Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque nacional de monfragüe

Transcription

Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional
de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez
Patrimonio natural y turismo
en el Parque Nacional de
Monfragüe
ENRIQUE LÓPEZ RODRÍGUEZ
Abstract: Natural Heritage constitutes one of the main assets of the territories.
The basis of the conservation has been represented by the protected areas figures,
being National Parks the maximum representation of environmental protection
in a national level. In this way, we will try to show how the development of
complementary socio-economic activities, such a tourism, can generate a valorization of natural resources and contributes to the socioeconomic development
of rural areas included in Monfragüe National Park in Extremadura.
Key-words: Natural Heritage, Monfragüe National Park, protected natural area,
tourism.
1. Introducción
L
as áreas protegidas se han convertido en la piedra angular de la
conservación de la diversidad biológica, del almacenamiento de
material genético, del suministro de servicios esenciales de los ecosistemas
a favor del bienestar humano, hasta la contribución al desarrollo sostenible.
La conservación ha sido reconocida desde distintos ámbitos, desde los
organismos internacionales y gobiernos nacionales hasta las agrupaciones
locales y las comunidades: “el medio ambiente es un activo, y como tal
hay que explotarlo y mantenerlo. Calidad de vida y bienestar no son
incompatibles” (Foronda, 2002: 177).
En los últimos años se ha producido un cambio en la concepción de
los espacios protegidos, se ha pasado de una protección puntual en la
que predominaban los valores naturales a una concepción más globalizada
en la que se incluyen los aspectos humanos, sociales y económicos. Ese
concepto ha ido avanzando, “tomando cada vez más fuerza la idea de
conservación, de tal manera que ha pasado de ser un objetivo secundario,
a estar el disfrute público o cualquier actividad de ocio supeditada a la
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Sustainability Dilemmas
Transdisciplinary contributions to Integrated Cultural Landscape Management
conservación o protección del espacio natural considerado”. (Hidalgo S.,
2006: 15).
Es por ello que la promoción del turismo rural es una de las propuestas más atractivas que se pueden llevar a cabo para la valorización
de los recursos naturales y culturales del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe.
Creemos que este territorio ofrece una serie de oportunidades para el
turismo rural, entre otras:
– Valorización de los recursos naturales y culturales. No nos cabe
duda que el conjunto de los recursos territoriales del Parque, no
sólo los naturales que tienen un elevado valor ambiental, sino
todos aquellos que, ligados de una u otra manera, a la cultura y
al patrimonio local deben ser los garantes de una oferta turística
de alto nivel y dirigida a todos los estratos y segmentos sociales.
– Posibilidad de compaginar la actividad del turismo rural con actividades educativas, cursos, organización de reuniones, incentivos, etc.
y otras tipologías turísticas como el turismo ornitológico, activo,
etc.
– Interés por el medio rural y conciencia medioambiental. Cada día
más la sociedad está tomando conciencia por los espacios rurales
y naturales, nada mejor que una buena oferta de turismo rural
como para enseñar la Naturaleza del Parque y su rico patrimonio
cultural a estos potenciales usuarios.
– Enfoque del desarrollo rural de base local. El turismo no es sólo
una actividad generadora de riqueza para las comunidades locales
de los espacios naturales protegidos sino también un factor que
determina la conservación de los recursos naturales y culturales
de los territorios afectados. Por tanto, esta actividad debe ser
estratégica para el desarrollo rural de los términos municipales
del Parque, ya que no sólo ayudarán a diversificar sus debilitadas
economías sino que también debe suponer un instrumento para
llevar a cabo estrategias de desarrollo local que contribuyan a
conservar y recuperar el patrimonio.
Mejora de las infraestructuras de transportes y comunicaciones. En
la actualidad las autovías que unen Navalmoral de la Mata con Plasencia
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(EX-A1) y ésta con Cáceres (A-66), además de la A-5 que une Madrid
con Badajoz, hacen del Parque un lugar mucho más próximo a los grandes
núcleos de población. La carretera EX-390 une Cáceres con el Parque y
enlaza con la EX-308 a la altura de Torrejón el Rubio. Esta carretera
procede de Trujillo y pasa por el corazón del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe para llegar a Plasencia.
Por lo tanto, el sector turístico se configura como una de las actividades económicas que mayor crecimiento y dinamismo generan en torno
a los espacios rurales donde se desarrolla. El turismo es una de las bazas
principales y fundamentales por la que se ha apostado en los últimos años,
tanto para el dinamismo económico como para el desarrollo en todas sus
facetas, dentro de las cuales cobra especial importancia el desarrollo de
los espacios rurales. Estos espacios, han sabido aprovechar las demandas
que la población ha suscitado de ellos, convirtiendo los entornos de los
pequeños núcleos de población en verdaderos destino turísticos.
Tal es el caso de la zona de estudio. Tras la declaración de Reserva
de la Biosfera y con la declaración de Parque Nacional, Monfragüe y
su entorno han visto en ello una nueva oportunidad de desarrollo. Un
desarrollo basado en ofrecer servicios turísticos ligados a lo rural y la
naturaleza. Que un ámbito territorial sea declarado bajo alguna figura de
especial protección, puede traer consigo la dualidad que suscita, por un
lado, la imposibilidad de generar muchas de las actividades tradicionales que esos municipios venían desarrollando y, por otro, la posibilidad
de orientar las actividades económicas hacia la perspectiva del turismo
motivado por dicha figura protección. Con lo cual, lo que en un principio pudiera considerarse como una amenaza para la pervivencia de los
pequeños núcleos, puede verse transformado en una potencialidad que
genere una auténtica fortaleza en el sistema territorial.
Con todo, Monfragüe se ha convertido en uno de los destinos turísticos más importantes y demandados en los últimos años en la región
extremeña. El total de 14 municipios que integran este ámbito territorial,
de carácter rural y escasamente poblados, han suplido la imposibilidad
de ciertas actividades con una ampliación de la oferta turística general y
del turismo rural en particular.
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2. Objetivos y Metodología
La motivación fundamental de este estudio radica en la necesidad de poder
establecer un vínculo o relación entre el patrimonio natural y el desarrollo
socioecónomico de su entorno. Este apartado es muy importante puesto que
pone de manifiesto la necesidad de relaciones sinérgicas y equilibrio entre la
conservación y el desarrollo. Algo muy a tener en cuenta dada la creciente
tendencia a la categorización y puesta en valor de los espacios naturales,
mediante la declaración de alguna de las múltiples figuras de protección que
tanto a nivel nacional como internacional existen. Todo ello, para poder ver
en qué modo la demarcación del espacio por parte de alguna de las figuras
de protección ha resultado ser un valor añadido para el entorno y constituyente de un auténtico proceso de revalorización del espacio natural, siendo
además garante del desarrollo económico a través de la actividad turística de
los municipios rurales cuyos términos comprenden esta estructura.
Por lo tanto, este macro-objetivo se sintetiza en tres aspectos principalmente:
– El desarrollo del turismo de naturaleza vinculado a espacios especialmente protegidos.
– La potencialidad y el impacto que genera el desarrollo de la actividad turística en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe y los municipios
que lo albergan, y la consecución de los objetivos de un desarrollo
territorial sostenible.
– La tendencia y evolución de la actividad turística de Monfragüe
y su entorno.
Para ello, la metodología empleada parte de una primera aproximación
teórico-reflexiva a modo de introducción, sobre las relaciones entre el
patrimonio natural y los espacios protegidos, donde se hará referencia
a la importancia de la puesta en valor de los recursos patrimoniales y
cómo éstos pueden constituir un eje vertebrador para la asunción de
nuevas actividades socioeconómicas de los municipios rurales, especialmente aquellas relacionadas con el turismo de naturaleza y el turismo
rural. Por otro lado, y para poder asumir de forma práctica los objetivos
propuestos, se llevará a cabo un análisis de las variables fundamentales
de la actividad turística: oferta y demanda. A través de la obtención,
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explotación y presentación de una batería de datos seriada anualmente
podrán establecerse comparativas y marcar qué tendencias y pautas rigen
la dinámica turística en Monfragüe con especial atención a:
– El número anual de visitantes del Parque (2004-2012).
– El número mensual de visitantes del Parque (2004-2012).
– El número de establecimientos turísticos por municipio (2008-2012).
– El número de plazas ofertadas por tipo de establecimiento turístico
y municipio (2008-2012).
3. El Área de Estudio
El Parque Nacional de Monfragüe (declarado por Ley 1/2007 de 2 de
marzo) ocupa una superficie de 18.118 ha, y se localiza en el centro de
la provincia de Cáceres (Extremadura, España), en un territorio donde se
combinan los espacios de penillanura con la media montaña, los riberos
y las vegas aluviales del río Tiétar, constituyéndose el eje central de la
Reserva un conjunto de sierras y serretas de baja altura que tienen una
disposición NO-SE en el denominado Arco de Cañaveral (Alvarado, 2004).
Mapa 1. Zona de estudio.
Fuente: Alberdi Nieves, V. (2011)
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Afecta a los términos municipales de Casas de Miravete, Jaraicejo,
Malpartida de Plasencia, Serradilla, Serrejón, Toril y Torrejón el Rubio.
La Zona Periférica de Protección alcanza una superficie de 116.160 ha, la
que ocupa actualmente la ZEPA de Monfragüe y Dehesas del Entorno, y el
Área de Influencia Socioecónómica alcanza las 195.502 ha, incluyendo los
municipios de Casas de Millán, Casatejada, Deleitosa, Higuera, Mirabel,
Romangordo y Saucedilla (Leco, 2010).
Tabla 1. Términos municipales afectados por el Parque Nacional
de Monfragüe, 2012.
Municipios
Porcentaje
Superficie (ha)
Casas de Miravete
8,1
1.468
Jaraicejo
11,9
2.156
Malpartida de Plasencia
4,8
870
Serradilla
26,5
4.801
Serrejón
17,4
3.153
Toril
11,5
2.084
Torrejón el Rubio
19,8
3.587
100,0
18.118
Total
Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de datos del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe.
Además de la categoría de Parque Nacional, son varias las figuras de
protección que convergen sobre este territorio, siendo ello prueba ine
quívoca de su valor ambiental y cultural. En 1991 fue declarado Zona de
Especial Protección para las Aves, figura que posteriormente fue ampliada
en mayo de 2004 hasta la actual ZEPA, Monfragüe y Dehesas del Entorno,
hasta alcanzar las 116.000 ha actuales. En el año 2000, una superficie
algo mayor que la del actual Parque Nacional es declarada Lugar de Importancia Comunitaria (LIC-Monfragüe).
Posteriormente, en julio de 2003, como el ulterior reconocimiento de
la cordial relación secular que en estas tierras existe entre el hombre y el
medio, el Programa MaB (Man and Biosphere) de la UNESCO declara
como Reserva de la Biosfera a una superficie de 116.160 ha, donde quedan
incluidos los siete municipios del Parque Nacional y otros siete más, ocupando el mismo territorio que la ZEPA Monfragüe y Dehesas del Entorno.
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4. Resultados
A continuación se procederá al estudio y análisis de los datos relativos
a la cobertura turística del Parque, entendiendo esto como el resultado
de las interacciones entre al número de visitantes mensuales y anuales
que ha recibido el parque (periodo 2004-2012) y el número de plazas
ofertadas por cada uno de los distintos tipos de alojamientos que pueden
encontrarse en el área de la Reserva de la Biosfera que circunda y comprende al propio Parque para el periodo 2008-2012 y sus municipios.
Análisis del registro de Visitantes en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe
El registro de visitantes apenas ha sufrido variaciones interanuales de
marcada importancia como puede observarse en la Tabla 2. Desde el 2004
al 2012, la media se sitúa en un total de 73.107 visitantes, siendo el año
de mayores visitas el 2007 con 83.819, coincidiendo con la declaración
de Parque Nacional. Si bien desde el 2007 al 2012, estas visitas se han
ido reduciendo notablemente hasta situarse en 65.508 para este último
año, lo que deja una pérdida bruta de 18.311 visitantes, lo que supone
una reducción del 21,85%. Cabe destacar que esta reducción, siendo más
acentuada desde el 2008 y siendo este año el inicio de la actual crisis y
coyuntura económica, puede haber sido motivada por este importante factor.
Tabla 2. Evolución del número de visitantes al
Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, 2004-2012.
Año
Visitantes
2004
70776
2005
68959
2006
76281
2007
83819
2008
78272
2009
73308
2010
70482
2011
70560
2012
65508
Media
73107
Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de datos de la Dirección del Parque.
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Junto a estos datos, se presentan los relativos a la variabilidad intermensual obtenidos directamente del conjunto de las medias obtenidas
para cada mes por cada año de estudio. Esto es representativo puesto que
permite observar la tendencia existente por parte de los visitantes, una
tendencia que se traduce a efectos prácticos para el estudio del sector
turístico, en la predilección por cuándo efectuar la visita, siendo esto de
gran ayuda para entender el “por qué” o la motivación existente:
Figura 1. Número medio de visitantes al mes, 2004-2012.
Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de datos de la Dirección del Parque.
Como puede observarse, existe una marcada tendencia a la concentración de las visitas en primavera, entre Marzo y Mayo y siendo Abril
el mes que por promedio concentra mayor número de visitantes. Esto sin
duda alguna se explica por el período de Semana Santa y por el “Puente
de Mayo”, que atrae más visitantes. Durante este periodo, se concentran
un total 36.681 visitantes, repartidos en 10.357 para Marzo, 16.036 para
Abril y 10.288 para Mayo; lo que supone el 50,2% del total de visitas
del año. También es conveniente destacar el pequeño repunte de visitas
que suponen los meses de Agosto y Octubre (coincidentes con el fin del
verano y comienzo del otoño respectivamente), los cuales suponen el 18%
con un total de 13.158 visitantes para ambos períodos, coincidiendo con
las vacaciones veraniegas.
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Análisis de la oferta de alojamientos en la Reserva de la Biosfera
de Monfragüe. Comparativa 2008-2012.
La oferta de plazas en su cómputo total se ha visto incrementada a
1.343 con una media general de 447,7. La razón fundamental de este
último dato viene dada por la incorporación del bloque de apartamentos
turísticos con un total de 16 nuevas plazas en la zona.
Tabla 3. Distribución del número de plazas por sectores y año de estudio.
Agrupación de plazas en establecimientos
hoteleros y extrahoteleros
2008
2012
Hoteles, Hostales y Pensiones
609
503
Apartamentos rurales
127
231
0
16
Casas rurales
147
188
Suma Camping (1 establecimiento)
441
405
Suma alojamientos
1324
1343
Medias
441,3
447,7
Apartamentos turísticos
Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y Turismo
de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012.
Como puede verse en la Tabla 3; la oferta general de plazas se ha
visto aumentada en el año 2012 respecto a 2008. No obstante, los datos
presentados en un pequeño desglose muestran que, pese a este último
hecho, algunas tipologías de ofertas de alojamiento han visto reducida su
capacidad de acogida traducida en número de plazas. De ellas, los hoteles,
hostales y pensiones han pasado de 609 plazas en 2008 a 503 en 2012,
un reducción neta de 106 plazas. El otro sector que ha mostrado un
descenso en su capacidad ha sido el camping con 441 plazas en 2008 a
405 en 2012, una pérdida de 36 plazas.
Pero no todo es negativo en esta primera aproximación a los datos
turísticos del ámbito de estudio. Los apartamentos rurales, turísticos y
casas rurales han visto aumentada su oferta y capacidad de acogida. Los
apartamentos rurales han pasado de tan sólo 127 plazas en 2008 a situar
se con 231 en 2012, un aumento de 104. Los apartamentos turísticos
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constituyen la novedad en los datos de 2012 con un total de 16 plazas.
Por su parte, las casas rurales han visto incrementada su capacidad de
acogida en 41, pasando de 147 en 2008 a 188 en 2012.
Un análisis pormenorizado de los datos recogidos del sector ofrece
una mayor visibilidad a la hora de analizar el sector turístico de la zona.
El desglose general ofrece una perspectiva más detallada acerca de cómo
ha sido la evolución de los establecimientos turísticos (alojamientos de
todo tipo) en el marco temporal de los 4 años transcurridos desde el 2008
al 2012. Otro aspecto fundamental es el cálculo de la media de plazas
ofertadas por sector, que resultará de gran utilidad para una estimación
de la capacidad de acogida en relación con la posible demanda del sector.
Lo más destacable de la tabla anterior es la posibilidad del análisis
del componente turístico de alojamiento y su evolución por sectores y
municipio. Es de notoria importancia el hecho de que no todos los municipios de la zona de estudio van a poseer algún tipo de las variables
expuestas, con lo cual serán prioritarios a la hora de ejecutar cualquier
programa que posibilite el desarrollo en la zona. Entre esos municipios
están: Casas de Millán, Casas de Miravete, Higuera y Mirabel.
Dentro de los municipios que sí ofrecen algún tipo de oferta turística en alojamiento, cabe destacar que desde el 2008 hasta el 2012, han
sido varios que han visto modificada su oferta, de tal modo que pueden
agruparse en este análisis temporal en las siguientes clases:
Municipios que mantienen su oferta: Casatejada, con 1 hostal de 28
plazas y una casa rural con 12 plazas; Deleitosa, con una casa rural con
12 plazas; Jaraicejo, mantiene un hostal con 23 plazas; Malpartida de
Plasencia, mantiene su oferta en casas rurales con 4 y 41 plazas; Romangordo, mantiene una casa rural con 5 plazas y Torrejón el Rubio, que
mantiene su oferta en hoteles con 2 establecimientos y 144 plazas, en
pensiones con 2 establecimientos y 26 plazas.
Municipios que reducen su oferta: Jaraicejo, en 2008 poseía un hotel
con 22 plazas que desaparece en 2012; Malpartida de Plasencia, poseía
2 hoteles con 146 plazas en 2008 y ahora tan sólo uno con 122, ha
reducido el número de plazas en el camping situadas en 441 en 2008
y 405 en 2012; Saucedilla, ha reducido su oferta en hostales pasando
de uno con 29 plazas a ninguno; Serrejón, que ha disminuido la oferta
hotelera pasando de 2 hoteles con 104 plazas en 2008, a uno con 88
plazas; Toril, deja de tener un hotel con 40 plazas en 2008 a ninguno.
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Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y Turismo de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012.
Tabla 4. Distribución del número de establecimientos y plazas por municipio, tipología y año.
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Municipios que aumentan su oferta: Malpartida de Plasencia, aumento
de la oferta en hostales, que pasa de tan sólo uno con 24 plazas en
2008 a dos con 48 plazas en 2012, así como aumento en la oferta en
apartamentos rurales, pasando de dos con 36 plazas en 2008 a 4 con 96
plazas en 2012; Serradilla, aumento en el número de plazas del único
hotel disponible pasando de 23 en 2008 a 24 en 2012, incorporación
de dos apartamentos rurales con 11 plazas y aumento en la oferta de
casas rurales pasando de 2 con 22 plazas en 2008 a 5 con 55 plazas en
2012; Toril, pese a que desaparece su oferta hotelera, incorpora una nueva
oferta en apartamentos turísticos con 2 establecimientos con 16 plazas;
y Torrejón el Rubio, que aumenta el número de plazas disponibles (de
91 a 124) en su oferta de apartamentos rurales manteniendo el número
de establecimientos en 5, asimismo aumenta la oferta en casas rurales
pasando de 5 con 55 plazas a 6 con 63.
Finalmente, para entender cómo ha cambiado la oferta turística por
alojamientos en la zona de estudio, se ha hecho un cálculo de la media
de plazas totales por tipo de alojamiento:
Figura 2. Comparativa del porcentaje de la media de plazas por tipología de
alojamiento en la zona de estudio.
Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de los datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio
y Turismo de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012
En la Figura 2; se muestra una reducción de la media de plazas ofertadas en hoteles entre los dos años de 7,2 plazas de media; en hostales
de 0,3 y finalmente en campings de 2,6. Por otro lado, existen tipos de
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alojamiento que han visto aumentada su media de plazas, tales como
los apartamentos rurales, en 7,4; los apartamentos turísticos, en 1,1 y
las casas rurales, en 2,9. Por último, las pensiones constituyen la única
tipología de alojamiento cuya media de plazas ofertadas ha permanecido
invariable en la comparativa de los dos años de estudio.
La distribución espacial de los datos presentados muestra, como se
ha podido observar con anterioridad, una clara variabilidad que se traduce no sólo en una distribución entre municipios (algunos poseen una
suficiente oferta mientras que otros no poseen ninguna), sino también a
nivel comparativo-distributivo entre los años del periodo estudiado. Como
ejemplo de ello, se muestra la siguiente cartografía correspondiente a la
zona, donde por un lado se analiza la distribución del número de establecimientos por sector y municipio; y por otro, la distribución del número
de plazas disponibles por municipio y tipología de establecimiento. Todo
ello refiriéndose al alojamiento, una de las piezas claves en el desarrollo
turístico de un territorio ya que alberga la disponibilidad y la posibilidad
de permanencia, estancia u hospedaje en una zona concreta:
Mapa 2. Número de alojamientos por tipología. Comparativa 2008-2012.
Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de los datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y
Turismo de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012.
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Mapa 3. Número de plazas por tipología de establecimiento. Comparativa 2008-2012.
Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de los datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y Turismo
de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012.
5. Conclusiones
La protección del patrimonio natural es un aspecto importante ligado a la conservación y puesta en valor de cada uno de los recursos que
componen las señas de identidad del territorio, en este caso, la de sus
valores físicos y medioambientales. No obstante, esta valorización no
puede quedar exenta de una consideración hacia los núcleos y municipios
que componen este espacio, puesto que proteger y delimitar un espacio
puede constituir un proceso de degeneración de los propios núcleos al
ver limitada su actividad productiva. Es por ello que el desarrollo complementario de actividades ligadas a la conservación y disfrute de estos
espacios protegidos ,como es el caso del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe,
han permitido que las actividades tradicionales hayan dado paso a una
mayor apuesta por el turismo de naturaleza y el turismo rural, mediante
el desarrollo y consolidación de establecimientos de alojamiento que
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permiten a los visitantes no sólo la posibilidad del hospedaje, sino también el poder disfrutar durante más tiempo de la calidad de vida de los
pequeños municipios rurales y a su vez revalorizar aún más los aspectos
del patrimonio cultural de los mismos a través de sus núcleos y paisajes.
Bien es verdad que la concurrencia de visitantes al Parque se ha visto
notablemente reducida durante los últimos años (hasta un 21,85% del
2007 al 2012). Pero es de destacar que esa misma fecha, 2007, supuso un
importante hito al ser el año de declaración de Parque Nacional y tuvo su
correspondencia con el máximo de visitantes registrados para ese periodo,
con lo cual, declarar un espacio bajo alguna figura de protección tiene un
doble efecto, por un lado la conservación y por otro la oportunidad de
una mayor puesta en valor de los recursos de los que dispone el espacio.
Por su parte, la oferta de cobertura turística ha experimentado
crecimiento durante los últimos años, sin duda un ejemplo práctico de
cómo los territorios han ido apostando por el desarrollo socioeconómico
complementario a las actividades tradicionales de la zona. Permitiendo
además que surjan multitud de modalidades de alojamientos como hoteles,
hostales, pensiones, apartamentos rurales, apartamentos turísticos, casas
rurales y cámpings; con una oferta total de 1.343 plazas en la zona de
influencia socioeconómica del Parque.
Por lo tanto, queda patente que los conceptos de protección y desarrollo son compatibles, siempre y cuando se esté dispuesto a apostar
por la complementariedad. El desarrollo de la actividad turística no está
exenta de producir impactos sobre los entornos donde se desarrolla pero,
hasta la fecha, el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe y su entorno, aún tienen
mucha capacidad de acogida puesto que la demanda existente está lejos
de constituir una auténtica presión sobre los recursos del propio Parque
así como en los municipios que lo integran.
Bibliografía
ALBERDI NIEVES, V. (2011). La gestión de las áreas de uso público en los espacios protegidos
de Extremadura: el ejemplo del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe. Tesis Doctoral. Universidad de
Extremadura.
ALVARADO CORRALES, E. (2004). Reserva de la Biosfera de Monfragüe. León, Everest.
FORONDA ROBLES, C. (2002). La intervención de los programas de desarrollo rural en el
Patrimonio Natural andaluz. Universidad de Almería.
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HIDALGO MORÁN, S. (2006). Uso público en Parques Naturales. Análisis comparado de
Andalucía y de Castilla y León. Tesis Doctoral. Universidad de Granada.
LECO BERROCAL, F. et al. (2010). Reserva Mundial de la Biosfera de Monfragüe. Caracterización geográfica y visión cartográfica. Cáceres, Ministerio de Medio Ambiente y Medio Rural
y Marino. Universidad de Extremadura.
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For Better or Worse? Problematising NCAA and Department of Antiquities’ Joint
Managment Modus Operandi over Olduvai Gorge, Everlyne Elitwaza Mbwambo
For Better or Worse?
Problematising NCAA and
Department of Antiquities’ Joint
Managment Modus Operandi over
Olduvai Gorge
EVERLYNE ELITWAZA MBWAMBO
Abstract: This paper is a problematique of the marriage of (in)convenience
between the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA) and Department
of Antiquities (DoA) in managing Olduvai Gorge (OG), one of the world’s most
renown paleontological and archaeological site. Until early 2013, OG was adminis
tered by DoA, the cultural heritage wing of the Ministry of Natural Resources
and Tourism in Tanzania. An ambiguous management scenario unfolds over OG
when the beleaguered DoA signs a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with
its presumably high-performing sister, NCAA (natural resources management and
community based wing). From the onset, the fate of OG gets shrouded in the two
departments’ parallel core-businesses, incompatible human resource capacities and
deployments, and uncertainty of management policy. Without sounding rather
pessimistic, the paper raises issues of sustainability and queries the effect, on
cultural heritage, of institutional ambiguity arising from radical transformation of
cultural heritage institutional frameworks and policy in favour of widely diffused
management techniques and models in the tourism sector. This paper explores
the propensity of such a top-down institutional transformation over Olduvai
Gorge to leave heritage, its grassroots managers and the local communities lost
in the transition. Finally, the paper poses several questions. Is the Tanzanian
model of radical translation over OG exportable to other African countries as
a tool in negotiating the thin line between African heritage as an exploitable
economic resource on one hand and an asset for posterity on the other? Is it a
threat to cultural heritage, heritage managers and local communities? What (if
any) opportunities and windfalls do the institutional management ambiguities
so created bear overtime? Is it for better or worse?
Keywords: Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, Olduvai Gorge, Institutional
transformations, policy and local communities.
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Introduction
U
nderstanding the impact of local, regional or national choices
that we make and actions that we take has a paramount effect
in influencing global change (that may be climatic, social, cultural and
economic) is a huge step towards achieving global sustainability (adopted
from International Year of Global Understanding-IYGU). It is with this
spirit that the writer of this paper seeks to problematize and open up a
healthy debate over sustainability aspects of cultural heritage arising from
the radical transformation of cultural heritage institutional frameworks and
policies. A case study is picked from the recent development favouring a
joint management approach that the government of Tanzania adopted in the
management of Oldupai Gorge cultural landscape through a Memorandum
of Understanding (MoU) signed between Ngorongoro Conservation Area
Authority (NCAA) and Department of Antiquities. There emerges quite a
number of issues that are at stake following this marriage of (in) convinience
that are worth of examination and treated exeptionally. At the core of this
reseach is an attempt to examine aspects of policy compatibility, human
resources capacities and deployments, polarised partnership and funding
opportunities between the two sister institutions whose core businesses
are understood to be different. In the end, the author seeks to propose an
alternative approach one that emphasizes the socialization of knowledge
among stakeholders towards an integrated landscape management framework
bringing into play local communities, researchers, cultural heritage managers,
tourists, media and political fraternity. This approach is meant to make a
difference between unilateral top-down changes in heritage management
policies versus bottom-up transformations born out of interactive experiences.
Background information of Olduvai Gorge and
current trends
Olduvai Gorge which is found in northern Tanzania within Ngorongoro
Conservation Area is an internationally recognized paleoanthropological
site famous for its abundant richness of fossil human remains of our
stone-tool using ancestors, and the diverse ancient lithic cultures. This site
has made possible research and continuous studies on human evolution,
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hominin behaviour, evolution of lithic industries, and reconstruction of
paleo-environment and ecology over the last two million years. Research
at Olduvai began almost a century ago being pioneered by the eminent
Dr Luis and Mary Leakey in the early 1930’s. Their scientific works have
produced inimitable wealth of archaeological and paleontological data for
the study of all facets of human origins.
One of the astounding discoveries that this far-famed team made was
the hominin fossils of Zinjanthropus boisei (now Austalopithecus/Paranthropus boisei) in July 1959, a discovery that consisted of the upper part
of a cranial (maxilla) of hominid (Leakey 1959). Also discoveries of a a
skull of Homo habilis dating to 1.7 million years ago Homo erectus dated
back to 1.5 million years ago and Homo sapiens dating back to 17 000
years ago were made (Leakey 1979; Carbonell 2005)
Additionally, Olduvai was the first place where traces of an early
stone tool culture were discovered, and gave its name to the Oldowan
around two million years ago and is currently considered as the earliest human technology. Moreover Olduvai was also the site where the
transition from the Oldowan (a simple core-and-flake technology) to the
Acheulean (defined by the appearance of handaxes, i.e. large pointed
stone tools with heavy duty edges) was first documented, and where the
earliest archaeological evidence of this new Acheulean technology was
discovered. (IGNACIO et al., 2011-2012:90). Hay (1976) developed a
comprehensive lithic stratigraph of Olduvai, an invaluable scientifc tool
that has proved the test of time.
Physiographical Setting
The Olduvai basin is located just south of the equator in northern
Tanzania immediately adjacent to the Eastern Rift (Gregory) system.
The modern Gorge exposes a two-million-year-long sedimentary record
in an incised river valley that drains eastward from the Serengeti Plains.
The Gorge cuts across a 50-kilometer-wide and rift-platform basin located between Precambrian basement to the west and the PlioPleistocene
Ngorongoro Volcanic Highland to the east (Ashley et al., 2010: 704).
The Gorge, which resembles a small canyon, branches into two gorges:
the main and the side gorge. The side gorge is steep-sided and cuts into
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the Pleistocene sediments. It drains from Lemagrut Mountain and further
downstream to join the main gorge about 8 km at the faulted trough-like
depression, the Olbalbal depression. The side gorge follows the shoreline
of the prehistoric lake and is rich in fossil fauna and sites that were used
by Early Pleistocene hominins (Musiba 2014: 97-98)
Figura 1. Exact of Olduvai Gorge within Eastern Rift System on the Serengeti
Plain (After Hay, 1976)
Unfolding socio-cultural and scientific activities
The scenic cultural landscape of Olduvai Gorge is home to the living Maasai community that forms a large section of the population.
The major socio-economic activities in the region include pastoralism,
traditional dancing, bead working and traditional medicine. Maasai’s
livelihood predominantly depend on pastoralism (grazing large livestock
in open free ranges) an entity for wealth creation and social ties. As a
way of diversifying their economy women engage in bead working, curving and crafting while traditional dances in cultural bomas is largely a
male-dominated social enterprise.
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In the recent years business ventures in form of organized communal
markets have helped to increase and further diversify the Olduvai Gorge
communities’ economy. The existance of a site museum in the area has
remained a central pool for Archaeotourism and knowledge dissemination
but has injected little economic gain into the livelihood of the local communities surrounding this site, a setback common with most of Africa’s
cultural heritage sites. Scientific research of archaeological, paleontological, environmental and cultural heritage nature have been going on in
Olduvai for decades since their inception in the early 1930’s under the
supervision or directorship of both local and international teams such as
OLAP, TOPPP, OGAP.
Figura 2. Zinjanthropus hominin site
Figura 3. Maasai pastoral activities
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Figura 4. Informative lectures to tourusts
Figura 5. Maasai traditional dancing
Figura 6. Organized communal markets
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Figura 7. Archaeological research excavation
Figura 8. Maasai beads jewel
Discussion
Challenges of Managing Olduvai Gorge (OG) before Adoption by
NCAA
It is appreciated that one of the major problems that African cultural
heritage management face is poor funding (Pwiti 1997; Mabulla 2000;
Kamamba 2005; Chirikure et al. 2010). Lack of funding forms the core
of the challenges that necessitated the transfer of Olduvai Gorge site into
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the hands of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA). Department of Antiquities (DoA) which was charged with the responsibility of
ensuring sustainable development of Olduvai Gorge site and along other
sites found itself crawling in executing her responsibilities largely due to
lack and /or of limited funds. This was being worsened by long distance
management; decision-making affecting management of the site were being
made from the headquarters in Dar es Salaam.
Noticeable also was the shortage of trained personnel working at OG
site. The existence of few personnel to work in the site can be traced
from the unfriendly living and working conditions of the site such as
relatively poor housing facilities, water shortage that affect immensely
the local population, poor transport and health facilities. Such an environment makes it hard for trained workforce to consider venturing into
a great challenge for effective management. This longstanding setback
can always be associated with lack of fund and dedicated political will
in addressing this problem.
It is also believed that there was a need to synthesize the management
of Olduvai site within NCAA given the geographic vicinity. Whereas such
an idea would directly benefit the site in terms of general monitoring and
financial capacity of NCAA so far it is still uncomfortable situation in
regards to proper coordination and implementation of cultural heritage
related duties and responsibilities. Therefore, it can be seen that the
atmosphere within which the management of OG was transferred into
the hands of NCAA was largely decided unilateral, involving to a greater
extent the political fraternity only. This paper argues that there was ina
dequate consultation of scientific advice and local knowledge structure,
a scenario that takes away opportunities for socialization of different
knowledge systems in favor of the longevity of the site.
Institutional frameworks and policies
influencing cultural heritage management at
Olduvai Gorge
In order to effectively discuss the complex situation surrounding
changes taking place in the management of OG, it is important to look
at the policies that define the two institutions’ core responsibilities. The
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major reasons behind the establishment of Ngorongoro Conservation Area
in 1959 as a multiple land use was and still is designated to promote the
conservation of natural resources, safeguard the interests of NCA local
populations and promote tourism. The responsible ordinance No. 413
stipulates a number of functions that NCAA must perform. These include
conserving and developing the natural resources of the Conservation Area,
promoting tourism, providing and encouraging the provision of facilities
and infrastructure necessary or expedient for the promotion of tourism
in the Conservation area. The functions also included safeguarding and
promoting the interests of Maasai citizens of the United Republic engaged in cattle ranching and dairy industry, promoting and regulating the
development of forestry, constructing infrastructure such roads, bridges,
aerodromes, buildings and fences to provide water supplies and carry out
such other works and activities as the Board of Directors may consider
necessary for the purpose of the development and protection of the
Conservation Area.
On the other, the Department of Antiquities under the Ministry of
Natural Resources and Tourism is charged with responsibilities of protecting, preserving and developing the country’s historical sites, appro
val to matters related to restoration, rehabilitation, documentation and
revitalisation of historical monuments, areas and sites. It also collects,
documents, conserves and develops Tanzania’s architectural and cultural
heritage resources, including traditional architectural heritage. The DoA
also co-ordinates and undertakes archaeological research and related
activities, issues permits (licenses) to local and foreign researchers for
excavation, collection, exporting and film production. It also advises
the Government on research and conservation issues relating to cultural
heritage as stipulated in the Antiquities Act No. 10 of 1964 and its
amendment No.22 of 1979.
Judged in the framework of the different core businesses between
NCAA and DoA outlined in the foregoing paragraphs above, one can
say that the transfer of Olduvai Gorge and Laetoli sites (Laetoli site is
outside the scope of this paper) into the hands of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority is rather problematic. It is evident that the core
functions of NCAA are quite different. NCAA is largely specialised in
natural heritage whose demands are significantly different from OG’s
cultural, archaeological heritage materials and landscapes. The non-reARKEOS 38-39
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newable nature of the heritage at stake demands quality management
that is oriented towards its preservation in a sustainable way given the
various socio-economic and political developments threatening heritage
today (OOSTERBEEK et al., 2010). As such the two different types of
heritage demand different types of specialised human resources need
that cannot be easily substituted for the other. In the current scenario,
NCAA officers, who have no background knowledge in Archaeology and
Cultural Heritage Management, enjoy a privileged advantage over DoA in
handling OG. The new department responsible for cultural heritage that
has been established in NCAA is supposed to work under the interim
structure with stipulated terms and conditions developed in partnership
with the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism (MNRT), NCAA and
selected stakeholders. It is expected to carryout monitoring, supervision
and developing sites among others a task that is highly challenging given
the nature of what they are deployed to manage.
In the recent past, challenges of managing cultural heritage sites have
revolved around the temptation of moving from being preservation and
conservation of human history and development into tourism consumption
entities. Musiba (2014:98) argues in favour of transfer of OG into NCAA
hands initiative that it was the best strategy. He thinks the strategy would
enable the NCAA to develop the two sites as tourist attractions in the
NCA area thereby enhance the potential economic benefits to the local
communities living near. Such an argument of using tourism as an engine
for development cannot be refuted, but the author believes that heritage
celebration and enjoyment is dependent on its study to start with, then
on social, political and economic availability of heritage to the living
population and also on the need not to infringe on the rights of the
same heritage for future generations on the other hand; a justification for
sustainable use of heritage. The ongoing development at Olduvai clearly
reflect this paradox and it is with the same spirit that the author queries
if the Tanzanian model of radical transformation over OG can be exported
or serve as a model to other African countries or as a tool in negotiating
the thin line between African heritage as an exploitable economic resource
on one hand and an asset for posterity on the other. What then are the
windfalls or opportunities of such institutional management ambiguities
so created bear over time? Finally, what is the future of cultural heritage
management in Tanzania as a country and in the African continent? These
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questions have no immediate answer and therefore demand further debate
and discussion. This paper presents an alternative motive steeped in the
conceptual framework of the International Year of Global Understanding
and the notion of integrated landscape management system as shall be
discussed briefly in the concluding segment of this essay
Future Prospects
From the ongoing discussion it is clear that the decision of transferring the two paleontological, archaeological and cultural heritage sites
into the hands of NCAA was prematurely arrived at. This is happening
in the backdrop of UNESCO’s threats to deprive NCAA of the World
Heritage status due to enormous challenges brought about by poorly
managed aspects of human-environmental interactions as enshrined in the
multiple land use philosophy. The presence of pastoral communities and
their activities within Ngorongoro Conservation Area have had gigantic
impact in the ecotourism, a challenge that is yet to be addressed. The
complexities arising from these internal challenges within NCAA clearly
bring to question acclaimed success story of NCAA in administering the
conservation area.
Nevertheless, there is urgent need of socializing knowledge towards
adoption of an integrated landscape framework of management. In its
simplicity, this framework suggest integration and interaction of all key
stakeholders in an attempt to produce a more sustainable and global
understanding of heritage management. This approach is meant to make
a difference between unilateral top-down changes in heritage management
policies and in favor of complementary bottom-up transformations born
out of interactive experiences. In principle, integrating local communities
local knowledge systems will not only induce a sence of responsibility and
belongingness but it will also influence their daily decisions and actions
to act locally and think globally in their interaction with the OG heritage-scape. Also, socializing scientific and local knowledge systems over
matters of management provides a basis for informed political decisions.
It is equally important that political perspectives and motives are properly
enfolded into cultural heritage management narratives in a way that is
transparent and accountable. Open dialogue is encouraged as a way of
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influencing knowledge dissemination so as to arrive at informed lasting
decisions. Equally important is the integration of tourists’ , media fraternity and tour operators’ experiences from the daily interaction they make
with the heritage through their activities. The goal is to harvest as much
knowledge as possible necessary for the wellbeing of heritage management
and heritage resources. Therefore every stakeholder counts if ever African
heritage management experiences are to turn around for the better.
The diagram below summarises the proposed symbiotic interaction
and socialisation of knowledge as an alternative framework for heritage
management in OG Tanzania and beyond.
Figura 9. Symbiotic relations and socialisation of knowledge in heritage management model
Cultural heritage management in Tanzania and Africa as a whole need
to embrace the benefits acquiring from integrated landscape management
framework and philosophy of global understanding. The major emphasis
is on global sustainability of local actions and a demonstration of their
potential impacts at global level. It also emphasises moving from know530 |
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ing about global sustainability to living sustainably as the wayforward
for African heritage management. This framework espouses the notion
that actions and thoughts that may seem disconnected in space and
time are often fundamentally linked. Therefore it is important to take
informed decisions knowing that we will be hold accountable and global
understanding empowers people to make such connections (IYGU, 2014)
References
ASHLEY, G.M., DOMINGUEZ-RODRIGO, M., BUNN, H.T., MABULLA, A.Z.P., AND
BAQUEDANO, E., (2010), Sedimentary Geology And Human Origins: A Fresh Look at
Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania: Journal of Sedimentary Research, v. 80, p. 703-709.
CARBONELL, E. (2005). Homínidos: Las primeras ocupaciones de los continentes. Editorial
Ariel, S.A. Barcelona.
CHIRIKURE, S., MANYANGA, M., NDORO, W., AND PWITI, G., (2010), Unfulfilled
promises? Heritage management and community engagement at some of Africa’s cultural
heritage sites. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 16(1&2), 30-44.
DE LA TORRE, I., MCHENRY, L., NJAU, J., AND PANTE, M., (2012), The Origins of
the Acheulean at Olduvai Gorge (Tanzania): A New Paleoanthropological Project in East
Africa. Archaeology International,15:89-98, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ai.1505.
HAY, R.L., (1976), Geology of the Olduvai Gorge, A Study of Sedimentation in a Semiarid
Basin: University of California Press. Berkeley: Los Angeles, London.
KAMAMBA, D. M. K., (2005), Cultural heritage legislation in Tanzania Africa 2009 Conservation of Immovable Cultural Heritage in Sub-Saharan Africa Proceeding. In NDORO,W.,
and PWITI,G., (eds.) Legal frameworks for the protection of Immovable Cultural Heritage
in Africa ICCROM conservation studies 5, p. 13-17. ICCROM Publication, Rome, Italy.
LEAKEY, L.S.B., (1959), A new fossil skull from Olduvai: Nature, v. 184, p. 491-493.
MABULLA, A. Z. P., (2000), Strategy for cultural heritage management (CHM) in Africa:
A case study. African Archaeological Review, v. 17(14), p. 211-233.
MUSIBA, C.M., DECON, J., KIRIAMA, H.O., COMER, D.C., MAKUVANZA,S., AND
CHIWAURA, H., SINAMAI, A., THIAWI, I., AND BREEN, C., (2014), The Management
of Cultural World Heritage Sites and Development in Africa: History, Nomination Processes
and Representation on the World Heritage List. In MAKUVAZA, S. (ed.) – Springer Briefs
in Archaeological Heritage Management. ISSN 2192-5313, p. 97-98.
OOSTERBEEK, L. B., AND SANTANDER, M. QUAGLIUOLO., (2010), Quality Heritage
Management CEIPHAR, ARKEOS series vol. 26: Tomar.
PWITI, G., (1997), Taking African heritage management into the twenty-first century.
Zimbabwe’s masterplan for cultural heritage management. African Archaeological Review,
14(2), p. 81-8.
http://www.global-understanding.info/what-is-iygu/iygu-to-date/
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The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind”, Marta Arzarello, Azahara Salazar
The Olduvai Project “Cradle of
Mankind”: Cooperation for the
Development of the Archeology
and the Local Communities in
the Area of the Olduvai Gorge
Marta Arzarello, Azahara Salazar
Abstract: The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind” is funded by the
Community of Madrid and is running with the grateful support of several
other institutions. Its main objective is to establish a scientific station within
the Olduvai Gorge of Tanzania. During excavation season, its purpose will
be to house archaeological research, while, during the rest of the year, it
will be primarily used for the housing and benefit of the local population.
The present work comprises a detailed description of this project’s means
and purposes.
Keywords: Olduvai, Maasai, Project, Scientific Station, Financing.
Introduction
A
team of Spanish archaeologists has been carrying out excavations in the Olduvai Gorge, under rather difficult conditions.
For this reason, the community of Madrid has decided to provide
vital economical support to support them in their cause.
For the development of this initiative, the decision was taken to
involve the nonprofit organization known as “Cives Mundi”. Subsequently, a project was implemented by several organizations, with the
objective to construct a scientific station to be used both by the
archaeologists and the local populations (i.e., the Maasai tribe, who
seem to have limited resources). The project’s aim was to put matters
in their hands by providing them with the administration of the center
during the months that the archeologist don´t use it. In this way,
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they could use it for various purposes, such as schooling, tourism,
formative organization, and other activities.
On this basis, besides contributing to heritage conservation, this project
would provide resources for human social development, wealth creation
and improvement of living conditions and standards. This would be made
possible through the enhancement and the sustainable management of
culture, which could improve the lives of people that is now left with
limited resources to step up and progress.
In particular, the specific objectives of the program were:
– Use of the archaeological heritage of the Olduvai Gorge as a
generator of sustainable development in the communities that
treasure it.
–Protection of identity, cultural legate, and collective memory.
– Improvement of living standards among local populations of
the Ngorongoro area.
–Socioeconomical development that is based on the sustainable
use of cultural wealth. This would lead to the improvement
of living standards in the populations of the vicinity of the
Olduvai Gorge. For the locals, development involves an increase of employment, a wider range of every-day activities,
investments in infrastructures and necessary equipment.
The station was built in 2008 and baptized with the name:
The Aguirre-Mturi Research Station at Olduvai Gorge:. This name
was given because of two important researchers in the world of the
archeology. The first was Emiliano Aguirre, the founding fathers of
paleanthropology in Spain, while the second one was Amin Mturi,
the founding fathers of Archaeology in Tanzania. In this spirit, the
names of these two personalities were used to represent the two countries
cooperating in this project.
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Materials, Funding and Resources
The project began in 2008, requiring a budget of 243,676 Euros,
according to the announcements of the organization “Cives Mundi”.
The project was cut in 2013, due to the lack of sufficient funding.
Despite this, the station is still running by archaeologists who struggle to continue excavating season after season in the Olduvai sites,
without access to any kind of basic funding. At this point, it should
be mentioned that the direct beneficiaries from the project were calculated to be 100 men and 25 women, while indirect beneficiaries
would be as many as 15,000 inhabitants of the local area’s population.
The institutions contributing to this project were from different
parts of the world. In particular, these were:
– Institute of Human Evolution in Africa (IDEA), Madrid, Spain.
– Museo Arqueologico Regional de la Comunidad de Madrid, (Madrid, Spain)
– Department of Anatomy, Weil Bugando University College of
Health Sciences (WBUCHS) Mwanza Tanzania.
– Department of History and Arqueology. University of Dar es
Salaam, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
– PaleoKnowledge Resource Center Department of Anthropology,
University of Colorado Denver, USA
– “Cives Mundi”, ONG Madrid.
– The Department of Antiquities Ministry of Natural Resources and
Tourism, Dar es Salaam Tanzania.
– Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority.
– Maasai Pastoral Council.
The non-governmental organization “Cives Mundi” had the res
ponsibility to overlook this project, which would grant sustainability
in the territory and its populations. This would enable Spanish researchers to carry on their researches and it would provide the local
Maasai with the means to improve their living standards by giving
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them a place that was theirs and they can manage themselves. As a
non-profit organization, the aim of “Cives Mundi” is to promote and
perform actions that consist in programs and projects of cooperation
that provide solidarity and aid to developing countries. In addition,
it aims at conducting awareness-raising in the Spanish society, with
regard to humanistic matters of our world today. Their field of work
focuses on environmental issues, rural infrastructure, education, AIDS
prevention, as well as promotion of equal opportunities between
women and men.
It was founded in 1987 at Soria of Spain and, in recent years,
it has managed to become a point of reference in its field. Currently, the NGO is active in 16 countries of Africa, Asia, as well as
South America. In 2008, it held a total of 41 cooperation activities
in countries of these continents. In conclusion, “Cives Mundi” is a
financially strong and independent organization, as a result of their
large amount of resources. These originate from public funding
during recent years that was sponsored by 40 different administrations and institutions, among which are the European Commission,
the Spanish Agency for Development Cooperation, the “Junta de
Castilla y León”, the Catalan Agency for Cooperation, as well as
several municipalities and county councils throughout Spain. Among
the private institutions, the most notable benefactor is the “Fundación
La Caixa and Caja Madrid”.
The Institute of Evolution in Africa (IDEA) was formally created in
2010 as an association among the University of “Alcala de Henares”,
the regional museum of archeology, the community of Madrid, and
the City of Madrid. It is located within the Museum of the Origins
in Madrid and aims at investigating evolution throughout the African continent, giving special emphasis on the evolution of Man. The
project of this institution is the T.O.P.P.P. (“The Olduvai Paleoanthropology and Paleoecology Project”), which is conducted in the
Olduvai Gorge of Tanzania. The IDEA organization is co-directed by
Manuel Dominguez-Rodrigo (professor of the Complutense University
of Madrid) and Enrique Baquedanol, (director and manager of the
Regional Archaeological Museum in Madrid).
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Methods, description and project development
The station is composed of two buildings with bedrooms, a
bathroom with shower, a kitchen, one room for the material, and a
laboratory (Figures 1 to 5). Moreover, the station is equipped with all
the tools necessary for accommodation and investigation. The station
is running solely on solar energy. It has an ecological and sustaina
ble design which was designed by the architect Carla Mallol. The
station fits perfectly into the landscape, while, in case that it would
be necessary, it is also entirely removable without causing any kind
of damage to the environment.
Figures 1 to 5. Photos of the installations of the Scientific Station:
Fig. 1
Fig. 2
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Fig. 3
Fig. 4
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Fig. 5
Olduvai Gorge is one of the most important places in East
Africa in relation with the archaeological and paleontological sites.
In fact, the cliffs of this canyon are also known informally by the
nickname “Cradle of Humankind” (Carbonell et all. 2005). Nevertheless,
the Tanzanian government prefers to call the site by its original Maasai
name, which is “Olduvai”. The name comes from the plant of the same
name, whose main feature is that it retains water inside, so it is often
chewed by animals (such as elephants) and the indigenous Maasai, in
times that aridity is high.
It is located in the east of the plains in the Serengeti of northern
Tanzania, inside of what is defined as the Great Rift Valley. (Kusimba
and Kusimba, 2003). The latter is great depressions that compress
around 2,900 km, where tectonics and erosion have exposed sediments
of antiquity, dating to be as old as 2Ma and as recent as 15,000 years
ago. The Maasai are estimated to be circa 883,000 individuals and they
reside in southern Kenya and northern Tanzania. The Maasai are -by
tradition- nomadic pastoralists that live in open plains. Their everyday
reality and traditional culture revolve around their cattle, which is also
used for calculating and exchanging wealth. The Maasai move geographi
cally towards locations where conditions are better for their cattle. In
addition to cattle, they also breed sheep, goats, and donkeys.
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Even though they do collect some species of autochthonous plants
-like aloe vera- for treating burns, they are not known to practice
agriculture. The Maasai live in settlements called “manyattas”, which
are formed of huts arranged in a circular manner of huts. They are
made of twigs that are surrounded by palisades (“bomas”) to enclose
livestock. The building material is composed of bricks based on ani
mal dung, straw, and mud. These are used because they serve for
waterproofing and hardening of the huts’ outer surface. For their
construction, the interior walls are firstly smoothed and then smoked.
Finally, even though they do often contain tiny skylights, they rarely
present any windows or openings other than the entrance.
The “Ngorongoro Conservation Area” (NCA) is situated in the
northern part of Tanzania. It is bordered to the east by the East
African Great Rift Valley. To the west lies the NCA, which is bordered with the vast Serengeti Plains (including Olduvai Gorge and
the Laetoli areas)? It covers an area of approximately 8.288 sq.km.
The NCA´s elevation is between 1, 350 and 3, 000m. It was formed
after a volcanic eruption some eight million years ago (Kusimba and
Kusimba, 2003). The crater is surrounded by six peaks ranging from
2300 to 3648 meters in height and it is the largest known intact
crater in the world and is home of hundreds of thousands of animals
and millions of birds. About 36km south of Olduvai Gorge, there
can be found a Pliocene site that is famous for the “footprints”
unearthed, the site G of Laetoli (Kusimba and Kusimba, 2003).
Results
The project began in 2008 with a budget of 243,676 Euros.
However, due to problems caused by the European crisis that affected
Spain during these last years, the community of Madrid was not able
to continue funding the project in 2013. The project had been born
with the objective of improving working and living conditions of both
the archaeological team and the local population, the Maasai of the
Ngonrongoro. An important part of the project was that the Maasai
were by themselves those who manage the Lodge-building for their
activities and attract tourists in the area. The latter could stay in
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the station and bring more wealth to the area in a sustainable way.
However, there were issues assigning Maasai with administration of
the building, due to two basic factors:
– The Maasai didn´t have their own independent legal entity to be
formally assigned with the administration of the building.
– There lies a diachronic difficulty in uniting Tanzanian government
and the Maasai people, because their interests are in disagreement.
For these reasons, it was decided that the authority of the Ngorongoro
Conservation Area, together with the Ministry of Antiquities (both belong
to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism), would manage the
place and make the lodge-building profitable, allow its maintenance, and
lead to theimprovement of facilities.
Right now the project organizers “Cives Mundi” are trying to complete
the second phase of the project “Olduvai: In the Cradle of Humankind”.
This time their objective would be to protect and promote the “Cultural
Heritage Gorge Olduvai”, for the purpose of contributing to the socioeconomical development in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Tanzania.
This second phase has not yet received any funding, based on what
the responsible of “Cives Mundi” have reported us. The reality is that,
in the recent years, government budgets have been drastically reduced by
supranational or international organizations (such as the EU), when it
comes to projects related to protection, promotion or defense of tangible
and intangible cultural heritage. This trend is due to underestimation
of these projects’ contribution in the understanding and appreciation of
culture. Decreasing these budgets is a decision in the wrong direction
for the economical, social and humanistic development of these areas.
Discussion
Personally, the most interesting aspect of this project is the very
idea on which the project was based and developed. It was the result
of an action of cooperation for the development in one zone with
few resources. Throughout each year, it could combine a center for
scientific purposes as well as a site that will be used for formative,
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informative and touristical purposes for the local people. This would
mean development for this area of Tanzania, and particularly in the
area of Ngorongoro, which is the heritage of all humanity.
On the other hand the reality is that since several years ago,
tourism is increasing in this area. This mass tourism doesn´t have
a good coordination so it is having a bad ecological impact on the
remaining Ngorongoro resources, wildlife and at the expense of the
pastoral communities, like those of Maasai. The archeological sites
are still not prepared for all this mass tourism. In fact, unfortunately, they are not well instructed and organized and, as a result,
the tourist don´t get the correct information about what they are
visiting. Furthermore the archeological sites are not well protected,
being open to destructive actions by vandalism.
In this framework, developing countries need to cultivate a careful, well-planned and ecologically oriented tourism with the required
infrastructures. The project discussed here is serving this exact purpose. (Kusimba and Kusimba, 2003). Sustainable tourism will be
beneficial economically, ecologically, socially as well as culturally for
Tanzania. Also it is necessary to protect the local people and give to
them ownership in their territories, encouraging them to participate
in a sustainable way of tourism like this project under discussion.
Unfortunately, these aims were not possibly met in the end, due to
legal issues surrounding the discrepancies between the government of
Tanzania and the population Maasai. I personally believe that the
organization “Cives mundi” had done a terrific work in many different
part of the world. I sincerely hope they can go on with their second
project regarding the local people of Ngorongoro Conservation Area.
Selective bibliography
Carbonell E. (2005). Homínidos: Las primeras ocupaciones de los continentes. Editorial Ariel
SA: Barcelona.
Kusimba C, Kusimba S. (2003). East African Archaeology: Foragers, Potters, Smiths, and
Traders. University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology: Pensylvania.
Personal communication with “Cives Mundi” (Soria, Spain)
Personal communication with the «Regional Archaeological Museum of Madrid: (Madrid, Spain).
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La gestion d’un patrimoine naturel et historique sur le littoral français dans un
contexte d’élévation du niveau de la mer du au changement climatique, Hugo Denoun
La gestion d’un patrimoine
naturel et historique sur le
littoral français dans un
contexte d’élévation du niveau
de la mer du au changement
climatique
HUGO DENOUN
Abstract: How, today, offer at a local level an integrated management of an
inherited landscape in the context of environmental changes which are more and
more observable in the field? This is the current situation in which Certes and
Graveyron domain’s stakeholders are. Including two polders, this site is threatened
by a continued erosion of the dike system at several points to which is added
the sea level rise. To analyze the complexity of those issues, stakeholders have
employed an university research team who have set up the BARCASUB project.
In this example, different times scales of understanding and management overlap
and thus question the sustainability of the landscape.
Key-words: polder, marine submersion, heritage, perception, integrated management.
Introduction
L
e Bassin Arcachon, sur la côte aquitaine, est une lagune estuarienne, ce qui implique des dynamiques hydro-morphologiques
singulières qui y dessinent un paysage unique sur la façade océanique.
Au cours des derniers siècles, des surfaces d’exploitation endiguées
ont été créées en avançant sur la mer, ce sont les polders. Dans cette
étude de cas nous nous focaliserons sur deux domaines voisins: le polder
de Certes et celui de Graveyron.
Les enjeux qui prennent place sur ces polders ont fortement évolué,
notamment dans le contexte global actuel de réchauffement climatique et
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donc de hausse du niveau marin. Des simulations du risque de submersion
à partir de modèles numériques de terrain montrent que l’ensemble des
terrains de Certes et de Graveyron pourrait être submergé.
Dans quelle mesure les choix d’aménagements et de gestion de ces
deux domaines soumis au risque de submersion sont déterminés par une
approche patrimoniale?
Nous nous intéresserons d’abord aux méthodes utilisées par les gestionnaires pour préserver et valoriser ces domaines. Puis nous étudierons
la situation du Bassin d’Arcachon face à la transgression marine. Enfin
nous aborderons comment ce patrimoine et le risque de submersion sont
perçus au sein de la population locale.
Image 1. La lagune estuarienne de la baie d’Arcachon. Source: Bertrand Frédéric,
The Arcachon Bay estuary: a «collage» of landscapes.
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I. Valorisation d’un patrimoine: une «vitrine
environnementale» à protéger
C’est au milieu du XVIIIe siècle que le domaine de Certes (395 ha)
est endigué sur 20 kilomètres par le marquis de Sivrac afin de faire de
la saliculture. Le paysage de marais salants, encore visible de nos jours,
remplace celui du schorre, initialement présent. Le sel produit n’est malheureusement pas de bonne qualité et on abandonne cette activité au siècle
suivant pour faire de la pisciculture. Des bassins sont alors aménagés pour
y entretenir les élevages de poissons. Au début du XXe siècle le domaine
de Graveyron (135 ha) est aménagé pour accueillir de nouveaux bassins de
pisciculture, les digues s’étendent alors sur 5 kilomètres. Après la Seconde
Guerre mondiale, la pisciculture est abandonnée, les domaines vont alors
être envahis par les algues et la végétation va s’installer entre les bassins.
En 1984 et en 1998 le domaine de Certes et celui de Graveyron sont
acquis par le Conservatoire du Littoral afin de préserver leurs patrimoines
naturel et bâti: au système de digues, viennent s’ajouter un château du
XIXe siècle et un corps de ferme. Ils sont destinés notamment à l’accueil
du public et des chercheurs. La gestion des sites est assurée par le Conseil
Général de Gironde qui souhaite fortement valoriser les deux domaines
pour en faire leur « vitrine environnementale », dixit les gestionnaires du
département. Le patrimoine bâti était fortement dégradé aussi bien pour
les digues et les écluses que les bâtiments. Des travaux de rénovation
ont été entrepris et il ne reste actuellement en chantier que le château.
Dans ces marais d’eau douce et d’eau salée, réputés globalement pour
leur rôle de refuge ornithologique, différentes activités prennent place. 50
000 visiteurs s’y baladent chaque année suivant les chemins aménagés
sur les digues. Pour entretenir les domaines un agriculteur y fait paître
son troupeau de bazadaises et de blondes d’Aquitaine, des races de vache
locales. Elles sont hébergées à la ferme de Graveyron. De même pour
s’occuper des bassins de Certes un pêcheur a relancé l’activité piscicole,
il devrait dans les prochaines années développer celle-ci à Graveyron. Un
des objectifs de ces deux acteurs, avec le soutien des gestionnaires du
département, est de lancer prochainement un circuit court de distribution
auquel la population locale semble très intéressée. Ces activités exploitantes
participent ainsi à la mise en place d’un patrimoine de terroir qui vient
s’ajouter aux patrimoines naturel et historique de Certes et Graveyron
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(CONSERVATOIRE DU LITTORAL, 2015). Enfin la chasse «à la tonne»
(abrité dans une cache en bois qui donne sur un plan d’eau aménagé, le
chasseur guette les canards attirés par des leurres) est pratiquée au domaine
de Certes, un paysage typique en découle avec les parcelles aménagées sur
les bords externes des digues. Les rapports entre les gestionnaires et les
chasseurs ne sont pas évidents. En effet ces derniers, par un sentiment
d’appropriation traditionnel de ces espaces pour la chasse, ne respectent
pas la réglementation en vigueur comme la période de chasse ou de ne
pas circuler à moto.
Dans un souci de valorisation et de préservation, ces sites sont protégés
au titre de la Loi littoral et de l’outil de protection Espace Naturel Sensible
(qui concernent la pression urbaine et le développement des activités anthropiques) et ont été classés en zone Natura 2000 et en ZNIEFF, Zones
naturelles d’intérêt écologique faunistique et floristique (qui leur reconnaissent un rôle majeur concernant la biodiversité). Le patrimoine bâti est
quant à lui inscrit aux monuments historiques, la gestion des écluses rénovés
n’est pas informatisée car le choix a été de les laisser à usage manuel. La
superposition de mesures de protection et de «labels» démontre l’intérêt
porté par le département de Gironde à cette «vitrine environnementale»
et par la commune qui dépend des ces domaines pour attirer les touristes.
II. Les domaines de Certes et Graveyron vulnérables
face à l’aléa de la submersion marine
Les domaines endigués de Graveyron et Certes se situent sur la côte
Est du Bassin d’Arcachon. Au Sud s’étendent les bras du delta de la
Leyre, la dynamique de sédimentation estuarienne est donc très forte et
nécessite régulièrement de draguer les canaux pour permettre la circulation maritime. S’ajoute à cela la dynamique de la marée deux fois par
jour. Le marnage varie entre quelques dizaines de centimètre et plus de
4 mètres. Ces domaines sont jouxtés par la commune d’Audenge qui rassemble plus de 6000 habitants. Comme pour le reste des communes du
Bassin d’Arcachon nous sommes en zone de périurbanisation dépendante
de la ville de Bordeaux. Effectivement depuis le XXe siècle le littoral du
Bassin s’est urbanisé de telle façon qu’il n’existe plus que trois corridors
naturels entre l’arrière-pays et le Bassin. Pour un territoire de cette en546 |
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vergure, la connectivité biologique entre les habitats naturels offerte est
relativement peu développée.
Alors que le territoire s’anthropise, le changement climatique provoque la fonte des calottes glaciaires et la dilatation thermique des océans
ce qui entraîne une montée du niveau de la mer. De plus les chercheurs
remarquent une intensification de la fréquence des événements climatiques
comme les tempêtes, ce qui est problématique pour le Bassin d’Arcachon
duquel on pourrait penser à tort qu’il est protégé par la flèche du Cap
Ferret (ANSELME et al., 2008). Si la houle est bien stoppée aux niveaux
des passes de la lagune, à l’intérieur du bassin le forçage du vent à la
surface de l’eau va créer du clapot. Ce qui, combinée à une marée importante («de vives-eaux»), peut entraîner une submersion des zones à
risque: c’est un phénomène de surcote difficilement prévisible dans de telles
conditions. Les obstacles comme les digues sont alors franchis et l’action
érosive de l’attaque des vagues est aussi bien progressive, par affouillement
que régressive par le phénomène de surverse. Malgré la position reculée
dans le fond du bassin des polders de Graveyron et de Certes, la surcote
représente bien un danger que l’exemple ci-dessous vient étayer.
Toutes les digues de Graveyron et de Certes ne sont pas soumises
à la même intensité du risque de submersion. Une portion à Graveyron,
appelée «la Pointe», y est particulièrement exposée. C’est lors d’une tempête
en 1996 qu’une brèche se forme dans la digue. Les propriétaires ont bien
tenté de la combler mais elle n’arrêtait pas de se reformer et même de
s’élargir (à tel point qu’une grue était constamment sur place pour les
travaux). Face à ce travail de Sisyphe il a donc été décidé de laisser ce
secteur de 10 ha retourner à un état non aménagé morphologiquement
dessiné par les dynamiques marines. Le marais d’eau douce a laissé la
place a un marais d’eau salé (schorre ou pré salé). L’intérêt est, dans
cette situation, de bénéficier d’un service écosystémique proposé par le pré
salé. Pour faire face au risque de submersion, celui-ci, installé en avant
d’une digue, va jouer le rôle d’espace tampon, amortissant l’impact des
dynamiques marines. D’un point de vue financier, cela permet de préser
ver les digues qui sont chers à entretenir. En terme de biodiversité cette
dépoldérisation accidentelle permet d’observer côte à côte sur le domaine
de Graveyron deux types de marais à eau douce, la partie endiguée, et à
eau salée, la zone de la brèche, avec chacun leurs faunes et leurs flores
respectives et ainsi de bénéficier de variations du paysage.
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III. Comment le patrimoine et le risque de submersion
sont-ils perçus par la population
Des enjeux considérables transparaissent ainsi sur le territoire alors
que le risque de submersion se fait de plus en plus menaçant. Quelle
gestion devrait alors s’appliquer pour répondre au mieux à ces défis.
Pour donner des éléments de réponse, les gestionnaires des domaines
de Certes et Graveyron donne le feu vert à un projet d’étude nommé
BARCASUB: la SUBmersion marine et ses impacts environnementaux
et sociaux dans le Bassin d’ARCAchon, gérer ce risque par la dépoldérisation (GOELDNER-GIANELLA et BERTRAND, 2014: 219-230). Les
chercheurs rassemblés s’intéressent à la mise en œuvre de la dépoldérisation: est-elle physiquement possible? Économiquement avantageuse? Et
socialement acceptable? La technique traditionnelle et lourde contre le
risque de submersion est l’installation de digues, le mètre linaire coûte en
moyenne 700 euros. La durabilité de ces installations pose aussi problème
puisque dans certains secteurs la détérioration peut être très rapide. La
dépoldérisation est quant à elle une technique relativement douce qui ne
nécessite pas d’intervention sur le milieu et donc est peu coûteuse. Mais
alors plusieurs questions se posent: comment laisser la mer regagner du
terrain: faut-il que l’homme agisse ou faut-il attendre une brèche accidentelle? Et jusqu’où laisser la mer avancer?
Environ cinq cents entretiens ont été menés dans le cadre du projet
BARCASUB pour connaître la réceptivité du public (population locale
et touristes) à la notion de dépoldérisation et au risque de submersion
qui s’accroît. Les réponses montrent que s’il y a bien une conscience
du risque de submersion, l’attachement aux polders est encore très fort.
Ils sont représentés comme des héritages qui sont la trace d’un travail
considérable de domination de la mer par les «ancêtres». C’est donc un
patrimoine à protéger selon ces entretiens. De plus les digues sont particulièrement appréciées pour profiter du paysage. Élevées de quelques mètres,
elles permettent effectivement de voir les différents paysages du Bassin
d’Arcachon. Le paysage des polders est d’ailleurs présenté sur le site du
Conservatoire du Littoral comme naturel et façonné par l’homme ce qui
peut apparaître fortement discutable tant l’artificialisation des sites est
importante. Des comparaisons sont faites lors des entretiens avec l’époque
où les secteurs étaient abandonnés après la Seconde Guerre mondiale et
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donc difficilement visitables alors que l’accessibilité est aujourd’hui bien
développée. Un dernier point significatif est la représentation du pré
salé par ce public. Face au marais d’eau douce entretenu, comment est-il
accepté? En fait les gens ne semblent pas vraiment le remarquer. Il n’occupe après tout que 10 ha et aucune forme de présentation (sous forme
de signalétique par exemple) n’est faite dans le domaine de Graveyron
pour renseigner le promeneur.
Conclusion
Un risque réel de submersion pèse sur les domaines de Certes et
Graveyron. Les modèles numériques de terrain développés prennent en
compte un scénario «catastrophiste» avec une augmentation du niveau
de la mer de 22 centimètre pour 2050 or les dernières recherches en
climatologie montrent que cette augmentation pourrait être encore plus
importante et donc concerner aussi la commune d’Audenge.
La gestion du site, déléguée au département de la Gironde, est destinée à mettre en valeur le patrimoine naturel et historique des sites en
y conciliant les différentes activités. Concernant le risque de submersion,
l’entretien des digues semble privilégié mais économiquement cela n’est
pas une solution durable. La dépoldérisation s’oppose de son côté au fort
attachement de la population à un patrimoine hérité.
Dans ce contexte on saisit toute la difficulté de concilier les enjeux
économiques, sociaux et écologiques du développement durable avec la
volonté de préserver un paysage construit par le patrimoine. Ce qui nous
amène à nous interroger sur la durabilité d’un paysage et la conservation
du patrimoine alors que les dynamiques morphologiques sont continuellement à l’œuvre sur le paysage.
Enfin cette étude de cas rend visible les différentes nuances de
temporalité du risque et de la gestion (MORRIS, 2015). La temporali
té du risque marin distingue d’une part l’événement épisodique de la
submersion et d’autre part le phénomène continu de la transgression
marine (qui par l’élévation du niveau de la mer fait avancer le front
de mer sur la terre). La temporalité du gestionnaire est limitée quant
à elle par le mandat des élus qui ont une vision à court terme de la
gestion du risque.
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Aujourd’hui nous défendons une nouvelle gestion intégrée du risque
par l’efficience du territoire, qui pourrait concerner les polders associés
à la commune d’Audenge, c’est-à-dire par l’adaptation au risque à l’aide
d’une gestion souple et sur le temps long qui permet au territoire de
traverser différents états sans provoquer de dégâts économiques, sociaux
ou environnementaux considérables. On comprend au travers de cet
exemple que cette notion est encore loin d’être en pratique appliquée
au-delà des discours.
Bibliographie
Article internet:
ANSELME B., DURAND P., GOELDNER-GIANELLA L. et BERTRAND F. (2008) - Impacts
de l’élévation du niveau marin sur l’évolution d’un marais maritime endigué : le domaine
de Graveyron, Bassin d’Arcachon. Vertigo, Vol 8, n°1. Avril 2008. [Accessed February 25,
2015]. Available from www: <URL:http://vertigo.revues.org/>. ISSN1492-8442
MORRIS I. (2015) - Learning the Lessons of Long-Term History. Global Affairs. [Accessed
March 15, 2015]. Available from www:<URL :https://stratfor.com/weekly/>
ORLOVE B. (2005) - Human adaptation to climate change: a review of three historical
cases and some general perspectives. Environmental Science and Policy, Vol 8. [Accessed
March 15, 2015]. Available from www: <URL :http://sciencedirect.com/>
Article imprimé:
GOELDNER-GIANELLA L. et BERTRAND F. (2014) - Gérer le risque de submersion marine
par la dépoldérisation: représentations locales et application des politiques publiques dans
le bassin d’Arcachon. Natures Sciences Sociétés. ISSN 1240-1307. Vol. 22, n° 3, p. 219-230.
BERTRAND F., GOELDNER-GIANELLA L. (dir.) (2011) - Programme Liteau: projet
BARCASUB. Rapport à mi-parcours, 58 p.
Sites internet:
CONSERVATOIRE DU LITTORAL - Domaine de Certes et de Graveyron. [Online]. [Accessed,
March 1, 2015]. Available from www: <URL:http://www.conservatoire-du-littoral.fr/>
DEPARTEMENT DE LA GIRONDE - Le domaine de Certes-Graveyron. [Online]. [Accessed,
March 1, 2015]. Available from www: <http://www.gironde.fr/>
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Culture resource management approach on Sindangbarang sites, Anton Ferdianto
Culture resource management
approach on Sindangbarang
sites
ANTON FERDIANTO
Abstract: Culture is a whole aspect of human lives presented in many charac
teristic. These characteristic should be maintained by its people as a sense
of identity. This principal then be used too as a main purpose in handling
archaeological remains. The three basic rules that follows the urge of identity,
are preserving, protecting, and developing. Sindang Barang had many potential
aspect of values in ideological, educational and economical matters. This Sites
should be treat in the same ways. By the cross-project between archaeologist,
local government and the active participation of its people, Sindangbarang can
be developed in to a more beneficial sites that can be enriched our sense of
identity, knowledge and prosperity.
Introduction
M
aintaining the characteristics of a culture require the people
who produce and use a particular culture. This is because they
are trying to show a characteristic of their culture to the people of other
cultures as well as other cultural groups reveal their culture (Atmodjo,
2010). Psychologically, this identity is necessary to put themselves to be
able to support certain cultural groups based on their similarity (possessed).
Therefore, maintaining and developing the culture is needed to keep the
collective identity to not disturbed by another culture.
Culture develops through the medium of human behavior that utilizes the
natural environment. The effort to exploit the natural environment can not
be separated from economic and technological influences, also other aspects
related to the necessities of life. Usually related to technological aspects of
human ability to utilize natural resources in the environment by using their
technology on producing tools, while the economic aspects with regard to
ideas, knowledge, and action in exploiting natural resources for subsistence.
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The relationship between humans and their environment is bridged
by their need to meet their needs. As it is known that ancient people
try accomodate their needs not only use the natural products directly,
but also exploit the environment. Through this exploitation activities by
creating tools that fit the needs of both material and spiritual. Traces
of human civilization and past life events recorded on the remains of a
culture or commonly referred as artifacts. Artifacts as a result of human
cultures that support either in the form of monuments, artifacts, and
features is the role of the condition and provision of natural resources,
and the remains are usually occupy a large area or region with a pattern
that represents a time.
Based on some inscription ever found, the earliest known kingdom
in West Java during the age of “kingdom” period, is the kingdom of
Tarumanagara. In addition to the inscriptions, other news sources that
mention of the existence of the kingdom of Tarumanagara derived from
the records of the foreign traders.
Foreign news that mentions the kingdom TARUMA comes from
the Chinese news. I’Tsing (7th century AD) mentions several countries
including Mo-ho-sin. From the same time there are also stories that mention the name of To-lo-mo. From historical records of Sui Dynasty said
that in 528 and 535 AD came messengers from To-lo-mo. Year 666 and
669 AD during the T’ang dynasty also came messengers from To-lo-mo.
According to some experts Tolomo name is the Chinese pronunciation
of Taruma (Sumadio, 1990: 44). Based on the ancient inscription, Tárumanágara allegedly took place from the 5th century until the end of the
7th century AD.
Long history of the Sung Dynasty (420-478) also mentions its
existence, which is located in West Java. In the year 430 AD came
the messenger of the Kingdom Holotan to bring tribute. The arrival of
envoys from the kingdom Holotan recorded in 430, 433, 434, 437, and
452 AD. After 452 AD the Kingdom Holotan no longer sends envoy
to China, it is presumably because the kingdom is already a colony of
Tarumanagara kingdom.
In contrast to the news, the news of Fa-hien more draws on religious
life aspect in the era of Tarumanagara. Fa-hsien a monk from China illustrates during his journey, there are three groups that follow different
religions. The adherents of Hinduism is the largest group, the next is the
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adherents of Buddhism is a smaller group, including Fa-hsien own, and
they are said to be adherents bad / dirty. Based on the distribution of
some of the inscriptions and archaeological remains of an estimated area
of Tarumanagara kingdom covers areas that are now included in Banten,
Jakarta, Karawang, and Bogor.
After the collapse of the kingdom of Tarumanagara in the 7th century,
for quite a long time West Java experience lack of historical data. Only
later in the 10th century there are a new kingdom which is Kingdom of
Sunda. The oldest evidence of the Kingdom of Sunda is from inscription
Rakryan Juru Pangambat (854 S / 932 M) were found in Kebon Kopi,
Bogor. According to some sources it is known that the Kingdom of Sunda
experienced several times the displacement center of government, starting
from Galuh to end up in Pakwan Padjadjaran.
Picture of religious life in the Kingdom of Sunda can be obtained
in several manuscripts. In ancient manuscript Sanghyang Siksa Kanda ng
Karesian (16th century) we can see that the religious life which initially
showed the nature of the Hindu, then mixed with Buddhism, and in the
end was mixed with elements of the local ancestral religion.
This local religion is base on belief in ancestral spirits are realized
through megalithic buildings. The term megalithic according Geldern
(1945), Hekeeren (1958), and Soejono (1981) is not a megalithic or
megalithic culture but it is a tradition that evolved from the Neolithic to
the Bronze period iron continues even today (Prasetyo, 2004: 95). The
settlement during the Kingdom of Sunda presume to be in Bogor Regency. Archaeological remains which indicate the presence of the Kingdom
of Sunda in Bogor has so far been very few being discovered. Based on
research that has been done Agus Aris showed that Sindangbarang and
surrounding region is thought to be the remains of the Kingdom of Sunda.
Problematic
Referring to the Schiffer concept of transformation, which the archaeo
logical remains found on earth is also a picture of the human mindset,
culture, and behavior system that has been distorted (Schiffer, 1976:
11-12). Therefore he explained that there are two main contexts that
may explain the presence of cultural resources, i.e. the context of the
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systems and archaeological context. The context of the system is a cultural
environment that is still ongoing. In this context the cultural resources
still play an active role and are used by the community. Archaeological
context is the environment where cultural resources both tangible and
intangible are not used anymore. Cultural resources that are not used
anymore often become damaged, lost and extinct. However, it is not
uncommon these cultural resources are still there but not visible and it
is still possible to be rediscovered.
Lately there is a tendency in society to establish a cultural community that aims to protect or defend the culture results. The rescue efforts
appear to be caused by many considerations, for example on the aesthetic
aspect, the content of value, architectural feasibility, historical area protection or intended to maintain the remains of the cultural identity of a
culture that can be experience by future generations.
Preservation and development of cultural relics that continue to exist
and certainly could be more in terms of the historical value, educational
and economical value for the public and the people who live in the surrounding area. Therefore, the problem that arises is how the strategy as
what is needed to ensure the sustainability of the cultural resources that
can be utilized without having to destroy the culture so that resources
can last as long as possible.
Sindangbarang Complex Sites
Sindangbarang region includes several sites which is Taman Sri Bagenda, Sumur Jalatunda, Leuweung Karamat, Punden Pasir Eurih, Batu Karut,
Punden Rucita, Punden Munjul, and Ciangsana site. From the research
that has been conducted in the region we could see that these sites are
not from prehistoric period, but from ancient history period, especially
the kingdom of Sunda (Munandar 2006: 19-20). However, the result of
these interpretations is still full of debate. This is due to the its similarity
in name of the site, in this case Taman Sri Bagenda appeared in ancient
literature 14-15 century AD in Javanese and Balinese.
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Three Elements of Conservation
The idea that cultural heritage can serve as a ‘commodity’ for public
welfare and not only for historical remains. Furthermore it is said that
all the economic value of cultural heritage which should be considered to
raise revenue ‘its owner’. Therefore the utilization of the cultural heritage
is not always dealing with maintaining the historical remains but also on
the utilization and development for the greater purpose.
With the concept of preservation as a guide, the development first
need to see the potential of what is possessed. Based on the results of
research conducted in this region, some sites are still used as Jalatunda
springs where the water is still used by the community if there’s a traditional celebration like Seren Taun. The existence of these wells has become
an integral part of the local communities in implementing the ceremony,
which would later become a tourist attraction that is quite interesting
considering the proliferation of cultural tourism among tourists both
local and foreign. This of course can bring benefits to the surrounding
community with the tourist arrivals in economic terms.
Not only from an economic point of view, some sites like Luweng
Keramat, Pasir Keramat, Punden Rucita are considered sacred by community that lives in the region. Natural areas that are not destroyed
certainly is very importance. This condition made this region remain
intact and be ecologically attractive appeal to be enjoyed especially now
a lot of groups of tourists who not only enjoy the culture but also aims
to enjoy the beauty of nature itself.
Development and use of such possibilities should be explored. Public
support for the region it is necessary to recognize and choose what elements that can be used to strengthen the identity and not just from an
economic point of view of course. In addition it this important also to
educate the peoples that lives in that area to increase the appreciation
of the traditions and social life of their ancestor heritage. The learning
process generate emotional link between generations through material
culture. Without education, it is difficult for us to expect public support
for cultural heritage preservation because they do not see the remains is
a products of their ancestors. Therefore, archaeologists, local government
and the community surrounding the sites have an importance role in the
development of these sites.
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Conclusion
In the process of forming the archaeological data, we know there are
four stages of the most commonly used; acquisition of material resources
(acquisition), Producing stage (manufacture), using stage (use) and discard
stage (discard) (Renfrew and Bhan, 1991: 46). Archaeology is a discipline
related to the past. Archeology is a science that connecting and actualizing
these cultural forms for the community. Archaeologists refer to the role
of post-modernism as a ‘translator’ (Tanudirjo, 1995: 61). In the process
of ‘translation’ of archaeologists required not only able to interpret them
in the realm of environmental science course or for academics but also
for the wider community. Because ‘past’ essentially belongs to the peoples, not the monopoly of certain groups. Observing the need for public
archeology can be a means of disseminating ‘translation results’ to the
community in a broader segment.
In supporting the achievement of the above objectives, the openness
of the people who live in the area Sindangbarang as the ‘owner of tradition’ is the key to changes and development of the site. Accessibility to
others in terms of control, management and use of the site will also need
to be synergized so there was a concept of sustainable conservation and
certainly generate more value for public support for the culture.
Bibliography
Atmodjo, Junus satrio, (2010). Development and Utilization of Sunda Cultural Heritage.
International conference seminar Sundanese culture, Bogor.
Djafar, Hasan, (1991). Inscriptions of the Sunda Kingdom Period. National Seminar
Literature and History Pakuan Padjadjaran.
Maryaeni. (2006). Method in Culture Research, Jakarta;Bumi aksara.
Munandar, Agus Aris, (2008). Sacred Buildings In Sunda Kingdom. Seminar on Sindangbarang sites. Bogor (Unpublish).
Prasetyo, (2004).Religions In Prehistoric Society in Indonesia. Jakarta: Puslitbang Arkeo
logi Nasional.
Sciffer, Michael B, (1976): Behavioral Archaeology. New York, Academic Press.
Sumadio. Bambang, (1990). Ancient Periods. National History of Indonesia II. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan.
Widyastuti, Endang, (2006). Report of Archaeological Research on ancient Inscription and
Environment in Bogor and its surroundings. Bandung: Balai Arkeologi Bandung (Unpublish).
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Archaeological research in Sutatausa and Valle de Ubaté
(Cundinamarca, Colombia). A Multidisciplinary approach, Pedro Rivera
Archaeological research in
Sutatausa and Valle de Ubaté
(Cundinamarca, Colombia).
A Multidisciplinary approach
PEDRO RIVERA
Abstract: With the development of an aracheological project on the field of early
peopling studies at the central region of Colombia. It has taken into account
the responsibility that comes with the recovery and conservation of archaeologi
cal heritage. Given that the area of the center of the country has considerable
archaeological potential, the project also will have participation of institutions
and local communities, it seeks to organize joint actions for protection and
dissemination, such as public archeology, has considered the possibility of desig
ning an archaeological park which shall ensure the protection, conservation and
management of this heritage. So, through some forms of exploitation, such as
sustainable tourism, seeks to promote conditions conducive to forming processes
of memory and identity of the people of the area. So this project also seeks
that the community understands otherwise its history, that history that gives
meaning to the spaces and activities that are ultimately fundamental part of
social production and reproduction.
Key words: Archaeology, Anthropology, Heritage, Identity, Memory, Sustainability.
Introduction
C
olombia, for its strategic position between the two Americas, has
a key role, an exceptional importance in the debate about the
origin, settlement patterns and routes of early human groups throughout
the continent. This project aims to revisit this issue and explore the possi
bilities offered a place like Sutatausa and generally the Valle de Ubaté.
Area located in the northeastern part of the department of Cundinamarca,
which has been found isolated discoveries, which are reviewed in some
publications or reports of preventive archeology.
The importance of the reconstruction of prehistoric settlement in
the study area goes beyond regional boundaries and is important for the
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understanding of American settlement. This project will be supported
by the contributions of two institutions of higher education (Italy and
Colombia), using as a framework cooperation agreement signed between
the Italian and Colombian universities and a specific agreement between
the Universidad Externado de Colombia and the University of Ferrara.
Thus, within this project are referred to the work of public archeology,
which are aimed at strengthening interaction with local authorities and
institutions responsible for the protection, preservation and dissemination
of archaeological heritage.
Materials and methods
Working in collaboration with the agreement between universities
and under the supervision of the Instituto Colombiano de Antropología
e Historia (ICANH), is looking to follow up on all aspects surrounding
this project. First, the work of archeology is looking to collect data that
contribute to the timing and spatial distribution of cultural material that
allowing the reconstruction of the site and the history of its inhabitants.
Then, under the supervision of ICANH, which is the entity of the Colombian State to guarantee the research, production and dissemination
of anthropological, archaeological, historical and ethnographic heritage of
the country, the following activities will be undertaken:
– Publication of results in the most appropriate and adequate under
public way: through scientific journals with high impact factor and
dissemination, publication of monographs, publication of brochures
for the general public, etc.
– Disseminate the results collected between the scientific community
and the general public through meetings, communications, agreements, study days, traveling exhibitions, which can create positive
effects for the care and appreciation of cultural heritage.
– Develop training for interdisciplinary research in relation to the
study, conservation, restoration, dissemination and appreciation
of cultural heritage.
– Make the joint definition of training courses under the cultural
heritage with specific professional training.
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– Consider the possibility of designing an archaeological park which
ensure the protection, conservation and management of this heritage.
These direct impact strategies that seek to transform gradually and
long-term memory, conceptions and forms of representation of archaeological heritage and generally the work of anthropologist and / or archaeo
logist in the social fabric.
Discussion
The project activities are being developed want to increase the level
of interaction between the institutions in charge of the investigation and
the community who create their everyday about findings that constitute
the archaeological heritage of the nation. That is, in the same space you
can create and re-create cultural landscapes changing the meanings that
are imposed to space by different social actors.
In the same way, the recognition and association of the different
items available to convert a space in a landscape. These processes were
building a social landscape, which is seen as a cultural product that arises
from the interaction of economic, social and symbolic dimensions. Thus,
this landscape is the used space, designed, intended, appropriate, sacred,
abandoned etc. (Orejas 1995). So the landscape is not just a flat and
static reflection of the communities (Orejas 1995). Thus, society formed
the space generating landscapes, but in turn the landscape becomes active
element of society (Orejas 1995: 217).
Assuming that the landscape is not only a visible surface, but is the
result of rationality, we can access to the study of the characteristics and
dynamics of such rationality (Orejas 1995). So, you can zoom to the
behaviors, practices and social relations of the communities of the past
that interacted with the different spaces. After all, we can make approxi
mations to their perception of reality, including how human perception
acts on the material.
The archaeology in Colombia has enabled discussions on specific
processes and cultural changes, appropriations and social constructions of
space, the formation and negotiation of identities and processes. The way
the sense of archaeological contexts, reformulate, make visible and are
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manifest a series conceived elections and cultural and discursive strategies
that individuals generated and materialized from established relationships
with the objects created, used, modified and discarded.
This view also allows you to take an interdisciplinary position is based
on lines of evidence that comprise such studies (studies in material culture,
anthropology, geography, history, architecture, etc.). In this way it breaks
with the idea of defining archeology as the area that simplifies looks to
dig up the past to see how they lived before the various human groups.
As will be seen, the way which the people looks and use all the
archaeological evidence depends on their conception of the find. For
example, the Sutatausa area is famous for its examples of rock art, of
which many are outdoors unprotected. Vandalism and other activities
have ruined many of these findings, and all are unique evidence. On the
photo (figure 1), we can see a beautiful example of rock found in the
cemetery of the village. This particular piece is protected not because it
is part of the heritage of the area, but simply because he was in cemetery
area. But the statue of Christ that is on this rock is an example of how
beliefs, knowledge and traditions are mixed in an almost unique context
where the statue seeks re-consecrate a space where there is something
that does not correspond to this type of space.
Figure 1. Rock art at the Sutatausa cemetery.
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When we are talking about vandalism (Figure 2), unfortunately we
have several examples where new generations, and people that come from
other parts permanently ruined examples of rock art, pottery, tombs and
other archaeological evidences thinking that they will find gold or another
archaeological material that they can sell. Because the people think that
they will find treasures in these places. The classic “guaquería”.
So the concern about how they are shaping and creating landscapes
arises and in broader terms territorialities, understood as the appropriation
or power relations on this landscape perform different communities. Thus,
through an awareness campaign about what the archaeological heritage,
showing its origin, relevance and importance to community Sutatausa
and Valley Ubaté, you can transform certain usages and conceptions held
about making up the heritage archaeological region such as paintings,
incidental findings of tombs or other archaeological material.
Figure 2. Vandalism on rock art.
Conclusions
The proposal is allowing approaching between the scientific community and the community towards common interests that can lead to a
harmonious process to the end will contribute to development in a region
noted for its livestock and dairy foods. In each property in rural areas
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are remnants and traces that testify the occupation of the area for thousands of years. But the appropriation and assessment by people towards
these is almost zero, leaving abandonment and subsequent deterioration
of each archaeological evidence found in the area.
Thus, for the protection of different sites and findings that can be
done, we must recognize two types of factors affecting threatening the
archaeological heritage of the region. These are: the factors of environmental origin and anthropogenic. At the first one, the environmental factors
influence the preservation of evidence found during archaeological work
such as soil type, moisture etc. Meanwhile, anthropogenic factors are
those events that human action has an impact on such evidence, factors
such as vandalism, pollution and guaquería (colloquial term describing
the activity of looting of an archaeological site). And it is in this second
point where we have to work and achieve awareness by the community
in the area so that the assets are recognized as its own and in to make
part of everyday life.
In short, outreach work directly linked to academic entity represented by archaeologist with the local population, to begin to transform
the widespread idea of “guaca” by archaeological heritage, which is part
of local values and tools of identity communities today, in the long run
could set policies to protect and safeguard the archaeological heritage.
References
OREJAS. Almudena. (1995). Arqueología del Paisaje: De la Reflexión a la Planificación.
Archivo español de arqueología, Vol. 68, Nº 171-172, 1995, págs. 215-224.
RIVERA. Pedro. (Unpublished), (2014). Investigaciones arqueológicas en Sutatausa y el Valle
de Ubaté (Cundinamarca, Colombia. Research Project.
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The problems to protect underwater heritage in Indonesia, Harry Octavianus Sofian
The problems to protect
underwater heritage
in Indonesia
HARRY OCTAVIANUS SOFIAN
Abstract: Indonesia is the largest archipelago country in the world, which most
of the territory is water. Indonesia territory known as a connector since beginning
of century in the maritime trade between China in the east and Arab in the
west, this line known as a silk road maritime. Not surprise if sea and river in
Indonesia contains lots of shipwrecks and artifacts. Since 2010 Indonesia have
a constitution that regulate underwater heritage, which allow to sell underwater
artifacts as a commodity to get the economy value. These not in lines with
UNESCO 2001 ratification about Underwater Cultural Heritage, even Indonesia
not yet ratify. This paper will discuss about the problems and management to
protect underwater heritage in Indonesia
Key: heritage, underwater archaeology, law, management, research
1. Introduction
U
nderwater archeology was attracted the attention of archaeologists
since 1950 when excavation work began in the Mediterranean
Sea (Green. 2004). Underwater archeology in Indonesia started in the
1980’s, where young Indonesian archaeologists were sent to attend the
training course in Thailand. But later underwater archaeology overcast,
after young archaeologist, Santoso Pribadi was lost in the Haliputan Sea
at 1987, when he was investigate Galdermasen shipwreck. The body
of Santoso Pribadi not being ever discovered and become the mystery
was never revealed. This accident has weakened developing underwater
archaeology in Indonesia (Utomo. 2008).
Galdermasen shipwreck is a merchant ship VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie) discovered by Michael Hatcher who obtain 160,000
thousand ceramic and 225 bars of gold bullion, its auctioned worth ±
US$18 million and not one penny Indonesian government allotment afARKEOS 38-39
| 563
ter auctioned at Auction Christie’s at 1986 (Sutiyarti. 2005). In 1999,
Belitung wreck site excavated by Tilman Walterfang with permission
from the Indonesia goverment. Artifacts that are salvaged, among others,
60,000 pieces of ceramic tile where almost all of the furnace Changsha,
ceramic Yue, Sancai, blue and white, and green jars of Guangdong, lead
ballast, rosin, silver bullion, gold and pepper (Flecker. 2001). In 2005,
the treasure was finally sold to Singapore’s Sentosa Leisure Group for
US$32 million. Under Indonesian conservation law, the state government
is entitled to half of this, but it appears that only US$2.5 million or so
ever made it into Indonesian coffers (Leow. 2009).
Because the looters and antiquities trades increasingly prevalent towards underwater heritage, UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization), as a organization which concern with heritage
in the world, held convention at 2001 to protect underwater cultural
heritage. Based on the Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage at 2001, there is four main principal from the convention:
1.Obligation to preserve underwater cultural heritage
2. In situ preservation as the first choice
3.No commercial exploitation
4.Training and information sharing
But the UNESCO convention 2001 not yet ratification by Indonesia
government until now.
To protect underwater heritage from the looters, Indonesia government
since 2010 also have law Indonesia Constitution No. 11, 2010, renew
from Indonesia Constitution No. 5, 1992. But this law put the Indonesia
government in two leg. In one site protect the underwater heritage, but
the others side can sell it legally.
Inventory conducted by the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fishe
ries locations are 463 shipwrecks between 1508 and 1878 are scattered
in the waters of Indonesia. According to reports there are 274 locations
VOC shipwreck in Indonesia. According to Chinese historians, there is
a 3.000 shipwreck in the waters Indonesia (Helmi. 2010), according to
Tony Wells contained 186 ships VOC (Wells. 1995), Arqueonautas report
in 2011 said there were 16 points shipwreck in the Strait of Gaspar,
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Bangka Belitung (Mirabal .2011). From all the location only Cirebon
Shipwreck site which approach the rules of archaeological research in exca
vation and conservation in 2004 (Utomo.2008), the rest from the sites
are not with the rules of archaeological research and have big potential
lost archaeological data.
2. Problems
Indonesia territory has many underwater sites location, most of them
not yet excavated. Indonesia government already have new law constitution No. 11, 2010 to protect the cultural heritage in underwater from
the looters, but the others side, Indonesia government see the underwater
heritage as economic value and it’s contradict with UNESCO Convention
2001 to Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage. Why the Indonesia
government and UNESCO have different point of view to see and protect
underwater heritage
3. Discussion
Since prehistoric times and the first millennium AD, the Indonesian
archipelago especially the eastern coast of Sumatra is a sea trade route
connecting the West Asia and East Asia. This strategic position makes
western Indonesian archipelago into a cross cultural and pathways trade
by sea, so often referred to as the maritime silk route. Merchant ships
from West Asia, South Asia and East Asia should passing the island of
Sumatra and Peninsular Malaysia if you want to China and to Indian
and Arabic, so that sea area becomes crowded with trading activity and
ocean shipping. Along the east and west coasts of Sumatra and Peninsular
Malaysia stand harbors many places reliance ships and trading activities.
This shipwreck sites makes the Indonesia become highly strategic in
the development underwater cultural heritage in the world, because the
location of shipwreck sites not in the deep sea, the underwater heritage
not only in the sea but also in the river and the lake. Most Indonesia
Sea, river and lake has a deep less than 100 meters and possibility to
excavated.
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Underwater heritages are very important as the data and information
for the reconstruction history of Indonesia and the world in the past. For
the examples, Belitung wreck is one example underwater archaeological
sites already looted but have very important history value. The ship is
the Arab dhow carrying Changsha ceramics from the Tang Dynasty, based
on the analysis of carbon dating from the wood, estimated ship from the
VIII century AD. It’s very important data, because based on the archaeo
logical data from the land, the ancient Arab evident in Indonesia since
XI century AD, from the tombstone Fatimah binti Maimun.
Underwater heritage also called “time capsule” which can provide
data and historical information, as archaeological remains in underwater
can be preserved well if compared with archaeological remains found on
land, see comparison of archaeological preservation in Figure 1.
Figure 1. Tabel archaeological preservation comparison on land and underwater
(Source: Bowens.2009)
The problem to protect underwater heritage among others:
a. Human resources
Human resources is the most important components, human resources
competencies determine the success of a destination. To begin survey and
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excavated the archaeological sites in underwater needed archaeologist who
has additional capabilities that are certified and the ability to dive, it is
obviously necessary for doing excavation in underwater.
Unfortunately in Indonesia right now, not many archaeologists who
have diving certificate and focus with underwater sites. For the Advance
Scuba Diver from NAUI (National Association Underwater Instructor)
and two star from CMAS (Confédération Mondiale des Activités Subaquatiques) and POSSI (Indonesia Subaquatic Sport Association) allow to
doing diving activities until 40 meters and if want more deep should
follow others technical course. The “extra energy” to learning diving in
underwater archaeology sometimes make the the archaeologist afraid to
take this opportunity.
b. Cracks in law enforcement
Beside law constitution No. 11, 2010 concerning the legal aspects of
underwater archaeological objects, Indonesia also have Presidential Decree No.
12, 2009 about PANNAS BMKT with an emphasis on the economic utilization of underwater archaeological objects. PANNAS archaeological artifacts
are chaired by the Minister of Marine and Fisheries. Based on Presidential
Decree No. 12 In 2009, Article 4 Item 1, PANNAS BMKT have the task:
1. Coordinate the activities of the department and other agencies
related to archaeological artifacts management activities;
2. Prepare legislation and institutional improvements in the field of
management archaeological artifacts;
3. Provide recommendations regarding permission survey, salvage, and
utilization archaeological artifacts to the competent authority in
accordance with the provisions of the legislation;
4. Coordinate activities of monitoring, supervision, and control over
the survey process, salvage and utilization archaeological artifacts;
5. Submit a written report task execution at least 1 (one) years to
the President.
There is a complexity for the bureaucracy to handle underwater heritage, as economic utilization is a real obstacle to conserve and maintaining
underwater archaeological remains in Indonesia.
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c. The equipment is modern and expensive
Underwater archaeological objects required assistive devices can be
operated in underwater, modern equipments support are currently sold
at a high price. Device and tools support used in the survey, excavation
and salvage of the vessel and archaeological artifacts among others:
1. GPS (Global Positioning System)
GPS is a digital tool that is able to show the position based on
latitude and longitude with accuracy up to several meters depending
on the satellite signal received by the GPS receiver. GPS is very
useful to record the position of underwater archaeological remains.
2. ROV (Remotely Operated Vehicles)
3.Magnetometer
ROV is equipment that is able to move freely in the water, ope
rated remotely, this equipment is equipped with a waterproof
camera that is connected to a cable that sends the video signal
(Christ. 2007). ROV is helpful to know the circumstances under
water so that divers do not need to dive into the water to see
the state of the underwater environment. ROV was used to find
the Titanic, Bismark, HMS Hood and HMS Breadalbane (Green.
2004). Based on data from the internet (http://www.sub-find.
com/sm_1000.htm) the lowest price of an ROV-type SM 1000
Remote Operated Vehicle with the ability to dive to 300 meters
for USS$34.995, price does not include the cost of spare parts
and repairs if any damage.
The equipment used to detect the presence of iron and steel, usually used in conjunction with side scan sonar works by measuring
the earth’s magnetic waves are gamma rays, but the equipment
magnetometer cannot detect the presence of gold, silver and brass
(Wells. 1995). Magnetometers used to detect the location of the
alleged sinking ship and detect the presence of archaeological
objects made of iron and steel were buried in mud or sand.
4. Acoustic System
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Acoustic System is the detection equipment that uses sound waves
to detect anomalies underwater environment, as for the equipment
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include: Echo Sounder, Scanning Sonar, Multibeam Sonar, Side
Scan Sonar, Sonar Mosaic, Sub-Bottom Profiler (Green. 2004).
5. Underwater camera and video
The use of underwater video camera and is used to document
the archaeological sites and objects under water as well as to
document the activities ranging from surveying, excavation and
salvage archaeological artifacts.
6. Vacuum
Vacuum is used during the excavation is to suck mud or sand
that hoard of archaeological objects. Vacuum there are various
types such as: Airlift, Water Dredge, Water Jet, Water or Water
Problems and, Prop-Wash.
7. Diving equipment
Diver’s equipment is absolutely necessary, either in the form of basic
diving equipment such as fins, mask, snorkel and wet suit or with
equipment SCUBA (Self Contained Breathing Apparatus) in the form
of tubes SCUBA, regulator, weight belt and belt. While the tool to
minimize the adverse effects of diving is decompression sickness is
a decompression chamber, the chamber of high pressure air.
Support equipment used in the process of surveying, excavation and
salvage of underwater archaeological objects need modern equipment and the cost is not small, so that the necessary seriousness
in setting up funds to do the work of underwater archeology.
d. Warranty costs and complicated procedures by government
The huge costs required to conduct a survey, excavation, salvage
and restoration archaeological artifacts. Companies that wish to obtain
permission to survey BMKT appointment must submit a proposal to
PANNAS BMKT, which consists of 13 ministries and chaired by the
Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries. The company must complete
all recommended procedures and conduct surveys permit presentation,
PANNAS BMKT then issuing the permit.
To perform salvage company then had to get permission to do a presentation permission lift before all members PANNAS BMKT (proposals
and methods of salvage, equipment used), complete the security clearance
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permit from the Ministry of Defense, work permit (IMTA) for foreign
workers to the Ministry of Labor and Immigration, worth operating permits
for vessels to the Directorate General of Sea Transportation, warehouse for
storage archaeological artifacts prepare, submit a work plan and subsequent
complete salvage must submit cash deposit (collateral) to account PANNAS
BMKT Rp. 500.000.000, – or US$ 38.500 (Utomo. 2008).
Complicated procedures and large deposits made many company not
following the legal path, so that the procedures in conducting the survey,
excavation and salvage of archaeological research did not use the rules for
orientation only on archaeological artifacts alone. Since 2005-2009 there
are 12 cases about underwater heritage looting in Indonesia territory.
d. Big risk and limited time to diving
The different of environment between in the land and in the underwater, where oxygen is no limited to time and while on land, but in
underwater oxygen is very limited so make the diving time became limited.
Dive time is determined how the diver dive and how long it takes because
it will determine the time that divers still safe to diving and didn’t have
decompression disease and depth drunk (nitrogen narcosis). For example
in Cirebon shipwreck diving in the depth of 53-58 meters below sea
level done 2 dives per day i.e. morning and afternoon, where every dives
working time appointment findings from the seabed approximately only
15- 20 minutes (bottom time) and the time to decompress at a depth
of 15 meters, 13 meters and 10 meters with a total time of 90 minutes.
4. Conclusion
Indonesia government have dilemma with the underwater heritage,
because Indonesia government in one side have to protect it from the
others side the sites have big value in economic. With a fantastic selling
point makes a lot of companies are looking the point shipwrecks ranging
from legal procedure until the procedure is illegal, but most of these
companies are taking a lot of illegal procedures that do not heed the
rules of archaeological research. The cost of expensive equipment is also
a problem that inhibits the progress of the development of underwater
archeology in Indonesia.
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If this is allowed to drag by archaeologists and government, it is
not impossible data underwater archeology Indonesia which is the “time
machine” will be lost and damaged. It takes a huge seriousness of archaeologists and government to develop underwater archeology in Indonesia,
such as human resource development, the source of funds and
5. Bibliography
Bowens, Amanda. (2009). Underwater Archaeology The NAS Guide to Principles and Practice;
The Nautical Archaeology Society. United Kingdom. Blackwell Publishing.
Christ. Robert D. (2007). The ROV Manual; A User Guide For Observation Class Remotely
Operated Vehicles. United Kingdom. Elsevier Ltd.
Flecker, Michael, (2000). A 9-th-Century Arab or Indian Shipwreck in Indonesian Waters. The
International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 29(2). The Nautical Archaeology Society.
Green, Jeremy. (2004). Maritim Archaeology A Technical Handbook (Second Edition). United
Kingdom. Elsevier Academic Press.
Helmi, Surya. (2010). Warisan Budaya Di Dasar Laut, Data Arkeologi Yang “Dilupakan”.
Presentasi pada Seminar Semarak Arkeologi 2010. Bandung. Direktorat Peninggalan Bawah
Air. Kementerian Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata.
Leow, Rachel. (2009). Curating the Oceans: The Future of Singapore’s Past. http://idlethink.
wordpress.com/2009/07/14/curating-the-oceans-the-future-of-singapores-past/ (last access
01-03-2015)
Mirabal, Lic. Alejandro. (2011). Expedition report of the “BUDPAR-Arqueonautas” project
in the area BABEL during 2009-2010 seasons. Laporan Penelitian. Arqueonautas. Portugal
Sutiyarti, Ruri. (20059. Mempertanyakan Efektivitas Kebijakan Panitia Nasional (Pannas) Dalam Menanggulangi Penjarahan “Harta Karun” Bawah Air Di Indonesia. Artefak Edisi XXVII/
September 2005. Yogyakarta. Himpunan Mahasiswa Arkeologi (HIMA) Fakultas Ilmu
Budaya Universitas Gadjah Mada.
Wells, Tony. (1995). Shipwrecks And Sunken Treasure In Southeast Asia. Times Editions Pte
Ltd. Singapore.
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Archaeological heritage management and sustainability in Extremadura:
the Madinat Albalat project (Romangordo, Spain), Carlos Marín Hernández
Archaeological heritage
management and sustainability
in Extremadura: the Madinat
Albalat project (Romangordo,
Spain)
CARLOS MARÍN HERNÁNDEZ
Abstract: Since 2009, the Madinat Albalat project, implemented in the Islamic
archaeological settlement with the same name in Romangordo (Cáceres, Extremadura, Spain), attempts to respond to the different interests that converge
in it, which refer to the various groups or collectives it serves (the scientific
community and society in general). Its collaborators, including the author of
this paper, try to research and preserve this archaeological settlement without
sacrificing other purposes related to rural sustainability. Thus, the project aims
to establish itself as an instrument to facilitate a seamless collaboration with
public and private institutions and to create a helpful link with its redundant
communities to contribute to the sustainability of its entire region.
Keywords: Archaeological Heritage, Sustainability, Public Archaeology, Sociali
zation, Empowerment.
1. Justification: Social Empowerments and
Socialization of Cultural Heritage in Rural Areas
T
he arrival of Democracy in Spain and the implementation of the
Autonomous Regions triggered a reconsideration of the Heritage
concept (without ‘surnames’) and its management models, which were still
referring to outdated postulates in some cases. Clearly, the achievements
have been very positive, but not without contradictions that are still in
the same model designed to manage the cultural evidence. Its articulation,
whatever the administrative level (State, Autonomous Regions...), is still
done by centralized management, which presumably stands as guarantor
of the preservation and custody of those cultural attributes that Heritage
collects. Indeed, the cultural legislation has been overtaken by the
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emergence of a new Cultural Heritage concept and a reality that,
today, does not respond to the prevailing conservation interests of
yesteryear, especially in rural areas.
Also, the current economic context imposes its instability characteris
tics in all areas. Nowadays, the reduction of public supports (or even
complete suppression) are sinking many Archaeological Heritage research
projects and are affecting to cultural management, a sector already plunged
into a permanent instability since years. Where some of those projects
have found solutions to suit a very unfavorable situation, many others
are currently suffering the effects of a structural crisis that has gestated
in the same model designed for Cultural Heritage management. Mainly,
we refer to an exclusivist rentier model of tourism development that has
despised other kind of profitability over the long-term, such as many heri
tage sites that cannot be interpreted with the guidelines described above
because they cannot achieve the same economic entity. In short, it is a
cultural policy that has enhanced the value of the most great heritage
sites in order to upgrade their profitable tourist development, disregarding
other ‘less’ important heritage sites. Similarly, many of these heritage
sites have suffered the consequences of commodification; the aims had to
be enhancing the Heritage from the point of view of the cultural focus,
without falling into its commodification, as a manipulated instrument.
Today, the Cultural Heritage contributes to the shaping of the collective
identity of an individual human community. They are the cultural legacy
of a particular population, a historical manifestation of their common
identity references (EPIFANI, F., 2014). Thus, the obsolescence of the
cultural policies becomes apparent when they are still clinging to outdated Heritage definitions and are still providing an asymmetric dialogue
in which the public authorities wield the exclusive capacity to manage
cultural policies that they apply on apathetic human communities, which
act as mere spectators. Then, we observe the following paradox: public
authorities determine a Cultural Heritage notion which results strange to
its own human community. This is one of the many areas that operate
in the current historical context and more specifically in the daily life of
rural areas, which hinder their integration into the future society. At the
same time, it is a useless effort to mold artificially a social demand with a
flood of aims to try to convert them afterwards in a social requirement to
justify it. Also, the humanities disciplines have to re-think their role and
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add something to this debate, a brainstorming about the contradiction of
this process in the current world (OOSTERBEEK, L., 2011).
On the opposite side, there is a multitude of actions that are working
on new and emerging strategies that are moved by the two principles that
drive this paper: social empowerment and the socialization of Cultural
Heritage by the local communities that enjoy it. Both concepts define
the gradual awareness of a particular society to become managers of their
own heritage resources; working for a conversion of people who live in
rural areas (traditionally a passive agent of exogenous cultural policies) in
qualified tutors to handle variables of participation or direct collaboration
with public institutions and other Heritage management collectives. In
other words, more management “from” population and less “for” population, more “self-management” and less “out-management” to those who
should participate as transmitters and not as receivers of management
policies about the fundamental factors that configure their identity; at
the same time, it is sure that this could be a vehicle for socio-economic
development of their immediate geographic area (GARCÍA CANCLINI,
N., 1999; ARRIETA URTIZBEREA, I., 2008).
In this sense, this Cultural Heritage management review is joined to
the aims indicated by political and financial instruments for sustainable
development in the less favored European rural areas. Cultural Heritage,
beyond its intrinsic symbolic value, is a potential factor for sustainability
if it joins forces with other productive synergies of the territory that it
delimits (GÓMEZ PELLÓN, E., 2010). Thus, a consistent management
of the defining elements in a cultural landscape (their tangible and intangible heritage ultimately), which determine a concrete population’s
lifestyle, can help to create a mutual benefit among its civil society,
the public authorities, the scientific community and professionals from
business world related to their protection and use. Then, looking for a
common benefit, it would achieve a common benefit.
If not to all of them, we have dedicated this paper to many of the
issues described above through the description of the nature and the goals
of the Madinat Albalat archaeological project. We are going to explain
how we try to contribute to the sustainability in a rural community in
northeastern Extremadura, in the township of Romangordo, working to
achieve the empowerment and the socialization of the Archaeological
Heritage as a part of their Cultural Heritage (see Figure 1.).
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2. The Madinat Albalat Project: Nature,
Aims and Activities
The Madinat Albalat project was created in 2009. In that year, Sophie Gilotte, CNRS researcher in Lyon (Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, France) and project Director, made the first scientific trials
in a settlement which was little known until then (see Figure 2.). Until today, a Franco-Spanish team has conducted six archaeological digs
from 2009 to 2014 that have identified the settlement as a natural ford
control site in the Tagus river during the Islamic domination of the Iberian Peninsula, inhabited (at least) between the tenth and early twelfth
century (GILOTTE, S., 2011). The predominantly military function of
the settlement is justified by its geostrategic location next to a natural
ford, the powerful walls that surround its entire perimeter and the archaeological evidence recovered in it. All of these things are linked to
the cantonment and transit of military troops for its proximity to the
border with the Christians Iberian kingdoms. The multidisciplinary nature of the archaeological team and the usual collaboration with related
institutions and professional groups have been an identifying sign of
the project. During these years, many archaeologists (or students of the
same discipline) have been in Madinat Albalat, as other researchers and
collaborators such as professors or Heritage restoration professionals,
like a team of the Escuela Superior de Conservación y Restauración de Bienes
Culturales in Madrid in 2014.
Therefore, an original scientific aim that aroused the interest of the
town council of Romangordo is to add another important factor of its
environment that could revitalize its local community (see Figure 3.).
Romangordo, located in the Zona Periférica de Protección of the Monfragüe
National Park, as a Biosphere Reserve area declared by UNESCO, has
several types of resources: environmental (for tourist routes), historical
and artistic (the Puente de Albalat or a fort of Spanish War of Independence) or ethnographic (traditional architecture and craft examples).
Then, why not adding the Archaeological Heritage of Madinat Albalat to
its cultural landscape?
In parallel, the research project has become an important initiative for the archaeological research community. Such has been its
development that it has exceeded the archaeological research margins
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to delve into the initiatives that contemplate the enhancement of this
archaeological evidence to strengthen the nearest communities. Thereby,
something that began with a scientific vocation is becoming an Archaeological Heritage management project committed to sustainable development
of the region in which the archaeological settlement is located. On the
other hand, what we are trying to implement is an adaptation of
other similar initiatives that are being carried out in Extremadura
too (SEÑORÁN MARTÍN, J. Mª., 2014; PULIDO ROYO, J. J. and
WALID SBEINATI, S., 2014; WALID SBEINATI, S. and PULIDO
ROYO, J. J., 2014).
The concepts of social empowerment and socialization of Heritage
described above, belonging in this case to Public Archaeology or Community Archaeology (relatively recent discipline), are very important
in this committed side of the Madinat Albalat project. In this sense, our
initiative takes on the following aims (see Figure 4.). First, implementing
a divulgation strategy among population about the significant elements
that agglutinate this Archaeological Heritage, which is undervalued or
even unknown to a large part of the nearest population. Then, raising
awareness about respect and revaluation of this Archaeological Heritage,
not as a “dead” manifestation of a common past, but as an identity factor that could be incorporated to the cultural and economic wealth of
the environment of Romangordo. Finally, we contribute to remove every
obstacle to transform the Madinat Albalat archaeological settlement in
another resource of its Cultural Heritage and its sustainability.
Given the need to provide the project with mechanisms to canalize an
effective work about socialization of Archaeological Heritage, the Madinat
Albalat Association (its acronym, AMA) was established in Romangordo
in 2010 (see Figure 5.). This non-profit association pursues all the aims
related to socioeconomic and cultural development described above. Since
its foundation is open to people, who can participate in it as partners or
members of its management and administration bodies. The association
looks for the integration and the population direct participation, not
only to enhance its Archaeological Heritage, but to guide the purposes
to which it owes its existence as a sustainability engine.
Similarly, the socialization would never have been possible without
the logistical and economic supports established with national and international public entities and private patronage. Starting with the helpful
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support received by the García Moya family (owners of the land on which
the archaeological evidences are located), the Extremadura Autonomous
Region, the CNRS scientific funding and various sponsors, including the
aforementioned Romangordo town council or the AMA association, the
Almaraz-Trillo Nuclear Power Plant (Almaraz, Cáceres), the Monfragüe
National Park (belonging to the Red de Parques Nacionales de España) and
the Max van Berchem Foundation (Geneva, Switzerland).
The maturity of the project is palpable if we consider the actions
and achievements accomplished in the last five years, which we expose
with a reasoned concreteness in order to fit them in the extension limits
required for this paper:
– Official communication networks have been woven to support a
regular contact with people, sponsors and collaborators who help
us to make the Madinat Albalat project possible. Email accounts,
social networks profiles or scientific and informative blogs are
some tools that the project uses regularly to deepen its aims.
– We also combine the scientific aspects with the leaflets, posters
and newsletters divulgation, in which people can find varied information about the settlement and its inhabitants (urban planning,
daily life, nutrition, economical activities...). All of it is written
using an informational language rather than scientific, so people
can be reached more easily and informed of the latest works that
we are developing (see Figure 6.).
– The merchandising items distribution (for example, different T-shirts
with the project logo) is also a useful marketing resource to encourage the socialization of the archaeological settlement among
population. It is a refreshing marketing model to take advantage
of and to make a more active and attractive presentation of our
socialization purposes.
– Our work is also regularly heard of in the media, allowing us to
reach a larger audience. The archaeological team has collabora
ted with the Autonomous Region television, Canal Extremadura
TV, to record two documentaries dedicated to the craft and the
professional conjuncture of Archeology in Extremadura, filmed in
different archaeological sites in 2013, including Madinat Albalat
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(see Figure 7.). Similarly, the settlement was selected by Historia de
Extremadura, a Canal Extremadura TV programme, to contextualize
the Islamic cultural substratum that Almoravids and Almohads left
in the region. Other media, such as radio and press, are spaces that
at specific times offer us a useful informative coverage, especially
during the annual excavation work.
– The public authorities have also responded to the demands for an
official protection of the archaeological settlement. In 2013 and
2014, the Extremadura Autonomous Region carried out all bureaucratic procedures to promote Heritage of Cultural Interest (Bien de
Interés Cultural, in Spanish) to all the Madinat Albalat archaeological
context, as is regulated by the Spanish Historical Heritage Law
16/1985 and the Extremadura Historical and Cultural Heritage Law
2/1999. It was in February 2014 when the settlement received this
official category and when it was included in the Spanish Heritage
of Cultural Interest catalogs (see Figure 8.).
– The internationalization of the aims has taken a giant step forward
with a significant group of archaeological artifacts from Madinat
Albalat which have been incorporated to the temporary exhibition
Le Maroc Médiéval (1053-1465). Un empire de l’Afrique à l’Espagne,
which were exhibited at the Louvre Museum in Paris (France) until
last January and later at the newly opened National Museum of
Modern and Contemporary Art in Rabat (Morocco) (see Figure 9.).
The exhibition has made an important impact in the media.
– I would not wish to close this section without referring to the
Descubriendo Madinat Al-Balat meeting carried out in different
places of Romangordo the 19, 20 and 21 September 2014, where
all socialization aims converged. The meeting had a broad informative and instructive planned schedule, such as themed lectures,
guided tours to the excavation, Archeology workshops, an archaeo
logical artifacts exhibition and other cultural activities, all in the
service of the Archaeological Heritage of Romangordo as part of
its cultural landscape (see Figures 10 and 11.). The organization
of the meeting was done by the town council, supported by the
archaeological team coordinated by Sophie Gilotte, Director.
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3. Final Remarks: Expectations and Future Challenges
The importance of singularity is an added value to the current global
dynamics that are walking towards homogeneity. Extremadura has many
of these factors in its cultural landscape. There are thematic museums,
typical products and tourist routes in La Vera and El Jerte, to cite some
examples, areas in which public authorities have invested to achieve
a beneficial socioeconomic and cultural interest (DÍAZ IGLESIAS, S.,
2010). The enhancement of the Archaeological Heritage of Romangordo
is focused in this direction, to enable alternatives to complement the
productive synergies promoted by government policies for sustainable
development through the use of an undervalued resource of its cultural
landscape.
Social empowerment and socialization are basic concepts for our project
and its goals. We do not look for the anecdotal or episodic participation
of the population in a justified management of their own Archaeological
Heritage, if not integrating them in an interaction and co-creation common stage. Otherwise, if the project wants to be a simple instrument for
scientific research, it could be punished by the fluctuations that drive the
scientific or economic circumstances (ALMANSA SÁNCHEZ, J., 2011).
Many similar initiatives have already suffered the consequences, its ‘burial’
for lack of viability and the ’re-burial’ of the archaeological settlement,
ruining its integration into the resources of a cultural landscape. The challenge is how to coordinate these two aspects of the project: the scientific
interest and the divulgation / socialization. Both are aimed to different
publics (scientific community and civil society) with different discussion
levels, and it is not easy to combine both these actions, especially when
they are done almost in real time.
Beside involvement of Romangordo, the other two nearby villages
(Casas de Miravete and Higuera de Albalat) should join the aims. Campana de Albalat is the name that received the municipal organization of
these three villages in the administrative reorganization context carried
out by the Christian Iberian kingdoms during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when Madinat Albalat was abandoned by Muslims and
the settlement lost its geostrategic and military character. The uniqueness
of the Campana de Albalat was that these three villages were ruled by
a single council and a single parish. This shared entity ended in 1900,
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when each one obtained its own council. In the late twentieth century,
there has been a reconsideration of the Campana de Albalat concept.
Not based on a legal notion, but a nostalgic notion. Accordingly, in the
Nueva Campana de Albalat cultural and festive activities are celebrated as
a common identity symbol. Therefore, the Madinat Albalat archaeological
settlement is also an intrinsic part of their historical identity.
These and other future challenges are there. Each historical period
has had its challenges and all of them have been overcome. In a global
world, which can no longer be considered with the paradigms that have
previously operated, we must open new ways to respond to the uncertainties
of an unknown future. As we all discussed in the APHELEIA international
meeting, we must never talk about present and future problems, but their
dilemmas. Thus, the words of Paul Valéry are still in force, but with a
little suggestion: ‘the trouble [or maybe the dilemma?] with our times is
that the future is not what it used to be’.
Acknowledgements
This paper has been the result of a common work, as a Madinat Albalat project member. In
this sense, it would never have been possible to prepare our essay to the APHELEIA international meeting and also this paper without the help of many other partners and friends
of the project, especially Sophie Gilotte, Director. At the same time, we wish to extend
our thanks to Audrey L. and Marina G. for their generous English language suggestions.
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Perception and management of Beach rocks
in coastal landscapes, Armance Le Masson
Perception and management
of Beach rocks in coastal
landscapes
ARMANCE LE MASSON
Abstract: Beach Rocks are sedimentary rocks formed of remains of sands and
shells. Their origin remains mysterious; however, they can be linked to a bacterium or a physiological process in sub-tropical zones. They are located on the
coast, where salted sources are mixed with non-salted water. They outcrop on
the beach or appear submerged, depending on the eustatic variations that have
followed their creation. They have two main interests: they serve the ecosystem
by being a natural breakwater against huge waves or tsunamis for example and
they can be used by geomorphologists to mark the variation of sea-level during
the Holocene. However, the presence of beach rocks is opposed to the idea
of an idealistic beach, creating a rupture in the landscape and an obstacle for
swimmers. That is why an important numbers of touristic countries are considering the idea of removing them. But landscapes managers act regardless of
ecological consequences and the disappearance of beach rocks could accelerate
coastal erosion just as the disappearance of coral reefs.
Keywords: geography, geomorphology, landscape, erosion, coastal management.
Introduction
B
each rocks are sedimentary rocks which can be found in sub-tropical
zones, when salted water is mixed with non-salted sources. Their
origin remains mysterious; however, they can be linked to a bacterium
or a physiological process. They are located on the coast, they outcrop
on the beach or appear submerged, depending on the eustatic variations
that have followed their creation (Vousdoukas, 2007). Those calcareous
cemented sandstone have two mains interests. First of all, they serve the
ecosystem by offering a protection against huge waves, tsunamis and strong
sea current (Charlier and Meyer, 1998). Second of all, geomorphologists
used them because they are markers of the variation of sea-level and they
containe carbonate minerals which can be dated. They can also contained
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precious fragments of history such as pottery or even pieces of weapon in
some regions that can be studied by archeologists. However, they do not
fit to the ideal sea landscape figured by tourists and they appear harsh
to swimmer’s feet. That is why they are often removed from tourist sites
to attract more customers. These operations are especially conducted in
Turkey, Greece but also in Cyprus. They are decided by governments or
by localities and they are considered as a way to accelerate the economic
development of the region by attracting even more people. But managers
acted regardless of ecological consequences.
Image 1. Submerged beach rock, Amathus, April 2015. Author:
Armance le Masson
We should first define landscape management to understand the
place attributed to beach rocks in such a construction and then, focus
on the dilemmas created by the opposition between a social constructed
landscape and nature.
An approach of landscape management
From the perception of landscape…
A common definition of landscape it is what you can see in one
glance, what is visible. But indeed, this look covers an extended space
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with different plans and complex interactions. Those interactions can be
summarized by three concepts: continuity, rupture and flexibility (Doceul:
2013) which are used by managers to shape our environment. Continuity
is associated to peaceful landscape because nothing stops the course of
the eyes when, on the contrary rupture refers to more chaotic images or
to landscapes where are entangled very different settings such as urban
cities and desert. Flexibility then, gathers landscapes with different but
integrated settings.
Those key-words reflect a reality of the landscape but also human
feelings and this relation is exploited by landscape managers. Indeed lands
cape has become a product of consumption like any other (Donadieu:
2007) and can be modified to fit human perceptions.
…To the calculation of its management value
That is why landscape management can be evaluated. Researches on
ecosystems services have served the evaluation of management. In 2000,
the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment was ordered by the UN to offer
an alternative between a very conservative movement which advocates the
protection of nature above all and wanted to wrap in cotton large areas
of biodiversity, regardless of human presence or concerns and a fervent
human development in some region. It proposed to enhance ecosystems
services by valuing them, showing their economic importance in the market and then managers could understand that it is often more expensive
to destroy the environment than to take advantage of it. Landscape is
considered as a service because it can attract tourists.
The evaluation of beach rocks services in the
region of Limassol (Cyprus)
A touristic region
The region of Limassol and the site of Amathus are situated in the
southern part of Cyprus. It is a touristic region which hosts an impor
tant population of Russians and Europeans during the summer. There
are numerous resort complexes but also a growing number of summer
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residences and this region is claimed to be very attractive, thanks to its
climate, archeological sites and beaches. Beach rocks are present along
the coast, in Amathus a particular sandstone can even be observed in the
open in the rest of the antic external port during low tide time. Public
authorities are currently wondering if they should extract or not beach
rocks to facilitate their economic development.
Global and local perception of beach landscapes
Consequently, our interrogation about Cyprus is to understand the
motivation of landscape managers, what could they expect from the
project of moving beach rocks, what kind of experience do they want to
create towards this new landscape and what would be the consequences
of the disappearance of other services provide by beach rocks such as
natural regulation.
To do so, we analyze how beach landscapes are perceived. We started
to look for “dream beach”, “paradisiac beach” and “beach” on Google
image. Google image was chosen because it is the first search engine in
the world. However, for those three expressions we also looked on Yahoo
and Bing and the results were similar enough not to be studied too. We
focused on the first 55 results and our first notice is that most of the
pictures are published by wallpaper website.
We can notice the occurrence of white sand, palm trees, coral, crystal
water and clear view. Rocks reliefs are unusual and appear as elements
hiding the beach from everyone but they are situated on the land. We
can also reckon the occurrence of isolated rocks in the sea, there are five
on the “paradisiac beach” page, three on the “dream beach” page and
two on the “beach” page.
Now, we launch the research “Cyprus Beach”, “Limassol Beach” and
“Amathus Beach”. The first difference is that pictures come from tourist
agencies websites or tourist guides and are locatable. Cliché of white sand
and blue sea remains but palm trees are almost absent on the “Cyprus
beach” page, on the contrary we can see isolated rocks on eighteen pictures, sometimes even submerged.
As the sand appears to be less white in Limassol and Amathus, we
observe the return of exotic trees.
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Image 2. “Limassol beach” research. Source: Google image, 26/02/2015
We can also make the observation for the “Limassol beach” page
that beaches are sometimes absent from the results and the attention
goes to resort complexes. This shows us what agencies considered the
most attractive for tourists and therefore what tourism planners tend to
create towards their installation. In Limassol, beaches appear not to be
appealing enough yet to be shown. The change of point of view in the
pictures is another proof of this supposed lack of attractivity, for example,
on the dream beach page, pictures are taken from the sand and offer a
continuous view when on the Limassol beach page, they are turned to the
land and compensate the loss of a continuous view by a more spectacular
view such as pictures taken by planes.
For touristic management, what prevails is the conception of lands
cape as a scene, they settled the viewer in a relation of entertainment
(Donadieu: 2007) and that is why beach rocks must be removed in the
conception of Limassol managers.
Coastal erosion as a consequence of landscape
management
However, if the removal of beach rocks can serve the improvement
of landscape service those rocks currently serve the ecosystem by being
a natural regulation to coastal erosion. The measure of coastal erosion
will be calculated by analogy of similar conducted projects on coral reef.
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This particular formation was chosen because it has a lot in common
with sandstones. First, they are both present in sub-tropical areas and
like Amathus beach rocks, coral is submerged. It is known to be a natural
breakwater and it also suffers from the installation of tourism equipment.
The change that occurs after the disappearance of corals was described
several times and searchers all agree to affirm that it causes extensive
damages.
It accelerates coastal erosion which can be defined as the removal of
sands or beach sediments due to wave action and tidal currents (Baldwin,
2007: 1-2). The sea is not slowed down nor blocked anymore and advanced further, causing fracture, corrosion and abrasion on a larger area.
However, the hardness of sea-facing rocks depends on the rock strength.
Moreover, this growing encroachment also weakens the ecosystem. Parti
cular plants or seaweed could die from this change in their environment.
It can also accelerate the slitting up of a region because nothing stops
the carriage of sea sediments. As a consequence, bays can disappear and
their particular ecosystems too. The sand can also be carried deeply in
the land, covering and overrunning human installations such as houses
or roads to quote only the most important to protect.
Particular consequences of landscape management
in the region of Limassol
First of all, it clearly appears that Limassol wants to develop their
economy thanks to tourism. Giving the numerous equipments and the fancy
hostels, it seems more directed to rich people who apparently appreciate a
convenient landscape which fit the stereotypes that we highlighted in the
first google search, such as blue sea and white sand. This could explain
why exotic trees are more common in Limassol and near Amathus than
in the rest of the island, it is the first step to a stereotype landscape. As
a consequence and as a second step, landscape managers, who work with
the tourists agencies that promote idealistic beaches, value the disappea
rance of beach rocks which goes against the idea of a perfect clear view.
Even if the sandstones are situated under the water in this region, they
can easily be removed and it is currently considered but, the increase of
tourists after this operation is not guaranteed.
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To analyze what could happened near Amathus, we should also considered the particularity of this region, such as the proximity of hostels
from the beach, the nature of the coastal rocks which are composed of
soft rock such as clay and limestone and the strength of current in this
region.
That being said, the disappearance of beach rock would clearly
jeopardize the coast. The first consequence will certainly be the increase
of sediments charges on the beach. Then, the sea would advance further
during high tide, and could be preventing tourists from accessing the beach
during this time and certainly attacking the down of hostels on the coast.
Image 3. Amathus hotels and palm, Amathus, April 2015.
Source: Armance le Masson
Conclusion
To conclude, beach rocks ecoservices should be divided in two parts.
First, they act as natural breakwater and abate beach erosion. But they
are currently considered as a counterargument in term of landscape service. Landscape managers should not ignore the first fact and could try
to improve their vision of sandstones.
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Tourism planners should not extract beach rocks, because the risk
of an acceleration of the coastal erosion is too important and the des
truction of beaches would be a catastrophe for economic development.
It would also certainly jeopardize the construction of hostels and force
them to install new costly equipment of protection. On the contrary, they
should use the presence of sandstones as a supportive argument, arguing
that they are something unique, they are a geosite and an archeological
material. Education about the importance of geological site is currently
developed (Henriques, 2011) and it could be a perfect way out, even
if they do not value the beach rocks for themselves they can integrate
them in archeological or diving circuits. But it seems very hard to inverse
completely the current policy of this region which is clearly to make the
landscape look like beach wallpaper.
Bibliography
Baldwin Jeff, (2007), Understanding tourist beaches as eco-social landscapes: seeking sustainability
through integration of human and non-human wealth production, Études caribéennes [Em linha],
7|Août 2007, mis en ligne le 04 février 2008, consulté le 27 février 2015. URL: http://
etudescaribeennes.revues.org/332; DOI: 10.4000/etudescaribeennes.332
Charlier Roger et Meyer Christian (1998), Coastal Erosion: Response and Management,
Springer, Germany, 1998, ISBN 3-540-60022-1
Donadieu Pierre, (2007), «Le paysage, les paysagistes et le développement durable: quelles perspectives?», Economie rurale [En ligne], 297-298 |janvier-avril 2007, mis en ligne le 01 mars
2009, consulté le 11 octobre 2012. URL:http://economierurale.revues.org/1923
Henriques Maria Helena et al. (2011), Geoconservation as an Emerging Geoscience,
Geoheritage, n° 3, p. 117-128, 2011.
Doceul Marie-Christine (2013), «Paysage», Geoconfluence [En ligne] | mis en ligne le 12
mars 2013, consulté le 26 février 2015. URL: geoconfluence.ens-lyon.fr/glossaire/paysage
Vousdoukas Michalis, Velegrakis Adonis and Plomaritis Theocharis, (2007), «Beachrock
occurrence, characteristics, formation mechanisms and impacts», Earth-Science Reviews [en ligne],
85 |2007, mis en ligne le 9 août 2007, consulté le 1 mars 2015; doi: 10.1016/j.earscirev.2007.07.002
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The theatrical improvisation and the parody, as a mode of perceiving and
modifying the reality in Latin American society, Mariluz Paredes Barragán
The theatrical improvisation
and the parody, as a mode of
perceiving and modifying the
reality in Latin American society
MARILUZ PAREDES BARRAGÁN
Abstract: This study proposes to analyze how Latin Americans perceive and
understand their reality, and how they constantly need to modify it through
art, because they define themselves ontologically through the ecstasy. In which
experience they appropriate of the outside world and re- create it at their will.
Being so, reality exists for them only in that exact instant of improvisation.
Key words: Gesture, theatre, communication.
T
heater has a holistic vision of the human being, and the training
of the actor must integrate all his skills in order to peruse the
better performance of his art.
As described by Stanislavski, Theater is based on the work that the
actor makes of himself. The exploration of this art leads the actor to
investigate all his potentialities, which go beyond rational intelligence; the
art of Theater demands the integrated training of the three ontological
components of human intelligence:
– Corporal intelligence
– Emotional intelligence
– Rational intelligence
Besides this holistic vision, we can find many other relations between
the Integrated Landscape Management and Theater.
First, the objective of ILM is to improve the life quality of a population, promoting a balanced and beneficial relation between: economy,
society and environment.
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Within the social and cultural sphere, we must not forget that enhan
cing identity and giving people the possibility to develop their creativity
and their spirituality, are also essential elements of a good life quality.
Therefore, Integrated Landscape Management must include the evol
ving of the population with sports and arts, in order to enhance their
complete realization as human beings, and to create links in the community.
THE GESTURE
From gesture to art, create, make and communicate.
To understand a little how gesture becomes art, specifically in theater,
we will start by understanding what is an authentic gesture. In order to
separate them from exaggerated, histrionic movements, which are usually
copies of clichés that have nothing to do with authentic gestures and
with the life on the scene.
Therefore, we will begin by analyzing what a gesture is, in general
and in theater.
On the standard language, a gesture is:
“Early 15c., Manner of carrying the body. Medieval Latin gestura behavior, mode of
action. From Latin gestus gesture, carriage, posture, a movement of the body or a part
of it, intended to express a thought or feeling.” (http://www.etymonline.com/index.
php?term=gesture)
We can see then, that a gesture is the way the body expresses what
rests deep into the inner self of each person. Being so, the authentic
gesture always shows the truth, even if sometimes the verbal messages say
the opposite, the gesture always reveals the real motivations and meaning
of the message. In this way, gestures and body language transmit messages
to the emotional intelligence of the involved, and very often transcends
the rational intelligence. According to the experts:
“Emotions can also be detected through body postures. Research has shown that body
postures are more accurately recognised when an emotion is compared with a different or
neutral emotion. For example, a person feeling angry would portray dominance over the
other, and his/her posture displays approach tendencies. Comparing this to a person feeling
fearful: he/she would feel weak, submissive and his/her posture would display avoidance
tendencies” (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Body_language)
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The importance of gesture increases in Theater, because there, the
actor´s body and face will determine everything that happens, or even
more, everything that exists on the scene. The creative strength of an
actress or actor lays on her or his correct relation with the body and how
this leads to authentic gestures. As Grotowski explains:
“La creación por el actor de los más obvios y elementales objetos. El actor transforma,
mediante el uso controlado de sus gestos, el piso en mar, una mesa en un confesionario,
un objeto de hierro en un compañero animado, etc…(“The creation by the actor of the
most obvious and elementary objects. The actor transforms , by controlled use of gesture
sea floor at a table in a confessional, an iron object in a lively companion, etc) ”(http://
www.caac.es/docms/txts/grottos_txt01.pdf)
The cultivation of this art could lead, according to the more wise
actors on the 20th century, to the origins of Theatrical practices, when
performing was a religious ritual.
In their opinion, the seek of a true gesture takes the actor to also
pursue his inner truth, his pure essence, which is also the objective of
almost all the religions in the world.
If the actor could succeed in this purpose, then he could really express his soul through his body. Which would be the ecstasy state that
ancient actors pursued, in order to produce the Katharsis of the spectators.
Again, we quote Grotowski:
“El actor se entrega totalmente; es una técnica del “trance” y de la integración de todas
las potencias psíquicas y corporales del actor, que emergen de las capas más íntimas de su
ser y de su instinto, y que surgen en una especie de: “transiluminación”. (“The actor is
totally delivery; It is a technique of “trance” and the integration of all mental and bodily
powers actor, emerging from the innermost layers of his being and his instinct, and arise
in a kind of . “transillumination” (http://www.caac.es/docms/txts/grottos_txt01.pdf)
IMPROVISATION AND PARODY IN LATIN AMERICA
Now, we will analyze the need for the theatrical improvisation for
Latin Americans, and how this practice shows their cultural way of living
(of being in the world). Within this work, we will consider the conception
of time for Latin Americans, as well as their gestures and their relation
with their body as an instrument of communication.
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Along this study we will establish the relationship between the deep
spirituality of the Latin American and their capacity to include mythological, fantastical, magical elements in their daily life.
After, we will analyze the theatrical improvisation and the parody as
samples of the way in which Latin American people conceive life, as a
group of instants and experiences that their inner self had in this world.
All this, will help us to study how the elements above mentioned
give to Latin American population a facility to invent their reality at
each moment.
Finally, we will seek for similarities between Latin American Improvisation Theater and “Comedia dell´Arte” in Italian tradition. In order
to see which are the common points for both of them. Also, to set the
question of: finding or not a correspondence in the theatric archetypes
of these two societies.
TRAGEDY AND COMEDY IN LATIN AMERICA
First of all, the need for theatrical catharsis for Latin Americans, in
my opinion, comes from two sources: first of all, their deep spirituality,
and secondly, their desire to project to others a better image themselves,
which is inherent to comedy, because it is the motivation of every comic
anti-hero.
When the subject is spirituality or their relationship with the divine
or with superior powers, the theatrical creation is usually related to tra
gedy and the improvisation is much more limited, the character has more
strict rules to conduct their action, as it is so with the tragic heroes in
all cultures.
On the other hand, when the subject is the otherness, the theatric
creation occurs through improvisation and parody, which means that it
takes place through comedy. In this case, the comic anti-hero has freedom
to behave at his will and convenience.
For a Latin American actor the world is never limited by a realistic,
pragmatic, point of view, there are always many underlying existences
that lead to the action and to the development of the story.
In this way, the obstacles present themselves progressively to the
protagonist, as in all the mythic traditions, the hero doesn´t know what
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opponents he will have to defeat or what difficulties he must overcome
to achieve his goal.
The dangers often remain hidden, so the protagonist cannot be prepared to face them, so he or she must improvise at each moment.
That is why, the actor must constantly re-invent reality, to define the
new given circumstances and to establish a coherent logic in a world that
is usually introducing unexpected elements into the scene. As a result,
the actor has absolute freedom of improvising.
THEATER AND “REALISMO MÁGICO” IN LATIN AMERICA
First of I would like to refer to various cultural events in which we
find that the Latin American creative activity is characterized by the
desire to change reality, adding magical elements to it. The best example
is the Magic Realism in Literature.
Here we see that there is a dialectical relationship in which the
object and the subject of the narration influence each other, to produce
a mutual change, which after many confusions will give the right result
expected from the beginning, the salvation of the prisoner.
According to the Greima´s Act Scheme, it is through the combined
action of subject and object that the goal can be achieved, but the helper
and the opponent are placed between them to bring them close or se
parated, as it corresponds. In this process, both the hero and the object
are transformed, improved, until being dignified of finding each other and
accomplishing their destiny.
(https://www.google.pt/search?q=sistema+actancial)
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In Latin-American Theater, this path of the hero goes always beyond
“this world”, bringing to the story many elements of his inner self and
also from other magical worlds. We can find this characteristic in many
master pieces of Latin American Literature that have been taken to thea
tre and cinema, such as:
– Juan Rulfo Pedro Páramo – El Llano en llamas.
– Gabriel Garcia Marquez – Cien Años de Soledad.
– José de la Cuadra – Los Sangurimas.
– Laura Esquivel – Como agua para chocolate.
By studying these texts, with a theatrical point of view, we realize
that Latin American are always open to accept a magical changing or
explanation of their reality, they are naturally predisposed to improvise
and let their imagination leads them to fantastic worlds.
Being opened to these changes is essential for an improvising work on
theater, the actors must be disposed to accept fantasy with the same natural
approach as they do with any ordinary component. As Stanislavski said:
«El si mágico es, para los artistas, una palanca que nos traslada de la realidad al
único universo en el que se puede realizar la creación… Después de la palabra: sí, los
ojos empiezan a mirar y los oídos a escuchar de otro modo… como resultado, la ficción
que se ha concebido suscita naturalmente las acciones correspondientes… Cuando usted
conoce las inclinaciones de su propia naturaleza, no es difícil adaptarlas a circunstancias
imaginarias… Para cambiar el mundo de los objetos naturales, no trate de desentenderse
de él, al contrario, inclúyalo en la vida creada con la imaginación… (The magical if
is for artists a lever that carries us from reality to the unique world or we can
create... After the word if, the eyes begin to look and ears to listen in a different
way... as a result, the fiction that has been created naturally motivates the corresponding actions... When you know the inclinations of your own nature, it is
not difficult to adapt them to imaginary circumstances... to change the world of
natural objects, do not try to ignore them, on the contrary, by including them to
the new life you create together with the imagination)” Stanislavski Constantin,
“El trabajo del Actor sobre sí mismo”, Ed. Quetzal, México, 1980, pgs. 78-110.
Next, I would like to analyze the relation that Latin Americans have
with Time. In this Cosmo vision, time is cyclic, ontologically related to
nature and to the inner part of every living thing. Therefore everything
happens spontaneously in the perfect instant. Also the actions of the
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performer, when he or she is symptomized with the Universe, his actions
come at the exact time and have the appropriate duration.
At this point we can again quote Stanislavski:
“Para el actor, es muy importante el desarrollo de su propio metrónomo interno que le
ayudará a identificar y seguir el ritmo de la escena y el momento de su actuación. En
muchas obras de teatro están presentes simultáneamente varias veces ritmos que se cruzan
en un solo personaje. Para el actor desarrollar un buen sentido del ritmo tiempo es clave…
(For the actor, it is very important to develop their own internal metronome to
help you identify and keep up the scene and the time of their performance. In
many plays are present simultaneously several times rhythms that intersect at
a single character. For the actor developing a good sense of rhythm timing is
the key)” (Stanislavski Constantin, “El trabajo del Actor sobre sí mismo”, Ed.
Quetzal, México, 1980, pg. 169.)
Finally, we would like to study the parody in Latin American theater,
for this, we chose as an emblematic creation on this area, the comedy “El
Chavo del Ocho” which is a classical that never stopped being replayed
all along Latin America since it was first broadcasted in 1968.
In this comedy, we have seven basic characters, who worked based
on theatrical improvisation, each one had always their own anti-hero, that
interacted with the others in situations of confusion and many times lying
to obtain their objectives, causing even more confusion, and making the
objective more difficult to obtain, in which case the need of action and
improvisation also grew for the actor.
Because of the need of lying and also due to the predisposition of
Latin Americans to include magical elements in reality, the limit between
truth and lies is also very difficult to determine on theater, and it becomes an extra game of the actor, like a character of “Como agua para
chocolate” says:
“Total, todo podia ser verdad o mentira, dependiendo de que uno se creyera las cosas
verdaderamente o no.” (Equivel Laura, “Como agua para chocolate”, Ed. Prisa,
México, 2012, pg. 139.)
So this way of performing takes us to establishing a correspondence
with the Italian Comedy of Art. One can find these similarities:
– The freedom of the actors to improvise, even if they have a general
idea of the dialogs and the development of the play.
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«Commedia dell’arte (“Comedy of Art” or “Comedy of the profession”), means unwritten or improvised drama, and implies rather to the manner of performance than
to the subject matter of the play... The subject was chosen, the characters conceived
and named, their relations to one another determined, and the situations clearly
outlined, all beforehand…. The situations were made clear, together with the turn
of action and the outcome of each scene.» (http://www.theatrehistory.com/italian/
commedia_dell_arte_001.html)
In the case of “El Chavo del Ocho” the base is also improvisation;
the scene is always the same (an old house in which the characters rent a
room)the theme and motivations for each episode depend on the conflicts
or confusions the actors may find through improvisation.
– The use of gesture and body language as the main instrument of
performing. Being this, according to the experts, the most elevated
class of theatric performing, because this art comes from the body,
depends on it. As we explained earlier.
– The existing of certain archetype – characters which are more or
less similar in both cases.
«In the course of the development of the Commedia dell’arte, there grew up certain traditions
which held fast for many years. The rascally servant, the old man, the lady’s maid, and
the like--stock characters which appeared in every play--always wore a conventional dress,
with masks. In general these masks may be classed under four or five groups: Pantalone
and the Doctor, both old men; the Captain, a young man of adventure; the valet or
jester, usually called Zanni; the hunchback Punchinello; and the lovers.» (http://www.
theatrehistory.com/italian/commedia_dell_arte_001.html)
The characters, which may be considered as archetypes for “Chavo
del Ocho” are:
«El Señor Barriga: Es el dueño de la vecindad, habitados por personas de clase media-baja,
siempre debe discutir con ellos para cobrar la renta, y siempre termina perdonándoles la
deuda, porque sabe que no tienen otro lugar donde vivir.
El Chavo es un niño muy pobre, algo distraido y torpe, pero muy creativo.
Haciendo que todas sus aventuras se desarrollen con 8 años de edad. La vida del personaje
esta llena de misterios; no conocemos su nombre verdadero, tampoco quién lo acompaña
en dicha vivienda. Sus reacciones son muy rutinarias. Una característica particular del
personaje, es su reacción ante el miedo, la famosa “garrotera”
Don Ramón: Es muy pobre, y siempre debe escapar del Señor Barriga para no pagarle
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la renta. Es muy difícil verlo trabajando, aunque a lo largo de su vida ha tenido muchos
trabajos (o dice haberlos tenido).
La Chilindrina: Es hija de Don Ramón. Es la más astuta entre los niños y se aprovecha
de esto para engañar al Chavo y a Quico.
Quico, Es un niño que tiene un poco más de dinero, le encanta presumir sus juguetes y
casi siempre pelea con los otros niños para no prestárselos.
Doña Florinda y el Profesor Jirafales: Los enamorados. El Señor Barriga: The
owner of the house where poor people live, it should always discuss with them
to load, and eventually he forgives their debt because he is good and he knows
they do not have another place to live
(El Chavo is a very poor boy, he free clothes at home, he is stunned, but very
creative, he is 8 years old. He never told his real name, it is not known who
he dress. His dramatic actions are typical and are repeated every time. The best
known is: the garrotera is his reaction when he is afraid.
Don Ramón is very poor and must always wrong Señor Barriga for not paying
rent, it is rare to see it work, even when he says that this is what he does all day.
El Señor Barriga: The owner of the house where poor people live, it should
always discuss with them to load , and eventually he forgive their debt because
it is good and he knows they do not have another place to live
The Chilindrina: Is the daughter of Don Ramón. She is the smarter child, and
has an advantage to deceive them all.
Quico: Is a 9 year old boy, who has a bit more of money, he is the son of
Doña Florinda who was a wealthy woman when her husband was alive, but
now that she is a widow, they are forced to be “living with the plebs “in the
same house. He likes to be conceited of his new toys, and discusses with the
other kids about it.
Doña Florinda and Profesor Jirafales: Lovers)”
(http://www.chavodel8.com/personajes/donramon.php)
Another similarity with the Comedy Art is that the costumes and
masks are typical of each character; in El Chavo del Ocho characters
always dress the same clothes, and they are such good actors, I think we
can say that its faces are converted into masks of each character, which
brings as back to our considerations about the gesture. As Grotowski says:
«En el teatro pobre, el actor debe crear por sí mismo una máscara orgánica mediante sus
músculos facials (In the poor theater, the actor must himself create an organic
mask through the muscles of the face)» (Grotowsky Jerzy, “Hacia un Teatro
Pobre”, Ed. Siglo veintiuno, Méjico, 1972, pg. 96.)
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In this way, these characters have captured the essence of Latin
American, because of that, 40 years after the creation of this comedy it
still loved by the public of all ages, it remains a mirror that shows the
virtues of Latin American culture and which also invites us to correct
our faults, which we see recreated by each character.
DILEMMA
After all we have mentioned, we clearly see that an authentic gesture
is spontaneous and comes from the inner self of a human being, in order
to establish an emotional relation with other people. But it is curios to
notice that while the education and research on developing body intelligence and emotional intelligence (in order to interact better among us)
is almost null, it is so important for our society to interact better with
machines, for example, if we think of Gesture recognition research1
BIBLIOGRAPHY
STANISLAVSKI Constantin, (1980) “El trabajo del Actor sobre sí mismo, Ed. Quetzal,
México, 1980”
GROTOWSKY Jerzy, (1972) ”Hacia un Teatro Pobre”, Ed. Siglo veintiuno, Méjico, 1972.
EQUIVEL Laura, (2012) “Como agua para chocolate”, Ed. Prisa, México, 2012.
GARCÍA MÁRQUEZ Gabriel (1989) “Cien Años de Soledad” Ed. Oveja Negra, Bogotá, 1989.
RULFO Juan, (2002) “El llano en llamas y Pedro Páramo” Ed. De Bolsillo, Méjico, 2002.
DE LA CUADRA José, (1990) “Los Sangurimas y otros relatos” Ed. Círculo de Lectores,
Quito, 1990.
http://www.theatrehistory.com/italian/commedia_dell_arte_001.html
http://www.chavodel8.com/personajes/donramon.php
https://www.google.pt/search?q=sistema+actancial
http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=gesture
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Body_language
1
Gesture recognition research is a topic in computer science and language technology with
the goal of interpreting human gestures via mathematical algorithms (http://en.wikipedia.org/
wiki/Gesture_recognition)
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La Charamela dans le paysage sonore portugais, Luis Bicalho
La Charamela dans le paysage
sonore portugais
LUIS BICALHO
Resume: «La Charamela dans le Paysage Sonore Portugais» a pour objet un
instrument de musique, de la famille des vents, appelé chalemie en français. Il
s’agit d’un ancêtre du hautbois moderne, d’origine pastorale, répandu dans le
monde entier sous des appellations parfois similaires, par la diffusion importante qui s’est opérée avec l’expansion de l’empire portugais principalement du
XVe au XVIIe siècle. Oubliée par beaucoup de musiciens qui l’ont remplacée
par l’accordéon, la flûte traversière, ou les cuivres, dans les musiques jouées en
plein-air, la charamela est aujourd’hui considérée comme un instrument historique
au Portugal, alors que la ciaramella en Italie méridionale a perduré comme un
instrument populaire. Sa sonorité grinçante et perçante est tout aussi insupporta
ble que séduisante, ce qui en fait un instrument destiné à marquer les esprits
lors de rassemblements festifs.
Un glissement de sens est à observer sur l’objet charamela, de l’instrument en
bois à vent, il est devenu le nom de l’instrumentiste, puis du groupe de musi
ciens jouant en plein-air. Le son de la charamela donnait de l’éclat au mariage
de Catherine de Bragance, fille de Jean IV, roi du Portugal, et fut transformée
en ensemble de trompettes naturelles – avant l’invention des pistons – sous Jean
V, appelé «Charamela Real». La charamela fut l’instrument de prédilection d’accompagnement des cortèges, des fêtes et des bals populaires, ainsi que de toute
manifestation en plein-air de triomphe, de gala pour la réception d’un haut
dignitaire ou d’un hôte prestigieux. Le portrait du joueur de charamela couvre
l’ensemble des représentations de la musique dans la peinture de cette époque,
et revit à travers les grandes festivités qui recréent l’imaginaire médiéval au Portugal. La formation de hauts ménestrels – telle que la décrivait Johannis Tinctoris
en 1487 – en alta capella, c’est-à dire deux anches et un cuivre (par exemple la
charamela associée à la sacqueboute, prédécesseur du trombone, et à la douçaine,
ancêtre du basson) est souvent reproduite de nos jours pour le ravissement
d’un public de connaisseurs. Vestige d’une époque médiévale où coexistaient
pacifiquement arabes, juifs et chrétiens, cet instrument enraciné dans la culture
européenne fait partie d’un paysage sonore qu’il convient de faire perdurer afin
de préserver tout un pan du paysage culturel portugais.
Mots clés: charamela, paysage, culturel, sonore, culture, portugal, portugais,
chalemie, musica alta, hautbois, musique, environnement
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INTRODUCTION
C
haramela se traduit par hautbois ou chalemie en français. Les recherches en France ont conduit les musicologues à s’intéresser à la
question et le doute persiste sur l’appellation de cet instrument historique.
Nous pouvons constater d’importantes variations de factures en consul
tant l’entrée schawm (en anglais) de la collection mondiale d’instruments
de musique en ligne (cf. Webographie: www 1). Supposons que cet objet
désigne donc la même réalité – que l’on peut résumer semble-t-il à un
hautbois moderne sans la présence de clés – appelée chalemie ou chalemelle
dans le dictionnaire Honegger [cf. Bibliographie, 1976] mais qui aurait
désigné la cornemuse jusqu’aux années 1950 selon Piguet alors qu’on aurait
parlé plutôt de hautbois renaissance. Dans notre étude, nous emploierons
le mot portugais charamela. Aujourd’hui, nous pouvons trouver, au détour
d’une rue en France ou en Allemagne, un ensemble de schalmei (en allemand) défilant à l’air libre, sous nos yeux, et surtout pour la plus grande
surprise de nos oreilles. Que sont ces nouveaux instruments produits par
la société Martin, encore nombreux dans les Schalmeienkapellen allemandes
ou dans la Fanfare du Zek parisienne qui le présente comme un instrument
«communiste», interdit à l’arrivée au pouvoir par les nazis en 1933, si
ce n’est l’évolution de ces anciens instruments? (www 2., 3.) Le schalmei
porte la trace d’une longue histoire musicale dont nous allons chercher
la trame en mobilisant l’ethnomusicologie, la linguistique et l’organologie.
Qu’est-ce donc que cet objet qui, au Portugal, est appelé la charamela?
Dans la base de données de l’Institut d’ethnomusicologie portugais (www
4.), nous trouvons trois entrées à charamela, que l’on peut ainsi définir
comme «instrument», dans le domaine des «liens traditionnels» et de la
«musique rurale», comme une figure d’instrumentiste dans les «bals et
danses traditionnelles» et comme un groupe d’instrumentistes dans les
«groupes philharmoniques». Pourtant, l’entrée «charameleiro», joueur
de charamela nous renvoie plutôt à la «musique érudite», ou savante. Si
nous voyons la musique dans sa désignation première, mousikê, comme
«un vaste éventail d’expériences spirituelles et intellectuelles» selon R.
M. Schafer, sommes-nous juges pour décrire ce qu’est la musique et ce
qu’est le bruit, pouvons-nous introduire la notion de paysage sonore
après lui? A la sortie de son ouvrage The Tuning of the World en 1977,
il prédisait que les frontières entre la musique et le paysage sonore s’ef602 |
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fondreraient. En 2005, il le réaffirmait: «les influences entre ce que nous
appelons musique et ce que nous identifions comme étant l’environnement
sonore deviendraient si complexes que la frontière qui séparait ces genres traditionnellement distincts s’estomperait». La charamela fait partie
des instruments de musique adaptés à la musique en plein-air. Mais cet
environnement sonore en plein-air est toujours enraciné sur une terre, il
est attaché à des lieux spécifiques. Quand nous parcourons le Portugal
nous retrouvons à l’échelle nationale cette présence des charamelas, ce
qui nous autorise à extrapoler à partir de Schafer pour parler de paysage
sonore portugais. Cette interconnectivité des activités culturelles sur un large
territoire rejoint notre préoccupation de soutenir des pratiques musicales
dans une approche de gestion intégrée du paysage culturel. L’intervention dans les politiques régionales à travers des programmes éducatifs
nécessite de reconnaître les racines de notre culture dans la mythologie
grecque – l’aulos est l’instrument de Marsyas contre la Lyre d’Apollon
– et l’histoire de la charamela dans les pays de langue portugaise – que
nous allons développer ici –. La problématique de la durabilité locale
(anxiété et besoins individuels) et globale (grands dilemmes sociétaux)
se pose pour le paysage sonore puisque la musique répond à ces besoins
(de relaxation) et pose les mêmes questions (dilemme de la tranquilité,
par exemple lorsqu’une fête publique dérange les malades d’un hospice).
«On peut déjà constater qu’en Occident la musique exécutée en plein-air
peut également être associée à des évènements spécifiques alors que les
festivals de rue et les divertissements en plein-air se multiplient». [Schafer,
2005] Les nouvelles pratiques d’amplification du son demandent à ce que
la question des résonances intimes du corps soient posées en termes de
santé globale et d’éducation culturelle. Le paysage sonore est défini par
R.M. Schafer comme la relation entre l’homme et l’environnement des
sons. [www 5.]. Plus précisément, c’est «techniquement toute partie de
cet environnement pris comme champ d’étude.» et aussi l’environnement
anthropisé, «aussi bien des environnements réels que des constructions
abstraites, telles que les compositions musicales ou montages sur bande, en
particulier lorsqu’ils sont considérés comme faisant partie du cadre de vie.»
(Schafer R.M., 1979, cité par Martin L., 2014) Tout phénomène sonore
faisant partie de notre cadre de vie devient paysage lorsqu’il est intégré
en tant que tel dans un champ d’étude. Les innovations – microphone,
amplification, surimpression, modification de la profondeur de champ- ne
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| 603
font pas disparaitre le dilemme qui se pose en termes de musique du
haut et musique du bas (musica alta et musica baixa) puisqu’en termes de
choix qualitatif, la charamela, des modèles aux son plus rude et rustic à
ceux plus élaborés au son plus doux et moelleux s’offre comme une alternative plaisante, en comparaison à la violence des basses de la musique
dite techno. Ce dilemme sur la source de production sonore ne peut être
résolu que par le dialogue avec la culture d’un lieu, qui s’intéresse à la
préservation d’un héritage musical qui rythme des évènements communs.
Notre plan s’articulera en trois parties, la première lèvera le voile sur
l’objet charamela, qui de l’instrument à l’instrumentiste par extension a
fini par s’appliquer aux groupes de musiques eux-mêmes, les charamelas,
par exemple la Charamela Real, après quoi nous ferons un panorama
de la famille instrumentale à laquelle il se rattache. Dans un second
temps, nous aborderons le sujet du séminaire Apheleia sur la gestion
des «Paysages Culturels» à travers l’art et la question du paysage sonore
et d’une esthétique de la musique en plein-air; enfin, nous essaierons
d’appliquer la problématique de la durabilité (en anglais sustainability,
parfois traduit par soutenabilité» en français) à la question du paysage
sonore, c’est-à-dire qu’à partir d’un simple mot-clé nous nous poserons
la question de la signification de la durabilité d’un paysage sonore.
I. 1.1. La charamela est l’ancêtre du hautbois moderne, celui de Lorée
et Triébert, inventé en 1906 et adopté sous cette forme dans le monde
entier sauf en Autriche (où on joue celui de Hermann Zuleger), ou bien
le Fossati, le Marigaux, ou encore le Yamaha. C’est un instrument à vent
joué pour des circonstances variées (fêtes, mariages, luttes) en plein-air,
fréquemment associé à des percussions. C’est un instrument appelé ainsi
en langue portugaise (également charumbela, gaitas de beiços, qui signifie
aujourd’hui harmonica en portugais), qui a connu son apogée dans la
culture de la péninsule ibérique au Moyen-Âge et à la Renaissance, en
même temps qu’il existait dans toute l’Europe sous des appellations très
similaires: schawm ou schalm en anglais, schalmei en allemand, chalemie ou
chalemelle en français, chirimin en espagnol, ciaramella en italien, skalmeja en
suédois, etc. mais en Catalogne, ces instruments «ont depuis longtemps
perdu le nom espagnol de chirimia (ou xeremia); on les appelle simplement
tiple («soprano») et tenora.» [Arnold, 1983] Il ne faut pas le confondre
avec le chalumeau, un petit instrument à anche simple comme la clari604 |
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nette. Notons que la traduction en français chalumeau a une signification
plus variable, le chalumeau désignant un petit instrument à anche simple
construit en Allemagne et en Italie pendant les 60 premières années du
XVIIIe siècle [Michels, 1977], mais aussi le jeu d’orgue à anche battante
et résonateur conique croissant étroit, le registre grave de la clarinette,
ainsi qu’une partie de la cornemuse et de tout l’ensemble d’instruments
européens qui s’en rapproche. [Honegger, 1976] Cela nous est confirmé
avec les précisions suivantes: «le registre grave, surnommé chalumeau, qui
est celui de l’instrument primitif, et qui permet d’obtenir tous les sons
fondamentaux» [Casella et Mortari, 1958]. Néanmoins, le terme même de
charamela existait encore au XIXe siècle dans les patois français (Dauphiné,
1809 et 1877; Provençal 1858, 1877, 1889; Bas-Limousin 1901; Langue
d’oc 1846, 1863; Lyonnais 1808; Massif Central 1901) et dans la langue
du pays basque (1870)). L’étymologie nous donne l’origine latine calamus,
qui signifie «roseau». [Arnold, 1983] Il était construit des charamelas de
différentes dimensions, afin de pouvoir couvrir une ample tessiture permettant l’exécution de musiques polyphoniques, avec les charamelas sopranos,
ténor, et basse. Dans la classification organologique de Hornbostel-Sachs,
les instruments à vent sont la sous-catégorie numéro 42 des aérophones.
En portugais, «instrument à vent» se traduit littéralement par instrument
de souffle (instrumento de sopro). A l’origine, c’était un pipeau pastoral fait
d’un simple roseau ou d’un épi de maïs ou encore de l’écorce du noyer
s’agissant de la totara, l’ancêtre préhistorique de la ciaramella italienne.
Puis on utilisa les bois présents dans l’environnement pour former un
tuyau conique en buis, murier, abricotier, olivier, magnolia, saule, érable,
etc. En principe, une anche double – deux lamelles de roseau juxtaposéesest fixée avec du fil de fer sur un petit tube en métal qui s’insère sur
le tuyau conique. La technique de jeu consiste à les mettre en vibration
librement dans la bouche par le souffle guidé par les lèvres qui n’en laisse
passer qu’un filet. Le joueur de l’aulos double ou diaule dans l’Antiquité
Grecque jouait parfois avec un phorbeia, bande de cuir ou de tissu évitant
le gonflement des joues [Michels, 1977] ou un capistrum s’agissant du
tibia dans l’Antiquité romaine [article tibia in Dictionnaire des antiquités de
Daremberg et Saglio, cité dans Schaeffner, 1968], comme c’était peut-être
le cas également pour l’abub en Mésopotamie. La technique de construction des anches est propre à chaque instrumentiste, elle requiert le plus
grand soin et leur entretien: très fragiles, elles sont plus sensibles que
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| 605
le corps de l’instrument à la température extérieure et à l’hygrométrie.
Bien que la «grande période de la charamela soit les XIVe-XVIIe siècles
où elle jouait un rôle important lors des cérémonies et des fêtes en pleinair ou données dans de vastes bâtiments», l’instrument et «certaines de
ses variantes sont aujourd’hui réutilisés dans les ensembles de musique
ancienne (rauschpfeifen, etc.)», nous dit le Dictionnaire encyclopédique de la
musique d’Oxford [Arnold, 1983].
I. 1.2. Dans «Le Roi des Charamelas et les Charamelas-Mores», une
étude sur les maîtres de la charamela au Portugal, Viterbo Sousa (1912)
relève que «charamela peut indiquer tant l’instrument que l’instrumentiste qui le joue, ainsi que dans le cas de la trompette (trombeta) ou de la
sacqueboute (sacabuxa), et peut aussi être une désignation générique pour
un instrumentiste à vent ou synonyme de ménestrel». Les joueurs de
charamela sont appelés charameleiros au Portugal, alors qu’en France, une
étude sur le patois confolentais – en région Poitou-Charentes – de 1985
trouve l’expression similaire de «charmelaires» pour désigner indifféremment les hautboïstes et les cornemusiers [www 6.]. Les instrumentistes
jouent avant tout des musiques d’un genre ludique, tout comme c’est
le cas pour les autres instruments de la musique populaire portugaise
comme la gaita-de-foles, le tamboril e flauta, le pandeiro et l’adufe ou encore
le bombo. De même que dans les genres saias, modas ou despiques, ils interviennent dans les fêtes et appellent à la danse. Ils gardent aussi leur
fonction cérémonielle dans l’ensemble des cérémonies du Saint-Esprit et
figurent dans les solennités religieuses ou para-religieuses (offices religieux
populaires, processions, cirios ou círios saloios qui sont des cultes médiévaux d’adoration d’une image de la Sainte Marie, cortèges ou festivités
publiques ou officielles, accompagnant le compasso de Pâques, tradition
chrétienne où une paroisse visite maison après maison pour célébrer la
résurrection du Christ, etc.). Les charameleiros intervenaient fréquemment:
dans les processions du Corpus Christi, à Porto en 1621 par exemple,
«le tambour qui allait devant la garde d’honneur de S. Jorge (composée
de 16 hommes), la cavalcade des trompettes de la ville et les charamelas
précédant la corporation des juges qui paraissent constituer la formation
instrumentale qualifiée de la procession» [Oliveira, 2000]. La célébration
festive associait la charamela aussi aux Zés-pereiras, groupes de percussionistes, et aux gaitas-de-foles (les cornemuses) à Guimaraes, au XVIIIe siècle
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par exemple, «annonçant les célébrations et accompagnant des figurados,
dances et folias avec tambourins et clairons».
I. 1.3. Les groupes d’instruments associés aux évènements festifs à
travers les cortèges et les défilés ont évolué en de multiples formes. Depuis
ceux que désignent Johannis Tinctoris dans De inventione et usu musicæ (ca
1487) qui furent courant pendant la Renaissance, les groupes associaient
en alta capella chalemies, bombardes, trompettes et trombones. Chalemie
peut signifier alors une charamela soprano, la bombarde étant un instrument
de la même famille signifiant ici une charamela alto et le trombone à coulisse
préfigurant la sacqueboute inventée au XVIe siècle. D’après la collection
mondiale d’instruments de musique en ligne [www 1.], la schalmei désigne
les instruments sans «pommeau», alors que la pommer – d’où dérive le nom
bombarde – en possède un. Mais l’étymologie dérive du latin bombus qui
signifie «bruit sourd», ce qui fait référence au son explosif de l’instrument
plus qu’à sa forme. L’identité bretonne revendique la bombarde dans
ses formations instrumentales, alors que la charamela (qui semble avoir
rarement été associée à la cornemuse au Portugal) se trouve conservée
comme pièce de musée au Museu nacional dos Coches à Lisbonne ou
jouée comme instrument historique dans les fêtes où l’on recherche à
ressusciter l’esprit d’un autre temps. Le groupe Music’Alta perpétue cette
tradition, comme le montre cet extrait du Festival de Musique Ancienne
de Castelo Novo, Portugal [www 7.]. Les groupes pouvaient atteindre
6 parties, avec l’ajout du cornet à bouquin, et de la douçaine pour les
processions. Dans les représentations issues de la peinture portugaise du
XVIe siècle, les charamelas sopranos et les ténors, généralement en duos,
trios, quartettes et quintettes sont les instruments de musique les plus
représentés – 53 occurrences –, alors que dans les représentations littéraires, des contextes d’apparition très variés sont notés (acclamations,
ambassades, banquets, noces) [Duarte, 2015]. Les «bandes musicales» apparaissent depuis le XIIe siècle comme groupes associés aux municipalités.
Au XVIe siècle, les bandas de sopros sont reconnues au Portugal comme
«un mouvement d’intérêt, qui atteint un point d’hégémonie, s’étendant
sur pratiquement toute la Péninsule ibérique et qui ne se limita pas aux
sièges épiscopaux, chapelles royales et couvents mais se développa aussi
dans des environnements profanes, dans les cours, les résidences de nobles
ou de bourgeois, et dans les représentations municipales. Une musique qui
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pouvait sonner avec tumulte, comme il s’agissait de trompettes, cornets,
charamelas, sacqueboutes» [Freitas Branco, 1995, cité par Lourosa, 2014].
L’expression de la musica alta fut jugée à l’aune de critères faisant
appel à la dimension du sacré, qui l’opposent à la musica baixa (musique
basse). Selon Charles Dominique, le tumulte profane des hauts instruments associé au diable, s’oppose à la retenue des bas instruments jouant
de la musique sacrée et inspirant la contenance. Faisant la distinction
entre les interprètes dans les peintures, les instrumentistes peuvent être
des anges chanteurs, instrumentistes, pasteurs, soldats, le Roi David,
les enfants de chœur et les chanteurs, les ménestrels, les segréis (poètes)
accompagnés de jongleurs et le diable. Les derniers, moins représentés
sont aussi ceux qui seraient le plus souvent accompagnés des instruments
tumultueux, établissant une réelle hiérarchie liée à l’intensité du volume
sonore. [Duarte, 1995]. Elle reste désignée musica alta, jouée à l’extérieur et dans un contexte que je qualifierai de plus populaire. [Cardoso,
2015] La religiosité qui encourage le musicien à dévouer son talent à la
musique sacrée construit une classification dépréciative des hauts instruments associés aux lieux d’émission du son que sont les intérieurs des
églises, par opposition aux fêtes populaires ayant lieu en extérieur. C’est
dans ce cadre que le son de la charamela fut jugé rude, et les hauts instruments n’entrèrent pas dans la composition des formations de musique
de chambre. Mais cela ne peut pas être généralisé puisque les souverains
disposaient d’ensemble de ce que j’appellerais les hauts musiciens: tout
comme Louis XIV qui avait une fameuse bande de hautbois, au Portugal
on assiste à la création par Dom Joao V d’un groupe de musica alta qui
se présentait dans et en dehors du palais, composé de 28 trompettistes
et des timbales. Mais cette fanfare royale qui ne compte pas un seul
instrument en bois s’appellera néanmoins Charamela Real. [www 8.] La
Charamela Real ouvrait traditionnellement les cortèges où figuraient les
monarques, les membres de la maison royale et les hauts dignitaires
étrangers. Plus largement, on en viendra à désigner ainsi les groupes
musicaux d’ensemble à vent incluant trompettes, trombones, et autres
cuivres. Enfin, les Charameleiros semblent former un véritable corps social
tout au long de l’histoire portugaise, le talent pouvant se transmettre de
père en fils. Associés aux roi et aux princes, ils se transmettent l’office
par voie familiale: par exemple, la famille Palacios au XVIIe siècle [voir
Annexes 4 et 5, Lopes Monteiro, 2010]. Dans une étude qui porte sur la
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généalogie des charameleiros de la Renaissance portugaise, nous trouvons
qu’ «André Descobar était un maître de la charamela de l’université de
Coimbra» [Lopes Monteiro, 1985]. «La charamela est un groupe musical
de composition éclectique à durabilité éphémère qui accompagna la plupart des universités médiévales européennes jusqu’au XIXe siècle.» [www
9, ma traduction.] Cette description étant datée de l’ouverture solennelle
des cours en Novembre 1987, nous pouvons constater que cette tradition
perdure. [www 10.] «A pied, à cheval et en salle, les chefs d’Etats et les
hauts dignitaires étaient reçus, [la charamela] annonçait la cérémonie de
la vêpre (véspera), ouvrait les cortèges, signalait les moments solennels
du calendrier académique et symbolisait la présence du recteur». [www
9.] Le terme s’étend donc jusqu’à désigner un ensemble instrumental
dans lequel nous ne retrouvons plus l’instrument charamela. Aux côtés
des folias et des défilés des bandas filarmonicas, la charamela comprise
comme formation instrumentale est caractéristique du paysage sonore
portugais. Nous constatons que la traductrice de l’auteur de Les africains
au Portugal: histoire et mémoire. XVe-XXIe siècles [www 11.] est arrivée à la
même conclusion que nous en traduisant charamelas par fanfare, dans le
commentaire d’une photographie de la fête du Corpus Christi dans les
rues de Lisbonne au début du XXe siècle, alors que «la présence africaine dans cet évènement a pris une importance singulière dans la vie
portugaise, soulignée, en 1908, dans un article publié dans le journal
Diário de Noticias: “La procession du Corpus Christi a eu lieu hier à la
Cathédrale Patriarcale à laquelle le cortège traditionnel de St. Georges
est lié depuis des siècles. [Si] la procession ne va actuellement pas plus
loin que la place de la Cathédrale, le cortège de St. Georges (...) conserve
néanmoins les aspects les plus traditionnels, comme par exemple les cinq
petits noirs qui, avec leurs habits colorés et pompeux, exécutent durant
tout le trajet sur leurs fanfares, ce “Ta, tara, ta, ta... ta, ta...” que tous
les lisboètes apprennent par cœur depuis leur plus jeune âge”[www 11.].
I. 2.1. La charamela trouve ses racines au Proche-Orient et en Egypte,
et serait arrivée depuis «la troisième croisade» après être «apparue au
Moyen-Orient pendant les premiers siècles de l’Islam» [Arnold, 1983],
mais les origines la faisant remonter au shehnai, hautbois rustique de
l’Inde, et au nadasvaram, son cousin deux fois plus grand de l’Inde du
sud, n’ont pas été encore étudiées, que l’on sache. Le lien est plus clair
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avec ses plus proches voisins, qu’avec l’un de ses équivalents chinois, le
suona. La zurna persane et turque, le duduk arménien ou géorgien, la ghayta nord-africaine, parfois appelée algaita par les non-arabisants qui vient
de la racine indoeuropéenne gada, la pipiza grecque, le piffero du Nord
de l’Italie et la ciaramella ou pipita des régions sud – Molise, Calabre,
Abruzzes, Campagne, etc. – se rapprochent le plus de la charamela. De
différentes tailles, les variantes de la charamela sont encore conservées
dans les musées européens, notamment à Bruxelles et à Berlin, du modèle le plus petit, de l’allemand exilent ou klein-diskant schalmey (45cm),
à la grande charamela contrebasse, de l’allemand grossbasspommer (plus de
2,75m de long). L’apparition de la bombarde au XVe-XVIe siècle dans
les cultures anglo-saxonnes (également pommer, voir W.Frei, Schalmei
und Pommer, 1961) et celtiques, concurrencent en France l’utilisation du
terme chalemie et charamela. Bientôt la bombarde donne son nom à la
charamela alto dans les formations royales et militaires. Les origines du
mot en français, comme nous l’avons dit dès le début, se mélangent avec
le hautbois pastoral au XVIIe, à deux clefs, qui dérive de la musette (terme
existant dès le XIIIe siècle). La musette désignerait le piccolo du consort
des hautbois. Donc il semble que c’est bien l’ajout des clefs qui distingue
déjà hautbois de chalemie, ce qui est toujours le cas. En effet, ces termes
riment avec la charamela sur le continent européen jusqu’à l’invention du
hautbois baroque au XVIIe siècle, puis du hautbois moderne à 16-22 trous
et un mécanisme complexe de clefs, lequel rejoint une grande famille
d’instruments à anche double: hautbois d’amour ou oboe d’amore en la avec
son pavillon piriforme (forme de «poire»), cor anglais ou oboe da caccia en
fa, également piriforme mais parfois au tuyau courbe, l’heckelphone plus
grave en ut, le sarrusophone au tuyau en métal, le basson (anciennement
Dulcian, portugais Dulzaina, mais qui fait référence en Espagne à tout un
ensemble d’instruments apparentés, également pita, pito et au sud de la
France gralla et grallon), et le contrebasson [Michels, 1977]. Egalement
désigné graïle, le hautbois du sud de la France, ou en occitan autbòi est
bien un hautbois originaire des monts de Lacaune au cœur de la montagne noire, et était l’apanage des bergers en transhumance [www 12.] Le
courtaud, le cromorne à tuyau conique recourbé, le sordun et le cervelas en forme
de boîte appartiennent à cette même famille d’instruments. Selon l’essai
de Classification de Geneviève Dournon [Dournon, 2005], le groupe des
hautbois contient en outre les catégories «en tuyau à perce cylindrique»: le
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hichiriki (Japon), le pi nai (Thaïlande), le balaman (Arménie) – et «tuyau à
perce conique» à pavillon intégré/rapporté: l’algaita (Nigeria), le rgya-gling
(Tibet), le selompret (Java) – ou saruni – et la chirimia du Guatemala –. Au
pays basque, d’autres termes existaient: ooella, autzaioa, enzulucea, 1853;
aûiazaïoa, entzunliicea, 1870) [www 6.] alors qu’on parle aujourd’hui de
sunprinua, soinutresnak, txanbela et dulzaina. [www 13. 14.] Appartiennent
à la même famille également le zamr Egyptien, et le schreier décrit par
Praetorius à la Renaissance, duquel est issu le rauschpfeife dans le monde
germanique, terme employé par Curt Sachs à propos des instruments
conservés à Berlin et à Prague, Sachs le fait provenir de l’église de Naumburg, en Saxe, où se trouvent encore de vieux inventaires sur lesquels
ces mêmes instruments sont clairement inscrits sous le nom schreiarien
[Arnold, 1983]. A toutes ces époques, ces instruments furent utilisés
pour animer la vie sociale, de jour comme de nuit, comme le montre
l’exemple des waits en Angleterre et en Allemagne, veilleurs de nuits
qui «gardaient les portes et patrouillaient dans les rues pendant la nuit,
sonnant les heures et surveillant les incendies ou autres dangers avec un
type de charamela appelé wait ou wait-type [Arnold, 1983]. En outre, ces
musiciens jouaient le rôle d’accueillir toute arrivée d’un hôte éminent,
ou d’accompagner d’illustres hommes, ainsi «au XVIe siècle, Sir Francis
Drake pria cinq ou six d’entre eux de l’accompagner lors d’un voyage à
Lisbonne». [Arnold, 1983]
II. 1. S’il est vrai que le paysage est une notion qui a la capacité de
rendre compte de «l’ensemble des relations entre l’environnement naturel
et la société» par «une approche dite polysensorielle fondée sur la sensibilité
du spécialiste paysagiste exercée à l’observation des phénomènes par la
totalité de ses sens» [Luginbuhl, 1992] Alors, le système musical est un
«trait du paysage culturel» [www 15.]. L’étudiant est soumis lui-même à
la même nécessité qu’implique l’écoute de ce qui fait sens pour son sujet:
il entend le son qui retentit, et par là «entre dans son environnement
sonore comme source de stimuli les ondes qui pénètrent dans son oreille
(processus physiques). Les ondes sont transformées dans l’oreille en impulsions nerveuses qui atteignent l’organe perceptif du cerveau (processus
physiologiques). Les cellules perceptives et leurs signaux perceptifs prennent
alors le relais et projettent un signe perceptif dans le milieu (processus
psychoïdal)» [Uexküll, 1956]
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Or c’est la représentation de cette perception qui nous intéresse, c’est
«ce que ça en dit». De la même manière qu’un sujet soumis au bruit d’un
générateur électrique allumé pendant la nuit ou d’un ventilateur bruyant
se plaindra de la gêne sonore émise, nous voudrions savoir ce que dirait
le public de la sonorité de la charamela: un son nasillard, fort, puissant,
mordant? Pourquoi lui a-t-on préféré dans de nombreux bals folkloriques
et musiques populaires l’emploi de l’accordéon, qui est une adaptation
du système de la vibration d’une anche double devenue métallique dans
l’air libre? Nous savons pourtant que le hautbois est un des instruments
les plus «riches» en harmoniques, puisque c’est lui qui donne le la aux
orchestres. Nous savons aussi qu’il est possible d’obtenir une grande variété de timbres en disposant de plusieurs anches doubles, attachées par
une ficelle au corps de l’instrument.
Avec l’arrivée des musiques électroniques il nous paraît nécessaire de
procéder à une distinction de sens: que nomme-t-on «ambiance sonore»
par rapport à la notion de paysage sonore? Il semble clair par l’emploi
courant de ce terme qu’il s’applique souvent aux bandes son, maintenant
utilisées pour donner un contour sonore à un lieu (musée, zoos). Pourtant
la définition de Schafer citée ci-dessus inclut bel et bien les «constructions
abstraites, tels que les compositions musicales ou montages sur bande».
Nous pouvons opposer dialectiquement ce qualificatif d’ «abstrait» à la
«musique concrète», comme nous allons le voir par la suite avec Steven
Feld.
Des expériences réalisées par le grand physicien du XXe siècle, David
Bohm, prouvent que lors de la perception, le flux d’informations qui passe
des niveaux supérieurs du cerveau aux zones où s’élaborent les images
excède la quantité d’informations arrivant aux yeux. En d’autres termes,
ce que nous «voyons» est autant le produit de notre savoir intérieur que
des données qui viennent d’être perçues. «Dans une forêt, un bûcheron
verra une source de bois, l’artiste le sujet d’un tableau, le chasseur les
cachettes où se terre le gibier et le randonneur un site naturel à explorer.»
[Bohm, 2007] Qu’en est-il de notre perception du son? Bien entendu,
nous entendons déjà avant même de voir, avant même de naître… L’oreille
n’a pas de paupières. Il nous est possible de nous appuyer sur des expériences de psychologie et de psycho-acoustique (réalisées par l’IRCAM
en France) qui montrent la complexité de la notion de paysage visuel et
de «paysage sonore». D’après notre expérience du fonctionnement de la
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vue, nous comprenons par une expérience telle que celle des «deux visages
et du vase» [www 16.] que la vue opère selon diverses modalités. Ici, un
phénomène d’attention permet de voir les visages dans un sens ou un
autre selon la manière avec laquelle elle est focalisée. Daniel Pressnitzer
(ENS Ulm, Paris) s’intéresse aux mêmes phénomènes en neurosciences
de l’audition, montrant comment opère le cerveau pour porter l’attention
vers une discussion que l’on isole dans un milieu très bruyant. Parmi les
illusions acoustiques, les expériences menées par l’IRCAM par Jean-Claude
Risset sur le son paradoxal montrent que nous pouvons avoir l’illusion
d’un son qui monte sans fin ou qui descend sans fin en fréquence. Le
paysage sonore est donc à la fois un bien commun, et une construction
singulière du sujet. Mais une autre expérience nous montre l’importance
du travail de la perception, dans le cas de l’instrument à anche double.
Le Pseudo-Plutarque, auteur du IIIe siècle attribue à l’aulos, qui était une
double charamela un phénomène acoustique appelé «sons différentiels».
Une oreille entraînée qui entend les deux sons produits par l’aulos peut
percevoir un troisième son, fondamentale de base, appelé «différentiel»
car naissant de la différence de fréquences des deux sons joués par le
musicien [Abromont, 2001]. Ces expériences montrent comme le travail
de perception et d’éducation à l’écoute est essentiel afin d’accorder de
l’importance et de donner de la valeur au paysage sonore, et redécouvrir
de nouvelles perceptions.
II. 2. La musique en plein-air marque le changement des saisons.
Dans un Bulletin de la Société du Musée départemental d’ethnographie
et d’art populaire du Bas-Limousin de 1901, nous retrouvons l’explication
suivante sur l’usage fait par les musiciens de ces instruments à la sonorité
claire, adaptée au jeu en plein-air: «Quelque chose qui devait ressembler
à l’esluflol, à la pampara et à la charamela, que l’on fait [entendre] aux
enfants quand la sève monte, au printemps, – «a l’entrada del temps clar»,
comme disaient les troubadours, – suppléait certainement au manque de
musettes et de vielles, qui ne vinrent que plus tard, au Moyen-Âge, bien
après la flûte, le flageolet, le fifre et le violon» [www 17.] A l’entrada est le
premier chant à danser en forme de ballade conservé dans un chansonnier
de trouvère. Cette description est particulièrement intéressante du point
de vue de la sensibilité et de l’esthétique qu’elle propose, liée à faire de
la musique un instrument joué pour marquer le changement des saisons.
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Les différents traits les plus élémentaires d’un paysage sonore peuvent
être retrouvés dans les éléments les plus particuliers du quotidien. L’anthropologue du son Steven Feld, en s’attachant à la description du paysage
sonore des Kaluli de Papouasie Nouelle-Guinée, cherchait à produire des
enregistrements dépeignant une journée dans la vie des Kaluli et dans
leur habitat de forêt tropicale humide. Son ethnographie visait à étudier
le son comme un système culturel, qu’il comprend comme un système de
symboles, dont on peut analyser les modes et les codes de la communication sonore, leurs chants étant en relation avec le monde spirituel et
naturel Kaluli. Selon sa méthode d’édition et de sélection des extraits
sonores on peut étudier les conventions de la représentation ethnographique d’un paysage sonore, ce qui aboutit à la publication de Voices in
the Forest. Cependant, selon lui ce fut «plus proche dans le concept et dans
l’exécution de la musique concrète» mais cela «doit beaucoup au concept
de Murray Schafer de paysage sonore». Pour réaliser Voices of the forest,
il fut nécessaire de sélectionner 3 heures issues du matériau d’origine de
60 heures enregistrées entre 1976 et 1982, les arranger en fonction des
données de terrain (notes, commentaires des Kaluli) pour représenter
le cycle typique des sons sur une journée de 24 heures, lesquels sons
étant associés à la succession des activités humaines, pour essayer de
présenter une perspective acoustique spatio-temporelle d’un participant.
Ces aspects temporels et spatiaux entrent en jeu dans la définition du
paysage sonore de la charamela. Faire résonner l’air environnant prend
le rôle de catalyseur du temps qui s’écoule, à des moments cruciaux du
cycle de vie. Il est difficile de verbaliser ce qui tient justement par définition de l’ineffable, de l’indicible, pour beaucoup de gens qui trouvent
dans la musique des émotions, un sens, une transe, une transcendance…
Marquer les esprits et la mémoire semble être la fonction principale de
la présence des charameleiros à tous les évènements cités dans une vidéo
qui montre notamment une représentation de la cérémonie du couronnement du Pape Pie III [voir la vidéo à l’adresse www. 18.] Comment
ce son qu’on considère puissant, mais rude, presqu’épouvantable, pouvait
t-il être perçu comme éclatant et brillant lors de ces occasions? Il évoque
immanquablement un «signal de bateau»… et il n’est pas exclu que cet
usage lui ait été réservé. La charamela s’est propagée dans le monde luso
phone à travers le rôle certain des marins: le mot charamela a désigné
au XVIIIe siècle dans toutes les colonies portugaises les instrumentistes
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souvent africains, doués pour la musique, embauchés par les maîtres de
chapelle pour les processions liturgiques; l’instrument a été exporté par les
marins portugais, les commerçants et les missionnaires chrétiens, jusqu’au
Japon où le terme correspondant de charumera leur a été emprunté [www
19.]. Un document sur le Minas Gerais colonial au Brésil du XVIIIe siècle
atteste de la diffusion de l’instrument [Conceiçao Rezende, 1989]. Durant
des opérations de renflouage en 1980 sur le vaisseau amiral d’Henri VIII,
The Mary Rose préservé depuis que le bateau coula en 1545, on retrouva
l’unique exemple ayant survécu d’une charamela, «appelée parfois nicolo,
nom inexpliqué» [Arnold, 1983] C’est en fait une still shawn en Fa, c’
est-à-dire une «dulciane» alto avec «ravalement», c’est-à-dire avec des clés
permettant d’augmenter la tessiture dans le grave. «Niccolo» désignant
un instrument avec ravalé), et «dulciane» un instrument à la sonorité
douce et non «rude». Enfin, la compréhension la plus contemporaine
voudrait que la charamela soit un instrument d’extérieur, un élément
d’un paysage sonore adapté à son timbre éclatant, par opposition à
d’autres instruments plus doux ou caverneux. Son registre répond à
certaines gammes d’affects auxquels elle convient, et à l’acoustique du
lieu (tant en plein-air que dans les lieux du patrimoine, châteaux, musées, etc.). Les fréquences hautes que l’on qualifie de brillantes semblent
entrer dans une meilleure association avec un paysage plus lumineux.
Jusqu’ici, la littérature consacrée à la notion de paysage sonore n’avait
que peu abordé la question musicale au travers des productions artistiques liées à des cérémonies festives. [Marconi, 2005] Alors que cette
notion avait été forgée dans le but de dénoncer les sons qui envahissent
l’environnement de l’homme, et ceux qui, musicaux ou non, cherchent à
«couvrir les sons désagréables de façon à les faire oublier», peu d’attention
était accordée à des paysages sonores issus de contenus artistiques des
sociétés humaines. Si l’emploi du terme charamela est bien spécifique à
une aire linguistique, le paysage sonore de la charamela est un ensemble de
lieux marquant la présence d’évènements faisant appel à ces instruments
à vent. Certaines manifestations musicales traditionnellement attachées
à des circonstances et à des lieux peuvent être considérées comme des
éléments de l’environnement sonore. Nous pensons que les charamelas,
dans les diverses occurrences où nous les rencontrons, malgré la difficulté
de les nommer de la même manière selon l’aire linguistique où nous les
trouvons, forment un paysage sonore à part entière. Il peut s’agir, dans une
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région donnée, de l’occurrence simultanée dans plusieurs villes et villages
de la même fête faisant appel à la même typologie d’instruments, ou dans
la même ville d’une fête produisant des concerts dans plusieurs endroits
simultanés de la ville. Par exemple à Mação, Portugal, selon l’historien de
l’art Teixeira Marques durant les fêtes de Santa Maria étaient organisés
3 fêtes à trois endroits différents pour chacune des classes de la société:
l’élite, les travailleurs et le reste de l’aldeia. En outre, le paysage sonore
pourrait désigner aussi une volonté publique de mettre à contribution un
compositeur chargé par l’administrateur public d’organiser un concert,
interdisant les voies aux voitures, disposant chaque groupe de musiciens
sur les places publiques, jardins et balcons, devant jouer à des heures
précises. En effet, soit le paysage sonore désigne les sons de la nature,
soit ceux des bruits humains, ou bien il désignait les créations de compositeurs d’une nouvelle génération qui intégrait ces bruits, ouvrant l’écoute
sur tous les sons. Ainsi selon Battier ce caractère militant que prône une
écologie acoustique semble opérer une distinction entre fond sonore et
paysage sonore, qui renvoie pour l’un à la «musique d’ameublement» d’Erik
Satie [Battier, 2005], et pour l’autre «à la prise de conscience croissante
du rôle du musicien dans l’environnement sonore». La problématique
est celle d’une relation définie au silence, et non à une musique désirée,
ou considérée comme adéquate. Le plus grand flou semble entourer la
connaissance d’une demande sociale en termes de musique en plein-air
qui agrémenterait le paysage sonore, et l’exemple de la charamela illustre
bien selon nous une possibilité concrète de dessiner un paysage sonore
inventif et harmonieux.
III. Le mot sustainability a été traduit dans le langage commun par
durable. Parfois traduit par soutenable, il est devenu le mot-clé qui fait
office de référent à tout un discours lié à la renouvelabilité des ressources.
Les instruments à vent, expressions les plus directes du «souffle de la
vie» sont associés à la vie, à la naissance, à la fertilité et parfois même
à la «renaissance» ou résurrection. A Innsbrück, en Autriche, a lieu un
spectacle d’instruments à vent pour Noël, joué sur la place centrale de
la ville depuis les toits, célébrant la naissance de Jésus. La conservatrice
d’un musée me le décrivit en joignant le souffle à la gestuelle puis me
l’explicita par «le souffle qui donne la vie». Les flûtes, trouvées dans les
rites de fertilité africains ou dans les tombes préhistoriques disposées
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auprès des morts, traduisent la même idée de «souffle de la vie». Annonçant cependant aussi le triomphe et perçues comme des instruments
agressifs, les trompes peuvent tout autant représenter la victoire, tout
comme la menace et la mort. Il y aurait alors dans l’expression même
de la musique d’un côté une forme de louange à la clarté, la lumière,
à l’ordre, la beauté, et la vie et de l’autre l’expression d’un souhait de
destruction, d’irrationalité, de l’ivresse et de la confusion. On se place
là en défenseurs du principe Apollinien contre le principe Dionysiaque
de la musique des Grecs, renvoyant à d’anciennes propositions des philosophes grecs sur l’ethos, et le lieu et la place de la musique, servant
à des fins d’agrément et de plaisir pour les uns lors des festins et banquets, et de véritable moyen d’obtenir la guérison, de ramener la loi, la
norme, d’encourager l’éthique par l’éducation pour les autres, à travers
son pouvoir de l’ordre du magique ou du spirituel. La musique serait
dans cette perspective-là plutôt la dépositaire d’un ordre éducatif, qui
entraîne la mémoire par la transmission du savoir très codifié. C’est ainsi
que certaines manifestations musicales seraient essentielles pour garantir
l’équilibre de la société, par l’harmonie qu’elles donnent à entendre. Or
nous avançons qu’elle ne fait partie d’un paysage sonore que lorsqu’elle
s’exprime en tant qu’un bien commun, c’est-à-dire dans l’espace public,
à l’air libre. Un travail d’analyse musicale et de transcription des œuvres
jouées par les charamelas dans la musica alta reste à effectuer au Portugal,
pour montrer ce que ces expressions ont conservé à travers les siècles, et
comment, associées à des danses particulières, elles ont rayonné sur tout
le continent européen pendant la période du Moyen-Âge tardif et de la
Renaissance, dans des expressions similaires au Portugal et dans le reste
de l’Europe (Comme l’ont montré des musicologues comme Helen Hewitt
et ceux de la Schola Cantorum Basiliensis). Les scènes de liesse populaire
auxquelles notre mémoire collective les associe se répètent dans de grandes
manifestations qui existent encore aujourd’hui au Portugal, telles que la
Feira Afonsina de Guimaraes (200.000 personnes) ou la Santa Maria Da
Feira (depuis 1996, l’une des plus grandes reconstitutions de l’époque
médiévale d’Europe), et où la musique joue un rôle essentiel, à travers des
groupes invités et venant de toute l’Europe tels que Waraok [www 20.]
pour conserver un paysage sonore jugé «authentique». Mais la véracité
de ces manifestations culturelles ne peut être protégée qu’à travers un
travail d’analyse plus approfondi de l’étude organologique (instruments
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aux timbres et aux registres éclatants) des thèmes musicaux (associant un
«bourdon», longtemps présent à travers les cornemuses ou aulos double, à
des thèmes joués sur une ligne haute, plus aigüe, plus claire, par l’emploi
des charamelas, avec un rythme joué par des tambours: c’est exactement ce
que l’on trouve dans le travail de Pedro Caldeira Cabral [www 21.] qui a
pu retrouver cette «Danse Real» anonyme du XVIIIe siècle pour charamela,
gaita de fole et atabales, un tambour africain). Certains disques reçoivent
par leur publication une place dans le marché et se voient attribuer les
qualificatifs de musiques «traditionnelles» [www 22.]. Or, il nous semble
que les enjeux de la durabilité sont souvent interpellés par les chercheurs
pour ne désigner que la durabilité des entreprises d’ «authentification»
elles-mêmes. C’est la durabilité des traditions, c’est-à-dire des expressions
musicales dans le cadre de vie des gens et non des entreprises d’enregistrement qui certes augmentent l’audience, mais ne permettent pas un
rapport direct à la source musicale, qu’il faut préserver. A l’heure où des
changements planétaires présentent une menace sur les lieux du paysage
culturel associés au paysage sonore de la charamela, c’est la réintégration de
ces musiques dans les cycles et les évènements qui participent au «cadre
de vie», dans l’optique du projet mondial d’environnement sonore de Murray
Schafer, que nous mettons en avant. Pour approfondir les liens entre
«musique et durabilité du paysage sonore» et «mémoire», «identité culturelle», «authenticité», nous conseillons la lecture de l’œuvre remarquable
publiée chez Actes Sud par la Cité de la Musique, sous la direction de
Jean-Jacques Nattiez, Musiques. Une Encyclopédie pour le XXIe siècle, 2005,
traduit de l’italien, publié en 2003 sous le titre Enciclopedia della musica.
Musica e culture, édité par Giulio Einaudi s.p.a, à Turin.
CONCLUSION
Une hypothèse, qui nous sert d’ouverture en conclusion, pourrait démontrer l’importance de la charamela dans le paysage sonore lusophone, si
elle était validée. Elle a été formulée par Ary Vasconcelos [Cazes, 1998].
Elle concerne les origines du choro, un genre qui s’est popularisé à la fin
du XIXe siècle au Brésil. Enrichi de l’apparition de la flûte traversière
en métal, c’est une formation composée d’un flûtiste, d’un guitariste et
d’une guitare à sept cordes ou d’une mandoline, d’un cavaquinho (petite
618 |
ARKEOS 38-39
guitare) et plus tardivement d’un pandeiro et d’une clarinette. «Bien que le
folkloriste Luis da Câmara Cascudo croyait que le choro venait du xolo,
une danse que les esclaves faisaient dans les fazendas, et qui aurait changé
graduellement en xoro et finalement, choro, Ary Vasconcelos croyait que le
terme aurait ses origines dans les choromeleiros, corporations de musiciens
importants dans la période coloniale et signale que ces musiciens n’exécutaient pas seulement les charamelas.» [Cazes, 1998, www 23.] D’après
les recherches actuelles, la plupart des interprètes du choro ignorent ou
nient cette origine possible de ce genre musical.
Le répertoire de la charamela est à redécouvrir, déjà que de nombreux
groupes dans le reste de l’Europe, comme Musica Alta, le trio Alta ou
Capella Menestralis [www 24.] s’attachent à cette tradition enracinée
dans le patrimoine historique. Au Portugal, les instruments en cuivre et
les accordéons ont repris une place importante dans le paysage sonore.
Qui construit ces instruments? Dans quel esprit et avec quels matériaux
sont-ils réalisés? L’extinction des savoir-faire culturels est problématique,
alors que des constructeurs sont considérés comme des spécialistes d’instruments «historiques» et non plus les garants de la transmission d’un
savoir-faire essentiel. La complexité de cette problématique est cependant
restreinte au cadre des préoccupations principalement musicales. La
question du paysage sonore nous met devant la nouvelle problématique
de l’anthropisation du paysage sonore, véhicules à moteur, réacteur d’avions
qui envahissent aujourd’hui nos oreilles. Si la charamela faisait partie des
dérangements sonores qui troublaient les musiciens eux-mêmes, d’après
la fameuse représentation d’un violoniste dérangé par la cacophonie de la
rue, par William Hogarth (The enraged musician, 1741) elle est néanmoins
l’expression d’une richesse et d’une diversité culturelle qui se caractérise
par l’éclat de ce son si brillant qui lui est propre, de bonne augure et qui
accompagnait les évènements festifs. Or les atouts écologiques de l’instrument sont à mettre en balance avec l’emploi des caisses de résonance
électroniques, tout aussi dérangeantes mais qui cachent par ailleurs un
coût en ressources naturelles qu’il serait édifiant de calculer. La simplicité
de l’instrument est-elle gage de durabilité pour que ce paysage sonore
perdure, et sous quelle forme? Comment l’évolution de l’instrument peutelle nous éclairer sur les pratiques, les techniques, et les circonstances
dans lesquelles il était joué? C’est avec André Schaeffner, ethnomusicologue, fondateur de la secARKEOS 38-39
| 619
tion au Musée de l’Homme, que je souhaite conclure: «L’instrument de
musique n’a jamais constitué pour la musique qu’un outil. Mais de tous
les vestiges pouvant nous renseigner sur un art qui tend à s’évanouir, et
cela dès l’instant même où il jaillit faute d’écriture capable d’en sauvegarder la totalité, l’instrument est encore ce dont nous avons conservé le
plus de témoignages certains à travers les temps.»
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Webographie
1. URL: http://mimo-international.com/MIMO/
2. MATTE Jean-luc (site personnel),
URL: http://jeanluc.matte.free.fr/articles/typologie/schalmei.htm consulté le 01/03/15
3. Site de la fanfare Zek, URL: http://www.cie-sauveterre.fr/fanfare-zek.htm consulté
le 01/03/15
ARKEOS 38-39
| 621
4. Site de l’Instituto d’Etnomusicologia, plate-forme Portmuse, Enciclopédia da Música em
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26/02/2015
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Branly le 27/02/15: http://gallica.bnf.fr/Search?ArianeWireIndex=index&p=1&lang=FR&q=charamela
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Intérpretes – MUSIC’ALTA – Música de Altos Menistres; URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v
=mQw45dpny64https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9skcrcPms5Y
8. The Charamela Real sontatas survive in a set of part books in the Royal Coach Museum
in Lisbon, Portugal along with the silver cast trumpets and royal banners that hung from
the tubing. The collection is the only one that survives in Europe for the material that
was performed by large ensembles employed by royal and aristocratic families in the 18th
century. The Lisbon collection includes over 50 sonatas that range from only 5 trumpets
with timpani up to four choirs of performers with each choir consisting of 5 trumpets
and timpani. https://youtu.be/H214LxSOOXk
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http://dicionarioportugues.org/pt/charamela http://dicionarioportugues.org/pt/charameleiro
18. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtIlhRc1XjQ consulté le 03/03/2015
19. http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mots_japonais_d%27origine_portugaise consulté le 03/03/2015
622 |
ARKEOS 38-39
20. http://www.waraok.com/ consulté le 03/03/2015
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22. http://www.bm-lyon.fr/musiquazimuts/spip.php?page=pointdactu&id_pda=368 consulté
le 03/03/2015
23. http://www.passeiweb.com/estudos/musica/choro consulté le 03/03/2015
24. http://www.alta-musica.de/index.htm consulté le 08/03/2015
http://escalesbrivadoises.fr/capella-menestralis/ consulté le 08/03/2015
http://cmm-paris.fr/fr/production-artistique/ensembles-et-artistes/alta consulté le
08/03/2015
Avec l’aide des outils Wikipédia «Nagâsvaram», etc., du Wiktionnaire, ainsi que des
traducteurs en ligne Linguee et Wordreference, enfin du catalogue des bibliothèques sur
www.sudoc.abes.fr.
ARKEOS 38-39
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