this report - South Sudan Humanitarian Project

Traditional Authority in South Sudan
UPPER NILE TEAM B - CASE STUDY 15 JAN - 13 FEB2005
Pibor County, Pocalla County & Twic (E) County
Simon Harragin & Nikodemo Arou Man
1. Panyagor Case Study:
1.0 Introduction:
Bor county was divided in two in August 2001, and then into Bor, Twic (East1) and Duk
Counties in 2003. This reflected the breakdown of the population into Bor Dinka in Bor
County, Twic Dinka in Twic County and Ghol and Nyaraweng Dinka in Duk County. The
Duk ridge is a ridge of slightly higher ground that escapes the annual flooding from the Nile,
and runs from the middle of Twic county north up to Ayod and Mogok. Panyagor is the
administrative headquarters of Twic county. Due to insecurity in Duk County and floods that
made it impossible to access Bor County, this report deals mainly with Twic county.
To the North, the Dinka are neighboured by the Gaawar Nuer and to the East by Murle.
Relations with these groups have often been poor. Murle raids against the Bor Dinka
provoked the Anglo-Egyptian government to enter Murle territory for the first time in 1908
and, following the failure of that patrol, to send a full-scale punitive mission four years later
that killed 146 people (Collins 1960: 51). This put an end to raiding until the end of the
colonial period but it resumed soon afterwards and continued throughout the war with many
Dinka killed and children abducted. Relations with the Nuer also deteriorated after
independence, and reached their lowest point in 1991-2 when the SPLA split and Nuer SPLANasir troops took the whole of Bor decimating local cattle populations and causing the flight
of the population to displaced camps in Equatoria and beyond.
The last few years have seen visible improvements in Twic areas. Cattle numbers have
increased with bridewealth levels approaching pre-1991 levels2. Many displaced people have
returned and areas that were previously depopulated are beginning to be resettled. Recentlybuilt tukls are everywhere and the market in Panyagor hugely expanded.
1
2
Not to be confused with Twic (West) in Bahr el Ghazal
In Bor 1991 is known as the year when the earth was spoiled (piny aci riak)
1
Map 1: North Bor – before it was divided into Twic County and Duk County
In the pre-colonial era, there were spiritual leaders in Bor known as tiet (tit) associated with
the possession of certain sacred spears (lir puou). Such leaders included Dau Deng, Manyok
Duot and Akuoi Jurkac. Some still exist such as Ading Dit in Pawel near Paliau. There was
never the system of religious leaders known as benybith (chief of the fishing spear) found in
Bahr el Ghazal. There were clan divinities (yath) with a shrine called yik. After the split in the
SPLA in 1991 and the huge losses incurred, there was mass conversion to Christianity and
most yik were burned.
1.1. The Work of Chiefs:
The chiefs are seen as the ‘representative’ and ‘spokesperson’ of their people. For example we
encountered a Court President from PanPiol on the opposite side of the county representing
his people in a case against a Wernyol man who his kinsman had murdered. They are also
seen as ‘intermediaries’ – interpreting government policy to the people and telling
government the concerns of the people. ‘We are part of hakuma because we are the link
between hakuma and the people’ was a sentiment expressed in one interview but which was
commonly felt. One informant referred to nyin hakuma – the eyes of the government and
another said he was part of the government because he was paid by them (indirectly through
claiming a percentage of what he raises for taxation). Another interviewee said ‘I walk alone
and the government walks alone’ (‘en cath etok ku hakuma cath etok’). When any hakuma
work needed to be completed – such as the construction of a road – it was the chiefs who
divided it up amongst their sections and took responsibility for certain lengths of the road.
2
A chief is expected to resolve disputes: to separate the combatants, persuade them not to
resolve their problems through violence and to be fair in dispute solving. He should not take
sides and is expected to rule in the interests of the whole group not just his own lineage. He
should not take other people’s property even to give to someone else – in fact he must be
generous in sharing his wealth with a poor man who needs help without expecting repayment.
In a questionnaire amongst the Twic Dinka of Bor (Mohd Osman El Sammani 1984:161), the
qualities that were desired in a chief were as follows: Democratic (33.8 % of respondents);
having wisdom (18.5%); able to maintain peace (14.7%);a good character ( loyal, faithful,
intelligent, sociable, generous etc) 12.3%; cares for the poor (10 %); courageous (8.7 %); rich
in cattle (2.7%)
One man interviewed claimed that chiefs now were younger than in the past, and more
educated. At the same time another young educated man said that being a chief was
insignificant for a young educated person. If there is an elopement he will sometimes be
expected to contribute a bull from his own herd to calm the dispute. In order to prevent
conflicts in the cattle camps he is expected to appoint a chief of the cattle camp (bany wut)
When the daughter of one of his people is married, he should follow the case to make sure the
bridewealth requested is reasonable, and that it is paid. In return he will be included in the
bridewealth distribution3. For those who have received cows in a marriage, he reminds them
of their obligation to contribute to the family in turn when boys are marrying.
1.1.1 WAR EFFORT/TAXATION:
The system of taxation was introduced in 1906 by the British who started collecting taxes in
the form of sorghum, then in money (5pt/ family). This was collected by an Egyptian mamur
because there were no educated local people. A subchief would have 50-300 taxpayers. Below
this with 30-50 was the headman. Above this was the Headchief/Executive Chief with over
300 voters. Collins writes that ‘the readiness with which all paid the tax and the good feeling
toward Government evinced by even the remoter Dinkas near the Twi borders were largely
the result of the government’s action against [Murle] raiders (Collins 1960: 38). The mamur
was replaced by Executive Officers in 1951 just before the British left.
One chief talked about organising the transport of ammunition for the army. Also when the
government asked for something, he was the one who killed a cow. Under the system of buluk
ka diak each headman was supposed to provide 5 recruits for the army. One informant
claimed that the main challenge for the SPLA after the return from Ethiopia was how to find
enough food. This then became a system, and the system became the basis for governance. At
first the Civil Military Authorities (1987-1994) required 1 tin of maize per family but this was
later raised to 3 tins.
A chief is expected to collect taxes on behalf of hakuma both for the war effort and other
purposes. These taxes are often in the form of food for the soldiers. If a chief constantly
defaults on taxes, he can be taken to court himself and his property seized. The Commissioner
can then seek his dismissal, but if his people refuse, he will be reinstated.
3
A chief who had been promoted to temporary county judge complained that all the bridewealth cattle would be
going to his replacement in his absence. Another newly appointed chief noted how he was now getting plentiful
fish from the toic and meat from each wedding of his people.
3
1.1.2 COURTS:
Colonial court centres up were set up at Maar, Paliau, Wangulei and Kongur by 1922. In
1976, there were court centres at Kongur (for Apiolic, Padol and Biordit), Wernyol (for Adiok
and Abek), Wangulei (for Ayual, Awulian and Daicuek) Maar and Paliau. These courts are
run by a Court President and under these are minor courts. Chiefs are expected to try cases
under customary law that include elopement (kual), impregnation, killing of a bull without
payment, adultery, injury, insult or sorcery, stealing cattle, encroachment by cattle onto
cultivated fields, bodily injuries and murder etc. The hierarchy of courts, with cases going
from headman, to sub-chief, to executive chief, to court president and finally to county court
seems to be working.
Duot Ajang’s Court in Kongur operates all year round except for Saturdays and Sundays. The
three members – Duot himself, Thony Ding and Chol Tor represent the three sections in
Kongur. The court clerk receives 20% of the fine. Below this are Boma courts at Pawel,
Payom and Garalei near Panyagor with 5 judges each.
1.2 Population, Structures and Territory of Traditional Authority in Twic:
1.2.1 POPULATION:
Rough population figures, calculated from the number of tax payers in 1980 projected
forward to 2003 are as follows:
Location
Households from taxpayers
total– est for 2003
Duk Fadiet
Duk Fawiel
Wernyol
Kongur
5084
5255
3899
4845
Population
total from
taxpayers (x7)–
est for 2003
35,588
36,785
27,293
33,915
5 Wangulei
6 Paliau/Maar
8252
7307
57,764
51,149
(with Wernyol)
36,728
12,5324
23,968
34,642
242,494
93,238
1
2
3
4
TOTAL
Popn est by SRRA
Database &
Monitoring Office
1997
10,031
9979
These figures take the 1980 figure and increase it by 2.5% per annum over 23 years – a
reduced population increase from normal designed to take into account the effect of the war.
However, it is a great deal more than the actual population on the ground (see the 1997 SRRA
estimate for comparison) as many of this number are actually in displaced camps. However, it
gives an idea of the comparative size of different locations.
1.2.2 STRUCTURES OF TRADITIONAL AUTHORITY:
The groups that the different chiefs head are all referred to in Dinka as wut (literally cattlecamp) and the same word is used for all different levels down to the lineage (referred to as
4
This figure seems particularly questionable in relation to the other figures
4
dhien (birth)or gol (cattle hearth)5. Within a dhien/gol there are divisions known as mac thok
(entrance of the hearth) which unite 3 generations of a patrilineage. The mac thok unite to pay
the bridewealth for a wife, and have a leader known as makuei (headman) in Bor.
The name magak/buluk/alam col and (at a stretch) nhom e ghol refer to sub-chief and makuei
refers to headman. Above this is alam thith (equivalent to an Executive Chief). One executive
chief is chosen to be court president (the Arabic word Rais can be used to refer to the Court
President). An executive chief can also be chosen to be head of a section containing many
executive chiefs – also called alam thith but considered senior. In English this person can be
referred to as a Headchief, but it is not always translated in the same way (to add to the
confusion). The alam thith should have over 300 taxpayers under him. When asked what the
difference between alam thith (red chief) and alam col (subchief), one informant said that
they both did the same kind of thing. While this is not strictly the case, it is important that the
case for a strict ethos of hierarchy is not made too strongly. The alam thith and alam col were
government officials in the 1970’s and were paid a salary, while headmen were paid a certain
percentage of what they collected in taxes (Mohd Osman El Samani 1984:152)
In some cases, the sectional make-up of the groups could mean that a group such as Adhiang
will be given an alam thith even though they have only two hundred because a strong case can
me made that they do not belong to Nyoping even though Nyoping tried hard to hold onto
them to have greater size and thus greater influence. There is a danger that such ‘specialcases’ could lead to proliferation of chiefs but as long as there is a tax disincentive to having a
separate group (said to be 200,000 dinar) groups will not separate without good reason.
Another such special case would be the monthany marsh dwellers of Paker – the Ajulub
Thony who, while not numerous, shared a common identity and economic way of life.
However, such examples illustrate the dangers of standardising the size of a chiefship and its
boundaries, when a more complex reality underlies the logic of chiefship.
It becomes even more complex if one tries to equate the names between regions such as Bahr
el Ghazal or Upper Nile.
Bahr el Ghazal
Court President – 1 court
Executive Chief – 1 court
Sub-Chief
Headman
Bor
Upper Nile
Court President or
Headchief
Executive Chief – alam
thith
Sub-Chief –
buluk/magak
Headman – Makuei
Paramount Chief diminishing
Head Chief
Executive Chief
Sub-Chief
Headman
1.2.3 TERRITORY:
The Twic are divided into 4 subtribes – Lith, Nyuak, Ajwong and Paker. These are broken
down in the following way:
5
Even then people often confuse a large dhien with a small wut, or a magak/buluk (gol leader) with a bany kor,
alam col, though he would not be confused with a senior alam thith.
5
Lith -
Adiok – H/Ch Awai Ajak
Awai (Pakoi/Pan Alath)
son of 1982 Court Pres
Ajak Awai – c.17 Ch
Pakoi – Ch
Garang Bul Kuir
Nyanith - Ch
Mac Tor Mac
(Papiou)
Rordior – Ch
Deng Ajak Thiou
(Pan de Juac)
Abek – H/Ch Ayiik Bol
Arok (Pagueng) c. 12 Ch
Pagweng – Ch
Wernyol Boma
Ayiik Bol Arok
?3 Ch & 15 S/Ch
Aleu – Ch Atem
Kuek Atem (son
of Ch Kuek Atem
1980 chief of all
Abek) – ?3 Ch &
15 S/Ch
Biordit – H/Ch
Kongur/Panyagor
Chol Tor Deng
(Anyang) (son of
1980 chief Tor
Deng Yong) 5 Ch
Padol - H/Ch
Thon Diing Duot
(Pakak) & Ch
Chol Akol Chol
(Kebar) 9 Ch
Apiolic Dau Tor
Akuei
(Kuornyin)–12
Ch
Lual Deng – Ch Wangulei Court
Lual Garang Lual
Pan de Yol – Ch
Kamic Bul Yol
Kongur – H/Ch Duot
Ajang Duot (Apiolic/Pan
Bior) (grandson of 1982
Court Pres Cornelio Duot
Bior) – 26 Ch
Daicuek – H/Ch Lual
Garang Lual – 13 Ex/Ch
(family have had
chiefship for 6 generatns)
Nyuak – Ch Bul
Kuer Manyok (son of
Kuer Manyok –
Court Pres in 1982)
(Pan Ayual)
Wernyol Boma
Awulian – H/Ch Thony
Dau Deng (son of 1980
Chief Dau Deng Biar)
(Payath) – 12 Ex/Ch
Payath – Ch
Thony Dau Deng
– 7 Ch
Ghoot – Ch
Atem Mabior
Atem - 5 Ch
Ayual – Ch Thony Yak
Duot – 19 Ex/Ch
Rordior – H/Ch Wangulei Court
Deng Ajak
Deng? - 7 Ch
Pan de Yak – Ch
Thony Yak Duot
6
Wangulei Court
– 6 Ch
Wiir - Yak
Jurkuc Yak -6 Ch
Toic – 1 Ch
Nyoping – H/Ch Paliau Court
Ayuel Warabeg –
6 S/Ch
Kuac – Ex/Ch
Paliau court
Ayuel Atem
Ayuel
Ajwong – Ch Ayual
Warabeg (brother of
Geu Warabeg –
Court Pres in 1982)
Adiang – Ex/Ch
Kuir Ajak Atem?
Paker – Ch Manyok
Ajak Majok (son of
Ajak Majok – Court
Pres in 1982).
(Anok/Pan Rec)
Ayoliel – Ex/Ch
Kuir Marier Kuir
Pawel Boma
Abiong –H/Ch
Mayen Manyuon
Guor
Pawel Boma
Cir – H/Ch
Manyok Mading
Majok (Pan
Kuol)
Bere – Ex/Ch
Acien Atem
Acien
Akony Cok –
Ex/Ch Kuol
Thony Kuol
Pan Piol Boma
Ghol H/Ch
Awan Majok
Ajang (bro of
Ajang Majok
Ajang – Chief
1980?)
Ajulub Thony
Ch Jol Manyuon
Kuol
Anok – Ex/Ch
Atem Anyuon
Dau (Pan
Anyuon)
Mar Boma
Pan Piol Boma
Mar Boma
Mar Boma
It was understood that the Twic had initially come from a place called Patindur. Two brothers
Yiep and Atwic Arial had argued and Atwic had headed off into the desert leaving Yiep at
Patindur. After 8 years of drought Yiep called back his brother and on his arrival the rain
7
returned. Atwic was declared the leader and Yiep killed a grey bull (Lith in Dinka). This was
given to the people who later became Lith, a Ker coloured bull was given to the people who
became the Paker and the bits and pieces (Nyuak) were given to those who later became
Nyuak. Ajwong were to remain in one place while all the others moved (juongjuong –
meaning squeezed). Awulian were still across the river supposedly in a place called Nyuak
[an alternative possible source for the name]. They were with a Tiet (spiritual leader) known
as Lual Wieu – hence their village of Lualajokbil. Daicuek also joined later.
The county of Twic (East) is divided into Nyuak Payam, Kongur Payam and Jonglei Payam.
Kongur, Ayual and Adhiok sections are about the same size with 17-20 chiefs. Kongur and
Adhiok have generally good relations and share some cattle camps (Pabiec and Pakeny) as
they are related. However, the SPLM were investigating a dispute between them in the
Pakeny cattle camp.
There is a pressure on both counties and payams to be as populous as possible for their sense
of importance, but within a populous payam, the pressure will also be greater for part of a wut
to break away. Such a threat to break away is also a way of making sure that the opinions of
extended parts of a wut are represented. There was also encouragement to create chiefs to
increase amounts of humanitarian relief after 1991. In Nyuak Payam for example the number
of chiefs has risen from 30 to 44 since 1997. In Lith Section, this figure has risen from 38
chiefs to 55 since 1997
1.2.3 a) Lith:
Kongur is now so big that ‘they are marrying from within themselves’ as people are saying. It
is possible that Kongur will break away from Adiok and Abeg. Already in the 1970’s when
Ajang Awei (Chief of Adiok) was deputy to Ajang Duot – the last Paramount Chief of all of
Bor – he asked for Adiok to be separated from Kongur. Abek and Adhiok came from the
same origin and later split, but Adhiok continued to protect Abek when the Cic came to attack
from across the river as they remained small.
1.2.3 b) Nyuak:
Ayual is the biggest section in Nyuak, so it gets the Headchiefship6. In Awulian the uncle of
the current buluk of Pan Juac was Ding Arok. He had defined the boundary between Awulian
and Daicuek. He was also the only sub-chief who could speak to Deng Biar (the Headchief of
Awulian). Deng Biar was suspected of being part of the killing of the last Paramount Chief
Ajang Duot from Kongur, and was killed by Anyanya soldiers. Relations with Kongur have
remained strained ever since.
1.2.3 c) Ajwong/Paker:
Ajwong and Paker share Jonglei payam. Ajwong also have the court presidency under Ayuel
Warabeg due to an exceptional election where the Paker were split between two candidates so
that the Ajwong – united under Ayuel Warabeg – were victorious. However, there was slight
6
Garang Mabior Ayual is the buluk of wut Bak in Pan de Yak section of Ayual of Nyuak. He says Pan de Yak
are divided into Pan Alak, Pan Akwot, Pan Ayak, Pan Akol and Pan Bak. His own wut (Pan Bak) has 4 headmen
(makuei) and 300 people. Pan Akwot has 6 headmen and an extra buluk. Deng Ajang Ajak is buluk of Pan Ayak
and says that his father was the one that brought Pan Alak from under the control of Pan Bak.
8
compensation when the Paker chief Manyok Ajak was given the temporary court presidency
of the County Court in Pangagor.
In Paliau, the main sub-section called Nyoping has gone from having 5 lineages in 1997 –
each under an Executive chief – to having 6 Executive chiefs. The Kuac and Adiang were
initially from Lith but are annexed to Nyoping now. The population of Nyoping had gone
from 1000 to 1330. The promoted man had been deputy to the sub-chief of the lineage that
split. The lineage split along a natural division line as the parts that split – Pan Yol and Pan
Chol – had only been allied together through marriage and as Pan Chol were not big enough
on their own to have a sub-chief. This is now no-longer the case and in 2004 the new subchief was promoted. The decision was taken in his lineage, then it moved to the court centre
and was then taken to the Commissioner – who accepted the argument that the population had
increased.
HARMONISATION:
As can be seen from the argument above, Twic (E) County has been part of the trend seen
elsewhere in Upper Nile of proliferation of administrative units. However, the creation of new
units (e.g. Duk County) have had a logic in terms of the territorial breakdown of the tribes and
sections within the area, and have usually come from a process of dialogue between the civil
authorities and local chiefs. This is not the arbitrary splitting of large sections into standardsized units for administrative standardisation; it is a more natural process of cleavage of large
sections according to indigenous lines of division once populations reach a critical level that
makes them administratively unwieldy. As this is an organic process caused by population
increase (catalysed of course by political lobbying), I don’t think there is cause for concern
that the proliferation of chiefs is causing a reduction in the authority of chiefship. The murder
of the last Paramount Chief means there is no desire in Bor or Twic to create a level of
chiefship higher than Court President/Headchief. For practical reasons also there is an upper
limit of about 30-40 Executive Chiefs that a Headchief can manage – though the democratic
principle of Twic Dinka means that the Headchief is only ever considered the senior alam
thith amongst other alem thith7. When Lith became too big to handle as a whole, the
headchief just became 3 headchiefs of the sections and the post of head of Lith remained
empty. The headchiefship of Ajwong and Paker are at the lower end of the scale, but Nyuak
with 44 Executive Chiefs stays together under one Court President because they have one
court centre at Wangulei (the Lith have 2 court centres). In conclusion, therefore the posts
seem to slip down the tribal hierarchy as the population increases, but the number of people
under each chief remains the same.
1.3. Relations between Chiefs and the Local Administration:
The Commissioner is known as mufatesh. One of the main criticisms heard concerning the
taxation system was when chiefs were asked to collect taxes for the army at very short notice,
and then sometimes punished and humiliated by the army for non-compliance. Also there
were sometimes difficulties with populations coming up with the taxes in a poor year for the
crops or due to some other natural disaster.
7
Headchiefs of a sub-tribe still sometimes call themselves Executive Chief of their section, sub-chief of their
sub-section and headman of their mac thok, though they will often have been formally replaced at these levels –
an indication that they do not consider these lowly positions in a very defined hierarchy.
9
It was seen to be the work of hakuma (government) rather than chiefs to provide services such
as healthcare. The role of the chief is as an intermediary to report on the needs on the ground.
To some extent therefore chiefs did not see themselves as part of hakuma.
Disatisfaction with the work of local government was common during the 1970’s and early
80’s (Mohd Osman el Samani 1984:160). It was said that while the colonial government had
provided minimal services, they were efficiently run, and, especially with road building and
cattle vaccination, were carried out with the advice of traditional leaders. The government in
the 1980’s made promises that it did not meet, overtaxed the people and failed to provide
services (ibid – 161). Government officers were often from different tribes from traditional
leaders and there was much conflict between them.
1.4. Relations between Chiefs and the Local Judiciary:
Civil courts are expected to try cases that have gone up through the lower courts. There was
some concern voiced about competition between courts for cases, but at the County Court
level, the judge said he would return cases that had not gone through the hierarchy of courts,
but cases such as murder might go direct to the county, even though many people prefer that
murder is tried traditionally.
Manyok Ajak from Maar was the Court President in the Panyagor County Court. According
to him the cost of a case at Boma level is 12,000 dinar; appeal to the Executive Chief’s court
will cost 16,000 dinar; further appeal to the Court President is 18,000; finally the county court
costs 28,000. It was said that these costs were significantly lowered when people lost all their
cattle in 1991. One informant confirmed that these amounts are standardised throughout the
Boma courts from Paliau to Kongur.
1.5. Gender, Youth and Minorities
The large number of female-headed households led to the inclusion of women in the totals
that constituted sufficient population for a chief to be created. However, if this means that
women are to be taxed like men, it is likely that post-war the system will revert to the old
system whereby a household was considered to be the unit headed by a man.
1.6. Selection/Deselection:
In Bor almost all chiefs’ posts have been inherited from a member of the family although
there have been occasional elections (see table below). However the mechanisms for
disputing the inheritance exist and are sometimes used. Signs of chiefly behaviour are
expected to manifest themselves early in the childhood of a chief – including ability to resolve
disputes and sharing food. Potential chiefs should be humble in front of elders and women,
and be able to talk seriously without aggression. They should be people who can manage
disputes between their wife and co-wives. If they call people to a meeting other people should
accept. They should conduct marriages seriously and contribute generously.
Candidates are often shortlisted and chosen by a meeting of elders. At the lowest level, three
generations of a family (mac thok) chose a headman who is responsible for resolving family
disputes. In one case three such headman were taken forward to face a hand-raising vote to be
appointed sub-chief (known as buluk or magak in Bor). One informant referred to election as
10
‘thop’ – recalling specifically a case where two individuals had disagreed and decided to go
head-to-head.
The post of chief is usually for life. One man who had been a chief since the last days of
colonialism was pleading to be released from his duties as he was old and sick but people
insisted on coming to his house to have his judgement on cases. The man was nonetheless at
the court when we visited, and it seems that attending court is what old men do with their days
until they drop dead. Other informants felt that the ‘chief-for-life’ system was changing
When Ajang Duot (court president of Kongur as well as Paramount Chief of all Bor) was
murdered, his son inherited the Court Presidency automatically because his father had died in
office. It is common, and often seen as a sign of respect, for a son to inherit from a chief who
dies while in office. Ajang Duot was not replaced as Paramount Chief however, as the post
ceased to exist after his death – people feeling it was impossible for one traditional leader to
represent all of Bor County.
Bol Goc was the first HeadChief of the Abek. He was replaced by his son Arok Bol who was
killed by ‘Arabs’. His brother Goc Bol took over because the son of Arok Bol (Bol Arok) was
still young, but was dismissed due to absenteeism and replaced by Biar Kuek, the grandson of
Abek’s first buluk. The line then followed Biar Kuek’s line until Kuek Atem was dismissed
by the Commissioner for being too old to do the job. Meanwhile Arok Bol’s grandson (Ayiik
Bol Arok) was old enough to contest for the leadership, and in the election against Kuek
Atem’s nephew, he brought the chiefship back to the line of Bol Goc. Atem Kuek’s family are
still chiefs of Aleu sub-section so are poised in the background for a return to power should
Ayiik’s family and the Pagweng sub-section slip up. Such contests ensure that chiefs are kept
on their toes and attempt to keep up a degree of local support.
In Duk Fadiet amongst the Ghol Dinka, the Court Presidency was inherited within the same
family from Monykuir Mabior, to Manyok Monykuir, to Bol Monykuir (his brother –
Manyok was a drunkard), to Deng Mathiang (not from the line but also a close family
member).
Ayuel Warabeg was elected Court President for Jonglei payam in a contested election.
Although his opponent Manyok Ajak was from Paker which was larger than Ajwong, a
dispute between the Anok and the Cir sections split the support of the Paker and allowed
Ayuel Warabeg to take over the post from his half -brother. He is from the second wife of his
father. Another relative Duot Atem had wanted to take over from Geu, but a meeting of the
lineage decided to give it to Ayuel – who was considered a man of fairness and generosity
even if he was less of a fluent orator. If Ayuel makes a mistake (such as insulting people in
his speeches), Duot Atem might consider coming out from behind the scenes.
When Ayuel’s other half brother Ayuel dit was Court President before Geu, he was dismissed
because the tukl he had been asked to construct for the Assistant Executive Officer Rekar
Boam Akec was leaking. He was suspended for 3 years but the family resisted and in the
fourth year he was reinstated.
Position
Name
Section
Accession Method
H/Ch or
Court
Manyok Ajak
Majok
Twic/Paker/Anok/
PanRec
Son of Ajak Majok previous H/Ch
and descended from Ajak who was
11
President
Ex Ch
Rec Agok Thuc
Ex Ch
Awai Panyang
Buluk
Garang Ager
Buluk
Garang Alek
Ex Ch
Atem Kiir Duot
Twic/Ajwong/Abiong/
Deng Akok
Court
President
Ayuel Warabeg
Twic/Ajwong/Nyoping/
PanAyuel
Ex Ch
Thuc Kuir Thuc
Twic/Ajwong/Nyoping/
Adhiang
Twic/Ajwong/Nyoping/
Pan Agok Acek
Twic/Ajwong/Nyoping/
Pan Chol Gou
Twic/Ajwong/Nyoping/
Pan Agok Acek
Twic/Ajwong/Abiong/
Pamentai
Headchief Bul Kuer
of Ayual Manyok
Twic/Nyuak/Ayual/
Pan de Yak
H/Ch or
Court
President
Thony Yak
Duot
Twic/Nyuak/Ayual/
Pan de Yak
Buluk
Chol Akol
Mayen
Twic/Nyuak/Ayual/
Pan de Yak/Pan Akol
Buluk
Deng Ajang
Ajak
Twic/Nyuak/Ayual/
Pan de Yak/ Pan Alak
Buluk
Deng Chol Awir Twic/Nyuak/Ayual/
Rordior
H/Ch or
Court
President
Lual Garang
Lual
Twic/Nyuak/Daicuek/
Lual Deng
Magak
Mayen Arok
Agok
Awai Ajak
Awai
Twic/Nyuak/Awulian/
Pan Akec?
Twic/Lith/Adhiok/
Pakoi/Pan Alath
H/Ch or
Court
12
leading when the Turks arrived
Brother was chief 1983, went to
Yambio, so he was chosen
Was s/ch to Atem Dau (his bro had
also been s/ch) but they divided in
two so he became Ex/Ch. Selected
unopposed by his people.
Selected by his people in 1990 to
replace his father (uncontested)
Selected by his people to replace his
uncle after uncle consulted his
people.
A young man but chosen to replace
Mabior Deng Kiir who had become
old & refused to send for his son
from Kakuma refugee camp.
Elected as court president after the
death of his brother. Contested
election with Manyok Ajak of Paker
in 1997
Inherited from his father, but was
challenged by the stand-in chief
Deng Aler who contested and lost
the election 29 votes to 280
Son of Kuer Manyok (Court Pres in
1982), who’s father Manyok Duot
was one of the most powerful chiefs
in colonial times.
Succeeded his relation Bul Kuer
Manyok Duot who is now chief of
all Nyuak in 1985. Got support from
Kuol Manyang. His father only a
buluk
Chosen as buluk after his paternal
uncle died – was summoned from
SPLA. Nephew to H/Ch Thony Yak
Elected by contesting with his
popular agemate Garang Mabior
Akec – scored 100 votes against 60
Chosen to replace his brother Ajak
Mabil Awir who died in 2001.
Father was a headman.
Inherited Head Chiefship of
Daicuek from his family in 1984.
Family have had chiefship for 6
generations.
Grandfather and uncle were both
magak
His grandfather Awai Ajang was the
first chief (unelected) of Adhiok – a
President
Ex Ch
Mac Tor Mac
Ex Ch
Ayiik Bol Arok
Twic/Lith/Adhiok/
Nyanith
Twic/Lith/Abek/
Pagueng
great warrior
His father Tor was killed by Nuer in
2002
Became headchief in 1967 after
Kuek Atem tried to impose his
brother’s son & people went to
court. Replaced until 2002 by Kuir
Kuol Ayuel while a refugee.
1.7. Independence/Legitimacy/Interference:
Chiefs in Twic consider themselves a relatively well-respected institution. The Commander
and all the SPLA soldiers in the area come from Twic, most have their families in the area and
are fairly accountable for their actions with little military indiscipline or interference in the
work of chiefs. Many of the chiefs who fled to refugee camps after 1991 have started to come
back and they have mostly been given back their posts by the temporary stand-ins without any
problems. On various occasions, such as the sub-chief Chol Akol Mayen in Ayual of
Wangulei, soldiers have been recalled from the army to take up positions as chiefs.
1.8. Needs/ Capacity Building/ Remuneration:
A chief newly elected in 2004 said he had received no kind of training. However he had been
the deputy to the chief for at least 8 years so would have seen the way his predecessor
worked. Another chief suggested that sitting chiefs close to retirement should be allowed 5
years of earning a salary before moving on, and leaving younger chiefs the work of rebuilding
prosperity in the area.
13
2. Boma Case Study:
2.0 Introduction:
Pibor County borders on Pocalla County to the NorthEast, Ethiopia to the East, Kapoeta
County to the South, Bor and Twic Counties to the West and Wuror, Diror and Akobo
Counties to the North. Boma is situated in the extreme east of Pibor County – a county which
has been divided into SPLA/M controlled zone and a GoS-controlled zone. The payams
directly administered by SPLA/M include Meyun Payam,Boma Payam, Marua Payam8.
Under GoS administration were Gumuruk, Lokwangole, Pibor and Vertheith9.
The county is home to the Murle people with smaller numbers of Kacipo in the East and Jie in
the SouthEast. Murle tradition claims that they originated along the Omo river in Ethiopia,
from where they migrated south, then West to the area of Boya at the northern end of the
Didinga Hills. Here they left the Longarim section of Murle and continued north to the Marua
Hills and Boma. Then they moved westwards, driving out the remaining Dinka from the River
Veveno area even as recently as 5 generations ago (Lewis 1972:22). There was also serious
fighting with Annuak, Lou and Jikany Nuer, and the age-set system of the Murle was
primarily a military organisation. The Murle speak a language related to Didinga, but having
nothing in common with other Nilotic languages (e.g. Dinka, Nuer, Annuak, Luo, Bari ) or the
Sudanic family (e.g. Moru, Madi, Bongo).
The Boma Murle are in close contact with the Suri (as Kacipo call themselves after their main
section - in Murle they refer to them as Zhuak), and there has been some intermarriage with
them. The Jie are divided into four sections (Nyarithei, Nyamakadon, Nyatharakabun and
Nyakurono) and Nyarithei are said to be close to Boma Murle, even adopting Murle dancing.
The Boma plateau has higher rainfall and more fertile soil than the areas of the Veveno,
Lotilla and Kengen rivers. As a result much more agriculture is carried out, and until recently
cattle were not kept because of Tsetse flies (Boma Murle were sometimes referred to as
ngalam – now generalised to mean ‘without cattle’ - because one clan – the Olginyon – had
married into the Ngalam people of Ethiopia). According to tradition, there were 2 brothers
Lettec and Dumar who lived with their father at Marua. Dumar decided to move to the Boma
plateau and ignored reports that his father was becoming increasingly sick. As a result, on the
father’s death Dumar’s cows in Boma were transformed into buffaloes and the chiefly drum
(kidongwa) was lost, whereas the descendents of Lettec prospered and his people colonised
the area all the way up to Lokwangole. The ancestors of these chiefs are known as red chiefs
(alaat ci merik) while the rest of the population are known as black commoners (ol ci kolek).
The Jie say they originally came from a place called Lopet, and then they fought amongst
themselves during the time of Anyanya 1, so moved to Mount Kathangor on the border of
Pibor County and Kapoeta County. In 1995 there was a drought and both Kathangor and
Lopet were dry. This is when the people say they came to Boma. However there is evidence
from the 1940 map of the area to show that Jie were grazing behind Totali rock in Boma
Upper. The Nyarithei were the first section to come followed by the rest.
8
Meyun is sometimes spelt Meound ,Marua spelt Marou, Lokwangole sometimes spelt Gokwangole and
Verteith also spelt Vertet or Fertet.
9
On some maps there is another payam called Akello, but there is already a payam with this name in Pocalla
County, so Akello is normally considered part of Pibor.
14
2.1 Population, Structures and Territory of Traditional Leaders
2.1.1 POPULATION
The river valleys of the Veveno, Lotilla and Kengen are the most densely populated, though
the most intensive cultivation takes place on the hills above Boma and in Meyun payam. The
Murle are divided into Ngarotti and Tangajon drumships. Ngarotti are considered more
numerous than Tangajon even though Tangajon are considered senior.
2.1.2 STRUCTURES
On the GoS side there is a Paramount Chief – Governor Ismael Kony - for all of the Ngarotti,
but his authority is questioned on the SPLA side where no paramount chiefs are recognised.
Instead there are Headchiefs for the 6 areas of Vertheith, Gumuruk, Lokwangole, Marua,
Pibor and Boma. Below this are chiefs (alaat ci kitoro) and sub-chiefs (alaat ci miling/alaat ci
mutongo or jaitho ci alaano. A sub-chief is responsible for between 5-30 homesteads (korok).
A korok may contain a man (the head of the household – et ci kurgo) with three wives and
three huts (cieth). Lewis estimates up to 10 people per homestead, so a sub-chief would have
50-300 people (Lewis 1972: 40). Land is said to belong to the chiefs, but each village,
especially around Boma where agriculture is important, has a ritual owner of the land (et ci
toddo) descended from the first person to settle the village (Lewis 1972: 37).
There is still a system of age-sets in Murle, though they are less important than in the past..
There are three grades that these age-sets pass through – warriorhood, junior elderhood and
full elderhood spending about ten years in each (Lewis 1972:84). Members of the third grade
provide the elders who hear cases that are presided over by the chiefs. The current set is
Bothoth Nya (opened 2002) and it could remain open for 5-20 years. Before this is Titi which
opened in 1987, and this was preceded by Muden, Dorongwa, Mara, Nyarisa, Nyakademo,
Longaroket, Elim and Nyakuromo (the last member of whom died in 2004). In Jie, Karangor
is the age-set that are now junior elders, while Nyakurnang is the age-set of the current
leaders and Nyaniroi and Dorongwet are the oldest age-sets.
Jie have spiritual leaders known as nyakapulon nyakizel responsible for bringing peace. In
addition there is another leader called Lothada Kodozebok who is nyakapulon kinyawi. He
has gone to Lyodein to negotiate with Tumburum Beh ( Headchief of the Verteith Murle) and
has a great deal of respect in Jie10. Most nyakapulok have a religious rather than
administrative function.
Kacipo have headchiefs and subchiefs – both called alaat hakuma (government chiefs in
Murle language). They also have traditional leaders known as agai or bilingo. Nyerege Baro
from Gumbo Burshe clan is one such current bilingo.
2.1.3 TERRITORY
2.1.3 a) Murle
Murle people are therefore divided into Tangajon and Ngarotti drumships (kidongwa) that
they are born into (Lewis 1972:56)11. Ngarotti have one drum with the Nyaloaga Ngarotti and
10
11
Also evidently in Murle too as he is married to a Murle woman from Vertheith.
The creator god (Tammu) was said to have sent down a man called Daudau Karam Lecere (meaning Daudau carrying a
chair) to rule the Murle. He found the chief of the black commoners (Muriman) who refused to accept his authority until he
had a hunting accident from which Daudau cured him, and then he released the chieftainship.Daudau’s brother came after
15
the other with the Ngaicimut Ngarotti. Nyaloaga and Ngaicimut (meaning dangerous/
argumentative woman) are all descended from the wives of Kalengbor the common ancestor
of Ngarotti. However, Nyoloaga territories on the Veveno are much more extensive than those
of Ngaicimut on the Kengen river.The Tangajon drums are with the Lettec clan. According to
Lewis (ibid:48) a drumship consists of a lineage of a red chief’s clan (alaat ci merik – red
chief ) with its attached commoner clans (ol ci kolik – the black people). The Tangajon and
Ngarotti drumships are found all over Murle territory because when a person moves he will
still carry the name of his clan with him. However, one can generalise that Boma and
Lokwangole are mostly Tangajon, while Marua, Gumuruk and Vertheith are Ngarotti –
Vertheith being mainly Ngaicumut Ngarotti and Gumuruk mainly Ngaloaga. The clans divide
up as follows:
Drumship
TANGAJON
NGAROTTI
Red Chiefs
Lettec
Yuor
Kolizim
Manurec
Abola
Kelenya
Ngaloaga
Ngaicimut
Mainbona
Mainyoli
Black Commoners
Agiroli
Dhoaten
Maijath
Olginyon
Vorom
Maingoli
Mainlolo
Awulo
Mainlogidang
Nganderec
Thanith
Longarim
Ngenvac
Etc
Logan noted in 1918 that the Murle were divided into 6 sections which were ‘under sheiks
with considerable influence’ (Logan 1918:240). These six sections survive more-or-less intact
nowadays:
seven days: his name was Kalengbor, who married two wives called Ngaicimut and Ngaloaga to found the Ngarotti (named
after the back of the bull that Daudau slaughtered; Daudau himself founded the Tangajon (named after the head of the bull
slaughtered).
16
Place
Name of Chief
Clan
H/Ch Barcoc
Lual Ayico
T: Lettec
Kongur
Nyanthou
Kavola
T: Lettec
Munchak
Ngare Giruc
N: Ngaicimut
Tong Tong
Lokwangole
Alothior Adoro
Lukudemon
Alaan
Alaan Irir
Michael Iri
Nyathoi
Longotok Kony
T: Lettec
T : Yor
Lokwangole
ALL
Mainteker
Town Chief
Mainyading
Wurnyong/
Cindur
Kelenya
Dalimany
Pibor
ALL – lives
at Tangajon
Pibor/ Kuyi
Akello
Mainyirem
Wunkok
Langiris
Beh
Acik Bata
Dhorou
Maraka
Lothinhom
Dhakdon Moak
Predecessor
Comment
Majority Tangajon
Chief of all Lettec
with sacred drums of
tribe – considered
alaan ci goyo – chief
of the fire
Lela Mainbolen Tangajon leader in
(now a S/Ch)
Nyarotti area.
Predecessor removed
by GoS for mobilising
against Governor
Ismael
Loki Mano (N:
Ngaicimut)
T : Manurec
T: Lettec
Brother of Barcoc
Lual
Black commoner
T:
Mainyading ?
T: Lettec
Related to Barcoc
Lual
T : Kelenya
N : Mainbona
H/Ch Awowa
Bodo
N: Ngaicimut
Alaan Gogol
Nyawadak
Lotilem
Etchio Boloc
Nyikco Ame
T: Lettec
N: Ngaicimut
Longom Alaan
Kengen Aria
Awowa
N: Ngaicimut
N: Nyaloaga
Arkiron Oleo
In past : Korok
Adheng
N: Ngaicimut
N: Nyaloaga
17
Nephew ousted his
uncle
Mixed population
Close to Governor
Ismael. Contested
(and lost) V Alaan
Lokinei (T: Yuor).
Same family as
Barcoc Lual
Brother is ambassador
in USA
Aria Awowa
Kengen inherited
from his father
Kengen
Kavacoc
Mainyumen
Nyacalam Lolo
Loden Bagit
Vertheith
ALL – living
in Mur
H/ChTamburum N: Ngaicimut
Beh Nyantumo
Mur
Mur
Nuer
N: Ngaicimut
T : Manurec
N: Ngaicimut
N: Ngaicimut
N: Ngaicimut
Ngole
Nyacigak Beh
Lokico Lanyang
Longole
Kengen
Kumen Moro
Odo
Korok Ngade
Gumuruk
ALL – lived
at Veveno
H/Ch Gayin
Thadoc Nyebu
N: Nyaloaga
Mainmar/
Velel
Nyathou Lopole N: Nyaloaga
Kalengbor
Mainbica
Kutek
Ngatumo (N:
Ngaicimut)
Related to Baba
Majong
N: Ngaicimut
N: Ngaicimut
Poti Abornyan
(N: Nyaloaga)
(died in Bor in
1970’s)
1960’s:
Nyathou
Lopole
1960’s:
Nyathou
Lopole
1960’s: Arian
Ayul
Kothile/ Agoi Gayin Lotony
N: Nyaloaga
Mainyath
Arian Ayul
N: Ngenvac
Ngantera
Lotuko Poti
N: Nyaloaga
1960’s: Arian
Ayul
Mainloden
Gayin
Ngatengen
Dokdok
Nyaman
N: Ngenvac
1960’s: Arian
Ayul
1960’s Arian
Ayul
Tangyang
Geco Kathinya
N: Nyaloaga
Lowul
Guk Bon
N: Nyaloaga
Yuot
Kodori Abeio
N: Nyaloaga
Erit
Guloc Lokico
N: Nyaloaga
Loput
Majority Ngarotti
Tamburum keeps the
Ngaicimut drum.
Related to Baba
Majong.
Related to Tamburum
N:
Mainlogidang
18
1960’s: Alaan
Kakunya
1960’s: Alaan
Kakunya
1960’s Waou
Erabor
1960’s Waou
Erabor
Majority Ngarotti
Gayin related to Poti.
Poti’s family still
keep Nyaloaga drum.
Contested post with
Matung Bor (N:
Maingoli)
Head of Mainyoli
lineage within
Ngaloaga?
Black Commoner –
was S/Ch but people
elected him
Still a young man –
his nephew – the son
of Lomada Poti
showing potential.
Mixed population
All Mainlogidang
here (black
commoners)
Ngaciveracis
Mader Alaan
N: Thanith
1960’s: Gayin
Thadoc
Veveno
Arzhen Alaan
N: Nyaloaga
Kalera
Ole Berec
N: Nyaloaga
1960’s: Gayin
Thadoc
1960’s: Gayin
Thadoc
H/Ch Baba
Majong Kengen
N: Ngaicimut
Majong
Kengen (killed
by GoS ’89)
Beh/ Berege
Lecinye Voro
N : Maingoli
(black
commoner)
Nyathou (N:
Nyaloaga) –
gone to
Gumuruk
Turen
Nyalang
N: Nyanderec
(black
commoner)
Kele Guloc (T:
Lettec) – on
GoS side
Nuer
Akello
Maguk Ibun
Hakunya
N: Ngaicimut?
T: Lettec
Ngole
Mur
Korok
Lokico
Ngamalo
N: Nyaloaga
N: Ngaicimut
Boma
ALL – lives
at Bayen
H/Ch Ngalom
Kurok
T: Nyandarec
Kaywa
Bayen
Lokiro
Kumin Guloc
N: Gulung
T: Lettec
Jonglei/
Kelyac
Nyat
Kulumwuc
Longwar
Nyatin Alaan
N: Maijath
Marua
ALL
N: Maijath
19
Majority Awulo
(black commoner)
area. Mader also
black commoner –
had to be pushed to be
chief
Gayin Thadoc’s old
home
Majority Ngarotti
Direct line to
Ngaicimut founder.
Related to Tamburum
in Vertheith. Has
makama appeal court.
Elected in 1989.
Deputy to Baba.
Predecessor
Nyathou’s father had
been deputy before –
but Lecinye is black
commoner.
Kele will resume
when he returns – he
is leader of Tangajon
in Marua. Has 4 S/Ch
Son of Ibun Leberac
Used to be under
Lotillem of Ngaicimut
Majority Tangajon
Nyalom was Gayin’s
deputy when he was
killed in a drunken
fight Nov 2004.
Previous chief Tul’s
brother Tul refused
post
Lele (T: Lettec) Mixed T & N popn
Ngalom (T:
Still young but
Nyandarec bk) predecessor was
drunkard.
Gayin (T:
Lettec
Athangole (N:
Gayin Nyiboi
(T: Lettec)
Nyalongoro
Mathei Akuet
N (used to be
Annuak)
Lokono
Oboc Thirmaga
T: Olginyon
Churi
Gayin Kuku
T: Dumar
Maijath)
Khawaja (N:
Nyaloaga)
Kenyen (N:
Nyaloaga)
Tokol (T:
Olginyon)
Vorom People.
Nyaloaga spiritually
dangerous but Kenyen
is voluntarily retired.
Oboc from Dima,
Ethiopia. Olginyon
people moved from
Shusha due to
fighting. Has 3 S/Ch
Kuku
(T:Dumar)
As can be seen, chiefship still passes down the line of red chiefs, particularly in the West of
Pibor County. In Boma, under SPLA control, there are more black commoners as chiefs.
There seems to have been a certain proliferation of chiefships in Gumuruk. In the 1960’s there
were only 5 chiefs (Alaan Kakunya, Aria Ayul, Waou Erabor, Gayin Thadoc and Nyathou
Lopole); now there are thirteen. The justification for this was that the villages had become big
and the chiefs could not observe what was going on in several large villages a distance apart.
2.1.3 b) Jie
Jie are divided into four sections – Nyarithei being the biggest, followed by Nyakurono,
Nyamakadon and Nyatharakabun (the smallest).
Place
Name of Chief
Comment
Nyarithei
Nawiyapiro
5 groups
H/Ch Loleia Locakapi
Nawiyapiro
Kengen river
Kocaba
Alem Komot
Lothabo Amanya
Athuroi Lolomutalia
Lopeto Lokutholo
Locagura Lopinyet
Nyakurono
Rumit
4 groups
H/Ch Lokai Lomal Lozekano
Pete
Khoron
Rumit
Rumit
Lobokjo Loruma
Loyome Locumba
Lobukui Lothure
Nyamakadon
4 groups
Elected 1975 opposed by Lobokjo
Loromo. Old respected man but
profoundly deaf. Court member. Some
referred to him as Jie Paramount Chief
Court Member
His grandfather Pete was nyakapulon
or spiritual leader – now inherited by
Lothada Lozekano the uncle of Lokai
now in Rumit
Was chief advisor to Lomal Lozekano
Nyamakudon move into the area of
the Kanamuke swamps in search of
20
grazing and have married into Murle
of Vertheith and Marua so can access
Lyodein.
Lopet
Lyodein
Lyodein
Bodo River
H/Ch Lowei Amara
Lomuk Lonukwa
Lauka Ngolekodos
Lokonyang Piun
Nyatharakabun 2 groups
Lopet
H/Ch Nyacumba Lacakua
Lopet
Nakuar Lojo
Married into the Toposa
2.1.3 c) Kacipo/Suri
The information we obtained on the Kacipo/Suri is of questionable reliability, as we had to
rely on key informants who had come down from Meyun for a food distribution as the road to
Meyun was impassable. Although we did interview some chiefs, Kacipo have had limited
contact with the government (as we were perceived to represent) and are somewhat
suspicious.
They are divided either into three (Suri, Cac and Termak) or two sections (Suri and Termak),
depending on the informant, and it is unsure whether they are listing all the groups that live in
Ethiopia as well as the Sudanese clans (Termak straddle the border). Cac clans are included in
the following list as part of Termak12:
Section
SURI
TERMAK
Clans
Ajoker/ Gambo Burshe/ Dalala/ Boghen/ Moga/ Ghosi/ Sola/ Bela/
Hirtemu/ Durakan/ Ngamere/ Kiambo/Gulur/ Ozhou/ Daigou
Bibala/ Bolo Gidang/ Barshici/ Ole Surwa/ Bolozobe/ Dholote/
Ngakuril/ Halagameri/ Rumaloga/ Cac/ Tumbul/ Bokola/ Kera/ Mela/
Banghi/ Jarghu/ Kereng/ Kulu/ Moge/ Gambal/ Korito/ Tulge/ Yesu
Name of Chief
Suri
H/Ch
H/Ch
H/Ch
S/Ch
S/Ch
S/Ch
S/Ch
12
Clan
Kamalong Bomi Gambo
Burshe
Barko Ngatera
Ngamere
Bora Lisha
Begiga
Gori Luwole
Sola
Rege Ngauci
Ngamere
Okin Katama
Kambu
Ngagac Begega Eber
Location
Comment
Meyun
Inherited from his father. Court
member.
Has three S/Ch
Court member
Court member
Rumit
Meyun
Meyun
Rumit
Rumit
Rumit
Traditional leader (alaan a lozo).
Brother Mahole chief before
Other sections mentioned in Ethiopia were the Mun and Mela sections around Atara
21
S/Ch
S/Ch
S/Ch
S/Ch
S/Ch
Cac
H/Ch
Termagin
Dumarlogo
Mura Shagam
Bakumba
Balubia
Nyamana
Tambu
Barko Ngamoia
Sola
?
Nyamere
?
Kajoro
Kamude
?
Doroka
Sola
Merelingo
Dolote
Ngadicemo
Barkilo Rum
?
Neke
Gambal
Neke
?
Ekede
Kolatar
?
S/Ch
Termak
H/Ch
Ole Zoga
Spiritual Barcolo
Olezhou
Partly at Zulimanu in Ethiopia
2.2 The Work of Chiefs
According to one informant, the job of a chief was to relay ‘chief’s decrees’, organise the
contribution to the government, calming raiding parties (or contacting the authorities if they
cannot be calmed), trying cases and using the threat of the traditional chief’s curse to keep
people under control. One Jie chief said that the role of the chief was to pass government
policy on to the people and give the government people’s complaints.
In the past amongst the Murle, the red chiefs had the power to protect anyone who had
committed murder and to curse anyone who tried to seek revenge. This ‘peace-making’
function was particularly important in preventing blood feuds and explains how the Murle
managed to maintain a strong corporate identity (together with efficient military organisation
through the age-sets13) and hold their own against the kum (Toposa/Jie), the jungkodh (Nuer
and Dinka) or the nyuro (Annuak) enemies.
If there is a good harvest, one chief said that people will contribute something for him, as he
has to entertain many guests. When he resolves cases, he gets 50 % of the court fees for
himself and the other chiefs/officials, while 50% goes to the county officials. Also the SRRA
save some food from general food distributions for the chief.
2.2.1 WAR EFFORT/TAXATION
One informant described the taxes under a sub-chief as consisting of half a bull per homestead
per year (korok). He also said that he sent young men from his village to the army and was
proud of that. Sub-chiefs also contributed bulls of their own to the war effort. Kacipo chiefs
said they had been asked to mobilise 8 people each for the army.
2.2.2 COURTS
As late as 1936, the Murle had never brought a case to the government courts because they
preferred the traditional justice meted out by the elders (Lewis 1972:156). Customary law is
translated into Murle by Lewis as ker ci Merlu – a system which reflects the values and
13
Lewis (1972: 88) also explains how Tangajon clans would always take up positions on the left flank of a
battle while Ngarotti would be on the right
22
precedents of Murle tradition (Lewis 1972:19). The lowest level of court is the sub-chief’s
court, with a chief’s court above this (alaan ci kitoro) and a Headchief’s court above that. In
Marua, there are four sub-chief’s courts under Nyalang. One of these under sub-chief Nakwa,
was said to see divorce cases, ‘normal fighting’ and livestock disputes. The sub-chief’s ri (the
shade tree where he saw cases) was next to his house. All elders from black commoners and
red commoners attended. Above this was Nyalang’s Chief’s court. The county court, sitting in
Boma under Alaan Lokinei (ex-Headchief of Pibor payam) as the Court President, hears
appeals. He has been County Judge since 1999. The County Court tries all cases of intentional
killing. The other members are David Angwet from Bor and Sufurian Lomur from Jie. In the
past there was no appeal beyond the red chief’s court and red chiefs would threaten dissenters
to their judgements with cursing. Although Judge Alaan said that superstition no longer
played a role in judgements in the County Court, spiritual chiefs still exist – including his own
brother Kavolzuri. In the County Court the judge follows ‘regulations’ ie set amounts for fines
such as 15 bulls or a prison sentence for rape.
Ngalom’s subchief in Marua, Nakwa (a black commoner from Olginyon clan), said he rarely
had to ‘judge’ the case – it was the elders who conducted the procedure and investigated the
case with the help of a court spokesman (gayoi). However, he would make the summary at the
end of the case – a process known as ‘cutting the case’ (pak). The court fees in his court are 1
goat. The higher court of Chief Nyalang asked for 1 heifer as fees14. Appeals after this would
go to the red chief Baba Majong at the level of Marua Payam (known as a makama court – a
government court as part of the GoS system – with police and clerks). In the equivalent court
of Gayin Thadoc in Gumuruk, the fee is 5000 dinar or 500KSh. This court has 4 officials. The
County court at Boma charges fees of 35 bir (350 KSh) which goes to the judiciary.15
Lewis (1972:75) notes that the system of justice can take up to three days and can be very
cumbersome. A man with few relatives may be unlikely to have much notice paid to him,
even if he should threaten to resolve the case by violent means, as such a threat from a small
minority will be unlikely to escalate into anything significant.
Cases of unintentional killing can be tried in Jie by a Court made up of Headchief Loleia and
his deputy Lokai. Below this is a sub-chief’s court. Typical fines at Loleia’s court were 3
bulls for rape, 7 bulls for adultery with 1 for the court.
2.3 Relations between Chiefs and Local Administration
One Murle chief observed that the job of the Payam Administrator was to look after the
payam on behalf of the hakuma, whereas the job of the chief was as a chief for the population
(the korok or household). The Payam Administrator was seen to have more power, but it was
the chiefs who gave him strength. The headchief of Boma (a black commoner) said that the
SPLM accord more respect to chiefs than they are given on the GoS side. This might be
because Governor Ismael has not accepted any chiefs who are not from red chief clans – some
say in order to enhance his grip on power as a descendent of the red chiefly clan of
Ngaicimut. However, others say the SPLM have been too busy fighting to be actively
involved in policing or protecting the community from internal threats.
14
For example in a case where 7 bulls were asked for an adultery case 6 would go to the victim and 1 to the
court.
15
It seems suprising that this figure is so low
23
Kacipo Headchief Guri Lowole said that the Kacipo/Suri did not have government before.
Now that there was government, chiefs like him did not represent the traditional structure but
represented the government. The SPLA had given the Kacipo government chiefs political
orientation.
2.4 Relations between Chiefs and Local Judiciary
There was said to be some confusion caused by having the SPLM rules and GoS rules running
parallel in the county, and chiefs said that they needed some training on what set of hakuma
rules to apply. Customary law, however remained the same, though there were some
differences in fines. Nyanthou Kavole of Lokwangole said that the judiciary was confusing
things because there are different rates (fines?) under customary and criminal law. He
complained that the government had not set amounts.
2.5 Gender, Youth and Minorities
In open discussion, no interviewees volunteered the information that women could be chiefs.
When pushed on the issue, they said that it was perfectly feasible for it to happen, but none of
the chiefs mentioned in extensive discussions or even interviewed from Murle, Jie and Kacipo
was a woman, so one can safely say that chiefs are almost always men. One informant said
that if a woman was from a red chief family and was married, she could become a subchief.
The only woman court member we actually saw – in a Jie village – could not actally say when
she had last sat in on a case and seemed to be merely token – due it is said to pressure from
the commissioner.
2.6 Selection/ Deselection:
In Pibor Payam, the current Headchief Awowa Bodo contested an election in 1980 with
Steven Alaan Lokinei (Tangajon: Yuor). Alaan had been a clerk of the court since 1966.
Alaan won the election by 490 votes to 320 votes. However, in 1987 he came over to the
SPLA/M side and Awowa took over. He has close links to Governor Ismael, and has now
become Provincial Commissioner of Pibor County
In Lokwangole, it is almost impossible to imagine that a Headchief would be chosen that was
not from Tangajon. However, Nyanthou Kavole from Tangajon (Lettec) became leader in the
only part of Lokwangole (Kongur) which is predominantly Ngarotti. He did this because he
was considered a strong leader, and even when we interviewed him (aged 65) he was
impressive. His father Kavole was brother to Barcoc Lual. Nyanthou described another case
where a chief had been removed from office. Dhakdon Moak had ousted his father’s brother
Arkiron, and Nyanthou felt that Arkiron would curse him as they are a family of red chiefs.
In present-day Gumuruk payam, the Nyaloaga and their leader Burnian were badly defeated
by the punitive 1912 Beir Patrol, Burnian losing his son Munang. As a result power in the
Veveno valley was transferred to Burnian’s great uncle’s line through Lom. Now his
descendent Gayin Thodoc Nyebu Lom is the chief. Poti Burnian - a previous headchief - had
conferred the chiefship on his brother’s son Gayin because his own children were still
young16. Poti Burnian’s line still keep the drum and are competitors for the chiefship (the son
of Lomada Poti is being spoken of as a good prospect).
16
This succession was contested by Matung Bor – a black commoner from Maingoli but without success
24
In Marua Payam, the deputy to the Headchief – Lecinye Voro – replaced the previous deputy
– Nyathou – when the latter went to Kothile village in Gumuruk in 1992. Nyathou had
inherited the post from his father and was from Nyaloaga clan of red chiefs. However,
Lecinye was from the black commoner clan of Maingoli, and his father had not been a chief.
He was able to rise to the position because ‘people had become a bit educated’ - in the words
of one informant. As a child Lecinye had been patient, spoke the truth and ‘knew how to
divide things up in a good way’. In his case, therefore, personal qualities counted more than
heredity. Whether this was because of ‘education’ or because the religiously-sanctioned
power of the red chiefs is being brought into question is difficult to establish. In the past a
criminal had been able to seek sanctuary at the house of a red chief, and under his protection
anyone who came to his house to attack the criminal would be cursed; now, however, one
informant said that such protection was being violated. As the following table shows,
hereditary chiefship for the red chief clans is stronger in the more traditional cattle-keeping
communities of the Lotilla, Kengen and Veveno river valleys.
In Boma Payam, which is predominantly Tangajon, the Tangajon drum is said to be in a cave
on Dorongwa Mountain where it was put for safe-keeping but the cave subsequently closed
up trapping the drum. The chief at this time was Lokongwole. His son Tulbajok inherited
from him. He was later killed by ‘Arabs’ but his son was too young to inherit and Tulbajok’s
brother refused, so Gayin Nyiboi was appointed. After Gayin’s death in November 2004, a
black commoner Ngalom Kurok was chosen unopposed ‘by the population’. He has 7 chiefs
below him (each with about 4 subchiefs each). Korok Lokongole (no relation to Ngalom),
from the ruling family and another of Lokongole’s sons is on the GoS side and he is still
considered the red chief of the Boma Tangajon with spiritual powers, whereas Ngalom os just
considered alaan ci turuki (government chief) with no supernatural sanctions. In the past, it
was said that Red Chief followed Red Chief amongst the Murle. Now, however, according to
Ngalom, it depended on qualities of leadership17.
Amongst the Jie, Headchief Loleia was elected in 1975. He was popular as he was known as a
warrior. They did not use the queuing system as he was not opposed – there was just a
discussion and agreement on a single candidate. In the past the headchief of the Nyakurono
section was Lozekano and his grandson Lokai has inherited the post.
17
He would hardly be expected to say otherwise given that he rose to his position by merit, while the hereditary
chief’s family wait in the wings ready to pounce.
25
3 Pocalla Case Study
3.0 Introduction
Pocalla is the county headquarters of Pocalla county – the home of the Anuak people18. The
Anuak have been divided between Ethiopia and Sudan since the British ceded Gambela to
Ethiopia in 1945. As a result two thirds of the Anuak are now found in Ethiopia. However, the
king of all the Anuak, lives near Pocalla in Sudan and is recognised even in those parts of
Ethiopia that do not have the system of nobility themselves.
Anuak villages are found along the Pibor river around Akobo (known as the Ciro area), along
the lower Oboth (known as Ojuaa), the Upper Oboth (the Adonga area), the lower Akobo
(known as Nyikaani), the Upper Akobo (Thim), the lower Gila (Jor and Centhoaa), the Upper
Gila (Batgila and Gok), the Obela (Ruanyi) and the Baro (Upeeno)19. It is the village (pac)
which are the most important political unit which operates with virtual political and economic
independence (Evans-Pritchard 1940:23). Villages of the Gila, Obela and Baro are all in
Ethiopia, while the Akobo River forms the (unratified) frontier between the two countries, so
the northern bank is Ethiopian and the south bank Sudanese. The Western part of Anuak
territory is savannah (rup) which is regularly flooded and has sparsely distributed villages,
whereas the upper reaches of the rivers from a line going through Pocalla eastwards is
broadleaf forest (lol), where villages are more concentrated and the economy is predominantly
agricultural with few cattle.
The Anuak ‘belong to the Shilluk-Luo group of the Nilotic peoples’ which includes Shilluk,
Anuak, Acoli, Luo and Pori (Evans Pritchard 1940:5). The Anuak used to occupy the Sobat
river area (Bacon 1922:115). However, now only a few villages remain around Nyighum
Umiel, as they have been steadily pushed out by the Nuer, who, in recent years, have also
pushed them out from the areas SouthEast of Akobo.
3.1 Population, Structures and Territory of Traditional Leaders
3.1.1 POPULATION
Lienhardt estimated the Anuak population in 1957 to be between 30-40,000 people with 2/3
(about 25,000) of that population in Ethiopia (Lienhardt 1957:341). Perner in 1994 revised
this up to 50-80,000 for the whole Anuak (Perner 1994:23).
3.1.2 TERRITORY
Anuak villages (pac) are independent entities, administered either by hereditary kings (nyiye)
in the South and Southeast, or by chiefs/headmen (kuarro) in the North and in Ethiopian
territory. The following is a rough breakdown of villages – which clans they belong to and
whether they belong to kuarro (K), nyiye Tongoc (T) or nyiye Nyiudola (N):
18
19
Variously referred to as Anyuak (by Perner 1994), Anuak (Evans-Pritchard 1940) or Annuak.
These divisions are however merely geographical and have no political relevance.
26
Village name
Leadership
Village name
Leadership
Village name
Leadership
Abol
Abobo
Kenha
Koc
Kwai tut
Kwai tut
Ukwaa
Uleny
T - Utongi
Jowaatcaamo?
Aboga
Acua - Itang
Adongwol
Adongol
Agak
K Jowaatong
Jowaatjaango
T
?
T
Jowaatmaaro
T
K
Liec
Marjang
Ngenyi
Umeeda
Umiel
Uthili
K
Jowaatluaalo
K
Utiedi
Kwai luak
Ajwara
N
Nyang
T
N – Adongo
Jowaatong
uninhabited
Jowaatong
K
N – Adongo
Utigo
Akek
K
Nyighum Uba
Uwelo
Akwaiyajok
Nyighum Umello
Ujuoniro
No-man’s land
Alangu/ Laango
Alaari
Alil
Arieth
Jowaatmaaro
N - Adongo
Unoccupied
N
K
K
Waliec
N - Adongo
Athero
Kwai tut
Awaro
Awokoi
No-man’s land
K
Obuodhi Pocalla
Orema - Teedho
Pagola
Beet
Buoung
Pinykoaa
Pinythin
Burotor
Bola - Raad
Now Nuer
Joponguu
T
K
K
Cam – Akobo
Cam - Baro
K
Kwai tut
Pirgwiny
Pocalla
Centhoaa
Pocama
Dhirmac
Jowaatnaamo
N
T – Ujulu Cam
Jowaatjaango
Kwai luak
Jowaatjaango
N - Adongo
Jowaatnaadhi
K
Jowaatnaadhi
K
Kwai tut
K
K
T – Akuei
Jowaatong
N – Ucudho
Jowaatong
Kwai tut
T – Cam
N– Obang’s
mother’s line
?
N – Nyiguor
Jowaatong
Kwai tut
No-man’s land
Jowaatnaamo
T – Gilo in Ukwaa
Jowaatcuaai
N - Aganya
N - Kuot
Kwai luak –
Oballe
Jowaatcuaai
Kwai tut
Dibango
Dier - Uwalo
Digiiri
K
K
Kwai tut
Teedo
Ubaa
Ubeer
Dima
Dippa
Udiek – Umila
Udiek – Pinthiny
Kaara - Gorkuo
K
Jowaatong
?
Kwai tut
K
Kwai tut
N – Obang’s
father
N – but Eth govt
dispute
Jowaatcuaai
T
Kaara - Teedho
Kwai tut
Ukuuna
Cuobo
Daktek
Diwathpen/Wathpen
Dokoli
Dumbang
Guec
Itang
Ngok
Nyigillo
Nyikuar
Oboo
Obuodhi – Ukadi
Pinytiidi
Piro
Pokumu
Jowaatmaalo
No-man’s land
N – Obang’s father
Poopeno
Powiu
Ugaa
Ugak
Uget
Ugin
Kwai tut
Jowaatmaaro
Kwai tut
No-man’s land
K
Jowaatmaaro
K
N – Ucala
Jowaatmaaro
T?
K – no man’s land
Kwai tut
kwai tut
Ugol
T – Akuei in
Ukkadi
Ukaadi
T – Akuei
Jowaatong
Kwai tut
27
3.1.3 STRUCTURE
Both nyiye and kuarro are hereditary posts, both with courts, both must be shown respect
(special respectful language and bowing) and both are considered to have supernatural powers
to curse people who cross them. The origin of Kingship is recounted in a story familiar to all
Anuak, but which has important implications for the role of leadership in Anuak. In brief, the
people were living under a headman called Chuwei, when a man called Ukiro appeared
magically from the sky seated on a log in the river (hence his more common name Uchoda –
meaning log). Uchoda saw some children fighting over fish they grabbed together out of the
river with one at each end of the fish. He told the child holding the head to release it, and the
one holding the tail was unable to keep hold on the slippery tail and the fish escaped. Then
with another pair arguing over ownership of the fish, he told the one holding the tail to release
it, and the one holding the head and the gills managed easily to hold it. He then declared that
the person holding the head should always be adjudged the owner.
When the children returned home and told Chuwei about what had happened, he decided to
lay a trap for Uchoda the next day. Children were again fighting over fish so Uchoda appeared
again and Chuwei’s people captured him and took him to the village. Uchoda refused to eat
until eventually Chuwei sent his own daughter to persuade him to eat. She was successful and
continued to administer to his needs until eventually she became pregnant. At this stage
Uchoda decided to return to the river to escape the wrath of Chuwei. The child was born, and
after many years, Chuwei had become tired of leading and had stopped judging cases – saying
both parties were right. The child (Gilo) had inherited his father’s ability to judge cases so
eventually he was made the first nyiye.
3.1.3 a) Nyiye
Of significance from the above story is not just the necessity for a nyiya (usually translated
into English as king, though noble would almost be more correct20) to be able to judge cases,
but also the precedent set for nyiye to move to the villages of their maternal relations (usually
mother’s brother) and take over the leadership there; this both explains and justifies the
expansion of kingship from its origins in the South (around Adonga) to other areas. Another
story, which can actually be confirmed in the genealogies, concerns Gilo’s descendent Goora
(approximately 9 generations afterwards) who had three sons. Two (Apiir and Ulueth) were
born from sisters one of whom was called Nyiudola, and the other (Udiil) was from another
wife called Nyigoc. WhenGoora was old he decided to send out his sons (through different
wives) to the villages of their maternal uncles. Udiil went to Abobo on the Aluro river. After
Goora’s death, Apiir was crowned, and, when he died while his children were still young,
Udiil succeeded him.
From these children, Udil and Apiir, originated the two lineages that contest the right to be
crowned kings – the Tung (lineage) Nyiudola and the Tung Goc. The current king of all
Anuak – Adongo Agada can trace his lineage through 6 generations to Goora and Nyiudola.
The king of Ukadi on the other hand is from Tungoc, and traces his ancestry back to Udiil.
20
There is no word for king as distinct from noble – they are both nyiye. According to the explanation given in
the following paragraph concerning investiture, the word nyiya (pl.nyiye) will be used as local people use it to
refer to the actual current king in possession of the royal emblems and those who have once been in possession
of them - though in English they would strictly be kings and nobility (or ex Kings)
28
All those born into a noble clan through patrilineal descent and invested with the royal
emblems (crowned, as translated locally) becomes a nyiya or noble. If a person was not
invested in his lifetime with the royal emblems, his descendents lost their status as nyiye. The
emblems consisted of the beads of Uchoda (uchuok), the beads of Chuwei (Gurmatto), the
royal drum (udola wuruchamu), the throne made by Uchoda (wellu), and various other objects
(see Evans Pritchard 1940:76; Bacon 1922:115). In the past, there was a fierce contest for
possession of the royal emblems – usually between Tungoc and Nyiudola – which often
resulted in the death of the previous kings21. There were therefore no ex-Kings. Many
members of Tungoc and Nyiudola who died without being crowned nyiya lost their status of
nyiye and joined the clan called Jowatong (ex-nobles). Their descendents would never be able
to become nyiya even if they could obtain the royal emblems because of the rules of
patrilineal descent. However, from the end of the 19th century, when weapons arrived from
Ethiopia, certain famous kings (including Udiel war Kuat, Ulimi war Agaanya and Akuie wa
Cam) were able to defend themselves more effectively and hold onto the emblems for some
time. At this stage, in the interests of maintaining the nyeye clans, a kind of ‘symbolic’
conferring of the royal emblems began. Individuals became ‘kings for a day’ by being given
the royal embems to wear in an investiture ceremony organised (and paid for) by their
maternal uncles. The cost of the ceremony was equivalent to a marriage dowry (i.e. 4 dumui
bead necklaces, 2 tineth bead necklaces, 40 spears, 2 cows, 1 goat). They could then return to
their villages as ‘crowned’ nyiya and continue the blood line.
Name
Clan
Year of Crowning
Village
Comment
Adongo Agada
Akuei
Akuei Nyiguor
Akuei
Cam Udiel Kot
N
2001
Utalo
T
1981
Ukaadi
T
1960’s
Liec
Jai Cam Akuei
N
1981
Daktek
Ujulu Cam
Abulla
T
1997
Jor/Othuol
Has four kwai luak under
him
Ukaadi originally settled
by Alel Udiel
Originally settled by
Akuon Udiel
Selected by his father.
Lost support of maternal
relations has no power
Used to be based at
Abobo -originally settled
by Nginyo Udiel?
Utongi Nyiguor
Aballa Cam
Medho
Kuot Cam
Medho
Ucudho Odol
T
N
Obodi
Ojula
Aganya
T
N
T
Ukwaa
Ajwara
suburbs
Ajwara
Centre
Obuodhi nr.
Pocalla
Ucudho
Ajiengho
Adongwol
N
N
21
Brother of Kuot Cam
Dead – awaiting arrival
There was intermarriage as well as rivalry though : the first king of Ukadi (Tungoc) gave his daughter to Cam
Gilo (a famous leader – also called Cam wi Nyijua)and they gave birth to the famous Nyiudola warrior Akuei wa
Cam
29
Nyiguor Ajulu
N
Pinythin
Amoro Ajambo
Kuat
Obang Obala
N
Agwata
N
Guec
Gilo Okwang
Ujak Amedho
T
N
Ugaa?
Umila
Ucala Ukumping
N
2000
Udiek – nr
Ukwaa
Centhoaa
Itang
Opem Udola Gilo N
Ujulu Medho
N
Obang Cam
Ojullu
N
Not yet crowned onyeya
ex Kh of brother Cam
Udiel Gora to succeed.
Adondwol settled (by
force) by Aganya Udiel,
whose son Ulimi wa
Aganya raped and
pillaged the Nyiudola
Settled by Uduro Ubang
Gilo Ulueth, greatgrandson of Ulueth one
of the sons of Gora.
Nyigour never leaves
Pinythin
Settled by Ubang Gilo
Ulueth, grandson of
Ulueth - one of the sons
of Gora
Village was kuarro
before – Ujak’s brother
was first nyiya
Temporarily replaced
King Agada when he
died while Adongo was
fetched
Pogola
Each nyeya has reception hut (didik) in his court where he will receive visitors seated on a
raised platform (thudhi) seated on skins. Near this place will be a grove of trees where people
attaend their audience. The nyeya is attended by various court officials. The most respected is
the nyibur who is in charge of the royal household, can act as the ambassador of the nyeya and
doesn’t have to remove his shoes when he is with the nyiya. The respect with which he is seen
is indicated by the fact that the current King Adongo even said that he had to slaughter a bull
before asking his nyibur to undertake an assignment. This particular man had inherited his
post from his father. The nyikugu22 deputises for the king in his absence and has a hut just in
front of the homestead of the nyeya. Aside from this there are other officials such as kwaikodo
(in charge of the court drums), kwailuak (in the court he leads the royal bodyguard), the
nyithengo (personal guard to the nyeya), nyiatuel (messengers) and nyikeeno (in charge of
preparing food for the nyeya who does not eat food prepared by his wives) (Evans-Pritchard
1940:69).
22
The nyikugu himself has a deputy known as nyinin nyikugu
30
3.1.3 b) Kuarro
Kuarro (headmen or chiefs) also have their own court. There is a reception hut, known as
udiang where he will see cases with his officials. He has a representative known as nyikugu,
who can come from any lineage, to whom he can deputise some of the tasks of running the
village. In a more ambassadorial role is the nyibur, often the most senior member of the
people who first settled the village (kwai ngom – the owner of the land – responsible for
regulating hunting and fishing). Headmen are considered to be the people who ruled the land
before the kings came. There is a leader known as kwai luak (owner/ancestor of the cattle
byre) – a name that was initially associated with the sponsor of an age-set (also called luak)
but which has a sense of being a ‘shepherd’ of the people. A kwai luak doesn’t need to be the
son of a kwai luak. There are also nyiatuel and nyikeno like in the royal courts.
Commoner clans (jowat bayi) are found scattered throughout Anuak area. The Jowatong have
become one of the biggest of the commoner clans. In general, though Jowatcuaa (literally the
people(jo) of the children (wat) of Cuaa) are considered the biggest, and are dominant in
Pocalla, Utigo, Umila, Itang and Agwata. Meanwhile, Jowatmaaro are second and dominate
in Ukuac, Powiu, Olau, Udiek and Uber. Jowatnaadhi follow – dominant in Nhighum –
followed by Jowatong, then Jowatmaalo (numerous in Pakumo), Jowatjaango (in Inyuany,
Chuobo and Abobo), Jowatlualo (in Umiel), Jopanguu (in Buong) and other small clans such
as Jowatnaamo, Jowatkaanyo, Jowatyuaa, Jonyang etc.
Position
Chief - Kuarro
Chief
Chief – kwai
luak?
Chief
Chief
Chief
Chief
Sub-Chief –
kwai luak?
Sub-chief –
kwai luak
Ass.Sub-chief
– nyinim kwai
luak
Kwai luak
Name
Clan
Okello
Ojwok
Uguok
Wangabol
Oballe
Ogoni Ocan
Odwong
Pithduong
Chamchalla
Abulla Agat Apathmac
Obutha
Nyang Deng
Onyajwara
Adari
Okollo
Othou Ujiel
Akuei
Obuongi
Nyikango
Obang
Palata
Mamur
Watmaaro
Village
Aleu
Ujua
Utigo,now Grandfather Ocan was chief.
Utaalo
He was appointed by Agada
Utalo
Langu
Daktek –
originally
from
Oboo of
Ciro
Lou
Nr. Gorkudu
A kwai luak appointed by the
king in 2002 – undermining
the authority of the sitting
Nyeya Jai Cham who should
select his own kwai luak
Ujwaa
Adongol
Village is under Tungoc (Cam
Udiel Gora in Kh). Has been
chief 18 years – father and
brother before him
He is judging cases and
referring to King Adongo
Ajwara
Padong
Comment
Ajwara
Nhighum
Umiel
31
Appointed by Kuarro
3.2 The Work of Chiefs
One informant described the role of both chiefs and nyiye as being to solve problems between
people and see cases (luk). The nyiya is supposed to give gifts with the wa ngome (owners of
the land) thereby maintaining their support. This mechanism keeps him more accountable to
the people.
3.2.1 WAR EFFORT/TAXATION
THE SPLA/M has had to apply pressure on people to extract taxes. When they try to recruit
parents often agree but the young men run off to the gold mines at Dima in Ethiopia to escape.
3.2.2 COURTS
In murder cases the perpetrator will sometimes run straight to the court of the king and seek
protection (like in Murle with the red chiefs). The family of the victim are not able to seek
him while he is under the protection of the king. This helps prevent ‘instant’ justice and
subsequent blood feuds (the process is known as bluntening the spear or gurtong). The king,
often through a kwai luak, then contacts the victim’s family and ask them if they want
compensation or some other form of justice (in the past a replacement child was sometimes
paid to compensate the family or it seems revenge was possible in the past). At the time of
compensation payment both families go to a place called pur where the settlement is made.
Court fees, it seems, are given to the king, though we did not establish whether a percentage is
taken off this amount. The king of Ukadi said the fine for murder was five dimui bead
necklaces, two tinet bead necklaces, ten cows, and one bull for the gurtong ceremony. This
fine was quantified in order to allow the family to marry a girl in the name of the dead
person.The guilty man would then be provisionally released to collect the fine. The king’s fee
was 1 heifer, with 2 bulls to given to him to sacrifice for the people.
3.3 Relations between Chiefs and Local Administration
Deputy Commissioner Gilo Obang Okelo said that chiefs (presumably meaning nyiye as well)
don’t want to work with the payam administrators – “Chiefs are everything”, he said. “They
don’t want to share power”. Under the Government of Sudan, there had been no government
officials at a payam level – only in Pocalla. Authority was concentrated with King Agada –
and any government policy had to go through him. The king would then brief people on
government policy. Now, the government call the people to meetings directly for payment of
tax or to construct projects, but these can be sabotaged by the chiefs. As a result, it was
observed that it was King Adongo who organised community mobilisation for a school to be
constructed, and to clear the site for a TB clinic in Pocalla, even though he was 1 hour’s drive
away. In reality no government taxes are collected outside Pocalla, and even then only from
taxing the traders. The Deputy Commissioner claimed that nyiye feel that taxes belong to
them. When chiefs and nyiye are chosen it is without reference to the government authorities
and if the authorities want to dismiss someone, it will have to be through a court case.
In Ethiopia, the Mengistu government tried to eradicate traditional leaders – replacing them
with a post known as kwai tut – village representative – of likim aber – village leader. No-one
dared to be crowned during that period. Since then 3 nyeye have been crowned (Ujulu Cam,
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Ujulu Medho, and Opem Udola Gilo – from Jor, Itang and Centhoou areas respectively) but
significantly they have all stayed in Sudan. The EPRDF Government in Ethiopia are currently
fighting an insurgency by the Anuak-led Gambella People’s Liberation Front. The GPLF
claim that EPRDF troops massacred hundreds of Anuak and Nuer in December 2003,
following the killing of UN staff on the road to a refugee camp. The result has been the flight
of tens of thousands of refugees into the Pocalla area – including, the EPRDF say – some
GPLF fighters. Given that oil had been discovered near Gambella is being exploited by the
Malaysian Petronas oil company, it is unlikely that the situationis going to be resolved easily.
3.4 Relations between Chiefs and Local Judiciary
There are no government courts outside the context of the traditional authorities. Traditional
courts even see cases of murder – though they will refer the most difficult cases to the court of
the King Adongo at Utalo. It was said that in really complex cases Adongo would see the case
together with representatives of hakuma.
3.5 Gender, Youth and Minorities
The inheritance system for both nyiye and kuarro make it difficult for women to become
chiefs. We did not meet any women chiefs during our visit. The humble attitide shown
towards the traditional authorities – bowing and taking off shoes – is duplicated in the way
that women behave towards men. Where men crouch in the presence of chiefs women kneel.
Due to the fact that nyiye rule until they die, the traditional authorities are even older than in
other places, and young people – such as the uncrowned nyeye Obang Cam Ojullu – must
defer to their elders (despite, in this case, being very well versed in Anuak history and
traditions).
3.6 Selection/ Deselection:
Nyeye cannot abdicate – they are crowned for life – and it was said that a nyiya cannot be
replaced until he dies. The Nyeya of Ajwara, Kuot Cam Medho, is seen as having a ‘mental
disease’ because he is always drunk. However, he has not been replaced – his cases are being
seen by a kwai luak called Akuei Obuongi reporting direct to King Adongo. Kuarro, however
are often removed in rebellions (agem). These take place within families rather than between
because a kuarro is usually from the family of a kuarro. Therefore, if a kuarro is doing a poor
job, people will start to show less respect to him, and might eventually conspire with the son
of another kuarro to get him to make an agem. However, in the two cases we heard about
where a kuarro was chased out, they were both replaced by their brothers. If a nyeya dies, he
will be replaced quickly to prevent a nyeya from another area taking over. A king must be the
son of a king – hence the expression I heard that all the nyiye of Anuak were brothers. A subchief (kwai luak) doesn’t need to be the son of a sub-chief, and is chosen, by popular opinion
by the clan of the sub-chief (dho-oto kuarro).
When King Agada died, a message was sent for Adongo to be fetched from Khartoum, from
where he was leaving with his family to Canada. As an immediate replacement, Ujulu Medho
was appointed as acting-King. He is cousin, not a blood brother so there was less threat he
would take over. Adongo’s mother was from the Jowatong clan, which together with the
Jowatcuaai and Jowatnaadhi often provide the wives of nyiye as they are large clans and large
number of in-laws could be mobilised in the past if there was a conflict for the monarchy.
Adongo was crowned in the courtyard of his nkikugu (senior advisor and deputy).
33
In Ukadi, the son of Udiel, Alel Udiel, found a kwai ngom (Oboc) already in place when he
arrived in the village. He said he was a guest (wele) and was given a piece of land. He had
cattle and was generous in helping Oboc, who had leprosy. As Oboc had no son he handed the
leadership over to Alel. The current king is Akuei Nyiguor Akuei. He became king in 1981
when his father was killed by ‘arabs’. Before his death he had left the message with a friend
that he wished Akuei to succeed him in the event of his death. He was crowned by Adongo.
King Adongo did not play any part in chosing the king – his role was just in the coronation.
Obang Cam (onyeya – or still uncrowned) recounted the history of the kingship in Pagola,
back as far as Ulueth, son of Gora. Ulueth’s son Ubang was ‘given’ Guec village. One of his
sons stayed in Guec while one moved to Pinythin and the other (Odiel) moved to Obulic
[cannot locate this on the map]. Odiel died and his sons inherited – first Omot, then Ujulu,
then Okunu, then Ubang but the first three died before or soon after their coronation, and the
fourth failed to mobilise his maternal relations to collect the wealth necessary for the
coronation. So finally the son of Ujulu, Cam Ujulu, fearing that the kingship might be lost
organised the required wealth from his maternal relations in Pagola and was crowned, even
though his uncle was still alive. Cam died in 2001, and his son Obang Cam is awaiting the
wealth to be collected by his maternal relations in a village near Pirwinyo. As Pirwinyo is
under a Tongoc nyeya he will probably remain at Pagola – though when Cam Ujulu moved to
Pagola, there was a sitting Tungoc king Cam Odiel Kot who lost the support of the kwai ngom
and left for Liec.
Udiek is a kuarro village on the lower Akobo (not to be confused with the Udiek of the Upper
Akobo which is nyiye). Due to water problems (and in part to Nuer raiding) the village has
been abandoned and the kuarro Owar Alei Ajak is taking shelter in nearby Umila under Nyeye
Ujak Umedho. Udiek is a village belonging to the Jowatmaaro clan, and Owar is from this
clan. He became kuarro in 1989 after his father, who was also kuarro for 30 years died. It had
been his father who, before his death, had chosen Owar as his successor even though he has
an older brother. In Umila, Ujak’s brother (Bampac) had been the first nyeya of the village
and when he died Ujak took over from him; their father had married a girl from the
Jowatcuaai clan of Umila who were the wek ngome of the village and who supported Bampac
to be crowned. This is an almost textbook example of the way a village becomes nyeye.
3.7 Independence/ Legitimacy/ Interference:
The respect shown towards traditional authorities in Anuak far outweighs their respect for the
civil administration. However, Pocalla is in a sensitive military position, on the border with
Ethiopia, and it is the SPLA who have real power. Pocalla was taken from the GoS by a force
made up predominantly of Bor Dinka, and many have stayed in the area and settled with their
families. There is a refugee camp at Pakok between Boma and Pocalla for displaced people
from Jonglei, and another set up in at the beginning of 2004 for Anuak refugees from Ethiopia
at Alari. It is clear that there is substantial intimidation of traditional leaders in Ethiopia, and
the policy, under Mengistu, of having a standardised system of TA – called kwai tut – rather
than nyiye and kuarro villages, has been continued by the current regime.
General Conclusions:
In general, where the researchers were looking for a hierarchy of chiefs, structures were flatter
than could be expected, roles more interchangeable and the difference between a head chief
34
and an executive chief not that clear. Sometimes the term senior chief and junior chief would
be more appropriate than chief and sub-chief; often chiefs are of the same level but one has a
bigger population than the other so has the role of headchief while the other remains a chief or
executive chief, until his population increases or the government decides to appoint more
headchiefs. Johnson (1986:71) notes that amongst the Eastern Nuer, attempts to distinguish
between chiefs and subchiefs in the 1930’s floundered on local resentment.
Chiefship is difficult to capture and questions of power seem to bounce of it. There is a sense
that chiefs do not need to explain themselves to researchers/ the government/ the SPLA. They
have a sense of their own legitimacy, sometimes supported by supernatural power and given
legitimacy through lines of inheritance. Often when people talk of ‘traditional authority’, they
are also talking about traditional values – hence there was always talk of ‘customary law’ and
its implementation in the law courts by ‘traditional leaders’. One such value includes the
democratic right of people to sit and listen to cases seen at public courts and give their
comments. It seems that a chief’s judicial role is probably his most important role.
It came up in many interviews that older men were preferred as chiefs, and younger people
criticised because they ‘hadn’t learned to talk’. It is significant that chiefs are expected to be
able to talk in a calm, peaceful way without the hot-blooded passion of youth. This
emphasises the peace-making and bridge-building role considered so important in the role of a
chief.
Chiefship based on ethnic identity works as long as the population is ethnically homogeneous.
With mixed populations, the key is how comparable the customary laws are in each group.
For example if both groups believe in blood compensation for murder, it will be easier to
resolve inter-tribal disputes traditionally.
Election/Selection: at present the office of chief is almost impossible to separate from the
person who occupies the position. Even with this system the institution continues to attract a
high degree of support. The respect for the institution of chiefship seems tocome from the
selection of the people with certain proven characteristics rather than making chiefs
accountable once they come to power. It is rare that chiefs become drunkards or neglect their
people, but if they do amongst the Anuak, the kings are almost impossible to remove, while
amongst the Murle and Dinka it is fairly rare for a chief to be removed (Nuer on the other
hand seem to be more accountable). The semi-spiritual side of Murle red chiefs and the rights
of certain families to inherit the chiefship amongst Dinka would be called into question if
chiefs could be easily removed. In the end, though, accountability of traditional leaders
comes, in large measure from the fact that leaders need a large degree of public good-will in
order to rule in societies where concensus is highly valued.
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Annex 1: Bibliography
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Collins RO (1960) ‘Patrols against the Beirs’ in Sudan Notes and Records 41 (pp35-58)
Evans-Pritchard EE (1940) The Political System of the Annuak of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.
London: Percy Lund/LSE – Reprinted 1977 by AMS New York
Evans-Pritchard EE (1947) ‘Further Observations on the Political System of the Annuak’ in
Sudan Notes and Records (28)pp62-97
Lewis BA (1972) Red Chiefs and Black Commoners. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Lienhardt G (1957) ‘Annuak Village Headmen: Headman and Village Culture’ in Africa
27(4)341-355
Lienhardt G (1958) ‘Annuak Village Headmen: Village Structure and Rebellion’ in Africa
28(1)23-35
Lutz G & Linder W (2004) Traditional Structures in Local Governance for Local
Development. World Bank Institute & Swiss Agency for Development Co-operation.
Logan Col MH (1918) ‘The Beirs’ in Sudan Notes and Records. 1(1918)pp238-248
Mohamed Osman el Sammani (1984) Jonglei Canal: Dynamics of Planned Change in the
Twic Area. Khartoum: Graduate College Publications
Perner C (1994) The Anyuak: Living on Earth in the Sky – Volume 1: The Sphere of
Spirituality. Basel: Helbiag & Lichtenhahn
Perner C (?) The Anyuak: Living on Earth in the Sky – Volume 2: The Human Territory.
Basel: Helbiag & Lichtenhahn
Perner C (?) The Anyuak: Living on Earth in the Sky – Volume 6: The Political Body: Power
and Authority. Basel: Helbiag & Lichtenhahn
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