3400 Kg / Klasse 1 - PowerPull Tiufkær
Transcription
3400 Kg / Klasse 1 - PowerPull Tiufkær
A Viking Period metalworking hoard from Alvena in Mästerby parish, Gotland Gustafsson, Ny Björn Fornvännen 2011(106):3, s. 242-245 : ill. http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/2011_242 Ingår i: samla.raa.se 242 Korta meddelanden studies of prehistoric agriculture in northern Ångermanland. Early Norrland 1. Stockholm IntCal 09 C-14 calibration curve. OxCal online version 4.1. Bronk Ramsey, C. (2009). Bayesian analysis of radiocarbon dates. Radiocarbon, 51:1. Runeson, H., 2007. Den goda ordningen. Gustafsson P. & Spång L.G. (eds). Stenålderns stationer. Arkeologi i Botniabanans spår. Riksantikvarieämbetet. Stockholm. Schierbeck, A.,1994. Hedningahällan – en undersökning för att skydda och vårda. UV Stockholm, Rapport 1994:31. Stockholm. Segerström, U.,1990. The natural Holocene vegetation development and the introduction of agriculture in northern Norrland, Sweden. Dept of Ecological Botany, University of Umeå. Sundström, S., 2002. Arkeologisk undersökning av boplats, Potatislandet 13 och 14, Umeå sn och kn. Västerbottens museum, Umeå. Wallin, J-E., 1996. Ekonomi och bebyggelsemönster vid Övre Norrlands kustland under bronsålder och förromersk järnålder. Resultat av pollenanalyser. Arkeologi i norr 6/7. Umeå. Welinder, S., 1998. Del 1, Neoliticum–bronsålder 3900–500 f.Kr. Welinder S. et al. (eds). Det svenska jordbrukets historia, jordbrukets första femtusen år. Borås. Viklund, K., 1989. Förkolnade frön från anl 1-3, Raä 16, Umeå sn, Västerbotten. Institutionen för arkeologi, Umeå universitet. – 2002. Makrofossilanalys av jordprover från Potatislandet 14, Umedalen, Umeå kn, Västerbottens län. Miljöarkeologiska Laboratoriets rapportserie 2002 –019. Umeå universitet. Karin Viklund Miljöarkeologiska laboratoriet Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier Umeå universitet SE–901 87 Umeå [email protected] A Viking Period Metalworking Hoard from Alvena in Mästerby parish, Gotland In October 2010 archaeologist Jonas Paulsson made a remarkable discovery during a metal detector survey which formed part of Gotland County Council’s project “Ett plundrat kulturarv” (“A looted cultural heritage”). On land belonging to the farm Eskelhem Alvena 1:21 in Mästerby parish he recovered what is most likely a ploughed-out hoard of bronze objects (fig. 1). The project’s goal is to re-survey recorded find sites with the intention to recover as much as possible of the metallic stray finds in the topsoil. Campaigns like the current one have been launched intermittently since the 1970s, when the development of metal detectors had reached a point when anyone thusly equipped could get at the often very rich finds in Gotlandic fields (cf. Jonsson & Östergren 1990). The field in Mästerby had previously seen metal-detecting by archaeologists in 1984, 2000 Fornvännen 106 (2011) and 2006. From the first visit it was evident that the field contains a settlement site. The recovered artefacts point firmly towards the Late Iron Age and Middle Ages (c. AD 400–1500). Several finds are clear indicators of advanced metalworking on the site (e.g. copper-alloy smelts, fragments of hearth lining, scrap metal and a possible master model for a pendant). Most of these were found in the northern part of the field. This part of the parish is mostly known for an all together different event – the fabled battle of Ajmunds bridge, fought between an invading Danish force and a Gotlandic muster in 1361. It was a lessknown prelude to the final end to Gotlandic resistance brought on by the Battle of Visby on 27 July 1361. The battlefield area in Mästerby has recently attracted the attention of several researchers, and in 2006 one of two teams metal-detected the Korta meddelanden 243 Fig. 1. Five sword pommels and fourteen unfinished fish-head pendants from the Alvena metalworking hoard. field discussed here in search of traces from the battle. Nothing directly relatable to that event was found. However, at one spot the detectorists found what the finds list refers to as a “Fish-head shaped brooch” (Landgren et al. 2006). The find spot was later added to the Swedish National Heritage Board’s register of ancient remains (Raä Mästerby 88). Since the so-called brooch dates from the Viking Period it met with little interest, and it was not until Paulsson’s re-survey of the area in 2010 that the site’s full potential was discovered. In the very same area, spread over a surface of some 10 m2, Paulsson found an additional 13 similar objects. It now became evi- dent that neither they, nor the 2006 find are actually brooches. They are pendants of an indigenous Gotlandic type generally referred to as fish-head shaped (Sw. fiskhuvudformiga hängen). Such pendants are known in considerable numbers from Gotland (cf. Thunmark-Nylén 1982), but the ones from Mästerby are different in an important respect: not one of them is finished. Most of the pendants are rather severely damaged, probably from ploughing, and have mainly lost their original surface. Yet it can still be observed that they all lack the suspension holes crucial to pendants. Instead, all are fitted with an iron stud piercing the middle part and a smaller Fornvännen 106 (2011) 244 Korta meddelanden Fig. 2. Repaired miscasting on one of the Alvena sword pommels. stud in the basal end. These studs fulfilled an important purpose as they fixed the cores of the casting moulds in which the pendants were cast. To cast a hollow object it is necessary to have a core around which the molten metal can solidify – a mould without a core cannot produce a hollow object in a single casting. The full procedure of the line-of-production of the pendants from Mästerby will be described in a forthcoming paper though – as the unfinished pendants were not the only objects recovered. Within the same area, Paulsson also found something previously unseen on Gotland: a collection of five cast sword pommels in a zoomorphic style. They are very similar to a master model or rather cast found by metal detector in Fole parish on Gotland in 1992 (now in the Historical Museum, Stockholm, inv. no. 34300a:67). All five pommels display the same damage as the pendants, i.e. a nearly complete loss of original surface, but judging from the small portions that still cling on, none of them were ever finished off like similar pommels from other sites. Taken together, the pendants and pommels from Alvena in Mästerby suggest a date of deposition most likely in the late 10th century judging from Lena Fornvännen 106 (2011) Thunmark-Nylén’s WKG chronology (2006). Three such pommels are currently known from other sites: from Gråsand in Ginding, Denmark (Horn-Fuglesang 1980, s. 157), Pacuiul lui Soare on the Bulgarian border with Romania (Popa 1984) and the Taman peninsula of Russia (by kind information from Sergei Kainov, Moscow). All these are partly gilded and fitted with ornate silver casings. Two of the pommels from Mästerby (finds no. 207–208) do however show signs of some further working. They had apparently been somewhat miscast and had several unintended holes. The caster tried to mend these by adding fitted pieces of a sixth pommel which had been cut up. These patches were soldered to the pommels by means of a copper-alloy based solder (fig. 2). By the time of their recovery, one of them (no. 208) had lost its mending patch, leaving a ring of solder around the edges of the hole. Analysis by means of SEM-EDS showed that the two pommels were cast in an alloy consisting of roughly 92% copper, 7% zinc, 1.5% tin and small amounts of lead (0.5 atomic %). The solder was found to consist of an alloy of approximately 70% copper, 20% tin, 4% zinc and 0.5% lead. The five pommels measure between 66 and 67 mm at their longest point, 30.8 and 33.3 mm at their highest and 23.1 and 25 mm at their widest. In the spring of 2011 the area was re-surveyed yet again and two more unfinished pendants were recovered, thus making the total number 16 so far. All in all it is hard to overestimate the value of the Mästerby find – not only does it consist of 16 pendants and five pommels, but due to the fact that they are all unfinished, they offer hitherto unseen clues as to the methods of Gotlandic bronze casters in the Viking Period. The whole find is currently undergoing in-depth analysis at the Archaeological Research Laboratory at the University of Stockholm and will be exhaustively published in a forthcoming paper. References Horn Fuglesang, S., 1980. Some Aspects of the Ringerike Style. Odense. Jonsson, K. & Östergren, M. 1990. The Gotland Hoard Project and the Stumle hoard : an insight into the affairs of a Gotlandic “farman”. Jonsson, K. & Korta meddelanden 245 Malmer, B. (ed.). Sigtuna Symposium on Viking-Age Coinage, proceedings of the Sigtuna Symposium on Viking-Age Coinage 1–4 June 1989. Stockholm. Landgren, J. Pettersson, M. & Ström, J., 2006. Arkeologisk undersökningsrapport över forskningsprojekt Fjälemyr 1361, Mästerby sn, Gotland. Archive report in the ATA archives, Stockholm. Popa, R., 1984. Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Prachtschwertes von Pacuiul lui Soare. Germania 62. Mainz. Thunmark-Nylén, L. 1982. Återanvändning av vikingatida metallsmycken – primärt och sekundärt bruk – av fiskhuvudformiga hängen och några andra föremålsgrupper. Gotländskt arkiv 54. Visby 2006. Die Wikingerzeit Gotlands III. KVHAA. Stockholm. Ny Björn Gustafsson Arkeologiska forskningslaboratoriet Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens kultur Stockholms universitet SE–106 91 Stockholm [email protected] Nationalsocialisten Herbert Jankuhn I Fornvännen 105 (2010) har Henrik Thrane en debatartikel, »Germansk oldtidskundskab som leksikon», om baggrunden for og tilblivelsen af 2. udgaven af Hoops Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde, der udkom i perioden 1973– 2007. Mine bemærkninger her vedrører ikke forfatterens gennemgang af leksikonets baggrund, indhold samt vurdering af værkets anvendelighed i dag. Her er Thrane – ikke mindst i kraft af hans årelange medlemskab af leksikonets fagredaktionsgruppe – naturligvis på hjemmebane. Artiklens afsluttende afsnit om leksikonets hovedmand, den tyske arkæolog Herbert Jankuhn (1905– 1990), fortjener dog et par ord med på vejen. Nærmere bestemt drejer det sig om Thranes vurdering af Jankuhns virke i nationalsocialismens tjeneste. Thrane opfatter sig selv som en elev af Jankuhn, og det smitter efter min mening lidt for meget af på hans bedømmelse af forbilledets laden og gøren under Hitlerregimet, navnlig når talen falder på Jankuhns karriere i SS. Den var, skal vi tro Thrane (s. 119), et udslag af opportunisme på arkæologiens, men næppe egne vegne. Argumentet er overtaget fra en anden Jankuhnelev, Heiko Steuer, som Thrane også refererer til i sin artikel. Steuers vurdering af sin Doktorvaters karriere under Hitlerstyret (se f.eks. Steuer 2001; 2004) har i Tyskland mødt kritik (se f.eks. Eickhoff & Halle 2007). En kritik, jeg også finder berettiget. Det er efter min mening ikke holdbart udelukkende at se Jankuhns karriere i SS som et udtryk for opportunisme på arkæologiens vegne. Jankuhn var nationalsocialist af overbevisning, og hans tilknytning til den nazistiske bevægelse rakte videre end blot medlemskabet af SS (fig. 1). Som blandt andre Wolfgang Pape (2001, s. 68 f) har dokumenteret, var Jankuhn fra 1933 tilknyttet SA og fra juni 1934 medlem NSDDozentenbund, inden han i maj 1937 blev medlem af NSDAP. Den sene indmeldelse i NSDAP kan skyldes, at partiet fra 1. maj 1933 til 1. maj 1937 havde lukket for tilgangen af nye medlemmer. Jankuhn søgte 1936 om optagelse i SS og blev fundet egnet dertil. Året efter blev han overflyttet fra SA til SS, hvor han gjorde hastig karriere og 1944 opnåede rang af oberstløjtnant i Allgemeine SS og major i Waffen-SS. At Jankuhn havnede i SS var naturligvis ingen tilfældighed. SS-rigsføreren Heinrich Himmler (1900–1945), som Jankuhn fra 1934 stod i forbindelse med, havde blik for Jankuhns talent og ikke mindst hans lederpotentiale. Som den overbeviste nationalsocialist han var, følte Jankuhn sig hurtigt til rette i den elitære SS-organisation. Her blev hans primære arbejdsFornvännen 106 (2011)