Political Culture and Popular Participation in Cuba

Political Culture and Popular Participation in Cuba
Author(s): Rafael Hernandez, Haraldo Dilla, Jennifer Dugan Abbassi, Jean Diaz
Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 18, No. 2, Cuban Views on the Revolution (Spring,
1991), pp. 38-54
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2633606 .
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PoliticalCultureand
PopularParticipationin Cuba
by
RafaelHernandezand HaroldoDilla
Dugan AbbassiandJeanDiaz
TranslatedbyJennifer
Ideologyand politicalculture,conscienceand social psychologyare
concepts.Politicalcultureis sharedin a different
different
yetinterrelated
andtherefore
broader.
assimilated
wayfromideology,
beinglessconsciously
has
In additionto systematizing
a predominant
ideology,the revolution
transformed
Cubancultureanddevelopednationalvaluesthat,forlackofa
better
term,
mightbe calleda newcivility.!
neither
northehardestyears
MostCubanshaveexperienced
capitalism
ofthepopulation
oftherevolution;
over16 yearsoldcan
scarcely40 percent
is a resultofthenew
liketheirideology,
culture,
recallthatfirst
stage.Trheir
process.As a consesocial relationsbroughtaboutby therevolutionary
andcommunity
rights,
accesstosocial
ofindividual
quence,stateprotection
the
participation-in
short,
lifeandwork,andtheopportunity
forindividual
elementsof thisnew civilitythatare in factthebasis of social life in
Theyare
intothefabricoftheirpoliticalculture.
general-areincorporated
although
ideologycan and
socialvaluesrather
thanideologicalprinciples,
doesreinforce
them.
Whatis thebasis of a participatory
To whatextentdo
politicalculture?
of this
Whatis thesocial configuration
new valueslead to participation?
in variousareas and organizations?
Do theseparticipatory
participation
real alternatives
forexpressionand action?Withoutatoptionsrepresent
RafaelHemrndez
is headoftheDepartment
ofNorthAmerican
StudiesattheCentro
de Estudios
sobreAmerica(CEA) inHavana.In 1989he was a visiting
scholarat theCenterforIntenational
and
Affairs
atHarvard
University.
He haspublished
numerous
articles
aboutU.S.-Cubanrelations
published
hasrecently
coauthored,
withJorge
Dominguez,
U.S.-CubanRelationsintheNineties,
intheDepartment
ofCaribbean
byWestview
Press.HaroldoDilla is a researcher
StudiesatCEA
inthatfield.Casa de las Americas
haspublished
hisbookonPuerto
andhaspublished
extensively
RicanRam6nEmeterioBetances.Jennifer
DuganAbbassiis a LAP coordinating
editorand a
inpoliticalscienceat theUniversity
graduate
student
ofCalifornia,
Riverside;
JeanDiaz received
herundergraduate
degreeinthesamedepartment.
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES, Issue69, Vol.18 No. 2, Spring1991,38-54
? 1991LatinAmerican
Perspectives
38
Hernandez
andDilla /POLITICAL CULTURE
39
tempting
to arriveat a definitive
answer,we will examinesome of these
discussion.
questionsinorderto establishan agendaforfuture
HISTORICAL ROOTS OF CUBAN POLITICAL CULTURE
The firstliterary
textthatreflects
Cubanculture,
a seventeenth-century
epicpoementitled
TheMirrorofPatiencebySilvestrede Balboa,exemplifiestwokeyaspectsofCubanpoliticalculture.2
On theone hand,itreflects
thegreatnationaldiversity
thathas existedsincetheisland'soriginsas a
crossroads,
includingthe Africancomponent
thatis an earlyand active
against
element
ofnational
identity.
Ontheotherhand,itdocuments
rebellion
bothinternal
andexternal
repression,
underlining
rejection
ofcolonialdomof
inationand a unitedfrontagainstexternalenemiesas radicalfeatures
culturalexpression.These elementsforma way of life or worldview
characteristic
ofCubanculturefromitsinception.
TogetherwithPuertoRico, Cuba is one of the last of the Spanish
fromthemetropolis.
TheWarof
possessionstohaveachievedindependence
Independence
in Cuba occurred
latein comparison
withthoseintherestof
anda political
LatinAmerica,andtherefore
itdevelopedundera leadership
program,
embodied
bytherevolutionary
projectofJoseMarti,
thatweremore
radicalandadvanced.The independence
struggle
endedunderthedirection
of an organizedpoliticalpartywhoseplatform
not
articulated
thestruggle
onlyagainstSpainbutalso againsttheUnitedStates-and in factit faced
North
American
intervention
initsfinalphase.Inaddition,
foreigners-from
inthisstruggle,
LatinAmerica,
Europe,andtheUnitedStates-participated
wereheldbymenwhoweredescendants
of
andthetopleadership
positions
slaves.Theleaderoftheliberation
army,
GeneralMaximoGomez,was born
inSantoDomingo.Thesecondincommand,
GeneralAntonioMaceo,sonof
A senseof progress,
racial
a Venezuelan,
was a mulatto.
modernprecepts,
struggle,
integration,
multinational
participation,
thecapacityforprolonged
and theconfrontation
withtheyoungNorthAmerican
nationalliberation,
ofnationalpoliticalculture
intothecrystallization
empirewereincorporated
intheveryprocessoftheachievement
ofindependence
andtheconsolidation
ofthenation-state.
half
Ithasbeenwidelydemonstrated
thatthepoliticalstruggles
ofthefirst
relative
ofthetwentieth
weremotivated
century
primarily
byCuba'sposition
to UnitedStatesdomination.
The progressive
effects
of Cuba's
historical
Beforethe
exposuretotheUnitedStateshavereceivedmuchless attention.
WarofIndependence,
andespeciallyfromtheendoftheeighteenth
century
40
LATIN AMERICANPERSPECTIVES
urbanizabysubstantial
economicdevelopment,
on,Cubawas characterized
fromSpain,its
visibility.
Long beforeitsliberation
tion,and international
of
was theUnitedStates.Followingthedevastation
principal
trading
partner
thewar,theintenseinfluxof capitalintoCuba producedacceleratedecoof the educationand healthsystems.
nomicgrowthand modernization
ofeconomic
in Cuba incorporated
advancedsystems
Dependentcapitalism
The
achievements.
as well as technological
management
and organization
in
firstCubanmoviewas producedin 1906. Cuba was thesecondcountry
was inthe
station,
andradioproduction
thehemisphere
tohavea television
national
andwas renowned
throughout
LatinAmerica.A dynamic
vanguard
monocropproduction,the
economic life-alongside unemployment,
proportion
of
of a considerable
latifundio
system,
andtheimpoverishment
andefficiency
moretypical
levelsofprofitability
thepopulation-reflected
intothe
Thesepatterns
conditioned
itsincorporation
ofadvancedcapitalism.
tothedefiniCubancapitalism
also contributed
worldeconomy.
Ironically,
tionandformation
ofa morehomogeneous
nationalculture.
wasfurther
shapedbytherelative
Theevolution
ofCubanpoliticalculture
of itspopularmovements.
The dominant
politicalpartiesrepredynamism
werecharacterized
bycorruption,
despotism,
sentedbytheCubanoligarchy
and a
and illegitimacy,
were
also
organizations
popular
political
butthere
of
and
that
achieved
level
mobilization
a
high
tradition
of laborstruggles
in
ofpoliticalparticipation,
especially comparison
generally
highstandards
withthosein othercountriesin theregion.Althoughthepoliticalgame
adoptedin 1940,was
allowedforeverykindoffraud,thelastconstitution,
itwas influenced
in
extent
that
by
oneofthemostadvanced theworldtothe
thepopularmovement
ofthe1930s.
in Cuba.
Finally,LatinAmericanpoliticallifehas hadactiveexpression
fortheregion's
thetwentieth
century
theislandhasbeena refuge
Throughout
havereflected
thepolitical
politicalexiles,andCubanpoliticalmovements
inLatinAmericaandelsewhere.
Menwhofought
sidebysidewith
struggles
in Cuba
AugustoCesarSandinoin Nicaraguadiedforthesocialrevolution
to the
Cuba's contribution
duringthe1930s. In relationto itspopulation,
largest(the
international
brigadesin thewarin Spainwas thehemisphere's
AbrahamLincolnBrigadefromtheUnitedStatesbeingthemostnumerous
inCubatooverthrow
the
inabsolute
movements
terms).
Therewereorganized
dictator
RafaelTrujilloof theDominicanRepublic,
to increasetheforcesof
President
andinsolidarity
withtheColombiaof
JacoboArbenzinGuatemala,
andstrengthofpoliticalsupport
extended
EliecerGaitan.Thiscurrent
Jorge
valuesofCubanidentity.
enedthesupranational
HernandezandDilla /POLITICAL CULTURE
41
MOBILIZATION AND SOCIALIZATION
AS INGREDIENTS OF POLITICAL CULTURE
The penein revolutionary
Cuba arehighlypoliticized.
Social relations
lifethatwas tosomeextentcharacteristic
tration
ofthepoliticalintofamily
Especially
triumph.
aftertherevolutionary
oftraditional
societyintensified
polarization.
halfofthe1960s,politicswas a causeoffamily
duringthefirst
to the UnitedStatesacquiredan intense
Phenomenasuch as migration
independent
ofpersonalmotivation.
politicalconnotation,
theuse ofthemass
reflects
ofpoliticization
therhythm
To a largeextent
and ideologicaleducation.Fidel
mediaas a meansof politicalorientation
themasses,
orient
todiscussmajornationalproblems,
Castrousedtelevision
Thismassive
andevenmakepublicdecisions.3
explainthepoliticalsituation,
to a rapidchangein the cultureof the
politicaleducationcontributed
The classicexampleis thedramaticspread,withinbarelytwo
population.
ofpopularknowledge
aboutsocialism
oftherevolution,
yearsofthetriumph
political
oftherevolution
andintensive
andcommunism.
Thesocialprogram
sentiments
of broadsectorsof the
educationalteredtheanti-Communist
socialistin April
populationand allowedCastroto declaretherevolution
inDecemberofthesame
himself
as a Marxist-Leninist
1961andtoidentify
year.
withitsnewsystem
oftherevolution,
In thelongrun,thesocialprogram
ofcertain
notions
thatindividuals
ofvalues,brought
withittheconsolidation
in
Thisis reflected
ofthenewreality.
acquireas partoftheirunderstanding
such basic spheressuch as work.Most Cubanstake it forgrantedthat,
a
all citizenswillbe guaranteed
economicsituation,
thecountry's
whatever
andthesatisnotionsofa fixedincome,socialsecurity,
job. Consequently,
ofdailylife.
faction
ofbasicnecessities
havebecomepartoftheexpectations
ofexploitation
toa morepositive
Thetransformation
ofworkfroma relation
is a logicalconsequenceofrevolutionary
change.Mascollectivist
relation
toward
forvolunteer
ofnewattitudes
sivemobilizations
workareexpressions
in productive
of the productof labor. Participation
the appropriation
a newconceptof
andconstruction-reflects
tasks-especiallyinagriculture
At thesame time,phenomenasuch as lack of
laborand social property.
towardworkwhose
revealnegativeattitudes
andlowproductivity
discipline
originshave been neglectedin discussionon thesociologicallevel. The
and the
of employment
questionremainsto whatextentthe availability
exclusionof formsof compulsionusuallyassociatedwitha patternof
witherrors
intheconception
andimplementogether
exploitation,
capitalist
42
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
tationofcertaineconomicpolicies,havelimitedthedevelopment
of a new
workculture.
Fromtheideologicalpointofview,themostconspicuouscomponent
of
thenewpoliticalcultureis equality.Thisis notsolelya theoretical
position
butalso corresponds
thatis,theextension
tothepoliciesofthenewregime,
of social servicesto thewholepopulation
eitherfreeof chargeor at subsiof
dized rates,equal access to basic consumergoods,thedemocratization
of all formsof institutional
centersof workand study,andtheelimination
discrimination
on thebasisofraceorsex.4Although
is one
"egalitarianism"
ofthetendencies
ofthe1960sthathassincebeenjudgedidealistic,
thecriteria
of social justice,democracy,
and equitycontinueto dominatepolitical
culture.These valuesare fundamental
to politicalconsensus.At thesame
time,itis widelyrecognizedthatinequalities
persistas a resultof occupaor because theyhave been
tional,regional,or urban-rural
differences
"draggedalongfromthepast."'A truemeasureofthesedifferences
would,
however,
requireconsideration
ofa complexofeconomicandsocialaspects
thataffectthestandard
of livingbutarenotexpressedin a unidimensional
indicator
suchas wages.6
Two otherimportant
and interconnected
ideologicalcomponents
are
nationaldefenseand internationalism.
Revolutionintensifies
feelingsof
patriotism;
additionally,
NorthAmericanpolicytowardCuba has greatly
contributed
totheidentification
ofnationaldefenseas a priority.
Since1959
thishas cometo symbolizetherevolutionary
cause itselfand is one ofthe
formassmobilization.
of
majormotivations
Thismeansthattheactivities
nationaldefensearepartofeveryday
life.In general,peopledo notliveina
constant
stateof alarmand mobilization,
as in the1960s,expecting
a new
crisiswiththeUnitedStates.Therehave,however,
beenperiods,suchas the
tensions
increaseinmilitary
early1980s,ofaggravated
anda corresponding
mobilization.
Intemationalist
missionsto Angolaand Ethiopiaalso intensify
military
As has alreadybeen pointedout,theidea of combatin another
activity.
fora justcause-in particular,
thedefenseagainstforeign
country
aggression-is an activeelementof Cubanpoliticalculture.The brevityof the
left
armedstruggleagainsttheBatistaregimeand its heroicconnotation
witha certainyearning
forsimilarepic tasks;after
succeedinggenerations
thebeginning
ofthe1960sthesetasksbecamelessfrequent.
TheinternationalistmissionsinAfrica,considered
as collectiveexperiences,
realizedthese
values.Inparticular,
theLatinAmerican
andtheAfrican
heritage,
connection
as well as relations
withtheliberation
movements
thathadcometo power
on thatcontinent,
were fundamental
ideologicalissues in the 1960s and
to Cuba's massive
1970s. Althoughthewars in Africahave contributed
HernindezandDilla /POLMCAL CULTURE
43
experiencein Africacannotbe
military
preparedness,
theinternationalist
cultural
appreciated
simplyas a military
feat.It has also hada fundamental
impacton Cubanlife.Morethan300,000Cubans-includingbothservice
andteachofdoctors,
builders,
technicians,
peopleandciviliandelegations
ers-have gone to Angola,therebyexposinghundredsof thousandsof
oftheThirdWorld.The levelsofhealthcare,
Cubanstothecriticalrealities
ofeconomicdevelopment,
natural
nutrition,
andeducation
andtheproblems
andregionalisolationthatcharlimitations,
nationalunity,
socialstructure,
are aliento theCubancontext.
acterizethemajority
of Africancountries
in thehemisphere
has suchbroad,prolonged,
and
Hardlyanyothercountry
directknowledge
ofthetragicreality
oftheThirdWorldas Cuba.The same
of the
couldbe said of knowledgegainednotthrough
booksbutdirectly
of EasternEurope,wherethousandsof
SovietUnionand othercountries
Cubanshavestudiedorworked.
The literacy
campaignlaunchedin 1961was aimednotonlyat teaching
essentialpoliticalknowledge
Cubanstoreadandwritebutalso atproviding
and
aboutnational
Theeducation
processinfluences
andintemational
reality.
reenforces
thepoliticalagendaaroundwhichcitizensaremobilized.Educaof
tionbecomesnot only a goal of social policybut a representation
individual
behavior.
Theslogan,"hewhodoesnotstudylagsbehind"points
tothepersonalization
ofcertaincultural
valuesofthenewcivility.
andmagazinesinCubais severely
Although
accesstoforeign
newspapers
of
limited-andnotonlyforeconomicreasons-thereis a relativediversity
offilmsshown
othermedia.Forexample,according
to1986data,thevariety
inmovietheaters
aloneincluded20 filmsfromNorthAmerica,28 fromthe
SovietUnion,and 100 fromEurope,in additionto 12 fromLatinAmerica
and a fewfromAfrica.This is in starkcontrast
of Latin
to themajority
Americanmoviemarkets,
whichare dominated
by theUnitedStatesfilm
werea goal,itwould
industry.
Evenifrestriction
oftheflowofinformation
be verydifficult
likeCuba,whosestrategic
toachievein a country
position
at theentrance
to theGulfof Mexico and thePanamaCanal,close to the
UnitedStates,andbetweenthetwoAmericasexposesittotheradiosignals
of theentirehemisphere.
blockade,young
Despitethevirtualcommercial
Cubanscontinue
tobe up on theTop40 andthedancestylesinvogueinthe
UnitedStates.
In contrast
Cuba has hadno officialart.A
withothersocialistcountries,
look at theliterature,
plasticarts,and musiccreatedoverthelast30 years
reflects
theassimilation
of contemporary
currents
of talentsand thespace
art.Socialistrealismis simplyone
granted
toexperimental
andavant-garde
ofmanyschoolsofart,notan official
"stateart."Deficiencies
intheareaof
culturehave had muchmoreto do withadministrative
mechanisms
and
44
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
confusion
thanwithanynarrowpoliticalphilosophy.
In additionto greater
incultural
participation
fortheordinary
activities
citizen,
thepoliticalculture
incorporates
diversity
and a senseof whatis newwiththevaluesthatare
worthy
inartistic
creation.
One finalaspectofthenewcivility
is socialcontrolandresponsibility
in
thefaceofviolationsofthepublicorder.In contrast
totheindifference
that
prevailedin theprerevolutionary
period,citizenvigilanceovercrimehas
emerged,in the framework
of some revolutionary
as an
organizations,
expressionof a moreresponsibleand participatory
conceptof life in a
collectivity.
To a largeextent,
thisphenomenon
is anexpression
ofa cultural
pattern
moresensitive
tothesocialorder.Otheraspectsofitarespontaneous
formsof communalorganization
at theneighborhood
level thathave no
equivalents
inLatinAmerica.
anywhere
In summary,
politicalcultureis realizedin manyloci. Workplaces,
schools,neighborhoods,
andpoliticalandmassorganizations
all playa role
intheprocessofsocialization.
Individual
citizensfeelinvolvedinallofthese
social arenas,whichofferthemopportunities
foranddemandfromthema
highlevelofdedication
andcommitment.
Thuswe see thereinforcement
of
thepoliticalas partofa continuing
cycle.
A PARTICIPATORY POLITICAL SYSTEM
The rhythm
and themodalitiesof thebeginning
of participation
in the
politicalprocesshavebeenconditioned
byconjunctural
andstructural
factors
inherent
inthesocialisttransition
anditsnational
character.
Participation
has
beendecisivenotonlybecauseoftheimportance
ofpopularsupport
forthe
fulfillment
of economicand social transformation
and of thedefenseof
nationalsovereignty
butalsobecauseofthekeyroleitplaysinthetransmissionof newvalues,norms,and regulatory
of citizenaction.At
procedures
thesametime,thepossibility
of thisparticipation
has beenmaintained
by
theconstant
renewalofthepopularconsensusthathashelpedtherevolutionarypoliticalleadership
toconfront
thedangersofformalism.
Entering
its fourth
decade,therevolution
exhibitsveryhighlevels of
popularinvolvement
in itsparticipatory
mechanisms.
Forexample,in 1989
theComitesde Defensade la Revolucion(Committees
fortheDefenseof
theRevolution,
CDRs), involvedinvarioustasksintheareasofhealthcare,
volunteer
education,
citizensecurity,
andothersocialactiviwork,defense,
ties,had6.5 millionmembers,
84 percent
oftheCubanpopularepresenting
tionover14 yearsofage. The Federacionde MujeresCubanas(Federation
of Cuban Women,FMC), withits orientation
towardthepromotion
and
Hernmndez
andDilla /POLITICAL CULTURE
45
representation
oftheinterests
ofwomen,attracted
3.1 million,
80 percent
of
theadultfemalepopulation.
Theunions,
unitedintheCentral
deTrabajadores
de Cuba (CubanWorkers'
Federation,
CTC), hada membership
ofabout3
millionworkers,
a littlemorethan99 percent
ofthenationaltotal.Millions
ofothers
invarioussocialorganizations
wereparticipating
(forfarmworkers,
students,
and so on) and in whatcan be considereda testcase forany
democratic
system,
theMilitiasde TropasTerritoriales
(popularmilitias).
The creation
oftheOrganosLocales del PoderPopular(Local Organsof
People'sPower,OLPP) andin particular
itslocal branchesin 1976 opened
theway forcitizenparticipation
in theselectionof representatives
in local
andthesystematic
oftheirrepresentational
government
control
In
behavior.
theelectionof 1986,a totalof6.7 millionpeople(almost98 percentofthe
casttheirballots,whilein October19885.2 million,or
eligiblepopulation)
about77 percentof the populationover 16, tookpartin accountability
assemblies,
thepublicmeetings
heldbiannually
toassesstheperformance
of
thelocal authorities
in satisfying
theneedsofthepopulation.
Finally,the Communist
Partyand the Union de JovenesComunistas
in 1986ofmorethan
(UnionofCommunist
Youth,UJC)hada membership
1.1 million,
orabout16 percent
ofthepolitically
activepopulation.
These numbersmay not tell us verymuchaboutthe qualityof this
as thecapacityofthecitizentodiscussthemaking
understood
participation,
ofpublicpolicy,tocriticize
thatpolicy,andtobe activeinitsimplementation.
Fromthiswe derivetwoanalyses,moreto identify
theproblems
associated
withthesubjectthantooffer
definitive
conclusions.
The magnitude
andsociopolitical
impactof theparticipatory
processin
andso is thefactthatitis muchmorecomprehensive
than
Cuba areevident,
elsewhere
onthecontinent-but
suchcomparisons
canbe sterile.In thefirst
to recoverforthedebatea premisethatis almost
place, it is appropriate
self-evident:
as inall contemporary
inCuba
societies,politicalparticipation
hasitslimitations.
Thenatureoftheselimitations
(oratleastoftheireffects)
can be foundin theprincipal
andinthenationalpress:
politicaldocuments
thepersistence
ofinformation,
weaknessesinthesubsystem
bureaucratism,
ofa certainmarginalization
ofsomesocialgroups,excessiveadministrative
ofparticipatory
ofthe
mechanisms
as a consequence
underuse
centralization,
traumatic
ofold stylesof"politicking,"
andso on.To whatextent
rejection
theselimiations
are "objective"or "subjective"is notalwayseasy to say.
obstacleis usuallymorediffihas demonstrated
thata "subjective"
History
cultto removeby forceof politicalwill thanone classifiedas "objective."
Moreinteresting
tous is thatmanyoftheselimitations,
evenwhentheycan
be publiclyexplainedas "distortions"
andinfactaresuchwithrespecttothe
haveto do withcontradicoriginalpurposesof anyparticipatory
structure,
46
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
tionsinherent
in thesocialisttransformation
andtheconcreterealityofthe
construction
of a politicalsystemthat,althoughinspiredby thebest of
theories,
facesthedifficult
testofdailylife.
The construction
of democracyin Cuba is notan exercisein constitutionalengineering
supported
bya centuries-old
institutional
tradition
but
an all-encompassing
nationalindeprojectof socialjustice,development,
pendence,and participatory
openingmarkedby thepositiveand negative
elementsofthepoliticalcultureandarisingfromone oftheso-calledweak
In thiscontext,it is scarcelynecessaryto
linksof capitalistdomination.
mention
thevariableof externalaggression,
whichin theCubancase has
meantconfronting
in all kindsofwaysthehostility
oftheNorthAmerican
superpower.
To whatextentthislatteris involvedinmanyofthelimitations
remainsto be examined,
mentioned
buthistorically
war,armedsubversion
andpropaganda,
economicaggression,
andso forth,
havenotgonehandin
handwithdemocratic
theCuban
excellence.In themidstofsuchadversity,
Revolution
hasgradually
beenabletoexpandopportunities
forparticipation
whatis officially
andto incorporate
intoitsprogram
called"thecontinuing
of socialistdemocracy."
It willbe impossibleto detailall ofthe
perfection
to thisresult,butall of themcouldbe
manyfactorsthathavecontributed
describedin termsof two key dimensions:the individual'scapacityto
andthepossibility
ofhisdoingso.
participate
The firstdimension
has itsimmediate
inwhathas beencalleda
referent
processof "liberation
fromsubjectivity"
implicitin socioeconomicand
thatinvolvesthedestruction
politicaltransformation
orerosionofa seriesof
relationships
ofoppressive
power-withinthecommunity,
in management,
in the family,in education,betweenraces,and so on-that permeated
prerevolutionary
society.
At thesametime,itis also interesting
to examinethecharacter
andthe
oftherevolutionary
breadth
politicalcallforparticipation.
Broadlyspeaking,
"politics"is anypublicdecision-making
withreference
tothemanactivity
In a morerestricted
agementofcollectiveentities.
sense,it is thestruggle
betweenclasses and social sectorsover power,particularly
statepower.
thatis usedinofficialdiscourseandin the
Usuallyitis thelatterdefinition
Cuban social sciences, and this is why numerousorganizationsand
citizens'groupsarecalled "social" whenin facttheyarepolitical.Thisis
no accident.A good partof revolutionary
has beencharacterized
history
by politico-ideological
and fromthisarisestheassumption
confrontation,
onthepartofbothapologists
anddetractors
thatcitizenparticipation
inCuba
constitutes
a validanddirectconfirmation
ofpolitico-ideological
identificationwiththesystem-that
is,thatparticipation
andideologicalidentification
aredirectly
Infact,itwouldnotbeveryrealistic
related.
todenytherelevance
HemandezandDilla /POLMCAL CULTURE
47
ofthepolitico-ideological
ofthecitizenry
identification
withthevaluesof
thesystemas a catalystto participation,
butneither
woulditbe realisticto
attempt
toreduceparticipation
tofullunderstanding
ofthosevalues.In fact,
thepoliticalcallforparticipation
oftherevolution
hasbeensufficiently
broad
andautochthonous
in itsobjectivesandvalues-social justice,increasein
thestandard
ofliving,development,
nationalsovereignty-and
initsorganizationalaspectstoinvolvepeopleandsectorswhosenormsandaspirations
do notcoincideexactlywiththeideologicalendsofthesystem.
One testofCubandemocracy
is undoubtedly
popularparticipation
inthe
militias,whichdefenda nationalindependence
thatwas realizedunder
socialismbutis atthesametimeanelement
oflocalpoliticalculture
nomatter
whattheprevailing
ideology.At thesametime,thenotionof a volunteer
rather
thana professional
armyis notalientotheCubanhistorical
tradition,
thewarsof liberation
from1868 to 1959 havingbeenconducted
by troops
of thiskind.Similarly,
the participation
of neighborsin tasksof social
import-ahospital,
a child-care
center,
ora housingproject-isdifficult
to
reducetoanyideologicalcharacteristic
ofthecitizen,
beinginfactmotivated
byothervariablesranging
froma senseof belongingto a community
to a
generalsensitivity
tocollectiveneeds.
In summary,
politicalideologyis reflected
inparticipation,
andtherevolutionas a processaffects
thepoliticalculture,
whichis manifested
invarious
forms
ofsocialaction.
CITIZENS, MECHANISMS, AND AREAS OF PARTICIPATION
Everyonerealizeshisor herdailylifeinvarioussettings-thecenterof
workorstudy,
theneighborhood,
andso on-and in eachofthesethereare
specializedmechanisms
ofparticipation
from
thosethatareselective
ranging
and preciselydefinedideologically,
such as a cell of the Partyor the
Communist
Youth,to othersin whichideologyis of no greatimportance,
such as the neighborhood
council.The intensity
of daily life in Cuba
confronts
citizens
withmorethanoneareaandnumerous
andinformal
formal
mechanisms
ofparticipation,
withtheresultthattheirpoliticalinvolvement
acquiresa multifaceted
character
andis notalwaysbalancedwithregardto
thequalityofparticipation
ineacharea.Forexample,a womanwhois active
inherworkplaceas a unionmember
mayatthesametimeparticipate
inthe
Committee
forDefense,theFederation
ofWomen,
theneighborhood
council,
thecouncilofherchildren's
school,ormore.In addition
shemayparticipate
in activitiesrelatedto People's Power and the militiaand in informal
activities
of supportand directdemocracy.
Even assumingthatin each of
48
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTVES
linefunctions
andthatin someshedoes so
thesemechanisms
sheperforms
inaccordance
withherpersonalmotivations,
thislistsuggests
onlyformally,
a veryactiveparticipant
indeed.Moreover,
thisis a hypothetical
personwho
is neither
involvedin thePartyortheCommunist
Youthnorstudying
(as is
oftheadultpopulation).
one-third
Theideathateverycitizencanbe anactive
in everyorganization
and settingis attractive
butprobablynot
participant
veryrealistic.
This presentsa verycomplexproblemthatis as yet unresolvedby
thata citizenmay
contemporary
Cubansociology:withsuchdiverserelations
inwhichdaily
maintain
withthevariousareasandparticipatory
mechanisms
life unfolds,whatmakesan individualmoreactivein one area thanin
another?
We couldcomeupwitha seriesofhypothetical
answers,
certainly
no one sufficient
in andofitself.One thingthatmeritssomestudy,
then,is
withthat
theparticipatory
qualityof each area and mechanism,
beginning
as an activeand notsimplya formal
whichcan generateself-recognition
indecisions.
participant
As a meansof exploring
this,we maycomparetwobasic participatory
areasofpresent-day
Cubansociety,
comtheworkplaceandtheresidential
and specifically
thetwo organizations
munity,
withinthesethatchannel
thelaborunionsandthemunicipal
participation,
organsofPeople'sPower.
In everyCubanworkplace,participation
is linkedin someway to the
unionorganization,
theaimbeingthegradualdevelopment
offorms
existing
ofadministrative
andan increaseinproduction
andproductivity.
partnership
withthe13thCongressoftheCTC in 1973,a setofmechanisms
Beginning
has beenrefined
thatinvolvestheinternal
democratization
oftheunionsby
meansoftheperiodicelectionofmembers
toleadership
positions,
oversight
oftheirworkbythemembership,
andtherightofthemembership
to recall
them.The effect
has beentoopenup an areaoffreediscusionofproblems
internal
totheorganization
ineachunitthrough
periodicassembliesandthe
righttocriticize.
thecontent
ofproperty
inthiscountry
andthenature
Although
relations
ofpolitics(andpoliticalstyle)infactlimitthepossibility
ofmajorconflicts
betweenlaborand management,
thisdoes notmeanthattheirrelations
are
In facta seriesof mechanisms
entirely
harmonious.
has been designedto
defendtheeveryday
interests
ofworkers,
amongthemtheworkers'
councils
(electedbyandmadeupofworkers
andcalledupontoresolvelabordisputes)
and practicessuch as theallocationby theworkers'assemblyof scarce
consumer
goods(householdappliances,
motorvehicles)in accordancewith
the merits(in termsof labor) of applicants.Finally,a systemof highly
centralized
mechanisms
ofpartnership
planning
havebeencreatedtoenable
workersandtheirrepresentatives
to takean activerolein decisionmaking
HemandezandDilla /POLITICAL CULTURE
49
in relationto theplan. Underthisheadingfall the
and implementation
production
andserviceassembliesheldperiodically
ineachunit,theparticipationofunionleadersinmanagement
councils,theparticipation
ofworkers
in thedesignand/or
application
oftechnological
innovations,
andso on.
Thisinventory
is ofcourseincomplete,
butitwillsuffice
toreveala very
intenseandcomplexparticipatory
framework
in theenterprise
anda power
As
in Cubanunionsthatis difficult
to findin otherpartsof thecontinent.
mighthavebeenexpected,
however,
inreallifenotall ofthesemechanisms
appearto havebeenequallysuccessfulin practice,andthishas turnedthe
intoan areaof insufficient
withrespectnot
Cubanenterprise
participation
be desirablebutalso towhatwas planned.
onlytowhatmight
The mostrelevantshortcomings
of the
probablylie in thefunctioning
offorms
ofadminmechanisms
aimedatthedevelopment
above-mentioned
istrative
partnership.
This is no accident:whatis at issue is preciselythe
ina verysensitiveaspectoftheeconomyandits
openingup ofparticipation
planningwhose variablescannotalways be controlledby the forceof
neither
can all thecausesofthepartialfrustrapoliticalwill.Butapparently
tionof thisprojectbe relegated
to theinaccessiblesphereof thenecessary
andtheobjective.
The employment
of production
and serviceassembliesto controlthe
progress
oftheeconomicmanagement
plangoes backto thebeginnings
of
ineconomicdecision
therevolution.
Giventhehighdegreeofcentralization
making,
theimpactoftheseassemblieshasbeenlimited
tothecreation
ofan
intheproducers/owners
economicconsciousness
ofthemeansofproduction.
After1976, with the implementation
of the Sistema de Direccion y
Planificacion
de la Economia(Systemof Directionand Planningof the
Economy,
SDPE)-which involvedlargedosesofmanagerial
autonomy
and
decisionmaking-theseassemblieswerecalledupontobecomean axisofa
moreambitious
practiceof partnership
hailedby the14thCongressof the
CTC in 1978.Whereasin thatyearproduction
andserviceassembleswere
heldin only65 percentofworkplaces,
by 1985 thefigurewas 97 percent.
Subsequent
appraisals
bythe15th(1984) andthe16th(1990) Congresshave
thatthisis morea matter
ofquantitative
thanofqualitaindicated,
however,
tiveadvance.
Justas theSDPE's program
ofdecentralization
was realizedonlyinpart,
in morethanone case withunwanted
thegoal ofdemocratizing
the
results,
economicplan was erodedby bureaucratic-centralist
and the
tendencies,
mechanismsintendedto effectit fell victimto the evils of formalism.
Discussionof theplan withtheworkerswas regularly
based on general
and detachedfromthe daily
figureslackingany practicalconcreteness
activityof theworkers;moreover,
theydid not includevital economic
50
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
The opinionsand
measuresand reachedtherankand fileonlybelatedly.
hadno greatimpacton thefinaldesigns,andthe
suggestions
oftheworkers
generated,
a proposaltendednottobe offered
factthatreasonsforrejecting
inthe15thCongress,
"a justifiable
irritation
on
according
totheparticipants
The unionnewspaper
was muchmoreconclusive:
thepartoftheworkers."
bya tendency
"Theplanning
oftheeconomyinCubahasbeencharacterized
towardbureaucratization
andformality."
fromthe public
Althoughreliableempiricalevidenceis insufficient,
evaluation
carriedoutso faritis possibletoconcludethattheresultsmaybe
in enterprises
thatare largerand probablyhave a more
moresatisfactory
and
thanin smalleronesandinadministrative
deeplyrootedlabortradition
takingplace
serviceunits.In anycase,theprocessofchangethatis currently
signsof a politicalwill
in the country-known
as rectification-shows
conditions
andprocedirectedmoretowardthecreationof organizational
of management,
creationof
duresexternalto theunions(decentralization
inthecontrol
ofproduction,
etc.)as wellas within
newareasofparticipation
them(debureaucratization,
ofa moreactiveunionrole,emerdevelopment
and quantitative
genceof newleadership)thatshouldlead to a qualitative
expansionoftheexistingareasofparticipation.
a complex
constitutes
area,thecommunity,
The secondparticipatory
with
political
goals,
some
very
specific
framework
ofdiverseorganizations,
mass
withsocialadvancement,
somewitha
base and
othersmoreconcerned
othersconfinedto specificsocial sectors.Amongthese,some(e.g., CDR,
FMC) arenationalinscope,butalongwiththesethereis a seriesofvoluntary
councils,clubs for
associationsincludingschool councils,neighborhood
associationsof
professional
associations,
youngpeopleandfortheelderly,
The
recreational
and
cultural
councils,
groups, others.
handicapped
persons,
in
and
to
which
these
associations
are
into
related
incorporated
politics
way
of
an
of
has
not
been
examined.
Instead
inventory
eachother
providing
yet
thisframework,
we will examinein some detailtheinstitutions
therefore,
axis of the majorityof Cuban
thatmaybe consideredtheparticipatory
thoseon the
thelocal organsof People'sPower,specifically
communities:
level.
municipal
the participatory
processgenerated
Althoughnot freeof difficulties,
aroundPeople'sPowerseemstodaytoshowa balanceofsignificant
success,
withitsambitious
theinevitably
design,in confronting
despitethecontrast
ofcitizens.Someofthevariousreasonsforthisare
complex"diffuse
rights"
lifeand,after
the
historical-for
ofCubanmunicipal
example,theprecedent
withPoderLocal (Local
of theCDR andthebriefexperiment
revolution,
Power)-butwe do notbelievethattheycanbe reducedtothese.By wayof
Hernmndez
andDilla /POLMCAL CULTURE
51
we might
thathave
a hypothesis
pointtoothers
(ofcourseopentodiscussion)
todo withthedesignoftheprojectitself.
structures
and
In thefirst
place,theverysimplicity
ofthegovemmental
mechanismsand the sense of nativenessabout themhave
participatory
ofthemon thepartofcitizens.In the
facilitated
leamingandinternalization
inthiscombination
ofdirect
ofpractices
secondplace,andcloselyrelated,
withpractices
oftechnicalrepresentative
that
ones,itis thefirst
democracy
to theprinciplesof the
are preeminent
by virtueof a certainattachment
imperative
mandate,whichat thesame timeassumesdynamicflowsof
of
anddescending)
andconsiderable
demystification
information
(ascending
thetechno-bureaucracy.
Lastly,thetowncouncilwas endowedwiththe
totransform
demandsintopublicpoliciesandtogenerate
powersnecessary
sufficient
itsownlegitimacy.
outputtoreproduce
Thisexplainsthemassparticipation
inthePeople'sPowerorganizations
atthegrassroots
levelwithin
onlya littlemorethandecadeofitsintroduction.
Inaddition
toelectoral
behavior,
thepopularresponsetothevariouscallsfor
ThecycleofaccountabilofPeople'sPoweris highlyrelevant.
participation
ityassembliesin 1980 (endingin October)includeda totalof 21,186
neighborhood
assemblies,
attended
by5.2 millionpeople,a littlemorethan
70 percentof thepopulation
over16 yearsof age. Fromtheseassemblies
arosemorethan100,000ideas,64 percent
ofwhichhadtodowitheightitems
of basic consumer
in theareasof publicservices,retailtrade,production
ofthiscycle
andeducation.
Attheheight
goods,transportation,
publichealth,
or
of neighborhood
therehad accumulated
meetings
(frompriormeetings
fromindividual
a totalof
contactsofvoterswiththeircityrepresentatives)
of
ofwhich75 percent
weremeteither
withassignments
458,000demands,
were
material
resources
orwithorganizational
andexplanations
measures,
offeredto the affected
citizenswithregardto the issues thatremained
Thisis not,however,
tosaythattheresponses
unresolved.
oftheadministrativeagencieshavealwaysbeensufficient
tothedemandsofthepopulation.
Ofcourse,iftheappraisalofPeople'sPoweris limitedtothesefigures
it
willbe reducedtoa benefactor
statusthatcertainly
couldnothavestoodthe
testoftimein a societyinwhichdemandsincreaseandgrowmorecompliIt is no exaggeration
catedas thebasic needsare satisfied.
to say thatits
has lain in its havingfosteredactiveparticipation
effectiveness
by the
inverydissimilar
tasks.On theonehand,People'sPowerdirectly
population
communicates
withthecommunity's
institutional
framework
andfromthis
without
detriment
of eachinstitution,
a
generates,
to thespecificfunctions
setofactionsofsupport,
andmobilization.
Logically,
thepossibilcriticism,
among
ityofdoingthiswithmoreorlesssuccessdependsonvariousfactors,
52
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
themthecapacityofneighborhood
leaderstoachieveflexibleandconsensual
callsforparticipation,
butitis necessary
tonotethatprobably
inthisinstance
thepotential
is greater
thantheactuality.
On theotherhand,People'sPower
offers
theordinary
citizenthepossibility
ofcarrying
outtasksandassuming
functions
ofhighquality.
In fact,morethan13,000peopleserveas delegates
tomunicipal
andthefunctions
assemblies,
oftheseassembliesinvolvemany
ordinary
peopleintaskssuchas inspections
andtheelaboration
ofproposals
considered
vitaltocommunity
life.Itis calculatedthatinOctober1987some
1,900 commissionsassignedto theseassembliesproducedsome 4,000
reports
andofficial
opinionsinvolving
theworkofmorethan20,000people.
Obviouslythisoptimistic
perspectiveaboutcommunity
participation
cannotbe applieduniformly
Theresults
acrossthenationalspectrum.
ofthis
projecthavebeenmoremarkedinthesmallercommunities
thaninthelarge
cities.Herethereseemstobe a convergence
offactors
suchas theaccumulationofproblems
thataremoredifficult
tosolveas a consequence
ofa policy
ofregionaldevelopment
thattendstoprivilegetheinterior
to thedetriment
ofthecapitalandcertain
oftheinstitutional
peculiarities
designoftheOLPP
thatfacilitate
moreefficient
performance
bythelocalauthorities
ofsmalland
medium-sized
communities.
Probably,
otherfactors
oflongstandhowever,
ingintervene
as well,amongthemtheexistenceof a moresolidandmore
deeplyrootedcommunity
tradition,
especiallyinthemoredenselypopulated
centralmunicipalities
intheprovinces
thaninthecapital.Theveryterms
by
whichthelocal organsaredesignated
is an indication
ofthisdifference:
the
people of Havana call it People's Power,whilethepeopleof theinterior
to call it"thegovernment."
prefer
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
Thepoliticalculture
ofCubanstodayreproduces
andamplifies
a historical
tradition
at thesametimeas itis nourished
bythefundamental
changesthe
revolution
has wrought.To whatextentis thisculture,bearerof active
elements
thataffect
forfullrealization
an opportunity
participation,
finding
inthefunctioning
ofthepoliticalsystem?
In otherwords,givena (political)
cultural
toparticipation,
hasanorganic,
predisposition
institutional,
systema mobilized,
atic,nationalparticipation
or,better,
direct,localparticipation
beenachieved?Aretheinstitutions
andorganizations
effective
vehiclesfor
How shouldtheybe structured
participation?
tocapture
andinterconnected
without
themodesofparticipation
ofcitizens?How is a system
duplicating
of participation
to be constructed
at distinctlevels while preserving
its
andat thesametimeconforming
genuinelegitimacy
to theactualpolitical
HernandezandDilla /POLITICAL CULTURE
53
ofcitizens?How is ittobe definedandmadeconcrete
(cultural)experience
an institutionalized
participatory
in thecontextof thenewCubancivility,
democracy?
and
participation
is,obviously,
thelinkbetween
Another
cardinalproblem
areasof
is notsimplyto haveaccess)to multiple
realpower.To participate
discussionbuttocontribute
todecisionmakingintheseareas.Participation
is relatively
high;inpoliticaldecisionsandtheir
indiscussionandexecution
directdemocracy
less. Underideal conditions,
controlit is considerably
suchas
of a country
wouldsolvetheproblem.In theactualcircumstances
of a numberof important
aspectsof policy-making
Cuba, centralization
Theproblem
functioning
of
seemstobe a necessity.
is rootedintheeffective
thedistinct
anddecisionmakingandespeciallyinthe
levelsofparticipation
correlation
andtheGovemment.
between"thegovernment"
thathas been developingsince 1986 has
The processof rectification
ofsuch
ofthedeficiencies
tothecriticalexamination
helpedtocall attention
It has been
basic organsas thoseof theOLPP andtheNationalAssembly.
and
fromformalism
pointedoutthatthesystemof People'sPowersuffers
as
otherinadequaciesandthattheAsambleaNacional(NationalAssembly),
and
of popularpower,shouldbe moreeffective
thelargestrepresentation
activeinitsdebatesandinitscapacitytocontrol
theorgansofthestatewith
mainproblems.
The FourthCongressofthe
theaimofsolvingthecountry's
Communist
popularcontrolovergovernmental
Partyhas calledforgreater
activities
(PCC, 1990: 16).
Finally,it mustbe notedthattheveryevolutionof citizens'political
the
modified
culture
hasessentially
impactoftherevolution
underthestrong
andpopularpowerin
conditions
democracy
fortheexerciseofparticipatory
ofitsideologicaldiversity,
sharesa
Cuba.TheCubancitizenry,
independent
historical
experience
bomofthecountry's
singular
complexpoliticalculture
and developedandrefined
overthreedecadesandhas achieveda superior
or constructed
Thesevalues,reinforced
capacityforpoliticaldiscernment.
of potential
substrate
process,are the fundamental
by the revolutionary
change.
NOTES
categories
basedondescriptive
to"civicculture,"
1. Thistermisnottobe takenas equivalent
and stability
(see Almondand
democracy,
rationalbureaucracy,
pluralist
suchas civicvirtue,
Verba,1963:4-11).
history
ofa groupofCreolesofvarious
2. See Vitier(1982). Thispoemrelatesthesingular
Jews,Dutch-in theareaoftheeasternport
Italians,Portuguese,
nationalorigins-Spaniards,
TheCreolesmugglers
lawsoncommercial
monopoly.
whodefiedthecolonialist
ofManzanillo,
54
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
The
a bandofpiratesthathadkidnapped
thebishopJuande las CabezasAltamirano.
confronted
heroofthepoemis theblackslaveSalvadorGolom6n,whosucceedsinfreeing
thebishopand
killingthepirates'captain,theFrenchman
GilbertoGir6n.
3. In theUnitedStatesJohnF. Kennedy,
in 1960,was thefirstpresident
to makeeffective
politicaluse oftelevision
(see Goodwin,1988).
4. In Cuba medicalattention
and hospitalcare,educationat all levels,athleticclubsand
events,andfunerals,
amongotherservices,
arefree,andpricesarelowforbooks,cultural
events
andentertainment,
basicfoodstuffs,
housing(as a proportion
ofincome),andpublictransport.
5. The denunciation
ofveiledformsof discrimination
affecting
blacks,women,andyouth
in certainleadersclearlyreflects
and thecriticism
of nepotism
and corruption
assaultson the
valueofequality(see PCC, 1986).
6. The prevailingwage policyin Cuba allows the wages fordifferent
occupationsto
tomention
a
differ-for
workermayearnmorethana professor-not
example,a construction
skilledworker
suchas a carpenter
oran electrician.
A mastercraftsman
ora professional
(with
thepossibleexception
ofdoctors)doesnotnecessarily
livebetter
thana laborer.
The incomeof
a peasantlandowner
and hisfamilywholivein a remotearea andgenerally
lackmanyofthe
servicesavailableinthecityis certainly
thanthatofanystateemployee,
andthechildren
higher
ofsucha peasantfamily
On theotherhand,a youthbornin
maywellbecomedoctorsorartists.
in a citysuchas Havana,withaccess to all thesocial
a predominantly
blackneighborhood
servicesjust mentioned
(especiallyeducation),is morelikelyto fallintoantisocialbehavior
In summary,
thanthesonof an agricultural
(delinquency)
workerlivingin a ruralcommunity.
theassessment
ofdifferences
inthequalityofliferequires
broader
elaboration
andinterpretation.
REFERENCES
Almond,G. andS. Verba
1963 TheCivicCulture.Princeton:
Princeton
Press.
University
Goodwin,Richard
1988RememberingAmerica.
Boston:Little,Brown.
PCC (PartidoComunista
de Cuba)
1986Documentos
del TercerCongreso.Havana.
1990Llamamiento
al IV Congreso.Havana:EditoraPolitica.
Vitier,
Cintio
1982Lo cubanoen la poesia. Havana:LetrasCubanas.