Knowing the FIELD for water service regulation at local level: actors
Transcription
Knowing the FIELD for water service regulation at local level: actors
Knowing the FIELD for water service regulation at local level: actors, information, incentives Franco Becchis1*, Elisa Vanin1 and Daniele Russolillo1 1 Fondazione per l’Ambiente and Turin School of Local Regulation / Via Pomba 23, I-10124 Torino, ITALY *Corresponding author’s contact details: [email protected]; phone +39 011 5714750. Abstract: The design of institutional mechanisms and individual incentive schemes is a crucial task to regulate and manage municipal services, included water and sanitation services: at local level relations are so intertwined that it becomes difficult to enforce the hardest part of regulation (franchising, investments, tariffs and prices, rent control, punishment). Indeed, when designing policies and investing in public services and infrastructures, an important issue to consider is the tangled web of complex, difficult and asymmetric relationships among actors. The nature of these actors (players), their information endowment and the information flow amongst them, the incentives that drive their choices, the types of relationships established, are all features that influence the outcome of policies and projects, their success or failure. This is why a preliminary field analysis appears to be necessary before drawing any new policy or to design any new mechanism. In the first part the paper intends to present FIELD (Framework of Incentives to Empower Local Decision-makers), a multidisciplinary methodology for the analysis of local actors, incentives and information endowment that surround and lie behind the success or the failure of local services, infrastructures and projects, defining the playing field where such activities and projects are implemented. The methodology, which is under development and refinement within the network of the Turin School of Local Regulation, draws mainly on political economy, game theory, social network analysis, passing through sociology, social physics and anthropology. It aims to narrow the gap between the outcomes of academic research and strategic decisions making process local public service governance and regulation. In the second part, the paper presents the preliminary results of the application of this methodology (through an ad-hoc matrix for data collection) to some selected case studies in the field of municipal water and sanitation services. Three case studies are presented: Sofia in Bulgaria, Belgrade in Serbia and Bangalore in India. The number of Countries analyzed and their limited representativeness in terms of geographical distribution do not allow to provide a relevant comparative analysis at this stage: nevertheless the first results suggest fruitful patterns of research that can enrich the current debate on local regulation. In particular, the methodology can be a useful instrument for better decisions on water sustainability issues. Turin School of Local Regulation | www.turinschool.eu | [email protected] | Via Pomba, 23 · 10123 Torino | Tel. +39 011 571.4750 · Fax +39 011 571.4751 | An initiative of 2 1. Introduction In the field of the theory of regulation when problems of control, tuning and planning under incomplete information emerge, the focus on the institutional and market peculiarities at local level is still under preliminary scrutiny and struggles to find room in the academic and policy oriented research and education. Indeed, the academic and policy-oriented research on the national regulation of natural gas, electricity, transport and telecommunications is a well-established stream since the literature advances in the ’80s and the privatization, liberalization and regulation policies after the ’90s. At the beginning of the ’80s, several contributions linked regulatory theory with game theory and information theory, in particular Baron and Myerson [1] and Sappington [2][3]. A seminal stream of work came from Weitzman [4] and Loeb and Magat [5]. Yet research has persisted in its focus on national regulation: as a consequence, the analysis of the peculiarities of the local dimension of regulation are far more weaker and a scientific and policy-oriented approach is missing. Nonetheless, historically, the growing medium of regulation seems to have been in the municipalities. Concessions, franchising, licences and authorizations issued at local level have always been accompanied by mandatory provisions and rules on price, quantity, quality, accessibility, safety and so on. Scale economies, neighbour externalities and coordination needs are at the basis of regulatory take-over by central governments. Otherwise, municipalities have generally retained a regulatory role, which is played in ways that differ alongside institutional frameworks, level of development, and cultural features of local communities. Local regulation is concerned with sectors in which market dimension is geographically limited by physical and technical factors: the main sectors involved are household urban waste, water and wastewater services, district heating, local public transports, green areas, sport pools and other urban services. Concerning the regulation of these services, the presence of “power-endowed” regulators is actually not so frequent. Indeed, while regulation for large network services (telecommunications, natural gas, electricity), at least in OECD Countries, is generally designed and implemented at national level with national agencies and independent authorities, at local level the regulatory framework for urban services is usually patchy, weak or not existent at all: nevertheless these services produce a not negligible quota of the national GDP and give a relevant contribution to people well-being. Of course the services cited above have very different characteristics, but the conditions of information asymmetries between public administrators and incumbents are common to all of them: the theory of incentives and mechanism design, in the framework of game theory, can provide a common approach very useful when designing a regulatory framework. Moreover, the debate on the trade-offs related to centralized or decentralized regulation of local services like water and sanitation services is still open, especially – but not only – in developing countries: while a centralized form of regulation appears to be the best response to limited capacity in these countries and might help avoiding collusion between the local regulator and the incumbents against the centralized administrations, at the same time decentralization may favour differentiation of 3 policies in different regions, higher level of information endowment by local authorities and better enforcement thanks to the higher level of engagement and accountability of the local administrators [6]. Even in cases when the centralized solution is chosen, which is increasingly the case for water and wastewater services, a need of local regulation remains and it happens that centralized authorities coexist with regulatory activities at local level. An example is the Italian case, where regulation of water and wastewater services has been centralized in 2011 [7], shifting from a local and single-sector form of regulation to a national and multi-sector one (with energy); notwithstanding this regulatory overhaul the former local regulatory authorities (Autorità d’Ambito Territoriale Ottimale) still exist and exert some regulatory functions. A final consideration about the local dimension in regulation is that it shows some specific and additional factors of weakness compared to regulation implemented at national level. These factors lie in the existence of “improper costs” for the regulatory activity at local level, being these improper costs able to distort the well-known model of a regulator maximizing social welfare/benefits [8]. As an example of improper costs borne by local regulators there are the psychological, human, professional costs associated with sanctioning (removing, fining, refusing accounting outcomes, …) in a context of tight social networks and the possible loss of future income associated with hard present decisions against regulated firms and agents. The improper osmosis among professional roles – which is an enlarged version of the well-known phenomenon of “revolving doors” – simply amplifies these improper costs: at local level the osmosis of people among roles (politics, regulation, business, consultancy, bureaucracy, lobbying and so on) seems, anecdotally, more frequent in comparison with the national level, posing a threat to the incentive structure lying behind regulatory work [8]. Other factors that can weaken the local regulation are as follows: first, the quality of human capital engaged in regulatory-like tasks can be significantly lower, in terms of competences and experience, than that of national governments and regulatory agencies. This is common to many situations and especially relevant in developing Countries [6][9][10]; second, the difficulty of separating public enterprises from the damaging consequences of the political cycle is particularly challenging at local level, also for the cited osmosis phenomenon and for the length of political/administrative appointments at local level. As a consequence investment and pricing decisions can be substantially distorted. Third, the incentive structure behind public functionaries, already weakened at local level for the cited osmosis problems, seems poorly designed in comparison with more endowed central government/agencies. Consequently, when designing policies and investing in public services and infrastructures, an important issue to consider is the tangled web of complex, difficult and asymmetric relationships among actors. The nature of these actors (e.g. franchisers, government, insurance companies, banks and other financial actors, consumers, environmental lobbies), their information endowment, the incentives that drive their choices, the types of relationships established, are all features that influence the outcome of policies and projects, their success or failure. 4 2. FIELD Methodology 2.1 Rationale and scientific background FIELD (Framework of Incentives to Empower Local Decision-makers) is a multidisciplinary methodology for the analysis of local actors, incentives, information endowment and transfer, relationship and pressures among actors. Understanding this scenario can help to understand some reasons behind the success or failure of local services, infrastructures and regulation. The rationale of the instrument is that people as individuals and people in organizations behave following incentives and use information endowment in their relationship with other to pursue goals. Information endowment is a key part in the regulatory game; without reducing the complex social interaction to a simple sequence of strategic moves among robots/actors, it can be useful to design the main feature of regulatory relationship at local level detailing different typologies of actors, incentives, information, relationship to anticipate unintentional consequences, breaking points, misaligned incentives or counterintuitive outcomes, all factors that can cause policies/investments’ failures. FIELD aims to narrow the gap between the academic research and strategic decision-making process in local public service governance helping policy makers, regulators, project developers, financing institutions, and other stakeholders to better understand the playing field of local regulation. Its fallouts can be ex-ante (for "to be implemented" actions), in progress or ex-post (screening the past for better future interventions). More specifically, the methodology aims to: strengthen awareness in public and private choices increase effectiveness of local policies and projects prevent or manage conflicts amongst stakeholders set the basis for future mechanism design. The reason for looking at actors, incentives and information when studying local contexts for regulatory purposes are deeply rooted in a domain of interdisciplinary knowledge and literature, mainly from Game Theory [1,11] to Social Network Analysis [12,13], Political Economy Analysis [14] passing through sociology [15], social physics [16] and anthropology. 2.2Description of the methodology Developing the matrix The research tries to collect relevant information on the four issues, according to a pre-developed list of questions to be submitted to privileged observers, here named as “correspondents” (Annex 1 contains a snapshot of the Matrix used to collect data). Firstly, correspondents are asked to identify the most relevant players (those who have real influence) in the sector analysed, according to the categories presented in Tab.1. In particular under the category of non-financial market actors many different players can be included: publicly-owned companies, private operators, public-private partnerships, NGOs technically supporting the service management, informal actors. 5 Secondly, for each player identified correspondents are asked to spot the incentives that drive their choices, making a distinction between institutional incentives (directly linked to their mission or mentioned in their statutes or other institutional act) and shadow / improper incentives and ranking them according to their priority (see Tab.1). Third, relations between the players are identified. Both institutional relations (established by law) and informal relations are taken into account, following the seminal suggestion by Erving Goffman [15] (see Tab.1). Table 1. Categories of players, incentives, relationships, information endowment Players politicians public officials market actors (financial and non-financial, local or national or international) lobbies consumer organizations administrative tribunals consumers / final users Incentives (Institutional incentives) efficiency in provision of the service profit market share efficacy and quality equity / redistribution / accessibility legacy (Shadow incentives) electoral consensus consensus political control religious control ethnic control bureaucracy (maintaining own budget) financial public budget constraints Relationships Appointment: when a person or an institution is responsible for appointing a person to a specific role in another institution Election Lobby pressure Strong political influence: political influence strictly speaking, that is to say toward politicians or the electorate. Corruption: it is worth noticing that in some cases this relation has been understood as bribery, some further specification is necessary in the future Command and control Regulation (under different forms: regulation of price, quantity, quality, accessibility, distributional aspects) Rule of law / judicial enforcement Assignment: when a player assigns a service to an operator through e.g. concession, public tender, direct assignments Business relationship Market power: a company's ability to influence the market Information information on industrial costs of the service information on investment costs information on physical assets (length of network, buildings, geolocation, equipment, …) (added at a second stage) information on revenues information on demand side Correspondents are asked to specify if relationships are outbound or inbound (if the player analyzed is the agent or the target of the action). Each category of relation was formulated so that players who register an “outbound” entry in a given relation exert some form of power toward the player who registers an “inbound” entry. Finally, the information endowment of each player, according to typologies outlined in Tab.1, is explored. A distinction is made between the ownership of the information: resident information (e.g. the service operator owns the information on industrial costs of the service) vs. non-resident information, depending on transmission by another player (e.g. when the regulator receives information from regulated companies). Sometimes it happens that more than one player has the same information, but only one is the initiator, being the others recipient of a transmission process which is of particular interest for regulation. 6 Collecting data At the beginning of the research, the methodology was based on an ad-hoc survey for individual experts, invited to provide insights and data for a specific sector in a certain local context. As known, there can be a trade-off between knowledge and independence: being strictly embedded in a particular context provides comparative advantages in extracting sensible information but at the same time imply the emergence of personal incentives that could hinder a truth-revealing behavior in answering the questions. In the selection of correspondents, at this stage priority has been given to independence. The three case studies were developed following this approach. This naturally leads to a high degree of subjectivity in answers provided. Some further observations about the method of collecting data are provided in the conclusions. Methodological limits of the approach As already mentioned, the main limits of the approach concern the high degree of subjectivity in answers provided, especially when a single correspondent is involved. According to the research group, despite limiting such subjectivity is a task for the next future, this is an aspect to be taken for granted. Removing subjectivity completely would make the process of analysis too much resourceand time-consuming, posing a serious obstacle to its policy-oriented use, which is the ultimate goal of the methodology. Also, the difficulty to compare case studies that are economically and socially different is an important issue. But again, comparison is used at this stage to test the methodology itself and its reliability rather than being the final goal. Finally, the link between the descriptive task of this phase of the work and possible normative consequences is still under investigation and needs further analysis. Some hints about this last point will be provided in the conclusions. Pure academic research is not the focus, for the time being. Advancing and testing hypothesis about driving factors for projects success or failure calls for a selection of relevant variables and guess on dependence links: both tasks are slippy in the context of local policies, so rich of social aspects, anthropological and psychological nuances that make it difficult to capture phenomena into quantitative functions. 3. FIELD Application: some case studies in the water and sanitation sector This section is intended to present the preliminary results of the application of FIELD methodology to some specific case studies. The analysis on the water and wastewater sector (WWS) has been implemented in four cities so far: one city in northern Africa (Cairo), one city in Asia (Bangalore) and two cities in South-Eastern Europe (Belgrade and Sofia). Nonetheless in this paper the authors decided not to include Cairo case study since the analysis is related to the situation before the social uprising of 2013, following the destitution of Morsi’s government, and it needs now an important revision. All the three cities presented here are located in non-OECD Countries. Two of them are located in uppermiddle income economies (Bulgaria and Serbia) according to the classification of the World Bank [17], while Bangalore (India) is located in a lower-middle-income economy. Belgrade is located in a 7 Country (Serbia) in transition from centrally planned to market economy, according to the classification of the United Nations [18]. In Table 2 the regulatory framework of the services analyzed is described, according to a set of questions designed by the Turin School of Local Regulation within the LO.RE.NET. initiative [19]. Table 2.Regulatory framework of the services analysed Who is responsible for regulatory (industrial) POLICY DESIGN at national and local level? Who has the ownership of waterworks and plants? a) State b) Local governments c) Companies owned by the State or local public bodies d) Private entities e) Mixed private / public How is the service assigned? a) Public tender b) Direct assignment c) Other (please specify) If applicable, who is in charge of tendering the services? What is the average duration of concessions? Can they be re-negotiated? Who manages the services? Is Public-Private Partnership a common practice in the sector? Who regulates tariffs, profits/revenues and so on? Who plans investments? If a regulatory body exists (authority / agency / department), who appoints who in its governance? What is the level of independence of the regulatory body from the Bulgaria At national level: - State Energy and Water Regulatory Commission Water and sanitation India At state level: - Provinces Serbia At national level: the Ministry of agriculture, Forestry and Water Management / Water Directorate; the Water Council At local level: municipalities a) State b) Local governments c) Water service operators owned by the State or local governments b) Local governments a) State b) Local governments a) Public tender c) Others: in-house providing b) Direct assignment Municipalities and the State administration Only the capital works are tendered. The utility tenders the work on behalf of the local governments Municipalities On average: 25 years Renegotiation: yes N/A By law: up to 99 years. Renegotiation is possible. In practice: no experience in the water sector. Generally public companies. Local governments One case of PPP No. It exists, but this model No is not common. Municipalities and public companies No The State Energy and Water Local governments Regulatory Commission The Government sets a reference price, local authorities set tariffs. The Directorate for Water of the Ministry of Water Management and local authorities N/A Water services operators with approval by the regulator Local governments The Ministerial Council N/A appoints the members of the regulatory body Medium N/A N/A 8 government? What is the structure of revenues? Customer bills (+) EU funds (-) Customer bills State subsidies Customer bills (mainly) and subsidies Source: LO.RE.NET comparative tables on regulatory frameworks in 6 local public services www.turinschool.eu/lorenet We spot three different situations: in Bulgaria water services are regulated by a national independent authority; in Serbia regulation is implemented by local governments, as it is in Karnataka State (where Bangalore is located), where, however, the State Government sets a reference price. 3.1 Presentation of preliminary results In the next pages some preliminary results about the players identified in the sample cities analyzed, on the incentives that drive their decisions and on the types of relations that link them are provided. Some minor working has been done by the authors at this stage in order to allow some comparison amongst the cities. In particular, some players have been grouped under a single entry and others have been renamed in order to obtain uniform definitions (see Annex 2 for details). Table 3 summarizes the key players identified in the three cities analyzed (for the detailed list of players identified, see Annex 2). Grey cells highlight players who are relevant in the cities. The Table shows also the players’ information endowment in terms of information on: industrial costs, investments costs and physical assets; finally, incentives that drive players’ decisions are considered. Central Government, local government, international financial institutions (IFIs) and donors and consumers are key players identified in all cities analyzed, as well as formal service operators, who are nonetheless treated separately due to their different nature (public / private / mixed ownership) that may lead to different incentives. With reference to IFIs and donors, according to statistics provided by the OECD [20], in 2009-2010 7% of total annual average international aid was represented by aid commitments to water and sanitation, amounted to USD 8.3 billion. In this framework, in 2012India was the first recipient in aid to water and sanitation with USD 991,370 million (of which about 8% granted by Japan). A national regulatory agency is present only in Bulgaria. In India fundamental changes are taking place in the institutional design for water governance and the establishment of independent regulatory authorities is a component of such reforms. Nonetheless, at the time being only the State of Maharashtra has already established an operational independent authority [21], while it is not the case of Karnataka State, where Bangalore is located. On the side of institutional bodies a peculiarity of the Serbian situation is the existence of a Water Council and of a National Conference on Water with an advisory role. In Bangalore, two individual actors play a relevant role: Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) and Employees of the Bangalore Water Supply and Sewerage Board (water supplier). MLAs are quoted because their support is very critical for any government. Though they are the legislative arm of governance, they get deeply involved in much of the executive work. This is a non-institutionalized and in many ways extra-legal role, with little accountability. Board employees exert a relevant role since most of them are the ones with permanent and secure 9 employment with pension benefits. Due to low level of technology penetration, the employees do exercise large influence on the operations of the Board. Table 3.WWS: Relevant Players identified, their information endowment and incentives Information Categories Politicians and public officials Players (Acronyms used in Fig. 2) Grey cells mean that the player is relevant in the city Central government (CG) (in the case of India, State Government) Members of Legislative Assembly (MP) A: Industrial costs B: Investment costs C: Physical assets Banga BelSofia lore grade A B C A B C Local government / municipality (LG) None Local Development Authority (LDA) None Political control Equity / redistr./ access. Efficacy and quality Equity / redistr./ access. Efficacy and quality Efficiency Political control Electoral consensus Public budget constraints Consensus Efficacy and quality Efficiency A B C B C Political control Bureaucracy Equity / redistr./ access. Equity / redistr./ access. Bureaucracy Public budget constraints Efficacy and quality Efficiency Equity / redistr./ access. A B C Efficacy and quality Equity / redistr./ access. Efficiency Consensus Political control Profit A B C Efficiency Profit Market share Profit Market share Efficiency A B C A B C Mixed publiclyprivately owned operators (PPP.Op.) International / foreign operators (Int.Op.) B Equity / redistr./ access. Political control Bureaucracy Electoral consensus Public budget constraints Efficacy and quality Political control Electoral consensus None Publicly-owned operator’s employees (Publ.Op.Empl) Private operators (Priv.Op.) International financial institutions and donors (in Belgrade domestic or foreign financial Sofia A B C National Conference on Water (NCoW) Market actors (financial) Belgrade None Political Parties (PP) Market actors (nonfinancial) Bangalore Political control Equity / redistr./ access. Efficacy and quality None Water Council (consultative body) (W.Counc) National Regulatory Authority (NRA) Publicly-owned operators (Publ.Op.) None Incentives (the first three in the rank) A B C None A B C A B C None Profit Market share Bureaucracy Market share Profit Efficiency Consensus Equity / redistr./ access. Efficacy and quality Consensus Efficacy and quality Efficiency Profit Market share Efficiency Profit Market share Efficiency Profit 10 Consumer organiz. institutions) (IFI) Consumer Organizations (CO) or Residents associations Consumers (C) None None None None Equity / redistr./ access. Efficacy and quality Efficiency Final users Equity / redistr./ access. Efficacy and quality Consensus Equity / redistr./ access. Efficacy and quality Consensus Efficiency Efficacy and quality Equity / redistr./ access. Efficiency Efficacy and quality Equity / redistr./ access. As described in section 2.2, correspondents have been asked to select incentives that lead players’ decisions from a menu list (Table 1) and to rank them according to their relevance. Provided the “subjectivity bias” at this stage of the research, some interesting elements emerge. We concentrate on two of them: “equity, redistribution and accessibility” has been quoted as first incentive of the Bulgarian national regulatory agency and as second incentive of the Egyptian regulatory agency. This aspect recalls the stream of research on poverty and regulation, debated by, amongst the others, Kirkpatrick and Parker [22] and by Trillas and Staffiero [23], and the well-known trade-offs between allocative and technical efficiency and accessibility/affordability issues, with distributive concerns especially in lower income countries that miss a pervasive welfare state [22,23]; “profit” is quoted as the sole incentive of international financial institutions in Sofia: this is explained by the fact that the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development was an equity owner in the PPP in Sofiyska Voda, the major concession water project in the capital of Bulgaria: extracting profit from shareholding seems a plausible goal for development of EBRD’s PPP in Bulgaria. To estimate the relative relevance of each incentive in the three cities analyzed we derive a weighted sum of incentives according to their position in the correspondents’ ranking (Figure 1). Fig.1 WWS sector: weighted frequency of players’ incentives in the cities analyzed WWS Sector - Players' Incentives Weighted Total summing the results in the 3 Cities analyzed 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 Sofia 20 Belgrade 10 Bangalore 0 In Bangalore the first three incentives in the ranking are: equity, political control and efficacy and quality. Bureaucracy (maintaining own budget) follows at the 4th place. In Belgrade efficacy and quality and equity are both at the first place in the ranking, followed by consensus and efficiency in provision of the service. In Sofia the three most frequent incentives are respectively profit, efficiency 11 in provision of the service and political control. Summing the results of all the cities analyzed equity, efficacy and quality and efficiency in provision of the service are the most frequent incentives identified. This is mainly due to the particular nature of water services as essential ones. To outline the relationships amongst the different players correspondents were asked to fill-in a matrix specifying if a certain relation (from a menu list – see Table 1) exists between two players and if this is an outbound or inbound relation (if the player analyzed is the agent or the target of the action). Figure 2 offers a graphic representation of three sample relationships (lobby pressure, corruption, regulation). Each player is colored according to its category (blue for politicians and public officials; orange for market actors; red for international financial institutions and donors, green for consumers and consumer organizations). Each player is identified by an acronym (see Table 3). The direction of the arrows indicates if we are describing an “outbound” or an “inbound” relationship. Outbound/inbound features try to proxy possible dominant directions in the game: form the very plain case of lobby pressure, in which lobbyists direct effort toward politicians and other to get something, to more complicated situations (market relationship, political arena). Fig.2 WWS sector: graphic representation of some relationships amongst players in Bangalore (a), Belgrade (b) and Sofia (c) (a) (b) (c) Not available 12 With reference to lobby pressure, in Belgrade and Sofia we can underline lobby pressure made by international financial institutions toward the Central government and the local government, and the service operator in the case of Sofia. Another peculiarity is the intense lobbying activity by consumers and consumer organizations in all three cities, that could be interpreted as a high level of activism by these groups. Information on corruption in Sofia is not available at this stage. In Belgrade justification to the presence of corruption relations may be that the Law on PPPs and Concessions failed to establish a control structure providing a legal certainty and due control process, leaving space for corruption to emerge at local level, as municipalities have significant powers regarding their own public utility enterprises. Corruption may also be visible at the central level. In Bangalore the web of corruption / bribery relationships appears to be quite tangled. The information collected on existing corruption relations can be compared with an international index, the Corruption Perceptions Index developed by Transparency International, that ranks countries and territories based on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be (0 means that a country is perceived as highly corrupt and 100 means it is perceived as very clean). In 2012 Bulgaria scored 41 (77th position in the Country-ranking), Serbia 42 (72th position), India 36 (94th position) [24]. Concerning regulation, the situation in the three countries analyzed is very different. Sofia seems to be the city where the regulatory framework is more linear, with the National Regulatory Agency in charge of all regulatory tasks. In Belgrade the Central government is in charge of setting the reference price, but municipalities still have some power in determining the span of the price. Quality and quantity are not directly monitored by the Government, but by the Directorate for Water, through the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Water Management. It has also powers in regulating accessibility through a general policy and may influence municipalities and the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina. In Bangalore, there is a lot of interplay and overlapping over regulatory functions, with political functionaries involved in partisan politics being quite active in influencing the definition of price, and individual Board (utility) employees exerting strong influence on the Board decisions. In a second stage of the analysis, the overall amount of “outbound” and “inbound” relations registered for each player in the three cities was calculated, according to who is the agent of the relation and who is the passive target. Types of relations have been given a different weight: the 5 different categories of Regulation (price, quantity, quality, accessibility, distributional aspects) are given a weight of 0.2 each; Command and Control are given a weight of 0.5 each; all the other types of relations are given a weight of 1. Figures 3-5 represent the total of outbound and inbound relations registered for each player in the cities analyzed. Instead of using the overall amounts an index was created assess the “influence” of each player in the context analyzed, based on the number of outbound relations that the player exerts. The index has been calculated dividing the sum of outbound relations registered for a single player by the total sum of outbound relations registered in that city (Outbound relations ratio). The same procedure has been adopted for inbound relations (Inbound relations ratio). This in order to make data more comparable amongst the cities themselves. Indeed, big differences (possibly linked to personal views on the local 13 situation) in the overall amount of inbound and outbound relations have been noticed between different countries (ranging from 55 in Sofia to 85 in Bangalore). Fig.3 WWS sector: outbound (a) and inbound (b) Relation Ratio Index registered for each player in Bangalore WWS sector in Bangalore WWS sector in Bangalore Outbound relations registered for each player Inbound relations registered for each player 0,350 0,300 0,300 0,250 0,250 0,200 0,200 0,150 0,150 0,100 0,100 0,050 0,050 0,000 0,000 (a) (b) Fig.4 WWS sector: outbound (a) and inbound (b) Relation Ratio Index registered for each player in Belgrade WWS sector - Belgrade Outbound relations registered for each Player 0,30 0,25 0,20 0,15 0,10 0,05 0,00 (a) (b) Fig.5 WWS sector: outbound (a) and inbound (b) Relation Ratio Index registered for each player in Sofia WWS sector - Sofia WWS sector - Sofia Outbound relations registered for each Player Inbound relations registered for each Player 0,25 0,25 0,20 0,20 0,15 0,15 0,10 0,10 0,05 0,05 0,00 0,00 (a) (b) Concentrating on the outbound relations, some observations are presented here: in Sofia consumers register a quite high index of outbound relations (0.16), much higher than in Bangalore and Belgrade. This data may suggest more activism by Bulgarian consumers and consumers organizations (scoring 0.11); the National Regulatory Authority in Sofia is positioned in the top list of players (and the same happens when analyzing inbound relations), while the local government has a quite low score 14 (0.06). This situation can be explained first by the presence of a National regulatory agency in the Country, and second by the minority shares held by the Municipality in the water utility in Sofia. On the other side, the Central government is the Player registering the highest scores in outbound relations both in Belgrade (0.24) as it is for the State government in Bangalore (0.29) lagging behind at the fifth place in Sofia (0.08); market operators, especially private operators and foreign investors, tend to exert a high number of outbound relations in Belgrade, while standing in the middle of the ranking in Sofia and Bangalore; international financial institutions are always below 0.10, standing in the lower part of the graphs. Concerning inbound relations, we can observe in addition that service providers, in particular publicly-owned or mixed private-public operators registered quite high scores in all the three cities analyzed (positioning first in Bangalore). Focus on information transfer trajectories: a sample One of the most relevant domains in local public service regulation is about information flows and information asymmetries, affecting both the regulator-incumbent and the consumer-incumbent relationships. That is the reason why in the process of improving FIELD matrix some specific questions about information ownership and transfer have been added, along with some preliminary investigation on the nature of the transfer (mandatory by law, mandatory by contract, for control purposes, on a voluntary basis, based on uses), on the truth-revealing incentive compatibility of such transfer and on the existence on any truth-revealing mechanism. This type of data have been collected for the most recent case study in Bangalore. As a sample, registered mandatory (by law) transfers and transfers for control purposes are illustrated in Fig. 10. Fig.10 Mandatory by law (red arrows) and controlled-based (blue arrows) information transfers in Bangalore In Bangalore, providing information to citizens by public authorities is now a legal obligation (red arrows) under the Right to Information Act [25]. However, the legal obligation is only for providing information as available in raw form in the Board. Therefore, the quality of that information may be 15 questioned. As for control activities, the State government plays a central role, but such transfer is generally non-incentive compatible. There is nonetheless an informal system of information transfer by Board employees, who collect information though their personal networks and may issue it upon obtaining some benefits. As for the existence of truth-revealing mechanisms, at the time being this topic still needs further investigation. 4. Conclusions and research outlook The methodology designed and the matrix developed, once tested in the first three pilot capital cities in the water sector proved to be a useful and usable tool to describe the framework of local players, their incentives and relationships. The first results collected allow to enrich the debate on local constraints, instruments and goals of regulation and to provide some elements that, in future analysis, might support the design of institutional mechanisms and individual incentive schemes. Though being in preliminary stage of the research, the work done so far suggests some trajectories for future development. First, the number of Countries analyzed and their limited representativeness in terms of geographical distribution does not allow to provide a relevant comparative analysis at this stage. Enlarging the geographical scope of the survey is therefore the first step of the next phase of the research. Second, in order to overcome the high degree of subjectivity in information provided and to turn the methodology into a practical tool to be used in policy and regulatory reform processes contexts a method for more structured data collection will be built. A pilot test was made in Turin in the district heating sector, involving a group of institutional and non-institutional actors, operating at different levels of governance, seems to be a promising pathway, especially for application of the methodology to real-life decision-making processes. In any case the ideal profile of experts / correspondents involved should have the following characteristics: be informed; be independent; able to provide supporting documentation whenever possible; be incentivized to tell the truth. The contributors that are most likely to match this description, have been identified as follows: academics; representatives of NGOs; think-tanks; journalists and specialized journals; regulatory authority personnel; legal consultants; consultants specialized on the regulation and financing of local public services; local public officials who are not politically elected. Investigation is still necessary on the potential applications of the Outbound / Inbound Relations Ratio Index, at this stage proposed as a purely descriptive. What the research group expects is to have a tool for the identification of the key players to be involved in any reform process and in the design of specific incentive mechanisms. Moreover, the next steps of the research could be enriched with some specific analysis on the cited phenomenon of osmosis among professional roles in local regulation (politics, regulation, business, consultancy, bureaucracy, and so on) which seems, anecdotally, more frequent in comparison with the national level, posing a threat to the incentive structure lying behind regulatory work. This stream of research appears very promising and may offer a further interpretation key to the three aspects analyzed so far, related to players’ incentives, information endowment and relations. 16 Acknowledgments This research was conducted by the Turin School of Local Regulation in the framework of LORENET – Local Regulation Network project, co-funded by the Torino Chamber of commerce and Fondazione Cassa di Risparmio di Torino. We are grateful to the individual correspondents who gave their contribution to the survey, namely: Atanas Georgiev (Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, Sofia University St. Kliment Ohridski), Tatjana Jovanic (Faculty of Law, University of Belgrade), Arvind Shrivastava (State Government of Karnataka). We also thank the working group of the Turin School of Local Regulation for the support, in particular Fulvia Nada and Andrea Sbandati. References [1] D. Baron and R. Myerson, "Regulating a monopolist with unwkown costs," Econometrica, no. 50, pp. 911-930, 1982. [2] D. Sappington, "Optimal regulation of a multiproduct monopoly with unkown technological capabilities," Bell Journal of Economics, no. 14, pp. 453-463, 1982. [3] D. Sappington, "Optimal regulation of research and development under imperfect information," Bell Journal of Economics, no. 13, pp. 354-368, 1982. [4] M. 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Annex 1 – Matrix used to collect data STEP 1 STEP 3 STEP 2 STEP 4 One sheet for each Player (P1, P2, P3 …) Step 1: identifying the main players involved Step 2: listing and describing each player’s incentives Step 3: identifying the relationships between the player described in each sheet and the other players identified Step 4: analyzing the nature of information endowment and exchange between the players Annex 2 – Detailed list of players identified in the case studies analyzed Water and sanitation sector Bangalore (India) Actors identified by the correspondent Karnataka State Government Bruhat Bangalore Mahanagar Palike (It has both elected representatives and permanent bureaucracy. There is no separation of the legislative and executive function. It does not have legal mandate to look after water and waste water services) Bangalore Development Authority (planning authority for the City of Bangalore) Members of Legislative Assembly (Though being the legislative body, they are deeply involved in much of the executive work. This is noninstitutionalized and in many ways extra-legal role with little accountability) Bangalore Water Supply and Sewerage Board (BWSSB is a statutory board responsible to provide water supply and waste water services to the city of Bangalore) BWSSB Employees (with permanent and secure employment with pension benefits. They exert large influence on the operations of the Board) Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA is the funding agency for major investment projects in water supply) Residents’ Associations (There are many fragmented local associations. There are some slumresidents' organizations that influence a larger area) Naming and grouping (if any) during data analysis State Government Local Government Local Development Authority Members of Legislative Assembly Publicly-owned operator Publicly-owned operator’s employees International financial institutions and donors Residents associations Belgrade (Serbia) Actors identified by the correspondent Central Government Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Water Management Directorate of Water of the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Water Management Water Council, a consultative body established by the Directorate of Water of the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Water Management National Conference on Water, a consultative body established by the Government Naming and grouping (if any) during data analysis Central Government Water Council National Conference on Water Local Government Private entities or potential PPPs Public enterprises Foreign investors International financial institutions and donors Service end-users / consumers Local Government Private entities or potential PPPs Public enterprises Foreign investors International financial institutions and donors Consumers Sofia (Bulgaria) Actors identified by the correspondent Central Government State Energy and Water Regulatory Commission Municipality of Sofia Political parties SofiyskaVoda (concessionaire of water and wastewater activities) Veolia Water (French company owning the majority of shares (77.1%) in SofiyskaVoda) International Financial Institutions Consumers organizations Service users / consumers Naming and grouping (if any) during data analysis Central Government National Regulatory Authority Local government Political parties Mixed publicly-privately owned operators International / foreign operators International Financial Institutions Consumers organizations Consumers