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CJ >< Gypsy Life Sir Alfred Munnings Gypsy Sites Branch Department September af the Enviranment 19S4 B~SEMENl PAMPHLET BOX Departments of the Environment and Transport LIBRARY SERVICES Room C3/02. 2 Marsham Street, London, SW1P 3EB Tel. 01 - 212 4848 Author: )) Ot;. S·,~ Gr~f>'j » "~~io.., I Title: Book No: LIB 37 CONTENTS A. INTRODUCTION: B. A GYPSY IDENTITY C. THE REAL GYPSY - MYTH OR REALITY D. OFFICIAL DEFINITIONS E. THE OPTIONS F. CONCLUSIONS 1111111111111 54022001171593 The purpose of the Study 312714 A. INTRODUCTION: THE PURPOSE OF THE STUDY 'There is a fundamental feeling here, and I wonder if it is not so much the genuine gypsy, the Romany folk, who are under criticism, but the people who go under the banner of gypsies and who are not really gypsies.' (Lord Mottistone. House of Lords: February 1979) 'The true gypsy is a wonderful person'. Lord Brooke of Cumnor 1. These two quotations sum up a widespread attitude that only a small proportion of the so called gypsy community living and travelling around in caravans today are 'real' gypsies. There seems to be general acceptance that 'real' gypsies should be able to continue their particular way of life but that there are others who fall within the statutory definition but are never the less thought not to be 'real' gypsies and they should therefore not be given any special consideration. 2. This paper ~ooks at the question from the historical and practical points of view and ~xamines whether there are different identifiable groups within the statutory definition which are readily distinguishable. 3. The Caravan Sites Act 1968 defines 'gypsies' quite widely to mean persons of nomadic habit of life, whatever their race or origin. Paradoxically, as a result of that Act a substantial number of gypsy families have settled down on caravan sites and no longer travel. Thus the nomadic definition in the legislation may no longer apply to them and appears no longer to be appropriate. Recommendations are made concerning the suitability of the present defintiion of a gypsy in the legislation. 4. The facts in this paper have been obtained from the literature on the subject (a Bibliography is at Appendix I) and from useful conversations with those who are knowledgeable about gypsies. Gypsies are not the best source from whom to get information about themselves as they often say what they think or hope the questioner wants to hear. The extent of illiteracy among 1 them results in a virtual from being a homogeneous 5. The literature espousers absence of written records. group and are often divided on the subject sometimes appears They are also far amongst themselves. to have been written of gypsy life with less regard to the careful compilation verifiable facts than to advocating and charms of the people (often quite passionately) they are writing or so there have been some important objective about. However, race on earth'. of the delights in the last decade studies which have attempted look at what a people, who even today, remain by an 'the most mysterious (Brian Vesey-Fitzgerald). B. A GYPSY IDENTITY 6. This section looks at two matters which should be helpful the question whether a gypsy identity exists: the origins in considering of gypsies and their way of life. (i) 7. Their Origins The most popular nineteenth century, about a thousand remaining theory about gypsy origins which was developed is that they migrated from an area in North West India years ago, but there appears in India today from whom gypsies that they came from a miscellany Iran and the Middle East. to be no single group or tribe could claim descent. of tribes and grouped together The map produced by McDowell the routes of their mainly westward gives estimates* It is said later in Nobody seems to know why they left, why they took the routes they did or why indeed they became the world's nomads. in the of the distribution at Appendix migration most famous 11 is an attempt to show and the table at Appendix of gypsies in Europoe III at the preset time. *Gypsies: Thomas Acton source 2 By the fourteenth century gypsies had penetrated into Eastern Europe and by the fifteenth century had arrived in North-West Europe. It is said that it was in Germany that the name "gypsy" originated: A group of them is said to have arrived at a German princeling's court in 1417, claiming to have escaped from Muslim persecution in the Middle East or, as the Germans called it "Little Egypt" and by gradual corruption of "Egypt" the word "gypsy" arose. 8. The first record of gypsies in England is in 1514 (some 500 years after they are said to have left India). Almost from the first they became hunted as outlaws who defied authority and generally terrified the local population. Henry VIII decreed by Royal Act that any further immigration of these "outlandysshe People callynge themselves Egyptians" should be banned and he ordered those already in the country to leave, since they 'had committed many and haynous Felonyes'. 9. The same story of banishment and open persecution was prevalent over most of Europe at that time and it is remarkable that they survived at all. The old Gypsy Acts with their harsh penalties lasted for over 200 years in England until repealed under George III in 1783. 10. In the nineteenth century, greatly influenced by the ideas of the French Revolution and the great Romantic Movement in the Arts, there was a tremendous interest in gypsies from a wide variety of people eg writers such as George Borrow and composers such as Liszt and Brahms. From being known as outlaws, felons and child-snatchers, they almost overnight became mysterious harbingers of romance and legend, endowed with almost supernatural powers. It is from this time that the theory of their origins in India seems to have originated and this, of course, fitted in well with their new image. 3 11. The main reason for believing language. The gypsy language it spoken by gypsies linguists language. is known as Romany and the different throughout and scholars that there is an Indian connection Other racial similarities languages, Irish and Scottish gypsies explanations or Indian language. very little So, for their origins, life of Europe during In the fourteenth century, feudal ties and take up a nomadic and the as their relationship other In the fifteenth villeins existence, and sixteenth in a structured society is connected with the Middle Ages and later and serfs would escape centuries with the slow break up from their old style of life and had to seek ways of existing. Most hired their as wage labour but it may well be that some could have become ancestors of those whom we know as gypsies today. Descriptions the Middle Ages are filled with a great diversity jugglers, tumblers, singers. Le Roy Ladurie shepherds, tight rope walkers, unemployed and misfits' The recent move amongst very ordinary in 'Montaillou' their living as best they could on of the feudal system, many more became detached services are concerned, theory about the origin of gypsies changes in the economic their wits. to identify Indian have to be found. 12. A less popular centuries. by with an original are more difficult 'Shelta' and 'Gammon', have apparently with any Romany forms of Europe have been studied extensively who see a direct relationship theory falls down where is of fairs in of life - fortune tooth-pullers. the travelling tellers, musicians. talks of 'the flood of migrants. which ebbed and flowed across France. some historians to discover what life was like at a level might reveal yet more about gypsy origins in the Middle Ages. 13. More recently dispossessed resulted gypsies after the Enclosure in wholesale too far to believe of the modern could have resulted Acts. dispossession Certainly the Highland and it would not stretch that some of these landless Scottish from among those who were peasants clearances the imagination became the ancestors Gypsy. 4 14. In Ireland a Commission on Itinerancy set up in 1960 said in its Report that 'few of the itinerants in Ireland are of Romany or Gypsy origin' and suggested that perhaps they might be descendants of the remnants of Irish tribes dispossessed in the various plantations of the English in Ireland; or the descendants of the journeying craftsmen and metal workers who travelled the country centuries ago; or again the descendants of those driven to a wandering way of life by the famines of the last century. The Commission's Report concluded that it was likely that a combination of all these factors to a greater or lesser degree, was responsible for the greater number of those now on the road. 15. These various theories all contain an element of conjecture and none would seem to point very clearly to any definable racial identity. The life style of the gypsies today may give more of a clue to their real identity. (ii) The Gypsy Way of Life: 16. There are three main sources of information about the gypsy way of life. 17. The first and perhaps the most important source which had the greatest influence on people's minds was started by George Borrow in such writings as Lavengro and Romano Lavo-lil. This approach was followed through the nineteenth century by Hoyland, Leland and Francis Hinds Groome and others (see Bibliography at Appendix I). In this century this tradition has been carried by WaIter Starkie, Brian Vesey~Fitzgerald, Dominic Reeve, G E C Webb, and Charles Duff who were for the most part idiosyncratic country gentlemen who had a special regard for particular gypsies. Much of their writing is very interesting and they had obviously spent a great deal of time observing and sometimes living with gypsies. But as with earlier 5 nineteenth century writings subjective, on the subject, giving a particularly romantic 18. The second source has derived anthropologists. from the sociologists vivid reading knowledge (see Bibliography). but they have considerably Report of recent book These do not make for increased our derives from the passing of the Caravan Sites Act in 1968 which has led to increased variety of local authority architects invaluable in the MHLG's of gypsy matters. 19. The third source of information planners, and up by such studies as Judith Oakley's and David Sibley's wider analysis objective tinge to the gypsy way of life. This approach was much in evidence 1967 and has been followed particularly theirs tended to be highly officers and health fund of practical 20. These three sources contact between gypsies such as caravan site wardens, officers. knowledge These officials about gypsies identifiable teachers, have built up an and their way of life. confirm that there is a particular known as gypsies who are readily and a group of people from other caravan dwellers and others who live nomadically. 21. A most important characteristic of gypsies, from other groups who may superficially to a gypsy way of life. of life. Children the particular them different them, is that they are born From birth a gypsy child is inculcated work side by side with their parents trade the parents are following. early to be wary of the housedwelling separateness resemble which makes community. in that way and early on learn Gypsy children are taught They are made aware of the of their lives and this is often reinforced by cleanliness rituals and beliefs. 6 22. To gypsies travelling is an ideal way of life which is inherited rather than accquired. Gypsies are always self-employed and despise wage earning. They also appear to be very skilful at seeking new employment opportunities; for example with the drying up of agricultural and rural occupations, they quickly turned to the more lucrative fields of scrap dealing, tarmacadaming and carpet dealing. 23. It seems that most gypsies live in single family units; they marry early with a minimum of courtship, and although they may associate loosely with others,each family will usually budget separately. They do not associate easily in large groups and feuds and rows between them are not uncommon. Their individualism sometimes makes it difficult to see them as a homogeneous group of people with common characteristics. 24. The characteristic way of life of gypsies is not easily reproduced by those who have not had direct experience of it and not born into it. It is hardly surprising in the circumstances that gypsies are recognisable as such by those who are familiar with them and deal with them directly over a period of time. Hippies, dropouts and other housedwellers who take to the road are easily distinguished from gypsies by local authority officials and others who have experience of dealing with gypsies. 25. However, there is a popular notion that within the group of people called gypsies there are some that are more real than others. The next section examines this idea and discusses whether it may have any credence. C. THE REAL GYPSY - MYTH OR REALITY 'Their features are dark, their locks long, black and shining and their eyes are wild; they are admirable horsemen, but they do not sit in the 7 saddle in the manner of common jockeys, it, like gulls upon the waves; they seem to float or hover upon two of them mere striplings, third is a very tall man with a countenance heroically but the beautiful, but wild, wild, wild'. 26. That was how George Borrow described and D H Lawrence writing some gypsies in his short story 'The Virgin eighty years later is no less romantic when he says a gypsy, one of the black, loose-bodied, in 'Lavengro' handsome in 1851 and the Gypsy' 'the man in the cart was sort ••• and his pose was loose, his gaze insolent in its indifference. He had a thin black moustache under his thin, straight nose, and a big silk handkerchief of red and yellow tied round his neck'. 27. Paintings frontispiece) believed too (as the one by Sir Alfred Munnings show an enviable free and handsome shows on the idealised life style to be led by gypsies. 28. It was writers true gypsies such as Borrow who first implanted leading has been maintained a blameless, carefree by Vesey-Fitzgerald, the idea of a breed of life. In this century, Webb and Charles the idea Duff amongst others who wrote warm, vivid cameos of gypsy life drawn from their personal experiences with particular in his Supplementary Gypsies' says to his translation (1963) gives an uncompromising 'are, collectively, Britain'. that Notes groups of families. Charles of Jean-Paul run-down of as Gypsies 'grossly inaccurate' 'about 10,000 only are true Roms'. The rest according 10,000 Posh rats (half-bloods): 10,000 Didikois blood) and 20,000 with no gypsy blood at all. methods he used to either distinguish rats, didikois and travellers', Clebert's in and maintains to him comprise (mixed, less than half There is no mention the groups or to count them. says Duff, 'The on the 50,000 people who he spoken and often written He calls this generalisation Duff in particular 'often make nuisances of the 'Posh of 8 themselves to farmers and townfolk: unlike Roms, they have no real traditions of their own'. 'The true Roms' he says 'are different in innumerable ways.' It is argued that British Roms follow, in usually less intense forms, traditions observed by gypsies on the continent. Duff says they are 'on the whole peaceable people who seldom make nuisances of themselves and almost invariably follow law abiding occupations of their own choice'. Norman Dodds too said that only a fifth of so-called gypsies were true Romanies. And on his first visit to a large camp in his constituency on Belvedere Marshes he was told by the main gypsy there that only a quarter on the site were real gypsies, the rest were interlopers whose misdeeds rubbed off on the 'real"gypsy. 29. Thomas Acton in 'Gypsy Politics and Social Change (1974) actually identifies no less than 18 different types. However, he gives little information on numbers in each group, or how they can be objectively identified. 30. Duff and Acton would appear to have categorised gypsies by defining them in terms of degrees of blood purity. An associated idea has been that any dilution of the so-called 'pure' Romany blood is thought to cause gypsy behaviour to become erratic aridtheir way of life to show signs of distintegration. However, this attitude is sometimes used by gypsies themselves when they denigrate others by denying them gypsy status while claiming that status for themselves. It was common in the fifties for gypsies wishing to dissociate themselves from others who were being a nuisance by saying 'Ah they're didikois~ not like us real Romanies.' Nowadays this is rarely heard: it is more likely to be 'Ah they're Irish' or even 'they're housedwellers'. Gypsies, like other groups will unite against those of their group whose activities they disapprove of or can be seen to be giving them a bad name. Without written records, it is quite impossible to trace a person's ancestry and without written proof 'membership' of a certain group within the gypsy family is not sustainable. 9 31. The MHLG survey of 1965, recognised four main groups in the gypsy community, but for obvious reasons did not distinguish between them. As the Report says 'From the Ministry's viewpoint these distinctions were of little practical importance. Information was needed about the entire traveller population in caravans, huts and tents, who in large measure follow a common way of life making the same demands on land, and meeting the same obstacles in their search for sites.' 32. The legislation on gypsies does not define gypsies in ethnic or racial terms. The next section looks at the various official definitions which are currently in use. D. OFFICIAL DEFINITIONS 33. Official definitions of gypsies, either in legislation or in Government Reports, have shown a degree of generalisation which has sometimes given rise to unease that the definition is too widely drawn. This has been particularly so in the case of the definition of gypsy contained in the Caravan Site Act 1968 where gypsies are defined as 'persons of nomadic habit of life, whatever their race or origin, but does not include members of an organised group of travelling showmen, or of persons engaged in travelling circuses, travelling together as such'. 34. It is now almost 25 years since the word 'gypsy' first appeared in recent times in an Act of Parliament. Section 127 of the Highways Act 1959 states that 'if without lawful authority or excuse ••• a hawker or other itinerant trader or gypsy ••• encamps on a highway, he shall be guilty of an offence'. In March 1967 in Mills v Cooper the argument concerned who should be included within the term gypsy. The definition in the Shorter Oxford Dictionary was quoted. The sixth edition (1976) of the Concise Oxford Dictionary defines a gypsy as 'a member of a wandering race (called by themselves Romany) of Hindu origin with dark skin and hair living especially 10 by basket making, horse-dealing, fortune telling etc and speaking a language related to Hindi'. But it was held by the three judges in the above case that the word 'gypsy' in the context of Section 127 of the Highways Act 1959, were not restricted to members of the Romany race, but meant persons leading a nomadic existence without fixed abode. Lord Chief Justice Parker said 'that a man is of the Romany race ••• something which is really too vague of ascertainment, and impossible to prove'. Lord Justice Diplock agreed with this. He posed the question 'How pure blooded a Romany must one be to fall into this definition?' He supposed that Section 127 should be strictly construed as requiring pure Romany descent. But as he said 'members of this race first appeared in England not later than the beginning of the sixteenth century, and have not in the intervening centuries been notorious for the abundance of their written records, it would be impossible to prove Romany origin even as far back as the sixteenth century, let alone through the earlier centuries of their peripatetic history from India to the shores of this island'. He concurred with Chief Justice Parker that a gypsy should be defined as 'a person without fixed abode who leads a nomadic life, dwelling in tents or other shelter, or in caravans or other vehicles'. He also thought it unlikely that Parliament in passing the Highways Act 1959 , had it in mind to 'discriminate against persons, by reason of their racial origin alone'. 35. In 1967 the Government published 'Gypsies and Other Travellers' which was a report of a study carried out in 1965-66 by the then Ministry of Housing and Local Government referred to above in paragraph 31. This was a comprehensive document which set out for the first time a careful and detailed analysis of the problems that gypsies have,and the problems they cause. It put forward solutions for dealing with these problems particularly that of site provision. 36. The Report discussed quite fully the distinction drawn between "true Romanies" or "real" gypsies and the rest and the fact that sympathy is often 11 expressed for the former and not for the latter. It notes that the most widespread attitude objections to the real Romanies, true gypsies is typified olive-skinned resourceful, of real Romanies, and that, they have in mind the gypsy family living in a gaily painted horse-drawn proud and contact with the housedwe11er. The Report called gypsies. transport, of scrap-dealing modern caravans Indian sub-continent disruption and have migrated by the Report. the nomadic gradually However, occupations in the effects gypsy way of life), poshrats, importance: way of life, making half-Romany, of enclosures, the Irish house shortage. ancestry Romanies, but who have adopted ha1f-mumper and didicoi, huts and tents, who in large measure on land and meeting the and says are of little was needed about the entire the same demands the (Drop-outs The Report distinguishes point of view, these distinctions information in caravans, seems to have casual labour force of the 19th century, were not mentioned.) that "From the Ministry's across Europe it also says that there are some (groups with no claims to Romany population have now turned some time ago in the North of the of two world wars and the resultant and the unemployed practical of and the more profitable originated gypsies who have their origins potato famine, of gypsies that such and roadwork. The theory that gypsies been accepted The great majority from a accepted do exist but that they are now a very small proportion to motorised numpers from living this sort of life in spend their time on rural crafts and draw their water those commonly 37. but these people are not away deep in the woods, where the family, stream, without families "I have no said that this attitude was misconceived when people speak favourably caravan hidden comment: the true gypsies, and they must be prevented this area". The Report handsome by the following traveller follow a common the same obstacles in their search for sites". 38. The information in this Report Sites Act 1968. This legislation formed the background carried to the Caravan forward the High Courts view that 12 gypsies are a class of people rather than an ethnic group it also underlined the conclusions of the Ministry's own Report that distinctions between different types of gypsies are of little practical importance. Consequently gypsies are defined in Part 11 of the Act as 'persons of nomadic habit of life, whatever their race or origin'. 39. Sir John Cripps was asked to investigate the workings of the 1968 Act by the then Secretary of State for the Environment, and his report was published in December 1976. He was concerned about the statutory definition of a gypsy and had invited suggestions for an improved definition from many of the people that he questoned. But, as he said, nowhere was this challenge taken up. It appeared to him that no one was inconvenienced in practice by lack of precision in the statutory definition and he reached the conclusion that there was no need for any change in the definition. In para 1.9 of his Report Cripps said he assumed that the aim of the promoters of the 1968 Act was to secure the provision of sites for families, at least one member of whom was brought up in the gypsy way of life. He says he uses the term "gypsy" to include Romanies, didikois, mumpers, tinkers and any such persons of nomadic habits who travel about the country in caravans or tents. 40. A particularly interesting point noted by Cripps was that most of the officers employed by local authorities concerned with gypsies had not been inconvenienced in practice by a lack of precise definition. 41. In 1981 the Commission for Racial Equality published a Report ~ ~ in respect of Four Formal Investigations made by them into alleged discrimination against a gypsy family in Brymbo (N Wales). The case concerned the housing of a gypsy by the local council and the alleged pressure by local residents not to do so on account of the fact that he was a gypsy. The Commission also investigated alleged pressure against the setting up of a gypsy site in South Wales and are apparently now looking at 13 a case of a landlord who has a sign outside his public house saying 'No van dwellers will be served'. 42. In respect of the first case concerning the rehousing of a gypsy family (September 1981) they say 'We take the view that gypsies in the UK ••• constitute an ethnic minority group and as such are protected against discrimination under the Race Relations Act 1976'. (Para 1.2). However, whether gypsies are a 'racial group' defined by references to 'ethnic origins' within the meaning of the Race Relations Act 1976 has not been tested in the Courts. 43. In a recent case in the House of Lords (Mandla and Another v Lee and Others March 24 1983), the question of what characterised a racial group was gone into in some detail. Their lordships said 'that for a group to constitute an ethnic group in the sense of the 1976 Act, it had to regard itself, and be regarded by others as a distinct community by virtue ofcertain characteristics. Some of those characteristics were essential; others were not essential, but one or more of them would commonly be found and would help to distinguish the group from the surrounding community'. 44. The essential conditions were defined as (1) a long shared history, of which the group was conscious as distinguishing it from other groups, and the memory of which it keeps alive and (2) a cultural tradition of its own, including family and social customs and manners, often but not necessarily associated with religious observance. 45. Their lordships also mentioned five more characteristics which could be relevant viz (3) either a common geographical origin or descent from a small number of common ancestors (4) a common language, not necessarily peculiar to the group (5) a common religion different from that of neighbouring 14 groups or from the general community surrounding it (6) a common literature peculiar to the group (7) being a minority or being an oppressed or a dominant group within a larger community. 46. Some of these characteristics might well apply to the whole range of gypsies from the so-called Romany through to Irish tinker although they might be found less applicable to dropouts and hippies. 47. Legislation and government reports have adopted a wide definition for the term gypsy and this does not seem to have inconvenienced those dealing with gypsies on a day-to-day basis. People of nomadic habit, other than gypsies identified as such by local authority officials have, so far as is known, made little or no attempt to get themselves accommodated on gypsy sites. Conversely, however, in some instances, gypsy families who have settled down on sites and could be seen as no longer 'nomadic' and therefore paradoxically, not subject to the legislation. Examples of this sometimes occur in Planning Inspectors decisions concerning private sites for gypsies. Cases under the Race Relations Act 1976 and the recent House of Lords ruling on characteristics for identifying an ethnic group could be relevant to any future definition of a gypsy in the future. E. THE OPTIONS 48. This study seems to indicate three possible options: The first is to leave the definition as it stands at present in the legislation. The second possibility is to attempt to satisfy the popular idea that there is such a person as a 'real' gypsy and that others should be excluded and the third is to make no special provision for people called "gypsies" so letting them make their way as best they can with the rest of the population. 15 (1) Staying with the existing definition: 49. There is occasionally a feeling of unease about the current definition of gypsy contained in the legislation, relating as it does to the life style of a particular group of people. This study finds that there is, (and has been) a group of people called gypsies who lead a distinctive way of life. Both nineteenth century literature and recent studies confirm this. Moreover, those most closely in contact with gypsies nowadays (especially local authority officials) seem to have little difficulty in identifying them. The distinctive way of life has various observable characteristics such as up-bringing, self-employment, a separateness from the rest of society and a belief in travelling. These charactistics make it relatively easy for them to be distinguished from drop-outs, and others, including the unemployed who sometimes take to the road. Thus although some argue that the present definition is unsatisfactory, in practice it seems to work well and only those who are gypsies are benefiting from the provisions of the Caravan Sites Act. (ii) A "real" gypsy: Another argument against the present definition of gypsy is that it includes the whole range of gypsy life from true Romany through to the Irish tinker. Some argue that only the true Romany should benefit from the Caravan Sites Act, although what should happen to the others who live in caravans (and have done so for a ~umber of generations) appears rarely, if ever to be considered. This study finds that although the literature and current comentators on gypsy life talk about different types of gypsies there is no possible way of distinguishing them. There are no written records relating to ancestry and without these identification would have to rely on a person's claim to be a Romany. It would be virtually impossible to disprove or prove such a claim where this challenged. 16 Thus although the idea of identifying true Romanies among the gypsy population is a popular notion, it is quite impracticable. (iii) Abandoning any definition at all: This option should not be dismissed out of hand. Some people find it incongruous that a relatively tiny group of people pursuing of their own volition what seems an alien and altogether extraordinary way of life should have special legislative provisions. Were it not for the very real problems that ensue when gypsies park their caravans illegally, they would probably have been left to make out as best they could as other minorities do. Gypsies wish to live in caravans and appear genuinely distressed at the prospect of living in houses. Up to the present, successive governments have accepted this situation and indeed the Caravan Sites Act 1968 was an acknowledgement that gypsies have a particular right to be supported in pursuing their way of life. F. CONCLUSIONS: There would be considerable advantages in having a clear and indisputable definition of gypsy in the legislation. Such a course would allay suspicion that other people were taking advantage of legislative provisions which was not meant for them. This study has looked into the possibilities of this and of dra~ing a tighter definition so as to include only 'real' gypsies. The study finds that the group of people known as gypsies have a distinctive, way of life which is easily identifiable by those who work with gypsies. Gypsies are not easily confused with those who superficially may resemble them by living in caravans. There seems little point therefore in 17 changing the legislative definition for the purposes of excluding non-gypsies. However, this study found that although there was a group of gypsies called Romanies or 'real' gypsies, without written records there could be no verifiable way of proving or disproving a person's claim that they were such a gypsy. In any case even if it were possible to identify such gypsies as Romanies, there was still the question of what provisions should be made for other gypsy caravan dwellers not within the Romany category. In Eastern Europe the acccommodation problem has been tackled by housing gypsies. 18F APPENDIX I BIBLIOGRAPHY (This bibliography is listed in date order of publication and comprises the most important books written about gypsies in the last 150-odd years. The ones marked with an asterisk have been read for the purposes of this study.) HOYLAND: The Gypsy - London 1816 GEORGE BORROW: Lavengro - Murray 1851 * GEORGE BORROW: The Romany Rye - Murray 1857 C G LELAND: The English Gypsies and their Language 1873 C G LELAND: The Gypsy - 1882 G SMITH: Gypsy Life - 188G A McCORMICK: The Tinker Gypsies - 1907 J SAMPSON (edited): The Wind on the Heath - 1930 W STARKIE: Raggle-Taggle - 1933 * D H LAWRENCE: The Virgin and the Gypsy - 1930 * B VESEY-FITZGERALD: Gypsies of Br"itain - an introduction to their History - 1944 R CROFT-COOKE: The Moon in my Pocket; Life with the Romanies - 1948 DOMINIC REEVE: Smoke in the Lanes - 1958 * C DUFF: A Mysterious People - 1965 (Translated DUFF) C * J P CLEBERT: The Gypsies London 1963 * N iv1 DODDS: GYPsies, Oidikois and other Travellers 1966 * G E C WEBB: Gypsies, the Secret People - 1960 * MHLG and WO: Gypsies and other Travellers - HMSO 1967 * B McDOWELL: Gypsies, Wanderers of the World - 1970 * JEREMY SANDFORD: Gypsies - 1973 * TfIOf'lAS ACTON: Gypsy Pol itics and Soc ial Change - 1974 * ADAMS, OAKLEY, MORGAN and SMITH: Gypsies and Government Policy in England: 1975 * SIR JOHN CRIPPS: Accommodation for Gypsies: A Report on the Workings of the Caravan Sites Act 1968 HMSO 1976 * DAVID SIBLEY: Outsiders in Urban Societies - 1981 * TH0I1AS ACTON: Gypsies - 1981 ~ JUDITH OAKLEY: The Traveller Gypsies - 1983 * ., .... .. : ....... . .. : ~:: ....: 4ARAL • SEA ......., .... ~ .,' ..,.... '.: : -r ........ : ':.... :. ';?:~::·..··..·\.r·· '.:' AFGHANISTAN :... :..... ALGERIA LIBYA ~UNITED : ARAB REPUBLIC INDIA .................. '.'. ' . . : .....;.. SUDAN ..... -The westward migration of gypsies "" '. CHINA Hungary 350,000 Italy 60,000 USSR 200,000 Portugal 30,000 Bulgaria 400,000 W Germany 50,000 Czechoslovakia 300,000 Britain 80,000* Poland 60,000 Greece 50,000 Albania 60,000 Netherlands 40,000 E Germany 20,000 Ir~land 12,000 Switzerland 12,000 Eastern Europe * DOE's Cripps Source: 2,500,000 Western Europe 940,000 latest figure for England = 30,000; Report (1976) quoted Gypsies but the 50,000. by Thomas Acton 1981 L-The lower figure has been used_I.