CONSTRUCTINGTHENATION AL PAST DURING THE

CONSTRUCTING
THE
T H EN A T I O N A L PAST
DURING
ENLIGHTENMENT:
T H E CASES O F L I T H U A N I A , BELARUSSIA, U K R A I N E A N D SLOVAKIA
LIUDAS GLEMŻA
ISSN 1392-0588
2013.60
S U M M A R Y . The ideas of the Age of Enlightenment opened the way to the centralization and
th
unification of the state territories in the 18 century. These trends became a great challenge in
th
the construction of historical past for the national states established in the 20 century which
saw the continuity of their national history since the Middle Ages till the national movements
of the 19
th
century. For this reason, the Age of Enlightenment is most often seen as a transi­
tional period. The article focuses on the events of the 18
lh
century portrayed in the national
history syntheses of the four states. It is observed that in the national historiographies of the
analysed countries, selected historical events are attributed a greater significance than they really
had and tend to be identified with the later processes.
K E Y W O R D S : Age of Enlightenment, national historiography, national awakening, PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, Kingdom of Hungary.
th
The Age o f Enlightenment opened the way to the state expansion i n the 1 8 cen­
tury, followed by the processes o f centralization and unification, w h i c h included
1
the regions with different traditions, language, social and educational spheres .
Although the processes i n Western and East Central Europe were not absolutely
identical, some tendencies were c o m m o n to all Europe. C o m m o n l y , the Enlight­
2
enment is perceived as the age o f spread o f cosmopolitan ideas . However, Johann
Gotfried Herders conception o f those times w h i c h "emphasized the uniqueness
of every nation culture and the equal right o f each nation to preserve and develop
3
its own traditions i n its o w n distinctive way" is perceived as an exception rather
1
The article is written according to the rcscatch project "Central and Eastern European Region: Research
of the Construction of National Narratives and Politics of Memory (1989-2011)" - VP 1-3.1-ŠMM-07-K02-024 - sponsored by the Programme for Human Resources Development for 2007-2013 "Support to
Research Activities of Scientists and Other Researchers (Global Grant)".
2
Pig. K. O'Brien, Narratives of Enlightenment: Cosmopolitan History from Voltaire to Gibbon, Cambridge,
2004, p. 1-4.
3
H . B. Nisbct, Herder: the Nation in History, National history and Identity: Approaches to the Writing of Na­
tional History in the Nortb-East Baltic Region Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, cd. M . Branch, Helsinki,
l6l
L
LIUDAS GLEMŽA
than a typical phenomenon o f the period. U l r i c h i m H o f said that the states o f the
th
1 8 century were not national, but their "sleeping" nationality was felt everywhere
4
and erupted later . A British historian Thorn M u n c k explains that "the 'nationalist'
approach to the Enlightenment is bound to have its limitations. Nonetheless, it has
been established beyond reasonable doubt that the Enlightenment was Europeanwide, and that its main strands at least after mid-century were not all French5
inspired". Thus i n the general context o f the period, the national historiographies
o f the "new nations" face the problem o f relating the shared European and inter­
national (typical to ethnically diverse states) achievements o f the period w i t h the
national history. Differently from Western Europe, i n East Central Europe, the
state territory was not inhabited by ethnically homogenous communities i n the
18
th
century.
A l t h o u g h the construction o f the national histories, especially the Central and
East European visions o f the past before the formation o f the modern nations i n
th
the 1 9 century, is often criticized, the existence o f the national narratives cannot
be neglected. Miroslav H r o c h argued that the attitude o f the 1 9
th
century French
peasant to France o f the M i d d l e Ages d i d not differ from the attitude o f the Slo­
6
vak peasant to the history o f the Hungarian K i n g d o m . T o paraphrase, it can be
said that the relation o f the Polish and the! Lithuanian peasants w i t h the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth ruled by the nobility matched, but differed from the
position o f the Lithuanian or the Belarusian nobleman who joined the national
revival o f the Lithuanians and the Belarusians. The meaning o f the 1 8
th
century
concepts o f "Poland" and "Lithuania" were completely different from their 2 0
th
7
century usage . The states were not yet national, but ruled by the nobility and the
monarchs. Therefore, not only "small", but also "big" nations create the visions o f
the past, adapting the historical events to their needs.
In the descriptions o f the national visions of the past, a particular attention is
paid to the threats o f the ethno-centric model. R a y m o n d Pearson states that "all
nations o f Central and Eastern Europe undergo a three-phase career: an initial
cultural flowering or " G o l d e n Age"; suppression o f identity and promise at for­
eign hands; and an "Awakening" to ultimate fulfilment as a modern nation-state.
The more tardy the awakening nation, the more desperate was its campaign for
1999, p. 78.
4
U . im Hof, Švietimo epochos Europa, Vilnius, 1996, p. 86.
5
T. Munck, The Enlightenment: A Comparative Social History 1721-1794, London, 2000, p. 3.
6
M . Hroch, Historical Belles-Lettres as a Vehicle of the Image of National History, National History and
Identity... p. 98.
7
Richard Butterwick, The Polish Revolution and the Catholic Church, 1788-1792: a Political History, N . Y.,
Oxford University press, 2012, p. xvi-xvii.
162
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respectability, expressed i n an u n b l i n k i n g regard for nationalist precedent and a
8
slavish adherence to the internationally - established template o f nation-building" .
According to this view, the Enlightenment is an intermediary age between the
Golden A g e and the national revival, or chronologically, a period on the brink o f
the national revival.
The article focuses o n the four national states w h i c h formed i n the 2 0
t h
century.
The nations have their distinctive historical path, heritage and different interpreta­
tions o f the continuity o f the national history. However, i n the consciousness o f the
th
majority o f their citizens, the second half o f the 1 8 century seems o f secondary
importance i n comparison to earlier or later times. In Lithuania, w h i c h declared
the restoration o f independence i n 1918 and the continuity o f traditions o f the
th
G r a n d D u c h y o f Lithuania, the events o f the second half o f the 1 8 century are still
viewed as foreign even among some historians.
Professional historiographies o f Belarus, Ukraine, Slovakia and Lithuania
formed only after the W W I , thus are among the youngest i n Europe. W i t h the
help o f the history science, the mentioned nations had to form and ground their
identity and find place i n the European history. Another c o m m o n feature connect­
ing Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Slovakia is the lack o f the cultural and political
th
metropolis i n the second half o f the 1 8 century w h i c h could have disseminated
9
new ideas . The functions o f metropolis were partly performed by the universities
situated i n the territories o f the present day Lithuania and (temporarily) Slovakia.
For example, the V i l n i u s University was the centre o f the ideas o f Enlightenment i n
the area o f the present day Lithuania and Belarus. It should be noted that the valid­
ity of pretensions o f Belarus and Lithuania to the cultural and territorial heritage o f
the G r a n d D u c h y o f Lithuania is not relevant for the current research. There are far
more disputes over the heritage o f the historical period starting with the formation
of the G r a n d D u c h y o f Lithuania (the G D L ) and lasting until the U n i o n o f L u b l i n
10
in 1569, i n comparison to the discussed e p o c h . In any case, the Lithuanian and
the Belarusian historians cooperate i n their research and discussions. As Gintautas
Sliesoriünas states, the historians o f contemporary Lithuania, Belarus and Poland,
who focus o n the heritage and times o f the G D L , most often agree without greater
R. Pearson, History and Historians in the Service of Nation Building, National History and Identity..,
p. 69.
In the case of the G D L , the central government institutions moved to Warsaw where the ruler resided. "Ihc
joint Diet gathered in the G D L territory only twice (in 1784 and 1793). In the end of the 18th century, the
most prestigious schools (Collegium Nobilium), cultural life and most important state periodicals were in
Warsaw.
Por example: Л . Kpaiutcnii'i, Л . Солспчук, C. TOKTI>, Белорусы: нация нограннчья, Вильнюс, 2011, с. 83-84.
163
LIUDAS GLEMŽA
11
disputes on what is c o m m o n to Lithuania or Belarus or belongs to each c o u n t r y .
Leaving aside all the disputes, we focus on the interpretation o f the past i n the
12
historiographies o f the national states . D r a w i n g on the specific examples, the
research aims at finding the regularities typical to the young historiographies o f
Central and Eastern Europe.
The article discusses the works o f professional historians o f national states,
w h i c h reflect broader visions o f the national history and discuss the events o f the
th
1 8 century. The ideas of Enlightenment reached Central and Eastern Europe later
than other European countries. Their dissemination i n the Lithuanian, Belarusian,
U k r a i n i a n and Slovakian national historiographies began i n the middle o f the 1 8
th
century, or more specifically, w i t h the reforms o f the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n ­
wealth and the Hungarian K i n g d o m .
In Lithuania, as well as i n Belarus, the Age of Enlightenment is associated w i t h
the history and territory o f the G D L by dividing it into the owned or alien spaces.
A s a historian o f philosophy Steponas Tunaitis claims, the Lithuanian and the P o l ­
ish heritage i n the Age o f Enlightenment was c o m m o n . However, the research
o f the Polish historians mostly focuses o n the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h
from a general perspective, thus the cultural and historical traditions o f the G D L
13
"disappear" i n the general context w i t h P o l a n d . A Belarusian historian O l e g Latyszonek attempted to distinguish the features o f the Age o f Enlightenment specific
to the Belarusian heritage; however, the historian agreed that Herders conception
th
14
could not be accepted at that time and shifted attention to the 1 9 century . M o s t
of the attention o f the Ukrainian historiography is devoted to the spread o f ideas
of H u m a n i s m , Renaissance, and Baroque, whereas the Enlightenment is barely
mentioned. Political issues overshadow the spread o f the European ideas o f the
18
th
century w h i c h influenced religious and social changes and affected all ethnic
groups i n East Central Europe. In the Ukrainian case, the lack o f research and the
11
G . Sliesotiimas' review for the study of N . Davies (N. Davies, Vanished Kingdoms: Ihe Rise and Fall of States
and Nations, New York, 2011), Lietuvos istorijos metraštis, 2011, no. 2, Vilnius, 2012, p. 142.
1 2
The focus is on the following interpretations of the national history: H . Sahanowicz, Historia Białorusi: od
czasów najdawniejszych do końca XVIII wieku, Lublin, 2001; N . Jakowcnko, Historia Ukrainy: od cztisów
najdawniejszych do końca XVIII wieku, Lublin, 2000; W. A. Scrczyk, Historia Ukrainy, Wroclaw - Warsza­
wa - Kraków, 2001; J. Hrycak, Historia Ukrainy 1772-1999: narodziny nowoczesnego narodu, Lublin, 2000;
Slovakia In history. Ed. M . Teich, D. Kovac, M . D. Brown, Cambridge, 2011; Z . Kiaupa, J. Kiaupienė,
A. Kuncevičius, Lietuvos istorija iki 1795 т., Vilnius, 1995; M . Jučas, Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė: istori­
jos bruožai, Vilnius, 2010: Z. Kiaupa, Lietuvos istorija: trumpasis XVIII amžius (1733-1795), Vilnius, 2013;
A.Eidintas, A. Bumblauskas, A. Kulakauskas, M . Tamošaitis, Lietuvos istorija, Vilnius, 2012; Папорыя
Бсларуа, t. 3: Беларусь у часы Рсчшюспалнтай (XVII-XVIII ст. ст.), рсл. Ю. Коха», П. Лойка, MiucK,
2004; История Бсмруа.ч. I; А^стАражитныхчасоу - на люты 1917 г., ред. Я. К. Ношка и Г. 1Д. Мариуля,
MiucK, 1998.
13
S. Tunaitis, Apšvietos epochos socialinės ir politinėsfitosojijosmetmenys, Vilnius, 2004, p. 6.
1 4
O. Latyszonck, Białoruskie oświecenie, Białoruskie zeszyty historyczne, nr. 2, 1994, s. 35-45.
164
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repetition o f pervasive stereotypes are especially problematic. Meanwhile, the Slo­
vaks relate the Enlightenment to the national revival w h i c h greatly influenced the
further course o f events i n the 1 9
th
century.
D u r i n g the Soviet and the first years o f the post-Soviet periods, the area o f the
national states was most often presented as homogeneous and dominated by a
single nation. Unfavourable facts were concealed and their importance diminished.
Apart from the discussed countries, similar attitudes were typical i n the historiog­
15
raphies o f other Central and Eastern European states . The tendency, however,
is gradually changing i n Belarus and Lithuania w h i c h identify their past w i t h the
G r a n d D u c h y o f Lithuania. A n exceptional attention o f the U k r a i n i a n and Slovath
kian historiographies to the ethnic history i n the 1 8 century complicates the task.
Still, the existence o f other ethnic and religious communities i n the U k r a i n i a n and
Slovakian territories can also be traced to a certain extent. A s is seen, the national
historiographies are influenced by the attitudes and trends o f the European histo­
riography, especially when publishing the visions o f the national past i n foreign
languages.
The former Soviet space countries were heavily influenced by the historiography
o f the Soviet Russia. Even the concept o f Enlightenment (Apsvietd) was associated
with the Russian translation o f the word {Просвещение, Švietimo epocha). The term
was understood i n a narrower sense as encompassing only changes i n the sphere o f
th
16
education i n the 1 8 century . A s Kristina Mačiulytė observes, although religious
texts were carefully recorded i n the Soviet bibliographical publications, research­
ers were interested only i n their language specificities or some educational and
social aspects. However, there were no attempts to write about the texts them­
17
selves . O n the other hand, specifically during the Soviet period, the interest i n
the events brought by the Age o f Enlightenment i n the education system and their
impact on the development o f society intensified i n Lithuania (as well as i n Belarus
and Ukraine). D u r i n g the interwar period, the educational reforms o f the second
tb
half o f the 1 8 century were viewed as disturbing i n the independent Republic
o f Lithuania because o f the strengthening positions o f the Polish language and
Polonization. The discourse changed i n the second half o f the 2 0
th
century when
professional historiography transferred the cultural threats o f the Polish i n the Age
"
M . Janowski, C . Iordachi, 1). Trcncscnyi, Why Bother About Historical Regions? Debates over Central Eu­
rope in Hungary, Poland and Romania, East Central Europe/ L'Europe du Centre-Est, vol. 32, no. 1-2 (2005),
California, p. 52-53.
1 6
E. Raila, Apšvieti, Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštijos kultūra, Vilnius, 2001, p. 4-1.
1 7
K. Mačiulytė, Viešo ir privataus gyvenimo akcentai Lietuvos Didliosios Kunigaikštystės Apšvictos pamoks­
luose, Vielos ir privačios erdvės XVIII a. Lietuvos Didiiojoje Kunigaikštystėje, editor R. Smigclskytė-Stukicnė,
Vilnius, 2007, р. Кб.
LIUDAS GLEMŽA
th
th
o f Enlightenment to the 1 7 and the first half o f the 1 8 centuries. Similarly, i n the
discussion o f the development o f the Lithuanian writing and language i n the 1 8
th
century, it was maintained that despite the lost contact with the ethnic language
and values, the Lithuanian nobility relied o n the civil tradition o f the G D L and
18
th
thus, o f L i t h u a n i a . A s research shows, i n the 1 9 century, the national identity
and ethnic culture o f Lithuanian peasants was influenced by the nobility culture,
19
w h i c h remained a significant part o f the national identity i n the 2 0 * century . The
research o f the last two decades o f the 2 0
th
century stopped to identify the L i t h u ­
anian ethnic origins with the Lithuanian speaking peasants or small town dwell­
ers. N e w research emphasized the role o f nobility, stressing its importance for the
national and societal development. A negative image o f nobility w h i c h prevailed
i n the works o f the Soviet historians was replaced by the examples o f educated and
patriotic noblemen. A l t h o u g h the romantic myth o f the exceptional role o f peas­
ants and small town dwellers as preservers o f ethnic culture was gradually retreating
from historiography, it remained strong i n the national consciousness. Finally, i n
response to the expectations o f society and alerts about the c o m m o n misconcep­
20
tions , the important components o f the national history, such as the Lithuanian
language, were arranged with greater caution. For example, the issues o f Polonization or denationalization retreated from the key part o f the narrative, finding their
own niche and giving way to the political ideology o f the G r a n d D u c h y o f L i t h u ­
ania. A l t h o u g h there are certain exceptions, they depend o n the interpretation and
addressee. Apart from the nobility culture, Alfredas Bumblauskas distinguishes
the appearance o f the first Lithuanian p r i m e r
the Constitution o f the 3
r d
of M a y
2 2
21
and the Lithuanian translation o f
(although the date o f document translation
remains the object of discussions) as the key components o f the Age o f Enlighten­
ment.
In the generalizing research o f the vision o f the Lithuanian national past, the
influence o f Enlightenment is seen i n the educational reform; the activities and
lh
programs o f schools and the V i l n i u s University i n the second half o f the 1 8 cen­
tury; the printing-houses and printing i n Polish and Lithuanian. A l t h o u g h the pro­
gram o f the French language teaching introduced by the Piarists is mentioned as a
significant event, publications i n other languages are not discussed. The programs
1 8
E. Aleksandravičius, A. Kulakauskas, Carų valdžioje: Lietuva XIX amžiuje, Vilnius, 1996, p. 237.
1 9
S. Pivoras, Lietuvių ir latvių pilietinės savimonės raida: XVIII a. pabaiga - XIXa. pirmoji pusė, Kaunas, 2000,
p. 131.
2 0
A. Nikžentaitis, Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės politinės tautos specifika ir santykis su moderniąja
tauta, Praeities pėdsakais, Vilnius, 2007, p. 139.
21
A. Eidintas, A. Bumblauskas, A. Kulakauskas, M . Tamošaitis, Lietuvos istorija.., p. 88.
2 2
Op. cit., p. 93.
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of centralization o f the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth o f the second half o f the
th
18 century are considered to be extremely dangerous; however, the rights to the
c o m m o n heritage w i t h the K i n g d o m o f Poland are not relinquished. In 2007, some
historians and politicians attempted to emphasize the importance o f the 3
r d
of M a y
to the constitutional legacy o f Lithuania and offered to give the date a symbolic
political significance. However, such attempts provoked strong resistance not only
in part o f society, but also among the historians. W i t h i n a year, the dispute grew
into discussion i n which the historians o f the 1 8
Constitution o f the 3
r d
th
century had to prove that the
o f M a y was a significant document worth exceptional place
in the Lithuanian history i n any case.
The Belarusian historiography is not homogenous, and can be divided into
four
23
or, more generally, two branches: the post-Soviet writing supported by the
government and the national historiography, w h i c h visibly revived at the end o f the
20
th
century and is lead by the G D L historians. In Belarus, like in Lithuania, the
th
narration o f the second half o f the 1 8 century is constructed around the axis o f a
c o m m o n history o f the G D L and the K i n g d o m o f Poland. Similarly, the opposi­
tion to the plans o f centralization and unification o f the Polish-Lithuanian C o m ­
monwealth is emphasized. D r a w i n g o n recent research, the Belarusian historians
describe the economic reforms and the cultural spaces o f the towns in the territory
of the present day Belarus i n greater detail. O n the basis o f the Soviet research,
printings and printing houses (mostly focusing on the Polish, and the RuthenianBelarusian languages), and the positions o f the Uniate and Orthodox churches are
discussed. In addition to the university and schools, the Belarusian scholars dis­
tinguish the residences o f nobility as the centres o f Enlightenment culture, which
contributed significantly to the spread o f innovations in theatre, music, architec­
ture, and art. The specificity o f the Belarusian historiography is probably dictated
by the territorial principle as the largest lands and residencies o f the G D L nobility
were situated in the centre o f the present day Belarus. It should also be noted that
the heritage o f the Soviet tradition is especially important. In the Soviet U n i o n ,
historians were forbidden to go beyond the borders o f the Soviet Republic in their
writings. These Soviet period cliches can still be felt in the work o f the Belarusian
historians. O n the other hand, the heritage o f the national Soviet historiography
and the available data sources also contribute to the current situation. As a result,
during the two decades, relatively few works devoted to the history o f the G r a n d
D u c h y o f Lithuania and encompassing the whole territory o f the old state were
published. After the collapse o f the Soviet U n i o n , a new tendency appeared: i f the
borders o f the present day state arc crossed, the research stops at the quasi ethnical
2 1
Л. Hryckicwicz, lYzcdnimva, in: H . S.ili.inowicz, Historia Białorusi.., s. 8-11.
167
LIUDAS GLEMŽA
borders at Trakai, beyond which, according to some Belarusian historians, starts
24
foreign Samogitia . A l t h o u g h the mentioned perspective is not the only one, it
clearly dominates the Belarusian research. In any case, the multicultural heritage
o f V i l n i u s and its importance for the political and cultural life o f the whole G r a n d
D u c h y o f Lithuania, explains and grounds the expansion o f the historical space
beyond the borders o f the contemporary Belarus i n the works o f the Belarusian
historians.
Although i n Lithuania the tetritorial principle i n the discussions o f the G D L
heritage has long been observed, the question o f G r o d n o was often brought up i n
th
the Soviet period works as i n the research o f the 1 8 century. G r o d n o was often
referred to as the city on the borders o f the ethnic lands o f the Lithuanians and
the Belarusians and mentioned i n the context o f the reforms o f A n t o n i Tyzenhauz
(for example, the establishment o f manufactures), which were largely implemented
in the territory o f the present day Belarus. Moreover, the Assembly o f the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth gathered i n G r o d n o , i n the 1 8
th
century. Attitudes
about the significance o f Grodno w h i c h prevailed i n the Soviet times date back to
the national historiography o f the interwar period and the established historical
consciousness o f those times. After the collapse o f the Soviet U n i o n , the principle
o f breaking down the o l d state on the ethnical or confessional basis was sooner
abandoned i n Lithuania. Professional historiography divided the state territory
according to the historical boundaries, set by the administration o f those times.
Finally, the division o f the territory o f historical state on the ethnic principle was
recognized as unacademic. Despite this, i n the syntheses o f national history, the
borders o f the G t a n d D u c h y o f Lithuania with Russia remained as insignificant
examples o f c o m m o n state development or weie mentioned only i n the context
o f military operations (most often by foreign countries). A s i n the Belarusian case,
the presented situation i n the Lithuanian historiography was determined by the
prevailing attitudes to the national space, not related to the territory o f the G r a n d
D u c h y o f Lithuania. The effect o f the research o f the interwar or Soviet periods
is o f secondary importance i n this situation. Over the last twenty years, histori­
cal research has increased significantly i n Lithuania. The attitudes o f the interwar
period and Soviet terminology withdrew. Still, wotks w h i c h take the historical state
as their research objects to construct the narrative o f the national history encounter
certain problems. Following the o l d traditions, the borders o f the historical state
are crossed and the relations with Lithuania M i n o r are distinguished. In this way,
ethnicity as a key element i n the national vision of the past is singled out.
Certain propositions i n the Belarusian historiography remain unchanged from
M
i68
Op. cit., s. 12.
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the Soviet era. For example, quite often, the Age o f Enlightenment is character­
ized as a transitional period between feudalism and capitalism. It is often empha­
sized that the ideas o f Enlightenment spread i n the G r a n d D u c h y o f Lithuania
only when education system was secularized and C h u r c h domination i n the state
25
stopped . O n the contrary, as research suggests, the role o f the C h u r c h i n the
Age o f Enlightenment was undeniably significant. Even when the influence o f the
C h u r c h hierarchy was regulated by secular government, the C h u r c h remained an
important instrument o f government not only i n Austria and Hungary, but also
i n the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h . The claim is supported by Richard Butterwicks study devoted to the analysis o f the relation o f the Four-Year Diet and the
C h u r c h . According to the British historian, before the modern nations formed, the
Catholic faith strengthened the foundations o f civil society and unity among the
th
nobility o f the 1 8 century. Therefore, the creators o f the reforms deliberately sup­
ported the positions o f Catholicism at the expense o f other confessions. A c c o r d i n g
to Butterwick, the fact that the Catholic faith was declared as the supreme state
religion i n the Constitution o f the 3
r d
o f May, corresponds w i t h the ideals and
26
values o f the Enlightenment . In the post-Soviet Belarus, where the Uniats pre­
vailed, and the Catholic Lithuania, this historical event was negatively evaluated
and seen as evidence that the reforms o f the Four- Years D i e t were behind the times
27
and ineffective . The strengthening o f the Catholic C h u r c h is often related w i t h
the processes o f Polonization and Latinization i n the Belarusian territory. In the
same context, the Belarusian researchers stress the role o f the Uniat clergy for the
28
education i n the Belarusian (or Ruthenian) language . However, the claim that the
ethnic consolidation o f the Belarusians and the dependency for the Uniat confed­
th
eration were going hand i n hand since the second half o f the 1 8 century has been
29
criticized even i n the Belarusian historiography . Also, the attempts o f the Soviet
historians to transfer the fight against the Polonization i n the arena o f the political
confrontation between the G r a n d D u c h y o f Lithuania and the K i n g d o m o f Poland
have been rejected as completely unfounded.
The Ukrainian case is m u c h more complicated as during the discussed period,
the territory o f the country was divided among the three countries: the Russian and
Austrian Empires and the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h . After the collapse
2 5
В. Ш.1л1,к«ич, Аспстнщтва, Вя-iiKae Княства Лтоускле: знцык.итеды.1, т. 1, M i t i c K , 2005, с. 256-257.
2 6
Richard Butterwick, Polska rewolucja a koiciół katolicki (1788-1792), przckl. M . Ugnicwski, Kraków,
2012.
1 7
A. Kasperavičius, 1791 m. Lenkijos ir Lietuvos valstybės ir Prancūzijos konstitucijų lyginamoji analizė,
Mūsų praeitis, nr. 4, 1994, p. 19-31.
3 S
O . Lityszonck, Białoruskie oświecenie.., s. 40, 44-45.
2 5
A. Mironowicz, Wyznanie a świadomość Białorusinów, Białostockie teki historyczne, t. 9, 2011, s. 90-91.
169
LIUDAS GLEMŻA
of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the country appeared in the hands o f
the mentioned empires. The Ukrainian historiography mostly concentrates o n the
Cossack history. Thus, as the Zaporizhia was eliminated by the Russian Empire,
th
the 1 8 century and the Enlightenment are most often seen as another downfall by
the Ukrainian historians. This attitude has received criticism from the U k r a i n i a n
historians themselves. In a summary o f the latest trends o f the Ukrainian histori­
ography, Jelena Rusina notes that unlike the Belamsians, who based their revival
o f the end o f the 2 0
th
century o n the heritage o f the G D L , the Ukrainians see
their golden age i n the Cossack times and Cossackia as a cornerstone o f the U k r a i ­
30
nian national identity . Natalia Jakowenko draws attention to the existence o f the
anti-Polish stereotypes i n the Ukrainian historiography, the prevalent heritage o f
the Soviet-Marxist historiography, cliches and theories o f outdated historiography.
O n the other hand, the scholar views positively certain works w h i c h consider the
old writings i n Latin and Polish and propose that ideas o f the 'real' West reached
31
Ukraine through P o l a n d . Thus, the researchers o f the Ukrainian history do not
give sufficient attention to the complicated U k r a i n i a n history o f the second half
th
o f the 1 8 century. The K i n g d o m o f Poland, w h i c h included a part o f the present
day Ukraine, receives even less attention. The period o f Enlightenment is associ­
ated with the activities of the Basilions and the changes after the reform o f the
Educational Commission. However, parallel events after the first partition when a
part o f the territory was taken by the Austrian Empire are viewed more favourably.
According to Jakowenko, the beneficial policy for ethnic and religious minorities
strengthened the role o f the Greek Catholic clergy in the national revival o f the
32
West U k r a i n e . Other researchers, however, continue to emphasize the threat o f
Germanization as i n the tradition o f the Soviet times.
The Slovakian historiography is relevant when the issues Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth are mentioned. Moreover, it is interesting to see how the vision
o f national development is constructed in the neighbouring country o f Ukraine.
33
According to a firmly established approach since the Soviet times , the reforms o f
the Age o f Enlightenment in the Hungarian K i n g d o m enlarged the numbers o f
literate people and created favourable conditions for the consolidation o f the Slo­
vakian ethnos. The development o f the events is chronologically divided into two
3 0
5 1
J. Rusina, Liublino unija Ukrainos istoriografijoje, Liublino unija: idėja ir tęstinumas/ Unia lubelska: idea i
jej kontynuacja, sudarė L. Glemża, R. Smigelskytė-Stukicnė, Vilnius, 2011, p. 385.
N . Jakowenko, Druga strona lustra: z historii wyobrażeń i idei na UkrainieXVI-XVI1 wieku, przekt. K. Kotyńska, Warszawa, 2010, s. 426-427.
3 2
N . Jakowenko, Historia Ukrainy, s. 331-332.
3 3
Dejiny Slovenska: od najstarshych lias do roku 1848, red. L. Holotik, J. Tibcnsky, Bratislava, 1961, s. 387392.
C O N S T R U C T I N G T H E N A T I O N A L PAST D U R I N G T H E E N L I G H T E N M E N T :
T H E CASES OF LITHUANIA, BELORUSSIA, U K R A I N E A N D SLOVAKIA
stages. Joseph's II policy o f religious minorities, w h i c h increased press i n the native
language o f the congregation, is also acknowledged. These processes are referred
to as the "starting point o f the national movement" or even the "beginnings o f
34
modern Slovak nation" . Similar claims o f the Slovak researchers have attracted
criticism o f the historians from other countries. It was noted that the standard
Slovakian language and grammar were only starting to develop at that time. The
language was influenced by Czech and the general processes o f the religious policy
of the state. Moreover, the Slovak symbols w h i c h were created at the end o f the
th
1 8 century and had to distinguish the ethnic Slovak community from Hungary
and other nations, were still related to the c o m m o n symbols o f the history w i t h
35
the Hungarian K i n g d o m . W h i l e it is acknowledged that the reforms o f Joseph II
influenced the development o f the Slovak and other nations ruled by the Habsburg
36
dynasty, the processes are transferred to the future . In any case, the national histo­
riography o f Slovakia associates the reforms o f Enlightenment with the beginning
of the modern Slovak nation and puts emphasis o n language, writing and creation
or succession o f the first narratives o f the past.
A c o m m o n desire met i n historiography is to enhance the national processes
or concretize the transitional events as is i n the case o f the A g e o f Enlightenment.
Natalia Jakovenko critically observes that some U k r a i n i a n historians often transfer
the concept o f modern U k r a i n i a n nation back to the 1 7
th
37
century . A l t h o u g h
aware o f the differences between the o l d and the modern nations, Jaroslav H r y c a k
still writes about the dangers brought by the Age o f Enlightenment to the U k r a i n i ­
ans. According to Hrycak, the conception o f the old nation, w h i c h dominated i n
th
Europe until the end o f the 1 8 century, related the nation w i t h the ruling classes.
Ordinary people d i d not fit the formula. If this conception w o u l d have survived for
several decades i n the collective consciousness, the U k r a i n i a n nation w o u l d have
38
been at a risk o f disappearance from the face o f the earth . In the latest Belarusian
historiography, it is still possible to find concerns about the dangers o f assimilation
(related to the spread o f the Polish language and the C a t h o l i c faith) w h i c h were
relevant in the second half o f the 1 8
th
century.
Meanwhile, i n Lithuania, it is claimed that the C a t h o l i c faith, despite some
exceptions, was a unifying force for the Lithuanians i n the territory o f the G r a n d
3 1
3 5
E. Kowalska, Enlightenment and Beginnings of Modern Slovak Nation, Slovakia in history.., p. 88.
В. Л. Szlcnyi, Enlightenment from Below: German-Hungarian Patriots In Eighteenth-Century Hungary,
Austrian /{istoty Yearbook, vol. 34, 2003, p. 11-112; L. Kościclak, Historia Słowacji, Wroclaw, 2010, s. 229233; M . Hroch, Mažosios Europos tautos, Vilnius, 2012, p. 21.
3f
'
D. Bealcs, Enlightenment and Reform in Eighteenth Century Europe, London-New York, 2005, p. 1, 3.
3 7
N . Jakowicnko, Druga strona lustra.., s. 419.
з я
J. I Irycak, Historia Ukrainy.., s. 39.
I7I
LIUDAS GLEMŽA
D u c h y of Lithuania. The Polish language was not seen as increasing the gap between
the different estates (i.e., nobility and townspeople)
3 9
. T o summarize the signifi­
cance o f the Age o f Enlightenment i n the European and the Lithuanian histoty,
such aspects are distinguished: economic, political and cultural innovations; the
rise o f the modern nations; attention to the ethnic foundation o f the nation, its
40
language and verbal creation ; the growth o f the Lithuanian national and cultural
41
consciousness and the appearance of the idea of a peasant as state citizen ; different
conception o f the nation w h i c h encompasses all estates o f the country. The listed
claims are supported by the ideas o f physiocrats, extracts from the Constitution o f
the 3
r d
o f May, and especially the proclamations o f the uprising o f 1794 written i n
Lithuanian, which address the Lithuanian nation regardless estate differences. The
addressee o f the first proclamations i n Lithuanian was referred to as a backbone o f
the forming nation o f peasants and small town dwellers who retained their native
42
language . Later, i n an attempt not to overestimate the significance o f the docu­
ment, it was presented as an opportunity to strengthen the Lithuanian language. A s
Zigmantas Kiaupa claims, the document was written under special and dangerous
conditions for the fate o f the state; therefore, certain extremities were possible. O n
the other hand, the union o f all estates i n one nation was prepared throughout the
th
whole 1 8 century. It is also evident that the preparation o f this conception was
not finished and its implementation was postponed after the defeat o f the rebel­
43
lion .
The attitude that i n the end o f the 18
th
century the "subordinates" w h o were
beyond the threshold o f the political nation o f the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n ­
wealth were becoming increasingly visible i n the state life is also observed by the
44
Polish historians . A s Kiaupa claims, the Four-Year Diet reforms made the founda­
tions o f civil society i n towns as the estate property became territorial. Moreover,
i n 1794, the rebels invited in their proclamations members o f all estates to form
one political nation w h i c h could be seen as the beginning o f the formation o f the
45
"multi-estate" nations . In Lithuania, a particular attention was given to the socialpolitical movement o f the small town dwellers during the period o f the Four-Year
3 9
Z . Kiaupa, Lietuvos istorija.., p. 285.
4 0
M . Jučas, Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė.., p. 320.
4 1
Op. cit., p. 308.
4 2
Z . Kiaupa, J. Kiaupienė, A. Kuncevičius, Lietuvos istorija iki 1795 т., p. 411.
4 3
Z . Kiaupa, Lietuvos istorija.., p. 287.
4 4
A. S. Kaminski, Impondcrabilia społeczeństwa obywatelskiego Rzeczypospolitej wielu narodów, Rzeczypo­
spolita wielu narodów i jej tradycje, ed. A. K. Link-Lcnczowski, M . Markiewicz, Kraków, 1999, s. 35.
4 5
Z . Kiaupa, Sužlugdytos pettvatkos metas Lietuvoje XVIII a. pabaigoje, Acta acade/niae artium vilnensis,
nr. 32, Vilnius, 2004, p. 12-14.
C O N S T R U C T I N G T H E N A T I O N A L PAST D U R I N G T H E E N L I G H T E N M E N T :
T H E CASES OF L I T H U A N I A , BELORUSSIA. U K R A I N E A N D SLOVAKIA
Diet. M o s t towns which received the K i n g s privileges o f self-government are i n the
contemporary Lithuanian and not Belarusian territories. Historians see the king's
privileges as the most obvious result o f the reforms w h i c h reached contemporarytimes. A l t h o u g h the implementation o f the reforms was stopped by the histori­
cal events, the network o f the self-governed towns w o u l d have expanded across
4 6
the whole territory o f the G D L . The reforms were stopped due to the policy o f
Catherine II, direct military support o f the Russian Empire to the opposition o f
the reforms, and invasion. In the generalising works o f the Belarusian history, little
th
attention is given to the social reforms o f the second half o f the 1 8 century. The
discussion is limited to the general events, short overview o f the law o f the PolishLithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h , Jakub Jasinskis attempts to abolish serfdom, and folk
songs w h i c h evidence the participation o f the Ukrainian peasants i n the rebellion
47
of 1 7 9 4 . A l t h o u g h the G D L territory greatly diminished after the partitions,
especially with respect to the territories o f the contemporary Belarus, the G D L
history still remains i n the centre o f the Belarusian national narrative. W i t h o u t
diminishing the contribution o f the Belarusian historians, it should be noted that
the research o f the Lithuanian historians on some questions is more solid, but less
known due to the language barrier.
Successful and unsuccessful efforts to relate the continuity o f the national
history w i t h the "sleeping nation" o f peasants and small town dwellers have their
own reasons explained by the historical tradition. Alvydas Nikžentaitis claims
that because o f the treatment o f the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h from
the positions o f modern state, such features o f modern state as ethnicity and
th
th
language are imposed to the people o f the 1 6 - 1 8 centuries. F r o m the perspec­
tive o f the modern nationalism and contemporary position, it seems that the
Polish situation is more favourable. First, the dominant language was Polish i n
the C o m m o n w e a l t h . This fact alone could be a crucial starting p o i n t for a y o u n g
th
Polish nationalist o f the end o f the 1 9 century to wonder about the Polish o r i ­
gin o f the o l d Republic. Further o n , Nikžentaitis states that the same reasons,
determined by the modern conception o f nationalism, caused more problems
th
for a L i t h u a n i a n o f the end o f the 1 9 and the 2 0
l h
centuries. The language fac­
tor showed Lithuanians, representatives o f a political nation, close to the Polish
people. A t the same time, it d i d not allow to see the G D L citizens as belonging
48
to the same nation throughout the h i s t o r y . The processes lasted throughout
v
'
Glcnvža L., Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės miestų sąjūdis 1789-1792 metais, Kaunas, 2010.
4 7
H . Sahanowicz, Historia Białorusi.., s. 331.
ł
Л. Nikžentaitis, Užmirštas antrasis: Abiejų Tautų Respublikos lietuvis, Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės
istorijos kraštovaizdis, cd. R. Šmigclskytė-Stukicnė, Vilnius, 2012, p. 664-665. Original quote: "Lietuvos
ir Lenkijos valstybės traktavimas iš modernios valstybės pozicijų lėmė, kad tokios modernios tautos savybės
"
173
LIUDAS G L E M Z A
the 2 0
t h
th
century; therefore, i n consideration o f the events o f the 1 6 - 1 8
th
centu­
ries, a milder concept o f "acculturation" came into use instead o f the negatively
viewed "Polonization". C o m p a r i n g the observations o f Nikžentaitis w i t h the dis­
cussed ideas, it can be observed that for the acceptance o f the national history, the
language factor still remains significant. O t h e r factors w h i c h distinguished eth­
nic c o m m u n i t y from the neighbours are o f secondary importance i n the national
history narratives despite the fact that they were far more important i n the 1 8
t h
century. It is evident that this attitude is influenced by the Soviet heritage w h i c h
enhanced the fostering o f the folk culture a n d rejected the importance o f confes­
sional dependency. The social visions o f the national revival, w h i c h programmed
the events to the future, should also be considered.
th
In the Ukrainian historical syntheses, the 1 8 century is presented as the period
o f existence between Russia and Poland. A Ukrainian historian V l a d i m i r M o k r y
claims that the conception of opposition between the Polish and the Ukrainiansth
,h
th
Ruthenians i n the 1 5 - 1 8 centuries was formed i n the 1 9 century and has not
lost its significance until now. Jakovenko mitigates the confrontation with Poland
by explaining that the country was spreading universal ideas o f the West. However,
drawing o n the attitudes o f the czarist times, some Ukrainian historians still see
49
the Belarusians among the "nations disadvantaged by P o l a n d " . The Belarusian
historiography, which follows the historical traditions o f the G D L , rejects these
claims. However, following the tradition o f statehood, w h i c h protects the nations
o f the G D L as a shield from the historical and related political threats o f Poland,
and basing on the provisions which formed i n the 2 0
th
century, the Belarusian
historians put threats arising from the K i n g d o m o f Poland as the stronger partner
i n the first place. The statehood tradition o f the G D L i n Belarus is closely related
w i t h the continuity o f the national history. Differently from the Ukrainian histori­
ography, i n Belarus, the partitions and resistance against them receives exceptional
attention. There are also no disputes about the negative consequences originating
from the dependency to the Russian Empire. However, most emphasis is given to
kaip etninė prigimtis ir kalba buvo primestos XVI-XV1II a. valstybės gyventojams. Vartojant modernaus
nacionalizmo suformuluotas sąvokas, vertinant iš šių dienų pozicijų, atrodo, labiau pasisekė lenkams. Visų
pirma, Abiejų Tautų Respublikoje dominuojanti kalba buvo lenkų. Jau vien šis faktorius jaunam XIX a.
pabaigos lenkų nacionalistui galėjo būti lemiamas pradedant svarstyti apie lenkišką senosios Respublikos pri­
gimtį [...] Tos pačios priežastys, nulemtos moderniosios tautiškumo sampratos sukėlė dar daugiau problemų
XIX a. pabaigos - X X a. lietuviui. Kalbos faktorius, leidęs taip lengvai paskelbti lietuvius - politinės tautos
atstovus - savais lenkams, lygiai taip pat kliudė ptipažinti savais istorijoje net ir L D K piliečius".
W. Mokry, Stosunki między Polakami i Ukraiticami w XV-XVI1I wieku, Rzeczypospolita wielu narodów i jej
tradycje, Kraków, 1999, s. 191. Ute problem of different viewpoints of the Ukrainian historians about the
past is discussed in: T. Stryjek monografijoje: Т. Stryjek, Jakiejprzeszloki potrzebuje przyszlolć? Interpretacje
dziejów narodowych w historiografii i debacie publicznej na Ukrainie 1991-2001, Warszawa, 2007, s. 633-635;
N . Jakowenko, Druga strona lustra.., s. 400-403.
174
C O N S T R U C T I N G T H E N A T I O N A L PAST D U R I N G T H E E N L I G H T E N M E N T :
T H E CASES OF L I T H U A N I A , BELORUSSIA, U K R A I N E A N D SLOVAKIA
the political relation o f the G D L and Poland i.e., the internal history o f the C o m ­
monwealth.
A great challenge related to the reforms o f the Enlightenment is the processes
of centralization and unification. A l t h o u g h these trends receive almost no atten­
tion i n the historical syntheses o f the U k r a i n i a n and Slovak historians, they are
central to the Belarusian and, especially, the Lithuanian historiographies.
The
Belarusian and Lithuanian historians, w h o relate the statehood traditions to the
G D L history, often painfully accept the centralization o f the government o f the
Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h and attempts to unify law i n the whole terri­
tory o f Poland and historical Lithuania. Each resistance against these initiatives o f
the Polish nobility since the 16
th
to the end o f the 1 8
th
centuries constitutes the
foundation o f the national narrative in Lithuania and Belarus. For this reason, the
attitudes to the Four-Year Diet reforms are not unanimous. There is no doubt that
the reforms had to help the state to withdraw from the crisis; however, the end o f
the reforms has long been associated w i t h Poland rather than Lithuania. U n t i l now,
the manifestations o f conspiracy theories in assessing these historical events can be
met. A Polish historian Andrzej В . Zakrzewski believes that the issue o f the G D L
status in a c o m m o n state w i t h the K i n g d o m o f Poland i n 1791-1792 requires fur­
50
ther investigation . Therefore, the debate on the statehood o f the G D L becomes
increasingly emotional.
The first historian to pose the delicate situation o f the Four-Year D i e t back i n
the third decade o f the 2 0
stitution o f the 3
r d
th
century was Adolfas Šapoka. H i s approach to the C o n ­
o f M a y evolved from stricter to more moderate evaluations. In
1936, in the first professional "Lithuanian History", Šapoka wrote that the FourYear D i e t was destroying the autonomous government o f Lithuania; in 1938, he
mitigated the position by explaining that the Constitution o f the 3
r d
of M a y did
not harm the autonomy o f the Lithuanian government; in 1940, Šapoka already
claimed that not a w o r d was included in the Constitution w h i c h w o u l d ruin the
51
Lithuanian government . Šapokas changing attitude was clearly influenced by the
evaluation o f the " M u t u a l V o w o f the Two Nations" law which was passed o n the
20
th
o f October, 1791, after the Constitution o f the 3
r d
o f May. The law declared
the unionist attitudes between Poland and Lithuania. However, the first claim o f
the professional synthesis o f the Lithuanian history remained more k n o w n and
5 0
Л. 15. Zakrzewski, Wielkie Księstwo Litewskie (XVI-XVIII w.): prawo, ustrój, społeczeństwo, Warszawa, 2013,
s. 6.
51
The issue lias already been mentioned: R. Jurgaitis, R. Šiuigclskytė-Stukicnė, Kctvcriii metų seimo epocha
Adolfo Šapokos tyrimuose, in A.Šapoka, Rinktiniai raitai, t. 2: Lietuva reformų seimo metu. Iki 1791 m.
geguzės 3 d, Konstitucijos, Vilnius, 2008, p. 31-35. Original quotes: „ardoma Lietuvos savarankiškoji valsty­
bės organizacija", „[Gegutės 3 d.] Konstitucija savarankiškai Lietuvos organizacijai kelio nenukirto", „kuriuo
Lietuvos valstybinė organizacija būtų griaunama".
LIUDAS GLEMŽA
heard among the Lithuanian society and historians as it played an important role
th
th
during the "period o f national revival" i n the 8 decade o f the 2 0 century. Discus­
r d
sions about the Constitution o f the 3 o f M a y were once again brought into focus
only at the end o f the 2 0
th
century i n the articles o f the Polish historian Juliusz
52
Bardach and the Lithuanian historian Leonas Mulevičius . The articles devoted
attention to the " M u t u a l V o w o f the Two Nations" law o f the 2 0
1791, passed after the Constitution o f the 3
r d
th
o f October,
o f May. As after Šapokas w o r k no
one has analysed the document for half o f the century, the importance of the docu­
ment was rediscovered.
N o t all historians agreed with the idea that the 3
r d
o f M a y Constitution is an
important historical event for both Poland and Lithuania; Šapokas thesis posed
i n the first professional "Lithuanian History" (1936) claimed that although the
Targowica Confederation, supported by the Russian army, was hostile to the FourYear D i e t reforms and supported the o l d regime, it also restored the o l d autonomy
53
o f Lithuania and P o l a n d . In disagreement w i t h the mentioned attitude o f some
th
historians, the researchers o f the 1 8 century observed that the confederates d i d
not have their army and relied o n the military forces o f the Russian Empire. There­
fore, it was offered to treat the G D L confederates as Russia's allies and by no means
to refer to the 1792 war as civil (because there were some suggestions) as, i n the
54
words o f Rakutis, some defended their homeland and some betrayed . Attempts
to revive the image o f the reform opponents as the rescuers o f Lithuania and the
th
portrayed the events o f the end o f the 1 8 century as an intermediate existence
between Russia and Poland are similar to the position o f the U k r a i n i a n histori­
ography. However, the reaction o f the conservative nobility to the Four-Year Diet
reforms and the accepted help o f the foreign army to achieve the political aspira­
tions are criticized i n the Lithuanian history syntheses and even referred to as a
55
symbol o f the collapse o f the state .
th
Researchers o f the 1 8 century G D L observe that the Lithuanian historians
mostly disagree whether the Constitution o f the 3
r d
o f M a y is Polish or Polish56
Lithuanian. Is the document significant only to Poland or also to Lithuania? In
any case, the thesis that the Lithuanian name is "erased" from the document and
5 2
J. Bardach, Konstytucja 3 maja a „Zaręczenie obojga narodów" 1791 roku, Studia juridica, t. 24, 1992,
s. 23-32; L. Mulevičius, „Lietuvos savarankiškumas ir Abiejų Tautų savitarpio garantijos įstatymas", Lituanistica, 1992, nr. 4(12), 1993, p. 70-78.
53
Lietuvos istorija, red. A. Šapoka, Kaunas, 1936, p. 433; also see: R. Jurgaitis, R. Šmigclskytė-Stukicnė, „Ket­
verių metų seimo epocha Adolfo Šapokos tyrimuose", p. 35-36.
5 4
V. Rakutis, LDK kariuomenė Ketverių metų seimo laikotarpiu (1788-1792), Vilnius, 2001, p. 12.
5 5
A. Kuncevičius, Z . Kiaupa, J. Kiaupienė, Lietuvos istorija iki 1795 metų.., p. 400. Original quote: „valstybės
žlugimo simboliu".
5 6
R. Jurgaitis, R. Šmigelskytė-Stukicnė, Ketverių metų seimo epocha.., p. 36.
C O N S T R U C T I N G T H E N A T I O N A L PAST D U R I N G T H E E N L I G H T E N M E N T :
T H E CASES O F LITHUANIA, BELORUSSIA, UKRAINE A N D SLOVAKIA
the state becomes referred to as Poland remains valid so far. Specifically, the issue o f
the G D L autonomy and statehood is o f key importance i n the discussion.
Often, there are concerns that the two political nations, Polish and Lithuanian,
are referred to i n the Constitution as one "nation", or "the Polish nation". H o w ­
ever, the Lithuanian nobility identified themselves w i t h the G D L i n certain situ­
ations and w i t h the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h i n other, and these trends
th
are found since the 1 7 century. The fact that the G D L becomes referred to as a
province rather than a state is painfully accepted. However, as Grzegorz Blaszczyk
points out, Lithuania was a province o f the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h and
57
not Poland's . In response to the discussion, Kiaupa summarizes the events o f the
Four-Year D i e t by saying that the opposition between the federal state established
by the U n i o n o f L u b l i n and the aspired unitary state became evident i n the Diet
of 1788-1792. A l t h o u g h the Four-Year Diet has led to significant changes, espe­
cially i n the development o f the centralized government, the Republic remained a
federal state, Lithuania remained a legal entity, and the binominal structure o f the
58
Republic was retained . A l t h o u g h the discussions continue to focus o n the events
o f 1791, it is often forgotten that the position o f the Lithuanian delegates o n the
issue o f the G D L was raised not only i n 1792 by the general confederation o f the
G D L , but also implemented i n the G r o d n o D i e t and re-opened at the beginning
of the 1794 uprising.
Just as i n Lithuania, i n Belarus, it has long been argued that the Constitution
of M a y 3
r d
59
denied the G D L statehood . This approach is determined not by the
historiography (the new historiography revised the approach i n response to the
latest research), but by a collective belief and c o m m o n attitudes. T h e Belarusian
historians rehabilitated the Constitution o f M a y 3
r d
by basing o n the research o f a
Polish historian Bardach. D u e to the language barrier, the Lithuanian research and
discussions d i d not reach the Belarusian historians.
In Lithuania, it is still possible to find claims that all positive evaluations o f
the Constitution o f the 3rd o f M a y are erroneous and not grounded. These claims
are further influenced by the c o m m o n attitudes and conceptions o f the interwar
period, w h i c h were revised by a number o f the professional Lithuanian historians.
For example, a review o f the secondary school textbooks criticizes the "positivist"
approach o f one textbook w h i c h does not mention the potential impact o f the
5 7
G . Blaszczyk, „Współczesne spojrzenie na stosunki polsko-litewskie w latach 1569-1795", Rzeczypospolita w
XVI-XVIII wieku. Państwo czy wspólnota', red. B. Dybaś, I'. Hanczcwski, T. Kempa, Toruń, 2007, s. 84.
5 8
Z. Kiaupa, Lietuvos istorija.., p. 86.
"
История l)c.\apyci, ч. 1... с. 231; О. Lityszonck, Tradycja współistnienia narodów w jednym państwie i jej
konsekwencje z punktu widzenia narodu białoruskiego, Rzeczypospolita wiciu narodów i jej tradycję, Kraków,
1999, s. 207-208.
177
LIUDAS GLEMŻA
Constitution o f M a y 3
r d
60
to the further development o f the state and the n a t i o n .
Also, two alternatives (referred to as verified hypotheses) o f the evaluation o f the
reforms o f the Polish-Lithuanian C o m m o n w e a l t h i n the second half o f the 1 8
th
century are distinguished. First, the reforms and the Constitution are treated as a
positive, although late step i n the modernization o f the state, w h i c h could have cre­
ated favourable conditions to the formation o f the modern Lithuanian nation and
state. Second, the reforms can be considered as the last step i n the destruction o f
the G D L statehood and the final collapse o f the Lithuanian nation: i f the reforms
were implemented and Lithuania w o u l d have become Poland's province, the pro­
61
cess o f denationalization w o u l d have been irreversible . It should be pointed out
that these two alternatives provided i n the professional historiography presuppose
negative assessments, whereas the relation o f the events o f the end o f the 1 8
th
th
cen­
th
tury with the processes o f the second half o f the 1 9 - 2 0 centuries is not possible,
unless it w o u l d be predefined what w o u l d change and what w o u l d remain stable
for more than half a century. O n e way or another, the fears that the Constitution
of M a y 3
r d
could stop the national revival o f the Lithuanians i n the 1 9
th
century
are not grounded.
CONCLUSIONS
Summarizing, it can be stated that although the national historiography declares
identity with the historical state, it does not cope with the three factors, namely,
territory, cultural environment (mostly related to confessional dependency) and
language. These criteria function as reference points for the nations w h i c h con­
struct their identities without direct relation to the historical state o f the 1 8
lh
cen­
tury. Typically, history is presented through the vision o f confrontation between
the periphery and the centre. The later events are incorporated into the narration
th
or even dated earlier. O n the other hand, the second half o f the 1 8 century is not
marked with disagreements o f a similar k i n d . Therefore, the examples o f the 1 9
(h
century ate often projected into the Age o f Enlightenment, w h i c h brought signifi­
cant innovations at the dawn o f the birth o f the modern nations. To say i n another
way, the deconstruction o f historiography shows that such themes like territory,
religion, language, and social factors have been determined by ethno-cultural con­
ceptions. Interpretations o f historians are based on a special pattern. O n the one
6 0
S. Merkinaitė, V. Radžvilas, Istorijos mokymas mokyklose kaip valstybinės istorijos politikos problema,
Istorijos subjektas kaip istorijos politikos problema, Vilnius, 2011, p. 155.
6 1
Op. cit, p. 161.
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T H E CASES OF LITHUANIA, BELORUSSIA. UKRAINE A N D SLOVAKIA
hand, they are creating stories objectively and there are no direct associations w i t h
nationalist conceptions. O n the other hand, they are based on some predetermined
attitudes.
In sum, the modern nations' national history o f transitory period (which is
the Enlightenment) from an undefined and ambiguous state to the existence can
be seen as a construct which emphasizes selected historical events to provide the
validity o f the status quo. In addition to reasonable claims and attempts to retain
the continuity of the historical tradition, the Lithuanian and the Belarusian histo­
rians defend the positions o f the G D L i n the Four-Year D i e t i n order to give the
th
st
historical grounding to and strengthen the independence i n the 2 0 - 2 1 centuries.
In any case, the general public processes influenced by the Age o f Enlightenment
are a c o m m o n historical heritage, which allow us not only to be proud o f the so
called "first constitution i n Europe", but also invite to tevise the o l d evaluations o f
the past.
Liudas G l c m ž a
APŠVIETOS E P O C H O S NACIONALINĖS PRAEITIES KONSTRAVIMAS:
L I E T U V O S , B A L T A R U S I J O S , U K R A I N O S IR S L O V A K I J O S A T V E J A I
S A N T R A U K A . Apšvietos epochos idėjos XVIII amžiuje atvėrė kelią valstybių teritotijų cen­
tralizacijai ir unifikacijai. Šios tendencijos X X a. atsiradusioms nacionalinėms valstybėms su savo
profesionaliomis istoriografijomis, matančioms nacionalinės istorijos tęstinumą nuo viduramžių
iki XIX a. tautinių judėjimų, tapo rimtu iššūkiu konstruojant savo praeitį. Dėl šios priežasties
Apšvietos epocha tapo savotišku pereinamuoju laikotarpiu. Pavyzdžiais pasirinktos keturių
valstybių nacionalinės istorijos sintezėse vaizduojami XVIII a. įvykiai. Atkreiptas dėmesys į tai,
kad skirtingą istorinę praeitį turinčių tautų nacionalinėse istoriografijose mėginama suaktual­
inti įvykius tapatinant juos su vėlesniais procesais.
R A K T A Ž O D Ž I A I : Apšvietos epocha, nacionalinė istoriografija, nacionalinis atgimimas,
Abiejų Tautų Respublika, Vengrijos karalystė.
179