Effects of Internet Use on Academic Achievement and
Transcription
Effects of Internet Use on Academic Achievement and
Syracuse University SURFACE Child and Family Studies - Dissertations David B. Falk College of Sport and Human Dynamics 12-2011 E Effects of Internet Use on Academic Achievement and Behavioral Adjustment among South Korean Adolescents: Mediating and Moderating Roles of Parental Factors Soohyun Kim Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: http://surface.syr.edu/cfs_etd Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Kim, Soohyun, "E Effects of Internet Use on Academic Achievement and Behavioral Adjustment among South Korean Adolescents: Mediating and Moderating Roles of Parental Factors" (2011). Child and Family Studies - Dissertations. Paper 62. This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the David B. Falk College of Sport and Human Dynamics at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Child and Family Studies - Dissertations by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract The purpose of this study was to investigate the interrelationships among adolescent Internet use, parent-adolescent relationships, and academic/ behavioral adjustment in South Korean families. Despite the significant numbers of Korean adolescents who use the Internet (98.7% of Korean children between the ages of 6 and 19 years use the Internet) for education, social, and recreational purposes, little is known about how adolescent Internet use impacts family interactions and youth outcomes. Most research studies on this subject have been descriptive and have provided inconsistent findings. To examine the impact of adolescent Internet use on youth outcomes in Korea, six hundred and nine adolescents (10th and 11th graders) and their parents were recruited from five high schools in Seoul, Korea. Compared to the general population in Korea, parents in this study were more educated and from higher socio-economic status backgrounds. Findings indicated that Korean boys and girls differed in the ways that they used the Internet. Girls were more likely to use the Internet to watch online education classes and blog more frequently and longer than boys, whereas boys were more likely to use the Internet for playing Internet games than girls. Results indicated that Internet use for educational purposes was associated with adolescent academic achievement. Social and recreational-Internet use of the Internet was associated with lower academic achievement. The pathways did not vary for boys and girls. Parent-child relationships (closeness and conflict) were found to be vital to youth adjustment and played a significant role in the association between adolescent Internet use and academic and behavioral outcomes. Future research studies should investigate how Koreans cope with the influx of this rapidly developing technology and its impact of family relationships. Additionally, parenting programs should incorporate strategies about how the Internet can be used as an educational tool to benefit adolescents. THE EFFECTS OF INTERNET USE ON ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND BEHAVIORAL ADJUSTMENT AMONG SOUTH KOREAN ADOLESCENTS: MEDIATING AND MODERATING ROLES OF PARENTAL FACTORS By Soohyun Kim B.F.A. Seoul National University, 1992 B.A. Ewah Womans University, 2000 M.A. Drexel University, 2003 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Child and Family Studies in the David B. Falk College of Sport and Human Dynamics December 2011 Copyright 2011 Soohyun Kim All Rights Reserved v Table of Contents ABSTRAT List of Tables ……………………………………………………………………… VIII List of Figures ………………………………………………………………….. X CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………. 1 Internet Usage in South Korea ……………………………………………………. 2 Importance of the Study ………………………………………………………….. 5 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ………………………………………… 12 Adolescent Internet Use …………………………………………………………. 12 Impact of Internet on Adolescents and Family Relationships …………………… 16 Effects of the Internet Usage on Academic Achievement ………………………. 24 Parent-Child Relationships and Adolescent Outcomes …………………………. 29 Parental Expectations and Adolescents’ Academic Achievement ……………….. 36 CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS AND PROPOSED CONCEPTUAL MODELS Uses and Gratifications Theory ………………………………………………… 44 Observational Learning Theory ………………………………………………… 46 Informational Processing Theory ………………………………………………. 47 Time Displacement Theory …………………………………………………….. 48 Human Ecology Theory ……………………………………………………….. 49 Attachment Theory ……………………………………………………………. 54 CHAPTER 4: CONCEPTUALIZATION vi Use of the Internet ……………………………………………………………… 57 Educational Use of the Internet ………………………………………………… 60 Social Use of the Internet ……………………………………………………… 60 Recreational Use of the Internet ……………………………………………….. 60 Parent-Adolescent Conflict ……………………………………………………. 61 Parent-Adolescent Closeness ………………………………………………….. 62 Parental Expectation …………………………………………………………… 62 Adolescent Behavioral Problems ……………………………………………… 63 Academic Achievement ……………………………………………………….. 63 CHPATER 5: RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESES …………….. 64 CHAPTER 6: METHODOLOGY Population ……………………………………………..……………….………… 70 Procedure …………………………………………………………………………. 72 Participants ……………………………………………………………………….. 74 Measurements ……………………………………………………………………. 76 Adolescent Internet Use ………………………………………………………. 76 Parent-Adolescent Relationships ……………………………………………… 77 Parental Cultural Expectations ………………………………………………… 80 Adolescent Outcomes ……………………………………………………….…. 81 CHAPTER 7: ANALYTIC STRATEGY …………………………………….. CHAPTER 8: RESULTS 83 vii Addressing Issues of Distribution and Missing Data ………………………… 89 Demographic Characteristics of Participants ………………………………… 90 Descriptive Analyses on the Nature of Adolescents’ Internet Use …………… 93 Factor Analysis and Reliability of Constructs ………………………………….. 99 Testing Hypotheses Hypothesis 1 …………………………………………………………………. 112 Hypothesis 2 …………………………………………………………………. 116 Hypothesis 3 …………………………………………………………………. 123 Hypothesis 4 …………………………………………………………………. 141 CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION …………………………………………………… Findings from the Nature of Internet Use ……………………………………… 147 148 Findings from the Direct Models ………………………………………………. 154 Findings from the Indirect Models …………………………………………….. 157 CHAPTER 10: THEORETICAL CONTRIBUTIONS, LIMITATIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH ……………………………………………………….. 165 References …………………………………………………….………………… 170 Appendices ……………………………………………………………………… 241 viii List of Tables Table 1. Number and percentage of demographics by participants ……………… 92 Table 2. Skewness and Kurtosis of demographic variables ……………………… 93 Table 3a. Number and types of computers at home ……………………………… 94 Table 3b. The nature of adolescent Internet use ………………………………….. 95 Table 4a. Descriptive statistics on the number of times adolescents access the Internet for various educational, social, and recreational activities during weekdays and weekends …………………………………………………………………………. 96 Table 4b. Descriptive statistics on the intensity of adolescents’ Internet use for educational, social, and recreational activities on weekdays and weekends ………………………………………………………………………..…………. 96 Table 4c. The Frequencies for the Numbers of Functional Use of the Internet Use (N=609) …….…………………………………………………………………… 98-99 Table 5a. Rotated Component Matrix – Frequency of adolescents’ Internet use … 101 Table 5b. Rotated Component Matrix – Intensity of adolescents Internet use …… 102 Table 6a. Rotated Component Matrix –mother-adolescent closeness ……………. 103 Table 6b. Rotated Component Matrix – father-adolescent closeness …………… 103 Table 7a. Rotated Component Matrix – Parent-adolescent conflict between mothers and adolescents …………………………………………………………………… 105 Table 7b. Rotated Component Matrix – Parent-adolescent conflict between fathers and adolescents …………………………………………………………………..…… 105 Table 8. Rotated Component Matrix – Parental cultural academic expectations ….106 Table 9a. Cronbach’s alphas of constructs …………………………..…………… 107 Table 9b. Skewness and Kurtosis of Independent Variables ……………………… 108 Table 10a. Rotated Component Matrix – Adolescent behavioral problems …… 109 Table 10b. Cronbach’s alphas of constructs ……………………………………… 111 Table 10c. Means and SD’s of Adolescents Behavioral Problems ……………… 111 ix Table 11. Descriptive Statistics for the Adolescent Academic Achievement …… 112 Table 12a. The Results of Yates’ Chi-Square Test - Gender Differences/Similarities in the nature of Internet Use ……………………………………………………… 114 Table 12b. Multivariate analysis of variance – Types of adolescent Internet us…. 116 Table 13a. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement through father-adolescent relationships … 125 Table 13b. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement through mother-adolescent relationships…127 Table 14a. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and internalizing behaviors through father-adolescent relationships…. 131 Table 14b. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and internalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent relationships…133 Table 15a. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and externalizing behaviors through father-adolescent relationships….137 Table 15b. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and externalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent relationships...139 x List of Figures Figure 1a. Direct effects between the types of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement ………………………………………………………………………. 118 Figure 1b. Gender differences in the direct relationship between the types of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement ……………………………….. 119 Figure 2a. Direct links between the types of adolescent Internet use and internalizing problem behaviors ……………………………………………………………..…..120 Figure 2b. Gender differences on the direct relationship between the types of adolescent Internet use and internalizing problem behaviors …………………….121 Figure 3a. Direct effect between the types of adolescent Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors …………………………………………………………….….122 Figure 3b. Gender differences on the direct relationships between types of adolescent Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors ………………………………..123 Figure 4a. Indirect effects linking the types of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement through father-adolescent relationships ……………………………124 Figure 4b. Indirect effect of adolescent Internet use on academic achievement through mother-adolescent relationships ………………………………………………… 126 Figure 4c. The indirect relationship between adolescent Internet use, father-adolescent relationship, and academic achievement by youth gender ……………………… 128 Figure 4d. The indirect relationship among Internet use, mother-adolescent relationship and academic achievement by youth gender ………………………… 129 Figure 5a. Indirect effect of Internet use through father-adolescent relationships on internalizing behaviors …………………………………………………………130 Figure 5b. Indirect effect of types of Internet use on internalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent relationships ……………………………………………………132 xi Figure 5c. The indirect relationship between Internet use, mother-adolescent relationship and internalizing behaviors by youth gender …………………… 134 Figure 6a. Indirect effects of Internet use on externalizing behaviors through fatheradolescent relationships ………………………………………………………… 135 Figure 6b. Indirect effect of types of adolescent Internet use on externalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent relationships ……………………………….138 Figure 6c. Link between Internet use, father-adolescent relationship and externalizing behaviors by youth gender …………………………………………………………140 Figure 6d. Gender differences on the indirect relationship among Internet use, motheradolescent relationship and externalizing behaviors ……………………………….141 Figure 7a. Link between adolescent Internet use, father-adolescent relationships, and academic achievement by fathers’ academic expectations ……………………….. 142 Figure 7b. Link between adolescent Internet use, mother-adolescent relationships, and academic achievement by mothers’ academic expectations ……………………….143 Figure 8a. Different effects of parental expectation (PE) among Internet use, fatheradolescent relationships, and internalizing behaviors ……………………………..144 Figure 8b. Link between adolescent Internet use, mother-adolescent relationships, and internalizing behaviors by mothers’ parental expectations …………………… …145 Figure 9a. Link between adolescent Internet use, father-adolescent relationships, and externalizing behaviors by fathers’ academic expectations ………………………..146 Figure 9b. Different effects of parental expectation (PE) among Internet use, motheradolescent relationships, and externalizing behaviors ……………………………..147 xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank those whose inspiration and support enabled me to complete this dissertation. Throughout the dissertation process, my faculty advisor, Dr. Krishnakumar, helped me to clarify my ideas and offered encouragement. I am also grateful to my committee members: Dr. Narine, Dr. Ramadoss, Dr. Roopranine, Dr. Jung, Dr. Kowk, and Dr. Krishnakumar. They motivated me, guided me, and provided helpful comments on my dissertation. I thank all of the study participants for their time and effort. Megan Lape, my friend, generously read my dissertation and provided feedback. My mother, Bonghee Kim, and old brother, Hyungoo Kim, gave unflagging support and encouragement while I completed this dissertation. Throughout my life, my parents have given me assistance, pray, and love. 1 Introduction Increasing numbers of people worldwide are using the Internet (1,574,313,184 as of December 31, 2008). It has been recently reported that adolescents today spend a significant amount of time on the Internet for multiple purposes (Ito, Horst, Bittanti, Boyd, Herr-Stephenson, Lange, et al., 2008). Reports from the National Internet Development Agency of Korea (2007) indicate that 98.7% of Korean children between the ages of 6 and 19 years use the Internet. Studies have indicated that the use of the Internet can be helpful to adolescents to complete schoolwork more effectively and efficiently (Borzekowski & Robinson, 2005; Jackson, et al., 2006). However, other investigators have suggested direct negative effects of Internet use on academic outcomes (Choi, 2007; Sirgy, Lee, & Bae, 2006). Excessive Internet use has been associated with problems with maintaining daily routines, school performance, and family relationships (Rickert, 2001). Much of the literature on the impact of adolescent Internet use has been descriptive (Valkenburg & Peter, 2007), and investigations on the impact of adolescent Internet use on family and youth outcomes have provided inconsistent findings (Lee & Chae, 2007). Considering the current status of research area related the impact of Internet use, the impacts of Internet use are called for. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to contribute to the field of social science by investigating associations among 2 the prevalence of adolescent Internet use, parent-adolescent relationships, and academic/ behavioral adjustment of adolescents in South Korean families. In addition to the parent-adolescent relationship as mediators between adolescent Internet use and academic achievement, the moderating role of a child’s gender in explaining these relationships will also be examined. Adolescents’ use of the Internet varies by gender (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005) and hence it is important to test conceptual models linking adolescents’ Internet use, parent-adolescent relationships, and academic outcomes by adolescent and parent gender. Since it is well known for Koreans to possess high expectations and aspirations for educational achievement (Chung, 1991), another goal of this study is to investigate how the effects of parental expectation functions as a unique cultural variable among the dynamics between Internet use and adolescent outcomes in Korean families. Internet Usage in South Korea Internet use among Asians has risen dramatically over the last decade (406.1%; Internet World Stats, 2008). Based on current statistics, 34,820,000 of South Korean households have access to the Internet, which is 70.7% of the population with an astounding 82.9% growth in the period between 2000 and 2008 (Internet World Stats, 2008). The International Telecoms Union has reported that South Korea leads the world in terms of the percentage of households with high-speed broadband access 3 (Cellular News, 2008). Based on a summary report from the National Internet Development Agency of Korea (2007), the rate of internet usage for populations age six years and over is 77.1%; consisting of 81.6% males, and 71.5% females. Korea Communications Commission reported that nearly all high school and junior high school graduates in South Korea are Internet users. Also, 99.4% of Internet users access the Internet at least once a week, spending an average of 13.7 hours weekly on the Internet (Korea Times, 2008, September 31). South Korean youth use Internet-related technologies to play games, instant message (IM), blog, download videos and music, social network socially and shop, all of which assist them in constructing their own social communities (Jin & Chee, 2008). For many South Korean youths, participating in online activities or communicating through online communities is a part of mainstream everyday life (Huh, 2008). The disparity in Internet access in South Korea in terms of educational settings and gender have narrowed (Park, 2001); however, according to the international surveys by the AMD Global Consumer Advisory Board (2003), Internet usage is still different dependent on the age, education, income level, region, and gender of a user. The national survey also showed that more men (74.4%) use the Internet than women (62%). Internet usage stands at around 70% for urban inhabitants, while only 46.2% of people who live in rural areas (CNET News, 2004, August 11) utilize the internet. 4 Over the past two decades, the South Korean government has strongly promoted the establishment of a nationwide Internet network (National Internet Development Agency of Korea, 2006), which contributed to Korea becoming one of the most wired countries in the world and making the Korean Internet culture the barometer for other countries to track. About 90% of Korean homes are connected to VDSL, which is very high bitrate digital subscriber line. By 2005, Korea was the first country to complete the conversion from dial-up to broadband and in 2006 it became the first country to achieve over 50% broadband saturation consisting of he world’s cheapest and fastest broadband service. Additionally in 2005, 96.8% of South Korean mobile phones had internet access. Furthermore, 42% of the population maintain an individual blog site, over half of the population have cell phones, and 25% of the total population participates in multiplayer online gaming (Ahonen & O' Reilly, 2007). Also, Korea was the first country in the world to provide high-speed Internet access for every primary, junior, and high school (New York Times, 2006, April 2). In South Korea, more adolescents and young adults use the Internet than any other age group. Children under 18 years of age make up 25.1% (12,090) of the total population in South Korea (Korean Statistical Information Service, 2004). By 2007, 98.7% of Korean children between the ages of 6 and 19 years of age used the Internet (National Internet Development Agency of Korea, 2007). Based on a 2003 survey, 5 over 91% of those using the Internet, use it in their homes and almost half of them have used it for more than 3 years. One third of them use it one to two hours a day, another third use it thirty minutes to one hour a day, and 16% use the Internet for two to three hours a day. Over 40% of them go online during the evening, which is between 8 p.m. to 12 a.m., and another 40% use it from 12 p.m. to 4 p.m. The primary reasons given for Internet use are for entertainment or recreation (59.3 %), information seeking (55.5%), stress reduction (46.3%), and socialization (40.7%). The breakdowns of activities on the Internet are: gaming (52.8%), searching for information (34%), and socializing (64.9%), such as chatting, e-mailing, interacting with web communities, and blogging. They use e-mails in order to keep in touch with friends (50.6%), chat (31.2%), and send messages when they are uncomfortable speaking face to face (31.2%). The world's fastest Internet connection with over 90% Internet proliferation in Korean homes creates an ideal environment for playing online games, which a lot of South Korean kids do. Importance of the Study The Internet seems to influence quality of life through individuals’ social, consumer, leisure, economic, and community well-being (Cairncross, 1997; DiMaggio, Hargitti, Neuman, & Robinson, 2001; Israel, 2000). The Internet’s influence stems from the ease and convenience it provides to access many benefits in the context of 6 many life domains (e.g., social life, work life, leisure life, and education life). Some authors have suggested that the Internet has positive effects on academic achievement through the use of educational software, and the provision of useful information (Borzekowski & Robinson, 2005; Jackson, von Eye, Biocca, Barbatsis, Zhao, & Fitzgerald, 2006); others suggest that the Internet provides positive effects on socialization as it stimulates the closeness of existing interpersonal relationships by reducing restrictions of time and location (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005; Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001). Yet other studies suggest that the Internet can have direct negative effects (Choi, 2007; Sirgy, Lee, & Bae, 2006), such as psychological problems including social isolation, depression, loneliness, and difficulties with time management as a result of excessive Internet use (Brenner, 1997; Kraut, Patterson, Lundmark, Kiesler, Mukhopadhyay, & Scherlis, 1998; Young, & Rodgers, 1998). Excessive use of the Internet may bring on Internet Addiction Disorder, which includes problems with daily routines, school performance, and family relationships (Rickert, 2001). The importance of this study is follows: First, the Internet today is pervasive in the lives of individuals, institutions, and societies especially in South Korea. The last few decades have witnessed a dramatic increase in the use of the Internet and an unprecedented proliferation of computer-based technology. Computer technologies 7 and the Internet bring social changes in modern society. Since computers have become a common instrument of daily living for a vast proportion of our society, the Internet has a significant influence on quality of life (Israel, 2000). Statistical research tell us that Internet users in the world numbered 16 million in 1996, and increased to 500 million by 2001 (Castells, 2001). For example, almost nine out of 10 American teens use the Internet, up from seven in 2000 (PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2007a). However, as stated in above, South Korea is one of the fastest growing countries in Internet use. Second, adolescents are more involved in Internet activities than adults. Among Korean teens, 99.6% of them use computers and 97.8% use the Internet (Dong-A Il Bo, 2005, February 9). Teens spend less time online than do adults due to a variety of reasons, such as school and after-school schedule, and sharing computers with others. However, they are more involved in the communicative aspects of the Internet than adults (Jupiter Communications, 2000a; Packel & Rainie, 2001). For example, the PEW Internet and American Life Project (2007a, 2007b, 2007c) revealed that teens far exceed adults in the intensity of using the Internet, such as instant messaging (74% of teen users as opposed to 44% of adult users), chat-rooms (55% to 26%), and gaming (66% to 34%; Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001). Another survey reported that teens 8 spend more time on the Internet each week than they do watching television (Reuters, 2003). Third, adolescents are more vulnerable than adults to the negative impacts of the Internet world (Jonson-Reid, Williams, & Webster, 2001; Otto, Greenstein, Johnson, & Friedman, 1992). Since they are immature, both physically and psychologically, they may develop more serious complications than other age groups regarding the negative impact of the Internet world (Christensen, Orzack, Babington, & Patsdaughter, 2001; Oh, 2005). Teens may be trapped in their own cyber world, suffer from psychological pains, and finally destroy their own personal and social networks due to Internet addiction or excessive Internet use (Jonson-Reid, Williams, & Webster, 2001; Otto, Greenstein, Johnson, & Friedman, 1992). Internet addiction or excessive Internet use among adolescents varies across nations with prevalence rates of 7.5% in Taiwan (Yen, Yen, Chen, Chen, & Ko, 2007) to 1.1% in North Cyprus (Bayraktar & Gün, 2007) to 1.6% in South Korea (Kim, Ryu, Chon, Yeun, Choi, et al., 2006). Other challenges associated with excessive usage of the Internet include lowered concentration, lack of sleep, poor school attendance and performance, vision problems and a wide range of behavioral problems (Block, 2008; Choi, 2007). In addition, young adolescents are at high risk of being approached by online predators since they are relatively new to online activities, actively seeking attention, isolated, 9 easily tricked by adults, and confused regarding their sexual identity (Wolak, Finkelhor, Mitchell, & Ybarra, 2008). Although they become more interested in sexuality (Ponton, & Judice, 2004), they are innocent about the sexual issues that get youth into trouble online (Wolak, Finkelhor, Mitchell, & Ybarra, 2008). Between 2000 and 2005, youth Internet users experienced aggressive sexual solicitations at a higher rate than adult users (Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2007). For example, the N-JOV study found that 99% of victims of Internet-initiated sex crimes involved adolescents between the ages of 13 to 17 years of age (Wolak, Finkelhor, & Mitchell, 2004). In addition, about one third (32.7%) of adolescent Internet users are exposed to inappropriate sexual content (Korean Educational Development Institute, 2003). In South Korea there is a growing fear that children and adolescents are becoming addicted to the Internet: 14.4% of school children reported that they spend 4 hours or more online each day. They also reported that they had developed stiff wrists and heard sounds from online games even when off line (PRI's The World, 2008). A 2005 government-led study found that half a million South Koreans are clinically addicted to the Internet. Since the average Korean high school student spends about twenty-three hours each week on gaming (Kim, 2007), up to 30% of South Korean children under 18 are at risk of Internet addiction (Silverberg, 2007). According to the government’s 2006 data, approximately 2.1% (210,000 children ages 6 to 19) are 10 estimated to be Internet addicts that are in need of treatment (Choi, 2007); about 80% of them may need psychotropic medications, and about 22% may require hospitalization (Ahn, 2007). In order to deal with the consequences of the proliferation of the world’s fastest Internet connection, South Korea has instituted numerous counseling and treatment programs, along with holding the first International Symposium on Internet Addiction (International Herald Tribune, 2008, August 4). South Korea has trained 1,043 counselors and enlisted over 190 hospitals and treatment centers to help with these concerns (Ahn, 2007), and preventive measures have been introduced into primary and secondary schools (Ju, 2007). Now the Korean government is working on new rules to control the excessive use of the Internet, as well as the dissemination of false information on the Web, under a new law entitled the Cyber Defamation Law (International Herald Tribune, 2008, August 4). Fourth, in as much as the Internet’s extensive trend is anticipated to continue, it is necessary to consider the impact and influence of Internet use on families. Families, as one of society’s primary socializing agents, may provide relatively unique insights about how the Internet is used and understood. Although the lives of adolescents outside of their families are increasing, the socializing effect of family is crucial during adolescence because adolescents project themselves into the world through 11 family interactions (Tallman, Marotz-Baden, & Pindas, 1983). There is no doubt that parents are the primary agents of socialization for adolescents (Grusec & Davidov, 2007). Although growing peer influence and achievement of independence increases for adolescents, parental factors continue to have a significant influence on human development (Campbell, 1969) and the vast majority of young adults continue to rely on their parents for emotional support and advice (Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Merz, Schuengel, & Schulze, 2008). Finally, the dramatic increase in the use of the Internet has stimulated research on its impact on our everyday lives. Scholars have studied the relationship of new technologies on interpersonal communication and relationships (Baym, Zhang, & Lin, 2004; Cooper, & Sportolari, 1997; Joinson, 2001; Nie, 2001; Nie, Hillygus, & Erbring, 2002; Tidwell & Walther, 2002), psychological well-being, as well as mental health (LaRose, Eastin, Gregg, 2001; Shaw & Gant, 2002), the impacts of video games (Aarsand, 2007; Tüzün, Yilmaz-Soylu, Karakus, Inal, & Kizilkaya, 2009; Willoughby, 2008), and as new learning devices (Attewell, & Battle, 1999; Hedges, Konstantopoulos, & Thoreson, 2000; Rompaey, Roe, & Struys, 2002; Shute, & Miksad 1997). However, the existing literature on the impact of computer technologies and the Internet within the context of family relationships is very limited (Hughes & Hans, 2001; Lee & Chae, 2007; Mesch, 2006; Watt & White, 1999). 12 Considering the dominant presence of these technologies at home, a lack of study on the role of Internet use on family relationships is surprising (Mesch, 2006). Literature Review Adolescent Internet Use Recent statistics indicate that adolescents today spend a great deal of their time on the Internet for communication, educational, and entertainment purposes (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005; Korean Educational Development Institute, 2003; Packel & Rainie, 2001). Not only do children gain knowledge and information on the Internet, they also engage with their friends in social conversation and participate in cyber communities (Ito, Horst, Bittanti, Boyd, Herr-Stephenson, Lange, et al., 2008). Hence, adolescents’ socialization today occurs through interactions with people from both the real and virtual worlds (McQuail, 2005). Since the Internet allows youngsters to become more open to experimentation and social exploration (Ito et al., 2008), the Internet can be considered an important tool in adolescent socialization (Krcmar & Strizhakova, 2007). In the 1990’s, the Internet was primarily used for entertainment and information gathering (Valkenburg, & Soeters, 2001), but the function of the Internet for adolescents has changed considerably. The majority of adolescents today use the Internet intensely to communicate with existing friends (Gross, 2004) and to make 13 new friends (Wolak, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2002) and in addition to their traditional face-to-face communications (Grinter & Eldridge, 2003; Grinter & Palen, 2002; Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005; Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001). Adolescents also favor instant messaging, text messaging, and social networking websites such as Facebook and MySpace as modes of communication (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005). Some adolescents prefer digital communication over more traditional ways such as face to face interaction and telephone calls (Madden & Rainie, 2003), particularly because these are more convenient, less expensive, and faster to use than traditional technologies (Bryant, Sanders-Jackson, & Smallwood, 2006; Jin, & Chee, 2008; Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005). E-mail and text messaging allow for rapid, asynchronous communication with others, while instant messaging allows for synchronous communication among many people at once. Adolescents use instant messaging more frequently than adults among online populations in both the U.S. and the U.K. (Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001; Livingston & Bober, 2005) and 65% of total teens population and 75% of teenage online population in the U.S. use instant messaging regularly (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005). Some gender differences (although inconsistent) on adolescents’ daily use of Internet have been reported (Haythronthwaite & Wellman, 2002; Jackson, et al., 2006; Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005). Numerous previous studies have documented that 14 overall, boys use the Internet more frequently, for longer and for a wider variety of uses than girls do (Gross, 2004; Haythronthwaite & Wellman, 2002; Morahan-Martin, 1998; Subrahmanyam, Greenfield, Kraut, & Gross, 2001). They tend to spend more time alone online than girls engaged in gaming (Jupiter Communications, 2000b; Subrahmanyam, et al., 2001; Kraut, Scherlls, Mukhopadhyay, Manning, & Kiesler, 1996). Girls also report using text messaging more frequently than boys (Jennings & Wartella, 2004; Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005), and are more likely to be involved in other online social interactions, such as using e-mail, than are boys (Subrahmanyam, et al., 2001). How email is used also differs by gender. For example, girls tend to use e-mail to exchange small talk and engage in relationship-building communications and boys tend to use e-mail for instrumental communication (Subrahmanyam, et al., 2001). Gender differences in adolescent Internet use have also been reported across countries. For instance, males have been found to have a greater amount of frequency and motivation of Internet use with Romanian and Dutch children (Durndell & Haag, 2002; Valkenburg & Soeters, 2001), American college students (Schumacher & Morahan-Martin, 2001), English secondary school students (Madell & Muncer, 2004), Israeli school students (Nachmias, Mioduster, & Shelma, 2000), North Cyprus adolescents (Bayraktar & Gun, 2007), Greek adolescent students (Siomos, Dafouli, 15 Braimiotis, Mouzas, & Angelopoulos, 2008), and Hong Kong adolescents (Ho, & Lee, 2001), as well as Korean adult users (Rhee & Kim, 2004). However, there is no gender difference in how long adolescents using the Internet, with most of the participants having been online for more than two years (Gross, 2004). Despite great concerns over isolation and depression, teens report an optimistic picture about the social use of the Internet (Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001). For example, Bryant and colleagues (2006) found that online communication technologies encourage communication with existing friends and families. In addition, some researchers demonstrated that Internet use is positively related to time spent with existing friends and family members (Kraut, Kiesler, Boneva, Cummings, Helgeson, & Crawford, 2002), to the closeness of existing friendships (Valkenburg & Peter, 2007b), and to the well being of adolescents (Kraut et al., 2002; Morgan & Cotton, 2003, Shaw, & Grant, 2002). The Internet Life Report study reported that e-mail and the Internet have enhanced users’ relationships with their family and friends (PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2000). Nie, Hillygus, and Erbring (2002) also provided primary evidence that Internet use does not negatively impact household time together. A UCLA study found that the Internet provided opportunities for social gathering and engagement (UCLA Center for Communication Policy, 2003). Between Internet non-users and Internet users, the amount of weekly time spent sleeping, 16 exercising, participating in clubs/organizations, socializing with friends, and socializing with household members were similar (UCLA Center for Communication Policy, 2003). Authors of the PEW study argue that Internet use may create a social community because Internet users reported more social resources and connections than non-users. Those who have been online for three years become even more interpersonally engaged and gain more social support than new users (PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2000). Impact of Internet on Adolescents and Family Relationships There has been continuing debates about the impact of the Internet on family relationships and human development. Some studies on Internet use have raised concerns that excessive use of the Internet might bring social isolation, loneliness, depression, and deterioration of psychological well-being (Brenner, 1997; Lee, Han, Yang, Daniels, Na, Kee, et al., 2008; National Public Radio, 2000; Nie, 2001; Nie, Hillygus, & Erbring, 2002; Spada, Langston, Nikcevic, & Moneta, 2008; Van den Eijnden, Meerkerk, Vermulst, Spijkerman, & Engels, 2008). Other studies indicated that the Internet leads to substantially greater communication and enhances human connectivity and sociability (PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2000; UCLA Center for Communication Policy, 2003). The Internet can also provide opportunities for family collaboration and communication between parents and children (Kiesler, 17 Zdaniuk, Lundmark, & Kraut, 2000; Orleans & Laney, 2000) and increases their access to useful information regarding parenting, education, and family health (Hughes & Hans, 2001). Moderate use of the Internet may also have pro-social effects on young people by helping them sustain friendships (Subrahmanyam, et al., 2001). However, the inconsistent findings of some studies do not allow any firm conclusions to be drawn about the impact of Internet usage on family relationships. The effects of Internet use on youngsters can also be seen to vary as a function of the motivation and type of Internet usage (McKenna & Bargh, 2000). For example, the social use of Internet has been found to be related to depression, while non-social use of the Internet such as information seeking and entertainment, have not been found to be related to adolescent depression (Bessière, Kiesler, Kraut, & Boneva, 2008). Therefore, researchers such as Gross (2004), disagree with the early research assumptions about the negative effects of adolescent Internet use, as Gross reports that most teenage Internet users are more likely to communicate with existing friends than with strangers. Supportive relationships with friends can positively contribute to adolescents’ sense of well-being, self-esteem, connectedness, and ability to cope with stress (Eisenberg, Sallquist, French, Purwono, Suryanti, & Pidada, 2009; Hartup & Stevens, 1997). In a national survey, nearly 50% of teenagers reported that the Internet 18 has improved their relationships with their existing friends (Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001). Unfortunately, studies on the association between adolescents’ Internet use and family relationships are limited. Only some positive association between poor family relationships and excessive/ problematic use of the Internet or Internet addiction has been supported by empirical findings. Youths who experience high levels of conflict with their parents are at risk for some negative outcomes in Internet use. For example, participants who reported poor emotional bonds with caregivers were more likely to view pornography online (Ybarra & Mitchell, 2005). Ybarra and Mitchell (2004a) also found that youths who exhibit offensive behaviors in Cyber space(s) are also more likely to report poor emotional bonds with their parents than other Internet users. Adolescents who do not have open communication about their Internet use with their parents are more likely to be involved in risky Internet behaviors, such as having a face-to-face meeting with a stranger who they encountered online (Liau, Khoo, & Ang, 2005). Other research found that paternal alienation and adolescents’ insecurity and mistrust with their fathers contribute significantly to problematic Internet use among Chinese adolescents. Adolescents’ security and trust in their relationships with their fathers is negatively related to the negative outcomes of Internet use (Lei & Wu, 2007). Lei and Wu (2007) argued that adolescents who experience a negative 19 relationship with their fathers are more likely to use the Internet excessively to seek emotional support. In the study of pathological Internet use in South Korea, high school students with pathological Internet use showed more problems in family relations than the non- pathological Internet use group (Cho, Kim, Kim, Lee, & Kim, 2008). The negative effects of Internet use on family communication and closeness can be explained by the nature of virtual relationships and the displacement hypothesis, which argues that high frequency of Internet use might be related to the decrease of family time (Jackson, von Eye, Barbatis, Biocca, Zhao, & Fitzgerald, 2003; Nie, Simpser, Stepanikova, & Zheung, 2004). The displacement hypothesis argues that computer-mediated communication hinders adolescents’ well being because it displaces valuable time that could be spent with existing friends (Kraut et al., 1998; Nie, 2001; Nie, Hillygus, & Erbring, 2002). According to the displacement hypothesis, individuals have a limited amount time (Huston, Wright, Marquis, & Green, 1999; Larson & Verma, 1999). If individuals increase the time they spend on a particular activity, they may make sacrifices in other areas (Neuman, 1991). Therefore, time spent on online activities may cut other activities such as reading and social interaction, which are essential to normal development (Kraut et al., 1998; Morgan & Cotton, 2003; Nie, 2001; Nie, Hillygus, & Erbring, 2002; Weiser, 2001). 20 Online relationships are characterized by some researchers as being of lesser depth, more superficial, and weaker than typically found in face to face relationships (Chan & Cheng, 2004; Kraut et al., 1998; Nie, Hillygus, & Erbring, 2002). Scholars argue that there is a cyberspace that exists apart from everyday life, which is inferior to real space (Haythronthwaite & Wellman, 2002; Miller & Slater, 2000). Kraut et al. (1998) also described Internet social relationships as poor and weak and face-to-face relationships as strong. Therefore, weak and superficial ties of virtual contact on the Interne may bring experience of loneliness and depression (Ybarra, Alexander, & Mitchell, 2005). In addition, online communications with strangers and acquaintances typically provide less social support than offline relationships with family and friends (Wellman, Salaff, Dimitrova, Garton, Gulia, & Haythornthwaite, 1996). For example, HomeNet study participants reported that they felt less close to those they communicated with online compared to those they communicated with face-to-face (Parks & Roberts, 1998). Chan and Cheng (2004) found that computer-mediated communication and relationships are less beneficial than traditional off-line relationships, at least in the early stages. Among teens and adults in the HomeNet project, greater use of the Internet during the first year of access is associated with small but significant declines in social involvement as measured by communication within the family, size of social networks, and feelings of loneliness (Kraut et al., 21 1996). It may be assumable that having greater online bonds with strangers than close family- and peer- ties may be problematic. The Internet Life Report study (National Public Radio, 2000) found that 58% of Americans spend less time with friends and family due to Internet usage and half of Americans believe that computers have given people less free time. The Internet and Society study (Nie & Erbring, 2002) also found that as the number of hours of Internet use has increased, the time for social activities declined, such as spending time with friends and family, staying outside of their home for social gathering, and talking to friends and family members on the telephone. Nie (2001) found a steady decrease in social interactions with family and friends as individuals engaged in longer Internet usage sessions. However, other studies have found no significant relationship between physical social interactions and the length of time individuals spend in Internet use (Gross, 2004; Kraut et al., 2002; Jackson, et al., 2003; Mesch, 2001, 2003; Sanders, Field, Diego, & Kaplan, 2000; Wastlund, Norlander, & Archer, 2001). Length of time may not be as important as the type of Internet use. Research has demonstrated that the impact of Internet communication on adolescents’ social relationships is dependent on the way communication is used and the type of activities in which the individual engages (Lee & Chae, 2007; Subrahmanyam, Kraut, Greenfield, & Gross, 2000). Some researchers argue that people use the Internet to 22 strengthen their traditional face to face relationships (Kraut, et al., 1998; McKenna & Bargh, 2000). For example, much of the time adolescents spend alone with computers is actually used to keep up existing friendships (Gross, 2004; Subrahmanyam, et al., 2000; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007a) and most online interactions are between people who also talk on the telephone or meet face-to-face (Miller & Slater, 2000; PEW Project on the Internet and American Life, 2000; UCLA Center for Communication Policy, 2003). Many parents are concerned about the potential harmful effects of Internet use (Subrahmanyam, et al., 2000). Surveys of parental attitudes about teen Internet use indicate that parents are insecure about their teens’ Internet use. The majority of parents (75%) are concerned about the disclosure of personal information and exposure to sexually explicit images (Clemente, Espinosa, & Vidal, 2008; Turow, 1999), and 57% of parents are concerned about online contact between their children and strangers (The PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2007a). A study conducted in Singapore, conducted by Liau, Khoo, and Ang (2005), found that 78% of parents indicated that their major concern was that their children would be exposed to pornographic and violent material while using the Internet. In fact, 60% of adolescents indicated that they have received messages from strangers (PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2001). 23 Parents, despite these concerns, are willing to purchase home computers and Internet subscriptions so that their children can have access to educational opportunities and are prepared for the information age (Buckingham, Scanlon, & Sefton-Green, 2001; Linvingston, 2003). However, they are disappointed when they find that their children’s primary online activities include gaming, downloading lyrics of popular songs and pictures of rock stars, etc., and the potential harmful effects of Internet use (Subrahmanyam, Kraut, Greenfield, & Gross, 2000). Consequently, there has been a decrease since 2004 in the number of parents who believe that the Internet is beneficial for their children (PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2007a). In part these intergenerational conflicts on Internet usage may be explained by differences between parental expectation of Internet usage and actual Internet use by adolescents (Kiesler, Zdaniuk, Lundmark, & Kraut, 2000; Lenhart, Raine, & Lewis, 2001; Turow, 2001). The majority of parents expect their children to use the Internet for educational purposes (Lenhart, Raine, & Lewis, 2001), while teens prefer to use the Internet for socializing and entertainment (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005). Therefore, when parental expectations and adolescents’ use of the Internet contradict, intergenerational conflicts can increase (Mesch, 2003). 24 Effects of the Internet Usage on Academic Achievement Over the last couple of decades, personal computers have spread rapidly into American homes, provoking thoughts that those who do not have access to home computers may become disadvantaged. According to the National survey, over 70% of households having children aged three to seven possesses a home computer (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). However, large disparities in computer ownership by race and family income remain. Many government and non-governmental organizations are trying to bridge this digital divide across nations and between households. The U.S. Congress has made it a national priority to provide all American children with access to computers at school. Congress enacted the Goals 2000, i.e., Educate America Act (PL 103-227) and the Improving America’s Schools Act (PL 103-382), and created several programs to help elementary and secondary schools acquire and use technology to improve the delivery of educational services (Coley, Cradler, & Engel, 1996). As a result of this endeavor, the percentage regarding access to computers and the Internet in American public elementary and secondary schools has increased from 35% in 1994 to 95% in 1999. Finally, all public schools have had Internet access since 2003 (National Center for Education Statistics, 2005). Many scholars consider home computers a tool that reinforces or supplements school learning, and are concerned that a lack of access to a home computer may be 25 related to lower educational achievement. Most parents also believe that computers are an important educational resource that allows their children to discover fascinating and useful things, and that children without access are disadvantaged compared to those with access (Clemente, Espinosa, & Vidal, 2008; Turow, 1999). As a result, a growing number of parents are providing their children with access to computers at home. Among households with children-aged two to seventeen, home computer ownership jumped from 48% in 1996 to 70% in 2000, while connections to the Internet catapulted from 15% to 52% over the same 5-year period in the U.S. (Woodward & Gridina, 2000). Given the increased prevalence of access to computers and the Internet in homes and schools, the potential value of a personal computer in child development has been debated consistently among parents, educators, and researchers for decades. Students’ computer use can be conceptualized in two ways: (a) home computer use for socializing, entertainment, and educational purpose, and (b) school computer use primarily with computer-based instruction and as a learning assistance tool. Despite positive expectations about computer technology, a positive relationship between the use of computer technology and academic outcomes has only partially been supported through inconsistent research findings (Angrist & Lavy, 2002; Blanton, Moorman, Hayes, & Warner, 1997; Campuzano, Dynarski, Agodini, Rall, & Pendleton, 2009; 26 Dynarski, Agodini, Heaviside, Novak, Carey, Campuzano, et al., 2007; Goolsbee & Guryan, 2006; Li, Atkins, & Stanton, 2006; Rouse & Krueger, 2004). Some studies have revealed positive correlations (Attewell & Battle, 1999; Attewell, Suazo-Garcia, & Battle, 2003; Borzekowski & Robinson, 2005; Judge, 2005; Beltran, Das, & Fairlie, 2006; Jackson et al., 2006), such as between computer use and children’s fine motor skills (Christensen, 2004; Ziajka, 1983), word/letter recognition (Cuffaro, 1984; Mioduser, Tur-Kaspa, & Leitner, 2000), concept learning (Howard-Jones, & Martin, 2002; Sung, Chang, & Lee, 2008), number recognition (Cuffaro, 1984), counting skills and pre-mathematical knowledge (Clements, 2002; Hess, & McGarvey, 1987), reading readiness (Hess, & McGarvey, 1987), cognitive development (Howell, Scott, &Diamond, 1987; Sung, Chang, & Lee, 2008; Shute & Miksad, 1997), visual spatial skills (Subrahmanyam, et al., 2000) and self-esteem (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Haugland, 1992; Vogelwiesche, Grob, & Winkler, 2006). However, other studies have found no significant evidence of computer technology use and positive school outcomes (Malamud & Pop-Eleches. 2008; Shapley, Sheehan, Maloney, & Caranikas-Walker, 2008). A recent study based on a survey given to one million children by Vigdor and colleagues (Clotfelter, Ladd, & Vigdor, 2008) has revealed that high speed internet availability is associated with less educational use of computers and lower math and reading test scores. 27 Children and teens frequently use home computers and the Internet for their homework and run educational programs (Kraut, et al., 1996; National Center for Education Statistics, 2003; PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2001; UCLS Center for Communication Policy, 2003). Home computer use has been linked to improvements in literacy (Attewell & Battle, 1999; Weinberger, 1996; PEW Internet and American Life Project, 2007c), language (Næ vdal, 2007), mathematics (Attewell & Battle, 1999) and general academic performance (Attewell, 2001; Rocheleau, 1995). Early computer exposure among young children before school years is also associated with the development of preschool concepts and cognition (Li & Atkins, 2004). It was found that children who had access to a computer had shown better performance in school readiness and cognitive tests. These positive effects are not, however, always the result of computer and Internet use. Internet use can be a source of non-productive activities according to the displacement hypothesis. Students with home computers are more likely to live in families with higher incomes and education, which are highly correlated with better academic performance (Li & Atkins, 2004). It has been found that children from a higher socio-economic status obtain more benefits from home computers than children from lower socio-economic statuses (Giacquinta, Bauer, & Levin, 1993). On the contrary, having a home computer among low-income Romanian families has 28 negative consequences on children’s school performance and behaviors, because children in households that own a home computer spend large amounts of time in front of the computer and show negative behavioral outcomes (Malamud & PopEleches, 2008). Other research shows similar results. Giacquinta and colleagues (1993) examined home computing among seventy middle class families for three year, that children use home computers almost exclusively for playing games and that academic use of computers is almost absent. This might be explained in terms of the contribution of parental support; findings from the Romanian study suggest that parental monitoring and supervision are important mediating factors (Malamud & Pop-Eleches, 2008). Giacquinta et al., (1993) interpreted that children’s lack of educational use of the Internet is highly dependent on parental support and guidance. In other words, greater educational usage of computers by children might be the result of parental involvement, such as through the purchase of educational software, monitoring of computer use, and managing of the children’s computer time. Therefore, one may speculate that more affluent and more highly educated parents are better able to provide supportive learning environments and are more likely to have high expectation of their children’s educational achievement (Attewell & Battle, 1999). 29 Parent-Child Relationship and Adolescent Outcomes The parent-child relationship is vital to the development and adjustment of the child. The younger the child the more they are dependent upon their parents; the relationship with parents is very important to the children’s survival. Although there is some doubt, a large body of evidence indicates that parents still play an important role in the development and adjustment of their adolescent children (Hair, Moore, Garrett, Ling, & Cleveland, 2008; Steinberg, 2008). For example, good quality relationships with parents have been found to predict lower levels of adolescent delinquent behavior (Hair, et al., 2008) and adolescent depression (Aseltine, Gore, & Colten, 1998). Also, positive relationships between parents and children show buffering effects of marital conflict or family disruption on antisocial behaviors of children (Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994) and can protect adolescents from the negative effects of abusive parenting styles (Moore, Guzman, Hair, Lippman, & Garrett, 2004). An association between the quality of intergenerational relationships and adolescents’ educational and life outcomes has been well established using various methodologies (Barber, 1996; Burt, McGue, Krueger, & Iacono, 2005; Kerr & Stattin, 2000; Petti, Laird, Dodge, Bates, & Criss, 2001). For example, longitudinal research findings indicate that there are significant association between the quality of parent adolescent and adolescents’ externalizing problems (Fanti, Henrich, Brookmeyer, & 30 Kuperminc, 2008); and a reciprocal relationship was also reported to exist between the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship and adolescents’ internalizing problems (Buist, Dekovic, Meeus, & Van Aken, 2004; Fanti, et al., 2008; Sameroff & MacKenzie, 2003). Cross-sectional research also indicates that a close link exists between the quality of adolescents’ relationships with their parents and adolescents’ emotional and behavioral problems (Garber, Robinson, & Valentiner, 1997). Furthermore, some studies found that parent-adolescent closeness is positively related to adolescents’ academic achievement. Intergenerational closeness may lead to shared expectations of adolescents’ psychological, behavioral, social expectations and values, as well as a shared responsibility for practicing and correcting undesirable behaviors (Amato & Gilbreth, 1999; Englund, Egeland, & Collins, 2008). These multidimensional social ties may become an important pathway for information and resources that could directly enhance adolescents’ academic progress (Rosenbaum & Rochford, 2008). Other researchers (Brewster & Bowen, 2004; Catterall, 1998; Jimersn, Egeland, Sroufe, & Carlson, 2000) have indicated that parental instrumental and emotional support, hostility and rejection, and intergenerational communications are prominent determinants of educational success or failure. In other words, the quality of parent-adolescent relationships is an important predictor of adolescents’ psychosocial adjustment (Amato & Rivera, 1999), school adaptation, coping strategies, 31 socio-emotional competence, and social interaction among peers (Lieberman, Doyle, & Markiewicz, 1999). Family cohesion also was found to be the core predictor of children’s academic success (Forkel & Silbereisen, 2001; Rosenbaum & Rochford, 2008; Windle, 1992). It has also been found that adolescents’ perception of the cohesiveness of intergenerational relationships is significantly related to young adolescents’ well being (Sun & Hui, 2007; Wentzel & Feldman, 1993). Therefore, how the adolescent assesses and interprets the nature of their parent adolescent relationship may have a strong direct and indirect impact on their own behavior and adaptation (Feldman, Wentzel, & Gehring, 1989). For example, Hindin (2005) found that adolescent boys attained more education if they reported being close to their mothers. Another study reveals an important relationship between family cohesion and children’s internalizing and attention problems (Lucia & Breslau, 2006). Conversely, the lack of parental support was significantly contributing to adolescents’ depression, anxiety, low selfesteem, hopelessness and subsequent suicidal ideation (Simon & Murphy, 1985). Adolescents’ depressive symptoms and suicidal ideations are commonly predicted by the lack of closeness to parents and negative life events (Kandel, Raveis, & Davies, 1991). 32 In addition, a significant relationship between family conflict and lower psychological distress was found among Latino groups (Rivera, Guarnaccia, Mulvaney-Day, Lin, Torres, & Alegria, 2008). Meneese and colleagues (1992) found that when girls experience more family conflict, they develop a sense of hopelessness and when boys perceived a low level of family cohesion, they develop poor coping strategies, a sense of hopelessness and depression. In conclusion, intergenerational conflict is one of the most significant predictors of adolescents’ psychological maladjustment (Lee, Wong, Chow, & McBride-Chang, 2006), along with intergenerational closeness/ cohesion. Adolescence is a period during which autonomy and independence develop, and parent-child conflict increases (Paikoff & Brooks-Gunn, 1991). The onset of puberty is often associated with increased conflict, decreased cohesiveness, and emotional distance from parents (Steinberg, 1987). Parent-child conflict is defined as a state of resistance or opposition between parents and children (Shantz & Hartup, 1992) characterized by frequent disagreements, fights, arguments, and anger. The level of conflict varies depending on prior family relationships, family structure, and individual parent and child characteristics (Montemayor, 1986; Small, Eastern, & Cornelius, 1988). The consequences of parent-and-adolescent conflict are seen as a 33 normal aspect of development or a healthy facilitator of psychological growth (Shantz & Hartup, 1992). Parent-adolescent conflict is also considered a risk factor for developing emotional and behavioral problems (Marmorstein & Iacono, 2004), well-being (Dekovic, 1999), and troubles in parent-adolescent relationships (Shantz & Hartup, 1992). For example, parent-adolescent conflict has been found by multiple researchers to be related to adolescents’ internal and external behaviors (Adams, Gullotta, & Clancy, 1985; Bradford, Vaughn, & Barber, 2008; Patterson, 1982; Stevens, Vollebergh, Pels, & Crijnen, 2005a, b), depression (Dumka, Roosa, & Jackson, 1997; Marmorstein & Iacono, 2004), and adolescents’ well being (Dekovic, 1999). Adams and colleagues (1985) also found that intergenerational conflict is positively related to adolescent delinquency and running away from home. Parent-child conflict is also related to a child’s school achievement as well. For example, parent-child conflict along with depression and discrimination influence adolescents’ self-esteem and school achievement among Spanish-speaking adolescents (Portes & Zady, 2002). Adams and Laursen (2007) also found negative relations between intergenerational conflict and school grades, and positive relationships between delinquency and withdrawal for adolescents and their parents. 34 Parenting styles are also one aspect of intergenerational relationships and have received notable attention. Parenting styles typically include parental control and warmth (Radziszewska, Richardson, Dent, & Flay, 1996). Therefore, parenting style as an aspect of parent-child relationships has been identified as the key factor for understanding adolescent cognitive, academic, and behavioral development (Hindin, 2005). Baumrind (1991) developed four types of parenting styles: authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and rejecting-neglectful. In particular, an authoritative parenting style has been found to be beneficial to adolescents for psychosocial adjustment and well-being (Steinberg, 2008). For example, an authoritative parenting style is predictive of academic achievement among white adolescents (Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987). Rimm and Lowe (1988) found that parents of high-achieving gifted students are more consistently using an authoritative approach than parents of low-achieving gifted students. Many studies show that adolescents from authoritative homes show good school achievement, less depressive and anxious symptoms, high self-esteem and self-reliance, and less antisocial behaviors such as drug use and delinquency (Lamborn, Mounts, Steinburg, & Dornbusch, 1991; Steinburg, Lamborn, Darling, Mounts, & Dornbusch, 1994; Steinburg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992). 35 These parenting styles create an emotional climate in which the parent’s behaviors are expressed (Darling & Steinberg, 1993) and produce unique parenting practices, which produces the specific developmental outcomes of interest. For example, parenting practices include supervision of homework, involvement of school activities, monitoring of children’s use of media, and so on. Therefore, these same parenting practices may have different outcomes when implemented with one parenting style than with another (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Parenting practices also include parental awareness or monitoring, supportiveness, strictness, family routines (Paschall, Ringwalt, & Flewelling, 2003; Smetana, Crean, & Daddis, 2002), and parent involvement (Hair, Moore, Garrett, Ling, & Cleveland, 2008). Research indicates that parents who do not practice proper parental discipline and supervision are more likely to have hostile coercive relationships with their children (Hetherington, 1993). For example, when parental hostility toward their children increases, parental monitoring often decreases (Kim, Hetherington, & Reiss, 1999). When parents engage in decreased parental monitoring they are also less aware of their children’s well-being (Smetana, Crean, & Daddis, 2002). In addition, it was found that unsupportive parenting is also related to internalizing problems from childhood to early adolescence (Eisenberg, Fabes, Shepard, Guthrie, Murphy, & Reiser, 1999). Coercive parenting and the lack of parental monitoring has been found 36 to contribute not only to boys’ antisocial behaviors, but also to their delinquent acts (Simons, Johnson, Beaman, Conger, & Whitbeck, 1996). Conversely, parental awareness predicts positive psychological adjustment of preadolescents (Brody, Murry, Kim, & Brown, 2002) and a decrease in adolescents’ behavioral problems (Smetana, Crean, & Daddis, 2002). Furthermore, Patterson and colleagues (1984) showed that inept parental discipline is related to negative exchanges between siblings, which in turn correlated with boys’ physical aggression and other externalizing behaviors. Parental Expectations and Adolescents’ Academic Achievement The academic success of Korean and East-Asian students has been well documented (Coleman, Hoffer, & Kilgore, 1982; Matute-Bianchi, 1986; Schneider, Hieshima, Lee, & Plank, 1994; Schneider & Lee, 1990). For example, Korean students were top achievers in math, science, and literacy in the thirty-one-nation study of grade nine students (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2003) and the international studies of academic achievement of middleschool students (National Center for Educational Statistics, 2000). On standardized tests, East-Asian students typically outperform Western students (Schneider, Hieshima, Lee, & Plank, 1994). 37 The Chicago field study conducted by Northwestern University to understand the contributing factors to the high academic achievement among Asian populations (Schneider & Lee, 1990) revealed that the academic success of East-Asian students is linked to a) the shared values and aspirations about academic success among parents and students, b) the home learning environment and parental active involvement, and c) the shared expectations among family members and the interactions with teachers and classmates. It has already been suggested that parents make a strong contribution to their child’s school performance through the relationships they nurture with their child (Astone & McLanahan, 1991). Among parental contributions, parental expectations and belief systems have been considered one of the strongest predictors of children’s academic achievement (Wentzel, 1994). The comparison study by Schwarz and colleagues (2005) of German and Korean families also reported high levels of parental educational expectations among Korean parents, which were positively related to the degree of parental support and warmth. The positive relationship between parental expectations or aspirations and their children’s educational achievement has been consistently supported through empirical studies (Furstenberg, & Hughes, 1995; Zhan, 2006; Sandefur, Meier, & Campbell, 2006) and among diverse populations (Neuenschwander, Vida, Garrett, & Eccles, 2007; Seyfried, & Chung, 2002). For example, Smith and colleagues (1995) found 38 that parental expectation of their children’s college attendance is a significant positive predictor of actual subsequent college attendance of their children regardless of the place of residence. A longitudinal study revealed that parental expectations and children’s academic achievement are highly related through parental involvement (Englund, Luckner, Whaley, & Egeland, 2004). Some researchers have also found that parental expectations for their children’s educational attainment have a stronger relation to children’s academic achievement than other parental factors, such as parent-child communication and parental school involvement (Fan, 2001; Fan & Chen, 2001; Singh, Bickley, Trivette, Keith, Keith, & Anderson, 1995). Furthermore, direct positive relationships between parental expectations and children’s achievement were found after controlling for earlier achievement among 3rd and 4th graders (Halle, Kurtz-Coster, & Mahoney, 1997). Another study showed that parents’ and teachers’ expectations exert a significant influence on youth’s academic competency and performance, while low adult expectations have a disruptive effect. More interestingly, high mother expectations have buffering effects in the face of low teacher expectations (Benner & Mistry, 2007). Indirect effects of parental expectations on children’s academic achievement may also be mediated through parental involvement (Croswell, O’Connor, & Brewin, 2008; Englund, Luckner, Whaley, et al., 2004; Seyfried, & Chung, 2002) and parenting practices (Hill, 2001). 39 The direct relationship between parental expectations and children’s academic achievement has not been consistently found. For instance, Goldenberg and colleagues (2001) found that children’s achievement predicted parental expectations, but that parental expectations have no significant effects on children’s achievement in a longitudinal study of kindergarten through sixth-grade children. Discrepancies in developmental and behavioral expectations between parents and adolescents have been found to be associated with the amount of intergenerational conflicts (Dekovic, Noom, & Meeus, 1997). Also, a qualitative study described the potential harmful effect of excessive parental expectations among Chinese immigrant families, which might put tremendous pressure on children and also might blind parents to the social and emotional needs of their children (Qin, 2008). Historically, Koreans hold a very strong aspiration of education (Chung, 1991a). After the Korean War, Koreans were expected to rebuild their country and those who had educational qualifications were the ones that were called on first. Therefore, Koreans believe in the strong power of educational background; 98% of mothers and 77% of fathers of high school seniors reported their hopes were for their children to enter a college (Kim, Kim, Park, You, Yoon, et al., 1994). Korean parents have undertaken enormous sacrifices for their children in order to help them achieve academic success (Kim, Park, & Koo, 2004), and Korean parents press their children 40 to acquire a college diploma (Bong, 2008). Consequently, school curriculum and schedules are run in preparation for children’s future college entrance. For example, it is normal for high school students to arrive home from school at midnight, after intensive "self-study" sessions supported by the school. When students finish their classes, some of them go to private institutions to boost their academic performance and others stay in school to prepare for the collage entrance exam, and then finally come back home late at night. According to the 2003 survey, 83.1% of elementary students, 75.3% of middle school students, and 77.6% of high school students are receiving private lessons (Choi, 2004). Although middle school education is mandatory in Korean educational system, 97% of young adults complete high school education, which is the highest percentage among OECD (Organization for Economic Corporation and Development) countries (BBC NEWS, 2005, September 13). Korean adolescents' allocation of time devoted to schoolwork increases as students approach their high school senior year. Some studies showed that Korean 12th graders report spending as much as 14 to 18 hours a day studying, giving up sleep and leisure activities to devote every possible minute to college exam preparation (Chung, 1991b; Chung, Kim, Lee, Kwon, & Lee, 1993). A common slogan among Korean 12th graders is "Pass with four, fail with five," which refers to the hours of sleep thought allowable to maximize exam preparation. Actually, 41 about 80% of high school graduates went to colleges or universities in 2004. The rate of entrance into secondary educational institutions has continuously increased since 1970, which was 38.6% in 1993 and 79.7% in 2003 (Korean Statistical Information Service, 2004). Because of the importance of the university entrance examination in determining one's career prospects, Korean adolescents devote large amounts of time to studying (Bong, 2008, 2003; Chung, 1991a; Park & Kim, 2006; Schwarz, Schafermeier, & Trommsdorff, 2005). Students are under intense pressure to study long hours, and the emotional stress to do well on the standardized test is very great (Chung, 1991b). Many students get burned out because during the high school years, students have little chance to do much except study. It is not uncommon for a handful of students in each classroom to fall asleep from exhaustion. Students are encouraged to see themselves as being in fierce competition with their friends and peers (Bong, 2008, 2003). As a national survey showed, their greatest concerns are academic matters (48.9%), health and appearance (18.4%), and family issues (6.8%; National Internet Development Agency of Korea, 2007). Asian children incorporate their high parental aspirations and feel obligated to satisfy their parents (Bong, 2008). Children’s success and failure is often met with parents’ approval and disapproval (Kim & Park, 1999; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; 42 Park, Kim, & Chung, 2004). Their need to preserve strong emotional bonds with their mothers is related to children’s willingness to accept their mothers’ values on educational success as their own (Iyengar & Lepper, 1999). In Korea, maintaining good relationships with parents is as important as success in school and academic achievement (Kim, Park, & Koo, 2004). Heavy emphasis on the academic achievement of students and their parents make school and classroom highly competitive (Bong, 2003). As a result, grades and test scores tend to be overemphasized (Bong, 2004). School culture emphasizing academic achievement only, strong parental pressure on academic success, and a sense of indebtedness toward parents may play a unique role in the parent-adolescent relationships and adolescents’ well being in Korea. South Korean adolescents tend to define and sustain themselves with respect to significant relationships within the family. Because of cultural norms and expectations, parents play a salient role in the development and adjustment of their adolescent children, particularly their children’s education (Kim, Kim, Park, et al., 1994). This expectation places excessive pressure on their children to become high achievers (Fuligni, 1997; Mau, 1997). Korean adolescents in turn internalize their parents’ educational expectations (Kim, Kim, Park, et al., 1994) and try hard not to disappoint their parents (Heine, 2001). Korean families’ congruency in academic achievement 43 may be understood by the importance and emphasis on the interdependent relationship between parent and child under the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism is a complex system of moral, social, political, philosophical, and quasi-religious thought that has had tremendous influence on the culture and history of East Asia, including China, Japan, Korea, Singapore, and Vietnam. Confucianism is typically characterized as collectivistic and interdependent, and emphasizes the importance of relationships with in-group members (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Under the Confucian framework, individuals are connected to each other via relationships and with respect to the roles that are inherent in those relationships. These various relationships constitute clear roles and duties with a coherent hierarchy (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000). The maintenance of one’s interpersonal harmony within five principle relationships (e.g., parent-child, husband-wife, elder-younger, governor-minister, and friend-friend) is central to Confucianism. Since Confucian culture heavily emphasizes respect to elders and seniors, intergenerational relationships are considered the most important one among these five relationships (Su, Chin, Hong, Leung, Peng, & Morris, 1999). As individuals’ relationships and roles are often determined within a given situation and the people surrounding them, according to Confucianism, Koreans are more likely to describe themselves with reference to social roles or memberships than are Americans (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Within East Asian culture, the individual 44 must be responsive to the needs of others and the obligations associated with their social roles. They are encouraged to harmonize with others and to adjust themselves to the social environment (Morling, Kitayama, & Miyamoto, 2002). Individuals’ commitment to others and fulfillment of cultural obligations contributes to the group’s success. Therefore, individuals should be sensitive to cultural demands, so that they do not fail to live up to the group standards (Heine, 2001). For example, East Asian children are more willing to follow their mothers’ decisions than are Euro-American children (Iyengar & Lepper, 1999). Additionally, Asian American children do not show negative reactions when their mothers’ make choices for them, unlike EuroAmerican children (Iyengar, Lepper, & Ross, 1999). Theoretical Frameworks and Proposed Conceptual Models Uses and Gratifications Theory Few theoretical frameworks have been used to help explain the impact of the Internet on users. The uses and gratifications framework, previously been applied to a wide range of mass media usage and interpersonal communication areas, has been used to explain expected positive outcomes associated with Internet use (LaRose, Mastro, & Eastin, 2001). According to the uses and gratifications framework, audiences seek out media, such as the Internet, in an attempt to gratify a variety of needs (LaRose, Mastro, & Eastin, 2001). Some Internet uses, considered factors of 45 gratification including communication, information, and entertainment, have been identified as having strong explanatory power in individual Internet use (Charney & Greenberg, 2001; Eighmey & McCord, 1998; Flanagin & Metzger, 2001; Papacharissi & Rubin, 2000). The theory is further supported in research investigating individuals’ online activities. Researchers report that Internet users have primarily accessed the Internet for communication, entertainment, and for seeking information (Gross, Juvonen, & Gable, 2001; Jackson, et al., 2006; Korean Statistical Information Service, 2007; Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001; Mesch, 2003, 2006; Policy Information Center of the Educational Testing service Network, 1999; Suler, 1998). It is apparent that the Internet is used to fulfill individuals’ gratification needs, yet it is less clear which on-line activity individuals find most gratifying. Gratification may be based on cultural values, such as respect for one’s elders or expectation for educational excellence. Research to date has not consistently found one activity among these three (communication, entertainment, and for seeking information) as being the predominant motivator for Internet use in American or Korean society. For instance, some researchers have reported that the primary reason for Internet use is for interpersonal communication among American adolescents (Gross, 2004; Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005; Papacharissi & Rubin, 2000; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007b), whereas Korean adolescents have been reported to primarily use the Internet for 46 gaming (Korean Educational Development Institute, 2003) or for data/ information seeking behavior (Korean Statistical Information Service, 2007). The Korean Statistical Information Service reported in 2007 that data/ information seeking behavior is the primary use of the Internet, accounting for by 88.7% of use, far exceeding all other uses. Observational Learning Theory The direct effect of the Internet on adolescents’ academic achievement can be framed using the observational learning theory; which contends that information is stored in memory through the process of attention and retention. Repeated covert and mental rehearsal of images strengthens stored information and memories, and then makes them more available for activation at a later time (Baundura, 1994). Program content may contribute to children’s cognitive scripts. Repeated viewing leads children to retrieve, rehearse, solidify, and expand existing scripts, resulting in cumulative long-term effects (Huesman & Miller, 1994). Similarly, traditional communication research on television viewing and cognitive functioning, which focuses on the effects of viewing, can be used (Shin, 2004). This theory is divided into two hypotheses: the stimulation hypothesis and the reduction hypothesis. The stimulation hypothesis proposes that watching well-designed TV programs may enhance children’s academic achievement. 47 Informational Processing Theory The information processing model can also be applied to the effects of the Internet use, by explaining the process of cognitive development via the Internet through mental processes such as attention, perception, comprehension, memory, and problem solving (Johnson, 2006). Meta-cognitive processes such as planning, searching strategies and evaluation of information are exercised when using the Internet in congruence with the nature of the Internet as a multimodel interactive tool for both input and output (Johnson, 2006; Tarpley, 2001). Internet use has been described in regard to its benefits including enhancing “visual processing of information, increase language and literacy skills, build knowledge base, and promote meta-cognitive abilities such as planning and evaluation” (Johnson, 2006, p.3044). It seems that increased time spent engaged in Internet activities and resources may improve adolescents understanding of school concepts, increase cognitive ability, and boost memory ability (Li & Atkins, 2004), spatial skills (Subrahmanyam, et al., 2000), and enhance the quality of adolescents' existing friendships (Bryant, Sanders-Jackson, & Smallwood, 2006; Gross, 2004; Subrahmanyam, et al., 2000; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007b). The stimulation hypothesis would predict that Internet use; especially educational use, would result in academic achievement because adolescents can learn 48 a wide range of academic content, as the Internet provide repeated exposure to educational material. Increased Internet use has also been associated with many negative outcomes. For example, researchers have found that increased time on the computer or Internet is associated with increased obesity (Adachi-Mejia, Longacre, Gibson, Beach, TitusErnstoff, & Dalton, 2007; Hill & Peter, 1998), the risk of repetitive strain injuries (Harris & Straker, 2000), seizures (Chuang, 2006: Trenité, van der Beld, Heynderickx, & Groen, 2004), and decreased general physical well-being (Mutti & Zadnik, 1996; Sheedy & Shaw-McMinn, 2002; Yan, Hu, Chen, & Lu, 2008). Moreover, increased adolescent Internet use has been positively associated with antisocial behaviors (Mesch, 2001), sexual risk behaviors (Wolak, Finkelhor, & Mitchell, 2004; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004b), and compromised psychological well-being (Caplan, 2002, 2003). Time Displacement Theory The time displacement hypothesis, which stems from the reduction hypotheses, assumes that adolescents have a limited amount of time (Mutz, Roberts, & van Vuuren, 1993). Therefore increased amounts of time in non-educational use of the Internet may hinder adolescents’ academic achievement. When adolescents increase the time they spend online engaging in social and/or recreational activities, time sacrifices will have to be made in other areas, such as time spent on studying, reading, 49 and doing homework (Neuman, 1991). This displacement may happen because the Internet, which entertains adolescents with stimulating images as well as visual and auditory effects, is more attractive and immediately gratifying than are school-related activities. Consequently, using the Internet will result in the displacement of academic activities, as television once did, and will eventually decrease the adolescent’s academic achievement (Aderson, Huston, Schmitt, Linebarger, Wright, & Larson, 2001; Koshal, Koshal, & Gupta, 1996; Shejwal, & Purayidathil, 2006; Shin, 2004; Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994). Researchers have further reported that problematic Internet use among adolescents brings negative outcomes in school performance, as well as to social skills (Caplan, 2005). Therefore, it is anticipated that Korean adolescent educational use of the Internet will be positively associated with academic achievement, and their noneducational use of the Internet, especially their recreational use, will be negatively associated with adolescents’ academic achievement. Human Ecology Theory Human ecology theory assumes that human development takes place within the context of relationships (White, 1991), and manifests in role performance and specialization in a family. This study defines the family as an interdependently connected social system. Just as technological innovations change societies 50 (Bronfenbrenner, 1990; Watt & White, 1999), computers and the Internet bring about changes within the context of the family, resulting in changes to the nature of the relationships within each of the family’s subsystems. For example, when adolescent internet use increases, so do may conflicts between parents and adolescents over the child’s Internet usage. Such conflict is likely to involve parental attempts to assert their authority over their child as their adolescent attempts to assert their autonomy over their use of time (Fuligni, 1998). Conflict within families is normative, particularly between parents and children during adolescence. Adolescence marks a developmental period in which families need to adjust and adapt their relationships to accommodate adolescents’ emerging autonomy and attachment-related issues (Steinberg, 1998). Many negotiations are likely to occur and result in concessions to the degree of parental regulation of adolescents’ everyday lives. Some families perceive this transitional process of negotiation and disengagement as an opportunity for their adolescent children to foster emotional autonomy, facilitate individuation, and improve social reasoning (Steinberg, 1998). However, others experience this process as overly stressful, as they experience difficulties in communication that generates tension and conflict and also amplifies emotional turmoil within the family (Buchanan, Eccles, & Becker, 1992). 51 Parents may try multiple ways to monitor and control their child’s use of the computer. For example, some parents restrict the time of Internet-related activities so that Internet usage does not interfere with schoolwork and socializing (Livingstone & Bovill, 2001). When parents’ increased restrictions coupled with adolescents’ growing need for autonomy can create conflicts within, as adolescents demand more independence and autonomy in use of their personal time and show more open disagreement with their parents conflicts become larger (Fuligni, 1998; Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001). The sharp increase of conflict and negative emotions in the parent-adolescent relationship may lead to decreased positive interactions and emotions about one another during the adolescent years (Kim, Conger, Lorenz, & Elder, 2001; Larson, Richards, Moneta, Holmbeck, & Duckett, 1996). One reason for intergenerational conflict may be based on parental concern over the activities the adolescent is engage in on-line (Mesch, 2006). Actually, much of the public debate over youth Internet use has been dominated by concerns about the dark side of online culture (Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2003). Fears about children’s exposure to pornography and violence even prompted Congress to pass several laws to regulate cyberspace (Voedisch, 2000). In addition to concerns about children’s exposure online, parents, while viewing the Internet as an inevitable yet necessary evil in this information age, also have concerns about the potential harm the internet can have on 52 children; specifically in regards to children’s privacy and the reliability of accessed information (UCLS Center for Communication Policy, 2003). In spite of the Internet pitfalls, most parents in the HomeNet Too project in U.S. have reported positive attitudes about their children’s Internet use (Jackson, et al., 2003). Parental participants agreed that using the Internet helps children do better in school, and Internet skills will be necessary for their children to acquire a good job. Based on potential positive parental attitudes about the Internet, it is assumed that adolescents’ Internet use is associated with parent-adolescent closeness and parentadolescent conflicts. However, due to the uniqueness of Korean culture, parents may be actively involved in the on-line lives of their adolescents as they guide their children toward academic success. It is widely known that Korean parents have high aspirations for higher education and high expectations for their children’s academic achievement (Bong, 2008, 2003; Cho & Yoon, 2005; Chung, 1991a; Park & Kim, 2006; Schwarz, Schafermeier, & Trommsdorff, 2005; Shin, 2007). Parental expectation reflects parental interest, concern, involvement, and support in the lives of their children (Sandefur, Meier, & Campbell, 2006). Parental expectations can be expressed in many different ways; such as the investment made by many Korean parents who invest heavily in school education and private tutoring. In 1997 alone, it was estimated that 53 Korean parents spent more than 8.06 billion dollars on private tutoring for their children (Kim, 2001). Korean parents have also been reported to exert excessive amounts of pressure on their adolescents to excel academically, unfortunately to the neglect of the child’s psychological needs (Cho, & Yoon, 2005; Kim, & Park, 1999). Parental expectations and excessive pressure may further be related to intergenerational conflicts. Researchers have found that differences in the developmental expectations of parents and their children are associated with the amount of conflict within their relationship (Dekovic, Noom, & Meeus, 1997; Barber, 1994). Conversely, other researchers have found high parental expectation to be beneficial, as parents, who had high expectations, are also found to be more supportive of their children providing warmth and understanding (Kim & Park, 2006). Moreover, mothers who value higher education for their daughters are likely to have daughters with egalitarian attitudes, nontraditional gender-typed cognitions, and greater autonomy (Kilbourne, Farkas, Beron, Weird, & England, 1994), which may contribute to greater intergenerational emotional closeness (Schwarz, Schafermeier, & Trommsdorff, 2005). Incongruence between parental and adolescent educational expectations would be considered non-normative, as most Korean adolescents also express a strong desire to enter college (Kim, Kim, Park et al., 1994; Kim & Park, 2006). Congruency has also been found to relate to low levels of conflict in empirical 54 research; when parents and adolescents show similar views on achievement, they experience low levels of conflict in their relationships (Dekovic, Noom, & Meeus, 1997). Furthermore, high congruency between Korean parents and their children on educational aspiration may be related to parental support and intergenerational closeness, under the Confucianism culture, which stresses the importance of intergenerational relationships. Attachment Theory Association between intergenerational relationships and adolescent adjustment may be explained by attachment theory. The attachment theory by Bowlby (1982) provides insight into the development process of intergenerational relationships. He refers to the bond between mother and child as an attachment. The development of a secure attachment has lasting consequences on intergenerational relationships (Bell & Ainsworth, 1972). The child develops a sense of trust in the parent and has a desire for independence based on a feeling of security in the relationship with the parents. The concept of trust is provided from the work of Erik Erickson (Bigner, 2009). He developed this theory on the premise that young children must resolve a series of psychological tasks, and trust is the first and fundamental task. Through resolution of each stage, a child gains important social skills that facilitate social interaction. A failure to resolve one of these stages impedes a child’s psychosocial development and 55 adjustment (Bigner, 2009). Bowlby (1982) suggested that the relationship between parent and children has a significant effect upon the child’s psychosocial development. Attachment theory states that the bond between the mother-child relationships contributes to development in the emotional system of the child. Based on a secure attachment, the child successfully obtains more complex aspects of affect, empathy, and social skills. Erickson described these aspects as ideas of trust, autonomy, initiative, industry, and identity (Bigner, 2009). All of these aspects are gained through secure attachment between mother and child. The quality of the attachment formed during early childhood affects social relationships in later life (Bowlby, 1982). These theoretical assertions indicate that positive intergenerational relationships foster affective development, which leads to more effective performance in relationships with others and later facilitates educational performance (Maier, 1978). Previous research evidence suggests that close parent-child relationships are related to positive outcomes in psychosocial adaptation of children, adolescents, and young adults (Lucia & Breslau, 2006; Merz, Schuengel, & Schulze, 2008; Richmond & Stocker, 2006; Rivera, Guarnaccia, Mulvaney-Day, Lin, Torres, & Alegria, 2008). For example, McHale & Rasmussen, (1998) report that harmonious family functioning during infancy predicts lower levels of preschooler aggression. A family’s 56 emotional bonding predicts frequency of delinquent acts for adolescents in nontraditional families (Matherne & Thomas, 2001). Family cohesion is identified as a protective factor against external stressors (Hovey & King, 1996) and positive parent-child relationships play a protective role for children living in homes high in conflict (Marcus & Betzer, 1996). In addition, parental warmth, support, and parentchild connectedness has been associated with reduced adolescent pregnancy risk with an increase in sexual abstinence, postponing intercourse, having fewer sexual partners, and/or using contraception more consistently than adolescents without warm and supportive relationships (Miller, Benson, & Galbraith, 2001). Preschool children who had good relationships with their parental figures are less likely to engage in disruptive classroom behavior (Campbell, 1994; Campbell, March, Pierce, Ewing & Szumowski, 1991). Therefore, it is anticipated that positive parent-adolescent closeness will be associated with adolescents’ positive academic and behavioral outcomes. A conceptual model tested in this study is presented below. Based on the attachment theory and the time-displacement hypothesis, it is assumed that family relationships (parent-adolescent conflict and closeness) are a major component contributing to the associations between adolescent Internet use and adolescents’ outcomes. The implication of this argument lies in the expectation that a 57 direct/indirect effect of adolescent Internet use on academic achievement and problematic behaviors exists, mediated by parent-adolescent relationships between these two variables. In addition, the role of parental expectations on the parent adolescent relationships between type of Internet activity and intergenerational relationships is expected. Parental Expectation Gender Parent-Adolescent Relationships Adolescents’ Internet Use Adolescent Outcomes Conceptualization Use of the Internet The Internet is a vast computer network that connects computer networks and organizational computer facilities around the world (Random House Dictionary, 2005). For the purpose of this study, the Internet will be defined as the interconnected system of networks that connects computers and Internets around the world via the Internet Protocol. Access to and use of the Internet will be defined as occurring on a laptop or desktop computer. Thus, other devices, such as cell phones, will be excluded from this 58 definition. The use of the Internet in this study will be considered a multi-dimensional variable that includes the type of Internet activities engaged in and the amount of Internet use. Numerous surveys have attempted to measure the amount of general Internet use – including the length of time people spend online per unit of time. Estimates vary widely, depending on how Internet usage is measured (e.g., self-report, automatically recorded), the ages of respondents sampled, when data was collected (i.e., year of the study), and how Internet use is defined (e.g., length of time online, frequency of use; Jackson et al., 2006). There is a need to empirically distinguish the amount of time spent on-line in various types activities (Lee & Kuo, 2002), even though most studies do not categorize or weigh Internet use according to the various activities and content (Joinson, 2001), it should be considered important since people use the Internet for a variety of purposes, which may vary by characteristics such as age, culture and gender. The 2007 National Survey about Internet use by the Korean Statistical Information Service revealed that the three primary purposes for Internet use were data/information seeking (88.7%); leisure activities, such as movies, games, and music (86.0%), and communication through chatting and emailing (84.7%). However, Korean teens’ Internet uses were found to deviate from these statistics in the Korean Educational Development Institute study in 2003 on the life of Korean teens. The 59 three main types of Internet use were categorized as a) recreational activities such as gaming, searching information about music, movie, and entertainment; b) educational use, such as information seeking for school project and homework, downloading data, and programming; and c) communicative activities, such as chatting, e-mailing, involvement in online communities, and social networking websites, which is similar to that of the general population. Moreover, these categorizations have been consistently found in American populations (DeBell & Chapman, 2006; Gross, Juvonen, & Gable, 2001; Jackson, 2006; Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001; Policy Information Center of the Educational Testing service Network, 1999; Suler, 1998) and other countries (Mesch, 2003, 2006). Therefore, for the purpose of this study, type of Internet use will also be examined using these three categories: educational use, social use, and recreational use. The frequency of Internet use and it’s functional use experienced by children and young people has been measured in a number of studies (Bayraktar, & Gun, 2007; Hunley, Evans, Delgado-Hachey, Krise, Rich & Schell, 2005; Malamud, & PopEleches, 2008; Mesch, 2006; Rhee, & Kim, 2004; Wainer, Dwyer, Dutra, Covic, Magalhães, Ferreira et al., 2001; Willoughby, 2008). In this study a second dimension of Internet use, time, will also be examined, including the amount of time spent online per week and the longevity of Internet use. Time spent on-line per week will 60 include the number of hours the adolescents put on using the Internet per week, and longevity of Internet use will assess how long the adolescent has used the Internet over their lifespan. Educational Use of the Internet Educational use of the Internet will be defined in this study as using the Internet and computer technologies for obtaining information for academic purposes from a vast multimedia online library covering numerous topics. Adolescents use the Internet to search for information for school research projects and other school assignments, and to enhance their learning and understanding. In addition, communication with people regarding schoolwork will be included. Social use of the Internet Social use of the Internet will be defined as using the Internet and computer technologies for social communication and interaction with people such as e-mailing, using Internet phone, text messaging, joining chat rooms, instant messaging, visiting blogs, and exchanging e-cards primarily with friends, family members, teachers, and so on. Text messaging using cell phone is excluded in this study. Recreational Use of the Internet Recreational use of the Internet will be defined as using the Internet for recreational and entertaining purpose such as online gaming, downloading pictures, 61 listening to music, searching for information pertaining to leisure activities, and reading online news reports. Parent-Adolescent Conflict Conflict has previously been conceptualized as “the amount of openly expressed anger and conflict among family members (Moos & Moos, 1994, p.1) or “disagreement” (Adams & Laursen, 2007). In the large body of literature, parent-child conflict is assessed by the amount and the intensity of conflicts, such as an open expression of disagreement (Adams & Laursen, 2007; Dekovic, 1999) and argument, fighting, aggression and anger (Barber & Delfabbro, 2000; Hanna & Bond, 2006; Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller, 1992; Ingoldsby, Shaw, Winslow, Schonberg, Gilliom, & Criss, 2006). The amount of conflict is typically rated on Likert-type scales. For example, Dixon, Garber, and Brooks-Gunn (2008) assessed conflict as occurring from monthly to daily and/or Bradford, Vaughn, & Barber (2008) assessed conflict from never to almost every day. The intensity of conflict is also rated on Likert-type scales, such as from not heated to very heated (Dixon, Garber, & Brooks-Gunn, 2008), and from calm to angry (Prinz, Foster, Kent, & O’Leary, 1979). Parent-adolescent conflict is defined in the current study, as the amount and intensity of openly expressed anger, disagreement, and argument between children or adolescents and their parents regarding the use of the Internet and general matters. 62 Parent-Adolescent Closeness Parent-adolescent closeness has been determined by the amount of continuing contact between parents and adolescents (Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dornbusch, 1991), the degree of feelings of closeness with each other (Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dornbusch, 1991, 1996; Olson, Sprenkle, & Russell, 1979) and/or closeness characterized by open communication, positive feelings and expressed affection (Ramirez, 1997). Many researchers have measured closeness through cohesion (Olson, Sprenkle, & Russell, 1979; Richmond & Stocker, 2006; Rivera, Guarnaccia, Mulvaney-Day, et al., 2008; Steinberg, 1998), emotional bonding (Hovey & King, 1996; Kapinus & Gorman, 2004; Salgado de Snyder, 1987), as well as togetherness, unity, and closeness (Lindahl & Malik, 2000). Also, closeness has been measured through connectedness, parental support, and warmth as a dimension of parenting (Feldman & Brown, 1993; Miller, Benson, & Galbraith, 2001; Resnick, Bearman, Blum, Bauman, Harris, Jones, et al., 1997). In this study, parent-adolescent closeness will be assessed as the degree of overall feelings of closeness between parent and adolescent. Parental Expectation Parental expectation has been defined as parent’s ideal for children’s ultimate educational and occupational attainment or a parent’s current expectations for 63 children’s academic performance (Christenson, Rounds, & Gorney, 1992). In this study, parental expectation will be measured to the degree of parent’s aspiration of children’s current academic performance and future educational attainment using the Revised Asian Value Scales (AVS-R; Kim & Hong, 2004). Adolescent Behavioral Problems In the larger body of literature, behavioral problems are characterized by both externalizing problems (e.g., anti-social behavior, aggression, and conduct problems) and internalizing problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, withdrawal, somatic complaints, and low self-esteem) (Bradford, Vaughn, & Barber, 2008; Choi, He, & Harachi, 2008; Formoso, Gonzales, & Aiken, 2000; Stevens, Vollebergh, Pels, & Crijnen, 2005a, b; Stevens, Vollebergh, Pels, & Crijnen, 2007). Adolescent externalizing and internalizing problems will be used to assess adolescents’ behavioral outcomes in this study. Academic Achievement Academic achievement is defined as the level of individual’s education and/or educational outcomes accomplished successfully, as a result of learning at school. It is usually determined by comparing his or her score on a school test and/or a standardized test with the average score of other people of the same age. Standardized 64 test scores on school tests will be used to define Academic achievement for the purpose of this study. Research Questions and Hypotheses As proposed in the stimulation hypothesis, using the Internet for educational purposes may enhance adolescent’s academic achievement. On the contrary, based on the time displacement hypothesis, increased amounts of time in non-educational use of the Internet may sacrifice time in educational activities, such as studying, reading, and doing homework. Consequently, using social and/or recreational use of the Internet will result in the displacement of academic activities and will eventually decrease the adolescent’s academic achievement. This study focuses on the relationships among adolescent Internet use, parentadolescent conflict, parent-adolescent closeness, and adolescent’s behavioral outcomes and academic achievement. Four research questions and hypotheses will be tested in this study. These questions and hypotheses are: Research question 1. Are there gender differences in the nature of Korean adolescents’ Internet use? H1. Boys and girls are different in the frequency and the intensity of educational, social, and recreational use of Internet. 65 Boys Girls Educational Internet use Social Internet use Recreational Internet use Educational Internet use Social Internet use Recreational Internet use Research question 2-1. Are there direct effects of adolescents’ Internet use on their academic achievement and problematic behaviors? H2-1.1. Adolescents’ Internet use has a direct effect on their academic achievement. H2-1.2. Adolescents’ Internet use has a direct effect on their internalizing problematic behaviors. H2-1.2. Adolescents’ Internet use has a direct effect on their externalizing problematic behaviors. Research question 2-2. Are these direct pathways different for boys and girls? H2-2.1. Boys and girls are different in the association between adolescents’ Internet use and their academic achievement. H2-2.2. Boys and girls are different in the association between adolescents’ Internet use and their internalizing problematic behaviors. 66 H2-2.3. Boys and girls are different in the association between adolescents’ Internet use and their externalizing problematic behaviors. Adolescent’s Gender Educational Internet use Social Internet use Recreational Internet use Academic Achievement Behavioral Adjustment The attachment theory suggests that intergenerational relationships have a significant effect upon the child’s academic and behavioral adjustment; previous research evidence indicates that close parent-child relationships are related to positive outcomes in the psychosocial adaptation of children (Hair, Moore, Garrett, Ling, & Cleveland, 2005; Steinberg, 2008). Parent-adolescent closeness has been positively associated with reduction of problematic behaviors (Fanti, et al., 2008; Hair, et al., 2005; Miller, Benson, & Galbraith, 2001) and academic achievement (Amato & Gilbreth, 1999; Englund Egeland, & Collins, 2008). On the contrary, parentadolescent conflict has been positively associated with problematic behaviors and negatively associated with academic achievement (Adams & Laursen, 2007; Lee, Wong, Chow, & McBride-Chang, 2006; Marmorstein & Iacono, 2004). 67 Parent-adolescent closeness may serve as a buffer for adolescents from negative effects of non-educational Internet use on their academic achievement and behavioral adjustment. Conversely, intergenerational conflict is a strong predictor of negative youth outcomes in families from diverse cultural backgrounds (Ong, Phinney, & Dennis, 2006; Rivera, et al., 2008). Parent-child conflict may also serve as a potential mediator of the relationship between adolescent Internet use and youth adjustment. Research question 3-1. Does the nature of adolescents’ Internet use affect their academic achievement/ behavioral adjustment through P-A closeness/ conflict (Mediation effects)? H3-1.1. Adolescents’ Internet use has an effect on academic achievement through parent-adolescent relationships. H3-1.2. Adolescents’ Internet use has an effect on internalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships. H3-1.3. Adolescents’ Internet use has an effect on externalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships. Research question 3-2. Are these pathways different for boys and girls? (Moderating role of adolescent gender) H3-2.1. Boys and girls are different in the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their academic achievement through parent-adolescent relationships. 68 H3-2.2. Boys and girls are different in the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their internalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships. H3-2.3. Boys and girls are different in the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their externalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships. Adolescent’s Gender Educational Internet use Social Internet use Recreational Internet use Academic Achievement Behavioral Adjustment Parent-Adolescent Relationships The association between parental expectation and children’s academic achievement has been constantly explored and a general conclusion that can be drawn is that academic achievement is consistently correlated with high parental expectations (Boersma & Chapman, 1982; Cohen, 1987, Marjoribanks, 1988; Sandefur, Meier, & Campbell, 2006; Thompson, Alexander, & Entwisle, 1988; Wentzel, 1994). In addition, previous research shows that excessive parental expectation is related with intergenerational conflicts (Dekovic, Noom, & Meeus, 1997; Barber, 1994). Therefore, 69 in the present study, effects of parental expectation as moderator will be examined. It is anticipated that adolescent Internet use for educational purposes will be positively associated with parent-adolescent closeness and negatively associated with parentadolescent conflict, especially when parental expectations are high. Furthermore, adolescent’ educational Internet use is positively associated with adolescent’ academic achievement, especially when parental expectations are high. Research question 4. Do indirect pathways between the adolescent Internet use and academic/behavioral adjustment (through P-A relationships) vary by the level of parental cultural expectations (Asian values)? H4-1. The level of parental expectations has different effects on the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their academic achievement through parentadolescent relationships. H4-2. The level of parental expectations has different effects on the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their internalizing behavior problems through parentadolescent relationships. H4-3. The level of parental expectations has different effects on the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their externalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships. 70 Parental Expectation Educational Internet use Social Internet use Recreational Internet use Academic Achievement Behavioral Adjustment Parent-Adolescent Relationships Methodology This study explores the relationships among adolescent Internet use, parentadolescent relationships (conflict and closeness), and adolescent’s outcomes (academic achievement and problematic behaviors) among Korean adolescents and their parents. Population The city in which the study is conducted is located on the west side of central Korea, which is Seoul. Seoul is the capital of South Korea with a population of 10,297,004 and 3,871,024 households covering 605.52 square kilometers. The average household income is ₩ 3,182 per month. 71 Korean schools are divided into elementary schools, middle schools, high schools, and colleges. Children attend elementary school for six years, middle school for three years, and depending on their middle school grades, the student's high school acceptance is determined. The initial nine years of school (elementary and middle school) is considered the duty of children. Middle school graduates, or those with equivalent academic background may enter high schools. The high school period of study is three years, and students bear the expenses of the education. In high school, students study Korean language, English, Mathematics, Science, Social Studies, Korean History, Ethics, Home Economics-skills, Art, Music, and Physical Science. Science and Social Studies are very specific in curriculum, and a second language is also learned as an elective. High schools contain three grades (from 10th to 12th grade) and class size is about 30 to 35 students. The Korean school system is divided into two semesters. The academic year starts in March. The First semester lasts from March to July, while the second semester lasts from September to December. Summer vacation takes place in August, and winter vacation lasts for about 35 days. Korean students typically spend most of their time in school; Monday through Friday from 8:30 a.m. to 3:00 p.m., and Saturday until noon. Korean students are under a lot of pressure to study very hard, as they must either attend college or find a job after high school. 72 There are 74 general public high schools out of a total 670 high schools, mostly comprised of private general schools, vocational public schools, private vocational schools, and specialty high schools. Each class in a particular school has an average of 32.5 students. In public schools, there are 10 to 15 classes for every grade. Procedure From an initial list of public high schools in Seoul, South Korea, principals of five high schools in Seoul, South Korea agreed to participate in the study. All principals were contacted and provided with an opportunity for study participation. Primary contact with principals involved providing information about the study, including its benefits and risks, and the overall study procedure. Five principals out of nine agreed to allow the research to be conducted in their high schools. Next, with the official cooperation letters from these principals, I met with the chief teachers of grades 10 and 11 and explained the study purpose and procedure. Subsequently, the chief and homeroom teachers informed students in these classes about the study and asked for their participation. Interested and assenting children were given a sign-up sheet with consent statement and a description of the study. Parents, who agreed to have their children participate in the study, provided their contact information (e-mail address) and signed on the consent form. Then, surveys were distributed to students and their parents. Students who filled out the survey forms returned their own surveys 73 and their parents’ surveys to teachers. Finally, teachers passed completed surveys to this investigator. In order to acquire significant statistical power, samples sizes between 200 and 400 for running models tend to be used (Byrne, 2001). Therefore, the sampling goal has been set to a minimum of 250 families, consisting of data from adolescents, mothers, and fathers. A total 1370 sets of surveys were distributed and 613 sets of surveys were obtained. Each survey begins with a short overview and directions for the participants. The overview section gives a short description of the primary and secondary researchers and the connection to Syracuse University. The overview clearly defines the aim of the study, defines the survey as confidential and informs the participants that their participation can be withdrawn at any time. Since the survey instruments was administrated in Korean, all the measurements for this study were translated from English into Korean, and subsequently translated back to English. Two graduate students, and one professional translator from Korea, who were all fluent in English and Korean, were involved throughout the translation process. The original English version and the back-translated English version were compared and discrepancies were reworded in order to rectify any items that had not retained their original meaning. Then two different Korean natives reviewed the translations and reworded the items they believed were not explicable or applicable. 74 Finally, graduate students fluent in English only, read through all of the items again, explaining their understanding of each item in English to ensure that the translations were still accurate. The pre-research process resulted as productive and necessary to the research instruments. The survey was pilot tested by administering the survey to three Korean adolescents and one of their parents. Each adolescent was asked to read and answer the survey items and report incomprehensible questions, as well as provide suggestions and express concerns for survey improvement. Necessary revisions were again made based on pilot testing. Participants Three high schools in this study are general public high schools. Compared to other high schools in South Korea, students of the general public high schools in Seoul are considered relatively homogeneous because student selection is equivalent for these schools; selecting students according to their school activities records only. Therefore, public school classes are equally mixed with the different student achievement levels, and the levels are normally distributed and almost identical with other classes in the same school. Two high schools in this study are general private schools. Since students of the private schools in Seoul are selected through an 75 entrance exam and their middle school private school students are expected to be in higher academic levels than public school students. This study sample consists of adolescents of 10th and 11th grade, who reside and attend general public/private high schools in Seoul. In Korean society, a person’s educational attainment determines his/her social position. Families from these three schools come from different SES, since each school is located at a different area in the city. Adolescents were asked to provide information about their date of birth, gender, family members and relationships, religious preference, and their parents’ employment status. Parents were also asked to provide information about their age, gender, level of education, occupation, income, religious preference, and marital status (see Appendix A). Measurements Adolescent Internet use. The Internet use scale includes general questions about adolescent Internet use, such as their access, the primary location of their Internet use, the extent of the Internet experience. Access to Internet use is measured with responses to four of questions, such as (a) “How many PCs/ Laptops with internet access does your family home have?”, (b) “If you go online at the school, do you use it during your break or free time or use it during the classes?”, and (c) “If you 76 go online at the school, are you able to use it alone or under adult’s supervision?” The primary location of Internet use is measured with responses to two questions, such as “If you use a computer in your home, is it located in a private area like your own bedroom or in an open family area like a living room, den, or study?” The extent of Internet experience is assessed by a single item for each different type of Internet activity assessed, such as e-mailing, searching for information, gaming, etc. Responses are answered by ranking their preference and actual time spent engaged in that activity (see Appendix B). Adolescent Internet Use is measured with the intensity and frequency of Internet use in three areas: educational, recreational, and social use. Educational Internet use is measured by six questions. Sample survey items about Educational Internet use scale include (a) Doing homework and other school assignments, (b) Searching information about school-related and academic information, (c) Talking to teachers about homework, exams, and school related matters, and so on. Recreational Internet use scale includes three items, (a) Playing a game, (b) Watching and/or downloading movies, songs, etc., (c) Searching for information about TV programs, movies, concerts, etc. Social Internet use includes four items, such as (a) To chat with peers and friends about non-academic related matters, (b) Going to my blog, Internet community, or mini-homepage to make new friends and to talk with my friends, etc. 77 (see in Appendix B). Responses are reported by actual number of minutes/hours with higher numbers indicating higher frequency of Internet use. Parent-Adolescent relationships. Two aspects of parent-adolescent relationships are assessed: (a) parent-adolescent closeness and (b) parent-adolescent conflict. The parent-adolescent closeness scale includes eleven items modified from the Parent-Child Closeness scale developed by Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch (1991), as well as the cohesion subscales of the Family Adaptation and Cohesion Evaluation Scales II (Olson, Sprenkle, & Russell, 1979) that pertain to the parents’ and adolescents’ overall feelings of closeness. Close feelings are measured with responses to statements; (a) I feel close to my mom, and (b) I am confident that my mom would help me if I had a problem. Responses range from 1=Not at all, 2=Little true, 3=Somewhat true, 4=Often true, to 5=Absolutely true, with higher scores indicating higher degrees of closeness (Appendix C). The original scales are developed to assess adolescents’ feelings of closeness with each parent after divorce in a normative samples, reported Cronbach’s alpha from original samples are from .89 to .90 (Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dornbusch, 1991). Closeness scales have exhibited good validity and reliability (from = .71 to = .84), and good internal consistencies for normative American samples and across different ethnic groups, including immigrant families (Harris, 1999; Lam, Cance, Eke, 78 Fishbein, Hawkins, & Williams, 2007; Rude, 2000). However, cultural validity has yet to be established. Therefore, the generalizations inform the current study should be made with caution. Parent-adolescent conflicts are measured with two dimensions. The first dimension assesses overall disagreement and conflict between parents and adolescents using 7-item questions modified from the Parent Environment Questionnaire (PEQ). The PEQ is a 42-item self-report inventory that assesses five aspects of the relationship of each parent-child dyad in the family; Conflict, Parent Involvement, Regard for Parent, Regard for Child, and Structure (Elkins, McGue, & Iacono, 1997). The PEQ scale consists of 12 items (internal consistency reliability [ ] = .82) that assess the extent to which the parent-child relationship is characterized by disagreement, tension, and anger. Sample questions were (a)”My parent often criticizes me”, and (b)”My parent often hurts my feelings.” Each item is answered on a 4-point scale ranging from 1=definitely false, 2=probably false, 3=probably true, to 4=definitely true. Higher scores indicate greater conflicts between parents and adolescents (Appendix C). The second dimension is measured with responses to the 13 questions adapted from the Parent-Adolescent Conflict Issues Checklist scales, which includes a list of 13 issues that have been found to be the source of present discord between parents and 79 adolescents dyad (Robin & Weiss, 1980). The utilized Parent-Adolescent Conflict Issue Checklist in this study is a modified version of the Conflict Issues Checklist developed by Prinz, Foster, Kent and O’Leary (1979) and Robin and Foster (1989). The original scale includes a 44-item questionnaire that addresses the extent to which parents and adolescents argue and/or disagree about each issue. The questionnaire is designed to be administered to both parents and their children. First, respondents are asked to indicate whether or not the issue has been a topic of conversation during the last two weeks. A sample item is: “Doing homework”, “Grades in school”, and “Using Internet”. The respondents indicate the intensity of these issues using a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1=very calm, 2=calm, 3=angry to 4=very angry (Appendix C). The Issue Checklist can yield three scores for each member of the dyad: (a) the quantity of issues discussed, (b) the mean anger-intensity level of the endorsed issues (the average level of intensity of conflict across all issues discussed, and (c) the weighted average of the frequency and anger-intensity level of the endorsed issues (Robin & Weiss, 1980). In this study, all three scores are computed for each participant and the third score was used for analysis (Appendix C). The scale has been widely used in research (Prinz, Foster, Kent, & O’Leary, 1979; Silverberg & Steinberg, 1987). Test-retest reliability is reported as relatively low due to the fluctuating nature of conflict during adolescence; ranging from 0.63 - 80 0.81 for mothers and 0.47 – 0.72 for adolescents. The Issues Checklist is reported to have good discriminant / criterion-related validity, however parent-adolescent agreement on whether an issue had been discussed was low; ranging from 38% - 86%. Evidence of validity is found in studies showing agreement averaging 67.5% between parents and adolescents, as to whether an issue had been recently discussed (Robin & Foster, 1989). Although one researcher using a Russian sample showed good Cronbach alpha values (from .76 to .90) (Glebova, 2002), Cronbach alpha has not yet been reported for a Korean sample; therefore reducing the generalizability of this study’s findings should be applied. Parental cultural expectations. Parental cultural expectations are measured by questions from the Revised Asian Value Scales (AVS-R; Kim & Hong, 2004). The AVS-R contains 25 items and was developed based on the Asian Values Scale (Kim, Atkinson, & Yang, 1999), which is one of the few instruments that assess Asian cultural values. The scale includes eight values such as “collectivism, conformity to norms, family recognition through achievement, deference to authority figures, emotional restraint, filial piety, hierarchical family structure, and humility” (Kim & Hong, 2004, p.19). Kim and Hong reported adequate reliability of the AVS-R (i.e., person separation reliability of .80), which is comparable to the internal consistency 81 coefficients of .81 and .82 reported by Kim et al. (1999) for the original 36-item AVS. In the current study, alpha for the AVS-R is .53 to .57. Kim and Hong found a correlation of .93 between the AVS and AVS-R, supporting the validity of AVS-R. The AVS has been through multiple reliability and validity procedures. As indicated above, it has significant validity and reliability data (a two week retest reliability of .83; Kim et al., 1999). Discriminant validity is demonstrated by the low correlation between AVS scores, which primarily reflect enculturation, and Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Acculturation Scale (Suinn, Rickard-Figueroa, Lew, & Vigil, 1987) which is a scale that primarily measures behavior acculturation. Additional reliability and validity information for the instrument has not yet been published. Example statements include (a) One should not deviate from familial and social norms, and (b) One need not achieve academically in order to make one’s parents proud. Respondents rated how much they agreed or disagreed with each statement by using a 4-point Likert-type scale (1=Strongly disagree, 2=Disagree, 3=Agree, and 4=Strongly agree). Higher scores indicate greater enculturation to Asian values. Adolescent outcomes. Two areas of adolescent outcomes are assessed: a) academic achievement and b) behavioral problems. Adolescents’ academic achievement is assessed using adolescents’ and parental reports of adolescent’s standardized test grades in Social Studies, Mathematics, Korean Language, Science, 82 and English. Response sets range from 1 (highest) to 9 (lowest) grades. The mean across subjects are used from each reporter. Behavioral problems: Two dimensions of behavioral outcomes are assessed: (a) externalizing behavioral problems and (b) internalizing behavioral problems. Adolescents reported their own behaviors using the Youth Self-Report Inventory (Achenbach, 1991b) and parents also reported their children’s behaviors using the Child Behavior Checklist (Achenbach, 1991a). The Youth Self-Report (YSR) is the self-report form of the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) for adolescents between the ages of 11 and 18 years, which are designed to measure adolescents’ emotional and behavioral problems. The behavior problems scale of the YSR contains 120 items that assess nine core syndromes of problems relevant for both girls and boys: (a) somatic complaints, (b) anxious/ depressed behaviors, (c) social withdrawal, (d) thought problems, (e) attention problems, (f) self destructivity/identity, (g) withdrawal, (h) aggressive behaviors, and (i) delinquent behaviors. As suggested by Achenbach, a T-score >=65 on a scale for Korean children constitutes clinically significant symptoms (Oh, Lee, Hong, & Ha, 1997). For each item of the scale, respondents were asked to report their behaviors on a 3-point scale ranging from 0=Not True, 1=Somewhat or Sometimes True, to 2=Very 83 True or Often True. In this study emphasis are given to two major areas of problem syndromes -58 items: internalizing and externalizing. The internalizing problems scale for this study consists of a total score of items that are answered in the social withdrawn, somatic complaints, and anxious/ depressed scales. Externalizing problem scale for this study is comprised of sum scores of items in the delinquent behavior and aggressive behavior syndrome scales. Examples of internalizing items are: “I feel worthless or inferior” and “I am unhappy, sad, or depressed.” Achenbach (1991b) reported the mean seven days test-retest reliability for the problem scales was r= .65 for 11 to 14 years old and r= .83 for 15 to 18 years old. It is reported that internal consistencies for the syndrome scales ranged from alpha= .68 for social problems to alpha= .89 for externalizing problems and alpha= .91 for internalizing problems. Content validity of the YSR is assessed and supported through discriminant analyses, which show the ability of most YSR items to discriminate significantly between demographically matched referred and non-referred adolescents. Adolescents’ behavior problems are also reported by parents using the parental version and the Child Behavior Checklist. Analytic Strategy For this study, quantitative analysis in this study is based on a variety of different questionnaire items from the survey and different research questions. 84 Because of differences among these items and the nature of questions, a number of different statistical techniques are employed to analyze the data. These techniques included analysis of descriptive statistics, correlation, multivariate analysis of variance, multiple regression, and path analysis. Preliminary analysis was conducted. The correlation analysis was performed between parent reporting and child reporting of the same construct, in order to find out the overall pattern of associations between these variables of the same construct. In addition, correlation analysis was conducted among all variables in the parent report and child report model separately. In order to examine which baseline demographic characteristics are associated with adolescent’s Internet use, multiple logistic regressions were run, stratified by sex. Predictors of the model were included some categories of demographic characteristics, (a) individual predictors, such as birth order and religious preference; and (b) familial predictors that included SES, parental education level, parental marital status, and family structure. Then a series of theoretical models were tested using the AMOS 5.0 software package. The model was simultaneously assessed for boys and girls using path analysis. Path analysis is an extension of multiple regression. Its aim is to provide estimates of the magnitude and significance of hypothesized causal connections 85 between sets of variables. The regression weights predicted by the model are compared with the observed correlation matrix for the variables, and a goodness-of-fit statistics is calculated. Since the analyses of each model begin with full recursive model, several goodness of fit statistics should be used to assess model fit (Kline, 2005), such as Goodness of Fit Index (GFI), Adjusted Goodness of Fit Index (AGFI), Comparative Fit Index (CFI), the Root-Mean-Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA), and Chi Square Index are evaluated to determine the overall acceptability of the conceptual model. The GFI and AGFI are two of the most commonly used measures of fit. Both measures assess absolute fit by comparing the covariances actually found in the data to the covariances proposed by the fixed and free parameters of the proposed model (Kline, 2005). Both GFI and AGFI ranged from zero to one and values .90 to .99 are considered acceptable although it is more difficult to achieve an AGFI of that magnitude (Gerbing, & Anderson, 1993). CFI is evaluated to determine the incremental fit of the measures and it is recommended that .90 cutoffs is stringently utilized (Kline, 2005). The RMSEA takes into account the error of approximation in the population. A valued of .05 or lower indicates adequate or good fit (Kline, 2005). For a good model fit, a fitting function value of close to 0 is desired. However, Ullman (1996) argues that if the ratio between X 2 and the degrees of freedom is less 86 than two, the model is a good fit. Also, he discusses a variety of non- X 2 – distributed fitting functions. Ullman (1996) calls this “comparative fit indices.” As comparing the fit of an independence model to the fit of the estimated model, the result of this comparison is usually a number between 0 and 1. As Ullman suggests, the use of multiple indices is a better idea to determine model fitness. Thus, at every stage of model testing, several goodness-of-fit indices including GFI, AGFI, and CFI will also be assessed to determine the acceptability of the conceptual model. In order to test moderating effects of gender in conceptualized models, critical ratio of a given path will be examined. As the SEM estimates are calculated on the basis of Z statistic, if the absolute value of the critical ratio is equal to or higher than 1.96, it can be inferred the path is variant across the variable at p < .05. If the absolute value of the critical ratio is equal to or greater than 2.56, it can be inferred the path is variant across the variable at p < .01. An indirect effect is defined as the product of the two unstandardized paths linking X to Y through a mediator (M). Estimates of indirect effects and their standard errors are used to determine the significance of the effect through a mediator (Preacher & Hayes, 2008). Support for mediation relies on whether the indirect pathway from A to M to Y is statistically significant (Shrout & Bolger, 2002). A re- 87 sampling method (bootstrapping) was used to determine the significance of the indirect effect in the current study. In addition, to provide a final check for mediation effects, indirect pathways were tested for significance using Sobel’s test (1982). The Sobel test examines the strength of the indirect effect of the independent variable on the dependent variable through a mediator by calculating the z value. It is determined that the reduction in the associations between the independent variables and the outcome variables are statistically significant. The Sobel test is the last step for identifying whether the mediator is significant or not. The formula for calculating z value is: z= Where b = path estimates for the link between the independent variable and the mediator, c = path estimates for the link between mediator and dependent variables: Sb = standard error for b; Sc = standard error for d. According to Sobel (1982), a z score valued 1.96 or larger, indicates a significant indirect effect (p < .05). To provide a final check for mediation effects, indirect pathways were also tested for significance using the bootstrap method. Bootstrapping is a popular method used to accommodate non-normal data. Bootstrapping does not make the assumptions of normal theory associated with SEM such as theoretical sampling distributions (Finney & DiStefano, 2006) and instead empirically estimates the sampling 88 distribution (Preacher & Hayes, 2008; Shrout & Bolger, 2002). Many researchers (e.g., Cheung & Lau, 2008; MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, & Sheet, 2002; Preacher & Hayes, 2008) recommend employing bootstrap methods to test mediation. It was found that the bootstrap method more accurately produces confidence intervals than other methods which assume the data follows a normal distribution (e.g., Sobel test; Sobel, 1982) (Cheung & Lau, 2008). This recommendation is supported by findings of MacKinnon et al. (2002) who recommend bootstrapping be implemented over the Sobel test (or causal stpes approach) to maintain power and control over Type I errors. Finney and DiStefano (2006) recommend this method because even under extreme non-normality, bootstrapping outperforms other methods used to adjust or rescale the non-normal data. Bootstrapping randomly samples cases with replacement, from the original data in to create a bootstrap sample. This method adjusts the chi-square and standard error of path estimates to help with non-normality (Bollen & Stine, 1992). Bootstrapping can be repeated numerous times and mimics collecting numerous samples from a population (Kline, 1998). In the current study, empirical standard errors were obtained through 2000 bootstrap samples and the model was fit to each bootstrap sample. 89 Results The purpose of this study was to investigate the associations among adolescent Internet use, parent-adolescent relationships, academic achievement, and behavior problems among South Korean families. The result section is organized as follows: (a) Addressing issues of distribution and missing data (b) Demographic characteristics of participants, (c) Descriptive statistics on the nature of adolescents’ Internet use, (d) Factor analyses and reliability of constructs, and (e) Hypotheses Testing. Addressing Issues of Distribution and Missing data Data were analyzed using the SPSS 17 statistical package. The data were first checked for missing data and out of range values. The amount of missing data was small (less than 1%), and hence missing data was substituted with the mean values. Although this method could be problematic because it underestimates variance, correlations, and regression coefficients, Allison (2002) indicates that if the percentage of missing data is low, mean imputation is a very practical and common strategy utilized by many researchers. The variables were examined for any outliers by examining univariate frequency distributions and bivariate scatterplots. Normality was tested using Skewness and Kurtosis statistics and homogeneity of variance of all variables was tested using the Levene’s statistic. Highly skewed data and excessive kurtosis can 90 affect overall fit, standard errors, and parameter estimates (Bagozzi & Yi, 1988). Although there has not been a clear consensus established regarding “acceptable” nonnormality and no general cutoff for acceptable multivariate normality exists (Finney & DiStefano, 2006), data with a skew above an absolute value of 3.0 and kurtosis above an absolute value of 8.0 are considered problematic (Kline, 2005). The range of standard errors of skewness and kurtosis of variables in this study were within the expected range of chance fluctuation (Brown, 1997). Demographic Characteristics of Participants Adolescent participants and their parents were recruited from students from five high schools among 10th and 11th grade in Seoul, Korea. One thousand three hundred and eighty six (1396) surveys were distributed and a total 926 sets of data were returned by the participants (66.8% response rate). Average of class size of Korean high schools is 36 (The New York Times, 2010). Principals from two high schools located in Seoul and Kyoungki-Do agreed for their 10th and 11th graders to participate in this study. Of the 926 surveys that were returned, 317 surveys were excluded for the following reasons: (1) one of parents had remarried after divorce or loss of a partner (1%), (2) one parent did not return a survey (9.6%) and (3) incomplete survey completion (23.7%). The final dataset consisted of 609 adolescents (2% of total high school students (total 296,282) in Seoul, Korea) and 91 their parents. There were no significant differences between the study participants and those not included in the study sample on key demographic variables, which are age, family income, and parental educational level. Although sibling information was asked, majority of respondents did not answer. The demographic characteristics of the fathers, mothers, and their adolescents who participated in this study are presented in Table 2. The adolescents were between16 - 19 years old [Boys (n = 253; M = 16.3, SD = .6); Girls (n = 360; M = 16.7, SD = .6)]. All fathers and mothers in this sample were the biological parents of adolescents. The average age of fathers was 48 years (SD=3.5) at the time of participation (40 to 65 years old). The average age of the mothers was 45 years old (SD=3.5) at the time of participation (37 to 61 years old). Among 609 fathers and mothers, 554 fathers (90.9 %) and 320 mothers (52.5%) were employed outside the home on a full-time or part-time basis. Sixty nine percent (n = 421) of fathers and 51.5 % (n = 314) of mothers had more than a college education. Compared to the general population in Korea, parents in this study were more educated, were generally of a higher socio-economic status, and less than half of the sample reported that they were Christians. Majority of parents in this study (70.3% fathers and 52.4% mother 52.4%). were highly educated - college graduates and higher. Almost half (43.3%) of the families reported incomes of more than 4 million 92 won per month which is considerably higher than the average family income of the total population (1.1 million won per month in 2009 (Korean Statistical Information Service, 2011)). Nationally only 16-20% of the population is Christian (Korean Statistical Information Service, 2011) compared to the half the sample in this study who indicated that they belonged to the Christian faith. Table 1. Number and percentage of demographics by participants Fathers N(%) Mothers N(%) 30 (4.9) 67 (11.0) 75 (12.3) 292 (47.9) 223 (36.6) 274 (45.0) 46 (7.6) 57 (9.4) 75 (12.3) 241 (39.6) 262 (43.0) 185 (30.4) Father N(%) Mother N(%) 13 (2.1) 11 (1.8) High school 168 (27.6) 279 (45.8) Some college or Community college 64 (10.5) 79 (13.0) College 270 (44.3) 201 (33.0) Master or higher 94 (15.5) 49 (6.4) Father N(%) Mother N(%) Full-time 526 (86.4) 224 (36.8) Part-time 54 (8.9) 94 (15.4) Home maker 4 (0.7) 260 (42.7) Retired 6 (1.0) 23 (1.6) Unemployed and looking for work 14 (2.3) 4 (0.7) Too ill or disabled to work 5 (0.8) 4 (0.7) Religion Adolescents N(%) Buddhism Christianity Catholic No religion Education Less than high school Occupation Family income (Monthly) Less than ₩200,000 (about $2300) 48 (7.9) ₩200,000 ~ 250,000 (about $2300 ~ $2875) 54 (8.9) ₩250,000 ~ 300,000 (about $2875 ~$3450) 76 (12.5) ₩300,000 ~ 350,000 (about $3450 ~ $4025) 96 (15.8) ₩350,000 ~ 400,000 (about $4025 ~ $4600) 84 (13.8) More than ₩400,000 (about $4600) 251 (41.2) Note: Percentages are in parenthesis. 93 Table 2. Skewness and Kurtosis of demographic variables Mean SD Skewness SE Kurtosis SE Age - Mother 44.9 3.50 .82 .09 1.4 .19 Age - Father 47.5 3.43 .75 .10 1.5 .19 Education - Mother 2.97 1.07 .38 .09 -1.07 .19 Education - Father 3.4 1.12 -.32 .09 -1.09 .19 Religion - Mother 2.93 0.96 -.71 .09 -.35 .19 Religion - Father 3.13 0.95 -.93 .09 -.05 .19 Family Income 4.42 1.67 -.68 .09 -.60 .19 Descriptive Analyses on the Nature of Adolescents’ Internet Use 97.4% of adolescents responded that they accessed the Internet at home and over half of the respondents reported that they used the Internet in school. In all, 49.6% of students used the Internet in PC Bangs and roughly one third of respondents used the Internet in the library. Only 17.6% of students accessed the Internet in public places, such as community centers. Fifty two percent (52%) of students responded that they had their own personal computers in their home. Ninety six percent (96%) of students had more than one personal computer and 36% of students have more than one laptop computer at home. Only six students (1%) reported that they did not have an Internet access at home. Table 3a shows the number of personal computers and laptops in adolescent homes. 94 Table 3a. Number and types of computers at home Variables N (%) Cumulative % 0 20 (3.3) 3.3 1 462 (75.9) 79.1 2 115 (18.9) 98.0 3 10 (1.6) 99.7 4 1 (.2) 99.8 More than 5 1 (.2) 100.0 0 390 (64.0) 64.0 1 180 (29.6) 93.6 2 31 (5.1) 98.7 3 3 (.5) 99.2 4 3 (.5) 99.7 More than 5 2 (.3) 100.0 0 6 (1.0) 1.0 1 311 (51.1) 52.1 2 215 (35.3) 87.4 3 55 (9.0) 96.4 4 14 (2.3) 98.7 More than 5 8 (1.3) 100.0 Number of personal computers Number of laptop computers Total number of computers (PC + LP) Close to 4% of adolescents indicated that they secretly accessed the Internet during class and less than one fourth of students accessed the Internet during class with teachers’ permission. Over 30% of students used the Internet during lunch breaks or after school hours (see Table 3b). 95 Table 3b. The nature of adolescent Internet use Variables Yes No N (%) N (%) Use Internet at PC Bang* 302 (49.6) 307 (50.4) Use Internet at Friend’s House 323 (53.0) 286 (47.0) Use Internet at Library 208 (34.2) 401 (65.8) Use Internet at Public Place 107 (17.6) 502 (82.4) Use Internet at Home 593 (97.4) 16 (2.6) Have own PC with Internet Access 317 (52.1) 292 (47.9) PC is in Adolescent’s Room 223 (36.6) 386 (63.4) PC is in Parent’s Room 115 (18.9) 494 (81.1) PC is in Dining Room 298 (48.9) 311 (51.1) PC is in Family Study Room 168 (27.6) 441 (72.4) Use Internet at School 322 (52.9) 287 (47.1) 23 (3.8) 586 (96.2) 149 (24.5) 460 (75.5) curricular activities 194 (31.9) 415 (68.1) Use Internet during lunch breaks or during recess 221 (36.3) 388 (63.7) Use Internet secretly during class Use Internet during class with teacher’s permission Use Internet after school or during extra- *PC Bang is a variation of a LAN gaming center, where one can play multiplayer computer games with others. PC bangs are extremely popular among all ages of South Koreans and foreigners visiting South Korea alike. As the tables 4a and 4b indicate, most adolescents use the Internet primarily for “social blogging” and “watching movies” during weekends. This finding is consistent with the 2004 data about Internet use among 2000 Korean high school students (Lee, 2005, October). The report indicated that the average of Internet use is around one and one half hour. And average frequency of Internet use is less than two times per day. These findings are similar to that found in the previous studies. 96 Table 4a. Descriptive statistics on the number of times adolescents access the Internet for various educational, social, and recreational activities during weekdays and weekends Weekdays Weekends M (SD) M (SD) To do study and do homework 2.14 (.85) 2.03 (.83) To watch online classes 1.85 (.99) 1.76 (.89) To do Internet surf for study 1.62 (.79) 1.57 (.74) To do chatting 1.55 (.89) 1.64 (.92) To access social blogs 1.53 (.85) 1.68 (.95) To exchange social e-mails 1.56 (.87) 1.64 (.91) To do Internet games 1.45 (.87) 1.62 (.92) To watch/download movies, songs, etc. 1.94 (.93) 2.25 (.95) To watch sports and surf sport-related information 1.78 (.94) 1.98 (.93) Variables * 1= None, 2= 1~2 times a day, 3= 3~4 times a day, 4= More than 5 times a day. During typical weekdays and weekends, most adolescents reported that they used the Internet a total of less than one hour. More than two third of the students reported that they used the Internet for educational purposes for about less than an hour per day. Around 80% of students watched online classes for less than an hour per day. Only 16% of the students spent more than an hour doing social blogs on weekdays, whereas 28% of them visited social blogs during weekends. Table 4b. Descriptive statistics on the intensity of adolescents’ Internet use for educational, social, and recreational activities on weekdays and weekends Weekdays Weekends M (SD) M (SD) To study and school work 1.59 (.82) 1.69 (.92) To watch online classes 1.67 (.99) 1.69 (.96) To do chatting 1.31 (.67) 1.47 (.94) To access social blogs 1.68 (.91) 2.04 (1.00) To do Internet games 1.35 (.78) 1.69 (.96) To entertain 1.50 (.81) 1.85 (.94) Variables * 1=Less than one hour, 2=One to Two hours, 3=Two to three hours, 4=More than three hours. 97 Fifty percent (50%) of adolescents accessed the Internet for study and homework for 1 to 2 times per day whereas about 50% of all or the adolescents did not access the Internet to watch online classes or get study-related answers. Almost 70% of students reported that they did not use the Internet for chatting or e-mail exchanging. Seventy four percent (74%) of adolescents did not use the Internet for games during the weekdays (61% during weekends). This figure is not similar to the numbers reported in the 2003 report about Korean adolescent’s life (Korean Educational Development Institute, 2003). According the 2003 report, over 45% of 1752 general high school students used the Internet for gaming. In this study, adolescents indicated that they used the Internet more for watching/downloading movies and songs than gaming. The frequency of the number of times when adolescents accessed the Internet is presented in Table 4c. Almost all the adolescents who participated in this study had access to one or more computers at home (96.7%) and accessed the Internet more frequently on weekends than weekdays. Adolescents accessed the Internet more often for educational purposes on weekdays than weekends and accessed the Internet for social and recreational purposes more often on weekends than weekdays. 98 Table 4c. The Frequencies for the Numbers of Functional Use of the Internet Use (N=609) Variables During a typical During a holiday or weekday weekend N % N % None 135 22.2 154 25.3 One to Two times a weekday 306 50.2 332 54.5 Three to Four times a weekday 118 19.4 74 12.2 More than Five times a weekday 50 8.2 49 8.0 None 326 53.5 336 55.2 One to Two times a weekday 209 34.3 214 35.1 Three to Four times a weekday 53 8.7 43 7.1 More than Five times a weekday 21 3.4 16 2.6 None 297 48.8 290 47.6 One to Two times a weekday 166 27.3 217 35.6 Three to Four times a weekday 89 14.6 59 9.7 More than Five times a weekday 57 9.4 43 7.1 None 393 64.5 359 58.9 One to Two times a weekday 126 20.7 155 25.5 Three to Four times a weekday 58 9.5 52 8.5 More than Five times a weekday 32 5.3 43 7.1 None 407 66.8 360 59.1 One to Two times a weekday 108 17.7 153 25.1 Three to Four times a weekday 56 9.2 50 8.2 More than Five times a weekday 38 6.2 46 7.6 To do Study and do Homework To get answers about study-related topics To Watch Online Classes To Exchange Social E-mails To do Chatting 99 Table 4c continued. The Frequencies for the Numbers of Functional Use of the Internet Use (N=609) During a typical During a holiday or weekday Variables weekend N % N % None 394 64.7 339 55.7 One to Two times a weekday 141 23.2 170 28.0 Three to Four times a weekday 40 6.6 67 11.0 More than Five times a weekday 34 5.6 33 5.4 To access social blogs To Watch or download Movies, Songs, and Pictures None 231 37.9 132 21.7 One to Two times a weekday 233 38.3 280 46.0 Three to Four times a weekday 93 15.3 109 17.9 More than Five times a weekday 52 8.5 88 14.4 None 449 73.7 373 61.2 One to Two times a weekday 82 13.5 137 22.5 Three to Four times a weekday 40 6.6 56 9.2 More than Five times a weekday 38 6.2 43 7.1 None 307 50.4 219 36.0 One to Two times a weekday 177 29.1 238 39.1 Three to Four times a weekday 78 12.8 100 16.4 More than Five times a weekday 47 7.7 52 8.5 To do Internet Games To Watch Sports and Surf Information Factor Analysis and Reliability of Constructs The purpose of this section is to identify the factor structure of specific constructs. Factor analysis was run separately for fathers, mothers, and adolescents’ on items related to adolescent Internet use, parent-adolescent closeness, parent- 100 adolescent conflict, parental academic expectations, and adolescents’ behavior problems. Adolescent Internet Use Frequency of Adolescent Internet Use on Weekdays and Weekends. The variables associated with the frequency of adolescent Internet Use were subjected to factor analysis using principal component factor analysis and the number of factors was determined by criterion of eigenvalue greater than 1.00. The Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant (p≤.001) and the Kaiser-Meyer-Oklin value was .77 for weekdays and .74 for weekends. Varimax rotation with Kaiser Normalization was used to determine the best fit of the variables to each factor based on their loading. Three factors (educational Internet use, social Internet use, and recreational Internet use) emerged regarding adolescent Internet use on weekdays and weekends. Based on the results from factor analysis, three items (the frequency of study email exchange, make new friends, and shopping) were dropped due to weak or double loading. The factors explained 65.30 % and 62.52% of the variance for weekdays and weekends respectively. Results of rotated matrix are presented in Table 5a. 101 Table 5a. Rotated Component Matrix – Frequency of adolescents’ Internet use Factors Adolescents’ Internet Use for Weekdays 1 2 3 Educational Use – Use Internet for study .83 Educational Use – Watching Online Classes .80 Educational Use - Cyber learning .64 Social Use – Chatting .91 Social Use – Working on Blogging .57 Social Use – Exchanging Social Emails .89 Variable 7 - Recreational Use – Doing Online games .61 Variable 8 - Recreational Use – Watching and downloading .72 Movies Variable 9 - Recreational Use – Visit Sports related websites .79 Adolescents’ Internet Use for Weekends Variable 1- Educational Use – Use Internet for study .84 Variable 2 - Educational Use – Watching Online Classes .79 Variable 3 - Educational Use - Cyber learning .63 Variable 4 - Social Use – Chatting .80 Variable 5 - Social Use – Working on Blogging .74 Variable 6 - Social Use – Exchanging Social Emails .78 Variable 7 - Recreational Use – Doing Online games .92 Variable 8 - Recreational Use – Watching and downloading .59 Movies Variable 9 - Recreational Use – Visit Sports related websites .68 Note: Only factor loadings that equaled or exceeded .40 in absolute value were selected. Intensity of Adolescent Internet Use on Weekdays and Weekends. Intensity of adolescent Internet use was also subject to factor analysis using similar criteria as mentioned earlier (see Table 5b). The constructs explained 68% and 63% of the variance for weekdays and weekends respectively. 102 Table 5b. Rotated Component Matrix – Intensity of adolescents Internet use Factors Adolescents’ Internet Use for Weekdays 1 2 Variable 1 – Educational Use - Use Internet for study .67 Variable 2 – Educational Use - Watching Online Classes .82 3 Variable 3 – Social Use – Chatting .72 Variable 4 – Social Use – Social Searching .55 Variable 5 – Recreational Use – Gaming .91 Variable 6 – Recreational Use – Entertainments .54 Adolescents’ Internet Use for Weekends Variable 1 – Educational Use - Use Internet for study .59 Variable 2 – Educational Use - Watching Online Classes .82 Variable 3 – Social Use – Chatting .80 Variable 4 – Social Use – Social Searching .69 Variable 5 – Recreational Use – Gaming .85 Variable 6 – Recreational Use – Entertainments .73 Note: Wording of variables has been shortened for convenience of presentation. Parent-Adolescent Relationships. Parent-Adolescent Closeness. The principal-component factor analysis with Varimax rotation was conducted and a criterion of eigenvalue greater than 1.00 was used to identify the number of factors. The Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant (p≤.00) and the Kaiser-Meyer-Oklin value was .88 for the adolescent report, .89 for the father report and .90 for the mother report. Two factors emerged: (a) mother/father-adolescent closeness and (b) mother/father-adolescent communication. Two items (“Doing things together” and “Expressing affection”) were eliminated due to double-loading. The two-factor model explained 65.7% (adolescent reports) and 64.3% (father reports) of the total variance 103 for F-A total closeness and 61.8% (adolescent reports) and 62% (mother reports) of the variance for M-A total closeness. The results of factor analyses are presented in Table 6a and 6b. Table 6a. Rotated Component Matrix –mother-adolescent closeness Adolescent Reports Mother – Adolescent Closeness 1 2 Mother Reports 1 2 Variable 1 – Feel close .75 .70 Variable 2 – Attentive to my problem .79 .74 Variable 3 – Knows what I like .70 .80 Variable 4 – Help me if I have a problem .81 .73 Variable 5 – Expressing affection .62 .58 Variable 6 – Talk about friends .79 .85 Variable 7 – Talk about school .80 .88 Variable 8 – Talk about problems/ concerns .79 .80 Variable 9 – Talk about upcoming activities .80 .73 Variable 10 – Talk about future plan .70 .62 Table 6b. Rotated Component Matrix – father-adolescent closeness Adolescent Reports Father – Adolescent Closeness 1 2 Father Reports 1 2 Variable 1 – Feel close .67 .71 Variable 2 – Attentive to my problem .79 .73 Variable 3 – Knows what I like .62 .80 Variable 4 – Help me if I have a problem .84 .70 Variable 5 – Expressing affection .62 .49 Variable 6 - Talk about friends .82 .84 Variable 7 - Talk about school .81 .87 Variable 8 - Talk about problems/ concerns .84 .79 Variable 9 - Talk about upcoming activities .81 .74 Variable 10 - Talk about future plan .69 .65 Note: Only factor loadings that equaled or exceeded .40 in absolute value are given. 104 Parent-Adolescent Conflict. Parent-adolescent conflict was conceptualized as a multidimensional construct: frequency of disagreements and conflict-intensity. The scores on the conflict-intensity items were multiplied by the frequency of disagreement scores. The principal-component factor analysis was then conducted on these scores. Factor analysis was run separately on the father, mother, and adolescent reports. The Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant (p ≤.001) and the KaiserMeyer-Oklin value was.83 for the adolescent reports, .95 for the father reports, and .90 for the mother reports. Similar items loaded for mother/father-adolescent issue conflict-intensity for adolescent, mother, and father reports. This factor solution explained 38% to 49% in father reports and 43% of the variance in mother reports of the total variance. Two items (Helping out at home and Relationships with family members) were excluded due to double loading. The results are presented in Table 7a and 7b. 105 Table 7a. Rotated Component Matrix – Parent-adolescent conflict between mothers and adolescents Adolescent Reports Mother Reports Variable 1 – Money matters .38 .49 Variable 2 – How you dress .41 .63 Variable 3 – Your friends .45 .64 Variable 4 – Behaviors in school .71 .63 Variable 5 – Doing homework .45 .44 Variable 6 – Your grades .68 .59 Variable 7 – Playing video/Internet games .39 .68 Variable 8 – Drinking or smoking .79 .66 Variable 9 – Who you date .78 .74 Variable 10 – Cursing .53 .64 Variable 11 – General Internet use .61 .79 Table 7b. Rotated Component Matrix – Parent-adolescent conflict between fathers and adolescents Adolescent Reports Father reports Variable 1 – Money matters .44 .63 Variable 2 – How you dress .54 .63 Variable 3 – Your friends .47 .66 Variable 4 – Behaviors in school .78 .60 Variable 5 – Doing homework .57 .44 Variable 6 – Your grades .61 .67 Variable 7 – Playing video/Internet games .70 .76 Variable 8 – Drinking or smoking .79 .71 Variable 9 – Who you date .62 .77 Variable 10 – Cursing .67 .48 Variable 11 – General Internet use .53 .77 Note: Only factor loadings that equaled or exceeded .40 in absolute value are given. Parental Cultural Academic Expectations. The exploratory factor analysis was conducted for parental academic expectations using the Principle Component 106 method. Factor analysis was run separately for fathers and mothers. The factor analysis produced a two-factor solution (Personal achievement: goals around one’s educational achievement, Family achievement: family recognition through achievement). The Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant (p≤.001) and the KaiserMeyer-Oklin value was .51 for the father reports and .50 for the mother reports. This factor solution explained 40% in father reports and 40% in mother reports of the total variance. The results were presented in Table 8. Table 8. Rotated Component Matrix – Parental cultural academic expectations Fathers Variable 1 - One need not focus all energies on one’s studies Variable 2 - One should be discouraged from talking about one’s accomplishments Variable 3 - One need not minimize or depreciate one’s own achievement Variable 4 – Educational and career achievements need not be one’s top priority Variable 5 - One need not achieve academically in order to make one’s parents proud Variable 6 - One’s achievements should be viewed as family’s achievements Variable 7 – Educational or occupational failure does not bring shame to the family Mothers .79 .75 .39 .31 .3 1 .33 .65 .68 .75 .77 .61 .59 .52 .50 Note: Only factor loadings that equaled or exceeded .30 in absolute value are given. Reliability analyses were performed on all the above scales and the results indicated that Cronbach’s alphas were in the acceptable range (> .70) (George & Mallery, 2005) with the exception of parental cultural academic expectations. Table 107 9a shows a summary of the Cronbach’s alphas of the independent variables in the study. Table 9a. Cronbach’s alphas of constructs Cronbach’s alpha Adolescent Internet Intensity Frequency Use Weekdays Weekends Weekdays Weekends Educational Use .54 .55 .68 .67 Social Use .52 .49 .84 .79 Recreational Use .54 .38 .64 .55 Parent-Adolescent Adolescent Reports Father Reports Relationships Reports Mother-A Closeness .90 Father-A Closeness .92 Mother-A Conflict .90 Father-A Conflict .88 Parental Expectations Mother .90 .92 .84 .90 .57 .53 The Means and SDs along with the skewness and kurtosis of the constructs are shown below. 108 Table 9b. Skewness and Kurtosis of Independent Variables Mean SD Skewness SE Kurtosis SE EDU-Intens-WDays 1.63 .75 1.22 .09 .97 .19 SOC-Intens-WDays 1.49 .65 1.49 .09 2.05 .19 REC-Intens-WDays 1.51 .62 1.16 .09 .89 .19 EDU-Intens-WKEnds 1.69 .77 1.16 .09 .76 .19 SOC-Intens-WKEnds 1.76 .74 .99 .09 .44 .19 REC-Inten-WKEnds 1.68 .74 1.18 .09 .88 .19 EDU-Freq-WDays 1.87 .68 .74 .09 .05 .19 SOC-Freq-WDays 1.54 .75 1.53 .09 1.67 .19 REC-Freq-WDays 1.73 .70 1.01 .09 .62 .19 EDU-Freq-WKEnds 1.79 .63 .90 .09 .89 .19 SOC-Freq-WKEnds 1.65 .77 1.29 .09 .99 .19 REC-Freq-WKEnds 1.95 .67 .68 .09 .06 .19 A-M Closeness 3.30 .58 -.92 .09 .70 .19 M-A Closeness 3.18 .51 -.54 .09 .23 .19 F-A Closeness 2.89 .58 -.29 .09 .18 .19 A-F Closeness 2.98 .66 -.38 .09 -.42 .19 M-A conflict 2.08 .36 -.15 .09 -.05 .19 A-M conflict 1.46 .51 .58 .09 -.02 .19 A-F conflict 1.28 .50 .97 .09 1.04 .19 F-A conflict 1.36 .49 .60 .09 -.03 .19 PE - Mother 2.74 .23 -.04 .09 2.36 .19 PE - Father 2.78 .24 -.36 .09 2.88 .19 Note. WDays – Weekdays, WKEnds = Weekends Adolescent Behavioral Problems and Academic Achievement Adolescent Behavior Problems. An exploratory factor analysis was conducted for items assessing adolescents’ behavior problems using the principle component factor analysis. The factor analysis produced a five-factor solution (somatic complaints, anxious/ depressed behaviors, withdrawal, aggressive behaviors and delinquent behaviors) with 49 items. The Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant (p≤.001) and the Kaiser-Meyer-Oklin value was .86 for the adolescent reports. Ten 109 items were eliminated due to double loading or weak loading. The final five-factor model explained 42% of the total percentages of variance. The results are presented in Table 10a. Table 10a. Rotated Component Matrix – Adolescent behavioral problems Factors 1 Variable 1 - Feel lonely .51 Variable 2 - Cry a lot .41 Variable 3 - Deliberately hurt or kill oneself Variable 4 - Afraid of doing something bad .60 .61 Variable 5 - Feel that no one loves me .42 Variable 6 - Feel worthless or inferior .46 Variable 7 - Nervous or tense .71 Variable 8 - Fearful or anxious .72 Variable 9 - Unhappy, sad, or depressed .58 Variable 10 Feel too guilty .54 Variable 11 Suspicious .53 Variable 12 Think about hurting or killing oneself Variable 13 Worry a lot 2 .52 .70 Variable 14- Shy .60 Variable 15 .48 Refuse to talk Variable 16- Self-conscious or easily .67 embarrassed Variable 17- Rather be alone than with .50 others Variable 18- Secretive or keep things to myself .57 3 4 5 110 Table 10a continued. Rotated Component Matrix – Adolescent behavioral problems Factors 1 2 3 4 5 Variable 19- Feel dizzy .62 Variable 20- Headaches .61 Variable 21- Aches or pains .50 Variable 22- Nausea, feel sick .73 Variable 23- Problems with eyes .47 Variable 24- Rashes or other skin problems .35 Variable 25- Stomach-aches or cramps .61 Variable 26- Vomiting, throwing up .52 Variable 27- Feel overtired without reason .54 Variable 28- Argue a lot .50 Variable 29- Mean to others .54 Variable 30- Destroy my own things .50 Variable 31- Destroy things belonging to others .57 Variable 32- Jealous of others .56 Variable 33- Stubborn .42 Variable 34- Scream a lot .48 Variable 35- Moods or feelings suddenly .45 Variable 36- Disobey at school .55 Variable 37- Get in many fights. .50 Variable 38- Louder than other kids .49 Variable 39- Talk too much .42 Variable 40- Tease others a lot .46 Variable 41- Have a hot temper .51 Variable 42- Rather be with older kids .37 Variable 43- Rather be with younger kids .35 Variable 44 Run away from home .50 Variable 45 Set fires .54 Variable 46 Steal at home .54 Variable 47 Steal from places other than home .55 Variable 48 Use searing or dirty language .51 Variable 49 Cut classes or skip school .49 Note: Only factor loadings that equaled or exceeded .30 in absolute value are given. 111 Reliability analyses were performed on adolescent outcome variables and the results indicated that Cronbach’s alphas were in the acceptable range (> .70) (Greorge & Mallery, 2005) with the exception of social withdrawal and delinquent behaviors. Table 10b shows a summary of the Cronbach’s alphas of the independent variables in this study. Table 10b. Cronbach’s alphas of constructs Cronbach’s alpha Adolescents Behavioral Problems (adolescent report) .87 Internalizing behaviors Anxious/Depressed .81 Social Withdrawal .66 Somatic Complaints .73 Externalizing behaviors .83 Aggressive Behaviors .78 Delinquent Behaviors .63 The Means and SDs along with the skewness and kurtosis of these constructs are shown below (see Table 10c). Table 10c. Means and SD’s of Adolescents Behavioral Problems Behavioral Problems Mean SD Skewness SE Kurtosis SE Depression 1.72 .42 .29 .09 -.61 .19 Somatic Symptoms 1.58 .48 .64 .09 -.36 .19 Withdrawn 1.82 .55 .22 .09 -.82 .19 Aggression 1.71 .40 .28 .09 -.56 .19 Delinquency 1.63 .40 .43 .09 -.31 .19 Adolescent Academic Achievement. Academic achievement was assessed based on student reported academic grades on 4 subjects – Korean, English, Math, 112 and Social Science. In Korea, students are graded on a scale from 1 to 9. Scale 1 represents the highest grade and scale 9 represents the lowest grade. Students receive the grade based on percentile scores instead of raw scores in the Korean Scholastic Assessment Test. Scales used for this study were obtained from a pre-KSAT in 2009 fall. Students in this study scored between 1 and 8 grades on all subjects. The average grade of subjects - Korean, English, Math, and Science- was approximately 3 (see Table 11). Table 11. Descriptive Statistics for the Adolescent Academic Achievement Adolescent’s Grades Mean SD Skewness SE Kurtosis SE Korean 2.81 1.56 .80 .09 .12 .19 English 2.92 1.57 .84 .09 .33 .19 Math 2.99 1.71 .99 .09 .82 .19 Social Science 3.27 1.50 .59 .09 -.13 .19 Testing Hypotheses Hypothesis 1. Boys and girls are different in the frequency and the intensity of educational, social, and recreational use of Internet. H1-1. Nature of Internet use on weekdays and weekends. To assess gender differences in the nature of Internet use, Yates’ Chi-Square values were computed and the results are presented in Table 12a. More boys (77%) used the Internet at PC Bang than girls (30%), while more girls (65%, 41%) used the Internet at school and library than boys (36%, 25% respectively). Fewer boys (46%) had their own PC than girls 113 (56%). Most boys and girls reported that PCs were located at public place in the home, such as the dining room and/or family study room. Although more than half of students reported that they had their own PC, only one third of the students reported that PCs were located in their room. More boys (81%) did not use the Internet during classes with teachers’ permission than girls (72%). More girls (37%, 43 % respectively) reported that they used the Internet during their lunch break and afterschool activities than boys (24%, 27%). 114 Table 12a. The Results of Yates’ Chi-Square Test - Gender Differences/Similarities in the nature of Internet Use Boys Girls No Yes No Yes N (%) N (%) N (%) N (%) x² At Home 7 (2.8) 244 (97.2) 9 (2.5) 349 (97.5) .0 At School 160 (63.7) 91 (36.3) 127 (35.5) 231 (64.5) 46.2** At PC Bang 58 (23.1) 193 (76.9) 249 (69.6) 109 (30.4) 125.5** At Friends’ House 123 (49.0) 128 (51.0) 163 (45.5) 195 (54.5) .58 At Library 189 (75.3) 62 (24.7) 212 (59.2) 146 (40.8) 16.3** At Public Place 211 (84.1) 40 (15.9) 291 (81.3) 67 (18.7) .61 Student has own PC 136 (54.2) 115 (45.8) 156 (43.6) 202 (56.4) 6.23* In Parent’s Room 208 (82.9) 43 (17.1) 286 (79.9) 72 (20.1) .67 In Dining Room 119 (47.4) 132 (52.6) 192 (53.6) 166 (46.4) 2.04 In Student’ Room 166 (66.1) 85 (33.9) 220 (61.5) 138 (38.5) 1.20 In Family Study 185 (73.7) 66 (26.3) 256 (71.5) 102 (28.5) .26 240 (95.6) 11 (4.4) 346 (96.6) 23 (3.8) .19 203 (80.9) 48 (19.1) 257 (71.8) 101 (28.2) 6.11* activities 191 (76.1) 60 (23.9) 224 (62.6) 134 (37.4) 11.82** During Lunch break 183 (72.9) 68 (27.1) 205 (57.3) 153 (42.7) 14.95** Variables Internet use PC location at Home Room Using the Internet During classes secretly During classes with permission During extra-curricular *p<.05, **p<.01. In conclusion, Korean boys and girls differed in the ways that they use the Internet. Girls were more likely to own their own computers at home than boys. Girls were also more likely to use the Internet at school and the library then boys, while boys accessed the Internet at PC Bangs. Since girls used the Internet at school more often than boys, they were also more likely to access the Internet during classes, extra- 115 curricular activity times, and lunch breaks than boys. Girls were more likely to use the Internet to watch online education classes and blogged more frequently and for longer times than boys, whereas boys were more likely to access the Internet more frequently for playing Internet games than girls. H1-2. Types of Internet use on weekdays and weekends. There were statistically significant gender differences in total Internet use on weekdays (F (1, 606) = 14.67, p ≤ .001) with effect size of 0.07, which is quite small (Cohen, 1988), and on weekends (F (1, 606) = 25.1, p ≤ .001) with a quite small effect size. When the results for the Internet use were considered separately, Educational use (F (1, 606) = 6.96, p ≤ .001) and Recreational use (F (1, 606) = 27.89, p ≤ .001) reached statistical significance on weekdays. Recreational use (F (1, 606) = 55.96, p ≤ .001) was statistically significant on weekends. Boys reported less frequent use in Educational use (M=1.75, SD= .61) than girls (M=1.88, SD= .58) on weekdays while they (M=1.77, SD= .04) spent more hours for recreational use than girls (M=1.40, SD= .03) regardless of the day (see Table 12b). 116 Table 12b. Multivariate analysis of variance – Types of adolescent Internet use Male Female (N=251) (N=358) M(SD) M(SD) Educational Use 1.75(.61) 1.88(.58) 6.96** .011 .008 Social Use 1.62(.78) 1.58(.68) .46 .001 .003 Recreational Use 1.99(.68) 1.73(.55) .044 .043 Variables F (1,607) Partial Eta Adjusted Squared R squared Weekdays 27.89*** *p<.05, **p<.01; Multivariate F (1, 606) = 14.67, p ≤ .001, Wilks’ Lambda= .932, η²= .068. Male Female (N=251) (N=358) M(SD) M(SD) Educational Use 1.60(.04) 1.70(.04) 2.94 .005 .002 Social Use 1.64(.03) 1.62(.03) .18 .000 -.002 Recreational Use 1.77(.04) 1.40(.03) 55.96*** .085 .082 Variables F (1,606) Partial Eta Adjusted Squared R squared Weekends *p<.05, **p<.01; Multivariate F (1, 606) = 25.1, p ≤ .001, Wilks’ Lambda= .89, η²=.11 Hypothesis 2-1. Adolescents’ Internet use has a direct effect on their adolescent outcomes. Hypothesis 2-2. Boys and girls are different in the association between adolescents’ Internet use and their academic achievement. H2-1.1. Adolescents’ Internet use has a direct effect on their academic achievement. Latent-variable structural equation models were used to empirically test the proposed theoretical model. To begin the test the proposed conceptual model, first the distribution of constructs was examined. Although constructs indicated univariate 117 normality, multivariate normality could not be assumed. Blom’s transformation (Blom, 1958) was conducted and all direct and indirect models were run using the transformed scores. The fit of the model was assessed through fit indices, which provided an indication of the proportion of the variance in the sample variance-covariance matrix that was accounted for by the model. The acceptable range for the GFI is .90 and above and the acceptable range for the Adjusted Goodness of Fit Index (AGFI) is .90 and above (Byrne, 2001; Kline 2005). The Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) was also used to determine model fit. Generally accepted guidelines for the RMSEA are values less that .05; values between .08 and .05 are indicators of reasonable fit; values between .10 and .08 are indicators of fair fit. RMSEA values greater than .10 represent a poor fitting model (Tate, 1998). Models were first run with weekday and weekend Internet use data and the models indicated similar pathways. Hence, data from both weekdays and weekends were combined into a single model. Each model was run for the total sample and separately for boys and girls. The model of the direct effects of the association between Internet use and academic achievement indicated a poor fit – χ2 (29, N = 609) = 168.2, p≤.001 with GFI= .93, AGFI= .87 and RMSEA= .11. Figure 1a indicates that adolescent Internet 118 use was significantly associated with their academic achievement. Among three structural paths in the hypothesized model, two were significant. Specifically, the path from the educational use to academic achievement (β = .28, p ≤ .001) was significant and positive, while the path from social use (β = -.28, p ≤ .01) to academic achievement was negative. Results indicated that higher educational Internet use was associated with a higher grade of academic achievement, while higher social Internet use was associated with a lower grade of academic achievement. This direct effects model was run to establish the presence of the direct paths between type of Internet use and academic achievement (as required by Baron and Kenny, 1986). Although this model only indicated poor fit (as indicated by the AGFI and RMSEA fit indices above), further improvements to the model were not made as those adjustments were made to the final model (after the mediators were entered). Figure 1a. Direct effects between the types of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001. 119 H2-2.1. Boys and girls are different in the association between adolescents’ Internet use and their academic achievement. Simultaneous group analysis was conducted for boys and girls. The models indicated moderate fit - χ2 (52, N = 609) = 261.5, p≤.001 with GFI= .93, AGFI= .86, RMSEA= .07. Critical Ratio (CR) of differences in the strength of specific pathways was examined (if the CR difference was equal to or higher than 1.96, it indicates that there is path varied in strength across the two groups) (Garson, 2005). The pathway between educational Internet use and academic achievement was significant for boys and not for girls. The pathway between recreational Internet use and academic achievement was significant for boys and not for girls. The link between social Internet use and academic achievement was significant for girls but not for boys. The results are presented in Figure 1b. Figure 1b. Gender differences in the direct relationship between the types of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement Note: Boys/ Girls. * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 120 H2-1.2. Adolescents’ Internet use has a direct effect on their internalizing problematic behaviors. Figure 2a. Direct links between the types of adolescent Internet use and internalizing problem behaviors Note:* p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H2-2.2. Boys and girls are different in the association between adolescents’ Internet use and their internalizing problematic behaviors. Simultaneous group analysis indicated poor fit χ2 (42, N = 609) = 247.9, p ≤ .001with GFI= .92, AGFI=. 83, RMSEA=. 09. The pathway between educational Internet use and internalizing behaviors was significant only for boys and not for girls. 121 Figure 2b. Gender differences on the direct relationship between the types of adolescent Internet use and internalizing problem behaviors Note: Boys/ Girls. * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H2-1.2. Adolescents’ Internet use has a direct effect on their externalizing problematic behaviors. The structural model of the direct effects of the Internet use on externalizing behavior problems yielded the following results: χ2 (15, N = 609) = 250.6, p ≤ .001with GFI= .93, AGFI= .89, RMSEA= .14 (see Figure 1c) – not a good fit. Educational Internet use was negatively associated with externalizing behavior problems (β = -.19, p ≤ .01). Social Internet use was positively associated with externalizing behavior problems (β = .34, p ≤ .01). (see Figure 3a). 122 Figure 3a. Direct effect between the types of adolescent Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H2-2.3. Boys and girls are different in the association between adolescents’ Internet use and their externalizing problematic behaviors. The structural model of the direct effects of the Internet use on externalizing behavior problems yielded a poor fit - χ2 (28, N = 609) = 205.3, p ≤ .001 with GFI= .93, AGFI= .81, RMSEA= .10. Educational Internet use is linked to externalizing behaviors for boys but not girls. The association between social Internet use and externalizing behaviors is similar for boys and girls. However, the Critical Ratio (CR) of differences in the strength of this pathway was lower than 1.96, which indicated that there was not a path varied in strength across the two groups. The results are presented in Figure 3b. 123 Figure 3b. Gender differences on the direct relationships between types of adolescent Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors Note: Boys /Girls. * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 Hypothesis 3-1. Does the nature of adolescents’ Internet use affect their academic achievement/ behavioral adjustment through P-A closeness/ conflict (Mediation effects)? Research question 3-2. Are these pathways different for boys and girls? (Moderating role of adolescent gender) H3-1.1. Adolescents’ Internet use has a effect on academic achievement through parent-adolescent relationships. (father-adolescent relationships) The structural model of the indirect effects of Internet use on academic achievement yielded a good overall fit X² (62, N = 609) = 225.9, p ≤ .001; GFI=.95, AGFI=.92, RMSEA=.06. The results are presented in Figure 4a. 124 Figure 4a. Indirect effects linking the types of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement through father-adolescent relationships Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001. Two significant indirect pathways were found: (a) Educational Internet use to F-A conflict (β=- .13, p ≤ .05), F-A conflict to academic achievement (β= -.11, p ≤ .05), and the direct effect between educational Internet use and academic achievement ( β= .25, p ≤ .01) – partial mediation (b) Social Internet use to F-A conflict (β= .29, p ≤ .01), F-A conflict to academic achievement (β= -.11, p ≤ .05), and the direct effect between social Internet use and academic achievement (β= -.34, p ≤ .001) – partial mediation These two pathways were examined its significance using the Sobel test and bootstrapping. The results were presented in Table 13a. 125 Table 13a. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement through father-adolescent relationships - Bootstrapping. Mediational Unstandardized Bootstrapping 95% Confidence Indirect Effect Interval (Standardized/ SE) Z Pathways Percentile Bias-Corrected Low /Upper Low /Upper Unstandardized Direct Effect (Standardized /SE) EDU→FA CF→AA .007 (.004/ .015) 2.40 -.031/ .027 -.030/ .028* EDU→ FA CF: .330 (.200/ .066), EDU→AA: .330 (.200/ .059) FA CF →AA: -.716 (.223/ .047) SOC→FA CF→AA -.073(-.073/ .013) 2.72 -.065/ -.013** SOC→ FA CF: .247 (.157/ .054), SOC→AA: -.663 (-.336/.049) -.069/ -.015*** FA CF →AA: -.463 (- .149/ .046) Note: Standardized effects are presented in parenthesis. Direct effects are presented in lower row of the model: Unstandardized direct effect (standardized direct effect/ SE). EDU = Educational Internet use, SOC = Social Internet use, AA = Academic Achievement, FA CF = Father-adolescent conflict, z value of 1.96 or larger indicates a significant indirect effect (p ≤. 05) (Sobel, 1982). According to the results of the Sobel test and bootstrapping, two indirect pathways from educational and social use to academic achievement through fatheradolescent conflict were significant. H3-1.1. Adolescents’ Internet use has an effect on academic achievement through parent-adolescent relationships. (mother-adolescent relationships) The indirect effects model linking the types of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement through mother-adolescent closeness and conflict indicated poor fit (X² (64, N = 609) = 650.1, p ≤ .001; GFI= .89, AGFI= .81, RMSEA= .12). To improve the fit of the model, modification indices were examined. Error terms were covaried based on information provided in the modification indices and whether 126 covarying the specific error terms made substantive sense. Five error terms were covaried. Co-varying these error terms allowed for an improvement in model fit (X² (59, N = 609) = 213.9, p ≤ .001; GFI= .96, AGFI= .92, RMSEA= .06). The X²Δ (5, N =609) = 436.8, p ≤ .001. Figure 4b. Indirect effect of adolescent Internet use on academic achievement through motheradolescent relationships Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 Two indirect pathways were found significant between social Internet use to academic achievement through mother-adolescent conflict social Internet use: (a) Educational Internet use to academic achievement through mother-adolescent closeness – educational Internet use to mother-adolescent closeness (β= .25, p ≤ .001), mother-adolescent closeness to academic achievement (β= .14, p 127 ≤ .01), and educational Internet use to academic achievement (β= .23, p ≤ .001) – partial mediation, (b) Social Internet use to academic achievement through mother-adolescent closeness - social Internet use to mother-adolescent closeness (β= -.26, p ≤ .001), mother-adolescent closeness to academic achievement (β= .14, p ≤ .01), and social Internet use to academic achievement (β= -.31, p ≤ .01) – partial mediation, These two pathways were examined its significance using Sobel test and bootstrapping. The results were presented in Table 13b. Table 13b. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and academic achievement through mother-adolescent relationships - Bootstrapping. Mediational Unstandardized Bootstrapping 95% Confidence Indirect Effect Interval (Standardized/ SE) Z Pathways Percentile Bias-Corrected Low /Upper Low /Upper Unstandardized Direct Effect (Standardized /SE) EDU→MA .085 (.052/ .019) 2.15 .019/ .094*** .021/ .098*** CL→AA EDU→ MA CL: .122 (.210/ .059) EDU→AA: .250 (.152/ .050) MA CL →AA: .699 (.246/ .056) SOC→MA -.084 (-.042/ .018) 1.77 -.078/ -.008* -.087/ -.014** CL→AA SOC→ MACL: -.158 (-.214/ .064) SOC→AA: -.651 (-.330/ .050) MACL →AA: .531 (.198/ .063) Note: Standardized effects are presented in parenthesis. Direct effects are presented in lower row of the model: Unstandardized direct effect (standardized direct effect/ SE). EDU = Educational Internet use, SOC = Social Internet use, AA = Academic Achievement, MA CL = Mother-adolescent closeness, z value of 1.96 or larger indicates a significant indirect effect (p ≤. 05) (Sobel, 1982). 128 According to the results of the Sobel test and bootstrapping, two indirect pathways were found to be significant. H3-2.1. Boys and girls are different in the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their academic achievement through parent-adolescent relationships (fatheradolescent relationships). None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and academic achievement through father-adolescent closeness and father-adolescent conflict were significant for boys and girls (see Figure 4c). Figure 4c. The indirect relationship between adolescent Internet use, father-adolescent relationship, and academic achievement by youth gender Note: Only significant paths are presented. Boys (Regular)/ Girls(Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 129 H3-2.1. Boys and girls are different in the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their academic achievement through parent-adolescent relationships (fatheradolescent relationships). None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and academic achievement through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict were significant for boys and girls (see Figure 4d). Figure 4d. The indirect relationship among Internet use, mother-adolescent relationship and academic achievement by youth gender Note: Only significant paths are presented. Boys (Regular)/ Girls(Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H3-1.2. Adolescents’ Internet use has an effect on internalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships (father-adolescent relationships). 130 Although Baron and Kenny (1986) required the significant direct link between independent and dependent variables, many significant indirect pathways have been reported without this premise (MacKinnon, Fairchild, & Fritz, 2007). The structural model of the indirect effects of the Internet use on academic achievement yielded a good fit X² (50, N = 609) = 176.0, p ≤ .001; GFI= .96, AGFI= .93, RMSEA= .06 (Figure 5a). Figure 5a. Indirect effect of Internet use through father-adolescent relationships on internalizing behaviors Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 Four indirect pathways were found between types of adolescent Internet use and internalizing behaviors (a) Educational Internet use to F-A closeness (β= .23, p ≤ .001), F-A closeness to internalizing behaviors (β=-.24, p ≤ .001) – complete mediation, (b) Social Internet use to F-A closeness (β=-.33, p ≤ .01), F-A closeness to internalizing behaviors (β=-.24, p ≤ .001) – complete mediation, 131 (c) Educational Internet use to F-A conflict (β=-.12, p ≤ .05), F-A conflict to internalizing behaviors (β= .16, p ≤ .001) – complete mediation, (d) Social Internet use to F-A conflict (β= .27, p ≤ .01), F-A conflict to internalizing behaviors (β=.16, p ≤ .001) – complete mediation, Four pathways were examined the significance using the Sobel test and bootstrapping. The results were presented in Table 14a. Table 14a. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and internalizing behaviors through father-adolescent relationships - Bootstrapping. Mediational Unstandardized Bootstrapping 95% Confidence Indirect Effect Interval (Standardized/ SE) Z Pathways Percentile Bias-Corrected Low /Upper Low /Upper Unstandardized Direct Effect (Standardized /SE) EDU→FA CF→IT -.008 (-.008/ .010) .21 EDU→ FA CF: -.018 (-.037/ .047) -.028/ .012 -.029/ .010 EDU→IT: .029 (.028/ .040) FA CF →IT: .470 (.220/ .044) SOC→FA CF→IT .097 (.059/ .017) 3.17 SOC→ FA CF: .193 (.259/ .053) .031/ .101** .027/ .095*** SOC→IT: -.073 (-.044/ .054) FA CF →IT: .503 (.227/ .045) EDU→F-A CL→IT -.035 (-.035/ .011) 3.31 EDU→ F-A CL: .104 (.145/ .040) -.060/ -.015*** -.061/ -.015*** EDU→IT: .058 (.057/ .041) FA CL →IT: -.341 (-.241/ .042) SOC→FA CL→IT .137 (.074/ .027) 3.24 SOC→ FA CL: -.281 (-.262/ .066) .025/ .131*** .028/ .137*** SOC→IT: -.089 (-.048/ .055) FA CL →IT: -.486 (-.282/ .056) Note: Unstandardized effects are presented in parenthesis. Direct effects are presented in lower row of the model (standardized direct effect/ SE). EDU = Educational Internet use, SOC = Social Internet use, FA CF = Father-adolescent conflict, FA CL = Father-adolescent closeness, IT = Internalizing problematic behaviors. A z value 1.96 or larger indicates a significant indirect effect (p ≤. 05) (Sobel, 1982). According to the results of Sobel test and bootstrapping, three indirect pathways were found to be significant. 132 H3-1.2. Adolescents’ Internet use has an effect on internalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships (mother-adolescent relationships). The structural model of the indirect effects of the Internet use on internalizing problem behaviors yielded poor overall fit X² (52, N = 609) = 617.4, p ≤ .001; GFI= .88, AGFI= .90, RMSEA= .13). Modification indices were examined and specific error terms were covaried based on whether it made substantive sense. This was done one by one starting with the largest modification index and done one by one and the improvement in fit was noted. Three error terms were covaried. Co-varying these error terms allowed for an improvement in fair model fit (X² (48, N = 609) = 237.7, p ≤ .001; GFI= .95, AGFI= .90, RMSEA= .08). The X²Δ (3, N =609) =397.7, p ≤ .001. Figure 5b. Indirect effect of types of Internet use on internalizing behaviors through motheradolescent relationships Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001. 133 One indirect pathway was found between types of Internet use to internalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent conflict: (a) Education Internet use and M-A conflict (β= -.10, p ≤ .05), M-A conflict to internalizing problem behaviors (β=.29, p ≤ .001) – complete mediation, These four pathways were examined the significance using the Sobel test and bootstrapping. The results were presented in Table 14b. Table 14b. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and internalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent relationships - Bootstrapping. Mediational Unstandardized Bootstrapping 95% Confidence Indirect Effect Interval (Standardized/ SE) Z Pathways Percentile Bias-Corrected Low /Upper Low /Upper Unstandardized Direct Effect (Standardized /SE) EDU→MA CF →IT -.008 (-.014/ .018) 2.25 EDU→ MA CF: -.011 (-.039/ .014) -.051/ .021 -.051/ .014 EDU→IT: .029 (.049/ .024) MA CF →IT: .737 (.366/ .096.) Note: Unstandardized effects are presented in parenthesis. Direct effects are presented in lower row of the model (standardized direct effect/ SE). EDU = Educational Internet use, MA CF = Mother-adolescent conflict, IT = Internalizing problematic behaviors. A z value 1.96 or larger indicates a significant indirect effect (p ≤. 05) (Sobel, 1982). According to the results of the Sobel test and bootstrapping, the indirect pathway from educational use to internalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent conflict was significant. 134 H3-2.2. Boys and girls are different in the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their internalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships. None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and internalizing problem behaviors through father-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict were significant for boys and girls. Two of the pathways were statistically significant. However, none of indirect linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and internalizing problem behaviors through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict was significant for boys and girls (see Figure 5c). Figure 5c. The indirect relationship between Internet use, mother-adolescent relationship and internalizing behaviors by youth gender Note: Only significant paths are presented. Boys (Regular)/ Girls (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 135 H3-1.3. Adolescents’ Internet use has an effect on externalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships (father-adolescent relationship). The model linking the types of adolescent Internet use and externalizing behavior problems through father-adolescent relationships indicated good overall model fit (X² (39, N = 609) = 144.8, p ≤ .001; GFI= .97, AGFI= .93, RMSEA=. 06). Among the eleven structural paths, four indirect paths were found to be statistically significant (Figure 6a). Figure 6a. Indirect effects of Internet use on externalizing behaviors through father-adolescent relationships Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001. Four indirect pathways were found between types of Internet use to externalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent conflict: 136 (a) Educational Internet use to F-A closeness (β= .24, p ≤ .001), F-A closeness to externalizing behavior (β= -.15, p ≤ .01), educational Internet use to externalizing behavior (β= -.13, p ≤ .05) – partial mediation (b) Educational Internet use to F-A conflict (β= -.12, p ≤ .05), F-A conflict to externalizing behavior (β= .26, p ≤ .001), educational Internet use to externalizing behavior (β= -.13, p ≤ .05) – partial mediation (c) Social Internet use to F-A closeness (β=-.38, p ≤ .001), F-A closeness to externalizing behavior (β= -.15, p ≤ .01), social Internet use to externalizing behavior (β= .22, p ≤ .05) – partial mediation (d) Social Internet use to F-A conflict (β= .30, p ≤ .01), F-A conflict to externalizing behavior (β= .26, p ≤ .001), social Internet use to externalizing behavior (β= .22, p ≤ .05) – partial mediation These four pathways were examined its significance using the Sobel test and bootstrapping. The results were presented in Table 15a. 137 Table 15a. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and externalizing behaviors through father-adolescent relationships - Bootstrapping. Mediational Unstandardized Bootstrapping 95% Confidence Indirect Effect Interval (Standardized/ SE) Z Pathways Percentile Bias-Corrected Low /Upper Low /Upper Unstandardized Direct Effect (Standardized /SE) EDU→FACF→EX -.012 (-.023/ .021) 2.14 EDU→FCF: .049 (.074/ .066) -.063/ .017 -.069/ .013 EDU→EX: .173 (.118/ .062) FACF→EX: .314 ( .116/.053) EDU→FACL→EX -.026 (-.052/ .021) 2.44 EDU→FCL: .148 (.221/ .069) -.097/ -.014** -.117/ -.021*** EDU→EX: 074. (.146/ .066) FACL→EX: .178 (.235/.062) SOC→FACF→EX .068 (.062/ .019) 2.84 SOC→FCF: .140 (.193/ .055) .025/ .100** 029/ .106*** SOC→EX: .334 (.305/ .062) FACF→EX: .488 (.323/ .052) SOC→FACL→EX .075 (.072/ .031) 1.93 SOC→FACL: -.231 (-.258/ .086) .009/ .134** .015/ .143** SOC→EX: .169 (.162/ .083) FACL→EX: -.326 (-.280/ .065) Note: Unstandardized effects are presented in (). Direct effects are presented in lower row of the model (standardized direct effect/ SE). EDU = Educational Internet use, SOC = Social Internet use, FA CF = father-adolescent conflict, FA CL = father-adolescent closeness, EX = Externalizing problematic behaviors. A z value 1.96 or larger indicates a significant indirect effect (p ≤. 05) (Sobel, 1982) According to the results of the Sobel test and bootstrapping, all of indirect pathways were significant. H3-1.3. Adolescents’ Internet use has an effect on externalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships (mother-adolescent relationship). The indirect effects of the Internet use on adolescents’ externalizing behavior problems through mother-adolescent relationships indicated poor model fit (X² (41, N = 609) = 575.9, p ≤ .001; GFI= .88, AGFI= .78, RMSEA= .14). Modification indices 138 were examined and specific error terms were covaried based on whether it made substantive sense, which was done one by one starting with the largest modification index and the improvement in fit was noted. Six error terms were covaried. Covarying these error terms allowed for an improvement in good model fit (X² (35, N = 609) = 160.3, p ≤ .001; GFI= .96, AGFI= .91, RMSEA= .07). The X²Δ (6, N =609) =415.6, p ≤ .001. Figure 6b. Indirect effect of types of adolescent Internet use on externalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent relationships Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001. One indirect path was statistically significant (Figure 17b). (a) Educational Internet use to M-A conflict (β= -.11, p ≤ .05), M-A conflict to externalizing behavior (β=.37, p ≤ .001), educational Internet use to externalizing behavior (β= -.18, p ≤ .01) – partial mediation, 139 This one pathway was examined its significance using the Sobel test and bootstrapping. The results were presented in Table 15b. Table 15b. Significance of indirect effects of links between the type of adolescent Internet use and externalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent relationships - Bootstrapping. Mediational Unstandardized Bootstrapping 95% Confidence Indirect Effect Interval (Standardized/ SE) Z Pathways Percentile Bias-Corrected Low /Upper Low /Upper Unstandardized Direct Effect (Standardized /SE) EDU→MCF→EX .003 (.005/ .019) EDU→MACF: .010 (.011/ .044) 0.25 -.033/ .043 -.036/ .041 EDU→EX: -.043 (-.069/ .047) MACF→EX: .316 (.431/ .045) Note: Unstandardized effects are presented in (). Direct effects are presented in lower row of the model (standardized direct effect/ SE). EDU = Educational Internet use, SOC = Social Internet use, MA CF = mother-adolescent conflict, EX = Externalizing problematic behaviors. A z value 1.96 or larger indicates a significant indirect effect (p ≤. 05) (Sobel, 1982) According to the results of the Sobel test and bootstrapping, the indirect pathway from educational use to externalizing behaviors through mother-adolescent conflict was not significant. H3-2.3. Boys and girls are different in the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their externalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships (father-adolescent relationships). None of the pathways linking the types of adolescents’ Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors through father-adolescent closeness and fatheradolescent conflict were significant for boys and girls (see Figure 6c). 140 Figure 6c. Link between Internet use, father-adolescent relationship and externalizing behaviors by youth gender Note: Only significant paths are presented. Boys (Regular)/ Girls (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H3-2.3. Boys and girls are different in the pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their externalizing behavior problems through parent-adolescent relationships (mother-adolescent relationships). None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict were significant for boys and girls (see Figure 6d). 141 Figure 6d. Gender differences on the indirect relationship among Internet use, motheradolescent relationship and externalizing behaviors Note: Only significant paths are presented. Boys (Regular)/ Girls (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 Hypothesis 4. The link between pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to their academic achievement through parent-adolescent relationships varies by parental cultural academic expectations (mean split). H4-1-1. The link between pathways adolescents’ Internet use and academic achievement through father-adolescent closeness and father-adolescent conflict varies by father cultural academic expectations. Pathways were similar for adolescents whose fathers indicated high and low parental academic expectation. None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and academic achievement through father-adolescent closeness and 142 father-adolescent conflict differed by father cultural academic expectations (see Figure 7a). Figure 7a. Link between adolescent Internet use, father-adolescent relationships, and academic achievement by fathers’ academic expectations Note: Only significant paths are presented. Low PE (Regular)/ High PE (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H4-1-2. The link between adolescents’ Internet use to academic achievement through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict varies by mothers cultural academic expectations None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and academic achievement through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict differed by mothers’ cultural academic expectations (see Figure 7b). 143 Figure 7b. Link between adolescent Internet use, mother-adolescent relationships, and academic achievement by mothers’ academic expectations Note: Only significant paths are presented. Low PE (Regular)/ High PE (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H4-2-1. The link between pathways from adolescents’ Internet use to internalizing problem behaviors through father-adolescent closeness and father-adolescent conflict varies by fathers’ academic expectations The analysis of the moderating effects of parental education for the indirect pathways from the Internet use on adolescents’ internalizing problematic behaviors through father-adolescent relationships indicated good model fit (X² (109, N = 609) = 375.0, p ≤ .001; GFI= .92, AGFI= .87, RMSEA= .06). Pathways were similar for youth whose fathers indicated high and low parental academic expectation: 144 (a) Social Internet use and father-adolescent closeness (low PE group: β= -.33, p ≤ .001, high PE group: β= -.22, p ≤ .05) and father adolescent closeness and internalizing problem behaviors (low PE group: β= -.19, p ≤ .01, high PE group: β= -.32, p ≤ .001) – full mediation. Figure 8a. Different effects of parental expectation (PE) among Internet use, father-adolescent relationships, and internalizing behaviors Note: Only significant paths are presented. Low PE (Regular)/ High PE (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H4--2. The link between pathways from adolescents’ Internet use and internalizing problem behaviors through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict varies by mothers’ academic expectations. 145 None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and internalizing problem behaviors through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict differed by mothers’ academic expectations (see Figure 8b). Figure 8b. Link between adolescent Internet use, mother-adolescent relationships, and internalizing behaviors by mothers’ parental expectations Note: Only significant paths are presented. Low PE (Regular)/ High PE (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H4-3-1. The pathways linking types of adolescents’ Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors through father-adolescent closeness and father-adolescent conflict varies by fathers’ academic expectations. None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors through father-adolescent closeness and father-adolescent conflict differed by fathers’ academic expectations (see Figure 9a). 146 Figure 9a. Link between adolescent Internet use, father-adolescent relationships, and externalizing behaviors by fathers’ academic expectations Note: Only significant values are presented. Low PE (Regular)/ High PE (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 H4-3-2. The pathways linking types of adolescent Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict varies by mothers’ academic expectations. None of the pathways linking type of adolescents’ Internet use and externalizing problem behaviors through mother-adolescent closeness and mother-adolescent conflict differed by mothers’ academic expectations (see Figure 9b). Parental expectations do not show any moderating effects on the pathways between the Internet use and adolescents’ outcomes. Considering the low reliability of the measurement of parental expectation ( .57 - .53), no significant results are understandable. It may be need to replicate this study using a more reliable or new measurement. 147 Figure 9b. Different effects of parental expectation (PE) among Internet use, motheradolescent relationships, and externalizing behaviors Note: Only significant paths are presented. Significant differences were presented as bold (CR > 1.96). Low PE (Regular)/ High PE (Italic). * p< .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001 Discussion The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationships among adolescent Internet use, parent-adolescent relationships, and academic/behavioral adjustment in South Korean families. Four main research questions were tested in this study. First, the nature of Korean adolescents’ Internet use and the frequency and intensity of educational, social, and recreational Internet usage were examined. Second, the direct associations between adolescents’ Internet use (frequency and intensity of educational, social, and recreational use of the Internet) and adolescent academic and behavioral outcomes were examined. Third, the indirect effects of adolescents Internet use on academic and behavioral outcomes through parent-adolescent relationships were 148 tested. Fourth, the moderating effects of parental cultural expectations in the association between adolescent Internet use and academic and behavioral outcomes through parent-adolescent relationships was finally examined. The patterns of these relationships in four questions were all examined for gender variations. Findings from the Nature of Internet Use Girls and boys accessed the Internet differently. Adolescent girls used the Internet at school and library more often than boys. A significantly higher number of adolescent girls owned their own PCs than boys did. At school, adolescent girls used the Internet during classes, extra-curricular activities, and lunch breaks more often than boys. However, boys used the Internet at PC Bangs (Internet cafés), which is consistent with the findings from previous research (Korean Statistical Information Service. 2004, May; Lee, 2005, October). The results of this study also indicate that boys and girls used the Internet for different purposes. Specifically, adolescent girls used the Internet for educational purposes more often and longer than boys, while adolescent boys used the Internet for recreational purposes more often and longer than girls. More specifically, an analysis of educational Internet use results indicated that girls more frequently and intensely used the Internet for online classes and cyber learning than boys did. This is consistent with findings from previous studies that found females were more likely than males to 149 use the Internet for academic purposes (Jackson, Zhao, Kolenic III, Fitzgerald, Harold, & von Eye, 2008). Second, the results of social Internet use indicated that boys used the Internet more frequently and for longer hours than girls for chatting. Girls used the Internet more often than boys for blogging. These findings are not similar to findings from other studies that found girls were more likely to use the Internet for chatting, blogging, and e-mails than were boys (Korean Statistical Information Service. 2004, May, 2008; Lee, 2005, October; Tsai & Tsai, 2010). Interestingly, boys in this study used the Internet for chatting more frequently and intensely than girls. Differences in digital skills between individuals may be one of the potential reasons for this finding. It is unknown, but a lack of some specific digital skills may result in more use of certain Internet functions, such as chatting, than other functions, such as blogging, Internet surfing, shopping, and so on. Another reason may be because of the place of the Internet use. Students appear to use the computer and the Internet at home far more often than they do at school (van Braak & Kavadias, 2005; Livingstone, 2002). Boys possess fewer home computers than girls do. An absence of home computers may force them to go to PC Bangs. Under these circumstances, those who don’t have home computers may be more likely to do chat than those who have home computers. 150 Finally, the results of recreational Internet use indicated that boys more frequently and intensely used the Internet than girls for gaming. This is consistent with previous literature and the results of a recent national survey, conducted by the National Internet Development Agency of Korea (2007). However, in contrast to previous literature, girls used the Internet more for educational purposes than did the boys in this study. Why was there a difference between the results of previous literature and this study? Perhaps, the results of the current study differed from that of previous research because girls used the Internet more at school than at any other place, such as PC Bangs. The frequent use of school computers and public computers may increase educational Internet use. Boys in this study used the Internet significantly more often than girls at PC Bangs, which possibly explains their greater engagement in recreational use. School and library computers are more likely to be set up for educational related purposes only, and recreational access, such as access to gaming sites, may be blocked. As a result, those who use school computers frequently are more likely to access the Internet to search for academic information. Another plausible explanation is that adolescent girls did not want to go to PC Bangs because they were more intently interested in using the Internet for educational purpose. Likewise, it is also likely that boys intentionally went to PC Bangs to game, 151 and they were less interested in the Internet for educational use. Since most parents do not like their children to do games, the children may prefer to go to the PC Bangs to play games in secret. Girls tend to use the Internet at home for nongaming activities, but they rarely use the PC Bangs, which is consistent with previous studies (Huh, 2008; Stewart & Choi, 2003). The PC Bang culture can be interpreted as an unique Korean culture that differs from those in North America, which is primarily based on home entertainment systems. The Korean entertainment industry thrives outside of the home, and the PC Bang is one of the various entertainment “Bangs” (Stewart & Choi, 2003). Since the “Bang” culture has become an integral part of the socializing environment for Koreans, this may have unique influences on the nature of Internet use among Korean adolescents. Although it is not accounted for in this study, private tutoring for schoolwork takes up a significant amount of time in the lives of Korean adolescents. Studies of Korean adolescents have indicated that many of the Korean teen students are involved in out-of-school education, such as private tutoring and extra-curricular activities (e.g., music, karate, etc.). It was reported that 72.6% of Korean students used private tutoring in 2003 (Choi et al., 2003). In regards to the parents’ expenditures on private tutoring, it was reported that Korean families spent around 13.6 trillion Korean won 152 (approximately 12 billion U.S. dollars) on all forms of private tutoring in 2003 (Choi et al., 2003). Previous studies indicated that students from high-SES families tend to participate more in private tutoring than those of low-SES families (Choi et al., 2003). Considering the nature of this sample, it is anticipated that a significant number of participants would be involved in any kinds of out-of-school educational activities. Hence, adolescents may have less time to be involved in the use of PC Bangs etc. The results from this study differ from other studies conducted in different countries. Extant research indicates that boys use the Internet more frequently, for longer periods of time, and for a wider variety of uses than do girls; these findings were present among samples of American children (Gross, 2004; Haythronthwaite & Wellman, 2002; Morahan-Martin, 1998; Subrahmanyam, Greenfield, Kraut, & Gross, 2001), European children (Durndell & Haag, 2002; Madell & Muncer, 2004; Valkenburg & Soeters, 2001), and Asian children (Ho, & Lee, 2001; Nachmias, Mioduster, & Shelma, 2000). Therefore, these findings of this study may reflect a new trend of Internet use in industrialized nations. Recent research reported that 74% of American adults use the Internet, regardless of gender (Pew Research Center Publications, 2010, May). Multiple surveys from U.S. and U.K. samples have also found no gender differences in Internet use, and others have actually found that female users out number male users in the 153 U.S. For example, eMarketer estimated that there were an estimated 97.2 million female Internet users, ages 3 and older, in 2007, accounting for 51.7% of the total online population. In 2011, 109.7 million U.S. females will go online, amounting to 51.9% of the total online population (cited in Boing Boing, 2007). A recent study in the U.K. found that there have been few gender differences in the online experience, with the notable exception of more online pornographic risk for boys than for girls (Livingstone & Helsper, 2010). These findings contribute to recent reports of a decreased gender gap in Internet use (Break News, 2010, Aug. 11). Based on recent findings, the increase of female Internet use may be an upward trend. In conclusion, considering the different nature of the place of Internet access in this study, the evidence of some significant gender differences, in terms of functional Internet use in this study, seem to correctly reflect the nature of Korean adolescent’s Internet use and indicate that Korean adolescent boys and girls access the Internet differently. In terms of intensity and frequency of Internet use, there are some significant gender differences among Korean adolescents. Similar to previous studies, Korean adolescent boys are more likely to use the Internet for gaming than girls, and girls are more likely use the Internet for educational purpose than boys. However, the results did not support the popular findings of past research in social Internet use (Papastergiou & Solomonidou, 2005; Tsai, & Tsai, 2010). Also, in general, the gender 154 gap in Internet use seems to have disappeared. The generation gap in Internet use also seems to have disappeared. Although adolescents spend less time online than adults, they are more involved in Internet activities than adult. Therefore, it is important to know the exact nature of the adolescents’ Internet use. And more exploration about gender differences seems to be necessary to find some evidence of a change in the next generation regarding Internet use. Findings from the Direct Models My second hypothesis was about the direct association between the Internet use and academic achievement, as behavioral adjustment. It was hypothesized that there were some direct effects of Internet use on academic achievement, internalizing and externalizing problematic behaviors. Some gender differences were expected; however, no gender differences in the direct pathways were found. Although adolescent boys and girls access and use the Internet differently in the current study, the effects of Internet use do not differ among boys and girls on academic achievement and problematic behaviors. As expected, adolescents’ educational use of the Internet was positively associated with adolescent academic achievement and negatively associated with adolescent externalizing problematic behaviors, while social use of the Internet was negatively associated with adolescent academic achievement and positively associated 155 with adolescent externalizing problematic behaviors. Although the effects of recreational Internet use were in the expected direction, they did not reach statistical significance. There was also no significant effect of adolescents’ Internet use on internalizing behaviors. These results are consistent with the results of previous studies. Current findings also expand upon those of Attewell and colleagues (1999, 2001, & 2003), who reported positive outcomes in association with adolescences’ computer technology. Other studies about educational computer use and/or educational software programs have similarly reported positive outcomes in academic domains, such as math (Clements, 2002; Hess, & McGarvey, 1987; Cuffaro, 1984), and language and literacy (Cuffaro, 1984; Mioduser, Tur-Kaspa, & Leitner, 2000; Hess, & McGarvey, 1987). This culmination of current research indicates that the Internet is an effective tool to enhance students’ learning. Unfortunately, the adolescents’ increased use of technology has also been accompanied by an increase in attention difficulties (Anderson & Maguire, 1978; Chan & Rabinowitz, 2006; Levine & Waite, 2000; Schmidt & Vanderwater, 2008). Similar findings regarding the negative effects on behavioral adjustment may be found from Choi (2007) and other professionals, who suggest that the Internet can have direct negative effects (Sirgy, Lee, & Bae, 2006), such as increased 156 psychological problems, including social isolation, depression, loneliness, difficulties with time management (Brenner, 1997; Kraut, Patterson, Lundmark, Kiesler, Mukhopadhyay, & Scherlis, 1998; Young, & Rodgers, 1998), daily routines, family relationships, school performance, and a wide range of behavioral problems (Block, 2008; Choi, 2007), as a result of excessive Internet use (Rickert, 2001). Findings indicate that online communication often detracts from the time that adolescents could have, otherwise, spent outside engaging in social activities (Kraut et al., 1998; Nie, Hillygus, & Erbring, 2002, Sanders et al., 2000). In the current study, adolescents’ social and recreational use of the Internet hindered time that could be used for their studies and/or school work. The findings are supported under the social displacement paradigm. Jackson et al. (2006) hypothesized that reading achievement could be improved while navigating the Internet, because students encounter a significant amount of text during their use. Based on the current study, the improvement of academic achievement may be a specific result of educational use of the Internet, while non-educational Internet use consequently hinders academic achievement. However, these results may be influenced by some advantages of the high socioeconomic status of the participants. Although the family income variable was statistically controlled in this study, it is likely that families with the high-income 157 status have easier access to technology, to quality educational resources, to parental support and to regulations. Findings from the Indirect Models Although the significant impact of parent-adolescent relationships on adolescent development and adjustment has been well documented, the unique influence of father- and mother-adolescent relationships on adolescent adjustment needs to be better understood. There are many findings that support the importance and uniqueness of father-adolescent relationships on adolescent development and adjustment. For example, Youniss (1987) found that father-adolescent relationships contribute differently to psychological development; adolescents perceived their relationships with fathers and mothers differently. Although adolescence represents a time of independence and autonomy, teens seems to place a great deal of value on how their parents perceive them. They want their parents to acknowledge that they are mature enough to be recognized, as an independent individual (Youniss & Smollar, 1985). Moreover, there is evidence that a unique influence of fathers on adolescents’ adjustment exists. For example, within a nationally representative sample of adolescents, Videon (2005) found that adolescents have more volatile relationships with their fathers than with their mothers. This difference in the nature of the parent- 158 child relationship existed, despite indications that both relationships were considered equally crucial for the adolescents’ well-being. In addition, emotionally close fatheradolescent relationships decreased the likelihood of adolescents’ alcohol consumption (Habib, Santoro, Kremer, Toumbourou, Leslie, & Williams, 2010). It has not been common practice to examine father-adolescent relationships and mother-adolescent relationships separately (Forehand, Wierson, Thomas, Fauber, Armistead, Kempton, & Long, 1991; Galamos, Sears, Almeida, & Kolaric, 1995). In order to provide a more accurate picture, this study assessed mother- and fatherrelationships separately, assessing the relational domains of conflict and closeness. In addition, the data was obtained from multiple sources, including the adolescents, fathers, and mothers. Just as previous research has indicated that there are some associations between familial relationships and outcomes of Internet use (Cho, Kim, Kim, Lee, & Kim, 2008; Lei & Wu, 2007; Liau, Khoo, & Ang, 2005), the findings from the current study indicates that adolescent educational Internet use is positively associated with academic achievement through parent-adolescent relationships, while social Internet use is negatively associated with academic achievement. However, the current study did not find any effects from recreational Internet use (Figure 4a, 4b). More specifically, the adolescent’s educational Internet use was positively associated with 159 academic achievement through father-adolescent conflict and mother-adolescent closeness. Adolescent’s social Internet use was negatively associated with academic achievement through father-adolescent conflict and mother-adolescent closeness. The positive effects of educational Internet use seem to be actively affecting their academic achievement, especially when adolescents have close relationships with their mothers, and seem to be passively affecting, when they have conflicts with their fathers. In addition, negative effects of social Internet use have same influence on academic achievement under conflicts with fathers and close relationships with mothers. While adolescent’s educational Internet use was indirectly and negatively associated with internalized problematic behaviors through the father-adolescent conflict, the social Internet use was positively and indirectly associated with internalized problematic behaviors through the father-adolescent closeness and conflict. Educational and social Internet use seems to have active effects on internalized problems behaviors, when they have strong relationships with fathers. While father-adolescent relationships fully mediated the association between educational/social Internet use and internalized problematic behaviors, motheradolescent relationships didn’t show any significant medicating effects on the 160 association between Internet use and internalized problematic behaviors. And this is true for the association between Internet use and externalized problematic behaviors. In addition, the adolescent’s educational Internet use was negatively associated with externalized problematic behaviors through the father-adolescent closeness and conflict. Social Internet use was positively associated with externalized problematic behaviors through both the father-adolescent closeness and conflict. Motheradolescent relationships did not mediate the association between Internet use and externalized problematic behaviors. After all, positive effects of educational Internet use and negative effects of social Internet use on academic achievement are true under the umbrella of parentadolescent relationships. Parent-child relationships are vital to the child’s adjustment; and as demonstrated in the current study, parent-adolescent relationships play a significant role in the association between adolescent Internet use and academic behavioral outcomes. Specifically, the positive effects of educational Internet use on academic achievement were actually strengthened by parent-adolescent closeness, and weakened by parent-adolescent conflict. Adolescent educational Internet use might lead to parent-adolescent closeness; whereas adolescence social use of the Internet led 161 to parent-adolescent conflict; and both the parent-adolescent conflict and closeness each uniquely contributed to academic achievement and problematic behaviors. In conclusion, relationships with fathers and mothers seem to be related to specific aspects of adolescent adjustment and academic achievement. These findings support previous empirical studies and provide some evidence of significant association between the Internet use and parent-adolescent relationship with Internet use (Liau, Khoo, & Ang, 2005; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004a, 2005), as well as the association between parent-adolescent relationships and adolescents’ outcomes (Hair, Moore, Garrett, Ling, & Cleveland, 2008; Steinberg, 2008). In this study, some significant mediating effects of the parent-adolescent relationships on the association between adolescent Internet use and adolescent adjustment were found. There is some indication of a bi-directional effect with the adolescents’ behaviors impacting parent-adolescent relationships. To date, there are few studies that have examined the bi-directional nature of these models. For future research, bi-directional influence should be explored. Few studies have addressed the associations between Internet use and parentadolescent relationships. The present study, therefore, addresses the connection between adolescent Internet use and parent-adolescent relationships and finds significant associations between them. Further investigations between these two 162 variables should be continued. Specifically, the possible bi-directional nature of the association between the parent-adolescent relationships and adolescent Internet use should also be explored. Several previous studies have reported finding a bidirectional association between parent-adolescent relationships and the Internet use (Ko, Yen, Yen, Lin, & Yang, 2007; Liu & Kuo, 2007; Yen et al., 2007). For instance, the quality of the parent-adolescent relationships has been found to be negatively associated with level of Internet addiction among students (Lio & Kuo, 2007). Recent research, involving Dutch students’ compulsive Internet use, revealed a bi-directional effect between the frequency and quality of the adolescents’ Internet use and parentadolescent communication (van den Eijnden, Spijkerman, Vermulst, van Rooij, & Engels, 2010). In the current study, only the effects of Internet use on parentadolescent relationships were explored, so the opposite effects may be explored for future study. Adolescents’ gender did not moderate the mediating pathways for either the mother or father models. Future studies that assess gender effects on Internet use may include other variables like cell phone usage or other diverse computer technologies that more closely mirror the modern adolescent world. In other words, gender gaps in Internet use may still exist, and they should continue to be addressed and rectified. 163 Finally, moderating effects of parental expectations were examined. It was hypothesized that strong educational expectations of parents might strengthen parentadolescent closeness, when adolescents used the Internet more for educational purposes. It was expected that when non-educational Internet use was increased, the level of parent-adolescent may conflict was increased as well. However, significant effects were not found. The strong effects of parental expectations on their children’s achievement and adjustment have been consistently well documented (Sandefur, Meier, & Campbell, 2006; Schneider & Lee, 1990; Schwarz, et al., 2005). In fact, past research has found parental expectations to be the strongest influence than any other parenting factor (Fan, 2001; Fan & Chen, 2001; Singh, Bickley, Trivette, Keith, Keith, & Anderson, 1995). The reason that parental expectations did not reach significant levels in the current study could be related to some effects of the adolescents’ own educational expectations. Korean teen students, in this study, might have their own educational aspirations, regardless of the level of their parental expectations. Goldenberg and colleagues (2001) also found that parental expectations have no significant effects on children’s achievement in a longitudinal study of kindergarten through sixth-grade children. It has been well known that Koreans hold a very strong educational aspiration (Chung, 1991a). Korean high school students are allocating the majority of their time 164 to study. Adolescents, who participated in current study, are no exception to this phenomenon. It could be assumed that high parental expectations might have been embedded in the adolescents’ personal values, as the parental expectations have likely been present throughout their school years. Therefore, personal and parental expectations may not be an entirely separate construct. As a result, parental expectations do not seem to have a strong or unique contribution to familial relationships or academic performance in this study. Future research should consider new variables, such as the adolescent’s own expectation or sibling relationships. These findings indicate that future research studies should investigate how Koreans cope with the influx of rapidly developing technology and its use as an educational tool. The findings from this investigation also highlight the need for understanding parent-adolescent relationships in a technological world. Parents and teachers may focus more on the quantity of the adolescents’ educational Internet use and not on how the Internet use shapes adolescents’ relationships with family members and others, within a relational context. As found in the study, male and female adolescents indicated both differences and similarities in the nature of Internet use. This issue should also be further investigated in future studies on the subject. 165 Theoretical Contributions, Limitations, and Future Research The findings from this study indicate that modern technologies have brought about changes in the lives of adolescents, especially in terms of their family relationships. The closeness and conflicts between parents and adolescents may facilitate the positive effects of educational Internet use and buffer the negative effects of non-educational Internet use on adolescent outcomes. While the findings of this study support the human ecology theory and attachment theory, future research should investigate how parents can utilize the Internet to provide its benefits to adolescents within the family context. One of the strengths of the current study is that Internet use functions were differentiated into educational, social, and recreational functions. In addition, findings from this study contribute to the growing body of research that indicates a decrease in the gap between male and female Internet usage. As noted above, gender differences on the impact of Internet usage have been mostly descriptive information. Another contribution is the complexity of the model examined. Multiple informants were used for the data. For example, parent-adolescent relationships measurements include adolescents’, their fathers’, and their mothers’ reports. This study also used a large dataset to evaluate the models. The current study has 609 sets of families as participants. 166 This study has several limitations that are inherent to survey methodology. Surveys are a good way to gain exploratory information about a particular phenomenon, especially when little is known. However, the use of surveys tends to give researchers rough, broad measures that are unable to divulge deeper understanding. Another limitation of the survey methodology is that surveys rely on selfreported data and, therefore, may introduce measurement error into the data (Singleton & Straights, 1999). In some cases, respondents may report inaccurate information because of poor memory or misunderstanding of survey questions. In other cases, respondents may intentionally give false responses because of a desire to be viewed positively by an unknown investigator, or because of fear related to reporting sensitive information. This study relied on adolescents’ report of Internet use, which can be considered a sensitive topic in some families; therefore, intentional inaccurate answers may play a role in the measurement errors. Although there were multiple informants in this study, the inclusion of observational data in real-life settings is desirable. Also, the inclusion of Qualitative information, based on in-depth interviews, contributes to the picture of adolescent Internet use. Self-reported data can be inaccurate because of respondent fatigue, and the respondents in the current study may have found that the surveys were also relatively 167 lengthy. According to Dillman (2000), this may be problematic, as participants may become tired, bored, or uninterested mid-way through the survey. Therefore, succinct surveys are preferred. Although I do not have information about the average length of time required for each survey, a practice run through the survey suggested that it would take approximately twenty five to thirty minutes to complete. It is possible that the respondents’ burden may have affected the accuracy of the data. As adolescents’ technology use has increased, research has been conducted to explore its effect on adolescent school achievement. The results in this area have been highly variable, since previous studies didn’t differentiate the function of Internet use. The nature of Internet use is multi-functional. For example, adolescents use the Internet to get academic information and help, to communicate with friends and families, and to enjoy movies and gaming. Inconsistency of previous findings seems to be due to a lack of clear division of Internet functions, regardless of its multifaceted nature. The sample for this study may not adequately represent Korean families. Most families in this study were from high-income, well educated, and lived in urban settings. High SES families have access to better resources, social support, and opportunities (Evans, 2004; Mackner, Black & Starr, 2004). Teen children in this study may have benefited from having gone to better school districts and family 168 support than children from lower socioeconomic families. Therefore, the findings from this study may not fully apply to lower income families, where parents may be less educated and from more traditional families. Parental use of the Internet was not included in the current study, and the parents’ familiarity with the use of the Internet is more likely to be more involved in their teenage children’s Internet use. Since the nature of this study is exploratory, it is hard to actually compare findings of this study with results of a few previous studies. This is especially true for association with relationships with parents. Considering the uniqueness of the Korean culture, results of this study may differ according to the cultural context. Continued investigation is needed to contextualize the research findings, since the use of Internet must be continuously evolving. Future research should be directed toward continuing to investigate the relationship among adolescents’ Internet use, parent-adolescent relationships, and academic and behavioral outcomes. Since technology is such an integral part of most adolescents’ lives, it is important to understand the impact on their academic achievement and behavioral adjustment. The current study used a survey-based, correlational design, to assess the relationship between adolescent Internet use, parent-adolescent relationships, and behavioral adjustment and academic performance. Similar correlational research has dominated the literature to date on adolescent Internet use (Livingstone, 2002). Such 169 studies should now be complemented by more research using experimental and longitudinal designs as well as cross cultural studies, to allow conclusions about causality and long-term effects, including the impact that Internet use by teenagers might have on the quality and intimacy of their present and future lives across different populations. Considering that the majority of populations use the Internet almost every day, regardless of gender, age, and SES status, this researcher plan to include the following topics in future research areas. First, longitudinal investigation into the association between experience and exposure to computer technologies during early childhood through parental usage and in later youth development and adjustment seem to be needed. This study also employed a cross-sectional design, which does not address causality. This study investigated the effects of Internet use and the parent-adolescent relationships on adolescents’ outcomes. Conversely, parent-adolescent relationships may impact an adolescents’ Internet use, and adolescents’ outcomes can also influence parent-adolescent relationships and Internet use. 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Your date of birth _______YYYY _______MM_________DD 3. Gender 4. Female □ Male □ Your relationship to the child in Bio-Mother □ Bio-Father □ Step-Mother □ Step-Father □ Grandmother □ Grandfather □ this study Other (please specify) : 5. Please list all the people living in your house starting with yourself and their relationship to you. Person’s name a. yourself b. your teen child c. d. e. f. g. h. Relationship Age Highest degree earned 243 These are general information questions. Read each question on the list and check the box that best describes who you are. 6. What is your highest Completed middle school □ Completed high school □ Completed business or trade school (2-year) □ Completed college education (4-year) □ Completed Graduate school (M.S./ Ph.D) □ level of education? 7. Are you employed now? □ Yes, part-time □ Yes, full-time □ Retired; If yes, when? _______ years ago □ Unemployed and looking for work □ Home maker □ Too disabled or ill to work 7-1. How many hours do you work every week? 8. What is the family’s total monthly income before taxes? _________________hours/ week Less than ₩2,000,000 □ ₩2,000,000 to less than ₩2,500,000 □ ₩2,500,000 to less than ₩3,000,000 □ ₩3,000,000 to less than ₩3,500,000 □ ₩3,500,000 to less than ₩4,000,000 □ More than ₩4,000,000 □ 244 These are general information questions. Read each question on the list and check the box that best describes who you are. 9. What is your marital Married □ Separated □ Remarried □ Widowed □ Divorced □ Catholic □ Buddhist □ Christian □ None □ status? 10. What is your religious preference? Other: 245 Appendix B Survey questions about Internet use 246 Now I would like to ask you about your use of the Internet. There is no right or wrong answers. Please answer the questions to the best of your knowledge. 1. I have been using the Internet since the age of ________________. 2. How many computers with internet access are there in your home? (For example, 0, 1, 3…) ______________PCs ________________Laptops ______________Cell Phones ________________Others, Specify: 3. Where do you use the Internet? Home School PC Bang (Cyber café) Friend’s house Library, Community facilities Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Other places, please specify: 4. Do you have a PC, cell phone, laptop with Internet access that you alone use? Yes □ No □ 5. Where are PCs or laptops with Internet computer in your home? Parent’s room Open family area (living room) My room Study room Other place, specify: Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ 247 6. Do you go on the Internet at school, do you use it …………………. During class (when the teacher is not watching) When teacher allows for computer use After school or extra activities During lunch breaks Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Yes □ No □ Other, place explain: Please indicate how long you stay online to do following activities during weekdays and weekends respectively for the following purposes. Please circle your best answer 1=Less than 30 mns, 2=½ to 2 hrs, 1. How long do you stay online to do 3= 2 to 3 hrs, 4=More than 3 hrs a day Monday to Friday Weekends, Holidays 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 your study related work or search study related information? 2. How long do you stay online to watch online classes? 3. How long do you stay online to chat, talk and meet with friends and families? 4. How long do you stay online to visit blogs and online communities 5. How long do you stay online to have fun and relax (such as watching movies, listening songs, playing games)? 6. How long do you stay online to do online games. 248 Please indicate how often you use the Internet on weekdays and weekends. Please circle your best answer. 1=None, 2= 1~2 times a day, 3= 3~4 times a day, 1. How often do you go online to search 4=More than 4 times a day. Monday to Friday Weekends, Holidays 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 for information to do homework and/or school assignment? 2. How often do you go online to post study questions? 3. How often do you go online to watch educational online classes/ programs? 4. How often do you go online to exchange study related e-mails with teachers and friends? 5. How often do you go online to exchange personal e-mails with friends? 6. How often do you go online to chat with your friends? 7. How often do you go online to post pictures and to write stories on social networks (e.g., Facebook)? 8. How often do you go online to make new friends or meet new people? 9. How often do you go online to download movies, tv series, songs, and music videos? 11. How often do you go online to play online games? 12. How often do you go online to buying things at internet shopping malls? 13. How often do you go online to visit sports, movies, and celebrities’ websites? 249 Appendix C Survey questions about parent-adolescent relationships 250 Below is a list of questions about relationships between you and your MOTHER and FATHER. Please indicate how much you can agree to following statements regarding relationships with your mother. Please circle 1, if the following statements are not true and circle 4 if it is true. MOTHER FATHER 1. I feel close to my parent. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 2. My parent is attentive to my problems. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 3. My parent knows what I am really like. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 4. I am confident that my parent would help me if I 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 had a problem 5. My parent often expresses affection or liking me. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 6. My parent and I do things together that I enjoy. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 7. Talk about how things are going with my friends. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 8. Talk about how things are going in school. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 9. Talk about problems and/or concerns I have (in 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 school, community, etc.). 10. Talk about my activities and things for upcoming days. 11. Talk about my plans for the future. In the last few weeks, how often did the following things happen between you and your MOTHER and FATHER? Please circle your best answers. 1=Definitely false, 2=Probably false, 3= Probably true, 4=Definitely true MOTHER FATHER 1. My parent often criticizes me. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 2. Before I finish saying something, my parent often 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 interrupts me. 3. My parent often irritates me. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 4. Often there are misunderstandings between my 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 parent and myself. 5. I treat others with more respect than I teat my parent. 6. My parent often hurts my feelings. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 7. My parent does not trust me to make my decisions. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 8. My parent and I often get into arguments. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 9. I often seem to anger or annoy my parent. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 10. My parent often loses her/his temper with me. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 251 Please indicate whether you and your parent discussed following issues over the last two weeks. If discussed, how heated were you and your parent? Please circle your best answer. O=Discussed, X=Not discussed 1=Very calm, 2=Calm, 3= Angry, MOTHER 4=Very angry FATHER 8. Money matters O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 9. How you dress O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 10. Your friends O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 11. Behaviors in school O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 12. Doing homework O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 13. Relationships with family O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 members 14. Your grades O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 15. Playing video/ Internet games O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 16. Drinking, or smoking O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 17. Who you date O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 18. Helping out at home O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 19. Cursing O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 20. Internet use O X 1 2 3 4 O X 1 2 3 4 252 Appendix D Survey questions about parental expectations 253 Below is a list of statement about cultural norms and values. Please use the scale below to indicate the extent to which you agree with the value expressed in each statement. 0 = Strongly Disagree 1 = Disagree 2 = Agree 3 = Strongly Agree 1. One should not deviate from familial and social norms. 0 1 2 3 2. Children should not place their parents in retirement homes. 0 1 2 3 3. One need not focus all energies on one’s studies. 0 1 2 3 4. One 0 1 2 3 should be discouraged from talking about one’s accomplishments. 5. Younger persons should be able to confront their elders. 0 1 2 3 6. When one receives a gift, one should reciprocate with a gift of 0 1 2 3 0 1 2 3 equal or greater value. 7. One need not achieve academically in order to make one’s parents proud. 8. One need not minimize or depreciate one’s own achievement. 0 1 2 3 9. One should consider the needs of others before considering 0 1 2 3 one’s own needs. 10. Educational achievements need not be one’s top priority. 0 1 2 3 11. One should think about one’s group before oneself. 0 1 2 3 12. One should be able to question a person in an authority position. 0 1 2 3 13. Modesty is an important quality for a person. 0 1 2 3 14. One’s 0 1 2 3 achievements should be viewed as family’s achievements. 15. One should avoid bringing displeasure to one’s ancestors 0 1 2 3 16. One should have sufficient inner resources to resolve emotional 0 1 2 3 0 1 2 3 problems. 17. The worst thing one can do is bring disgrace to one’s family reputation. 18. One need not remain reserved and tranquil. 0 1 2 3 19. One should be humble and modest. 0 1 2 3 20. Family’s reputation is not the primary social concern. 0 1 2 3 21. One need not be able to resolve psychological on one’s own. 0 1 2 3 22. Educational failure does not bring shame to the family. 0 1 2 3 23. One need not follow the role expectations (gender, family 0 1 2 3 hierarchy) of one’s family 24. One should not make waves. 0 1 2 3 25. One need not control one’s expression of emotions. 0 1 2 3 254 Vita EDUCATION Ph.D., Child and Family Studies, Syracuse University, December 2011 M.A., Creative Art Therapy, Drexel University, 2003 Master’s Thesis Title: The Draw-An-Animal Projective Art Therapy Assessment Tool as an Expression of Self-Concept in Normal Latency Aged Children – A pilot study, advised by Nancy Gerber, Ph.D. B.A., Special Education, Ewha Womans University, R.O.Korea, 2000 B.F.A., Fine Art-Sculpture, Seoul National University, R.O.Korea, 1992. WORK EXPERIENCE - Assistant Lecturer, Early Childhood Education, The College of Education, Idaho State University, 2010-2011 - Teaching Assistant, Child and Family Studies, The College of Human Ecology, Syracuse University, 2005-2010 - Educational Specialist, CNY Korean School, Syracuse, NY, 2008-2010 - Medical Art Therapist, Samaritan Sunlin Hospital Handong University, R.O.Korea, 2004-2005 Behavioral Specialist Consultant/ Therapist, Holcomb Behavioral Health Center, Allentown, PA, 2003-04 Consultant & Educational Specialist, Northern Home for Children and Family Services, Philadelphia, PA, 2002 PUBLICATION Kim, S., & Smith, C. J. (2009). Analysis of intercountry adoption policy and regulations: The case of Korea. Children and Youth Service Review, doi:10,1016/j.childyouth.2009.04.006