ie CARAF? Participer 2 ses activites: groupes
de travail, coiloques, collectes, etc. Fournir des informations d'ordre
general ou technique sur tout ce qui concerne la faim et ses solutions.
Alder materiellement (documents, outils, fonds, etc.) 2 la realisation
de projets sur Ie terrain en Afrique. Vous engager personnellement, seIon vos disponibilites et possibilites (quelques semaines 2 quelques
mois), 2 travailler sur Ie terrain pour conseiller, diriger ou simplement soutenir des projets concrete. Conscientiser les gens autour de
vous.
Types d'actions prevues: Approvisionnement en eau de villages au Sahel
ou dans d'autres regions. Appui technologique au developpement de l'agriculture dans des collectivit6s. Aide materielle 3 des ecoles (equipement, livres, fonds) dans des zones d6favorisGes. Soutien 2 la recherche
appliquee dans des institutions.
Le CARAF e a t ouvert d tous l e e homes e t t o u t e s l e s fennnes de bonne votontd. Chacun peut y adherer, Africa'in ou non. 11 s u f f i t d ' d c r i r e d
CARAF, Case postale 2123, 1211 GenJve 2 DSpSt, S u i s s e .
LA SATELLITE
BULLETIN DE L I A I S O N DE L'APAC, A S S O C I A T I O N DE
PROFESSIONNELLES AFRICAINES DE LA COMMUNICATION
Fond& f i n 1.964 ( c f . IFDA Dossier 45, p . 731, l 'APAC a pub Lid un an phis
t a r d , Le numdro 0 de son b u l l e t i n de l i a i s o n , La S a t e l l i t e . Come Ie d i t
son e d i t o r i a l , "avec Ie b u l l e t i n , La chains s e renyorce ... E l l e s r c p p e l l e La S a t e l l i t e . Strange non? La S a t e l l i t e , c r e s t notre b u l l e t i n ,
n o t r e journal plus t a r d . Sous sonunes des fenunes, 6 ' 0 ; t e La; nous voul e n s e t r e o d e s de c o m n i c a t i o n : s a t e l l i t e . " L ' M a ifqc"Terient p u b l i c
une brochure, F e m e s , ddveloppenent, c o m n i c a t i o n , q u i e s t Le rapport
de synthSse du s e n i n a i r e de fondation (Dakar, o a t . 19841, Les d e w docuv e n t s s o n t d i s p o n i b l e s aupr&s de La S e c r d t a i r e ext?cutive, Eu@'nic
Rokhaya Au, BP 4234, Dakar, SendgaI. l o u s reproduisons c<-dessous un
e x t r a i t du nwre'ro 0 de La S a t e l l i t e .
Un an! En octobre 1984, naissait 1'Association des Professionnelles africaines de la Communication (APAC) 2 Dakar. A l'assemblee constitutive,
Ctaient presences des representantes de I'Afrique du Nord, de 1'Ouest et
centrale.
I1 fallalt enraciner l'organisation dans nos pays africairs afin qu'elle
soit l'image, Ie miroir de la vie concrete et quotidienne des femmes
dans sa diversite, sa richesse, dans se5 peines et ses victoires.
Au niveau du secretariat. Ie travail de contact s'est poursuivi. Nous
avons atteint des pays tels que le Burundu, Djibouti et Madagascar. Nous
pensons maintenant aux pays lusophones et dans un avenir plus lointin 2
nos consoeurs anglophones apres que nous ayons renforc6 et consolid6
notre organisation.
Les participantes au seminaires d'octobre 84 ne sont pas restges inactives dans leurs pays respectifs ou ailleurs. Les sections nationales se
mettent en place. I1 faut vaincre pour la plupart d'entre nous les difficultCs et lenteurs administratives, s'informer des r6gles associatives
qui souvent ne nous concernaient pas. I1 faut vaincre nos mentalitgs
souvent individualistes pour commencer un travail en commun, pour accepter le regard critique de l'autre. Dur, mais exaltant que cet apprentissage.
QUELQUES NOUVELLES:
Au Benin, un bureau de trois membres 23 6tC 6lu. Un programme d'action a
et6 dessin6. Des enquztes sont en cours autour de trois themes: l'absent6isme des femes; les petites commercantes; Ie monde rural. La section
comprend une vingtaine d'adherentes, sur trente communicatrices. I1 y a
encore peu d'engagement mais cette situation changera avec Ie deniarrage
effectif des activites.
Au Togo, c'est une amicale des Professionnelles de la Communication qui
a et6 mise en place. Un bureau provisoire prepare 11assemb16e constitutive. La production a d6marrC.
En Centrafrique, une action de sensibilisation a et6 menge et un bureau
mis en place.
Au Senegal, quatre ou cinq rencontres ont et6 organisees. Des problgmes
se posent en raison de l'instabilite de certaines consoeurs du volume de
travail, mais ggalement des obstacles d'ordre higrarchiques. Ces obstacles tiennent i la difference de formation, de niveau entre les journalistes issues du Cesti ou d'ecoles de formation et "les autres". En depit de cela, les journalistes ont pu participer i la Conference de Nairobi et etre integrees dans une mission UNICEF pour un reportage sur un
projet ferninin.
Au Maroc, il s'est d'abord agi de populariser les objectifs de 1'APAC.
L'obstacle 2 la creation d'une section nationale: 11 n'existe pas dans
l'histoire du Maroc de regroupement integrant toutes les sensibilites
politiques. Cependant, en fin juin une reunion a rassemble 27 journalistes. Trois groupes ont et6 formes: groupe de status; revision du programme de suivi; groupe contacts et explications. I1 y a en projet la
possibilit6 d'initier une page de la femme dans les journaux de partis,
voire d'y integrer des femmes professionnelles.
Nous avons des nouvelles de bien d'autres pays oG les femmes journalistes se battent pour creer leur section nationale. Nous souhaitons que
des rapports systematiques nous parviennent reguli6rement afin de vous
en faire 1'6cho dans Ie bulletin.
L'APAC n'est pas un club, elle est la propriets de chaque femme journaliste africaine qui accepte de s'engager et de travailler 2 la realisation de ses objectifs.
APPUI DU B I T AD SECTEUR NON STRUCTURE ( S N S ) URBAIN
DANS TROIS PAYS D'AFRIQUE FRANCOPHONE
Ce programme de US$ 2,8 millions, finance par la Cooperation technique
suisse, touche les capitales et certaines villes secondaires du Mali
(duree: 5 ans), du Rwanda (38 mois) et du Togo (4 ans). Le programme se
propose de promouvoir la participation organises des petits producteurs
afin de faciliter leur accss 2 des facteurs de production d'ordre technique et financier pouvant accroltre leurs niveaux d'occupation et de
revenu. I1 s'adresse en particulier aux couches du SNS les plus demunies
en matisre d'equipement, de formation, de financement et de protection
sociale. La methode d'approche adoptee par les 3 projets est basee sur
la mobilisation croissante des ressources propres aux groupements de
petits producteurs par un soutien systematique de leurs initiatives ainsi que la prise en main progressive des operations du promotion du secteur d'activite par les beneficiaires eux-mzmes (auto-gestion).
RGsultats: A ce jour (Ie programme a debut6 en 1982 au Mali), les resultats sont encourageants. L'acces au credit bancaire ou 2 des formations
simples de type gestionnaire et technique. le developpement de nouveaux
produits et des technologies adaptees, l'approvisionnement en matieres
premieres 2 meilleur compte ainsi que l'amelioration de la qualite de
biens et services existants ont rendu economiquement plus viables les
microentreprises touchees.
Au Rwanda, 1600 artisans appartenant 5 14 corps de metiers, sont group6s
dans une meme Confederation (KORA). Au Mali, llAssociation d'artisans
compte 950 participants actifs (12 corps de metiers) et Ie groupement
interprofessionnel d'artisans du Togo (GIPATO) parvient 2 mobiliser 720
artisans (16 metiers) qui sont en vole d'un progres autonome.
L'avenir du programme: La mise en place de formes d'auto-organisation et
de solidarite (association ou confederation d'artisans, groupements interprofessionnels, etc.) a permis 2 leurs membres d'ameliorer leur insertion dans Ie march&. A travers ces structures participatives, les
artisans entendent consolider au cours dfune troisieme phase du programme leur capacite de negotiation face 2 leurs interlocuteurs: Etat, banques et commercants notamment.
Enseignement 2 tirer du programme: L'experience en cours montre 5 quel
point il faut compter sur les efforts et la mobilisation des
beneficiaires eux-msmes pour surmonter les obstacles et se mefier des
programmes consus, decides et mis en oeuvre sans que les beneficiaires
prennent part aux decisions.
La participation des bCneficiaires tant 2 l'identification de leurs
besoins qu'i la recherche des solutions alternatives demeure, avec leur
prise de responsabilit6 sous les formes les plus diverses, les facteurs
cles qui conditionnent la reussite de tout programme.
Documents de base du programme
C. Maldonado, Programme d'appul au secteur non structure urbain dlAfrilue f r a n c o p h o n ~Premier rapport d'avancement des activites du programme, fevrier 1982-janvier 1983, (Geneva: BIT, 1983), WEP 2-33/ Doc.22.
J. Cabrera et C. Caffi, Le projet d'appui au secteur non structure urbain de Bamako. Premiere phase: fevrier 1982-decembre 1983 (GenSve: BIT,
1985), WEP 2-33/R.T., NO1.
B. Lecomte, Rapport d'evaluation de fin de premiere phase. Programme BIT
secteur non structure: Bamako, Lome et Kigali (Geneve: BIT, 1983).
C. Maldonado, Mobilisation et maitrise des capacites propres aux petits
producteurs urbains. Evaluation d 'une experience en cours 2 Bamako,
Kigali et Lome, 2 parartre.
URUGUAY; SERVICIO COMPUTARIZADO DE COMUNICACION (SERCOM)
El Centre de Infomaci6n, Investigation y Documentaci6n del Uruguay
(CIIDU) se apresta a llevar a la przctica el Proyecto "For una Red de
Organizaciones No Gubernamentales en beneficio del pals". En el marco de
este proyecto ha venido trabajando en la creaci5n de mecanismos institucionales de coordinacih de las ONG a fin de asegurar el acceso de las
mismas en 10s procesos de conception, production y transmision de la
informaci6n.
La instrumentation de este proyecto contar5 con un servicio computarizado de comunicaciOn, denominado Programa Sercom. Dicho programa est5
compuesto por: la creaci6n de una Red de Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (partidos politicos, organizaclones sociales, sindicatos,
iglesias, instituciones culturales, cooperativas, grupos de interes,
etc.), la edition de un boleth Sercom de informaci6n multidireccional,
la formacion de un banco de datos y el procesamiento computarizado de la
informacion.
El Programa Sercom utiliza un microcomputador multiusuario equipado con
el sistema operative QNX (UNIX). El UNIX es un moderno sistema operativo, relativamente novedoso en nuestro medio. Es muy eficiente para la
organization de bancos de datos, ya que permite con facilidad la modificaci6n y desarrollo de su estructura en funcion de las necesidades de
10s usuarios. Esta flexibilidad caracteristica del sistema es de primera
importancia para el Programa Sercom, ya que prevee una continua expansion del banco de datos y una mayor oferta del servicio. El banco de
datos est5 constituido en funci6n de las necesidades de informaci6n de
10s propios usuarios. En este sentido se busca que sean las mismas ONG
quienes definan 10s indicadores de informacion. Por otra parte, la integraci6n de la Red de ONG y la suscripci6n de la revista Sercom constituyen el primer acceso a la informacion existence en el banco de datos.
Simultaneamente, estz dada la posibilidad de un acceso mZs directo a1
banco: realizando pedidos concretos de informacion sobre temas determinados. El programa Sercom estar5 en condiciones de entregar en forma
impress la informaci6n requerida. En un future cercano las ONG contaran
con accesos directos a la informacion organizada en el banco de datos a
traves de canales modem, via telefono.
La reciente aparici6n de la revista Sercom niimero cero, abastecida con
la informacion de las diversas ONG ya afiliadas a la Red y 10s servicios
informativos de Inter Press Service significa el primer pas0 en la concreci6n de 10s grandes objetivos que el CIIDU, a craves del Programa
Sercom, se ha propuesto para el Uruguay democr5tico de hoy.
( C I I D ' J , 18
76
de J d i o
1377,
Primer Piso, Montevideo, Uruguay).
URUGUAY: CIEDUR EN LA RECONSTRUCCION NACIONAL
CIEDUR (Centre Interdisciplinario de Estudios sobre el Desarrollo, Uruguay), es una asociacion civil sin fines de lucre, no gubernamental,
fundada en 1977. Reune a un conjunto de investigadores en ciencias sociales, especialistas en diversas disciplinas.
Son sus objetivos esenciales: impulsar la investigacion y el fomento de
las ciencias sociales con especial enfasis en la temztica nacional, difundir 10s resultados de 10s trabajos realizados, asistir y apoyar a las
organizaciones sociales (cooperativas; sindicatos; mutualistas; gremiales de artesanos, de pequenos comerciantes, de productores rurales,etc)
CIEDLX concibe y desarrolla proyectos de investigacion; apoya a otras
asociaciones academicas; forrna nuevos investigadores; aglutina a cientificos individuales; organiza cursos y seminarios; brinda servicios
(asesoramientos, biblioteca, centro de documentaci6n) y participa de
toda iniciativa Gtil a 10s fines mencionados.
A
A
*
A continuaciifn, reproducinos w a s de l a s concZusiones de las a s m b t e a s
de investigadores-socios de CIEDUR:
A1 comenzar una nueva etapa en la vida del pals, CIEDUR entiende que
adquiri6 un protagonismo real y que debe continuar su accion. Para ello
es precise refonnular 10s objetivos y el contenido del trabajo de la
institution, contemplando 10s nuevos espacios de expresion y participaci6n alcanzados por las organizaciones populares, el surgimiento de
oportunidades de cooperaci6n con la Universidad y con el Estado, y las
experiencias acumaladas en ocho anos de trabajo.
Este desaflo exigirz poner mayor Gnfasis en las propuestas superadoras
de 10s problemas nacionales, as1 como multiplicar las oportunidades de
encuentro con la comunidad academics y las organizaciones sociales y
pollticas.
Permanencia y cambio de CIEDUJ
Los cientistas sociales expulsados de la Universidad respondieron de dos
maneras a su segregation. Una parte debi6 emigrar por razones ocupacionales o pollticas. Otros se reagruparon en centros privados.
Las diferentes personalidades academicas de 10s Centres nos obligan a
considerar el aporte especlfico de CIEDUR. Desde 10s orlgenes de la instituci6n nos propusimos construir un conocimiento cientlfico original,
a1 servicio de la busqueda de alternativas de desarrollo para el pals,
que implicaran la plena vigencia de la justicia social, de la soberanfa
nacional, y de la democracia.
Se gener6 asi un patrimonio colectivo de Ideas, resultante de la combinaci6n de la reflexion individual con la colectiva, integrando diversas
perspectivas disciplinarias, te6ricas e ideologicas. Esta consolidaci6n
de aportes basada en el pluralismo se consider6 imprescindible para mejorar la eficiencia y la calidad del resultado de la investigacion.
A 10 largo de estos anos, la producci6n academica de CIEDUR fue creciente, diversificada en su temstica, y eficiente en el uso de 10s recursos
disponibles
.
La inserci6n en el medio
La investigacion academica es la principal actividad y la raz6n de ser
de CIEDUR, pero ella no agota ni limita nuestro papel. La inserci6n en
el medio es un factor esencial para el desarrollo de la investigation,
persiguiendo dos objetivos fundamentales: en primer lugar, detectar las
demandas latentes o explicitas, que orientan la definition de las lineas
de investigaci6n y la identificaci6n de 10s proyectos. En segundo t6rmino, establecer una red de comunicaci6n que permita poner en discusion
10s resultados de nuestro trabajo.
De alli nuestra preocupaci6n por fortalecer 10s vinculos con las organizaciones populares, mZs all5 de 10s que nos unen a la comunidad acad6mica nacional e international.
For iiltimo, la ejecucizn de actividades se cumple de mod0 de hacer realidad en 10 cotidiano 10s valores a 10s que aspiramos para la sociedad.
Los criterios organizativos han implementado la democracia interna, la
convivencia en la discrepancia, la igualdad de oportunidades. El car&ter de instituci6n abierta se afirma con la incorporaci6n continua de
nuevos socios, el amplio espectro politico de 10s investigadores, y la
rotaci6n en 10s cargos directives.
En la actual coyuntura, la permanencia del Centre exigirz cambios en sus
lineas de trabajo. Se deberz:
i.
Priorizar en 10s proyectos de investigation 10s temas que aumenten
la capacidad de propuesta de las organizaciones populares.
ii. Colaborar en la reconstrucci6n de la Universidad con programas concertados con las autoridades y las organizaciones gremiales que participan del cogobierno.
iii. Colaborar en la reconstrucci6n del Estado democrAtico, mediante la
prospecci6n de sus requerimientos y la satisfaction de sus demandas.
iv. Impulsar en el mayor grado posible las actividades coordinadas con
otros centros, sin limitar nuestras posibilidades de acci6n.
Los cambios en el sistema politico: sus implicancias
Se han registrado transformaciones en el sistema politico, capaces de
incidir en sus potenciales relaciones con el medio acad6mico. En 10 que
respecta a nuestro trabajo future, deseamos destacar que:
a. For primera vez en la historia polftica del pals existe la concertaci6n multipartidaria y una estructura politica casi de tercios, donde
tambien 10 gremial y 10 politico tienen canales de comunicaci6n efectivos.
b . Se c o n s t a t a e n a m p l i o s segmentos d e l s i s t e m a p o l i t i c o y d e l a s o r g a n i z a c i o n e s s o c i a l e s l a i d e a d e que e s n e c e s a r i a una a m p l i a n e g o c i a c i o n
p a r a d o t a r a 1 proceso p o l i t i c o de e s t a b i l i d a d y d u r a b i l i d a d .
c . D u r a n t e l a G l t i m a e t a p a d e l regimen a u t o r i t a r i o e x i s t i e r o n c o n t a c t o s
y v i n c u l o s e n t r e e l Centro y l a s o r g a n i z a c i o n e s p o l l t i c a s democriiticas,
e v a l u a d o s p o s i t i v a m e n t e p o r t o d o s 10s p a r t i c i p a n t e s , r e l a c i o n e s q u e s e
han i n c r e m e n t a d o en l a a c t u a l f a s e d e democratization d e l p a r s .
d. Hay c o n c i e n c i a d e que 10s a p o r t e s t 6 c n i c o s y l a s p r o p u e s t a s d e s o l u c i o n e s p a s a n a j u g a r un p a p e l 6 s i m p o r t a n t e en e l p r o c e s o s o c i a l y politico.
L i n e a s d e t r a b a j o con l a s o r g a n i z a c i o n e s s o c i a l e s
La a p e r t u r a d e m o c r i i t i c a i m p l i c a l i b e r t a d d e a s o c i a c i o n , d e r e u n i o n , d e
o p i n i o n , 10 que p o s i b i l i t a i n t e n s i f i c a r y d i v e r s i f i c a r l a s a c t i v i d a d e s
de l a s organizaciones sociales.
La nueva f a s e p o l l t i c a y l a aspiration d e c o n s o l i d a r l a d e m o c r a c i a modif i c a n l a s r e g l a s d e l j u e g o . Se p a s a d e l a confrontation a l a n e g o c i a c i o n
y s e a b r e n nuevas o p o r t u n i d a d e s de e x p r e s i o n . E n t r e l a s f a c t i b l e s s e
pueden s e n a l a r : l a participation e n c o m i s i o n e s p a r l a m e n t a r i a s , e n l a
g e s t i 6 n d e l a s empresas p i i b l i c a s , y en comisiones s e c t o r i a l e s y nacional e s de diversas c a r a c t e r i s t i c a s .
Todo e s t o a s u v e z r e q u i e r e y v a l o r i z a 10s a p o r t e s t 6 c n i c o s y l a s prop u e s t a s d e s o l u c i o n e s , p e r m i t i e n d o i n c r e m e n t a r e l apoyo a l a s o r g a n i z a c i o n e s p o p u l a r e s , t a n t o e n e l p i a n o d e l a s e s o r a m i e n t o como e n l a c a p a c i taci6n e investigacion.
La d i v e r s i d a d d e o r g a n i z a c i o n e s y l a v a r i e d a d d e s u s demandas e s p e c i f i c a s , c o n t r a s t a con l a s p o s i b i l i d a d e s d e CIEDUR d e r e l a c i o n a r s e y coop e r a r , y e x i g e e s p e c i f i c a r con mayor p r e c i s i o n s u articulation con e l
medio. Se d e f i n e como d e p r i m e r a p r i o r i d a d e l d e s a r r o l l o d e 10s v i n c u l o s
c o n a q u e l l a s o r g a n i z a c i o n e s que e l C e n t r o c o n s i d e r s e s e n c i a l e s p a r a l o g r a r s u s o b j e t i v o s i n s t i t u c i o n a l e s , en p a r t i c u l a r l a s d e t r a b a j a d o r e s
urbanos y r u r a l e s , l a s a g r u p a c i o n e s en l a s que p a r t i c i p a n m a y o r i t a r i a mente 1 0 s p r o d u c t o r e s f a m i l i a r e s a g r o p e c u a r i o s , y l a s e n t i d a d e s q u e r e i v i n d i c a n f r e n t e a 1 Estado l a s a t i s f a c e i o n de n e c e s i d a d e s en t o r n o a 1
consume c o l e c t i v o .
En l a situation a c t u a l d e CIEDUR e s t o s i g n i f i c a :
i. Que l a s a c t u a t e s a c t i v i d a d e s d e a s i s t e n c i a a o r g a n i z a c i o n e s u r b a n a s
s e deben complementar con p r o y e c t o s d e i n v e s t i g a c i o n .
ii. C o n t i n u a r c o n l a l l n e a d e t r a b a j o d e apoyo a a s o c i a c i o n e s d e product o r e s f a m i l i a r e s , e i n i c i a r a c t i v i d a d e s de asesoramiento y respaldo a
o r g a n i z a c i o n e s d e a s a l a r i a d o s r u r a l e s , promoviendo en ambos c a s e s s u
c a p a c i d a d d e e x p r e s i o n aut6noma.
(CIEDUR N o t i a i a s , Ano 1 N o s ) p p . 1-3 (Centro I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r i o de Estud i o s sobre e l Desarrrolto, Zabala 1322, Apto. 201, Montevideo, U r u g u a y ) .
ECUADOR: C O N S T I T U C I O N D E UNA RED DE CENTROS D E I N V E S T I G A C I O f l
PARA E L E S T U D I O D E L A PROBLEMATICA D E L O S S E R V I C I O S URBANOS
E N AMERICA L A T I N A
Entre el 7 y el 12 de julio de 1985, se realiz6 en Quito-Ecuador el Seminario-Taller "Transporte y Servicios Urbanos en America Latina". La
organization corri6 a cargo del Centro de Investigaciones CILVAD (Ecuador) y del Institute de Investigaciones del Transporte IRT (Francia).
El Seminario contr6 con la participaci6n de 70 investigadores de 30 instituciones de America Latina, Norte America y Europa. El encuentro constituy6 el punto de partida para la formacion de una Red Latinoamericana
de Centros de Investigation interesados en el analisis de 10s servicios
urbanos. La Red debera impulsar nuevas investigaciones siguiendo las
lfneas definidas en el encuentro, aproximando experiencias metodol6gicas
y practicas de acci6n en el context0 urbano latinoamericano.
La idea de consolidar una Red Latinoamericana de Centros de Investigaci6n para el analisis de 10s servicios urbanos, foe apoyada por todos
10s participantes y por algunos organismos internacionales (CLACSO,
SIAP, PROIAP). Pero sobre todos, la Red pretende tener continuidad a
traves del impulse a actividades de investigacion, capacitation y publicaciones. Con relaci6n a las actividades de investigacion fueron lanzadas cinco lineas de analisis de 10s servicios urbanos: desarrollo hist6rico de las cludades y gesti6n urbana; Los servicios urbanos como medios
de consume colectivo y sus especificidades en 10s palses latinoamericanos; impact0 de la crisis en 10s servicios urbanos; cambios en las formas de gesti6n de 10s servicios; reivindicaciones en torno de 10s servicios urbanos.
En referencia a las publicaciones, se propone a traves de la "Red" que
est5 siendo constitufda, la articulaci6n y difusi6n de trabajos relativamente aislados o poco conocidos, a traves de un esfuerzo conjunto de
publicacl6n y divulgaci6n, buscando fuentes alternativas de financiamiento. Inicialmente, la Red publicars para fines de ano, una referenda
bibliogrgfica de 450 tftulos sobre el problema del transporte en America
Latina. Sera igual-mentepublicado un libro con el conjunto de ponencias
presentadas a1 Seminario. Esta en elaboraci6n un boletin de la Red, que
servira como 6rgano de comunicaci6n y difusi6n de las actividades que
emprenda la Red ya sea a nivel subregional o continental.
Como a s o c a e a la red
La Red est5 abierta a la participation de centres de investigacion que
trabajen en temas correlativos, la Coordination General la llevar5 adelante el Centro de Investigaciones CIUDAD de Quito-Ecuador, habi6ndose
propuesto una regionalizacion que articula a 10s pafses del con0 Sur
(Coordination: CEUR - Buenos Aires); a 10s palses andinos (CIDAP Lima), a 10s palses de America Central (CSUCA - San Jose); a Mexico (por
designarse) y a1 Brasil (NERU
Sao Paulo). La viabilidad de realizar
investigaciones U otras actividades conjuntas, sera dada por 10s
esfuerzos que conslgamos movilizar.
-
X e n t r o de i m e s t i g a c i o n e s CIUDAD, C a s i l l a postal 9311, Quito, Ecuador!.
P H I L I P P I N E S : KASARINLAN
The T h i r d World C e n t e r o f t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f t h e P h i l i p p i n e s p u b l i s h e d a t
t h e end o f l a s t year t h e f i r s t i s s u e o f its j o u r n a l , Kasarintan (Autonomy). As a uay o f s a l u t i n g t h i s neu p e r i o d i c a l , w reproduce b e l o u t h e
opening a r t i c l e o f i t s e d i t o r , Randy David.
This is the maiden issue of Kasarinlan, the quarterly journal of the
Third World Studies Center. This new journal is meant to take the place
of the mimeographed individual papers through which the Center, for the
last eight years, has sought to introduce a Third Worldist approach to
the manifold local, national and global problems facing humankind. This
approach is characterized by the perception that the root causes of
Third World poverty and oppression are to be found in the persistence of
imperialist domination and of client authoritarian states. The vision
that animates it is the quest for authentic national liberation, and
popular democracy, people-oriented development, and world peace.
The primary objectives of Kasarinlan are:
.
.
.
to promote new paradigms for grappling with Third World realities;
to contribute to the formulation and clarification of alternative
moves in the political, economic, and cultural spheres;
and to explore various ways of enriching and strengthening popular
initiatives towards the desirable formation of society.
Kasarinlan
is the Filipino word for autonomy. Webster's Third New Inter-
national Dictionary lists at least three important meanings of the term
which resonate fundamental Third World aspirations: "1. the quality of
being independent, free and self-directing; 2. the degree of self-determination or political control possessed by a minority group, territorial
division, or political unit in its relations to the state or political
community of which it forms a part and extending from local self-government to full independence; and 3. the sovereignty of reason in the
sphere of morals or possession of moral freedom or self-determination".
Why Kasarinlan then? Why autonomy? Because this single word epitomizes
the historic quest of all Third World peoples - of nations in search of
nationhood, of ex-colonies seeking to complete the process of de-colonization, a quest that has been intercepted at almost every point by modern imperialism. The term also affirms the right to life and to selfdirected growth, not only of individuals but also of entire nations and
communities who must often exist in an environment characterized not
simply by diversity, but by the hegemony of one group over others. And
lastly, the word underscores the primacy of reason, a lesson that needs
to be constantly reiterated because the process of history-making and
history-writing in which we are engaged is so often fettered by the easy
recourse to dogma, whether moral, intellectual or political.
Kasarinlan is being launched with the awareness that many journals often
disappear after the first issue. This is especially true in the Third
World where it i s most tempting to allocate scarce funds to activities
more o v e r t l y p o l i t i c a l t h a n p u t t i n g o u t a j o u r n a l . Yet K a s a r i n l a n i s
b e i n g l a u n c h e d a l s o w i t h t h e t h o u g h t t h a t much p u b l i s h i n g and t h e o r i z i n g
a b o u t t h e T h i r d World i s t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e c a p i t a l s o f t h e N o r t h . Must
t h e N o r t h a l s o now s p e a k f o r u s ? Don't we have o u r own v o i c e s , must we
n o t c r e a t e o u r own s p a c e s f o r a r t i c u l a t i n g e v e n j u s t o u r own c o n f u s i o n ?
K a s a r i n l a n r e p r e s e n t s a d e e p y e a r n i n g of t h e N o r t h t o p a r t i c i p a t e a u t o nomously i n t h e g l o b a l d e b a t e . T h i s i s i t s most i m p o r t a n t r a t i o n a l e .
( T h i r d World S t u d i e s Center, Room 428, PaZma Hall, U n i v e r s i t y o f t h e
P h i l i p p i n e s , PO Box 210, Diliman, Quezon C i t y , P h i l i p p i n e s ) .
PUBLICATIONS FROM THE INTERNATIONAL
CENTRE FOR ETHNIC STUDIES
E t h n i c i t y , f a r from d i s a p p e a r i n g i n t h e modern w o r l d ( a s b o t h l i b e r a l
and s o c i a l i s t t h i n k e r s h a d hoped) i s a l i v e , a n d o f t e n v i g o r o u s l y r e a s s e r t i v e , i n b o t h N o r t h and S o u t h . The I n t e r n a t i o n a l C e n t r e f o r E t h n i c
S t u d i e s (ICES) i s c o n c e r n e d w i t h c o m p a r a t i v e r e s e a r c h i n t o e t h n i c i t y ,
w i t h a n e m p h a s i s on c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n . I t i s a l s o v i t a l l y i n t e r e s t e d
i n women's i s s u e s and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s w i t h e t h n i c i t y .
ICES' f i r s t m a j o r monograph, From I n d e p e n d e n c e t o S t a t e h o o d : Managing
E t h n i c C o n f l i c t i n f i v e A f r i c a n a n d A s i a n S t a t e s , e d i t e d by R o b e r t B.
Goldman a n d A. J e y a r a t n a m W i l s o n , i s p u b l i s h e d by F r a n c e s P i n t e r , London. A n o t h e r volume o f e s s a y s , p ducat ion and t h e I n t e g r a t i o n of E t h n i c
M i n o r i t i e s , e d i t e d by D i e t m a r Rothermund a n d John Simon, w i l l b e b r o u g h t
o u t s h o r t l y by t h e same p u b l i s h e r .
ICES h a s p u b l i s h e d r e p o r t s i n pamphlet form on workshops i t h a s o r g a n i s e d on t h e f o l l o w i n g s u b j e c t s : The J u d i c i a r y i n P l u r a l S o c i e t i e s ; Educ a t i o n and t h e I n t e g r a t i o n o f E t h n i c M i n o r i t i e s ; E d u c a t i o n and E t h n i c i t y ; C u l t u r a l M i n o r i t i e s o f S r i Lanka; E t h n i c i t y and t h e S t a t u s o f Women.
A l s o a v a i l a b l e a r e t h e t e x t s o f two l e c t u r e s s p o n s o r e d by ICES: " S o c i a l
A c t i o n L i t i g a t i o n : t h e I n d i a n E x p e r i e n c e " (by J u s t i c e P.N. B h a g w a t i ) ,
a n d " R e a l i t i e s and Dreams: Ebb a n d Flow i n t h e P o l i t i c s o f S e p a r a t i s m "
(by P r o f . W.H. M o r r i s - J o n e s ) . T h e s e p u b l i c a t i o n s a r e a v a i l a b l e a t US$
1.00 e a c h , i n c l u s i v e o f s u r f a c e m a i l i n g c h a r g e s . ICES a l s o b r i n g s o u t a
b i - a n n u a l j o u r n a l , E t h n i c S t u d i e s R e p o r t ( s u b s c r i p t i o n s , i n c l u s i v e of
s u r f a c e p o s t a g e : p e r c o p y , US$8; a n n u a l , $15; f o r two y e a r s , $30).
Cheques, b a n k d r a f t s , p a y a b l e t o t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l C e n t r e f o r E t h n i c
Studies.
( I n t e r n a t i o n a l Centre f o r Ethnic S t u d i e s , 8 Kynsey Terrace, Colombo 8
5 5 4 / 1 Peradeniya Road, Handy, S r i Lanka).
g
CANADA: FOOD SYSTEMS GROUP CENTRE
FOR DEVELOPING-AREA STUDIES
The Food Systems Group (FSG), one of three research teams of the Centre
for Developing-Area Studies, McGill University, Montreal, was formed in
1984. It arose from a shared concern on issues of food supply and people's access to food, the most basic problem in Third World development.
Principles
Members of the FSG focus their concern around two principles:
1.
the need to bring a range of disciplinary capacities to bear on the
question of food.
2.
the requirement that problems of hunger, malnutrition and other
food-related issues be seen in systemic terms.
Following the first principle, membership of the FSG is drawn from the
social, physical, agricultural and medical sciences. Each brings a special expertise to the study of food from nutrition, health and agricultural practice to public policy, consumption patterns and agribusiness.
Application of the second principle requires that FSG group members
transcend their specific areas of interest to work as a multidisciplinary team. The systemic approach has been chosen to ensure this. Food
issues demand more than specialized knowledge of any one technical or
social concern; they go beyond the limits of sectoral analysis; and they
act as the link from rural areas and communities to cities, nations and
the international system.
The FSG has chosen, therefore, to deal with food as a whole. Production,
distribution/processing, consumption, public policy and international
factors make up the five principal elements of the food system. Subsets
of these elements include:
.
environment, agronomic practices, landownership and social unrest;
transport and communication;
.
.
.
nutrition, consumption levels and patterns;
state policies affecting health, employment and education as well
as credit, tax and investment;
strategies (e.g. of modernization) at the national and international scales which affect what goods are produced, where, how and for
whom, and establish the entitlement of different social, ethnic,
gender and age groups to those goods.
The systemic approach emphasizes that, while each element is important
in itself, it is the interaction among the elements which is of greater
significance. The food system is to be seen as an interrelating whole.
Practice
The FSG i s now i n t h e t h i r d phase of i t s program of a c t i v i t i e s .
.
.
.
The f i r s t p h a s e c o n s i s t e d of
a r e a of work.
g r o u p d i s c u s s i o n s and d e f i n i n g
the
The s e c o n d p h a s e t o o k p l a c e i n t h e S p r i n g s e m e s t e r o f 1985 w i t h a
s e r i e s of t e n s e m i n a r s by g r o u p members e n t i t l e d "Food Systems and
Development: S e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , S u s t a i n a b i l i t y , Nourishment". A 120page D i s c u s s i o n P a p e r w i t h t h e same t i t l e was p u b l i s h e d by t h e
C e n t r e f o r Developing-Area S t u d i e s i n 1985.
The t h i r d p h a s e c o n s i s t s of a s e r i e s of workshops a r o u n d p r a c t i c a l
c a s e s t u d i e s . The aim i s t o p r e p a r e a c o n c r e t e p r o j e c t p r o p o s a l i n
c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h s i m i l a r T h i r d World g r o u p s . At p r e s e n t t h e FSG i s
i n c o n t a c t w i t h s u c h g r o u p s i n Zambia, che P h i l i p p i n e s , N i c a r a g u a
and A r g e n t i n a .
(Further information from: Dp. Vaivic'k Armstrong, Coord'~na+or,Food Svsterns Group, Centra f o r Developing-Area S t u d i e s , H c C i l l U n i v e r s i t y , Huedon^ id-Harr ingtc'n h i 7di-r-g, Room C X Z C , 815 Sherbrooke S t r e e t V e s t ,
Montreal, Quebec HZA 2 x 6 , Canada).
HUMAN ECOLOGY: A M EDUCATION TO L I V E WITH
Monroe Community C o l l e g e i s d e v e l o p i n g a c o u r s e of s t u d y c a l l e d Human
Ecology. Dubbed " L i b e r a l A r t s f o r t h e 2 1 s t C e n t u r y " , i t o f f e r s a new
o p t i o n f o r t h e l i b e r a l a r t s s t u d e n t who w a n t s a b r o a d e d u c a t i o n , s e l f r e l i a n c e s k i l l s , and h o l i s t i c p h i l o s o p h y , w h i l e i m p r o v i n g h i s / h e r c r e d e n t i a l s a s a c i t i z e n of p l a n e t E a r t h . Under a g r a n t from The Fund f o r
t h e Improvement of P o s t - S e c o n d a r y E d u c a t i o n , f o u r t e e n MCC f a c u l t y memb e r s have c r e a t e d a d e g r e e n o t o f f e r e d i n any o t h e r community c o l l e g e i n
t h e c o u n t r y , and by o n l y a h a n d f u l of f o u r - y e a r c o l l e g e s .
S t u d e n t s s t u d y i n t h r e e a r e a s : c o u r s e s examining t h e b i o l o g i c a l , p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l i n t e r d e p e n d e n c i e s of S p a c e s h i p E a r t h ; c o u r s e s s t u d y i n g
t h e e t h i c a l and s o c i a l a s p e c t s of t e c h n o l o g i c a l development and a l t e r n a t i v e s s u c h a s A p p r o p r i a t e Technology; and c o u r s e s t h a t d e v e l o p s e l f r e l i a n c e s k i l l s i n h e a l t h , f o o d , s h e l t e r and e n e r g y . Most c o u r s e s a r e
i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y and most r e q u i r e b o t h t h e o r e t i c a l and hands-on work.
The program grew from b e l i e f t h a t p r e s e n t l i f e s t y l e s and t e c h n o l o g i e s
c o u l d n o t b e s u s t a i n e d , and f o r w a r d - l o o k i n g p r a c t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e s c o u l d
b e c r e a t e d . Over 350 s t u d e n t s h a v e e n r o l l e d i n t h e s e v e n c o u r s e s o f f e r e d
a s e l e c t i v e s t h e f i r s t two y e a r s . The program h a s begun a d m i t t i n g s t u d e n t s f o r t h e f a l l 1985 s e m e s t e r i n t o a two-year l i b e r a l a r t s program.
-The g r o u p h a s p r e p a r e d a b i b l i o g r a p h y , & s t o r y of t h e p r o j e c t t o s e n r e
a s a g u i d e f o r o t h e r s s t a r t i n g s i m i l a r p r o g r E , and an e v a l u a t i o n of
t h e s t r e n g t h s and w e a k n e s s e s o f t h e i r program.
( I n f o r m a t i o n fro-? H . G a r r e t t Bawnan, Monroe Commu>zi+-y
College, 1000 E.
Henrietta Pond, Rockester, UY 14623, L r A ) .
i f d a d o s s i e r 52
.
niarch/april 1985
letters/lettres/cartas
FROM B R A Z I L ;
I am a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e S t a t ? o f Sao P a u l o i n t h e B r a z i l i a n cong r e s s and an a s s i d u o u s r e a d e r of IFDA D o s s i e r . L a s t month, a s d member
of t h e Committee f o r t h e I n d i a n s , I had t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o v o t e a g a i n s t
a l a w - a u t h o r i z i n g mining o p e r a t i o n s i n a n I n d i a n r e s e r v a t i o n . My p o s i t i o n i s v e r y c l c s e t o t h e p r i n c i p l e s s u p p o r t e d by S t a v e n h a g e n i n t h e
IFDA D o s s i e r 5 0 , a s you w i l l s e e from t h e a t t a c h e d copy o f my v o t e .
E'J B U R U N D I :
V o t r e r e v u e m'a a i d 6 d a n s 1 ' 6 l a b o r a t i o n de man t r a v a i l d e f i n d 1 6 t u d e s
u n i v e r s i t a i r e s . J ' e s p e r e 5 mon t o u r c o n t r l b u e r , a u moment o p p o r t u n , ?i
s o n avancement. J ' e n p r o f i t e pour vous r e m e r c i e r s i n c e r e m e n t d e l ' a c t e
que v o u s p o s e z p o u r l a j e u n e s s e du T i e r s Monde d o n t j e f a i s p a r t i e .
Dzmia Birusha H . ,
Bujwbura.
DE C O L O M B I A :
Con b e n e p l a c i t o he r e c i b i d o 1 0 s d i f e r e n t e s numeros d e 10s d o c u n e n t o s
u s t e d e s r e c o p i l a n , d e t o d o s 1 0 s c o n p a n e r o s que s e p r e o c u p a n p o r una
formacion v e r a z , provechosa y n u t r i d a d e elementos i l t i l e s p a r a todos
l e c t o r e s d e 1 0 s p a i s e s d e l T e r c e r Mundo. Una vez mss l e s hago l l e g a r
sinceras felicitaciones.
que
in-
10s
mis
FROM GHANA:
I have come a c r o s s y o u r p u b l i c a t i o n IFDA D o s s i e r and have found o u t t h a t
t h e a r t i c l e s i t c a r r i e s c o u l d h e l p me t r e m e n d o u s l y i n d e v e l o p i n g my s t u d i e s h e r e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y . I am a s e c o n d y e a r s t u d e n t i n s o c i a l s c i e n c e s . Most a r t i c l e s I r e a d improved my u n d e r s t a n d i n g i n c e r t a i n a s p e c t s
o f my c o u r s e . I am t h e r e f o r e r e q u e s t i n g t h a t I b e i n c l u d e d I n y o u r subscribers list.
Mu'inx'ingeng Tunye Sy lvest e r , Cape Coast.
FROM I N D I A ;
C o n g r a t u l a t i o n s f o r c o m p l e t i n g t e n y e a r s of a c t i v i t i e s . I have been reD o s s i e r f o r t h e l a s t 5 y e a r s . Thank you v e r y
g u l a r l y r e c e i v i n g =A
much. I f i n d i t e x t r e m e l y u s e f u l . I am u n a b l e t o f i n d p r o p e r words t o
e x p r e s s my g r a t i t u d e . R e a l l y you a r e d o i n g yeoman s e r v i c e . We w i l l a l ways be g r a t e f u l t o your organisation.
F.C.
S a i B a h , Bynuth, ;uqtur district.
FROM NORWAY:
I t h a n k you f o r y o u r l e t t e r of 15 November. I s h o u l d have w r i t t e n t o you
a b o u t a y e a r ago a b o u t my s u b s c r i p t i o n t o t h e IFDA D o s s i e r . I have f o r
y e a r s b e e n v e r y i m p r e s s e d by t h e b r i l l i a n t work done by you and y o u r
c o l l e a g u e s i n b r i n g i n g t o g e t h e r and p u b l i s h i n g t h i s m a t e r i a l . Accept my
v e r y good w i s h e s f o r your f u t u r e work.
L e i f Hothaek-Hacsen, Eidsm?gsr.sset, Bergen.
FROM THE PHILIPPINES:
Assalamu a l a i k u m , warm g r e e t i n g s ! Thank you f o r y o u r k i n d r e s p o n s e t o
o u r i n q u i r y o v e r CODEV. I t i s j u s t s a d t h a t i t d i d n o t m a t e r i a l i z e . A l s o , may I t a k e t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o s a l u t e t h e e d i t o r and s t a f f of y o u r
IFDA D o s s i e r . I t i s a VERY e x c e l l e n t j o u r n a l and i t i s a " h i t " h e r e i n
our office.
FROM I T A L Y ;
Having b e e n m o r e - o r - l e s s w i t h t h e IFDA D o s s i e r from t h e s t a r t , I s u p p o s e
t h e moment h a s come t o t a k e t h e h i n t o f y o u r 18 November l e t t e r a n d g i v e
some c o n c r e t e d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f my s u p p o r t f o r t h e work you a r e d o i n g . I
am t r a n s f e r i n g 100.000 l i r e t o y o u r I t a l i a n a c c o u n t - a s a g e s t u r e . 1
s t i l l v e r y much a p p r e c i a t e t h e D o s s i e r , b u t f e e l t h a t p e r h a p s t h e time
h a s come t o s e r i o u s l y c o n s i d e r a n e v a l u a t i o n of how t h i s work r e a c t s t o
t h e e i g h t y ' s , even though i t was b o r n i n t h e s e v e n t i e s . Is i t p e r h a p s
t o o much o f a p r o j e c t i o n of t h e aspirations/frustrations o f t h e " f a t h e r
f i g u r e s " o r "grand o l d man" who a r e s t u c k w i t h t h e E x e c u t i v e Coinairtee.'
Is i t maybe t o o " a l t e r n a t i v e " i n t h e p e j o r a t i v e and m a r g i n a l s e n s e o f
t h e word? I s i t j u s t t i m e f o r s p r i n g c l e a n i n g ? O r i s i t j u s t t h a t I am
g e t t i n g a b i t o l d myself?
Brian HacCa7 l , Rome.
FROM THE USA:
With r e f e r e n c e t o y o u r l e t t e r o f 21 'lovember, p l e a s e f i n d e n c l o s e d a
cheque ( s f r . 8 0 ) t o c o v e r s o a e o f t h e e x p e n s e s f o r s e n d i n g me ywsr
Dossier". L h a v e b e e n r e c e i v i n g a r d rciidirtg i t f o r r a n y year^. The DJ,--l a n c e of i t s a r t i c l e s p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p e a l s t o me as i t s k i l l f u l l y a v o i d s
t h e e x t r e m e s of a c a d e m i c a b s t r a c t i o n on t h e one hand and o f t e c h n o c r a t i c
myopia on t h e o t h e r .
ifda dossier 52
.
rnarch/april 1986
footnotes/notes/notas
1V.B.
Documents mentioned 'in t h e f o t l o u i n q s e c t i o n are n o t a v a i l a b l e
from IFDA but, depending o-".t h e sase, from p u b l i s h e r s , bcaks'i'.ops or t h e
ad2ress i n d i c a t e d a f t e r this d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e document.
LOCAL SPACE
.
Neera D e s a i & V i b h u t i P a t e l , I n d i a n Women, Change and C h a l l e n g e i n
t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Decade 1975-85 (Bombay: P o p u l a r P r a k a s h a n P r i v a t e L t d ,
1985) 101pp. t h i s work makes a c r i t i c a l s t u d y o f t h e p a t h o f development
I n d i a i s p e r s u i n g a s f a r a s w e l f a r e o f w0mt.n i s c o n c e r n e d . T t r e v i e w s
demographic p r o f i l e , employment a n d unezployment s i t u a t i o n , s o c i o - c u l t u r a l l i f e , l e g a l r e f o r m s , r o l e of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and mass media, women's movement i n I n d i a from women's p o i n t of v i e w . (35-C P a n d i t Maddn
Mohan M a l a v i y a Marg, Pop. P r e s s Bldg, T a r d e o , Bombay 400 0 3 4 , I n d i a ) .
.
F a t i a a M e r n i s s i , Beyond t h e V e i l , M a l e F e m a l e Dynamics - i n Muslim
S o c i e t y (London: Al S a q i Books, 1985) 198pp. F a t i m a M e r n i s s i a r g u e s t h a t
t h e I s l a w i c view of women a s a c t i v e s e x u a l b e i n g s r e s u l t e d i n a s t r i c t e r
r e g u l a t i o n a n d c o n t r o l o f women's s e x u a l i t y , which Muslim t h e o r i s t s
c l a s s i c a l l y r e g a r d e d a s a t h r e a t t o c i v i l i z e d s o c i e t y . But t h e r e q u i r e r"enrs of m o d e r n i z a t i o n a r e i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l Muslim s t r i c t u r e s , a n d t h e e n s u i n g c o n t r a d i c t i o n s p e r v a d e n e a r l y a l l Muslim count r i e s . ( 2 6 v e s t b o u r n e Grove, London W2, E n g l a n d ) .
.
Kamla B h a s i n , Towards Empowerment (1985) 237pp. R e p o r t of a n FAOFFHC/AD S o u t h A s i a t r a i n i n g f o r women development w o r k e r s . I n c l u d e s c a s e
s t u d i e s of B a n g l a d e s h , I n d l a , S r i Lanka and a s e c t i o n on communications
a n d media. (FAO-FFHCIAD, 55 Max M u e l l e r Marg, New D e l h i 110 0 0 1 , I n d i a ) .
.
Shimwaayi Muntemba ( e d ) , R u r a l Development ar.d Women: L e s s o n s fro>
t h e F i e l d (Geneva: ILO, 1985) Vol.1 190pp; Vol.11, S e c t i o n s 1 a n d 2
267pp. B r i n g s t o l i g h t i n f o r m a t i o n on t h o s e i n i t i a t i v e s which have b e e n
" s u c c e s s f u l " i n o r d e r t o p r o v i d e c o n s t r u c t i v e examples t o e n c o u r a g e more
e f f e c t i v e a p p r o a c h e s , p o l i c i e s and p r o j e c t s . Through e x t e n d e d c o n t a c t s
w i t h people concerned w i t h r u r a l poverty a n d l o r a c t i v e i n p r o j e c t d e v e l opment and o r g a n i s a t i o n s i n r u r a l a r e a s , n e a r l y 50 i n i t i a t i v e s , of which
more t h a n h a l f a r e p u b l i s h e d i n t h e s e two v o l u m e s , were i d e n t i f i e d i n
A f r i c a , A s i a and t h e P a c i f i c , r a n g i n g from s m a l l - s c a l e and l o c a l l y i n i t i a t e d p r o j e c t s , s p o n s o r e d a n d " i n t e r a c t i v e " p r o j e c t s and e v e n p o p u l a r
movements which t o o k on d i m e n s i o n s i m p o r t a n t t o women's economic r o l e s
a s a r e s u l t o f women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n . (ILO, 1211 Geneva 2 2 , S w i z e r l a n d ) .
.
D h a r ~ mGhai and I b r ~ b i mKaduma ( e d s ) , R e s o u r c e 3 , Power and Women:
d".d A s i a n I n t e r - r e g i o n a l Workshop on S t r a t e g i e s f o r Improving t h e Employment C o n d i t i o n s of R u r a l Women, A r u s h a ,
T a n z a n i a , A u g b s t z (Geneva: ILO, 1985) 8 2 p p . The l e s s o n s from t h e
f i e l d g i v e p r i o r i t y t o a number of s t r a t e g i e s . F i r s L l y , e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n - t h e freedom t o o r g a n i s e - i s t h e key t o r u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t .
W i t h o u t o r g a n i s a t i o n p o o r r u r a l women would n o t g e t t h e i r r i g h t f u l s h a r e
Proceedings c f the African
-
of the productive resources or p a r t i c i p a t e i n the decisions t h a t a f f e c t
t h e i r l i v e s . S e c o n d l y , development and t r a i n i n g of c a d r e s / c a t a l y s t s i s
e s s e n t i a l s i n c e they play a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n s u s t a i n i n g people's i n i t i a t i v e s . T h i r d l y , non-governmental o r g a n i s a t i o n s (NGOs) and o t h e r i n t e r m e d i a r i e s need t o be s t r e n g t h e n e d a s t h e y a r e o f t e n b e t t e r e q u i p p e d t h a n
governments t o i n t r o d u c e i n n o v a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s and a c t i o n s .
.
A
UNICEF, W i t h i n Human Reach:
F u t u r e f o r A f r i c a ' s C h i l d r e n . With a
f o r e w o r d by Cheikh Hamidou Kane (New YorkIGeneva, 1985) 93pp.
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James P. G r a n t , La s i t u a t i o n d e s e n f a n t s d a n s I e monde 1986 (GenZve/New York: UNICEF, 1986) 88pp. D e c r i t notamment en d e t a i l l e f o r m i d a b l e bond e n a v a n t d e l a v a c c i n a t i o n d a n s d e nombreux p a y s , q u i s o n t
d e s o r m a i s en l e i s u r e d ' a t t e i n d r e l ' o b j e c t i f f i x 6 p a r l e s N a t i o n s U n i e s ,
l a v a c c i n a t i o n d e t o u s l e s e n f a n t s d ' i c i 1990 - un o b j e c t i f q u i , s ' i l
e s t r e a l i s e , p e m e t t r a d e s a u v e r t r c i s m i l l i o n s e t demi d ' e n f a n t s e n
p l u s chaque ann6e. Le r a p p o r t 1986 p r e s e n t s en o u t r e d e b r e f s comptes
r e n d u s p r o v e n a n t d e 20 p a y s d i f f e r e n t s , q u i i l l u s t r e n t l e s e f f o r t s a c complis pour m e t t r e l e s c o n n a i s s a n c e s a c t u e l l e s 2 l a d i s p o s i t i o n d e t o u s
l e s p a r e n t s , a f i n d e s a u v e g a r d e r non s e u l e m e n t l a v i e , m a i s Cgalement l e
developpement p h y s i q u e e t m e n t a l normal d e m i l l i o n s d ' e n f a n t s .
.
UNICEF, M a t e r i e l G d u c a t i f u t i l i s a b l e a u s o u t i e n d e s programmes v i s a n t l a r e v o l u t i o n p o u r l a s u r v i e e t l e d 6 v e l o p p ~ > m e n tde l ' e n s (1985)
l l p p . (BP 4 4 3 , A b i d j a n , C 5 t e d f 1 v o i r e ) .
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F r e d e r i c k L. S h i e l s f e d ) , E t h n i c S e p a r a t i s m and World P o l i t i c s
(Lanham: U n i v e r s i t y p r e s s of America I n c . , 1984) 313pp. From t h e Canad i a n g l a c i e r s a c r o s s t o t h e moors of B r t t i a n and t o t h e h i g h P y r e n n e e s ,
down t h r o u g h t h e b r o a d b e l t of Black A f r i c a , t h e a r i d h i l l s of T u r k e y ,
I r a q and t h e s o u t h e r n USSR t o t h e r i v e r b a n k s and d e l t a s o f S o u t h A s i a ,
peoples a r e challenging nation-states.
I n one o f t h e most p e r p l e x i n g
t r e n d s o f t h e second h a l f of t h e 2 0 t h C e n t u r y governments a r e b e i n g
hounded, c a j o l e d and d e f i n e d by m i n o r i t i e s w i t h i n t h e i r s o c i e t i e s - by
e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s ~ . I n c l u d e s c a s e s t u d i e s o f Canada, S p a i n , Y u g o s l a v i a ,
N i g e r i a , P a k i s t a n and B a n g l a d e s h a s w e l l a s a n i m p o r t a n t b i b l i o g r a p h y ;
I n d e x . (4720 Boston Way, Lanham, MD 20706, USA).
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D o r i s B u r g e s s , J e n n y P e a r c e , J e n n y R o s s i t e r and T r i s h S i l k i n , K=
t r e a n J o u r n e y (London: War on Want, 1985) 23pp. T h i s book w i t h 16 b l a c k
and w h i t e p l a t e s , p r o v i d e s a u n i q u e i n s i g h t i n t o E r i t r e a and e s p e c i a l l y
E r i t r e a n women's l i i e s . D e s p i t e t h e d e v a s t i n g c o s t i n human s u f f e r i n g of
t h e w a r , r e m a r k a b l e c h a n g e s a r e t a k i n g p l a c e : a r o u n d 2,000 b a r e f o o t doct o r s , midwives and o t h e r h e a l t h w o r k e r s have b e e n t r a i n e d ; women's
r i g h t s a r e p r o t e c t e d by l e g a l r e f o r m s s u c h a s l a n d i n h e r i t a n c e and d i v o r c e r i g h t s ; new e d u c a t i o n a l and l i t e r a c y schemes; p o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . ( T h r e e C a s t l e s House, 1 London B r i d g e S t .
London SE1 9SG, E n g l a n d ) .
.
B j d r n S t o r m o r k e n , HURIDOCS S t a n d a r d Formats f o r t h e R e c o r d i n g and
on Human R i g h t s ( U t r e c h t : HURIDOCS, 1985) 175pp.
These S t a n d a r d Formats a r e t h e r e s u l t of two y e a r s e n d e a v o u r by HURIDOCS
t o d e v e l o p a s e t of b i b l i o g r a p h i c and d o c u m e n t a t i o n c o n t r o l t o o l s t o
b r i n g a b o u t a h i g h e r d e g r e e of s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n a n d c o m p a t i b i l i t y between
Exchange of Inf-tion
-
o r g a n i z a t i o n s h a n d l i n g i n f o r m a t i o n on human r i g h t s . The S t a n d a r d F o r m a t s
a r e d e s i g n e d f o r b o t h manual and c o m p u t e r i z e d s y s t e m s , a r e i n c o n f o r m i t y
w i t h e x i s t i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l d o c u m e n t a t i o n p r a c t i c e and h a v e a l r e a d y b e e n
t e s t e d and a d o p t e d f o r u s e i n a number of c e n t r e s i n t h e HURIDOCS n e t work. ( N i e u w e g r a c h t 9 4 , 3512 LX U t r e c h t , The N e t h e r l a n d s ) .
i s , France).
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CEDAL, T r a v a i l l e u r s a g r i c o l e s d'Am6ri ue L a t i n e e t d ' E u r c - i e : ElGm e n t s d ' a c a l y s e e t t e n d a n c e s o b s e r v g e s dan: 1 ' 6 v o l u t i o n de l e u r ; cc;>c
t i o n s d e v i e e t d e t r a v a i l (1984) 52pp. (140 a v . D a u n e s n i l , 75012 P a r i s ,
France).
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C a r l a B e n e l l i ( a c u r a d i ) , R i s o r s e g e n e t i c h e v e g e t a l i : Autonomia d i
s v i l u p p o ( C r o c e v i a , 1985) 5 0 p p . ( V i a R . Cadorna 2 9 , 00187 Roma, l t a l i a ) .
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Two new p u b l i c a t i o n s from t h e UN7 Food Energv NEXUS Programme:
Mahechwar D a y a l , Food-Energj Nexus A s t i v i t i e s in- Lndia (1965) 39pp;
J y o L i K . P a r i k h , Farm G a t e t o Food P l a t e (1985) 6Opp. (CIRFD, 54 bd Rasp a i l , 75270 P a r i s , F r a n c e ) .
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A u t a r S. D h e s i , "Human C a p i t a l a n d T e c h n o l o g i c a l S e l f - r e l i a n c e " ,
N02,
1982 & Vol.IV,
?l,
1183)
PSE Economist A n a l y s t
(Vol.111,
pp.134-150; " P r o d u c n v i t y , k a i n i n g s and Employment P o t e n t i a l o f I n f o r m a l
J o u r n a l of I n d u s ~ r i a l
S e c t o r : A Case S t u d y o f Nangal ( P u n j a b ) " =an
1984) pp.1-16 ( P u n j a b School of Economics and
Relations (Vol.20, ? l ,
B u s i n e s s , Guru Nanak Dev U n i v e r s i t y , A m r i t s a r , I n d i a ) .
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E d u c a t i o n a l F o u n d a t i o n of Ayurveda, c c e e d i n g s of t h e W o r k s h c ~ ~
T r a d i t i o n a l S y s t e m 0-cine
(Ayurveda and S i d d h a ) an? P r i m a r y H e a l t h
C a r e (366 T r i c h y Road, CoinAdtore 641 0 1 8 , Tamilnadu, I n d i a ) 72pp.
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C g l i n e S a c h s , "Le m u t i r a o b r g s i l i e n : La t r a d i t i o n d c l ' e n t r a i d e
r u r a l e a u s e c c u r s d e l ' u r b a i n " , L e s a n n a l e s d e l a r s , h e r c h e ubr*:
( V 2 8 , O c t o b r e 1985) pp.61-69 (CIRED, F r a n c e ) .
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Thomas L. B l a i r ( e d ) , Urban I n n o v a t i o n Abroad - Problem C i t i e s i n
S e a r c h of S a l u t m (New York: Plenum P r e s s , 1 9 8 4 ) . C o u s t i t u t e s a n imp o r t a n t a d d i t i o n t o t h e c u r r e n t l i t e r a t u r e on t h e u r b a n c r i s i s i n T h i r d
World c o u n t r i e s . I t f o c u a s e s on t h e r e s p o n s e t o c i t y p o v e r t y b y p u b l i c
i n s t i t u t i o n s p r o v i d i n g a u n i q u e s e t of c i t y s t u d i e s d e a l i n g w i t h Kingst o n , D e l h i , N a i r o b i , Lusaka, Dacca, Lagos and Mexico C i t y . The s e c o n d
p a r t o f t h e book r e l a t e s t h e c o n t r a s t i n g e x p e r i e n c e s i n u r b a n i s a t i o n and
management i n A f r i c a S o u t h of t h e S a h a r a , China and S o u t h e r n Europe. The
t h i r d and f i n a l s e c t i o n d i s c u s s e s t h e v a l i d i t y of new towns u s i n g a s
e x a m p l e s Abuja ( N i g e r i a ) , Dodoma ( T a n z a n i a ) , new towns i n M a l a y s i a a s
w e l l a s new towns i n B r i t a i n . I n h i s s u b s t a n t i v e 1 n r r ~ ! i n c t i o n , Thomas
B l a i r p r o v i d e s a u s e f u l framework f o r t h e s t u d y of u r b d n i n n o v a t i o n 5
l e a d i n g t o g r e a t e r s e l f - r e l i a n c e of u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n s i n T h i r d World
c i t i e s . He e m p h a s i z e s , i . a . , t h e u r g e n t need f o r exchange of I n f o r m a t i o n
among t h e a c t o r s o f t h e u r b a n s c e n e . H i s book p r o v i d e s a f i r m b a s i s f o r
t h i s t o g e t h e r ~ 5 t ht h e f o l l o w i n g r e a d e r s : Alan G i l b e r t , L ' r b a n i z a t i o n i n
Contemporary L a t i n h e r i c a : G i t i c a l A
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r o a c h e s t o t h e A n a l y s i s o f Urban
I s s u e s ( e d i t e d by Alan G i l b e r t i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h J o r g e Hardoy and
Ronaldo Ramirez).
1 9 8 2 ) . G e o f f r e v, Pavne
. . (. C h i c h e s t e r : John Wilev 8 Sons.
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( e d ) , Low-Income Housing i n t h e D e v e l o p i n g World (London: J o h n Wiley and
S o n s , 1 9 8 4 ) ; P e t e r Ward ( C S ) , S e l f - H e l p H o u s i n g , A C r i t i q c e (London:
M a n s e l l P u b l i s h i n g L t d , 1982;); R e i n h a r d S k i n n e r and M i c h a e l R o d e l l ,
P e o p l e , P o v e r t y and S h e l t e r : Problems o f S e l f - h e l p Housing i n t h e T h i r d
World (London: Methuen, 1 9 8 3 ) ; Alan G i l b e r t and P e t e r K a r d , Housing, t h e
S t a t e and t h e Poor: P o l i c y and P r a c t i c e i n T h r e e L a t i n American C i t i e s
(Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 4 ) . ( C 6 l i n e S a c h s )
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J o r g e Wilheim ( e d ) , America L a t i n a : C r i s e n a s M e t r o p o l e s (Sdo Pau10: Seffipla, 19851, 1 4 4 p p . P r o c e e d i n g s ( i n P o r t u g a l ) o f a s e m i n a r on &E
t i n American m e t r o p o l e s and t h e c r i s i s : e x p e r i e n c e s and p o l i c i e s o r g a n i z e d i n 1984 by t h e C i t y C o u n c i l o f Sao P a u l o , CEPAL and t h e IJNU. Inc l u d e s among o t h e r s p a p e r s by I g n a c y S a r h s , Oswaldo S u n k e l , Eduardo
N e i r a and A l f o n s o B a r r a n t e s ( P r e f e i t u r a do M u n i ~ l p i od e Sao P a u l o , Aven l d a P a u l i s t a 2 . 1 9 8 , 22' a n d a r , B r a s i l ) .
p
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M a r k R o b i r o s a , J ~ r g eL. K a r o l y Eau10 C h i e s a , Narco d e r e f e r e n c i a
p a r a une i n v e s t i g a c i 6 n s o b r e m ~ t o d o l o g I a sa p r o p i a d a s d e p l a n i t i c a c i 6 n d ~
a s e n t d m i e n t o s h ~ m a n o s (Version p r e l i n i i n a r p a r a c r z t i c a s y comentarios)
(FLACSO, N029, 1985) 48pp. ( C a s f l l a 1 4 5 , 1426 Buenob A i r e s , A r g e n t i n a ) .
.
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B e r t r a n d S c h n e i d e r , La r e s o l u t i o n aux p i e d s n u s : R a p p o i t a u Club d e
Rome ( F a y a r d , 1985) 3 G p p . (75 r . d e s Saints-PLires, 7 5 C G 6 P a r i s , F r a n c e ) .
NATIONAL SPACE
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C z r l o s A v e l j n e , Here and Now: I n O r d e r t o L i v e T i l l =.I C e n t g ,
P o r t u g u e s e t i t l e "Aqui e Agora, p a r a v i v e r a t 6 o s 6 c u l o XXI" (Sao Leop o l d o : E d i t o r a ~ i r i o d a l , 1985) 149pp. We a r e e n t e r i n g a g e n e r a l i z e d e n v i ronmental c r i s i s - a r e s u l t of i n d u s t r i a l consumer-oriented s o c i e t y which may c a u s e a n a g r i c u l t u r a l . c o l l a p s e and worldwide s t a r v a t i o n i n a
few y e a r s . T h i s book p r e s e n t s documented d a t a s c a r c e l y known by t h e publ i c . Concrete data lead t o t h e conclusion t h a t a s o l u t i o n f o r the pres e n t w o r l d c r i s i s c a n emerge w i t h t h e b i r t h - a l r e a d y t a k i n g p l a c e - of
a new s o c i e t y , p l a n e t a r y and p a r t i c i p a t i v e , which w i l l n o t l e n d g r e a t
i m p o r t a n c e t o n a t i o n a l f r o n t i e r s , b u t i n s t e a d w i l l d i s s o l v e o r democrzt i z e i t s armed f o r c e s , r e b u i l d t h e economy c n t h e p r i n c i p l e o f m u t u a l
h e l p and g i v e s e x u a l l o v e b e t t e r ? o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r e x p r e s s i n g i t s e l f .
The book d e s c r i b e s and d i s c u s s e s t h e a d v a n c e s b e i n g made i n e a c h of
t h e s e d i f f e r e n t y e t c l o s e l y i n t e r l i n k e d f i e l d s . Here and Now shows t h a t
i n s e v e r a l p a r t s o f t h e w o r l d a n e n t i r e l y new c o n c e p t of s o c i a l d e v e l o p ment - w i t h s o l i d r o o t s i n t h e p a s t - i s b e i n g b o r n a s a n a l t e r n a t i v e t o
t h e g l o b a l c r i s i s . T t i s a n i d e a of s o c i e t y b a s e d upon s i m p l i c i t y , l o c a l
a c t i o n , self-management and r e s p e c t f o r n a t u r e . (Rua E p i f a n i o Fogaea
467, 93000 Sao P a u l o , RS, B r a s i l ) .
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Josg Pablo Arellano, P o l l t i c a s s o c l a l e s y d e s a r r o l l o (Santiago:
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o c u p a un b r e v e p e r o s u s t a n c i o s o c a p f t u l o p r e l i m i m r , e l a u t o r c e n t r a s u
a t e n c i o n en dos a r e a s e s p e c i a l m e n t e r e l e v a n t e s p a r a e l p r e s e n c e y e l
f u t u r o d e C h i l e : l a v i v i e n d a y l a s e g u r i d a d s o c i a l . En ambos c a s o s e l
a n a l i s i s , q u e supone un p r o f u n d o d i a g n o s t i c 0 d e l a situation a c t u a l , s e
p r o y e c t a s o b r e l a s s o i u c i o n e s que s e r a p r e c i s e d e s a r r o l l a r e n e l f u t u r o .
(AV. Colon 3494, S a n t i a g o , C h i l e ) .
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e:
L a t i n American B u r e a u ,
z a m i l y B u s i n e s s (London: 1985) 8 6 p p .
T h i s book t r a c e s t h e h i s t o r i c a l o r i g i n s of t h e " D u v a l i e r system" and
shows how a n d why i t h a s s u r v i v e d u n t i l now. I t examines t h e modern Hait i a n economy, t h e c o u n t r y ' s , s o c i a l , s t r u c t u r e and t h e r o l e of t h e U n i t e d
S t a t e s , f o r most o f t h i s c e n t u r y a key a c t o r i n H a i t i a n p o l i t i c a l l i f e .
T t a l s o l o o k s a t t h e f o r c e s f o r change i n a c o u n t r y which h a s i n r e c e n t
y e a r s u n d e r g o n e some economic m o d e r n i z a t i o n and a s s e s s e s t h e f u t u r e
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L a t i n American Bureau, Honduras: S t a t e f o r S a l e (London: 1985)
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t h e e l e m e n t s which d i s t i n g u i s h Honduras from i t s n e i g h b o u r s and e x p l o r e s
t h e r e a s o n s why endemic p o v e r t y h a s n o t y e t g e n e r a t e d v i o l e n t s o c i a l
c o n f l i c t . T h i s S p e c i a l B r i e f a l s o e x a m i n e s t h e way US i n f l u e n c e h a s a f f e c t e d p o l i t i c a l and economic d e v e l o p m e n t s s i n c e 1930, making a s o l u t i o n
t o t h e c o u n t r y ' s a b j e c t p o v e r t y more r e m o t e t h a n e v e r .
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I n t e r - P a r l i a m e n t a r y Union, E s t r i b u t i o n o f S e a t s by Sex i n P a r l i a m e n t a r y A s s e m b l i e s . A b i l i n g u a l ( E n g l i s h & F r e n c h ) s u r v e y of 142 count r i e s w i t h a P a r l i a m e n t a s a t 30 J u n e 1985.- 5 0 ~ ~( P. l a c e du P e t i t Saconnex, 1209 Geneva, S w i t z e r l a n d ) .
..
REGIONAL SPACE
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B 6 c h i r 8oumaza, X i Emir nL A y a t c ) l l a h , Le rconde a r a b e e t i n u s u l m e
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t r a i t e d e li t r a m e d e 3 r a p p o r t s e n r r e l e s pays du Moyen e t du P r o c h e
Orient: rivalices ancestrales, alliances conjoncturelles, s o l i d a r ~ t 6 s
s t r a t g g i q u e s , d i v i s i o n s r e l i g i e u s e s , ou p l u t S t p o l i t i q u e s e t c u l t u r e l l e s . Analyse 6 c l a i r a n t e qi-i l i b e r e de l a m u l t i t u d e d e c l i c h e s , de
non-sens q u i o n t f l e u r i p l u s e n c o r e d e p i i i s I e a 6 c l ~ n r h e ? e n t ile l a g u e r r e
e n t r a 1 ' I r a n e t I t I r a q , une a e s g u e r r e s l e s p l u s n e u r t r i e r e s e t l e s p l u s
a b s u r d e s q u i r a v a g e n t l e T i e r s Monde. B 6 c h i r Eoumdza, m i l i t a n t n a t i o n a l i s t e e t p r o g r e s s i s t s a l g 6 r i e n d e t o u j o u r s , a assume p e n d a n t d e nomb r e u s e s a n n e e s d e s r e s p o n s a b i l i t 6 s g o u v e r n m e n t a l e s , Son e x p e r i e n c e e t s a
c u l t u r e h l s t o r i q u e s o n t u n i e s i c i au s e r v i c e d'une v i s i o n profonde e t
large de l a
vivante des
Orient face
lendemins.
s o l l d a r i t 6 de d e s t i n q u i d e v r a i t S t r e l a trame permanence e t
r a p p o r t s e n t r e c e s p e u p l e s e t l e s E t a t s du Moyen e t P r a c h e
aux g r a v e s menaces ole l e u r e n v i r o n n e m e n t e t aux d G f i s d e s
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G P E C , F a c t s & T i g u r e s : A Comparative Statistical k a l y s i s (Vienna:
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irities
----
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ca:
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U n i t e d N a t i o n s Non-Governmental L i a i s o n S e r v i c e : Sub-Saharan A f r i More t h a n a n Emergency, R e p o r t on YGOs arid A f r i c a : A s t r a t e g y workshop (1985) 61pp. ( P a l a i s d e s N a t i o n s , 1211 Geneva 10, S w i t z e r l a n d ) .
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R i c d r d o F f r e n c h - D a v i s ( e d ) , JhLhda e x t e r n d i n d u s t r i a l i z a c i 6 n y ahor r o en Amgrica L a c ( E s t u d i o s C i e p l a n , 1985) 168pp" Con d r t i c 1 1 1 o s de:
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and o t h e r well-known f u t u r i s t s ,
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o r New Consensuz?
UNCTAD's 2 0 t h a n n i v e r s a r y w i t h c o n t r i b u t i o n s from Gamani C o r e a , T'rorvald
S t o l t e n b e r g , C a r l o s AnrCs P e r e z , Dame J u d i t h H a r t , Layachi Yaker, S t u a r t
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a s s e s s t h e a c h i e v e n e n t s o f t h e O r g a n i z a t i o n , a s s e e n by i t s s e c r e t a r i a t .
I t h a s b e e n w r i t t e n by s t a f f members of UWTAD, p a s t and p r e s e n t , i n
some c a s e s i n d i v i d u a l l y and i n o t h e r s c o l l e c t i v e l y . P a r t One r e v i e w s t h e
a c t i v i t i e s and a c h i e v e m e n t s i n t h e g e n e r a l w o r l d economic c o n t e x t and
a g a i n s t t h e background of t h e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e of economies a n d of a c t i v i t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t a r e a s . P a r t Two d e a l s w i t h p a r t i c u l a r t o p i c s , a i s t i n g u i s h e d b r o a d l y a l o n g t h e l i n e s of t h e v a r i o u s progranmes a d o p t e d b y
UNCTAD i n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l o r g a n s and t h e c o r r e s p e n d i n g work of t h e s e c r e t a r i a t : . P a r t T h r e e c o v e r s o t h e r s p e c i f i c a r e a s o f UNCTAD work w i t i i i n t h e
o v e r a l l framework. P a r t Four c o n t a i n s a n o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c l . a t t o f t h e
i n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l m a c h i n e r y of UNCTAD, a l i s t of s e l e c t e d UNC:TAD meeti n g s and r e p o r t s and s t u d i e s . ( S a l e s N G E . 8 5 . I I . D . 6 ) .
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v i e , dGs m a i n t e n e n t : (New York: N a t i o n s V a l e s , 1985) F x p o s i t i o n cirganis e e d a n s I e c a d r e a e l a Campagne mondiaifc pour I e d6>armement l a n c e e p a r
l f A s s e m b l 6 e g e n e r a t e l o r s d e s a deuxisme s e s s i o n e x t r a o r d i n ~ i r e c o n s a c r 6 e a u desarmement ( 1 9 8 2 ) .
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The E e b t C r i s i s Netwoxk, From Debt t o Developnient: Alternatj~;~k=t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a L D e b t C r i s i s (Washington: I n s t i t u t e f o r P o l i c y S t u d i e s ,
1985) 69pp. I n t h i s l u c i d and s u c c i n t s u r v e " , t h e Network u n d e r t a k e s a
c a r e f u l c r i t i q u e of t h e e x i s t i n g economic o r d e r and draws l i n k a g e s b e t ween s u f f e r i n g i n t h e US and a b r o a d . I n t h e l a s t f i v e y e a r s t h e l i v i n g
s t a n d a r d s of t h e v a s t m a j o r i t y of t h e 2.5 b i l l i o n p e o p l e i n t h e T h i r d
World h a v e d e t e r i o r a t e d s h a r p l y . The T h i r d World d e b t b u r d e n , a p p r o a c h i n g 900 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , I s p l a c i n g e x t r e m e h a r d s h i p on t h e b a c k s o f t h e
p o o r and w o r k i n g c l a s s , and i n becoming t h e g r e a t e s t t h r e a t t o decocra:y
i.n t h e T h i r d World. From Debt t o Development s e t s f o r t h a s e r i e s o f i n n o v a t i v e p r o p o s a l s t h a t w i l l b r o a d e n t h e d e b a t e . The document s u g g e s t s
t h a t r e f o r m s i n t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l system, be b a s e d on p r i n i p l e s t h a t ref l e c t v a l u e s of d e m o c r a t i c r e p i e s e n t a l i o n , a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , u n i v e : - ? a l l t y
a n d a p r i o r i t y on m e e t i n g b a s i c n e e d s , dnd o u t l i n e s m e a s u r e s t c . i l l e ' ? i a t e t h e s w e l l i n g c r i s i s and promote a more j u s t development p r o c e s s .
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s e v e n f o l d . At t h e same t i m e , t h e p r o p o r t i o n of c o n c e s s i o n a l l e n d i n g h a s
d e c l i n e d by 182 and commercial bank l e n d i n g h a s i n c r e a s e d - from 1 2 % i n
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C a r l o s Kassad ( e d ) , %Debt
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t r a g e d y ; t h e response of governments, i n d u s t r y , i n t e r n a t i o n a l a g e n c i e s
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c o n t a i n s a n e x h a u s t i v e l i s t of a p p e n d i c e s and u s e f u l d a t a s h e e t s t h a t
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a g a i n s t : t h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n and dumping of h i g h - r i s k o r p o l l u t i o n - i n t e n s i v e p r o d u c t i o n f a c i l i t i e s i n T h i r d World. A v a i l a b l e a t LIST16 from t h e
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f i l u makers who a r e a l s o p a r t of a n i n d e p e n d e n t Bonbay b a s e d e d u c a t i * . n d l
7 e d i a t r u s t "The P a r a l l a x T r u s t " . I t i s t h e r e s u l t of s e v e r a l h o u r s of
f o o t a g e done o v e r s e v e r a l " i s i t s t o Bhopal c o v e r i n g a p e r i o d o f n i n e
qiorit\s The r o l e of t h e G o v e r n r e n t and S t a t e a u t h o r j t i e s i n r e l a t i o n t o
t h e t r a d e g y and i t s d f t e n n d t h a r e b r o u g h t o u t . I t h i g h l i g h t s t h e d i s i n f o i m a t i o n campaign t h a t was s e t i n m o t i o n bv t h o s e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e
t r a g e d y i n t o t a l d i s r e g a r d t o a l l t h o s e who were a f f e c t e d . The f i r s t hand a c c o u n t s o f m e d i c a l p e r s o n r e l , e n g i n e e r s , v i c t i m s a n d s c i e n t i s t s
provi-de a u n i q u e i n s i g h t i r . t o t h e m i s t d k e s and a b r o g a t e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s t h a t l e d up t n t h e d i s a s t e r dud c o n t r i b u t e d t o f u r t h e r d e a t h s a f t e t
t h e w e n t . C o p i e s on VHE-PAL 1 1 2 " t a p e s a r e a v a i l a b l e a t o p r i c e o f
US$l'JU p e r copy. C o n t a c t - AFENA, A - 4 , G-Blk, 2/r, Hung Hem Bay C e n t r e ,
lU4-108 b a k ~ rS t r e e t , Hung Hom, Kowloon, iiong Kong.
.
C h a r l e s Medawar, " I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e g u l a t i o n of t h e S u p p l y and Use of
P h a m a c e u t i c a l s " , Development D i a l o w (1985: 2) 23pp. (Dag Hammarskjeld
F o u n d a t i o n , Ovre S l o t t s g a t a n 2 , 7 5 2 20 U p p s a l a , Sweden.
.
Andrew C h e t l e y , C l e a r e d f o r E x p o r t : An e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e European
Community's p h a r m a c e u t i c a l - and c h e m i c a l t r a d e ( B r u s s e l s : ICLA,1985) 75pp
European Community c o u n t r i e s a r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r 6 1 . 5 % of a l l p e s t i c i d e s
e x p o r t s a n d 507: of t h e w o r l d t r a d e i n p h a r m a c e u t i c a l s . I t i s t h e r e f o r e
t h e view o f a number o f NGOs t h a t t h e EEC s h o ~ l dt a k e a l e a d i n i n t r o d i i c i n g l e g i s l a t i o n t o c o n t r o l t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f European f i r m s e x p o r t i n g
t h e s e p r o d u c t s t o t h e T h i r d World. Seven i n t e r n a t i o n a l n e t w o r k s o f c i t i z e n g r o u p s - BEL'C (European Bureau o f Consumer U n i o n s ) , EEB ( E u r o p e a n
Environment B u r e a u ) , HA1 ( H e a l t h A c t i o n I n t e r n a t i o n a l ) , ICDA ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o a l i t i o n f o r Development A c t i o n ) , IOCU ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l O r g a n i s a t i o n o f Consumer U n i o n s ) , PAS ( P e s t i c i d e s A c t i o n Network) and SAN ( S e e d s
A c t i o n Network) - have l a u n c h e d a new C o a l i t i o n A g a i n s t D a n g e r o ~ l s Exp o r t s (CADE) t o p r e s s f o r t h e European Community and i t s meirber s t a t e s
t o d e v e l o p c o h e r e n t p o l i c i e s t o c o n t r o l t h e e x p o r t t o T h i r d World count r i e s of a l l p h a r m a c e u t i c a l s and p e s t i c i d e s t h a t a r e b a n n e d , s e v e r e l y
r e s t r i c t e d , w i t h d r a w n o r u n r e g i s t e r e d i n EEC c o u n t r i e s . T h i s r e p o r t exp l a i n s t h e d a n g e r s o f c u r r e n t p r a c t i c e s i n t h e e x p o r t of d a n g e r o u s and
i n a p p r o p r i a t e p e s t i c i d e s , d r u g s and o t h e r p r o d u c t s t o t h e T h i r d World
(and t h e t h r e a t t o t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r e o f i n a p p r o p r i a t e s e e d v a r i e t i e s ) . It o u t l i n e s i n i t i a t i v e s taken a t i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l t o r e g u l a t e
t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f a g r o c h e m l c a l f i n i s a n a t r a c e s e f f o r t s made s o f a r t o
p r e s s f o r European a c t i o n t o i a p l e m e n t t h e s e a g r e e m e n t s . (22 r u e d e s
B o l l a n d i s t e s , 1040 B r u s s e l s , B e l g i u m ) , ( c f . a l s o pp.45-56 a b o v e ) .
.
Kees v a n G a l e n ( e d ) , S h e l l i n g S h e l l , a n a n n o t a t e d b i b l i o g r a p h y o f
t h e Royal D u t c h / S h e l l ( O c c a s i o n a l P a p e r 1 0 , 1 9 8 5 ) , 252pp. ( T h i r d World
C e n t r e , KU, Nijmegen, The N e t h e r l a n d s ) .
.
Susan McLellan, T r a n s n a t i a n a l C o r p o r a t i o n s i n Kedah, West M a l a y s g :
A New P a t t e r n o f - ~ u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ? (Working P a p e r N030, 1985) 55pp.
( T r a n s n a t i o n a l C o r p o r a t i o n s R e s e a r c h P r o j e c t , F a c u l t y o f Economics Univ e r s i t y of Sydney, A u s t r a l i a ) .
.
U n i t e d N a t i o n s C e n t r e or1 T r a r s n a t i o n a l C o r p o r a t i o n s , I n t e r n a t i o n a l
A c c o u n t i n g a n d R e p o r t i n g I s s u e s : l 9 8 5 Review (New York: UN P u b l i c a t i o n ,
S a l e s N0E.85.11.A.13).
.
IDAC, The Hot S e a t : The V o l u n t e e r i n t h e Development Debate (N013.
1985) 51pp. An i m a g i n a t i v e - and g r a p h i c - e y e o p e n e r f o r any would-be
v o l u n t e e r . ( 2 7 c h . d e s C r z t s , 1218 Grand Saconnex, Geneva, S w i t z e r l a n d ) .
.
L e e l a n a n d a d e S i l v a , Ayuda a 1 d e s a r r o l l ~ :L a t o s y p r o b l e r ~ a(~l e p a l a
E d i t o r i a l , 1985) 152pp. ( A p a r t a d o 50.168, 28080 M a d r i d , E s p a n a ) .
.
David Millwood and H e l e n a G e z e l i u s , Good Aid: A s t u d y o f q t m l i t y i n
s m a l l p r o w (Stockholm: SIDA, 1985) 246pp.
-
.
K i m F o r s s , P l a n n i a g a n d E v a l u a t i o n i n Aid OrganizaJ*
(Stockholm:
The Economic R e s e a r c h I n s t i t u t e . 1985) 3 9 .0- ~ ~T.h i s book d e a l s w i t h
s t r u c t u r e s and p r o c e s s e s i n a i d o r g a n i z a t i o n s . I t shows how p l a n n i n g a n d
e v a l - i a t i o n work I n p r a c t i c e I n a c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y o f two o r g a n i z a t i o n s ,
t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s Development Programme (LVDP) and t h e Swedish I n t e r n a t i o n a l Development A u t h o r i t y (SIDA) S e v e r a l e x a m p l e s o f i n d u s t r i a l development p r o j e c t s i n T a n z a n i a a r e u s e d - same s u c c e s s f u l , some f a i l u r e s , w i t h o t h e r s somewhere i n b e t w e e n . The aim i s t o l e a r n from t h i s
e x p e r i e n c e - w h e t h e r s u c c e s s f u l o r n o t - and t o d e l i n e a t e t h e p o t e n t i a l
f o r more e f f e c t i v e development c o o p e r a t i o n .
Sweden).
(Box 6501, 113 83 Stockholm,
.
World R e s o u r c e s I n s t i t u t e , T r o p i c a l F o r e s t s : A C a l l f o r A c t i o n , i n
3 p a r t s : The P l a n , 47pp; Case S t u d i e s , 55pp; C o u n t r y I n v e s t m e n t P r o f i l e s
22pp. ( 1 9 8 5 ) , (1735 Sew York Avenue, NW, Washington DC 20006, USA).
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G i o v a n n i R u f o , "La s c i e n c e , l a t e c h n o l o g i e e t I e T i e r s Monde", Cns l o p a e d i a U n i v e r s a l i s (Vol. 217: "Symposium", N o u v e l l e G d i t i o n , 1 9 x
pp.602-701.
,
OECD, S c i e n t i f i c a n d T e c h n o l o g i c a l
C o u n t r i e s ( P a r i s , 1985) 109pp.
C-eration
with
Developing
N o r t h S o u t h R o u n d t a b l e , The I n f o r m a t i c s R e v o l u t i o n and t h e Developi n g C o u n t r i e s , Summary R e p o r t on a C o n s u l t a t i v e Meeting of t h e N o r t h
S o u t h R o u n d t a b l e , S c h e v e n i n g e n , The N e t h e r l a n d s , 1985, 22pp. (POB 2006,
Islamabad, P a k i s t a n ) .
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CNIDO, I n d u s t r y I n t h e 198U5, a c t u r a l Change and I n t e r d e p e n d e n c e
228pp. T h i s book c o n t a i n s a d e t a i l e d r e v i e w of t h e most r e l e v a n t s t r u c t u r a l c h a n g e s and i n d u s t r i a l p o l i c y t r e n d s o c c u r r i n g i n b o t h North and
S o u t h d u r i n g t h e 1970s and e a r l y 1980s. P a r t i c u l a r e m p h a s i s i s , p l a c e d on
l i n k a g e s between m a n u f a c t u r i n g and o t h e r s e c t o r s , n o t a b l y a g r i c u l t u r e ,
w h i l e t h e c o m p e t i t i v e p e r f o r m a n c e of s e v e r a l kev I n d u s t r i e s - t e x t i l e s ,
s t e e l , consumer e l e c t r o n i c s , wool and wood p r o d u c t s - Is a n a l y z e d i n
some d e t a i l . Topii.5 which a r e t h e s u b j e c t o f s p e c i r i l c h a p t e r s i n c l u d e
cons'-imption i n m a n u f a c t u r e s , t h e t e c h n o l o g y f a c t o r i n
p a t t e r n s of
North-South t r a d e , employment and p r o d u c t i v i t y , s k i l l r e q u i r e m e n t s i n
m a n i t f a c t u r i n f t and i n d u s t r i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n t h e s o - c a l l e d " l e a s t d c v e l oped" c o u n t r i e s . 'Vienna: S d l e s N' E . 8 5 . I I . B . )
H.J. M a s t e b r c e k ( e d ) , I n t e r n a t i o n a l Dimensions of Development Problems (The Hague: Rdwoo, 1985) 103pp. P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e K i j k d u i n Semin a r s (March & December ' . 9 8 f l , i n c l u d i n g c o n t r i b u t i o n s from S . Chdkrav a r t y , Mary Kalflor, Raul P r e b i s c h , J a n Pronk and M i g u e l Wionczek (FOB
90734, 2509 LS The Hague, The N e t h e r l a n d s ) .
.
G.E. Corman a n d M. ?fahoney, I n d e x
LO
Development S t u d i e s L i t e r a t u r e
(UK: Van Mostrand R e i n h o l d , 1985) 266pp. A u s e f u l b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l t o o l
even i f t h e c l a i m t h a t t h i s i s "an i n t e r n a t i o n a l d i r e c t o r y o f t h e most
i m p o r t a n t j o u r n a l a r t i c l e s on a l l a s p e c t s of development" i s n o t q u i t e
s u b s t a n t i a t e d : among t h e m i s s i n g s o u r c e s a r e , f o r example, Environment
A f z i c a ( D a k a r ) ; Guadernds C i e p l a n ( S a n t i a g o ) ; Man and D e v e l o p m s (Delh i ) ; The Hdtga Qcar t e z i y J o u r ~ a (Colombo) ; Eccnomle e t hcmanisme
( L ~ C I Ik )v ~
e l o p m e n t D ~ d l o z u e ( U p p s a l a ) - n o t t o m e n t i o n t h e IFDA Dos(Molly M l l l a r s l a n e , Wckingham, B e r k s h i r e RC11 2PY, UK).
sier
--
...
-
PERIODICALS
.
A f r i c a D e v e l o p m e n t / A f r i q u e e t developpement (Vol.X, ? 1 / 2 ,
1985):
" c r i s i s a n d Adjustment". T h i s s u b s t a n t i a l and b i l i n g u a l d o u b l e i s s u e on
t h e a d j u s t m e n t of t h e A f r i c a n economies t o t h e w o r l d economic c r i s i s , i s
t h e r e s u l t of a l o n g p r o c e s s t h a t c u l m i n a t e d w i t h a j o i n t CODESRIA/CSER
( C e n t r e f o r S o c i a l and Economic R e s e a r c h , Ahmadu B e l l o U n i v e r s i t y ,
Z a r i a , N i g e r i a ) C o n f e r e n c e on t h e same t o p i c i n March 1985. (B? 3304,
Fann-Residence, D a k a r , S e n e g a l ) .
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A f r i c a , L a t i n America, A s i a (ALA B i b l i o g r a p h y ? 3 , 1 9 8 5 ) : " i n t e g r a tion"(~o1lege
v o o r d e O n t w i k k r l i r . g s l a n d e n , A. Goemartel e s , 2000 Antw e r p e n , Belgium).
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-A
- l t e r n a t i v e s economiques ( N 0 3 1 , 1 9 8 5 ) : D o s s i e r :
d u r e r e a l i t 6 (20 r u e d ' A s s a s , 21000 D i j o n , F r a n c e ) .
IaSgalir6s,
une
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A l t e r n a t . i v e s Wallonnes (N034, 1 9 8 5 ) : Le j o u r n a l d e l ' a u t o g e s t i o n e t
d e l a n o u v e l l e c o o p ~ r a t l o n (Avenue G e n e r a l M i c h e l 1 , 6000 C h a r l e r o i ,
Belgique)
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A n c i ent S c i e n c e
o f L i f e (Vol.V, ? l , 1 9 8 5 ) : "The p r o g r e s s i v e p o t e n t i a l of Ayurveda and i t s p o s s i b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n t o h e a l t h c a r e today" by
J o h a n n e s L a p i n g , pp.21-29.
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Arab A l t e r n a t i v e F u t u r e s D o s s i e r ( N 0 1 7 , 1985): "The P a l e s t i n i a n
q u e s t i o n i n t h e Seminar on Arab p r o g r e s s i v e movement" by Abou S e l f
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A s i a n A c t i o n (N054, 1 9 8 5 ) : T h i s n e w s l e t t e r o f t h e A s i a n C u l t u r a l
Forum on Development p r e s e n t s a c o l l e c t i o n on women i n B a n g l a d e s h , Hong
Kong, I n d i a , J a p a n , N e p a l , P h i l i p p i n e s , T h a i l a n d and S r i Lanka (GPO Box
2930, Bangkok, T h a i l a n d ) .
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Asian A f f a i r s (Vol.VII, ? l ,
1 9 8 ' ) ) : "t:ul:ural
neocolonialism i n
T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s " by B.N. Ghosh ( C e n t r e f o r Development. R e s e a r c h ,
Box 4070, Dhaka, B a n g l a d e s h ) .
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A s i a n P a c i f i c Fnvtronment (VoL.3, N o 3 , 1 9 8 5 ) : "Greenpeace d e f i e s
F r a n c e ' s n u c l e a r might" ( c / o SAM, 37 Lorong B i r c h , Penaiig, M a l a y s i a ) .
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A s i a Labour M o n i t o r (Vol.2, N04, 1985): "A rough p a t h f o r T h a i l a n d ' s w o r k e r s " (444 Nathan Road, 8 / F , F l a t B , Kowloon, Hong Kong).
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Azione N o n v i o l e n t a (Anno XXII, N012, 1985): " S a l u t e ,
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BRAC N e w s l e t t e r ( J u l y - S e p t 1 9 8 7 ) : " L f f o r t s and e x p e r i e n c e s on media
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B u l l e t i n CRIDEV (N453, 1 9 8 5 ) : " I n d e
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Pdys r i c h e , p e u p l e p a u v r e "
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C a h i e r s Nord-Sud ( V o l . 1 , N02, 1 9 8 5 ) : "La f a i m d a n s I e monde".
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1983/84 (CP 122, Univ. L i b r e d e B r u x e l l e s , 50 Avenue F.D. R o o s e v e l t ,
1050 B r u x e l l e s , B e l g i q u e ) .
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CENDHRRA Development Memo (Ne32-33, 1 9 8 5 ) : "Asian NGOs: W i l l t h e y
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DC-2-866, U n i t e d R a t i o n s , New York, È 10017, USA)
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Chamiza ( N u l l , 1 9 8 5 ) : "Una r a d i o p a r a romper e l s i l e n c i o " (CEDECO,
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Lhanging V i l l a g e s ( V o l . 7 , N03, 1 9 8 5 ) : " B r l q u e t t i n g from a g r i c u l t u r e
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Garcia"
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C u a d e m o s d e l IIESES ( P r i m e r a e d i c i 6 n 1 9 8 5 ) : " P l a n i f i c a c i 6 n r e g i o n a l v s . regiones" p o r A r t u r o Guillaumin Tostado (Apartado £7 Xalapa,
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C u l t u r a l S u r v i v a l Q u a r t e r l y ( V o l . 9 , N03, 1 9 8 5 ) : " N a t i o n , t r i b e and
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De b a c l e (Vol.1, N03 & 4 , 1 9 8 5 ) : " C h i l d l a b o u r : t h e i n v i s i b l e workf o r c e " by R i t a B a n e r l e e (Development R e s e a r c h Conmunication & S e r v i c e s
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Development (N03, 1 9 8 5 ) : I n c l u d i n g p a p e r s by C a r d i n a l A r n s , Ted
G o l d s m i t h , Ken D a d z i e , Marie-Angelique S a v a n e , Vandana S h i v a and Majid
Rahnema (STD, P a l a z z o d e l l a C i v i l t : d e l L a v o r o , 00144 Rome, I t a l y ) .
.
D i a l c g B e i t r a g e z u r F r i e d e n s f o r s c h u n g (N"3, 1 9 8 5 ) : "Zur S o z i a l p s y c h o l o g i e von S l c h e r h e i t s p o l i t i k und Friedensbewegung"
(Austrian
1 n s t . o f P e a c e R e s e a r c h , Burg S c h l a i n i n g , 7461 S t a d t s c h l a i n i n g , A u s t r i a ) .
.
Ecudevelopmt-nt News (N034, 1 9 8 5 ) : D o s s i e r : Food - Energy
ment ( 5 4 ~ l v d . R a s p a i l , 75270 P a r i s Cedex 0 6 , F r a n c e ) .
-
Develop-
.
Ecoforum ( V o l . 1 0 , N04, 1 9 8 5 ) : " L ' i n d u s t r i e a l i n e n t a i r e en A f r i q u e "
p a r L i b e r t y Mhlanga (PO Box 72461, N a i r o b i , Kenya).
,
E s p e c i a l - Mufer (1.985):
' ' M ~ j e r y d e m o c r a c i a " (Unidad de ComuniILET,
C a s i l l a 16-637,
Correo 9 ,
caci6;
a l t e r n a t i v e d e l a mujer,
Santiago, Chile).
.
European C e n t r e f o r Vork and S o c i e t y News ( I s s u e 8, 1 9 8 5 ) : " F o > t e r i n g and f i n a n c i n g of l o c a l employment i n i t i a t i v e s " ( P O Box 3073, C20: N f i
M a a s t r i c h t , The N e t h e r l a n d s ) .
.
FONDA l e t r y e d ' i n f o r m a (?35,
1 9 8 5 ) : "Mieux ronn.i!tre
1'6cunomie s o c i a l e - s e s a c t e u r s , s e s i n s t a n c e s , s e s modes d e c o n c e r t a t i o n " (18
r u e d e Varenne, 75007 P a r i s , F r a n c e ) .
.
F u t u r e (?15-16,
1 9 8 5 ) : "Democracy f o r d e v e l o p m e n t . The c a s e f o r
d i r e c t l y e l e c t e d d i s t r i c t government" by Ninadi M u k a r j i (UNICEF House,
73 L o d i E s t a t e , New D e l h i 110003, I n d i a ) .
F u t u r i b l ~ (No92-93, 1 9 8 5 ) : " L ' a v e n i r de l a p r o t e c t i o n s o c i a l s e n
Europe d e 1 ' O u e s t " ( 5 5 r u e d e Varenne, 75341 P a r i s Cedex 0 7 , F r a n c e ) .
.
H e a l t h f o r t h e ) f i l e (Vol.XI, l c , 8 5 ) : "Childhood i n j x r i e s i n
SDA C o r n u n i t y
I n d i a " ( V o l u t a r y H e a i t h A s s o c i a t i o n of I n d i a , C-1'1
C e n t r e , New D e l h i 110 0 1 6 , I n d i a ) .
.
- IDOC Tnt-err.azional$ (Anno X V I . V21.16, 1985): An i s s u e on S o u t h
A f r i c a w i t h p a p e r s i n I t a l i a n , E n g l i s h and S p i n l s h (Via S . Maria d e l l '
Anima 30, J0186 Roira, I t a l y )
I n d i a n J o u r n a l of A d ~ ~ lEtd u c a t i o n (Vo1.46, N05* 1 9 8 5 ) : " F o c ~ i s on
t r a d e u n i o n s and workfcrs' e d u c a t i o n " ( I n d i a n A d u l t E d u c a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n , 1 7 B I n d r a p r a s t h a E s t a t e , New D e l h i 110001., I n d i a ) .
.
I n t - e r c u l t u r a (K088, 1 9 8 5 ) : " + f c c a h i e r s u r l ' e d u c a t i o n i n t e r ~ u l t ~ i r e l l e " - al-ni a v a i l a b l e i n E n g l i s h C4917 r u e S a l n t - U r b a i n , K c n t r S a l ,
Quebec H2T 2W1, C a n a d a ) .
.
p
-
I n t e r n a t i o n i l A g r i c u l t u r a l Development ( V o l . 5 , ? 6 ,
1985): " P a r t i c i p a t i o n - t h e m i s s i n g l i n k ? " (19 Woodford C l o s e , Caversham, Reading,
B e r k s RC4 7 H K , LK).
p
-
.
I n t e r n a t i o n a l DAMS N e w s l e t t e r ( V o l . 1 , ? l ,
1985/86): This newslett e r i s i n t e n d e d t o h e l p c i t i z e n s ' o r g a n i s a t i o n s t h a t a r e working t o
c h a n g e p o l i c i e s on l a r g e dam c o n s t r u c t - i o n t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d . I t i s
b e i n g produced b y a v o l u n t e e r group o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l a c r i v i s t s , c o n c e r n e d p r o f e s s i o n a l s a n d human r i g h t s a d v o c a t e s o t d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t i e s
who have d i r e c t e x p e r i e n c e w i t h t h e d e v a s t a t i n g impact t h e s e l a r g e dam
p r o j e c t s h a v e on t h e economy, e n v i r o n m e n t and s o c i a l f a b r i c of t h e i r
c o u n t r i e s . ( F o r t Mason C e n t e r , Bldg. C , San F r a n c i s c o , CA 94123, U S A ) .
.
tions
I n t - e r n a t i c r ~ a l Labour R e p o r t s ( I s s u e 1 3 , 1 9 8 6 ) : "Suuth A f r i c a s a n c - B l a c k w o r k e r s ' view" (2-4 Oxford Road, M a n c h e s t e r M1 5QA, LX).
.
I n t e r n a t i o n a l Peace Research Newsletter (Vol.XXIil, ? 4 ,
1985):
" P e a c e s t u d i e s a t U N U n i v e r s i t y." b y. K i n h i d e M u s h a k o i i a n d R a i n f K o t h a r i
( O h i o S t a t e Ur.iv. 199 V e s t 1 0 t h Ave, C o l u s b u s , O n i c 4 3 2 C 1 , USA).
.
1 , e t t r e u r h a i n e ( h " ' 8 , 1 9 8 5 ) : "D6veloppernent u r b a i n p a r c i c i p e D a k a r : q u a n d i e s a u r s s f + c r o u l e n t " p a r Yamadou J e a n - C h a r l e s
Tall
(ENDA-RUP, B? 3370, D a k a r , S e n e g a l ) .
V
-
-
.
L , i s t e n R e a l Loud
News o f w o ~ n e n ' s l i b e r a t i o n w o r l d w i d e ( V a 1 . 6 ,
N"4, 1 9 8 5 ) : " W O E ~ ~ and g l o b a l c o r p o r a t i o n s : work - r o l e s - r e s i s t a n c e "
( A m e r i c a n F r i e n d s S e r v i c e C c m i t t a e , 1501 C h e r r y S t r e e t , F ' . i i l a d e l p h i a ,
PS 19102, USA),
.
M a i n s t r e a m (SARC S u m n i t S p e c i a l , 1 9 8 5 ) : I n c l u d i n g a r t i c l e s by P.N.
H a k s a r , T a r l o k S j n g h and Kamla B h a s i n ( F - 2 4 , B h a g a t S i n g h M a r k e t , New
D e l h i 110001, I n d i a ) .
.
M u j e r Combdt.iente (N'"17, 1 9 8 5 ) : " I n s t i t u t e L i n g i i l s t i c o cie V e t a n o
C ' i v i d i r Pars F e i n a r " ( A p a r t a d o A e r e o 4 0 0 9 , B u c a r a r ' a n g a , C o l o m b i a ) .
M u l t i n a t i o n a l M o n i t o r ( V o l . 6 , K 0 1 5 , 1 9 8 5 ) : "Coops:
a l t e r n a t i v e : " (PO Box 1 9 4 0 5 , W a s h i n g t o n DC 2 0 0 3 6 , ? ? A ) .
.
N is s a (?5,
1 9 8 7 ) : " T a h a r Haddad e t l a p o l y g a a i e " .
f r a n c a i s e t e n a r a b e (S r u e P a r E l J e l d , T u n i s , T u n i s l e ' .
.
P e a c e News ( V 2 2 5 9 , 1 9 8 5 ) : " S i x y e a r s of
Avenue, N o t t i n g i i a n 3 , UK) ,
-
A developing
Articles
en
xesisting cruise"
( 8 Elm
POLIS (No>&, 1 9 8 5 ) : " P a r t y m o b i l i s a t i o n a t t h e g r a s s r n c t
( ~ f r i c d nR e g i o n a l O f f i c e , FOB 9 0 0 2 , D a k a r - P a l a i s , S e n e g a l ) .
level"
p
-
.
.
tinue
P o l i t i q u e a u j c u r w (N012, 1985/86): ' T o u r que l a gauche
(14-16 r u e d e s P e t i t s - H c t e l s , 75010 P a r i s , F r a n c e ) .
..."
con-
.
P o l i t i c a i n t e r n a z i o--n a l e (NO1O, 1 9 8 5 ) : "I1 Maghreb F M t e n s i o n i e
stabi1izzazi01e".
Con l ' u l t i m o a r t i c o l o d e l l ~ n o s t r a a m i e a L i l i a n a
Magrini, morta a 68 a n n i l ' a n n o p a s s a t o " T e n t a t i v i d l i n t e g r a z i o n e e
element! d i d i v a r i c a z i o n e " ( V i a d e l T r i t c n e 6 2 b . 0 0 1 8 7 , Roaia, I t a l i a ) .
.
P r i s m a (?37,
1 9 8 5 ) ; "Women
i n development:
t h e iiniltiple e f f e c t s "
( P O Box b 9 3 , J a k a r t a 1 0 0 0 2 , I n d o n e s i a ) .
RAW
a te r i a l s Report (Vol.4, N o l ,
-Mservices: the f i n a l frontier"
1985): "Transnational corporaby F r e d r i c k F. C l a i r m o n t e a n d
J o h n H. C a v a n a g h ; a n d "World p h o s p h a t e m a r k e t s - new p a r a r n % t e ~ s " by
Mohamed B e r n o u s s ~ . (1'0 Box 5 1 9 5 , 102 4A S t o c k h o l m , Sweden).
clans and
.
R e c k l e r c , ~ e s i n t e r n a & ~ o n a l e s( K m i i , 1 9 6 3 ) : i a b i e zencie S U L . "DLba~mam e n t , s G c u r i t 6 , d6veloppernent" a v e r Yves G o u s s a u l t , M i c h e l R o g d l s k i e t
A l b e r t o S a n t o s ( 6 4 Ed A u g u s t e B l a n q u l , 7 5 0 1 3 P a r i s , F r a n c e ) .
.
R e s e n e r a t i c n ( V o i . 1 , N03, 1 9 8 5 ) : " R e g e n e r a t i v e t e c h : some m e z n i n g s ,
some m o d e l s " ( R o d a l e P r e s s , 3 3 E a s t Minor S t . Emmaus, ?A 1 8 0 4 9 ,
.
R e v i s t a d e C i e n c i a s S o c i a l e s (N030, 1 9 8 5 ) : " I d e o l o g l a y medios d e
c o m u n i c a c i 6 n e n C o s t a Rica" ( A p a r t a d o 498, 2050 San P e d r o , C o s t a R i c a ) .
.
Simbayan ( V o l . I V , ? 3 ,
1 9 8 5 ) : "Notes on women and C h r i s t i a n i t y " by
J u r g e t t e A . Honculada and "A c r i t i q u e of a c h i l d n o u r i s h m e n t program i n
Dumaguete" by M u r i e l Montenegro (FOB AC 449, Quezon C i t y , P h i l i p p i n e s ) .
.
S o c i a l Change (Vol. 1 5 , N o l , 1 9 8 5 ) : "Non-violence a s a n a t t i t u d e b e h a v i o u r p r i n c i p l e and modern l i f e " by H . C . G a n g u l i (Sangha Rachana, 53
L o d i E s t a t e , New D e l h i 110003, I n d i a ) .
.
S o c i a l i s m e y P a r t i c i p a c i 6 n (N031, 1 9 8 5 ) : "Haya d e l a T o r r e : 10s
e s c r i t o s d e 1923" p o r C a r l o s D e l g a d o ; y "La i n d u s t r i a l i z a c i 6 n d e l a Am6r i c a L a t i n a " p o r Fernando F a j n z y l b e r ( A p a r t a d o 11701, Lima 1 1 , P e r u ) .
.
S u a r a Sam ( V o l . 2 , N05, 1 9 8 5 ) : "A f o r g o t t e n p e o p l e : Sarawak n a t i v e s
f i g h t back" (37 Lorong B i r c h , Penang, V e s t M a l a y s i a ) .
P
-
.
S y n a p s e s Messages (Vol.111,
V6, 1 9 8 5 ) : "The
whom?" (1821 W. C u l l e r t o n , C h i c a g o , 111 60608, U S A ) .
Philippines:
for
.
T h a i Development ( V o l . 3 , N03, 1 9 8 5 ) : " C h i l d r e n i n T h a i l a n d " (121/90
Near Chaloemla B r i d g e , P h y a t h a i Road, Bangkok 10400, T h a i l a n d ) .
.
T r a d e and Development (N06, 1 9 8 5 ) : "What c a n d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s
g a i n from t h e UN C o n v e n t i o n on t h e Law of t h e S e a ? " by E l i s a b e t h Mann
B o r g e s e ; a n d "Women, t e c h n o l o g y and s e x u a l d i v i s i o n s " by Amartya K . Sen
(LTNCTAD, U n i t e d N a t i o n s , Geneva/New York).
.
L'tne Reader (N012, 1 9 8 5 ) : "The h i s t o r y of s e x : damned i f you d o ,
damned i f you d o n ' t " (PO Box 1974, Marion, Ohio 43305, USA).
Voice o f t h e V o i c w (NJ23, 1 9 8 5 ) : "The Tamil ? ! a n t a t i o n p e o p l e
o f S r i Lanka" ( S a t v o d a y a , 30 Pusnpadana Mawatta, Kanda, S r i L a n k a ) .
.
Waraang? (N012, 1985): Dans s o n nouveau f o r m a t o f f r e , n o t a m e n t , un
a r t i c l e d e Fatoumata Sow " N a i r o b i a u f e n i n i n " (BP 1 8 8 0 , D a k a r , S e n e g a l ) .
.
WFSF N e w s l e t t e r : (?3,
1 9 8 5 ) : "Who c a r e s ? And how?" WFSF IXth World
C o n f e r e n c e ; p r e p a r a t o r y m a t e r i a l and announcements ( U n i v e r s i t y o f Hawaii
S o c i a l S c i e n c e Res. I n s t . 2424 M a i l e Way, H o n o l u l u , Hawaii 9682?, USA).
.
Women (N026, 1 9 8 5 ) : An i s s u e f o c u s s i n g on t h e N a i r o b i e v e n t s . Some
of t h e a r t i c l e s a r e r e v i e w s of t h e c o n f e r e n c e s , o t h e r s were taker: from
t h e newspaper p u b l i s h e d d a i l y d u r i n g t h e Forum. T o g e t h e r t h e y g i v e a n
i m m e d i a t e i m p r e s s i o n of some o f t h e c o n c e r n s which were d i s c u s s e d i n
numerous workshops. The l a s t s e c t i o n i s a n o v e r v i e w ..if t h e " S t r a t e g i e s
t o improve t h e s t a t u s of women o v e r t h e n e x t 15 y e a r s " . (WICAS, 150 R t e
d e F e r n e y , PO Box 6 6 , 1211 Geneva 2 0 , S w i t z e r l a n d ) .
.
-
Women's World ( ? E .
1985): "Health
2471, 1211 Gellevd 2 , S w i t z e r l a n d ) .
t o women"
(ISTS-WICCF, PO BOX
World P o l i c y J o x l (V01.11, N04, 1 9 3 5 ) : "TILe making cf a t r a n s p a c i f i c economy" by Kent E . C a l d e r ; "The I r a n - I r a q war" by Mansour
F a r h a n g ; and "Democtacy and d o u b l e s t a n d a r d s : t h e v i e w from C h i l e " by
P e t e r D . B e l l ( 7 7 7 U n i t e d N a t i o n s P l a z a , New York, NY 10165, USA).
i f d a d o s s i e r 52
materials received f o r publication
L i s t i n g a paper below does not imply t h a t it d l l be published.
Decisions i n t h i s respect are based on t h e need for a c e r t a i n balance
betueen themes, actors, regions and languages. The e d i t o r s r e g r e t t h a t
time makes i t impossible t o engage i n d i r e c t correspondence u i t h authors
about papers. Papers may be obtained d i r e c t l y from the author.
N.B.
LOCAL SPACE
. CEPP (Centro de educaci6n y promoci6n popular), CESAP (Centro a1
servicio de la acci6n popular) de Venezuela organiza I11 curso-taller
Latinoamericano de comunicaci6n popular (Casilla 870, Suc 12 de Octubre,
Quito, Ecuador) 8pp.
.
Harinder S. Lamba, Conference on "Rural Development in India" held
at the University of Chicago. October 1985 - A brief report on the proceedings (India ~ e v .service, FOB 980, Chicago, 111. 60690, USA) 3pp,
.
Ramesh Manandhar, Somewhere architecture education went wrong.
(KHA 11822 Tahachal, Katmandu 4, 712, Nepal) 8pp.
..
. Leslaw A. Paga, Consumer Mutual Aid: Adaptation or Challenge for
the Polish Crisis (Catholic University of Lublin, Department of Economics, Al. Raclawickie 14, 20-950 Lublin, Poland) 16pp.
.
Ron Shegda, The Vision of a Regenerative Society (Rodale Press,
33 East Minor Street, Emmaus, PA 18049, USA) 19pp.
Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Human Rights and Peoples' Rights: The Question
of Minorities (El Colegio de Mexico, Apto 20671, Mexico DF 10740) Ppp.
NATIONAL SPACE
.
Uka Ezenwe, The Multinational Corporation in Nigeria: Friend or Foe
of Economic Development, 15pp. The Nigerian Economy, Factor Mobility and
West African Economic Development, 19pp. External Debt Crisis: The West
African Experience, 18pp. (Department of Economics, Ahmadu Bello Univ.
Zaria, Nigeria).
. Jorge Osorio, Propuestas para el movimiento Chileno por
(CEAAL, Casilla 6257, Santiago 22, Chile) 5pp.
. Francisco R. Sagasti, Entre el Peru posible y el Peru
la paz
deseado
(GRADE, Apartado 5316, Miraflores, Lima 18, Peru) 18pp.
REGIONAL SPACE
. Nighat Said Khan and Kamla Bhasin, Sharing One Earth (FAO-FFHCIAD,
FOB 3059, New Delhi 110003, India) 25pp.
.
Carlos Francisco Echeverria, 1.a iniciativa de la cuenca del Caribe
el futuro de la region Caribena (Apartado 7-1790, San JosG,
Costa Rica) 8pp.
(G)y
.
Juan C. Sanchez Arnau, El reencuentro con el crecimiento y algunos
interrogantes sobre el futuro Latinoamericano (TIPS, 207 via Panisperna,
00184 Roma, Italie) llpp.
GLOBAL SPACE
.
B e r t r a m G r o s s a n d Kustim S i n g h , G l o b a l Unemployment: C h a l l e n g e t o
F u t u r i s t s ( S t Mary's C o l l e g e o f C a l i f o r n i a , Moraga, CA 94576, USA) 25pp.
.
F e l i x A . Ryan, UN a t C r o s s Roads (8 West Mada S t . S r i n a g a r Colony,
S a i d a p e t , Madras 600 015, I n d i a ) 6pp.
.
F r a n s i s c o R.
( s e e o v e r ) 9pp.
S a g a s t i , World T r e n d s and t h e C h a l l e n g e s t o E d u c a t i o n
c o n t i n u e d from page SS
mic s e l f - r e l i a n c e t o e n a b l e e s c a p e i n a l l s p a c e s from dependency, and
s e e k s t o develop c r i t e r i a of 'enablement' f o r , i n t e r a l i a , technology,
t r a i n i n g and p u b l i c spending.
.
health creation a s wealth creation. Health creation is o f t e n
t h o u g h t o f a s a s o c i a l c o s t . Y e t , a s a f u n d a m e n t a l a s p e c t of human welf a r e , t h e p r o m o t i o n and m a i n t e n a n c e of h e a l t h s h o u l d b e r e g a r d e d a s a
p r i m e economic c o n c e r n . TOES s e e k s t o e l a b o r a t e new economic a p p r o a c h e s
i n which h e a l t h c r e a t i o n i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f w e a l t h
creation.
.
s o c i a l w e a l t h . A l l economic a c t i v i t y i n v o l v e s s o c i a l and f i n a n c i a l
c o s t s and b e n e f i t s , y e t t h e s e a r e r e g u l a r l y i g n o r e d , d e v a l u e d o r d i s c o u n t e d by economic a n a l y s i s . TOES i s w o r k i n g on t h e c o n c e p t s o f s o c i a l
a c c o u n t i n g and s o c i a l i n v e s t m e n t , s o t h a t t h e c r e a t i o n o r o t h e r w i s e o f
s o c i a l wealth can be assessed alongside f i n a n c i a l considerations.
t h e i n f o r m a l economy. J u s t a s s o c i a l w e a l t h i s n e g l e c t e d by much
economic a n a l y s i s , s o t h e v a s t amount o f u s e f u l , b u t c a s h l e s s , work and
production t h a t i s c a r r i e d o u t i n s o c i e t y is a l s o r o u t i n e l y ignored.
TOES i s d e v e l o p i n g ways t o make t h i s s e c t o r more e c o n o m i c a l l y v i s i b l e a s
a p r e l u d e t o e n a b l i n g more p e o p l e , e s p e c i a l l y , b u t n o t o n l y , t h o s e now
unemployed, t o become a c t i v e a n d p r o d u c t i v e w i t h i n i t .
.
i n d i c a t o r s o f economic p r o g r e s s . The n a t i o n a l a c c o u n t s a r e s e r i o u s l y d e f e c t i v e a s i n d i c a t o r s of economic p r o g r e s s i n two main ways:
t h e y l a c k a s y s t e m a t i c a s s e s s m e n t of c a p i t a l a s s e t s , i n c l u d i n g n a t u r a l
r e s o u r c e s ; t h e c o s t s and b e n e f i t s ' o f human a c t i v i t y a r e a g g r e g a t e d i n
GNP i n a l a r g e l y m e a n i n g l e s s f a s h i o n . TOES s e e k s t o r e f o r m t h e n a t i o n a l
a c c o u n t s by d e v e l o p i n g t h e i r c a p i t a l s i d e , i n c l u d i n g t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n
o f r e s o u r c e a c c o u n t i n g , and by a d j u s t i n g GNP, s o t h a t economic c o s t s a r e
s u b t r a c t e d from r a t h e r t h a n added t o i t . T h e s e r e v i s e d n a t i o n a l a c c o u n t s
s h o u l d b e s u p p l e m e n t e d by s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s , and by i n d i c a t o r s of h e a l t h
a n d of t h e i n f o r m a l economy, of c o m p a r a b l e i m p o r t a n c e t o t h e n a t i o n a l
a c c o u n t s , t o g i v e a r e a l i s t i c : p i c t u r e o f t h e t o t a l economy.
( F u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n from: 4 2 Warriner Gardens, London SW11 4DU, UK).
ifda dossier 52
.
march/april 1986
they had this to say
MICHEL ROCARD;
LES DEUX CULTURES P O L I T I Q U E S FRANCAISES
Notre projet, quel est-il? I1 fact, pour en parler, partir
d'une constatation: il y a deux cultures politiques dans la
gauche francaise. Ainsi est fait notre pass6; c'est peutetre notre richesse. Mais Ie fait est qu'il en existe deux.
La plus typee, qui fut longtemps dominante, est jaccobine,
centralisatrice, etatique, nationaliste et protectionniste
(...).
Cette culture-lA a curieusement, en outre, l'autorit6 d'un
marxisme capte par ceux qui n'en sent pas les vrais h6ritiers. Car, enfin, camarades, souvenez-vous! Le socialisme,
qu'est-ce que c'est pour Marx, par-del& la victoire dans la
lutte de classe, sinon le dGp6rissement de ltEtat, la soci6t6 associative, l'organisation de la production sur la base
de l1autod6termination des travailleurs? Voilh Ie marxisme.
C'est ce marxisme-l&, Ie vrai, qu'il faudrait redgcouvrir
centre Lassalle, L6nine et Jules Guesde. Car l'autre culture, qui reapparaft dans la gauche francaise d'aujourd'hui,
elle est 1A. Elle est decentralisatrice, elle est r6gionaliste, elle refuse les dominations arbitraires, celles des
patrons c o m e celle de 1'Etat. Elle est libcratrice, qu'il
s'agisse de majorites d6pendantes c o m e les femmes, ou de
minoritgs mal accueillies dans Ie corps social: jeunes, immigres, handicapps. Elle se m6fie du rsglement et de l'administration, elle prefeire l'autonomie des collectivit6s de
base et l'experimentation.
(Congr&s E o c i a l i s t e de Nantes, 1 9 7 7 ) .
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