July2009 - The KhyberWatch

SAHAR
The Voices of Pashtuns
July 2009
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements
3
About Us
4
Editorial
5
Letters To The Editor
7
Logic of Violence
Safoora Arbab
How Will History Remember The Current War in Pashtunkhwa?
9
Ibrahim Nasar
14
Dr. Yasin Iqbal Yousafzai
19
What do People in Buner Think About The Ongoing War?
Zar Ali Musazai
26
Pashtun in Diaspora and Potential for Networking
Esepzye Afghan
31
Fawad Lameh
34
Dr. Adalat Khan & Ajab Khan Toryali
35
Yousaf Sahil
36
The Price of Lack of Vision
Banra
Uswazed
Ma Da Koma Gunah Karee?
Ghani Khan - The Gallant Expressionist of Aestheticism
Sakhi Arsala Khan
Paintings & Sculpture by Ghani Khan
An Interview with Sardar Ali Takkar
39
45
Azra Nafees
46
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Contributors
This Magazine would not have been possible without contributions from the
Pashtun Academia, Diaspora, Journalists, Pashtun Peace Forum (PPF) group
members and other friends. Thanks for sharing your articles and writings with
SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns and we urge you to continue the good work.
Editing
A very special thanks to Mr.Farhad Yousafzai who has been there all along to
help me in editing the articles.
Technical Assistance
My special thanks to the very dedicated Engr. Shakoor Yousafzai (UK) whose
untiring efforts made the publication possible and Engr. Fazlullah Akhtar (Bonn,
Germany), who helped in designing the title cover for this month‟s magazine.
Feature on Ghani Khan
A huge thanks to Sakhi Arsala Khan for allowing reproduction of his feature on
Ghani Khan and Zahid Buneray of Khyberwatch for making this publication
possible.
I must also extend my gratitude to the great Sardar Ali Takkar for sparing time for
interview with SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns.
We hope that this magazine brings you insight about the various Pashtun issues
as well as help you remain in touch with your culture, art and literature.
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ABOUT US
Welcome to SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns-a monthly publication that commits
to engage with the ever-evolving and increasingly significant paradigm in
Pashtun thought and psyche transformation.
The need of SAHAR was felt due to the ever increasing misconceptions about
Pashtuns in the region and the criticality of the same in the development of
various stereotypes about Pashtun nation in general. SAHAR is an initiative to
engage the Pashtun intelligentsia and youth, both in the homeland and in the
diaspora with the aim to discuss Pashtun issues and contribute to a more
informed debate on the Pashtun question on both sides of the Durand Line. The
Mag also intends to provide a forum to our youth to remain in touch with their
culture, art and literature and at the same time, to illustrate a softer image of the
Pashtuns to the outer world.
On another level, and more importantly, it is of particular relevance to mention
that SAHAR aims to provide input to the policy and decision makers in the
public/private sector both at home and abroad by providing a more authentic and
indigenous debate and analysis on the various aspects of the crises currently
being faced in the region. This will be achieved by including discussions,
interviews, and articles as well as in depth analyses of issues and strategies
being adopted to resolve them.
Finally, SAHAR will act as a platform to bring out the immense talent in our youth
and make them stakeholders in the debate with the long term aim of preparing
them for leadership role in the future.
It‟s our hope that the contributions in SAHAR will help burnish and restore the
credibility and essence of true Pashtun society while also proving useful to
provide input to policy making in the region.
SAHAR works in association with the Aryana Institute for Regional Research and
Advocacy (AIRRA) in Pakistan and Pashtun Peace Forum (PPF) Canada and
PPF (UK).
DISCLAIMER
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and the writers
and are not to be taken as the official opinion or policies of the PPF (Canada),
PPF (UK), and AIRRA or that of the Editorial Board.
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EDITORIAL
Dear Readers. Firstly, let me bring it in your notice that the name of our
Magazine has been changed from KHYBER –The Voices of Pashtuns“to
“SAHAR- The Voices of Pashtuns”, after extensive deliberation and consultation
with a large number of our valued readers. Today as you read the second issue
of SAHAR, the Pashtun nation on both sides of the Durand finds itself in a
precarious situation. With more than 3.5 million IDPs driven away from their
homes, no end in sight to the military operation in Malakand and another
operation underway in Waziristan, there seems to be little hope for the
establishment of peace in the region in the short term. To add to our woes, there
is also no end in sight to the devastating savagery of the Taliban as well as the
international forces in Afghanistan, thus making it very difficult to focus on other
issues. The more important issues of education, de-radicalization, economic
activity and political stability which are a must for the long term emancipation of
the 70 million strong Pashtun nation, have thus gone to the background since a
long time. The international community is anxiously watching the evolving
situation of our region in the military context; however, unfortunately the grave
situation of the IDPs in Pashtunkhwa or the need for economic and institutional
development in Afghanistan has not attracted the kind of response and attention
from the world at large as the grave situation demands. The fact that the future of
the region is closely linked with the safe and honorable return of the displaced
people seems to have gone by un-realized from the mainstream international as
well as national media of Pakistan.
The current issue of SAHAR magazine, therefore continues to debate the
issues of extremism, radicalization, and talibanization in the main, however as
promised, it also contains some very special articles to keep the new generation
in touch with our culture and values. The very well written and researched article
by Safoora Arbab, “The Logic of Violence” is an excellent attempt to see the
whole situation in our region from a new paradigm. „Why have we Pashtuns
internalized the colonial stereotyping of our race as volatile, irrational, unthinking
hordes, asks Safoora Arbab, and then goes on to explain that „In doing so, we
have turned ourselves exactly into the pawns they need to perpetuate their
endless war on terror. Her article should make great reading for those of our
readers who are interested in the discourse about the projection of violence in
our nation.
Ibrahim Nasar in his article „How Will History Remember The Current War in
Pastunkhwa‟ has very aptly pointed out the difference in the nature of the current
conflict in Pashtunkhwa from the traditional wars that our forefathers have seen,
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and asserts that this war is fundamentally different in which Pashtuns are not a
party, rather, the war is being fought on our land by different actors. He laments
that the historian of this war would perhaps not even mention the suffering of
Pashtuns, as histories are written by the victors.
Dr. Yasin Iqbal Yousafzai in his article “The Price of Lack of Vision” touches
on a very important issue from the point of view of our future generations. He
discusses in detail, the issues, problems and likely remedies for the education
sector in the Pashtun region, which will definitely have a calming effect on the
current conflict in addition to being the certain pre-requisite for any meaningful
change in our situation in the long term. This article should be of interest to every
one of us.
In the end we are very pleased to include a feature on the great Pashtun
poet, philosopher and visionary Ghani Khan Baba, which, both the young and the
old would surely love to read. To give a more wholesome character to the feature
on Ghani Khan Baba, „Sahar‟ also managed to interview the great Pashtu singer
Sardar Ali Takkar, who has the distinction of bringing the great man‟s poetry to
our daily lives by singing his poetry in his characteristic style. We hope all our
valued readers will enjoy the current issue of Sahar-The Voices of Pashtuns and
continue their generous support to us. Your valued feedback will help us
immensely to improve the standard and quality of the magazine.
Happy Reading!
Editor in Chief
Azra Nafees
[email protected]
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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
We feel extremely grateful to the readers who sent in their comments and
valuable suggestions on the first issue of „SAHAR -The Voices of Pashtuns‟. We
understand fully that this magazine cannot flourish without your generous contributions
and suggestions. We continue to look forward to your valued comments and reviews to
make this magazine a quality publication. We would request you to write for us and send
in your comments on specific issues being covered in the various articles to make the
debate a more informed one. Following are excerpts from some of the emails that we
received as feedback on the June 2009 issue.
Mr. Sangeen khan, University of Hull, UK
Congratulations on the first issue of „SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns‟, accept my
profound thanks for the good job. I found it attractive and an excellent reading. However,
it needs to be sustained and I hope you make sure its timely release. What I can humbly
suggest is to have a critical analysis of this issue, and upcoming issues, by someone
having professional expertise in journalism.
Secondly, what is crucial is to have a clarity on who our target audience is? Are
we educating masses or attracting policy-making circles? Accordingly the content,
standard and quality must be adjusted. It would be better to focus on our own youth and
public elsewhere. Thirdly, we have to have a concrete pattern of publishing, i.e., a
decision on the space allocation to, a) political education and policy narratives, and b)
current affairs. But one should not in anyway be discouraging to our new writers, for
even well established and resourceful institutions are often struggling with finding quality
writers.
Dr Yaeen Iqbal, University of Peshawar, Pakistan
Many thanks for the excellent first issue of „SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns‟
magazine. It is an excellent effort and I feel short of words to appreciate it. By the way I
did not see my article "The Price of Lack of Vision" in it? Live long and continue the
excellent work.
Mr Wali Afghan, London, UK
I am pleased to see this magazine on internet. No doubt it is a great effort to
educate our people. If allowed, I will suggest that its name should be changed from
Khyber to Pashtoonkhwa / Pakhtoonkhwa because it is the name of our motherland and
we should introduce our motherland in politically correct terminologies to the world.
Mr. Ismail Khan, Graduate Student, IR, Boston University, USA
I just came across the June issue of the „SAHAR- The Voices of Pashtuns‟
magazine and thought to congratulate you. I really appreciate the effort and pray for its
ever-lasting success. I will surely stay in touch with you regarding the magazine as well
as issues facing Pashtun people.
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Mr Pukhtoon Khan, Pakistan
A politically aware community even if it is small in number is much useful and
effective than a mob of millions who are prone to political exploitation and victimization.
This is a big step towards the political awareness of Pashtun nation. All those who made
the publishing of „SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns‟ possible should be congratulated and
appreciated.
Mr. Christophe Maisseu, France.
My name is Christophe Maisseu. I am French, working as a nurse, went to
Pakistan two times and spent a long time between Peshawar and Dir. Your mag gives a
lot of information about the Pashton society, way of life and history. It also showed me
there are a great number of educated Pashtuns, who are aware of their issues and also
have clear ideas of the world around them. When I read the social code of Pashtunwali, I
really felt as if I am in Peshawar enjoying the hospitality, honor, faith and equality of the
common Pashtun people. The idea to give recipe of Afghani food, kawa, songs and
poetry is great. One thing you forgot was a mention of GANDHARA art.
Irving Karchmar, USA, Author of Master of the Jinn: A Sufi Novel
The first edition of „SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns‟ magazine is a true voice of
the Pashtuns, being both scholarly and informative. This is especially important to the
Western reader, who rarely sees or reads anything hopeful or positive in the Western
media about a little known though vital area of the world, the frontline in far too many
conflicts. I eagerly look forward to the next issue! May Allah grant them success.
Hasham Babar, MNA, Peshawar, Pakistan
I congratulate the editors of „SAHAR - The Voices of Pashtuns‟ on their success.
It is, indeed, a timely step. The magazine presents a very rational content to its readers
and has raised the level of Pushtun issues with reason and credible solutions without the
slightest element of rhetoric.
Majeed Qarar, Kabul, Afghanistan
I congratulate you on the first issue of the „SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns‟. The
contents of the magazine are awesome but I would suggest adding a bit of colour to it
and if the pages are adorned with borders that shall give the magazine a more
presentable and lively look.
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Section 1: Geo-Politics & Current Affairs
Logic of Violence
“Why we Pakhtuns have internalised the colonial stereotyping of our race as
volatile, irrational, unthinking hordes, asks Safoora Arbab. “In doing so, we have
turned ourselves exactly into the pawns they need to perpetuate their endless
war on terror.”
Safoora Arbab
The tomb of the great Pashto poet Rahman Baba was violently
desecrated by militants in Peshawar recently, to demonstrate against women
paying homage at Sufi shrines. Such acts of violence raging in our land are not
accidental or simply causational; they are a consequence of the deliberate
militarization of our society.
The most damning finger for the current state of affairs must be pointed at
our own successive governments – not just the Zia and Musharraf dispensations,
but each and every one of them – for turning the NWFP into a violence-ridden
region. The Taliban government, after all, was created in the era of Benazir
Bhutto. However, it is not only the Taliban that have inflicted mayhem in the
region; they are merely the final gory manifestation of cultivating and sanctioning
violence as a norm.
Since Partition, the militarization of our society has taken place in several
guises: territorial justice (Kashmir), stability and development (Ayub Khan), to
defend the integrity of the nation (Yahya Khan), to make us a proud nuclear
power (Bhutto), to uphold the values of an Islamic state and fight godless
communism (Zia-ul-Haq), to continue Islamisation mindlessly (Nawaz Sharif), for
strategic depth and to control Afghanistan (Benazir), and of course, as the
trusted ally in the perpetual war on terror (Musharraf and now Zardari).
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When violence becomes acceptable as a norm, to be imposed by select
guardians of governance, either within or outside the state, why then are we
surprised and confounded by the actions of the extremists or the Taliban? Or the
self-righteous drone attacks of the Americans? The reasoning behind the two
acts is the same: an ideological framework is constructed to justify death,
oppression and violence. Should one not stop and ask: Does, or should, any
ideology, lofty ideal or moral imperative justify the killing of people in order to
impose a particular brand of power? Is any cause, after all, more important than
life itself?
There was a time when the people of the NWFP (the colonial name which,
to Pakistan‟s shame, it has kept unchanged) were among the avant-garde who
led the non-violent movement for independence against colonialism. People like
Abdul Ghaffar Khan, fondly known as Bacha Khan, took their inspiration from the
humanism of towering figures like Rahman Baba to point out that the Pakhtuns
were not inherently violent but that perceptions, categorisations, geographical
and historical conditions combined, had made them so. He pointed out that the
Pakhtuns had internalised and made real the characteristics by which the British
had labeled them: the savage, illiterate, hotheaded hordes that could not be
civilised or tamed and must thereby be kept in check because of their geopolitical strategic relevance in the Great Game.
The violent, yet honourable, somewhat dim-witted and childlike creature
made famous in Rudyard Kipling‟s Kim, became the epitome of the “Pathan.”
And the infinitely sad thing in this story is that all of us in the subcontinent,
including us Pakhtuns, not only accepted this stereotype, but also internalised it.
We prefer to think of ourselves as a proudly vengeful and violent people rather
than those that forgive with a largesse and tolerance. Nanawati (forgiveness) is a
prouder part of our heritage than dushmani (unending enmity) and badla
(revenge) – the latter manifest themselves only when the former breaks down.
But instead, we give truth to the colonial categorisation of the volatile, irrational
10 | P a g e
and unthinking Pathan; we embody the stereotype that was meant to manipulate
and control us and thus participate in our own hegemony.
In continuing to do so, we Pakhtuns are now labelled as terrorists and as
the Taliban by the American Orientalist categorisation. This imperial will is what
created the violent Talib and the violent Pakhtun – why then do we think that in
taking pride in being called the Taliban, we oppose the will of imperialism?
Instead, in doing so, we have turned ourselves exactly into the pawns they need
to perpetuate their endless war on terror and we lose the battle to liberate
ourselves from this new colonisation of our psyche. We have become their
minions and carry out actions exactly as they expect and want. We provide the
fodder and targets for drones to happily obliterate. We remain a colonised and
shackled people. And to our endless shame, we have helped forge the shackles
and put them on with our own hands.
Successive Pakistani governments have colluded with this colonial
hegemony justifying the abuse of that region in the name of national interest, but
in essence, it has looked upon with suspicion the land of the Pakhtuns since its
inception. Especially virulent was the attack against the non-violent movement
and philosophy of the Khudai Khidmatgars. After they sacrificed their lives as one
of the most successful forces that liberated India from colonial rule, they were
proclaimed traitors instead of heroes, and tried for acts of sedition and treason
against the state. Bacha Khan faced worse accusations with longer and harsher
sentences in Pakistani prisons than in British ones. His dream of a transformed
Pakhtun society through education was brutally vandalised by the brash new
nation-state, and the vacuum left since the destruction of his azad schools gapes
ominously, which the militant madrassas now try to fill.
The philosophy of non-violence will always be most bitterly and violently
opposed by those in favour of the status quo, because it upsets the paradigm of
power for the sake of power over others. We, too, have come to rationalise the
need for death and the necessity for violence on a daily basis – if only with our
11 | P a g e
silent assent – and justify the killing of others. Violence is sanctified as a
pragmatic necessity; if for no other reason but as a morally valid form of justice or
preemptive protection. If we do not pull back from embracing violence as a way
of life – it threatens all of humanity – an orgy of unadulterated violence awaits us
all.
Yet we cannot also reuse the tactics of the Khudai Khitmatgars, who
bravely stood by and let the British armies kill them till the enemy‟s moral
conscience was aroused. Drones do not have a conscience – they do not look
their opponent in the eye. The resounding question then still remains to be
answered: How does one oppose the inhumanity of today‟s militarisation with a
non-violent force? I believe it begins with, and may in essence be as simple as a
revolution in thinking, as Bacha Khan and Gandhi were trying to teach us and
what Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela themselves demonstrated.
The establishment‟s status quo is upheld by our unthinking acceptance
and obedience to its implicit philosophical position, at the heart of which lies the
definition of the human as being inherently violent, justifying thereby the
pragmatic necessity of brute force and the validation of a sovereign authority.
This thinking is the foundation upon which imperialism has built its empires and
dictators leech the blood of their own people in order to sustain themselves. We
need to change these very foundations which are lodged in our consciousness –
we need to become the change we want to see. And only through this private
individual realm will the change seep into the public collective body.
As a Pakhtun woman, I call upon the characteristics of my heritage of
which I am proud: my passion for independence and autonomy in order to
liberate myself from all who would declare themselves as my sovereigns,
whether it be the nation-state or an individual. For the peace we all long for and
in homage to that spirit, I call upon Rahman Baba‟s words:
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“Sow flowers so that your surroundings become a garden
Don’t sow thorns; for they will prick your feet
Don’t shoot arrows at others,
Know that the same arrow will come back to hit you.
Don’t dig a well in another’s path,
In case you come to the well’s edge
You look at everyone with hungry eyes
But you will be the first to become mere dirt.
Humans are all one body,
Whoever tortures another, wounds himself. (D 304)”
Safoora Arbab is a graduate of Columbia University, New York City, USA.
Rehman Baba: The great Pashto Sufi (Mystic) Poet
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How Will History Remember the Current War in
Pashtunkhwa?
Ibrahim Nasar
Pashtuns are no stranger to wars. The history of this landlocked nation is
one that is full of wars against invaders-attracted mainly by the strategic location
of the land Pashtuns inhabit. Be Alexander the Great or Tamerlane from the
mountains of Mongolia, be it Imperial Britain or Communist Russia, not to
mention the inter- and intra-tribal rivalries that have plagued Pashtun society for
centuries and sadly continue to take the lives of young men and, in some cases,
women in the least developed parts of Pashtunkhwa. But a close look at these
wars reveals that, regardless of scale, the rules of engagement were clear, the
enemies were known, the goals of the warring parties were evident, and the
finish lines were marked.
The history of most of the past wars on Pashtun land has been written
about in detail, even when the means of communication were scant. Gains and
losses were accounted for in most cases. The written history of the region shows
that Pashtuns have defeated the invaders in most of these wars. But when and
wherever defeat seemed inevitable, they have settled the issues with enemies
through negotiations to minimize the damage.
They have also lived with the
consequences, as exemplified by the second Anglo-Afghan war when
Afghanistan surrendered sovereignty over its external affairs to Britain.
But the current war raging in Dir, Malakand, Swat and Buner as well as
the Tribal areas is unprecedented in the history of the region for the scale of
death and destruction. Furthermore, the nature of this war is alien to Pashtuns.
According to a very conservative estimate by the United Nations‟ refugee
organization UNHCR, the number of people forced to leave their houses passed
the three million mark in less than a month since April 26 when the military
operations started –more than a hundred thousand a day. The forced migration
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from these areas makes this displacement bigger than that of Darfur or of the
Rwandans a few years ago. Since reporters are not allowed by the Pakistani
military to enter the
combat zones, no reliable accounting of the number of
people killed is available. But the scale of damage is already evident in the
pictures and videos taken by the fleeing refugees, supported by their anecdotal
reports.
The enormity of the war has left Pashtuns at a loss to recognize friend
from foe.
They wonder what simple villagers could have done to merit the
ferocity displayed by the warring parties that has resulted in a level of destruction
unseen in their entire history. The Taliban are bent on forcing their medieval
brand of a political and judicial system on the entire Pashtun belt, with the
ambition of later exporting it to the rest of the world from this laboratory where
Pashtuns are being used as guinea pigs. Thousands of unwanted criminals from
around the world have sneaked into the Pashtun tribal belt and joined the Taliban
ranks to subdue Pashtuns. Decapitated bodies of many known and unknown
innocent men and women in the centre of Mingora city would shock the residents
of the city on daily basis. From Waziristan to Buner, the targeted killing of
respected tribal leaders, members of parliaments, political and human rights
activists have become a daily routine. Schools, hospitals, cultural centers, roads,
bridges -- even shrines and mosques have borne the brunt of militant attacks for
„crimes‟ that the perpetrators of these attacks don‟t even bother to make up a
name for.
Army is No Friend
It would be redundant to reiterate here the widely known and decades-old
bond between the Pakistani army and the Jihadi organization, both at home and
abroad.
But the brutality of the Jihadi Taliban has put many residents of the
areas infiltrated by the militants into a state of denial over realities of this
ignominious bond. Tough times and merciless militants have led many Pashtuns
into believing that their country‟s almost one million -strong and well-armed
15 | P a g e
forces would, for once, choose innocent Pashtuns and their homes over their
unleashed „strategic assets‟.
It did not take long for this delusional bubble to burst and for the Pashtun
to realize that the old bonds between the army and the Islamists were too tight to
be broken, at least for now. Many have even come to believe that the army has
deliberately caused them greater damage than the militants. Bombing of most of
the towns and villages were carried out either without any sufficient warning or no
warning at all. When plans for the massive bombardment of Swat, Dir and Buner
were being made, the army did not bother to warn the residents of these areas,
nor did they care to make any arrangements for million refugees who would flee
their homes as a result of the heavy artillery shelling and aerial bombing. Ask any
refugee camped in Swabi or in the dusts of Peshawar who witnessed the
collateral damage and the indiscriminate shelling of their villages. Not many will
believe such massive damage was unavoidable in order to defeat a handful of
militants.
Peoples‟ doubts have turned into anger when after all this death and
destruction not a single militant leader was captured by the military. They have all
reportedly „slipped‟ into neighboring districts and safe havens. The sledgehammer approach could not even kill the very fly that inflicted such a heavy cost
on the civilian population. The militant leadership succeeded in fleeing under
dubious circumstances that a renowned Pakistani journalist, Zahid Hussain,
described as follows: “I met them not in their mountainous hideouts, but in the
official residence of a top bureaucrat in Mingora, barely a few hundred meters
from the army garrison.”
When the residents of Buner District took up arms against the Taliban and
forced them out of the area, the army initiated a truce which the local people say
deceived the anti-Taliban residents of the district into defeat and paved the way
for Taliban‟s takeover in mid-April of the town – a mere seventy miles North of
the capital Islamabad.
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History is written by the Victors
The majority of Pashtuns might find solace in the belief that history will
remember their sufferings, and that the perpetrators of these atrocities will one
day be caught and brought to justice. But history shows us time and again that
the victors in effect write history themselves by deciding what information
ultimately gets found and archived. It is obvious, the losers in the current war in
Pashtunkhwa are Pashtuns. The army has the guns, money, resources, has print
and electronic media under its control – even school text books are the purview
of the government. The lack of access to media is already taking a heavy toll on
the collection of information, and Pashtuns have failed to expose the true nature
of the war, the enemy, and the extent of the financial, social, cultural and
psychological damage caused by both the militants and the army. The Pashtun
do not even control the aid money from international donors. It is distributed by
the army and the charities run by some of the jihadi organizations, and it is they
who decide who shall benefit from this aid money. Besides the historical bond
between the army and the militant organizations that favors the Jihadis, the
control over mosques and access to religious charities at home and abroad also
put militants in a better position to twist the realities of the current war into their
favor.
For the first time in history, Pashtuns living broad felt compelled to take to
the streets as far away as London, New York and Toronto to condemn both the
Jihadi Taliban and the military for their atrocities against Pashtuns. The support
for the local population against the mullah-military alliance runs wide and deep,
but ironically protests against the war and the atrocities could not take place in
the
Pashtun
villages
and
towns
themselves,
except
for
small
scale
demonstrations organized by Pashtunkhwa MAP, in the early days of militant
attacks in Swat region. It‟s mainly out of fear of reprisal from both the militants
and the army. The Voice of Pashtuns is stifled, even as they bury loved ones
who have perished in the war, and when millions are still living away from their
homes in refugee camps. A glance at the current events shows that Pashtuns
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have no control over their own destiny. They have lost a grip on everything that
goes on around them. The turbulence of the times is caused by „others‟ and it is
those „others‟ who will end these turbulent times and then depict these events in
the history books.
No memorials will be built in the honor of the dead Pashtuns, nor any
remembrance days dedicated to those who perished or suffered. The „winner‟ of
the war will emerge as a „hero‟, as it has always been in the wars against our
Eastern neighbor in the past. Next generation of Pashtuns will be fed the version
of the events that benefits only those who write them.
The writer is a graduate from The University of NSW, Sydney, Australia and
is affiliated with the field of journalism. Ibrahim Nasar can be reached at
[email protected]
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The Price of Lack of Vision
Dr. Yaseen Iqbal
The North West Frontier Province of Pakistan has been one of the most
affected regions of the world during the last three decades. Because of its
location adjacent to the tribal belt and hence Afghanistan, it has been directly
affected by Afghan war and its consequent movements. All these events kept the
region very volatile and insecure. Apart from other sectors, the higher education
has also been affected badly, for example we have been unable to invite or
involve foreigners sometimes unavoidably needed to share their expertise and
technical skills, to contribute to our academic programmes. For example the
support to our institutions offered and facilitated by the Higher Education
Commission, Pakistan through various projects aimed at uplifting our education
standards could not be utilized properly. In some cases, there were approved
projects with committed foreign support but due to continuous security alerts, the
scientists could not travel to the region. Obviously, this region has been the most
affected and desperately needed technical and academic support but could not
be made possible due to the different priorities and circumstances. Being the
frontline or next to the frontline in the war, the people of the region needed more
education in order to respond to crises in an educated manner which also didn‟t
happen.
The above mentioned issues relate to one aspect of the problem which
needs immediate attention but the aspect going to be analyzed in the present
write-up is the establishment of new higher education institutions in the region.
The previous government had realized the importance of education and research
in the country for the first time in its history. About 2% of the national GDP had
been allocated for education which not only provided funds for the establishment
of new laboratories and universities but also helped in raising the living standards
of faculty involved. New ways of hiring high quality scientists through Tenure
Track and Foreign Faculty Hiring Programmes etc. were introduced. In NWFP,
19 | P a g e
new universities were established at Malakand, Kohat, Bannu, Hazara and a
couple of others within Peshawar. All these new universities have performed
satisfactorily with the exception of those established in Peshawar. These were
really very good news for the people of the region and all these institutions were
really needed. One reason for the establishment and importance of such
institutions is the very low rate of higher education in the country. For example,
on the average over the entire country, including the public and private sector,
we can only offer places in higher education institutions to only about 4% of the
candidates aged 19 to 23. India‟s percentage for the same age-group is about
7% and South Korea can offer places to about 68%. So there is no doubt in the
need for establishment of such institutions but we must explore the reasons that
why are we loosing when the others are winning.
The universities located in Peshawar are criticized extremely by their own
faculty, least to say the cries of others about these. The reasons for the problems
faced specifically by Islamia College University “ICU” and Khyber Medical
University “KMU” would become very clear if seen within the context of the
factors compulsory for establishment and running of such institutions.
First of all, the authorities should have a clear vision for the creation of a
university and the relevant expertise to clearly lay down the roadmap for their
activities reflecting relevance and innovation as top priorities. It appears that the
apparent failure of these two universities was the lack of these considerations.
For example, the task that was assigned to KMU was very huge by extending its
constituency to the medical colleges within the entire province. Obviously this
was a task impossible to manage and soon the government realized this by
bringing amendments in the university ordinance. Now this university is
performing a job that was previously performed by a section superintendent of
the secrecy department of a general university. Obviously, the very existence of
a university was questioned for such a minimum role. Now keeping in view such
an uncertain situation, the higher authorities have once again considered the
handing over of the related government departments/institutions to the same
20 | P a g e
university. In order to avoid the previous mistake of handing the institutions, the
capacity of the university must be kept in mind or enhanced to the level required
for such a task.
Secondly, a very important issue that deserves serious consideration is
the qualification for a person to head a higher education institution. Heading an
institution of higher education is equivalent to accepting the responsibility to plan
and facilitate the preparation of the nation for the present and future challenges
consistent with the local and global resources and needs. This requires the
delegation of authority to appropriate people with at least the highest university
degree. Establishment, management and development of such institutions need
vision, university level experience and relevance to the field. Knowing about the
strength of the existing and required faculty is also very much important. If nonacademic or those not having appropriate preparation and training for the job are
involved in such tasks, the consequences will always be discouraging. Similarly,
the establishment of faculties demands an appropriate thorough scrutiny of the
existing academic staff. Only loud slogans without any practical logistics cannot
make universities but lead them to failures.
Another important and very much needed consideration in the case of
KMU was the recapitulation of the academic losses that had been done within
the span of forty years in the field of medical education because of the separation
of health education from the domain of the university to the provincial health
department. With these there was a tremendous dismay among the qualified and
talented faculty that remained deprived by being subjected to bureaucratic
injustices. This obviously needed visionary authorities to identify the strength
within its faculty for achieving its goals and putting the university on a proper
footing. Consequently, talented academic experts feel hesitant to head it despite
the obvious need for replacement that has been clearly available.
Similar problems are also visible in the newly established ICU. There are
also clear reasons for its opposition even by its own faculty. If a college didn‟t
21 | P a g e
have a person eligible for the post of professor in its nearly 100 year long history,
certainly did not deserve the status of a university, least to say the heading of
visionaries and educationists within the existing lot. It was thus an activity carried
in a very hurried manner. The establishment and success of a university different
from the one that is already operational within its perimeter was not impossible
but needed the new university to be unique or more simply different from the one
already there. The having of another university to carry out the same activities
already being performed by its mother university for the last 50 years is nothing
but a duplication activity. And thus its establishment in that manner was a totally
unjustified action. With the presence of the already established departments and
institutes within the adjoining mother university, having similar departments could
never be seen an act of wisdom and vision. Similarly borrowing faculty from
outside for such duplication activities is not only a costly business but it has
severely weakened the strength of the other universities of the province.
The ICP has been a unique institution at intermediate and undergraduate
level and had been attracting the cream of students from the entire province and
preparing and nurturing them for further higher education. This activity is being
severely sabotaged with the creation of ICU. It would have been very wise to
focus on certain areas looking at the strength of the science activities within the
college. Alternatively, the consideration of areas and levels not available at the
mother university would have been a real innovation. This needed establishment
of centers of advance level natural/social sciences to make ICU a unique
institution. In the event of duplicating the existing departments, there is the
likelihood of an obvious failure if seen through the difficulties in getting the
required faculty, and establishment of necessary infrastructure. More important is
now the fair and very realistic looking into the consequences that with the
establishment of the ICU, the ICP original mission of educating young students to
graduate level is being severely compromised. The existing faculty is also
considering various options about their future.
22 | P a g e
A third alternative would have been to establish a university with the same
name at the hometown of its founder where the current activities of the ICU
would have been very well justified. This consideration would have given an
educational opportunity to the inhabitants of that location where the educational
activities are extensive and unparalleled and thus would have been a great help
for the provision of activities at their door steps.
The circles involved in promoting and advocating the need for establishing
institutions in this manner have misled the government and have caused the
wastage of resources. The ICU should have been established by thorough
consultations with the older universities in the premises to identify the potential
areas to be developed, shared and promoted in a productive manner.
Khyber medical college should have been developed into a medical
university with only one constituent college and focus should have been made on
the postgraduate education instead of expanding it to the whole province.
There is no need to worry about the failure of these institutions. Whatever
is made available in countries with a population like ours, the seats will be always
full but we need quality. The new century is the century of quality and knowledgebased economy, and in order to establish institution of good quality, the role and
caliber of their decision makers and leaders is very important. To establish higher
education institutions, one must know the role and level of an institution and the
related local and global expectations.
Universities are basically the seats of higher learning aimed at generating
new knowledge and innovation. They do so by facilitating the availability of
resources and expertise required for knowledge generation. It would, thus, be
very clear that if the aim was to only communicate knowledge and skills, then
perhaps the establishment of colleges would be enough. The establishment of
universities that are unable to generate new knowledge and bring innovation
would then be simply wasting land, finances and human resources. Now if the
23 | P a g e
aim was the generation of knowledge, then we will have to think seriously how to
best achieve this goal. For this, as mentioned earlier, such institutions should
have capable and well-qualified leadership with at least the following attributes:
(a)
The leader should have been exposed to all the learning and
practical experiences of university education. This can only be
expected from a person with at least holding the highest academic
degree (i.e. PhD). If a person with a lower degree is appointed as
leader, he/she does not know and can never lead the university to
the required standards. If the leader has a lower qualification than
the one the institution offers, innovation is impossible and it will be
just like appointing a matriculate to lead or teach at college or
university level. The Higher Education Commission, Pakistan has
developed certain criteria and must be followed.
(b)
Facilitation of knowledge generation could only be delegated by
those university leaders who have themselves generated some
new knowledge. They also better understand the significance and
the steps / facilities required for the purpose. To prove this, the
leader must have publications in peer reviewed international
journals as first author not as a second or third author.
(c)
The leader must be aware of the global education standards and
global expectations from the university level education. This is not
possible without going through and close exposure to the education
process at various technologically advanced countries where higher
education institutions are well-established and known to produce
graduates with proven capabilities of global standards.
(d)
The leader should be qualified enough and should have the vision
to utilize, guide and empower the faculty and resources towards
achieving the expected goals. For example, we spend billions on
Information Technology (IT) but could not change the stone-age file
culture. If a so called IT could not transform the file culture into an
electronic communication system, then spending money on buying
PCs, internet servers and other related infrastructure is nothing
other than wastage of resources. If the ultimate aim of IT is to get a
more sophisticated type-writer or casual e-mailing facility, then fax
and old type were enough. Similar would be the case of
establishing well-equipped laboratories and research centers
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without any new research done in these. Thus, the leader should
have the courage and vision about how to monitor and see their
progress. This should be the responsibility of the leader to address
such issues. If they cannot ensure this in their universities, then
how can we expect this from other government or private sectors?
(e)
If the qualification of such responsible leaders in technologically
advanced countries is checked, one will never find a Vice
Chancellor, Dean or Professor not holding a PhD degree.
Secondly, when they appoint a person, even as a head of a
department, they expect from him a significant change / innovation
in the existing set-up. Do we do this?
(f)
There may be leaders of such institutions with lower qualifications
than required but eyes to differentiate between make-up and
original beauty are very much needed.
The up-gradation of Islamia College Peshawar and Khyber Medical
College to University level has provided us with a golden opportunity to enhance
the quantity as well as the quality of education in the region. These opportunities
should not be wasted but optimized through visionary approach and intelligent
decision making before it is too late.
The author has been working as a Foreign Professor in the
Department of Physics, University of Peshawar. Dr. Iqbal has also
been an active task-force member at HEC for the establishment of
engineering universities in collaboration with the technologically
advanced countries. He has been working for several years at the
University of Sheffield (UK) and relevant industry and has published
several articles in world class international journals of applied and
engineering sciences.
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What do People in Buner Think About The Ongoing War?
Zar Ali Khan Musazai
More than 3.5 million people from restive Swat, Buner and Dir migrated to
comparatively safer areas of Mardan, Swabi, Nowshera, Charsadda, Peshawar
and some others areas in Pukhtunkhwa province in the wake of the military
operation in Malakand division. In other provinces of Pakistan, particularly Sindh
and Punjab, some political parties and individuals opposed the entry of these
IDPs from Pashtun areas. Some people in small number did move to Punjab and
Karachi, however, various restrictions were imposed on these IDPs and
ridiculous excuses were given to justify this apathy towards the citizens of
Pakistan. This approach has certainly created doubts in the minds of many
Pashtuns. These people have been continuously fed on the rhetoric told that their
migration means survival of Pakistan and that they are giving a big sacrifice for
the long term prosperity and peace in Pakistan and betterment of its people. Yet,
unfortunately these people who are expected to sacrifice their villages,their
homes, their jobs, their businesses, their crops and cattle and in some cases
even their lives, to save Pakistan for the ruling elite, were denied entry into the
same Pakistan, a right that the constitution of Pakistan has guaranteed them.
This situation has posed a serious dilemma to the Pashtun nation in
general and the IDPs in particular - what is their future and status in Pakistan?
The lukewarm response of the Pakistani civil society to come to the help of more
than three million Pashtuns has further eroded their sense of ownership to the
state. This is particularly painful, because just a few months ago, the same urban
Pakistani civil society and organizations and activists gathered in large numbers
to launch a movement for the restoration of judiciary in Pakistan. Where are
these organizations, lawyers, activists and civic groups now? These and many
other similar lingering questions keep on arising in the minds of Pashtun IDPs.
26 | P a g e
A few days ago I was in Buner as part of a three member team on a fact
finding mission about the condition of those people who were stuck up there and
could not move out due to continued curfew and fear of the religious terrorists.
During our discussions with people, they often asked similar intriguing questions.
One of the most frequent and relevant question people would ask was: why the
leadership of the militants was still at large? Where are the dead bodies of
militants who are being killed? Why did the provincial government of ANP and
PPP sign a peace deal with Sufi Muhammad, an erstwhile leader of the
apparently banned Tehreek Nifazi Shariat Muhammadi (TNSM). The same Sufi
Mohammad had taken more than 10000 young people from the areas in question
at a time when the then emirate of the Taliban was overthrown from Kabul after
they refused to hand over Osama-bin-Ladin to the Americans in 2001. Majority of
these were young kids with little knowledge and insight of the issue and most of
them never returned. The residents of Buner observed that it was only after the
treaty with TNSM was signed, that militants started coming to Buner in large
numbers and tried to snatch control of the area from the local people. The Buner
people also raised lashkars to defend their homes and hamlets, but the
administration did not come to their rescue.
When the Taliban entered Buner at first, the people of the area resisted
bravely and even killed more than 45 militants, such a process if supported by
the concerned authorities could have blocked their entry in the district.
Astonishingly, the then Commissioner of Malakand, Syed Mohammad Javed
came to the rescue of the terrorists and frightened the local people of the dire
consequences. Some also claim that he passed instructions to the local police to
avoid confronting the militants. We met a group of local people in Daggar, who
complained that the Commissioner had such close links with the Taliban that he
once used his official car to take an ailing militant to hospital. According to them,
the Commissioner was a pro -Taliban person who was instrumental in promoting
terrorism in the region right from the time when he was the deputy commissioner
of Swat years ago. He used to openly offer Friday prayers after Mullah Fazlullah
27 | P a g e
at his Headquarters in Mamdherai. A few amongst the local people also
suspected that leadership of the Taliban militants was air-lifted to some safer
place from Peuchar, Swat. They asserted that the above examples show that the
establishment and militants are the same and hence the operation is not likely to
bring any fruitful outcome.
Most of the people we interviewed, believed that peace could not return to
Malakand Division until the leadership of the militants is wiped out. They argued
that similar operations previously in Swat as well as FATA, resulted in more of
the same problem. Bakht Saeed, a local shopkeeper whom we met in Daggar,
said that Fazlullah and his cronies would not be seen for a long time, just like
Osama Bin laden and Mulla Umar, who disappeared after 9/11 and are not seen
till today, but the militancy will continue. On the casualties of the militants, his
opinion was that the military spokesman of Pakistan does not tell the whole truth
to the media. He was apprehensive that the militants would come again as the
military operation comes to an end, but lives of the people would have changed
for the worse. He also observed that there was no local support for the militants
and terrorists in Buner, but still people are being targeted indiscriminately by the
military.
Some of the more politically astute Buneris argued that the terrorists are
snakes reared by the intelligence agencies for ulterior motives to sabotage the
development in Afghanistan and foil the Pashtun national movement for
unification. Others believed the operations were just a stage managed drama to
get as many dollars from the Americans as possible. A group of elder people
whom we met in the village of Nawagai had another story to tell, which raises
many questions about the military operation. They informed us that when the
operation started, the gunship helicopters came, hit some places in the
mountains where no terrorist was hiding, according to their knowledge. Some
even told us that the Taliban always move out of their hideouts a few minutes
before the gunship helicopters attack, suggesting that they are probably alerted
before the operation actually starts.
28 | P a g e
The impression that one gets after interacting with a cross - sectioning of
the local people is that these people are really apprehensive about the intentions
as well as the conduct of the military operation and its eventual outcome. One
can safely conclude that most people are of the view that the state itself was
involved in the destruction of their houses although they were unable to fathom
why? Some of the local people with hardly any idea of global politics, though
astonishingly, opined that such dramas with Pashtun nation would continue as
the Pakistani establishment was averse to the presence of the American forces
in Afghanistan and want that country to be under its influence just like before
9/11. They ironically forget that Afghanistan is a sovereign country and the global
interests in that country would not allow it to go back to the civil war like situation
of the 90s. The western world has invested so much in Afghanistan that they will
ensure that it emerges as a modern democratic state in Asia.
According to a teacher Gul Bacha of Pir Baba, whom we met in Rustam in
a makeshift IDP camp, the Pakistani establishment thinks that a strong
Afghanistan means weak Pakistan which according to him is wrong. His advice
to the policy makers of Pakistan was that they should understand that a strong
and a prosperous Afghanistan is in the interest of both the countries and its
people. The vast majority of people we came across expressed the opinion that
Pashtun‟s land and people are being used in this geo-political game prepared in
Islamabad, Washington, London and other world capitals. The most interesting
revelation of our visit was that a large number of Punjabi Taliban were involved in
the fighting in Swat in addition to Uzbeks, Chechans, Arabs and many other
foreigners. These people have come from far off places to fight their ideological
war against the west, but all the blame for Talibanisation is given to the
Pashtuns. One can not help but agonize at the fact that Pashtuns are actually the
worst victims of this curse of religious extremism and militancy, yet they are the
most maligned. Many people opined that the epicenter of religious radicalization
including its ideology, political and strategic support and production of literature
etc is in Punjab but the product is sent to Pashtun areas. Contrary to the
29 | P a g e
common belief, many people we interviewed also did not hate America and the
West. They thought that interaction with the West can help them acquire
education, science and technology and opportunities for economic development.
They believed that militancy has led to destruction of their lives and if this war
against militancy and religious extremism is not won, their culture, language,
history, geography and more significantly, the future of their coming generations
will be at stake.
The sentiment in Buner was that the Pashtun nation has seen enough war
and they are tired of war in the region. They want peace, stability, economic
activity, trade, business, education and good life for them as well as for their
coming generations. They want to see their children getting modern education
and not become suicide bombers in the name of Islam and Jihad. The
impression that we brought from Buner can be summarized in the words of an
Gul Bacha of the IDP camp in Rustam : Pashtuns want to go side by side with
the international community and civilized world but international community will
have to understand their situation and bring them closer as friends, for the long
term peace and prosperity both sides of the Durand Line as well as the wider
region.
Zar Ali Khan Moosazai is the Chairman of Pashtun Democratic Council and
can be reached at:
pashtundemocraticcouncil@gmail. com, OR [email protected]
30 | P a g e
Pashtun in Diaspora and Potential for Networking
Esepzye Afghan
It is the year 2009, and the Pashtuns are in a state of war on both sides of
the Durand line. The million dollar question then is- what can the
Pashtuns/Afghans do? In Particular the entire Afghan land has turned into a war
zone, whether in Helmand, Waziristan, Paktia, Swat or Bannu. It all started with a
war between two ideologies- Communism and Capitalism - and morphed into the
war on terror. Many Pashtuns today view this as it was in the year 1979, when
the Soviets marched into Afghanistan. No one had ever thought that this fateful
day would alter not only the international political scene, but would eventually
decimate and eat up the Pakhtun nation. At this juncture, what can the Pashtuns
in diaspora do? It is very clear to many pashtuns that the events of 2009 are no
different from those in the 19th century. Our land is caught in a proxy war, where
many regional and international powers are seeking to position themselves in the
fight for resources, seaports like Gwadar, oil and gas pipelines and strategic
control of the Asian heartland. The tragedy is not that other powers are vying for
their interests, for it is in the nature of any state to pursue its perceived interests
and move up the ladder in international politics, but the fact, that we
Pashtuns/Afghans ourselves have not realised this fact and haven‟t raised a
suitable voice in pursuit of our interests collectively. You may ask what do I mean
by “suitable”? By suitable I mean one that understands the ground realities and
does not doze in to historical romanticism -Pashtuns have never been defeated,
warriors by birth, lawless frontier, etc. No doubt our history as an independent
people, as a nation of warriors and poets should not only be cherished but
remembered. However, it is this independent spirit that is being stifled today.
Therefore, one must shed the romanticism for a realistic approach towards the
current situation plaguing our land. Another major problem is that Pashtuns have
turned in to a politically passive society. The recent rise of religious extremists
and militants in Malakand despite the history of the region for strong political
control in the pre-partition days and even the recent sweeping of elections in
31 | P a g e
Swat by the nationalist forces. This passivity is equally matched by the Pashtuns
in the diaspora who have not pushed itself to the task of uniting their people
abroad despite significant communities in the host nations.
At such a crucial moment, it is imperative for the Pashtuns in diaspora to
get involved through a variety of ways. The following are some suggestion that I
propose for the Pashtuns in Diaspora:
a)
To make a conscious effort by uniting the Pashtun
organizations.
It is irrelevant that they are from lar or bar, Malakand, Quetta or
Nangarhar. It should be imperative that all Pashtun/Afghan organizations
sit together and agree upon a collective agenda. This will not only ensure
enough flexibility to deal with the issues pertaining to the localities they
have settled into, but will also give the new generation a sense of common
bond between Pashtuns of all regions.
b)
To regularly hold events that will shed light on the current turmoil,
as well as the history of Pashtuns. Such events can help hone the political
knowledge of the Pashtun youth, so they have a better understanding of
where their people stand, what brought them to the current predicament
and what role they can play in alleviating the suffering of the Pashtun
nation.
c)
To pool their resources, human, capital and material and invest in
projects for Pashtuns in Afghanistan and Pashtunkhwa. One of the priority
area could be the provision of resources opportunities and scholarships
for Pashtun/Afghan youth for university education.
d)
To use the mechanism of media to portray an indigenous image of
Pashtuns/Afghans, that will help in maintaining their culture which has
suffered immensely due to the 30 years of continuous war and more
importantly, bringing forth the Pashtun political voice to play a role in their
future.
32 | P a g e
A first Look at these proposals, one feels that the task of bringing the
Pashtuns/Afghans together is a daunting task, however it is doable and
necessary. As this war on terror, and similar operations follow suit, and as
regional and global powers continue to vie for power in our strategic location, it is
now vital for Pashtuns/Afghans to come forward and be heard. If they stay
passive in such a crucial time, I fear that after this game is over, and the dust has
settled, Pashtuns/Afghans would have lost a lot more than they realise now or
ever dreamed.
Esepzye Afghan Is a student based in Canada and hails from Shangla, Swat
in Pukhtunkhwa.
33 | P a g e
Section 2: Literary
Banra
Fawad Lameh
Shonde me skarwati dee,
leg ghonde saara ghwaree
mree la dere tande na
sta da khwaly oba ghwaree
tan me bas lamba lamba
shor me pa zargee ke dai
sterge me pr laara dee
sta da deed kaata ghwaree
ghega me pranesty da
kheyal ke me radroomy ta
Roh me pa nasa nasa
zaan na me waata ghwaree
sar de wee, tatar me wee
naaz de wee, andaaz me wee
ghaara me sheba sheba
sta shkulee banra ghwaree
na ye da sro tama da
na ye da donia hawa
zra me dai maashoom maashoom
leg ghonde khwaga ghwaree
shkuly shaaperay me ye
ta da aashuqay sapa
raasha che Lameh de nan
yaw zalee leeda ghwaree
The writer is an Afghan Pashtun and is settled in Washington DC (USA).
34 | P a g e
Uswazed
Dr. Adalat Khan & Ajab Khan Toryalay
Da tarhe wor pri was baligee gulistan uswazed
warsha Pukhtuna nung pri wakra tul Afghan uswazed.
Da wror da ghama naakhabara da khubunu paasa,
Da narmu narmu bistaru nayaab katunu paasa.
Warsha lug sayee ye kra chi sanga faryaduna kawee,
Zalmee ye qatal shwal aw khwendey ye weeruna kawee.
Swat ye kru lutey hum Buner Shangla Kostan uswazed,
Warsha Pukhtuna nung pri wakra tul Afghan uswazed.
Waya mulla ta ba khpal Rub la sa jawab warkawey?
Pa shmer ye qatal kra saba ba ta hisaab warkawey.
Sa ye qasoor de talibjana chi tri sar prikawey?
Pa tash ilzaam tri khpi laasoona pa hunar prikawey?
Gura da khkulu yousafzu noom aw nishaan uswazed,
Warsha Pukhtuna nung pri wakra tul Afghan uswazed.
Ta chi sarkaara nun pa dwee bandi bamoona warey,
Pa aam ulas chi da martaru baranuna warey.
Sanga ba dwee da ghum na daki wrazey shpey heeri kree?
Sanga ba dwee pa khpal watan da bal hamley heeri kree?
Nu kha makha ba saba wayee chi Pakistan uswazed,
Warsha Pukhtuna nung pri wakra tul Afghan uswazed.
Taliba ta rala watan tabah kru,
Askara ta zama chaman tabah kru.
Amreekey tab a sanga rogh wagarzey?
Tulu mi jwand hum zanqadan tabah kru
.
Ma darta wel chi tura wakhla zan tri khlaas kra wrora,
Ta uda we aw uda paati shwi jahan uswazed.
Dr. Adalat Khan Beqarar is a native Pakhtun of Swat who lives in
Malaysia while Ajab Khan Toryalay is his younger brother who is a
student of engineering in Quetta.
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Pashto International Anaar-gul Mushaira (Kandahar 2009) Award winning Poetry
by Yousaf sahil "Ma da Kama Gunah Kari”.
Yousaf sahil is ex-general secretary of Pashto Adabi Ghurzang
Ma Da Koma Gunah Karee????
Yousaf Sahil
Ma da koma gunah karee?
Za pa sa bandi turan yum?
Zama ba laas ki zanzeeruna
Zama pa khpu ki zolanai dee
Pa jwandoon ki maqsad yo dai
Da matlab khabaree dwa dee
Ya khu da jwandun ghalat de
Ya da bal jahan qeesey dee
Saqee wai ka pa jwand ki
La azala mastee ghwaree
Bas zama malgarey ussa
Da randanu pa mehfil ki
Badmastaan sara tuligee
Da cha manu kangrai khijee
Ka masti da yaraney dee
Da ghamunu darak nishta
Pemana mu pemaney dee
Khu dagha ta jwandun wai
Bas dagha da mastai shpi dee
Sa khumar khumar khabaree
Pa skaree masham ki kigee
Da rabab pa naree tar ki
Da matrib masti naghmi dee
Zwana rasha di mehfil ta
Sa khwagi khwagi shebey dee
Za da cha malgarey usam
Ma da koma gunah karee
Za pa sa bandi turan yum
Zama pa laas ki zanzeeruna
Zama pa khpu ki zolanai dee
36 | P a g e
Zahidhum rata pa qaar de
Pa jwandun ki heesab ghwaree
Pa member ki rata naast de
Tal jaree ghalatee laree
Pa jwandun ki mastee nashta
Pa jwandun ki falsafey dee
Da da char jumaat khabaree
Pa jwandun ki na zaigee
Nur sa nashta pa dunya ki
Bas tubey dee aw tubey dee
Amal wakra pa fanee kee
Pa agha jahan mazey dee
Nun sta marzee da yara
Ta da cha malgaray kigee
Pa mantaq bandi zan poha ka
Pa pohee ki martabey dee
Pa janat ki asaish de
Pa dozakh ki sre lambee dee
Za da cha malgarey usam
Ma da koma gunah karee
Za pa sa bandee turan yum
Zama pa laas ki zanzeeruna
Zama pa khpu ki zulanai dee
Da zameer sodagaree da
Sa zaeefee aqeedey dee
Insaan sar da insaan ghuss kree
Khu insaan ta sajdey dee
Na daleel shta na mantaq shta
Pa laasu ki ye charee dee
Ka zama malgarey usey
Bas dagha sa nuktey dee
Da mazloom da jara chaghee
Tar asmaana puree rasee
Da yazeed qarbala jura
Ka karoo ye minaree dee
Da nakreezu asar nashta
Moong pa weenu panjee sree dee
Ma aw ta sara pa jang yu
Da grewan taraee mu pre dee
Za da cha malgarey usam
Ma da koma gunah karee
Za pa sa bandi turan yum
Zama pa laas ki zanzeeruna
Zama pa khpu ki zolanai dee
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Naraee tula pa khalwat ki
Pa siasee zangu ki zangee
Yo pashtuna ta pa kur ki
Yo da bal sara jagree dee
Maktaboona ye swazeegee
Ya ye bandee darwazee dee
Zwana wali pa hairat ki
chi zama kurgee ta guree
Ma sok nadee azar karee
Zama wali stargee sree dee
Ta da bal pa nindai bandee
gatee mung pa seena wuley
Pa grewan ki ushki twe shwe
Bas da ushku silsiley dee
Badbakhtee mu da la kura
Sa da zulum turey shpi dee
Da khushal bachu ta gura
Yo par bal da gataan walee
Pa barudu zan pushalee
Sangarunu ki morchey dee
Ha mahal chi pi ye balada
Grana rasha ka ye guree
Was jungara patee na da
Hagha kalee kadwaley dee
Da wagunu darak nishta
Nagharee ki mree eerey dee
Ha khateen khateen kuruna
Da nafrat pa lambu sawee
Pushtanu kuruna shaar dee
Da wahshat shaaree koosey dee
Da lewaanu daley garzee
Latawee da zaman maree
Da zmariyu pa watan ki
Da geedaru ghargharee dee
Nun pashtun pa kada kada
Da la koma meeney droomee
Da bamoonu baran puree
Pa watan ki janazey dee
Da Sahil khabaree speeney
Pa shuru ki sa kagee dee
Za da cha malgarey usam
Ma da koma gunah karee
Za pa sa bandi turan yum
Zama pa laas ki zanzeeruna
Zama pa khpu ki zolanai dee
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Section 3: Art & Entertainment
Ghani Khan, The Gallant Expressionist of
Aestheticism
Sakhi Arsala Khan
Ghani Khan is not only being deeply
revered among the Pakhtuns because
he was the son of the greatest Pakhtun
national
hero,
Bacha
Khan,
but
because he earned a splendid place for
himself
among
contemporary
the
poets
four
of
greatest
the
20th
century; the other two being Hamza
Shinwari, Qalandar Momand and Ajmal
Khattak. His poetry, prose, sculpturing
and
paintings
manifest
audacious
expressions of his true, veracious and
rather unorthodox feelings, which put
him distasteful in the conventional, traditional and dogmatic religious strongholds.
His philosophy regarding worldly pleasures, and heavenly allures, was in dire
contradiction to the beliefs of the conservative class of the people.
Khan Abdul Ghani Khan also known as "Lewanay Falsafi" was born in
January 1914 in village Utmanzai (Charsadda) situated in Hashtnagar. He was
the eldest son of the legendary Pakhtun reformer and freedom fighter Khan
Abdul Ghaffar Khan, alias Bacha Khan. His other two brothers Wali Khan, a
noted politician and stepbrother Ali Khan, a distinguished educationist, also
excelled in their respective fields. His mother Mehar Qanda belonged to the
nearby Razar village, who was married to Bacha Khan in 1912. Ghani Khan was
only five years old when his mother died in an epidemic.
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Ghani Khan received
his elementary education from
an "Imam" of a local mosque,
as was the practice in vogue
at that time and then he was
admitted
in
National
High
School Peshawar but when
his
illustrious
father
established Azad School in
Utmanzai in 1921, Ghani was
also admitted in this school.
He matriculated from Punjab University in 1927 and was sent to Delhi
University for Islamic and Traditional Education, but when the Mullahs conspired
against the moderate Amir Aman-ullah Khan of Afghanistan on the behest of
Firingis, Bacha Khan took him out of the Delhi University in sheer disappointment
from the role of the clergy. Ghani Khan was sent to England for getting western
education at the tender age of 15 years. He was then sent to Louisiana (USA) for
Specialization in Sugar Technology.
Ghani Khan's sojourn to Europe and
America left immense western and liberal imprints on his life and Personality. He
was awfully handsome in appearance and masculinity, which often created
inconveniences for him.
Bacha Khan was not pleased with his western adaptations and earnestly
desired to instill in him indigenous love and affections for his soil and native
culture, therefore he was sent to Jawahir Lal Nehru to U.P who generously
accommodated him in the room of his father,Moti Lal Nehru for eight months.
Nehru's most adored daughter Indra Pryadarshni took extra care to look after him
during his stay in her house. She later rose to her zenith as a shrewd statewoman and Prime Minister of India for two terms, commonly known as Indra
Gandhi.
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Jawahir Lal Nehru admitted him and his daughter Indra, in an educational
institute established by the Nobel Laureate Rabindernath Tagore in Bengal,
where they studied journalism, in 1937. Ghani Khan was attracted, besides
journalism, towards paintings and sculpturing under the patronage of the head of
the Arts school, Nand Lal Bose. Ghani Khan admits that he rediscovered himself
and the glory of his culture in this Institution. In December 1937, Ghani Khan met
an elegant lady, Roshan, the youngest daughter of Nawab Rustum Jang of
Hyderabad Daccan in Bombay and fell in immense love with her. They married
on 24th Nov, 1939 and after six years of intense romance, Roshan embraced
Islam. Ghani Khan kept her in high esteem, affection and passionate love
throughout her life.
Ghani Khan had three offspring from
his
beloved
spouse,
two
daughters,
Shandana, Zarin and a son, Faridoon. Ghani
Khan joined a sugar mill in the United
Provinces and was promoted as Chief
Chemist. Later he got employed in Frontier
Sugar Mills Takht Bhai as a technical
Manager but resigned in 1943. He was
elected as the youngest member of the
Central Legislative Assembly in 1945 and
soon won acclaim as a good parliamentarian
due to his oratory skills. The visitor's gallery
used to be full to the capacity on the eve of
his speech and the members of the assembly
would rush to take their seats not to miss his
wits.
He founded a semi military group in 1947, consisting of enthusiastic
Pashtun youths, called "Zalmay Pukhtun", which watched discipline in the
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moots of the "Khudai Khidmatgar", a freedom
movement launched by his father, Bacha Khan.
He underwent imprisonment several times due
to his political activities. He spent his first term
of six years in jail from 1948 to 1954 under 40
FCR, which proved a blessing in disguise to
arouse him to author his first poetic collection,
"Da Pinjray Chaghar" (Chirping in The Cage),
during his detention in the prison.
In literature, Ghani Khan is regarded like a deep ocean replete with wide
variety of precious gems. His literary firmament displays a grand multitude of
reflections, ranging from ecstasy, exhilaration, passion, carnal love, divine love,
love for the soil and his people, yearning for gallantry, liberty, humanism, satire
for hypocrisy, ridicule for mullahs and other philosophical allegory, the later being
beyond the comprehension of a common mind.
He wrote a permanent comic column, "Gadde Wadde" under the
assumed name of "Lewanay Falsafi", in the reputed "Pakhtoon" journal, which
was published by Bacha Khan from 1928 to 1947 as a mouth organ of "Khudai
Khidmatgar Movement". He held slavery and subjugation as the biggest curse
on the earth. "Pakhtoon" carried his famous poem to this effect, permanently on
its front cover; which goes as:
"Ka Khaazey shney me pa qabar wee walaare
Ka Ghulam mar yam, Razai Tokay pe Laare
Ka pa khpalo weno na yam Lambedale
Pa maa ma paleetaway da Jomat ghaare
Yaa ba daa benanga mulk baghe adan karam
Yaa ba kram da Pukhtano kosey Wejaare."
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Ghani stands out a staunch Pakhtun from the realm of his ecstasy, fantasy, wine,
women and mirth when he reaches the cross road of his true identity. Ghani
Khan has immensely ridiculed and scorned hypocrisy, and religious dogma of
pessimist mullahs, as he addresses, "Janab-e-sheikh", as under;
"Zra de duk de da khpal zana
Pake zay nishta da Yaar
Dasay dak de da naiko na
Laka dak da maro khaar
Dwara stargay de randey dee
Da bal bud da zaan kha wayee
Tal aina ke zanta gorey
Da yaar na weney singaar
Shunde sta uzgarey na dee
Che siffat da ashna wakray
Da khpal noor qaseeday waye
Pa koosa ke da dildaar".
Ghani Khan is outrageously excited when he sprouts his deepest hatred
and skepticism for mullah as a symbol of inert mentality, as he says;
Raasha raasha saaqi raasha
Darray darray mullah darray
Pa maa bande bade lagi
sta pakhe pakhe khabaray
Ghata paga de sha khawray
Ajeeba ta zanawar yee
Ta da meenay be-khabara
Ta da husan na munkar yee
Daa mehfal de da randano
Aakhwa aakhwa Laray laray
da sharabo da sko ba di
Sta tarkhe shunde babaray
Sta awo wara janatoona
Da dey yao da naz basaray
Sta salwaikht zara kitaba
Da dey dwa khwage khabaray
Sta waade ogde da hooro
Dalta sre shunde shakaray
Taa la qaraz jondoon darkram
Daa rakayee pa malghalaray
mashoom na yam che janat pregdam
sta da soor dozakh da yaray
Janana mekhana darkam
Wakhlum sta kandi kapary."
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Ghani Khan like Omar Khayyam would prefer to enjoy the pleasures of
this world than to aspire for the enjoyment of the next, as expressed in the
following couplet;
"Some for the glories of this world,
and some sigh for the prophet's paradise to come
Ah, take the cash and left the credit go,
Nor heed the rumble of a distant drum!"
Ghani Khan has also juxtaposed eternal love, beauty and truth with his
carnal feelings and worldly passions, which he has dwelt at length in his poetry.
He has created three collections of Pashto poetry; namely "Da pinjray
chaghaar",”Latoon”, "Palwashay" and "Panoos". His works have been
amalgamated in 1995 in a voluminous book, "Da Ghani Kulyaat". He has also
compiled a book in English, named, "The Pathans", which deals with the
Pathan's ways of life.
This great expressionist and true aesthete died on 15th March 1996 and
was buried the next day on 16th March, in his ancestral graveyard in Utmanzai.
He greeted his death with bravery as he had predicted;
“Margay”
Margay de Raashi , Che kala ye wass wee
gul ba me laas ke wee, Ao yaa ba uss wee
Yaa ba topak wee, Yaa ba qalam wee
Doob ba khanda kee, Da dunya gham wee
Che sa me bakht wee, domra ba bass wee
Margay de raashi, Che kala ye wass wee.
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Paintings & Sculpture by Ghani Khan
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An Interview with Sardar Ali Takkar
Sardar Ali Takkar (SAT) was talking to the Editor SAHAR (ES)
Sardar Ali Takkar, a veteran of the
Pashto singing scene, is known for
singing the revolutionary poetry of
Ghani Khan. Takkar was born in 1956
at Takkar village (Takht Bahi) Mardan.
He received his early education in his
village
and
appeared
in
Middle
Standard Examination from Peshawar
board
and got distinction in the
board. He did his F.Sc from Government College, Mardan.
Takkar graduated in Mechanical Engineering from the University of
Engineering and Technology, Peshawar. Besides this, he has also attended
special courses in UK and Canada.
Readers, Takkar is considered as a
household name among the Pashtuns and has earned worldwide recognition by
singing veteran poets like Rahman Baba, Khushal Khan Khattak, Khatir Afridi,
Amir Hamza Khan Shinwari and of course the great Ghani Khan.
Like a wild flower which sprouts from the virgin soil and blossoms to full
ambiance untended, he is the most sought after Pashto singer. In recognition of
his services in the field of music, the president of Pakistan has bestowed upon
him the Pride of Performance Award.
Editor SAHAR-The Voices of Pashtuns speaks to this great singing
legend and unveils his musical journey to his readers across the globe.
ES:
Pakhair Raghley Takkar Saib
SAT: Pakhair ussi Azra
ES:
Takkar Saib, when did you realize that you had a talent for music?
SAT: Well, I had a natural flair for music and singing. I used to take part in
singing competitions held in my school and participate in other shows on the
university level and it is then that I realized that I had a potential for singing.
46 | P a g e
ES:
So when did you start singing on a proper platform?
SAT: It was in 1982 when Yar Mohammad Maghmoom, a professor at the
Edward College, Peshawar wanted to celebrate an evening with the legendry
philosopher Ghani Khan, and was looking for a singer who could meet the
challenge of putting Ghani Khan‟s poetry in music. I felt being extremely
honored to sing Ghani Khan‟s poetry that evening.
ES: Was that program formally recorded?
SAT: No, Azra, which was not a commercial program. It was an informal get
together. One thing was quite interesting though, some people from among the
audience recorded that program on audio cassettes which eventually hit the
local music stores and then they started selling those records on regular basis.
ES: When did you launch you first audio album?
SAT: Well, as I have mentioned earlier, the audio cassettes, which the audience
recorded at that musical program in Edwards College, touched the market
incidentally and hence became my debut album which was solely based on
Ghani Khan‟s poetry. But my formal recording was done on radio and television
of Afghanistan. I brought these cassettes from Afghanistan and properly
released in Pakistan. Actually this was the turning point in my musical life.
ES: Takkar Saib, have you tried your luck in any other medium in the field of
music besides singing?
SAT: You will be amused to hear that I
started playing mouth organ when I
was in grade 8, I often used to play
„Sitar‟ at one of the peasant, namely
Anwar Khan‟s house in the my village
as due to certain social and political
affiliation of the family, it was not
possible to play musical instruments in
the traditional hujra at that time. I also
played „Rabab‟ in my college days and
of course harmonium also.
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ES:
Did you undergo any formal training in playing musical instruments or
singing for that matter?
SAT: I was by nature very much close to music and singing but due to certain
constraints, I couldn‟t pursue formal musical training initially but later on at
University level, when I was away from the family‟s norms and values, I started
taking this art seriously and gave full attention to learning music. I joined
Abaseen Arts Council for formal musical training. Later I approached, Khalid
Haider and Sultani Sahab for learning classical music.
ES: The poets that you mostly sung were revolutionary poets. Did you feel any
hindrance or difficulty in singing their poetry from the Government circles?
SAT: Well, there were problems but I simply couldn‟t help myself singing the
legendry poets‟ poetry so I specially went to Afghanistan for pursuing my dream
as those poets were banned in Pakistan.
ES: Who was your inspiration in the
field of music? Would you mind telling
our readers?
SAT: Kundan Lal Sehgal had always
remained a great source of inspiration
for me. The sphere of K.L. Sehgal‟s
recorded music was very vast, as he
sang in Hindi, Urdu, Bengali and Tamil.
I used to listen to a music program,
comprising of one of the Sehgal‟s songs which was broadcasted daily on the
radio at that time. Such was the charm and mystique in Sehgal‟s singing that I
too started my career singing in the „Sehgal‟s Style‟ before establishing my own
identity.
ES:
You have sung many renowned poets but the popularity you achieved is
attributed mostly to singing Ghani Khan. Do you agree?
SAT: Yes, Azra, absolutely true. Ghani Khan‟s poetry became the source of
recognition for me and I attribute my success as a singer wholly to Ghani Khan.
It was his poetry which gave me wings to touch great heights.
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ES:
Did you ever imagine that you will be the only one singer among many,
singing Ghani Khan‟s poetry?
SAT: Well, I had an inclination towards philosophy and I used to read Iqbal,
Rahman Baba, and Khushal Khan Khattak‟s poetry a lot, but when I read Ghani
Khan‟s poetry, I I felt as if he was the one whom I was searching for. I wanted to
read more and more of his work. As in those days, the Government had banned
Ghani Khan; I found it difficult to find any of his books in the market until I came
to know about a book in the library of Area Study Centre, University of
Peshawar. I was overjoyed to find out that but to my sheer disappointment I
couldn‟t borrow it as it was a reference book. So I decided to stay till evenings in
the library, noting down Ghani Khan‟s poetry in my diary.
ES:
Have you sung only ghazals of
these legendry Pashto poets so far?
SAT: No, I have sung almost all the
genres of Pashto poetry which include
ghazals,
rubayi,
nemake,
bagatay,
charbeta,
azad
tappa,
nazam,
mukhammas, mussaddas and badala.
ES:
What was Ghani Khan‟s reaction
when you sung his poetry?
SAT: I am really honoured and consider myself very fortunate that the legendry
Ghani Khan himself told me, “Takkar, I think we were destined to be born for
ach other”. I don‟t think there could be any better compliment for me.
ES: Takkar Saib, you had been offered one of the most prestigious positions in
the most leading Pashto TV Channel. Why did you resign from that job?
SAR: Well, I personally think, speaking Pashto alone is not all about being a
Pashtun. The culture and norms which were telecasted on that channel were
totally against the norms of true Pashtun culture. I could neither change nor
compromise on certain issues which were a great threat to the Pashtun culture
so, I preferred to resign from that position.
49 | P a g e
ES:
What are your current projects and future plans?
SAT: I am presently working on a few projects which shall contribute to the
promotion of the true Pashtun culture and I plan to launch a special and
exclusive Pashto channel for our Pashtun audience which shall greatly help in
achieving those goals.
ES:
We wish you all well for your future endeavors and may you succeed in
your efforts.
SAT:
Thanks for your kind words.
ES:
What message would you leave for your fans and the coming new
generation?
SAT:
Keep struggling and striving towards achieving your goals in life. All is
possible
with
devotion
and
dedication but never forget your
roots and feel proud of yourself
for being born as a Pashtun.
ES: Thank you Takkar Saib for
being with us.
SAT:
Thank you Azra.
Ghani Khan describes a certain Mullah who preaches Islam and faith but his
own character contradicts it.
Courtesy: This Video is available on YouTube on the following link :
URL< http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sYDCZLnEc7Y>
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