Introduction and Statement Topic

Transcription

THE FOODS AND CROPS OF THE MUISCA: A DIETARY RECONSTRUCTION OF THE
INTERMEDIATE CHIEFDOMS OF BOGOTÁ (BACATÁ) AND TUNJA (HUNZA),
COLOMBIA
by
JORGE LUIS GARCIA
B.A. University of Central Florida, 2005
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts
in the Department of Anthropology
in the College of Sciences
at the University of Central Florida
Orlando, Florida
Spring Term
2012
Major Professor: Arlen F. Chase
ABSTRACT
The Muisca people of the Eastern Cordillera of Colombia had an exceptionally complex
diet, which is the result of specific subsistence strategies, environmental advantages, and social
restrictions. The distinct varieties of microclimates, caused by the sharp elevations in this part of
the Andes, allows for a great biodiversity of plants and animals that was accessible to the native
population. The crops of domesticated and adopted plants of the Muisca include a wide variety
of tubers, cereals, fruits, and leaves that are described in detail in this thesis. The Muisca used an
agricultural method known as microverticality where the different thermic floors are utilized to
grow an impressive variety of species at various elevations and climates. This group also
domesticated the guinea pig, controlled deer populations and possibly practiced pisiculture,
patterns that are also described in this text. Some of the foods of the Muisca were restricted to
specific social groups, such as the consumption of deer and maize by the chiefly classes and the
consumption of roots and tubers by the lower class, hence the complexity of their dietary
practices.
The utensils utilized in the preparation and processing of foods, including ceramics and
stone tools were once of extreme importance in the evolution of the Muisca diet and form an
important part of this research as well as the culinary methods that are described in the Spanish
chronicles and by contemporary experts. The majority of food products utilized by the Muisca in
antiquity are still part of the diet of contemporary Colombians and the current uses of these foods
can allow us to understand how these products were used by this pre-Columbian society. On the
other hand, knowledge of the practices used by the Muisca can facilitate the preservation of these
foods in the modern diet and avoid the introduction and replacement of these foods by nonnative products, which can be less nutritious.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This manuscript is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Elayne Zorn, especially for her
guidance and contribution of ideas that I implemented during this investigation. This thesis could
have never been finished without her unconditional support. I would like to thank my thesis
committee Dr. Arlen Chase, Dr. Diane Chase, and Dr. John Walker for their support, advice, and
especially for their patience; to my mother for using a great variety of foods in her cooking found
in our country, many of them described in this work; Jennifer Navarra, my wife and plant
ecologist, who aided me in the taxonomic identification and description of plants mentioned in
this text; Lisa Lomitola for her wonderful inking of the majority of the artifact drawings shown
here and to all my colleagues who reviewed this work.
I am grateful to the staff at the Museo del Oro in Bogotá, especially to Luz Elena Gomez
for facilitating the permits to access the ceramic and stone tools deposit at the museum and to
Angela Ovalle. I want to thank the staff at the section of Libros Raros y Manuscritos at the Luis
Ángel Arango library in Bogotá for allowing me access to this collection; to the Department of
Anthropology at the Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia in Tunja for granting
me access to their collection of faunal and plant remains, especially to Helena Pradilla for
granting me permission to use materials from her research in this thesis and for allowing me to
export osteological material for a possible future project. I also thank all the merchants and
farmers who gave me information about food products. Special thanks go to: Milly Tocancipa
for letting me use her house as a laboratory to examine, cook, measure and store food products;
to Gloria Patrón for giving me an insider’s experience of the produce markets and introducing
me to farmers and merchants there; and to Angel Cardec, director of the Office of International
Studies at UCF, for his support.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................................... viii
LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................................ xv
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1
Overall Aims and General Questions ......................................................................................... 9
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ................................................................ 11
Archaeology .............................................................................................................................. 11
Ethnohistory .............................................................................................................................. 16
Ethnography and Ethnobotany.................................................................................................. 18
CHAPTER THREE: THE MUISCA ............................................................................................ 21
Geography and the Environment .............................................................................................. 21
Periods of Human Occupation in Cundinamarca and Boyaca .................................................. 22
Preceramic Period ................................................................................................................. 23
The Herrera Period ................................................................................................................ 24
The Early Muisca Period ...................................................................................................... 27
The Late Muisca Period ........................................................................................................ 29
Political Structure and Social Organization .......................................................................... 32
CHAPTER FOUR: MATERIALS, METHODS AND ANALYSIS STRATEGY ...................... 35
Archaeology .............................................................................................................................. 35
Ethnohistory .............................................................................................................................. 38
Ethnobotany .............................................................................................................................. 39
CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS ...................................................................................................... 42
Plants ......................................................................................................................................... 43
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Tubers and Roots .................................................................................................................. 44
Canna edulis: Achira or Canna......................................................................................... 44
Arracacia xanthorrhiza: Arracacha ................................................................................... 49
Tropaeolum tuberosum: Cubios or Navos ........................................................................ 52
Oxalis tuberosa: Ibias ........................................................................................................ 55
Ullucus tuberosum: Chuguas, Rubas or Ulluco ................................................................ 56
Polymnia edulis: Jicama ................................................................................................... 59
Solanum tuberosum, Solanum colombianum or phureja, Solanum andigena, Solanum
rybinii and Solanum boyasence: Potatoes......................................................................... 59
Manihot esculenta: Yuca................................................................................................... 62
Ipomoea batatas: Sweet Potatoes ...................................................................................... 63
Methods for the Preparation of Roots and Tubers ............................................................ 65
Grains/Cereals ....................................................................................................................... 66
Zea Mays: Corn................................................................................................................. 66
Methods for the Preparation of Corn ................................................................................ 72
Chenopodium quinoa: Quinoa .......................................................................................... 73
Legumes ................................................................................................................................ 76
Phaseolus vulgaris: Frijól, Common Bean........................................................................ 76
Arachis hypogaea: Peanut ................................................................................................. 80
Erythrina edulis: Chachafruto or Balú ............................................................................. 80
Inga feuillei: Guama ......................................................................................................... 82
Fruits ..................................................................................................................................... 83
Shrub and Vine Fruits ....................................................................................................... 84
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Curcubita maxima and pepo: Ahuyama and Calabaza ................................................ 84
Capsicum sp.: Ají or Pimiento ...................................................................................... 87
Annanas comosus: Pineapple ........................................................................................ 90
Physalis peruviana: Uchuva ......................................................................................... 91
Solanum quitoense: Lulo............................................................................................... 93
Passifloras: Passion fruits ............................................................................................. 94
Fruit Trees ....................................................................................................................... 100
Persea Americana: Aguacate ...................................................................................... 100
Psidium guajava: Guava ............................................................................................. 103
Cyphomandra betacea: Tomate de Arbol ................................................................... 105
Annona cherimola, muricata and squamosal: Chirimolla, Guanábana and Anón ..... 106
Carica: Papayas .......................................................................................................... 109
Berries ............................................................................................................................. 110
Vaccinium meridionale: Agras ................................................................................... 110
Rubus glaucus, Rubus macrocarpus, Rubus adenotrichus: Mora de Castilla, Zarzamora
or Morón and Mora Común or Silvestre ..................................................................... 112
Leafs ................................................................................................................................ 115
Galinsoga pawiflora: Guasca: .................................................................................... 115
Erythroxylum coca: Coca ............................................................................................ 116
Fauna ....................................................................................................................................... 120
Mammals............................................................................................................................. 122
Cavia porcellus: Guinea pig ............................................................................................ 122
Odocoileus virginianus, Mazama rufina, M. Americana, M. goazoubira: Deer ............. 127
vi
Other Mammals: ............................................................................................................. 130
Birds .................................................................................................................................... 131
Fish ...................................................................................................................................... 133
Muisca Artifacts Used for Processing, Service, Praparation, and Storage of Food Products . 137
Ceramics ............................................................................................................................. 137
Stone tools and Bone Tools ................................................................................................ 142
CHAPTER SIX: LIMITATIONS OF RESEARCH ................................................................... 145
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS .................................................. 147
APPENDIX A: COPYRIGHT PERMISSION LETTER FOR FIGURE 1 ................................ 151
APPENDIX B. GENERAL AND BOTANICAL DESCRIPTIONS ......................................... 153
APPENDIX C: TABLES ............................................................................................................ 166
APPENDIX D: ARTIFACT SCALE DRAWINGS ................................................................... 183
LIST OF REFERENCES ............................................................................................................ 191
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Chiefdoms of the Northern Andes. Darker purple area shows the Muisca territory at the
time of the Conquest (map courtesy of the Instituto Geográfico Agustín Codazzi Bogotá,
Colombia Appendix A). .................................................................................................................. 3
Figure 2: Map showing the domain of the Muisca before the conquest. Segmented lines show the
limits of each of the five Muisca chiefdoms. Map created by the author from information in
Rojas (1977). ................................................................................................................................... 8
Figure 3: General map of the archaeological sites of Los Altos Santuarios and La Muela UPTC.
(Based on information by Pradilla et al. 2005). ............................................................................ 12
Figure 4: Modern ceramics from La Chamba, Tolima (left). Artisan at his workshop at La
Chamba, Tolima near a clay oven (right). .................................................................................... 26
Figure 5: Mucuras, Muisca mummy, gold offerings: Tunjos, cacique regalia (top: left to right).
Jar with high neck, olla cuarzo abundante, jars with globular bodies (bottom left to right) Museo
del Oro Bogotá, Colombia. ........................................................................................................... 28
Figure 6: Phallic monument at the site El Infiernito, Colombia. Gold regalia. Golden cacique
figurine wearing regalia (top left to right). Gold chest plate. Gold offering representing high
status individuals. Muisca raft possibly used in El Dorado ritual (bottom left to right). Museo del
Oro Bogotá, Colombia. ................................................................................................................. 31
Figure 7: Archaeology Laboratory at the UPTC, Tunja: Muisca craniums from La Muela,
Ceramics from La Muela, Deer bone samples from La Muela (top left to right). Deer bone
remains from La Muela, Guinea pig pelvises from La Muela, Archaeological site of La Muela,
Tunja currently the UPTC (bottom left to right). .......................................................................... 37
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Figure 8: Ceramic and stone tools deposit at the Museo del Oro, Bogotá, Muisca stone tools,
metate (top left to right); Muisca axe, atlatl, Muisca ceramics (bottom left to right). .................. 38
Figure 9: Paloquemao market, Bogotá (left). Codabas market, Bogotá (right). ........................... 41
Figure 10: Neiva market, Huila (left). Villa de Leyva market, Boyaca (right). ........................... 41
Figure 11: Plant ecologist Jennifer Navarra analyzing food products (left). Tunja market, Boyaca
(right). ........................................................................................................................................... 41
Figure 12: Variety of Muisca Crops. ............................................................................................ 42
Figure 13: Achira Rhizomes. ........................................................................................................ 45
Figure 14: Merchant in the produce market in Neiva, Huila selling achira starch and achiote (top
left). Selling bizcochos de achira in front of the house in Fortalecillas, Huila (top middle, top
right). Making achiras in the patio Altamira, Huila (bottom left). Oven to bake achiras Altamira,
Huila (bottom middle). Achiras del Huila package (bottom right). .............................................. 48
Figure 15: Large yellow arracacha variety (top). Pygmy arracacha variety. Ajiaco traditional
soup of Cundinamarca with arracacha, two potato varieties, corn, avocado, guascas, cilantro,
and chicken (bottom left to right). ................................................................................................ 51
Figure 16: Yellow Villa de Leyva, Colombia and white Cubios Bogotá, Colombia. White
Cubios. Cocido Boyasence with cubios, ibias, chuguas, corn, chicken, potato, pork, and sausage
traditional dish of Boyaca (left to right). ...................................................................................... 54
Figure 17: Ibias of the pink variety from Cundinamarca Bogotá, Colombia. .............................. 56
Figure 18: Chuguas brown variety purchased in Bogotá, Colombia. ........................................... 58
Figure 19: Yellow, pink and brown varieties of chuguas Villa de Leyva, Colombia................... 58
Figure 20: Pink variety of chuguas different shapes and sizes Bogotá, Colombia. ...................... 58
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Figure 21: S. phureja criolla (left), S. tuberosum sabanera (center), S. rybinii rucki (right)
Bogotá, Colombia. ........................................................................................................................ 61
Figure 22: Yuca roots at the Paloquemao produce market at Bogotá, Colombia. ........................ 62
Figure 23: Sweet potato of the sweet variety Bogotá, Colombia. ................................................ 64
Figure 24: Sweet potato of the salty variety Bogotá, Colombia. .................................................. 65
Figure 25: Burned corncob from excavations in the Muisca site of La Muela by the UPTC. ..... 67
Figure 26: Corn bollos Barranquilla, Colombia (left). Corn arepas Bogotá, Colombia. ............. 69
Figure 27: Archaeological site El Infiernito near Villa de Leyva, Boyaca Colombia. Muisca
observatory (left). Phallic symbols indicating fertility rites (right). ............................................. 71
Figure 28: Mazorca pollo variety (left). Processed corn for arepas or bollos (right) Bogotá,
Colombia. ...................................................................................................................................... 72
Figure 29: Quinoa grains Bogotá, Colombia. ............................................................................... 76
Figure 30: Burned bean seeds recovered at the site of La Muela Tunja, Colombia by the UPTC
representing the varieties: Huacaloma, San Rafael and Tunja. .................................................... 78
Figure 31: Common bean San Rafael variety Bogotá, Colombia. ................................................ 79
Figure 32: Chachafruto seed Bogotá, Colombia. .......................................................................... 81
Figure 33: Guama fruits, seeds and pods Neiva, Colombia. ........................................................ 82
Figure 34: Ahuyama Villa de Leyva, Colombia notice the large size of the fruit (left). Ahuyamas
at the produce market in Tunja, Colombia.................................................................................... 85
Figure 35: Curcubita pepo green variety Bogotá, Colombia........................................................ 86
Figure 36: Varieties of peppers sold at the Codabas produce market Bogotá, Colombia. ........... 87
Figure 37: Ají Rocoto-Capsicum pubescens Bogotá, Colombia. .................................................. 89
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Figure 38: Ají pajarito wild species of Capsicum used in the preparation of hot sauces in
Colombia. ...................................................................................................................................... 89
Figure 39: National pineapples at the Codabas market Bogotá, Colombia. ................................. 91
Figure 40: Goldenberries Bogotá, Colombia. ............................................................................... 92
Figure 41: Goldenberries in their husk (left). Dulce de uchuva a traditional dessert of Colombia.
....................................................................................................................................................... 93
Figure 42: Lulo fruit S. quitoense Bogotá, Colombia (right). Lulo fruit S. septentrionale Neiva,
Colombia. ...................................................................................................................................... 94
Figure 43: Curuba fruits Bogotá, Colombia. ................................................................................ 96
Figure 44: Granadilla fruits Bogotá, Colombia ........................................................................... 98
Figure 45: Badea fruit Neiva, Colombia....................................................................................... 98
Figure 46: Gulupa fruits Tunja, Colombia. .................................................................................. 99
Figure 47: Chulupa fruits Neiva, Colombia. .............................................................................. 100
Figure 48: Avocado fruit West India variety Bogotá, Colombia. ............................................... 101
Figure 49: Avocados of the three known varieties at the Codabas produce market Bogotá,
Colombia. .................................................................................................................................... 102
Figure 50: Guava fruits pera variety (left). Guava fruits white (coronilla variety), and red (pera
variety) Bogotá, Colombia. ......................................................................................................... 104
Figure 51: Tomate de árbol fruits of the varieties: rojo, amarillo, and común Bogotá, Colombia.
..................................................................................................................................................... 106
Figure 52: Custard apple fruit Bogotá, Colombia. ...................................................................... 107
Figure 53: Soursop or Guanábana fruits Neiva, Colombia. ....................................................... 108
Figure 54: Cherimoya fruit Bogotá, Colombia. .......................................................................... 109
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Figure 55: Papayuela fruit (left and center) and dulce de papayuela a traditional Colombian
dessert (right) Neiva, Colombia. ................................................................................................. 110
Figure 56: Lake Iguaque in Boyaca (left). Wild agras berries at Iguaque (right). ..................... 111
Figure 57: Agras berries at the Paloquemao market Bogotá, Colombia..................................... 112
Figure 58: Mora de Castilla berries Bogotá, Colombia. ............................................................ 113
Figure 59: Zarzamora or moron berries (left). Size variation between the three species of moras
largest zarzamora, medium size mora de castilla, small mora silvestre Bogotá, Colombia. ..... 114
Figure 60: Mora Silvestre plant and berries Bogotá, Colombia. ................................................ 115
Figure 61: Guasca leafs a main ingredient of the traditional ajiaco Bogotá, Colombia. ........... 116
Figure 62: Gold Muisca poporo and stick for coca (left). Coca leaves and snails used for calcium
(right) Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia. .................................................................................. 117
Figure 63: Map created by the author showing the trade of coca leafs within the Muisca territory
before and during the conquest, based on information found in Langebaek (1987). ................. 119
Figure 64: Coca leafs and coca plant Bogotá, Colombia ............................................................ 120
Figure 65: Domestic guinea pig pelvic bones recovered at La Muela, Tunja by the UPTC,
Colombia. .................................................................................................................................... 123
Figure 66: Domestic guinea pig mandibles recovered at La Muela, Tunja by the UPTC .......... 126
Figure 67: Domestic guinea pig femurs (left). Domestic guinea pig humerus notice burned areas
indication of cooking. La Muela Tunja, Colombia UPTC.......................................................... 126
Figure 68: Domestic guinea pig radius (left). Domestic guinea pig scapula (right). La Muela
Tunja, Colombia UPTC. ............................................................................................................. 126
Figure 69: Gold deer figurine from the Late Muisca Period Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
..................................................................................................................................................... 128
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Figure 70: Odocoileus virginianus femur samples collected for collagen testing from La Muela
Tunja, Colombia recovered by the UPTC................................................................................... 129
Figure 71: Odocoileus virginianus maxilla (left). Deer antler (right). Recovered at La Muela
Tunja, Colombia by the UPTC. .................................................................................................. 130
Figure 72: Fox mandible recovered at La Muela Tunja, Colombia by the UPTC...................... 131
Figure 73: Gold ornament of a large bird, Late Muisca period Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
..................................................................................................................................................... 132
Figure 74: Fishing weights of the Muisca period Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia. ............... 134
Figure 75: Gold ornament of a capitán fish, the eel like cat fish is easily recognized for its
barbells (left). Small gold fish from a Muisca necklace. Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia. .... 136
Figure 76: Modern town of Raquira well known for its ceramics since Muisca occupation. .... 138
Figure 77: Muisca jar (left). Muisca mucura (right). Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia. ......... 139
Figure 78: Muisca jar Guatavita desgrasante mucura, notice the geometrical figures. Museo del
Oro Bogotá, Colombia. ............................................................................................................... 139
Figure 79: Pedestal cup dating to the Muisca Period painted outside and inside Guatavita
Desgrasante. Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia. ....................................................................... 140
Figure 80: Muisca cuencos used for serving food and drinks. Museo del Oro, Bogotá. ............ 141
Figure 81: Muisca ollas of different shapes and styles sometimes decorated and painted (left).
Ollas cuenco (right). Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia. ........................................................... 141
Figure 82: Guacha a type of ceramic used in the evaporation of salt. Museo de Oro Bogotá,
Colombia. .................................................................................................................................... 141
Figure 83: Muisca stone mano and granite metate Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia .............. 143
Figure 84: Muisca stone axes large and small. Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia. ................... 143
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Figure 85: Muisca stone mortar and bird carved pestle. Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia...... 143
Figure 86: Stone sharpener (left). Jasper Atlatl (right). Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia....... 144
Figure 87: Muisca granite fishing weight Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia (right). Deer bone
tools for puncturing, mixing and other functions UPTC Tunja, Colombia. ............................... 144
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: This table shows agricultural crops used by the Muisca before the conquest, common
names, botanical names, varieties, origins, nutritional information, and uses for these plants. . 167
Table 2: This table uses information from Pradilla et al.(2005) of mammal remains recovered at
La Muela and Los Altos Santuarios in Tunja, Boyaca by the UPTC. (MNI) refers to the
minimum number of individuals from the skeletal assemblage. ................................................ 175
Table 3: Weight (wt), type, and condition from mammal bone samples analyzed at the UPTC
Tunja, Colombia. ........................................................................................................................ 177
Table 4: Measurements, material, munsell coloring, and function of Muisca artifacts analyzed at
the Museo del Oro ceramic and stone tools deposit Bogotá, Colombia. .................................... 178
Table 5: Mean roots and tubers size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in
Cundinamarca and Boyaca, Colombia. ....................................................................................... 179
Table 6: Mean grains size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in
Table 7. Mean legumes size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in
Table 8. Mean leaf size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in Cundinamarca
and Boyaca, Colombia. ............................................................................................................... 180
Table 9: Mean fruits size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in
Table 10: Mean ají size measurements (± standard error) purchased in Cundinamarca, Colombia.
..................................................................................................................................................... 182
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Table 11: Mean tomate árbol Cyphomandra batacea size measurements (± standard error)
purchased in Cundinamarca, Colombia. ..................................................................................... 182
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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
The Muisca people of the Eastern Cordillera of Colombia (Figure 1) had an exceptionally
complex diet which is the result of specific subsistence strategies, environmental advantages, and
social restrictions. The distinct varieties of microclimates, caused by the sharp elevations in this
part of the Andes, allows for a great biodiversity of plants and animals that was accessible to the
native population. The Muisca utilized more than 40 of these species throughout their territory
and the adjacent regions for sustenance. These products have been identified through extensive
multidisciplinary research (Table 1)1. Another essential product of the Muisca diet was salt. This
mineral, found in the mines of Zipaquira and Nemocón in Muisca territory, was highly desired
and traded within the region and the adjacent territories for items not locally produced, thereby
increasing the access to other varieties of food. Nevertheless, the Muisca diet was limited by the
variety of foods they had access to and by the social processes that developed into restrictive
dietary practices imposed by the elite.
This dietary stratification is most evident in the consumption of corn and animal protein,
especially deer, which was restricted to the chiefly classes except during feasts and other
celebrations when the entire social strata had access to these foods. The majority of food
products used by the Muisca before the Spanish conquest is still very much a part of the modern
Colombian diet and in some ways remain restricted to specific social classes, as will be
explained in this thesis. Our understanding of the modern uses of these products can facilitate our
interpretation of the archaeological data. The purpose of this research is to establish a
1
The earliest presence of plant domestication in the Muisca plateau comes from the site of Aguazuque where
remains of domesticated varieties of Curcubita pepo (calabaza) and Oxalis tuberosa (ibias) dating to 3850+/-35 BP
where recovered (Correal, 1990:261).
1
reconstruction of the Muisca diet and to identify products used for food by this society through
the analysis of the archaeological data, ethnohistory, ethnology, and ethnobotany of this region in
the Colombian Andes.
2
Figure 1: Chiefdoms of the Northern Andes. Darker purple area shows the Muisca territory at the
time of the Conquest (map courtesy of the Instituto Geográfico Agustín Codazzi Bogotá,
Colombia Appendix A).
3
Dietary analysis is a fundamental tool used by anthropologists in order to understand the
cultural developments of New World societies. The study of what people eat and how they
obtain their food lends insight into behavioral and cultural practices (Tykot 2006). Differences
between the diets of specific human groups are the direct result of different subsistence
strategies, environmental constraints, and cultural constructs. These shaping factors are evident
when a society evolves from a hunter-and-gatherer society into an agricultural society (Johnson
and Earle 2000). “The major subsistence event underlying rank society is the transition to a
domesticated food supply” (Fried 1967: 115). Such “cultural developments often bring social
stratification, which in turn leads into a preferential diet for the favored individuals” (Lambert et
al. 1984: 298). The preferential and restrictive diets are established to mantain boundaries and
social control in the form of “sanctions, rewards, or punishment used by an individual group to
lead or confine within stated channels the behavior of others” (Fried 1967: 10). This change is
often the result of dietary differences within and between cultural groups and can be measured as
a correlation between diet and social stratification. For instance, Ambrose, Buikstra and Kruger
(2003) have demonstrated how a preferential diet of the Mississippian culture in Cahokia, Illinois
is correlated to status and gender differences. Chase and Chase (2001) have showed that the
Maya elite living in the palaces of Caracol ate a distinct diet high in both maize and animal
protein. By identifying the differential dietary practices of a cultural group, it is possible to
understand important factors in the development of a group’s social stratification strategy.
Reconstructing the diet of a human society is a complex process, especially for
archaeologists who lack the ability to see these practices first-hand and must rely on multiple
interdisciplinary methods to successfully identify lost dietary practices. New World
archaeologists trying to reconstruct ancient diets have relied on a variety of data: the analysis of
4
human food remains, and tools to process foods; the iconography of artifacts depicting food;
pollen analysis; phytoliths; coprolites; dental wear patterns; and, most recently, chemical
analysis of human and animal bone, such as stable isotope analysis and starch recognition
(Ambrose et al. 2003; Correal 1983; Cárdenas-Arroyo 1993, 1995, 2002; Pradilla et al. 2005;
Chase and Chase 2001; Dupras 2001; Emery 2000). Processual archaeologists have also relied
on ethnographic studies and colonial European chronicles to make cross-cultural comparisons
between the diet of past and modern societies. New World archaeologists also consult
ethnobotany studies, which are an important source of biological data of the plants used by a
given society2.
Archaeologists trying to reconstruct the diet of ancient cultures in the Americas
commonly focus on the areas where the most advanced complex societies in the New World
occurred: Mesoamerica (Emery 2000, 2003; Teeter and Chase 2004); the Peruvian and Bolivian
Andes (Ambrose et al. 2003); and the Mississippi valley (Finucane et al. 2006.) However, these
studies often ignore areas of primary plant domestication like the Amazon basin (Walker 2011)
and the Colombian Andes (Dolmatoff 1965). This misbalance of archaeological research has led
to the misconception that all the social processes that motivated the domestication of plant and
animal species developed in the mentioned geographical areas and spread to the rest of the
continent, such as was the case with corn. One of these forgotten regions is the country of
Colombia, the entrance to the South American continent (Lavallée 1995). Recent archaeological
interpretations demonstrated that the domestication of New World species are not only the result
of the diffusion of cultural practices from large cultural centers, but are also the result of
independent temporal and spatial developments (Lathrap 1973, 1975). Colombia is probably one
2
Ethnobotany is the scientific study of the relation between plants and humans.
5
of the regions where the independent domestication of certain plants and animals occurred, as
well as the region where Mesoamerican domesticated crops were first adopted by South
Americans (Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002). Recent anthropological studies in Colombia are changing
our perspective of the cultural processes that led to the independent domestication and adoption
of food products that were ignored in the past. As stated by (arguably) the most important
Colombian anthropologist Reichel Dolmatoff (1965: 15): “The study of Colombian Prehistory
has been overshadowed by the splendor of the ancient civilizations of Mesoamerica and the
Central Andes,” an issue currently being addressed.
The nonconformity expressed by Reichel Dolmatoff is understandable since some of the
earliest pottery in the continent (3000 B.C.) was found in Colombia (Reichel Dolmatoff 1965:
54), as well as some of the earliest evidence of corn agriculture (4000 to 3000 B.C.) (CárdenasArroyo 2002: 14; Tykot 2006; Bray et al. 1987: 445). In Colombia the earliest and some of the
most advanced complex societies in South America developed (Carneiro 2000; Drennan 1991),
and goldsmith technology reached its peak (Reichel Dolmatoff 2005), making this region
particularly influential in South America. Studies defining the diet of indigenous societies in
Colombia are important as there is evidence of independent domestication or early adoption of
food products such as corn (Zea maiz), yuca (Manihot esculenta) (Reichel Dolmatoff 1965: 62),
the arracacha (Arracacia xanthorrhiza) (Sauer 1950), and the guinea pig (Cavia porcellus)
(Ijzereet 1978; Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002). Understanding the dietary practices of early Colombian
societies will give us a more accurate representation of how agriculture was first adopted by
South American hunters-and-gatherers and how human groups developed into the stratified
complex societies that the Spanish encountered during the conquest.
6
One of these advanced human societies of great importance encountered by the
conquistadors in Colombia was the Muisca3. The Muisca were part of the Chibchan language
group, consisting of five independent chiefdoms (Figure 2) who shared a unified culture. The
Muisca inhabited the plateau in the Eastern Cordillera of the Andes, where the modern cities of
Bogotá and Tunja exist today (Figure 1). “Their settlement area, which can be relatively well
reconstructed on the basis of the chroniclers’ reports, spread out over about 22,000 square
kilometers” (Kurella 1998: 192). The Muisca population is estimated to have surpassed 500,000
people during the Spanish conquest (Reichel Dolmatoff 1982a: 97). Radiocarbon dating supports
a Muisca presence in this region from AD 1000 +/- 200 up to the Spanish conquest (ca AD
1600’s) (Labbé, 1986). This region is a fertile highland basin packed with resources and
biodiversity that the Muisca exploited to its fullest potential. Some of these resources include: a
variety of fruits and edible plants such as: sweet potato, beans, peanuts, squash, corn, achira,
yuca, potatoes, arracacha, quinoa, peppers, oca, cubios; animals such as guinea pig and deer;
mineral resources, like salt used for consumption and trade; and, emeralds, stones that were also
traded.
3
For a comprehensive description of Muisca culture in the English language see Kurella (1998).
7
Figure 2: Map showing the domain of the Muisca before the conquest. Segmented lines show the
limits of each of the five Muisca chiefdoms. Map created by the author from information in
Rojas (1977).
8
Overall Aims and General Questions
Three main questions are addressed in this research. (1) What did the Muisca people eat
and how did they obtain their food? (2) What methodologies can be used to reconstruct the diets
of the Muisca people? (3) Did this complex chiefdom have a restrictive diet for lower social
classes and, if so, what were the restrictions of this diet? In order to answer these questions I
analyzed the archaeological evidence, the ethnohistory, ethnographic studies and the ethnobotany
of the territory once inhabited by the Muisca, that today includes the modern cities of Bogotá and
Tunja, Colombia. Although data relating to the diet of Colombia’s ancient societies are scarce
(Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002: 13), there are some studies that have used a variety of archaeological
methods to interpret the ancient dietary practices of the Muisca and other indigenous groups
affiliated with this society. The Spanish chronicles describe some of the cultural practices of the
Muisca and are a valuable asset to our understanding of this group and its dietary practices.
There are also a variety of studies that use the ethnographic method to interpret the diet of
modern societies (ethnobotany) that still use some of the same food products the Muisca used
before and during the conquest, demonstrating how such products were used by this complex
Pre-Columbian society.
The Muisca diet was very complex because the stepped elevations in the portions of the
Andes that the Muisca inhabited creates various microclimates that result in a great diversity of
plants and animals. The availability of the microclimates that ranged from sea level to elevations
greater than 4,000 m. allowed the Muisca to exploit and domesticate a great variety of plants and
animals. “Since ancient times Colombia’s mountain valleys, with their innumerable
microclimates, have been an ideal laboratory for plant and animal domestication” (Reichel
Dolmatoff 1965: 18). The purpose of this research is to develop an accurate reconstruction of the
9
Muisca diet and its effects on the distinct social classes of this group that led to the formation of
a preferential diet for the elite and dietary restrictions for the lower social classes. I also try to
identify and describe those foods used by the Muisca that are still utilized as part of the modern
Colombian diet, especially where social divisions in access to specific foods are visible today.
10
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
There is a lack of archaeological, ethnographic, and ethnobotanical research that focuses
on the dietary practices of the Muisca and modern Colombians in the English language. The
majority of the following sources described here were written in Spanish.
Archaeology
The Muisca sites known in Colombia as El Cercado de Los Altos Santuarios and La Muela
North of the modern city of Tunja (Figure 3) were used as the basis of the archaeological
evidence for this project. These sites were excavated by a group of archaeologists from the
Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia (UPTC) in Tunja between 1986 and 1995.
There were selected here because of their significance for the Muisca and the fact that there is an
impressive preservation of human bone, animal bone, and plant material (rare for Colombia), as
well as a high number of utilitarian artifacts related to food production and consumption, all ideal
elements for a dietary reconstruction project. The majority of the information about the
excavations and research from these sites are still unpublished and this information was acquired
mainly from unpublished reports on the excavations performed by the UPTC at these sites and
one published article (Pradilla et al. 2005). Stone tools and ceramic artifacts from the “Ceramic
Deposit” at the Museo del Oro were also analyzed in order to understand the processing and
forms of consumption of foods by the Muisca. Information about these artifacts, located at the
“Ceramic Deposit” at the Museo del Oro, has not been published. Special permits were required
to access this collection and collaboration with the staff at the Museo del Oro was essential to
facilitate the analysis of this material.
11
Figure 3: General map of the archaeological sites of Los Altos Santuarios and La Muela UPTC.
(Based on information by Pradilla et al. 2005).
The Los Altos Santuarios and La Muela sites contain more than 55 human burials that
range from highly complex to very simple4, some containing food offerings. Pradilla, Villate and
Ortiz (2005) studied the dental wear patterns of individuals found in the complex burials versus
dental patterns of individuals occuring in simple burials and found great differences, suggestive
of a difference in the diet of specific social classes. Excavations in Tunja, resulted in the
recovery of a large amount of artifacts used for processing food that still contain food remains
and include: pottery; stone tools cutting tools; manos and metates; and arrow points.
4
Simple burials are considered those without any ritual offerings. Complex burials are referred to those with
elaborate ritual offerings that include pottery vessels, gold ornaments, stone offerings, shell, etc. The more elaborate
or numerous the offerings the more complex the burial.
12
Excavations at La Muela, resulted in the recovery of seeds of various plants, animal bones, and
carbonized corn. In Los Altos Santuarios and La Muela archaeologists have recovered more than
3,500 faunal bones representing at least 14 species of mammals and 7 species of birds, the
majority showing evidence of human consumption (Table 2). There is also evidence in La Muela
of a large number of domesticated plant species that include corn, potatoes, beans, and a variety
of unidentified species. The material analyzed at the Museo del Oro also includes utilitarian
stone tools and ceramic artifacts utilized in the processing, serving, and consumption of food
products.
The most comprehensive archaeological research on the Muisca diet and the diet of
earlier inhabitants in this region is the work of Felipe Cárdenas-Arroyo (1993, 1995, 2002,
2005). His research focuses on the use of Carbon and Nitrogen stable isotope analysis on human
bone and dental wear patterns of ancient hunter-and-gatherers and agricultural populations that
inhabited the Bogotá Sabana. This research shows a chemical difference in the diet of early
Paleo-Indian populations and later Muisca populations in the Bogotá Sabana as well as the
differences between the diet of individuals in terms of corn consumption and intake of animal
protein (Cárdenas-Arroyo 1993, 2002). This author has also identified the consumption of plants
by the Muisca such as: quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa); ibias (Oxalis tuberosa); arracacha
(Arracacia xanthorriza); beans; potato; yuca; calabaza (Cucurbita pepo); sweet potato (Ipomea
batata); Totumo (Crescentia cujete); and, the consumption of mammals such as guinea pig and
deer. This research has been crucial for our understanding of the Muisca culture and their dietary
practices; however, it focuses mainly on the stable isotope results of Paleo-Indian and preMuisca diets and is not a comprehensive dietary reconstruction of the Muisca foods.
13
Jose Rozo Gauta has also greatly contributed to our understanding of the Muisca diet
(1998). His book Alimentación y Medicina entre los Muiscas Rozo describes not only products,
but also methods of preparation and consumption of food products. Rozo also conducted
linguistic research on the terminology used by the Muisca when referring to food products,
methods of preparation, and the act of eating. Reichel Dolmatoff (1965) has suggested that the
Muisca grew at least two types of potatoes, quinoa, ulluco, oca, topinambur, and cubios. Doris
Kurella (1998) describes Muisca society and posits the existence of a restrictive diet, proposing
that the consumption of deer was restricted to the chiefly class.
Other authors including Henderson and Ostler (2005), Villamarin and Villamarin (1975),
Glassner (1970), Haury (1953), and Langebaek (1994) have also described important theories
and products of the Muisca diet. Herrera (2005) has conducted pollen analysis of the site
Buritica-200 inhabited by the Tayrona chiefdom; it was culturally similar to the Muisca and in an
area where the Muisca shared some of the same food products. Boada and Berrio (2006)
conducted pollen analysis of the Muisca sites of Guaymaral and Filomena in Suba, Colombia
and identified a great variety of eatable species of plants at these sites. Bray, Herrera, Cardale,
Botero and Monsalve (1987) conducted pollen analysis of the Calima chiefdom, also of the
Colombian Andes, obtaining the earliest evidence for corn domestication in Colombia. Parra
(1998) conducted phytolite studies recovered from the dental plaque of Muisca human remains
and identified three plant species used for food: Zea mays (corn); Canna edulis (achira); and
Curcubita pepo (calabaza). Phytolith recognition of modern plants for comparison to
archaeological material were established in the paper: Nutrición y Alimentación de la Población
Arqueológica de Tunja: Estudio de Fitolitos (Bravo et al. 2005)
14
Langebaek (1987) conducted research establishing the ethnic integration of markets
within and outside Muisca territory, defining food products and methods of distribution by the
Muisca and their trading partners. By observing the iconography and the faunal osteological
material of Muisca sites, Legast (1995) has identified and described in detail the species
composition of the fauna present in Muisca territory that in many cases formed part of the animal
protein diet of these chiefdoms. Salt was another important part of the diet of the Muisca. The
Muisca controlled the large salt mines of Zipaquira and Nemocón, extracting this important
mineral for consumption and trade (Herrera and Cardale 2000). Salt and other foods were also
traded within the Muisca chiefdoms. Cardale (1981) intensively studied the salt production and
trade through excavations and extensive research at the salt mines of Zipaquira. In Las Salinas of
Zipaquira Su Explotación Indigena, Cardale not only describes the methods of production and
distribution of this mineral, but also elaborates on the traditions, typology, and sequencing of
ceramics recovered at Zipaquira that were utilized in the production of salt, other utilitarian uses,
and ceremonial practices.
There are a number of publications focusing on the traditions, function, sequencing, and
chronology of Muisca ceramics. Analysis of Muisca and pre-Muisca ceramics has been
undertaken by a large group of researchers for over five decades. Reichel-Dolmatoff (1965)
described the few ceramics (potsherds) recovered in the vicinity of Tunja, but emphasized that
during the 1960’s, “nothing is known of the burial or pottery associations”. This lack of
information began to change with the research of Sylvia Broadbent (1971, 1974) who developed
the first sequences and chronology for pre Muisca and Muisca ceramics. Broadbent established
the typology of Muisca ceramics and, although some new types have been added by more recent
studies, the majority of the types described in her research are still the fundamental basis for
15
Muisca ceramics. Cardale (1981) has also established important types and sequences for Muisca
ceramics and has collaborated with Paul de Peape (1990) in an analysis of ceramics from the
Herrera period. A comprehensive and accurate description of the typology and chronology of
Muisca ceramics has been developed by the research of Carl Langebaek (1995). Langebaek
describes the ceramic types of all the Muisca periods and establishes precise chronologies with
the use of radiocarbon dating of material excavated with specific ceramic types. In terms of
descriptions on the function and decoration of Muisca ceramics, the work by Rojas de Perdomo
(1977) is an important contribution to the literature. Alejandro Patiño (2003) another Colombian
archaeologist, has studied the change of Muisca domestic activity of residential units over time
in the Sabana de Bogotá. Patiño demonstrates in this research that “the use of ceramics focuses
on the serving and preparation of foods, and not centered in the use of ceremonial activities”
(2003:138). These archaeological sources are not the only type of evidence we have on the diet
of the Muisca; fortunately, the Spanish conquistadors and Catholic priests left written documents
of the traditions and practices of this complex society.
Ethnohistory
The arrival of the Spanish conquistador Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada to the Sabana de
Bogotá territory in 1536 represents the first European contact with the Muisca chiefdom (Kurella
1998, and Labbé 1986). Jiménez de Quesada intended to search for “El Dorado,” a legendary
treasure believed to be located in Muisca territory5. This conquistador reached the land of the
5
The legend of El Dorado was born in Muisca territory where is said that the Muisca chief covered himself in gold
dust and in a canoe went to the middle of the Lake Guatavita. The chief immersed himself in the water. Reichel
Dolmatoff believes that this Muisca practice began after a meteorite fell at Guatavita. “A golden god had descended
and had chosen his abode in the depths of this land. This, then, is the powerful sprit which dwells at the bottom of
16
Muisca by following the salt trade to the northern regions of Colombia from the salt mines of
Zipaquira and Nemocón, which the Muisca controlled (Herrera and Cardale 2000). After the
arrival of Jiménez de Quesada and his troops, other conquistadors and priests followed him to
this territory and began to write in Spanish descriptions of the Muisca society and their cultural
practices. Jiménez de Quesada wrote an important account on the Muisca where he describes
various aspects of the culture including alimentary practices (1962 [1545]). Various primary
sources of Spanish accounts of the Muisca are located in the Archivo Nacional de Colombia in
Bogotá (ANC) such as the Visitas de Boyacá (1601) which describes the encomienda of Martin
Rojas in Tunja. The ethnohistory of this region has also been augmented by modern publications
of chronicles dating to the conquest. The most significant of these sources was written by Fray
Pedro Simón (1981 [1625]) and discusses in detail the consumption of foods and the social
organization and complexity of Muisca chiefdoms6. Other sources located at the section of Rare
Books and Manuscripts of the Luis Angel Arango library include ethnohistoric research by
Ramon Alberto García (1948), Fray Alonso de Zamora (1980 [1701]), Greogorio Hernandez de
Alba (1948), Fray Lugo Bernardo (not date), and Ezequiel Viricoechea (1871), all which contain
information regarding Muisca practices in terms of the utilization of food products. In order to
successfully reconstruct the Muisca diet it is wise to examine the modern cultures that continue
to use some of the same foods that the Muisca procured in order to draw analogous comparisons.
Lake Guatavita and this is what the gilded cacique symbolizes when he dives into the waters to acquire the power to
lead his people” (1965).
6
see also Mojica Silva and his Relación de Visitas Colonials 1948, and Zamora, Fray Alonso 1980 [1701].
17
Ethnography and Ethnobotany
“Ethnographic study of land use and local history is a powerful methodology that is
particularly effective in conjuction with archaeological investigations” (Walker 2011: 6).
Gerardo Reichel Dolmatoff (1982b) constantly demonstrated the importance of cross- cultural
comparisons between past and modern Colombian indigenous societies as shown in his research
on the ancient Tairona and their modern descendants, the Kogui of the Sierra Nevada. Dolmatoff
discovered that the Tairona buried pottery vessels below household floors, but the significance of
this activity was unknown. To Dolmatoff’s (1982) surprise the Kogui also buried ceremonial
vessels in their house foundation adding small pebbles inside the vessel that represented each
member of the household. Miniatures of grinding stones and mullers are often found in Tairona
sites as well as among the modern Kogui who use them to grind necklace beads which represent
food for ancestral spirits (Reichel Dolmatoff 1971). “These few examples, then, not only show
the remarkable continuity of Tairona culture, but are ample proof of the many clues ethnographic
parallels can provide in the interpretation of otherwise problematic archaeological finds”
(Reichel Dolmatoff 1965: 48). Dolmatoff also examined the Desana of the Colombian Amazons.
His research showed how social restrictions and taboos in hunting facilitated an ecological
balance in this area. The Muisca may have also attained such an ecological balance as they also
maintained social restrictions on hunting practices (Reichel Dolmatoff 1971, and Kurella 1998).
The most important dietary analysis of past and modern Colombian societies is the
research of Victor Manuel Patiño. In his Historia de la Cultura Material en la America
Equinoccial: Alimentación y Alimentos (1990-1993) this author describes how social hierarchies
were not only represented in clothing and burial practices but also in the diet. Patiño (1990-1993)
suggested that the Spanish nobility in the New World would eat the domesticated birds and the
18
most desirable cattle meat cuts but left the viceras, such as the tongue, the tripe and liver to the
commoners and the Indians. Patiño (1990-1993) also describes some aspects of the preferential
diet practiced by the Muisca, such as the limitations on deer consumption and the limitations and
restrictions on the preparation of corn. Elites consumed the processed corn in the form of arepas,
which are grilled, whereas bollos which are boiled were consumed by the lower classes7. In this
work Patiño describes Pre-Columbian dietary practices and compares them to later practices
found during the conquest and in modern societies in Colombia, always emphasizing how social
stratification is correlated to preferential diets in these three time periods. Luisa Fernanda Tobar
and Myriam Chinchilla (1996) have also conducted research on the modern dietary practices of
Colombian indigenous societies and explain how products previously used by the Muisca, such
as guinea pig, achira, quinoa, arracacha, ibias, are still very much part of the modern Colombian
diet.
For information on the ethnobotany, I will mainly use a report published by a panel
named “Advisory Committee on Technology Innovation Board on Science and Technology
Development” (ACTIBS) (1989) on the food crops of the Andes. In this report various plant
foods that were used by the Muisca are biologically and generally described, including their
current and sometimes ancient use, their nutritional values, agronomy, environmental limitations,
taxonomic descriptions, origin, and their common names in distinct regions that include
Colombia. Most of the plant food products that are mentioned in the archaeology and the
ethnohistory of the Muisca are described in this thesis in detail, as well as being illustrated and
photographed which is essential for this research. This thesis also describes how some of these
7
Arepas are prepared by drying the corn, then preparing cornmeal that is made in to thick round disks that are later
grilled. Are eaten in every region in Colombia . Bollos or envueltos also made of cornmeal are wrapped in the
cornhusk and boiled. These are similar to the Central American tamales.
19
products are still perceived by the upper modern social classes in the Andes as “Indian food” and
are still in a way determinants of social status as much as was the deer for the Muisca (ACTIBS
1989).
Acosta and Moreno (1997) have described in great detail the modern uses, quantity of
consumption and production, nutritional values, areas of production, and the economic benefits
and difficulties of native root crops in the Muisca territory. In a different publication Acosta and
Moreno (1991) describe, with the same detail as their work with root crops, the native fruits of
Cundinamarca and Boyaca regions that were previously inhabited by the Muisca. Bravo,
Manrique, Pradilla, Acuña, and Morales (2005) developed a detailed list and ethnobotanic
description of eatable species that are native to the Muisca territory, with an entire section
dedicated to the root achira (Canna edulis). Rozo (1998) has also made important contributions
of the ethnobotany of a variety of products utilized by the Muisca. It is also important to
understand the changes that occurred in agricultural production from the Muisca period through
the Colonial period and into modern times, aspects which have been successfully explained by
Juan Villamarin (1975). There are also important descriptions and the history of domestication of
tropical fruits cultivated and gathered by the Muisca (Smith et al. 1992, 2007). Culinary books
referring to the traditional dishes of Colombia can also be of great aid in understanding the
utilization of Muisca food products by past and modern populations. There are varieties of
traditional dishes that use multiple Muisca products in their recipes. The most important of these
dishes are the Cocido Boyasence and Ajiaco both which contain a wide variety of Muisca root
crops, herbs, and cereals. There are also wide varieties of desserts that contain fruits that are
native to the Muisca region, recipes that are described in this type of books (Diaz et al. 2008,
Wills and Valencia 1996).
20
CHAPTER THREE: THE MUISCA
Geography and the Environment
The Muisca are reported to have controlled over 22,000 square kilometers (Kurella 1998:
192) in the Altiplano Cundiboyasence of what are today the Departments of Cundinamarca and
Boyaca, Colombia (Figure 1). This area lays in the Eastern Cordillera of the Colombian Andes.
The inhabitable area occupied by the Muisca range in elevations between 1,800 m. above sea
level up to 4,500 m above sea level, although the zone has areas with elevations that exceed the
5,000 m above sea level (Langebaek 1995: 49). The Muisca also had a range of influence in
areas with lower elevations, especially given the fact that this group traded with societies that
inhabited areas in the coast. In order to differentiate the climatic zones in this region,
geographers have utilized the terms of tierra caliente (0-800 m above sea level), tierra templada
(800-1,800m), tierra fria (1,800-3,500) and paramo (3,500 m and higher). These climatic zones
vary greatly not only in the geography but also in the types of environments and species of plants
and animals.
The areas of major importance for the Muisca with the strongest Chieftains, were the
Sabana de Bogotá (Boada 2006: 21), and the highland basins of Tunja (Kurella 1998: 192),
encompassing an area of 935 square kilometers. The Sabana de Bogotá (2,500 m above sea
level) is an enormous plateau that extends throughout Cundinamarca and is surrounded with a
mountain chain that reaches the paramo. Tunja in the department of Boyaca is at an elevation of
2,840 m above sea level, although some surrounding areas reach paramo elevations as well.
These formations occurred geologically between five million and three million years ago (van
der Hammen et al. 1973: 90). Langebaek (1995) offers a descriptive account of the geological
21
features of these regions, definition of soil types throughout the various formations, and specific
types of vegetation for each of the soilscapes presented. The vegetation types encountered in this
region are essential for understanding the native crops and species available for human
consumption.
The Sabana de Bogotá and Tunja have relatively easy access to lower elevations of the
Magdalena valley and a great diversity of climates and ecological zones a few hours away
(Boada 2006: 21). Temperatures in this area range from 13 ºC to 4 ºC at night and rainfall
averages 800 mm (Langebaek 1995: 52). Some areas in Cundinamarca and Boyaca can have
substantially lower amounts of rainfall, such as the Candelaria desert in Valle de Leyva. There
are two rainy seasons each year, the first between March and May and the second between
September and November (Langebaek 1995: 53, Boada 2006: 21). The Departments of Boyaca
and Cundinamarca have important sources of fresh water, which were essential for Muisca
agriculture and fishing. In Boyaca the most important water source is the Chicamocha river and
the Tota lagoon; in Cundinamarca at the Sabana de Bogotá it is the Bogotá River. Although
today the Bogotá River is highly polluted by sewer, industrial, and agricultural residues, it was
once source of water and plentiful fish for the Muisca (Boada 2006: 23).
Periods of Human Occupation in Cundinamarca and Boyaca
The archaeological periods of occupation in Bogotá and Tunja encompass a period of 10,000
years. The delimitations of these periods were established based on the ceramic distribution and
typology in the stratigraphic layers and their correlations with associated carbon dates. Ceramic
sequences using diagnostic types for each period have been established, facilitating the
correlation between the areas of occupation and their chronology.
22
Preceramic Period
The Preceramic Occupation (10,000 BC-400 BC) (Langebaek 1995) is divided by some
archaeologists into the Paleo-Indian (10,000 BC-2050 BC) and Archaic (2050 BC-400BC)
periods (Henderson and Ostler 2005). This time span is usually identified with the use of carbon
dating techniques on remains of carbon mixed with soil and stone tools associations (van der
Hammen et al. 1966). Using stone tools as the main indicators for this period is problematic as
explained by Langebaek (1995: 69): “Stone tools in the Eastern Highlands from preceramic
times have proven difficult to compare with stone tools from later occupations”.
The site El Abra has calibrated (cal) carbon dates of 9340 +/- 40 BP (van der Hammen et al.
1966). The site of Checua in the municipality of Nemocón, Cundinamarca was dated utilizing
vegetal carbon to cal 7400 BC-cal 6440 BC (Cardenas-Arroyo 2002: 30). There is evidence that
stone tools were utilized for butchering deer and guinea pig meat and processing seeds and
tubers at this site (Groot 1995: 54, Hurt et al. 1972: 1107). The sites of Tequendama and
Potreroalto Cundinamarca also show evidence of guinea pig and deer consumption and were
dated with the use of vegetal carbon, as well as human and faunal bone, to cal 6130 BC – cal
4850 BC for Tequendama and cal 5,750 BC – cal 4,725 BC for Potreroalto (Cardenas-Arroyo
2002: 30). The site of Aguazuque in Soacha, Cundinamarca was carbon dated through human
osteological remains and two periods were established for the site (Cardenas-Arroyo 2002: 31).
The first period dates to cal 3925 BC – cal 2240 BC and the second to cal 900 BC – cal 825 BC
(Correal 1990). As with all the previous sites mentioned for the preceramic period, this site
contained faunal remains that include guinea pig and deer and stone tools for butchering the,
demonstrating the importance of these two mammals in the pre Muisca diet that possibly led to
the eventual domestication of the guinea pig and control over the consumption of deer.
23
The Herrera Period
Also known as The Formative Period (Henderson and Ostler 2005: 149), the ceramic
diagnostics from this pre-Muisca period are usually present in the majority of sites later occupied
by the Muisca. These include sites at: Zipaquira (Cardale 1981), El Infiernito (Salge 2007), El
Venado (Boada 1998), La Muela and Los Altos Santuarios (Pradilla et al. 2005), Valle de
Fuquene (Langebaek 1995), Cota and Suba (Boada 2006). It is for this reason that this section
will focus on the ceramic typologies identified for this period and not the sites where they have
been recovered. The Herrera Period has been chronologically placed between 400 BC – 1000
AD (Henderson and Ostler 2005: 149). Langebaek (1998: 72) proposes dates between 800BC –
AD 800 suggesting earlier dates assigned to this period are unreliable. In terms of the social
organization of this period, there is not enough data to support central political organization, but
there are indications that point to the existence of at least two types of social classes (Langebaek
1995: 72) and population approximations of 10,000 people (Cardale, 1981: 154). The presence of
social stratification during the Herrera period is associated with distinct social status and roles
between members of the society, although determining specific roles and status of any given
individual during this period is complicated. Each member “certainly plays a number of roles
and occupies a variety of statuses during his lifetime usually within relatively brief time spans.”
(Fried 1967: 29). The establishment of social hierarchies during the Herrera period is not
completely understood, nevertheless during this period, social stratification becomes evident and
it is the direct result of an increase in population associated with the introduction of agriculture.
There is evidence for corn cultivation during the Herrera Period (AD150) in the form of
pollen analysis (Cardale 1981: 157) and phytoliths (Correal and Pinto 1983). There is also
evidence for squash (Curcubita pepo) and ibias (Oxalis tuberose) indicating the importance of
24
these products even before Muisca occupation (Correal 1990: 261). The production of salt,
especially in Zipaquira and Nemocón, was of extreme importance during the Herrera Period and
the majority of the ceramics dating to this period were utilized in the processing of salt (Cardale
1981).
Broadbent (1971; 1974) first identified the diagnostic ceramics from this period through
superficial survey and collection in the site La Herrera, Cundinamarca, where this period takes
its name. The most common ceramic type of the Herrera Period has been named Mosquera
Crushed Rock (Mosquera Roca Triturada), and typically, was utilized for domestic functions
and produced locally (Broadbent 1971, Cardale 1981, Langebaek 1998, Boada 1998). The forms
for this type are: bowls, slipped bowls, vases with neck, and ollas. Mosquera Red Incised
(Mosquera Inciso Rojo) is a red slipped type with and considered an exchange item (Cardale
1981: 69, Boada 1998: 64); it is relatively uncommon. Similarities of the volcanic rock
sediments in the Mosquera Inciso Rojo with the sediments in the modern ceramics produced at
La Chamba, Tolima (Figure 4), known as a pre Columbian ceramic center, indicate that this type
of pottery was produced in this region (Cardale and Paepe 1990: 103). Forms for this type are
bowls and vases with necks (Broadbent 1971: 193), also indicating functions for cooking and
serving.
25
Figure 4: Modern ceramics from La Chamba, Tolima (left). Artisan at his workshop at La
Chamba, Tolima near a clay oven (right).
Zipaquira Desgrasante de Tiestos (Guatavita Desgrasante Tiestos by Broadbent 1971)
replaces Mosquera Roca Triturada around AD 850 and was fired with temperatures exceeding
650º C (Cardale and Paepe 1990: 106). This type is especially useful for dietary analysis of
phytoliths, as they are present in large amounts facilitating the identification of specific botanical
species present in the ceramics (Cardale and Paepe 1990: 106, Parra 1998: 7). Forms include
serving cups, bowls, ollas, and vases with anthropomorphic figures (Broadbent 1971: 198).
Zipaquira Desgrasante de Tiestos also comes in a variety of forms exclusively utilized for salt
processing, such as bell-shaped vases, bowls, and miniature bowls that were used to boil salt
water in order to gain salt. The ceramics were then broken leaving behind the bricks of salt for
consumption and trade (Cardale 1981: 112).
26
The Early Muisca Period
The Early Muisca Period (AD 1,000-AD 1,200) was characterized by the formation of
political organizations in the form of chiefdoms, the introduction of decorated serving vessels for
the consumption of chicha, evidence of feasting, the increase of settlement areas, the beginning
of mummification practices, and the introduction of gold artifacts for offerings and as indicators
of personal status (Henderson and Ostler 2005: 149) (Figure 5). Langebaek (1998: 87) notes that
there is not enough evidence to demonstrate that these events occurred during the Early Muisca
Period, stating that “little is known about how was the population like in terms of social
organization and economic activities”. However later he stipulates that there was a population
growth, increased social competition, and an intensification of warfare and feasting during this
period (1998: 89). It has been argued that this period shows a cultural continuation of the Herrera
Period based on the ceramics (Castillo 1984: 202). Dramatic changes in the cultural practices
between the Herrera and Early Muisca Periods may possibly indicate an invasion/migration from
other areas, probably the North Coast, given the similarities in the pottery of these regions
(Langebaek 1998: 87). The majority of research conducted for this period has focused on pottery
typology. It has been possible to establish diagnostic types for this period, even though the
sample for this period is relatively small.
27
Figure 5: Mucuras, Muisca mummy, gold offerings: Tunjos, cacique regalia (top: left to right).
Jar with high neck, olla cuarzo abundante, jars with globular bodies (bottom left to right) Museo
del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
During the Early Muisca Period, the Mosquera types disappear almost completely and
there is an increase of jars with high necks and handles (Boada 1998: 65) (Figure 5), possibly for
serving liquids especially chicha. There is also an increase of Desgrasante Gris and Cuarzo Fino
(Boada 2006: 40). The ceramics of this period are characterized by sand-tempered ware
(Arenoso) (Langebaek 1998: 169). The type Funza Cuarzo Abundante (sometimes placed in the
late Herrera Period (Patiño 2003: 154) has high amounts of quartzite, is usually cream in color,
and is sometimes slipped red or orange (Patiño 2003: 148; Broadbent 1971: 194). The forms for
this type include bowls and ollas (Figure 5), indicating again cooking and serving functions
(Broadbent 1971: 195; Langebaek 1998: 168). Tunjuelo Cuarzo Fino is commonly slipped red,
orange, or dark red (almost purple); when unslipped is of gray yellow color, both in the form of
bowls and large ollas (Broadbent 1971: 200-201; Patiño 2003: 154). Tunjuelo Arenoso is
28
generally represented in jars with globular bodies (Figure 5), bowls, and ollas; it is tempered
with fine sand (therefore abundant with quartzite), and has a yellow exterior and orange red
interior, sometimes slipped with the same clay as the paste or, alternatively, orange on both sides
(Broadbent 1971: 205).
The Late Muisca Period
The Late Muisca period lasted approximately 400 years from AD 1200 to AD 1600
(Henderson and Ostler 2005: 149; Langebaek 1995: 103). During this period, a more centralized
political authority begins to take place and there is the formation of a regional settlement
hierarchy (Henderson and Ostler 2005: 149). This period is also characterized by the introduction
of raised field agriculture and the erection of stone monuments (Broadbent 1969; Salge 2007)
(Figure 6). The majority of information that we have from this period comes from ethnohistoric
sources, as the Late Muisca period is contemporary with the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors
to the Bogotá Sabana and Boyaca. This is supplemented by information gathered from
archaeological projects focusing on this period of occupation. There is an increase in population
size, as archaeological sites dating to this period are far numerous and larger than during any
other periods of occupation, a fact corroborated in the Spanish sources. Larger settlements
facilitated the centralization political authority, allowing an easier control8 over the population
(Langebaek 1995: 105). Trade also became more productive and extensive during this period, as
indicated by the presence of foreign exotic materials found throughout the domain of this
chiefdom society (Langebaek 1987: 116). There is also an increase in the number of gold
artifacts dating to this period that were used in offerings and as indicators of personal status
8
“Social control is taken to consist of all the nongenetically acquired processes by which individual and group
behavior is directed along certain lines and diverted from others” (Fried 1967: 9).
29
(Figure 6). There is an increase in ceramic density during this period in the archaeological
record, also reflective of an increase in the population. This increase was a direct result of
agricultural productivity related to the introduction of the raised field system known as
camellones (Boada 2006: 83).
The diagnostic ceramics representative of the Late Muisca period are the Guatavita sherd
tempered ware (Guatavita desgrasante tiestos), Gray tempered ware (Desgrasante gris), and
Laminar duro (Boada 2006: 58; Langebaek 1995: 169-178; Broadbent 1971: 196, 201, 205).
Distinctive characteristics of a Guatavita desgrasante tiestos include: a tempered paste with the
inclusion of particles of sherds that are redder than the paste, giving it a crystalized texture, a
reddish yellow color (5YR 6/8) or gray color (5YR 5/1), and oxidized walls in most cases; rims
are usually curved, but some are flat and inclined; red slipped decorations occurs on both the
interior and exterior (Broadbent 1971: 197; Langebaek 1995: 171). The forms found for this
ware include “footed cups, bowls, jars ollas, mucuras, and anthropomorphic vessels associated to
storage, serving and ceremonial activities” (Langebaek 1995). Desgrasante gris is characterized
by soft gray mineral paste and fine texture, usually oxidized into a red color and decorated with
red and white paint over the paste (Broadbent 1971: 201). The color of the paste is reddish
yellow (5YR 7/6); firing is usually complete with a gray core (7.5 YR 6/0) and a laminar texture;
rims are generally rounded; and there are abundant particles in the temper (Langebaek 1995:
173). The forms of this type include ollas, jars, mucuras, and anthropomorphic vessels
(Langebaek 1995: 173). The funza laminar duro is characterized by its compact texture; it is
laminated and gray-slipped with red decorations present; it has a less oxidized nucleus than the
previous wares and it is found in the forms of jars and ollas (Broadbent 1971: 206).
30
There is also an increase in the ceramic forms associated with ceremonial activities
especially of ceremonial jars and decorated cups; these are decorated not only on the outside as
in the Early Muisca period, but also in the inside of the vessels (Langebaek 1995: 117). It is
curious that the majority of the imported wares were utilized in feasts and associated with
serving liquids and foods in the case of jars and plates and that the cups were associated with
ritual practices (Patiño 2003: 142). The increase usage of exotic ceramics was not exclusive to
the elites as it was also available to the lower classes, as reported in surveys at various
archaeological sites (Langebaek 1995: 107).
Figure 6: Phallic monument at the site El Infiernito, Colombia. Gold regalia. Golden cacique
figurine wearing regalia (top left to right). Gold chest plate. Gold offering representing high
status individuals. Muisca raft possibly used in El Dorado ritual (bottom left to right). Museo del
Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
31
Political Structure and Social Organization
The Muisca were a highly stratified society9 consisting of many independent chiefdoms
(Figure 2), separated from one another by geographic barriers (Kurella 1998: 194). They
possessed a solid government with a complex social structure where the chief and nobles were at
the top of the social pyramid and at its base the farmers and slaves (Perdomo 1977: 16). It is not
currently known what perecentage of the population belonged to each of the social classes an
issue that needs to be addressed on future projects. The chiefdoms of Bacatá and Hunza (Bogotá
and Tunja) were ruled by the Zipa and the Zaque respectively, tittles given to the most powerful
chiefs in the region (Broadbent 1981, 261) a status achieved “due to the submission of other
chiefdoms through warfare” (Kurella 1998: 194). The defeated chiefs would be able to maintain
some of their power but payed tribute to their conqueror (Aguado 1956, 1: 259). The chiefs of
the larger independent territories of Sogamoso, Veles and Duitama maintained absolute
autonomy over their territories with the lower chiefs under their rule but were constantly
competing to mantain control. There was a marked hierarchy between abosulute and subservient
chiefs but this was the most powerful position in Muisca society.
This ruling elite and their matrilineal kinship (Kurella 1998: 195) were at the top of
society and had privileges denied to the lower classes. Shamans and priests were also part of this
privileged group and had a high status and rank within the society (Labbé 1986: 154). The
xeques or high priests were in charge of medicinal and religious rituals including feasts, burials
and weddings enhancing their power in the society (Castellanos 1955: 158). The priest also
maintained social stability and descent groups through myths and rituals (Fried 1975: 77). Given
“the close tie between religious ritual and episodes of feasting, it is understandable that rank and
9
“A stratified society is one in which members of the same sex and equivalent age status do not have equal access to
the basic resources that sustain lige” (Fried 1967: 186).
32
religious status would be vested in the same individuals” (Fried 1967: 137). Priests were under
the absolute rule of the chiefs and did not receive tribute from the population directly but from
the chief to whom they owed alligence in order to maintain social order in the form of
redistribution (Kurella 1998: 196). Proffesional soldiers occupied the next step in the social
pyramid indication of the importance of warfare in political and social development between the
chiefdoms. The ranked soldiers or guachas as they were known in Bacata “seem to have formed
a special strata in Muisca society” (Labbé 1986: 154) and belonged to the chiefly class or the
elite. They will gain prestige in battle by the number of war trophies and captives they were able
to take and had access to certain privileges and if a chief had no decendants these soldiers could
be placed as chiefs (Kurella 1998: 198).
The privileges enjoyed by the higuer classes included the consumption of deer meat,
corn, wearing gold regalia, colored cotton blankets, and the practice of polygamy (see Boada
2006; Pradilla et al 2005; Cardenas-Arroyo 2002, Kurella 1998; Labbé 1986). These luxuries
were only permitted for the elite and lower social classes required permission to have such
priviliges (Visitas de Boyaca 1560: 75). The lower social classes consisted primarly of artisans
and merchants; followed by farmers and finally slaves (Labbé 1986: 154, Kurella 1998: 198).
Slavery possibly being the first type of social strata starting in the Herrera period or earlier10.
All the social classes payed tribute to the chief. The tribute in the form of labor, foods,
minerals, and slaves was later redistributed to the chiefly class and partly to the lower classes
(Salge 2007: 45). Redistribution of goods is the main economic integration process in ranked
societies (Fried 1967: 117) and accounted for the only opportunity the lower classes had acces to
restricted foods such as deer and corn. Different social classes had different acces to basic
10
“Slavery was one of the initial forms of stratification, perhaps the very first” (Fried 1967: 217).
33
resources including food which has important consequences on the development of social and
political institutions (Fried 1967: 54). The marked social restrictions imposed in foods are
associated with rank and status and were strictly enforced by the chiefly class to assert control
over the population. The implementation of a restrictive diet is directly relevant to social
stratification as “ranking is significantly dependent on the availability of food, and the origins of
stratification refers to the development of differentiated rights of access to basic resources”
(Fried 1967: 111, 191).
Archaeologists have been able to identify certain indicators to assign social status of
Muisca individuals. There is a definite association between status and material goods, although
archaeologically it is difficult to distinguish between the two (Chase et al. 2001: 107). For the
Muisca status is generally determined by the type of burials varying in their location, type of
offerings, and the quality and size of tombs (Figure 5 and 6), as well as the type of diet identified
through stable isotope analysis (Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002) and mummification. These factors are
usually correlated with descriptions found in the Spanish chronicles which facilitate the
identification of status and rank of individuals and its repercussion in their diet.
34
CHAPTER FOUR: MATERIALS, METHODS AND ANALYSIS STRATEGY
Archaeology
The archaeological data used for this project was assessed and collected from: the
archeology laboratories of the Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia (UPTC) in
Tunja (Figure 7); the laboratory at the Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia, Bogotá
(ICANH); and, the Ceramic and Stone tools Deposit at The Museo del Oro of the Banco de la
Republica, Bogotá (Figure 8). During a preliminary research trip in June 2007, I visited these
three laboratories and was given permission by Eduardo Forero and Victor Gonzales of the
ICANH, Luz Alba Gomez of the Museo del Oro, and Helena Pradilla from the UPTC to examine
archaeological material belonging to the Muisca culture related to dietary practices. I traveled to
Colombia again from November 28, 2008 to January 31, 2009 to conduct the analysis and
collection of data from Muisca artifacts and ecofacts located at these institutions
At UPTC I described, drew to scale, measured, and photographed ecofacts used as food
recovered in the Muisca sites of Los Altos Santuarios and La Muela. I performed this analysis on
faunal bone and plant material from the mentioned sites and brought some of that material back
to the United States in order to conduct chemical analysis for a future project on stable isotopes
(samples of deer bone). The material analyzed include osteological material belonging to
multiple species of animals (deer, guinea pig, fox, birds, puma, possum) (Table 3) and plant
remains from a variety of species recovered in excavations at these sites, including corncobs,
corn seeds and bean seeds (Figure 7). Pradilla has already made a classification of the varieties
of these corn and bean remains, which is of great importance for this research. There are 40
unidentified seeds from La Muela that were also observed, but the recognition of these species
35
should be conducted by a botanist or another specialized professional, possibly during a future
project. I also collected information from unpublished reports from excavations at La Muela and
Los Altos Santuarios located at the UPTC archaeology laboratory.
In the case of faunal bone I focused on recording information pertaining to deer bone
Odocoileus virginianus, and Mazama sp. and Guinea pig bones Cavia porcellus also using the
methods described above (Table 3). For deer, there are 2,557 fragments of bones belonging, to at
least 28 individuals and 503 fragments for guinea pig, belonging to at least 47 individuals.
Pradilla (et. al 2005) visually inspected and visually selected samples of these bones to
determine if any type of evidence of human processing such as cut marks, burning, and bite
marks were present and was able to identify multiple samples that showed these characteristics. I
inspected faunal remains from other species found at these sites, but focused on deer and
domesticated guinea pig, especially as these two mammals were the most important sources of
animal protein for the Muisca according to the chronicles and the archaeological record.
Archaeological material from the Museo del Oro and the laboratories at the ICANH were
also analyzed and evaluated. I drew to scale, photographed, identified, and described ceramic
and stone tools artifacts utilized by the Muisca for the acquisition, preparation, storage and/or
serving of foods in order to determine their specific function and purpose. I examined and
described a variety of ollas, cups, plates, jars, salt vessels, and other forms of ceramics (Figure
8). The ceramics analyzed were visually and randomly selected from the inventory at the ceramic
and stone tools deposit in the Museo del Oro, Bogotá, where one of each of the forms mentioned
earlier was represented. The function of these ceramics was established as well as the
identification of their typology through the identification of form, inclusions, and color. Manos
and metates were examined and recorded in the same manner as the ceramics (Figure 8). Other
36
stone tools were also examined and recorded, including stone axes, sharpening stones, chert
tools, flakes and cores, fishing net weights, mortars, containers, atlatls, and other artifact types
(Figure 8). The same process of selection used for the ceramics was applied to the stone tools;
where form, purpose, and size were taken into consideration. The stone tools were also described
in terms of their color, function, and the material from which they are made of (Table 4). The
analysis of these artifacts brings insight and perspective as how food products were processed by
the Muisca, a crucial step for establishing an accurate dietary reconstruction for this culture.
Figure 7: Archaeology Laboratory at the UPTC, Tunja: Muisca craniums from La Muela,
Ceramics from La Muela, Deer bone samples from La Muela (top left to right). Deer bone
remains from La Muela, Guinea pig pelvises from La Muela, Archaeological site of La Muela,
Tunja currently the UPTC (bottom left to right).
37
Figure 8: Ceramic and stone tools deposit at the Museo del Oro, Bogotá, Muisca stone tools,
metate (top left to right); Muisca axe, atlatl, Muisca ceramics (bottom left to right).
Ethnohistory
I searched for primary sources and modern publications of Spanish chronicles that
mentioned aspects of the Muisca diet at various locations in Bogotá and Tunja. I visited the
Archivo Nacional de Colombia in Bogotá, as well as the Archivo Histórico de Tunja, the
Biblioteca Luis Angel Arango Bogotá: Sección de Libros Raros y Manuscritos, Academia
Boyasence de Historia in Tunja, and the library at the UPTC in Tunja.
38
Ethnobotany
For the ethnobotanical portion of the research, I visited the Sunday Markets of Bogotá
known as Corabastos, Paloquemao and Codabas as well as the main produce markets in Tunja,
Boyaca, Villa de Leyva, Boyaca and Neiva, Huila, where people from these cities and the
surrounding regions come to sell and buy agricultural products (Figures 9, 10, 11). In these
locations I searched for food products believed to have been found in the Muisca diet and that
are still utilized today. I used the sources described above and my previous knowledge of these
products (as I grew up in this region of the Andes and some of these foods were part of my diet).
I also received assistance from plant ecologist Jennifer Navarra of the University of Central
Florida (Figure 11) in order to aid me in the taxonomic identification of these plants. These
products included roots such as: arracacha, which is one of the main ingredients of the ajiaco
the traditional dish of Bogotá; achira used today to make the salted crackers that have become so
popular that airliners in Colombia give them out instead of pretzels or peanuts; ibias; cubios;
chuguas; varieties of potatos; cereals, such as quinoa; and various species of legumes, squashes,
and fruits (Table 1).
After the identification of these plants in the market I purchased them, measured them,
weighted them, photographed them (next to a 1cm x 1cm scale), cooked them if required, tasted
them, and described these products in detail (Appendix B, Tables 5 to 9). A number of samples
were randomly selected for each of the products acquired, where the mean size measurements ±
standard error was calculated for each of the values (Tables 5 to 9). The price, by quantity of
each of the products, was also recorded. The purchased products constituted in some cases
different varieties of a single species and were catalogued and described individually. I dried and
froze slide samples of all the species purchased and stored them at my family’s apartment in
39
Bogotá until I am able to apply for permits to import them to the U.S. to perform chemical
isotope analysis for a future project. I also purchased guinea pig meat that is still sold at these
markets, from which I also collected slide samples that were then frozen. Guinea pig is still
widely consumed in the departments of Huila, Cundinamarca, Boyaca, and Nariño, Colombia
where the ancient chiefdoms of the Muisca and San Agustín developed. I also identified the
modern uses of these foods and made interpretations of how these products were used by the
Muisca, again using my previous knowledge of these foods, written sources, previous published
and unpublished research, traditional recipes, and the local knowledge of the people selling,
raising, or using these plant and animal species (Table 1).
I also conducted some participant observation with farmers, merchants, family members,
and friends who are familiar with these products to gain an understanding of where these
products are acquired, how they are utilized, and who eats them. For instance I was invited by a
friend’s middle class family to eat a traditional dish known as Cocido Boyasence. The interesting
thing about this experience was that this dish - with a variety of Muisca root crops such as ibias,
cubios, and arracacha - was not usually prepared or eaten by this family. As they knew I was
investigating the uses of these products they asked their maid to prepare it for me as she
regularly prepared it for her family. Obviously the maid belonged to lower social status and
commonly ate this dish, suggesting a modern dietary stratification. Some of the family members
did not even try the dish and, although the appearance of the dish was not very appetizing, its
flavor was exceptional and some of the family members who had never tried it did and were
impressed by its rich and fresh flavor. It was very interesting for me to see how, even through
having access to these products, the higher social classes in Bogotá probably have never even
heard of or tried some of these rich foods. In other instances I asked my aunt to make some other
40
traditional dishes and I helped in the cooking process and recorded the procedures for making
them, such as the traditional dish ajiaco. When in the markets, I talked to the vendors and
merchants that sold these products and asked them basic questions about their products, prices,
and places of acquisition.
Figure 9: Paloquemao market, Bogotá (left). Codabas market, Bogotá (right).
Figure 10: Neiva market, Huila (left). Villa de Leyva market, Boyaca (right).
Figure 11: Plant ecologist Jennifer Navarra analyzing food products (left). Tunja market, Boyaca
(right).
41
CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS
Figure 12: Variety of Muisca Crops.
42
Plants
The Muisca consumed a great variety of plants which they cultivated, gathered, or traded
for their local products (Figure 12). As stated before, the diversity of these plants comes from the
great variety of microclimates in this part of the Andes. The Muisca exploited resources through
the production and acquisition of plants from high elevations, such as tubers, squashes, and fruits
(especially varieties of blueberries and passion fruits), as well as mild elevations, where grains
and beans were grown, and at low elevations with warmer climates for the production of cotton,
coca, and tropical fruits. The different ecological zones described here were accessible to the
Muisca within a few hours of walking distance, allowing these populations to access a great
variety of foods in their diets a strategy known as microverticality (Kurella 1998: 199).
The Muisca cultivated the majority of their crops in elevated fields known as
“camellones.” Camellones are artificially elevated surfaces that allow the roots of the crops to be
drained and reduce humidity (Boada 2002: 83). This strategy permitted the farmers to prevent
frostbite, and reduce the effects of droughts and floods minimizing crop failure. Some of the
lands utilized in antiquity using this method continue to be utilized for agriculture in the present
demonstrating these modified soils have improved qualities as demonstrated in other South
American archaeological sites (Walker 2011: 10). Muisca agricultural economy is generally
described as based on corn and beans (Kurella 1998: 198) and, although these products were
essential for the Muisca, it was tubers that supplemented the diet of a large portion of the
population. The majority of the corn harvest was destined for the production of Chicha and was
controlled by the chiefly classes. In contrast, tubers were more accessible to the general
population given that they were easily grown and can better resist different types of climates,
43
diseases, and elevations; they also provided difference in the flavor and consistency of the
Muisca diet (Table 1, Table 5, Appendix B).
Tubers and Roots
Canna edulis: Achira or Canna
Achira can be grown in tropical zones as well as temperate and cold zones. This plant
was one of the first to have been domesticated in the Andes; “cooked tubers appear in dry coastal
tombs dating to 2500 BC, indicating both an ancient origin and the fact that the roots were
esteemed highly to be carried all the way from the highlands (ACTIBS 1989: 28). It comes as no
surprise that the Muisca were one of the many societies in the Andes to utilize this tuber, given
its early domestication and distribution; it was called Chisgua or Rijua in Chibcha the language
of the Muisca (Patiño 1990: 68). The domestication of achira most likely developed during the
Herrera period but archaeological evidence for it only exists for the early Muisca period. The
rhizomes of the canna are large anf off-white in color or white and purple when peeled
depending on the variety; there are the part of the plant that is most valuable for consumption
(Figure 13, Table 1). The origin of this plant is unknown, but it is believed to have originated in
South America between Colombia and Peru and was commonly utilized for food in Tunja during
the 10th century A.C. (Parra 2001: 241).
44
Figure 13: Achira Rhizomes.
Conclusive evidence for the consumption of this tuber by the Muisca comes from the
existence of Canna edulis phytoliths in the human dental calculus samples from Soacha and
Tunja taken by Parra (1998). Dental samples from 33 adult individuals from these two Muisca
populations were analyzed, resulting in the identification of chains of round bodies with
protuberances and depressions that are characteristic of Canna edulis phytoliths (individual
Tunja 4) (Parra 1998: 21). Langebaek (1994: 4) also recognized the presence of Canna in the
areas inhabited by the Muisca, but does not mention its consumption. Rozo states that: “Achira
was consumed by the Muisca but that this fact is not mentioned in the Spanish chronicles or
primary sources because tubers were generally described as turmas and grouped as a single
category and not differentiated according to their species” (1998: 23).
It is clear that the Muisca consumed achira, but further archaeological and
anthropological studies are necessary to understand the possible uses of this species by the
society (Bravo et al. 2005). Starch identification of plants from archaeological materials is
currently unavailable in Colombia, but perhaps this type of study could have important
significance in our understanding of the utilization of this crop. “Achira starch granules are by
45
far the largest ever measured - twice the size of potatoes starch granules, the previous record
holder” (ACTIBS 1989: 30), suggesting promising results if starch identification of Muisca
archaeological remains were analyzed using this technique. There are no indications that the
consumption of this tuber was restricted to specific social classes in Muisca chiefdoms and it
appears that it was accessible to the majority of the population (Parra 1998: 22). It is not clear
how the Muisca consumed or prepared this tuber, but it is possible that the methods utilized in
modern times resemble how the Muisca prepared and ate the achira.
These tubers are generally not eaten directly, but rather are utilized to make a fine, easily
digestible powdered starch (Britnall and Conner 2001: 184). In Colombia this starch is used to
make fine salted crackers with cheese that have become increasingly popular in the country,
although the tuber can also be eaten raw. The department of Huila in the southern Colombian
Andes is the region where these bizcochos de achira, as they are known, are most popular, but
the entire country has become familiarized with this product, to the point that they have replaced
peanuts or pretzels on Avianca the largest airline in the country. The majority of the production
in Colombia of achira comes from Boyaca where the rhizomes are directly cooked and eaten,
especially in the provinces of Marquez (Bravo et al. 2005).
I tried to purchase the rhizomes when I visited the markets described previously, but was
only able to purchase the powdered starch and was told that this was the form this product was
usually sold to consumers; I paid around 1 US for 2 lbs. (Figure 14). I also visited the provinces
of Altamira, Fortalecillas, and Algeciras, Huila; the people in this region say they sell the best
bizcochos de achira in the country. Generally the production of these treats takes place in local
houses in the area where people make large cement or stone ovens to bake the crackers; they
then sell them in the front of their doors (Figure 14) or walk around selling long plastic bags
46
filled with the bizcochos in a variety of sizes. One hundred units sell for approximately 2 USD.
In addition to the small businesses that produce these crackers, two large manufacturers also
produce them for mass consumption. The largest, Ramo S.A., one of the most important bakeries
in the country, produces small bags containing 30g. of achiras. Achiras del Huila, which
specializes in these crackers, sells them in a variety of packages and quantities; a 25g pack is
sold for approximately .75 USD (Figure 14). According to these two industries, the bizcochos
contain achira starch, fresh curd, eggs, margarine, and salt. Achira is high in protein (5g),
(18.2mg) iron, and (21.3mg) calcium with 125 calories in a 25g bag, according to these
manufacturers (Appendix B).
Today achira is grown in a number of places, including Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela,
Australia, St. Kitts, Indonesia, Taiwan, Philippines, Madagascar, Sri Lanka, and Burma. Easily
digested, it’s commonly given to the elderly, children, and people with digestive problems. In
antiquity the seeds of the achira were used as resonators for musical instruments (Patiño 1990:
58). The starch is not only used for food but also for sizing and laundry starch. The leaves and
young shoots can also be eaten or used to wrap foods for transportation, and the plants are also
grown for ornamental purposes (Britnall and Conner 2001: 181). The popularity of this crop in
Colombia and other regions, and its potential for a variety of uses, shows that achira has a
promising future in the growing global economy.
47
Figure 14: Merchant in the produce market in Neiva, Huila selling achira starch and achiote (top
left). Selling bizcochos de achira in front of the house in Fortalecillas, Huila (top middle, top
right). Making achiras in the patio Altamira, Huila (bottom left). Oven to bake achiras Altamira,
Huila (bottom middle). Achiras del Huila package (bottom right).
48
Arracacia xanthorrhiza: Arracacha
It is possible that this tuber was the first domesticated plant in the temperate zones in the
Andes and it is even suggested that it is actually the first to have been domesticated in South
America (Domínguez 1981: 88), but there are no dates to support these claims. The place of
origin of this crop is believed to be in Colombia, where you can find all the known varieties of
this crop (Cardenas 1969: 66; Langebaek 1987: 64; Sauer 1950: 488). However, this is difficult
to confirm because all the wild varieties of this tuber are extinct. It must have been cultivated by
pre-Columbian societies in Colombia for thousands of years, given that it’s not found in its wild
state anywhere (Bravo et al. 2005). Arracacha was extensively cultivated by the Muisca (Boada
2006: 133). This society most likely domesticated this tuber before corn or potato and it was
clearly utilized by the Muisca given its presence in the Colombian central cordillera (Sauer 1950:
487; Cárdenas 1969: 45). “There is no doubt that arracacha was cultivated in the central
cordillera in Colombia so far North to the region inhabited by the Paeces and the Yalcone”
(Patiño 1990: 16). According to Sauer, the early domestication of arracacha in Colombia makes
this region ideal to be considered one of the centers of origin for domesticated plants in the world
(Sauer 1950: 487; Domínguez 1981: 83).
Arracacha is also mentioned in some early Spanish chronicles. Fray Pedro Aguado, who
lived in Cundinamarca, used the term apio to refer to arracacha; this word means “celery” in
Spanish (1916: 590). Arracacha is in the same family (Apiaceae) as celery and the stems of both
plants are very similar indeed. Fray Pedro Simón describes that arracacha was cultivated
extensively by the Muisca (1981 [1625] II: 271). Zamora describes crops of arracacha in
Colombia (then the Nuevo Reyno de Granada) as continuous and abundant (1980 [1701]: 42).
“Nonetheless it was so overlooked in colonial times that it wasn’t given a scientific name until
49
300 years after the Spanish conquest” (ACTIBS 1989: 47). There was no evidence in the
chronicles, archaeology, or in modern practices of social restrictions regarding the consumption
of arracacha. The entire social group eats this tuber and given its early domestication and wide
distribution, this was probably also the case for the Muisca. Only the Muiscas in Boyaca are
stated to have grown this crop, although it was more widely distributed and important in
Colombia, especially given that is a main ingredient in the ajiaco (Figure 14) and the puchero
andino traditional dishes in the area of study (Langebaek 1987: 64). “Indeed, most soups in
Colombia contain arracacha” (ACTIBS 1989:49), demonstrating the importance of this crop in
the country.
Arracacha is ideally grown at elevations exceeding 1800 meters above sea level. As
mentioned earlier, arracacha plants resemble celery but with larger leaves; it produces yellow or
purple flowers and grows to around 60 cm in height (Bravo et al. 2005). Arracacha is usually
harvested before completing its seed cycle (ACTIBS 1989: 54). The roots of the arracacha,
which is the part of the plant that is eaten resemble carrots, but are yellow or white in color and
are also known as white carrots; these tubers contain high amounts of calcium and vitamin A. If
cut, the roots of the arracacha can be yellow or white with cross rings of a purple color (Figure
15). The flavor of the cooked roots is similar to cooked carrots – earthy, very gentle to the palate,
and with a strong pleasant sweet smell with a hint of wet soil. I encountered two varieties in the
markets of Villa de Leyva, Tunja, and Bogotá: a large yellow variety and a pigmy variety, both
costing approximately .25 USD per lb. (Figure 15, Table 5, Appendix B). As mentioned earlier
arracacha in Colombia is usually used in the preparation of soups but it can also be grilled,
baked, boiled, or fried. Acosta and Moreno (1997: 16) indicate that in Colombia during the
1990’s, 7.876 hectares of arracacha were cultivated annually, producing approximately 60,000
50
tons each year; 37.5% of this yield is destined for local consumption (1/3 of arracacha production
in Cundinamarca and Boyaca is sold there).
Arracacha can become an important crop in other regions outside the Andes, especially
given its exotic flavor, facility to be cultivated, and the different ways that can it be prepared.
Brazil and Puerto Rico have been growing arracacha since the 1910’s and it has turned into a
staple food for some populations in these countries (ACTIBS 1989: 53). The ancient uses of this
crop and its early domestication made this tuber of extreme importance in the Muisca diet.
Further research on the origin and domestication of arracacha should increase our understanding
of how populations in the Andes developed agriculture in this region and evolved into the
complex societies that the Spanish encountered during the conquest of South America.
Figure 15: Large yellow arracacha variety (top). Pygmy arracacha variety. Ajiaco traditional
soup of Cundinamarca with arracacha, two potato varieties, corn, avocado, guascas, cilantro,
and chicken (bottom left to right).
51
Tropaeolum tuberosum: Cubios or Navos
This tuber grows in high elevations the exceede 3000 meters above sea level, making it
ideal for populations inhabiting the high Andes. Although Domínguez (1981: 90) suggests that
Cubios are native to Colombia and that its domestication began there, the ancestral plant is
unknown. A weedy type that grows in elevations around 3000m in Peru and Ecuador could be a
wild variety of this plant and indicate its origin (ACTIBS 1989: 73). Nevertheless, the origins of
this plant are in the central Andes and it is cultivated from Colombia to Bolivia (Bravo et al.
2005). Cardenas-Arroyo(2002: 20) explains that: “to understand early agriculture in Colombia it
is not only feasible to assume that the domestication of corn and yuca define and explain the
agricultural processes there, but that it is also necessary to evaluate the importance of the Cubios,
Chuguas and Ibias which influenced dramatically the agricultural developments in the central
Andes.” Cubios were recognized as a Muisca product in some of the earliest anthropological
descriptions of this society (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1965: 159), and the predecessors of the Muisca in
Cundinamarca and Boyaca cultivated this tuber during earlier occupations (Boada 2006: 133).
Early Spanish sources also make reference of this crop in Muisca territory. Simón (1981
[1625] III: 401). described the Muisca as great farmers of corn, yuca, sweet potato, arracacha,
cubios, turmas (potato) and other roots.
“Otras que se llaman cubias, que echan en sus guisados y les es de gran mantenimiento y
son quasi a manera de rabanos en sabor y en todo estando crudos y este es el verdadero
mantenimiento de que sirven por pan” (Jiménez de Quesada 1962 [1545]).
This conquistador while describing the roots cultivated by the Muisca explains that some of
them, called Cubias, are used in stews that give great nutrition and resemble radishes, when raw
and are served as a replacement for bread. This tuber was essential to the Muisca as it could
52
nourish populations located at high altitudes. In the Andes this root is associated with poverty
and it is avoided by the higher social classes because of its indigenous origin and eaten only by
the lower social class (ACTIBS 1989: 69). In the case of the Muisca, it is not clear that cubios
were avoided in a preferential diet by the elites, but because of the high elevations where the
cubios thrive, it is possible that only populations living in high altitudes consumed them and,
high elevations are commonly relegated to the indigenous lower social classes in the Andes. It
seems that this crop was of minimum importance to the Muisca. Only the populations of
Choconta, who had access to lands near the paramos are known to have cultivated this crop; the
Muisca elite probably avoided it in order to eat foods similar to their counterparts at lower
elevations (Langebaek 1987: 61).
Today in Colombia cubios are commonly utilized in the preparation of soups and stews,
such as the traditional dishes known as Cocido Boyasence (Figure 16) and Mazamorra Chiquita
(Table 1). The first is a stew containing a variety of tubers, including potato, cubios, ibias,
chuguas, sausage, pork, beef, legumes, and spices. It is known that “the stew” was not a Muisca
form of cooking, but it was assimilated from the Spanish during the conquest (Diaz et al. 2008:
42). The second is a soup made with different meats (pork, chicken, beef), beans, corn, cubios,
chuguas, ibias, carrots and potato (for descriptive recipes of these two traditional dishes see Diaz
et al. 2008). Cubios are high in Vitamin C, high in protein, and were considered to be an antiaphrodisiac; they were given to Inca soldiers and women to reduce their desire for intercourse
during wars (Cobo 1965 [1639]). “Male rats fed a tuber diet showed no decline in fertility, but
did show a 45% drop in total levels of testosterone” (ACTIBS 1989: 70). This plant is grown for
its flowers in Britain and the U.S., demonstrating that it can be grown outside its native Andes.
53
Given it’s adaptability high elevations, it could be beneficial to introduce this crop to human
populations living in high altitudes such as the Himalayas.
I was able to purchase two varieties of cubios in Colombia, a white and a yellow variety
(Figure 16, Appendix B, Table 5), but there are more than 100 varieties in the different countries
where it is grown in an array of colors and sizes (ACTIBS 1989: 73). The cost of this product in
the market of Paloquemao in Bogota is approximately 1,000 Colombian pesos, or .50 USD, per
lb. making it very accessible for people who can’t afford more expensive products. The flavor of
the tuber, as explained by Jiménez de Quesada, is very similar to radishes and this could be the
reason is not that popular within certain groups of people and considered to be a food for the
lower strata.
Figure 16: Yellow Villa de Leyva, Colombia and white Cubios Bogotá, Colombia. White
Cubios. Cocido Boyasence with cubios, ibias, chuguas, corn, chicken, potato, pork, and sausage
traditional dish of Boyaca (left to right).
54
Oxalis tuberosa: Ibias
Similar to cubios, ibias are a main ingredient in the preparation of the cocido boyasence
(Figure 16) and mazamorra chiquita. The majority of the sources that describe Cubios as a
Muisca crop also mention the utilization of ibias by this complex society (Reichel-Dolmatoff
1965: 159; Cardenas-Arroyo 2002: 20; Boada 2006: 133; Rozo 1998: 23). Although this root is
not native to Colombia, it was used by pre-Columbian societies in Cundinamarca and Boyaca
after being introduced from its place of origin in Peru, where the majority of varieties are found
(Domínguez 1981: 90). This tuber (Table 1) is believed to be one of the oldest Andean crops and
has been found in early costal archaeological sites far from their native high lands (ACTIBS
1989: 90). The earliest dates of cultivated ibias in the Muisca territory comes from the site of
Aguazuque, Cundinamarca dating to cal 2345 BC – 2240 BC, showing how early this crop was
adopted in the region. Its ecological range is found between 2800-4000 meters above sea level,
making this tuber ideal for the consumption by populations living in high elevations, especially
given its qualities to resist frostbite. This tuber has been domesticated, but there are wild
varieties which are grouped as a single species with the domesticated forms (Bravo et al. 2005).
There are around 50 different varieties, 12 of them domesticated (ACTIBS 1989: 90), in an array
of colors that range from white to black, to yellow,to pink, to red (Bravo et al. 2005). In
Colombia the most common varieties are the pink and the red ones. The pink ibia was the variety
I was able to acquire for this project for around 2,000 Colombian pesos or 1 USD per lb. (Figure
17, Appendix B and Table 5).
Fray Alonzo Zamora (1980 [1701]: 43), noted that ibias were cultivated in the Nuevo
Reino de Granada, a fact that is repeated by Oviedo (1930: 46) 150 years later.These tubers were
commonly consumed in Bogota during the XIX century (Holton 1857: 150) and are also eaten
55
today demonstrating the continuity of the traditional foods in this region. As with many of these
productive tubers, ibias are also shunned by the higher social classes today in the Andes
(ACTIBS 1989: 84), a stigma that is possibly a continuation of ancient practices. Chiefly classes
prefered the consumption of corn and left these tubers to the lower classes inhabiting higher
elevations (Rozo 1998: 18). With better marketing techniques the nutritional and environmental
qualities of this crop, such as its resistance to freezes, its high protein value, and its balanced
content of amino-acids (which exceed those of the potato [ACTIBS 1989: 85]) can make ibias an
important food not only in Colombia but in developing and industrialized countries around the
world.
Figure 17: Ibias of the pink variety from Cundinamarca Bogotá, Colombia.
Ullucus tuberosum: Chuguas, Rubas or Ulluco
Another one of these high elevation tubers, the ulluco (Figure 18, Table 1), is also
utilized in traditional dishes in Colombia associated with cubios and ibias. Reichel-Dolmatoff
(1965: 140) mentions its utilization by the Muisca along cubios and ibias. Also introduced from
Peru into Muisca territory, this tuber was adopted relatively early by the inhabitants of this
region (Domínguez 1981: 89). Ulluco only exists in domesticated varieties and has been
recovered from 4200 year old ruins in Peru, giving clues to its early domestication (ACTIBS
56
1989: 113). This root crop is considered one of the principal foods of the Muisca (Langebaek
1987: 59, Boada 2006: 133). As mentioned earlier, Cardenas-Arroyo (2002: 20) believes that our
understanding of the domestication of ullucos, along with the ibias and cubios, through
archaeological research can demonstrate how agriculture developed in this region, given that
these products were fundamental in the diet of the Muisca. There are no descriptions of ulluco in
colonial documents in relation to the Muisca, but its presence in the region, as well as its modern
consumption by indigenous populations in Colombia, and its association with ibias and cubios
demonstrates that it was utilized by societies in Cundinamarca and Boyaca prior to the arrival of
the Spanish (Rozo 1998: 23). Perhaps their resemblances to potatoes although smaller and more
colorful led the Spanish to associate this tuber with potatoes and to be described as turmas in the
chronicles.
The roots of the ulluco are brightly colored and come in a wide variety of tones, ranging
from yellow, to pink, to red purple, to brown, to black, to orange (Figure 19). They vary in shape
dramatically, from round potato - like, to oval, to elongated, to curved even in tubers of the same
plant (Figure 20). I was able to acquire three varieties in Colombian markets: a yellow variety in
Villa de Leyva; a pink/purple variety in Bogotá; and, a brown/black variety in the market at
Tunja. The cost was beets 4,000 Colombian pesos or 2 USD (Figure 19, Appendix B, Table 5).
The taste of the raw and cooked ullucos resemble very much that of beets; the texture can
facilitate the adoption of this food in places were beets are eaten. In Colombia ullucos are
commonly used in soups and stews, as is the case for ibias and cubios, and are also associated
with lower classes, including indigenous groups in the country. Cubios, ullucos, and ibias were
avoided by the chiefly Muisca class and relegated to the consumption of lower classes. Cubios
and ullucos can be grown at sea level, as in Canada and England, as well as in mid to high
57
elevations; it is also resistant to frost, and to drought, and also has a tolerance for marginal soils
(ACTIBS 1989: 113), maning that this crop could be produced in a great variety of
environments.
Figure 18: Chuguas brown variety purchased in Bogotá, Colombia.
Figure 19: Yellow, pink and brown varieties of chuguas Villa de Leyva, Colombia.
Figure 20: Pink variety of chuguas different shapes and sizes Bogotá, Colombia.
58
Polymnia edulis: Jicama
This plant grows wild in Colombia in mild altitudes and could have originated there
(Table 1). In Peru as it is found in pre-Incan tombs, showing a wide dispersal (ACTIBS 1989:
122). Jicama can be eaten raw and this is way that is usually eaten in Colombia - with a bit of
salt, as it was probably done by the Muisca. It contains a low amount of calories and can be
processed into an industrial sweetener, which can be distributed comercially. It grows in
elevations below 3000 m; it contains inulin a sucrose - free product that can be used by diabetics,
thus giving this root a head - start to be marketed for this purpose (ACTIBS 1989: 117). Fray
Pedro Simón (1981 [1625] II: 271) noted that “jiquima” was cultivated and eaten by the Muisca;
it was also produced in Muzo near the emerald mines exploited by the Muzos, neighbors of the
Muisca, with whom they extensively traded for emeralds with salt and other products (Vazquez
de Espinosa 1948: 309). It was not possible to obtain jicama in any of the markets visited during
the research trip to Colombia, given that jicama is off - season during the summer months (as
mentioned by some of the merchants and farmers consulted). It appears that the consumption of
this root is being replaced by processed sweets and tropical fruits; it is not easily found as it was,
which could mean that the use of this root in Colombia is slowly disappearing.
Solanum tuberosum, Solanum colombianum or phureja, Solanum andigena, Solanum rybinii
and Solanum boyasence: Potatoes
Early archaeological descriptions of the Muisca explain that this society domesticated at
least two varieties of potatoes (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1965: 159). It has been suggested that the
potato was of lesser importance than corn and beans in the diet of the Muisca (Kurella 1998:
59
198). This statement is far from the truth because potato was essential to the Muisca diet and as
important as corn and beans (Boada 2006: 133). Corn was mainly used for the production of
chicha and controlled by the chiefly classes. The main staple food for the majority of the
population was tubers, especially the potato. Langebaek (1987: 59) explains that, according to
the majority of the Spanish chronicles, the potato was indeed one of the most essential foods for
this complex society. Pollen analysis conducted in the Sabana de Bogota indicates that potato
was grown in the raised fields utilized by the Muisca (Boada 2006: 133). The domestication of
potato in this region is early, dating to at least the Herrera period. Although the most known
forms of potato come from Peru, some species and varieties are native to Cundinamrca and
Boyaca, Colombia, such as Solanum rybinii, S. andigenum, and S. boyasence (Domínguez 1981:
89). Labbé (1986: 154) states that the Muisca had only two varieties of potato, but it is more
likely that it was at least three as suggested by Domínguez. In comparison to corn, the potato has
high yields at high elevations that exceed 3000m and it is certain that it was the staple food of the
lower classes (Domínguez 1981: 89, Salge 2007: 38).
Rozo (1998: 21-22) makes an excellent description of the use and varieties of potato by
the Muisca. The Spanish did not call potato papas as it is currently known but rather refered to
them as turmas. In the Chibcha language potatoes were known as yomas (Table 1) in general, but
different varieties, sizes, colors and shapes had specific names. Yellow potatoes, possibly
referring to S. phureja, were called tybaiomy, wide potatoes gazaiomy, long potatoes quyiomy,
large potatoes pquasiomy, dark potatoes funzaiomy, and white potatoes xieiomy. The extensive
terminology demonstrates the wide variety of potatoes that existed in the region as well as their
importance in the Muisca diet. Jiménez de Quesada (1962 [1545]: 9) in his expedition into
Muisca territory described the presence of potatoes in large quantities and that the Muisca seem
60
to eat only this type of food. Simón (1981 [1625] III: 401) also mentions that the Muisca
cultivated large quantities of potatoes.
Today, the potato continues to be of extreme importance in the diet of contemporary
Colombians. Potatoes are cooked in an impressive number of styles, as was the case in antiquity
(Rozo 1998: 21). In Colombia approximately 160,000 hectares are cultivated each year with
potato mainly in Cundinamarca and Boyaca, with a production of 2420.696 tons per year and
consumption by a single person of around 123 kg a year (Acosta and Moreno 1997: 32). I
purchased 4 different species of potatoes at the markets mentioned in the methodology section:
S. tuberosum sabanera at 1 USD per lb., S. colombianum or phureja at Criolla 1.5 USD per lb., S.
andigena at 1 USD per lb., and S. rybinii at 1 USD per lb. (Figure 21, Appendix B, Table 5).
Figure 21: S. phureja criolla (left), S. tuberosum sabanera (center), S. rybinii rucki (right)
Bogotá, Colombia.
61
Manihot esculenta: Yuca
It is stated in the Spanish chronicles that the Muisca cultivated the yuca, a very important
root crop in most of S. America (Simón 1981 [1625] III: 401). Archaeological evidence for the
yuca in Colombia is found in the town of Malambo, Magdalena dating to 1120 years B.C.
(Domínguez 1981: 84). The evidence comes from budares, which are artifacts used to process
yuca but, there is no archaeological evidence from plant remains and date no archaeological
evidence for the presence of this crop has been recovered in Colombia (Cardenas-Arroyo 2002:
19). Yuca (Figure 22) originated in the Amazon basin, but the closest botanical archaeological
evidence to Colombia comes from Venezuela at a relatively late date 400-1500 AC (Pearsall
1992: 189). Oviedo (1930 II: 389) indicates that the Muisca cultivated the “good” kind of yuca,
referring to some poisonous varieties, noting that the tubers could be in the ground for up to two
years after they were ready to be used. The long preservation of this crop made it ideal for the
Muisca. Yuca grows in temperate zones lasted twice as long as the yuca cultivated at lower
elevations.
Figure 22: Yuca roots at the Paloquemao produce market at Bogotá, Colombia.
As is the case for potato, yuca continues to be a very important crop in Colombia. Acosta
and Moreno (1997: 19-22) calculated that 200,000 hectares of land are cultivated each year at a
national scale, producing 2000000 tons of yuca per year; production has dramatically increased
62
because of governmental stimulus through Finagro. The consumption of yuca is of great
importance in the diet of rural and small populations and 70 % of the production of yuca is
destined to personal consumption. Estimated consumption of yuca is 20kg per person a year.
(Appendix B, Table 1).
Ipomoea batatas: Sweet Potatoes
Archaobotanical evidence of the presence of sweet potatoes from Zipacón, Cundinamarca
dated to 3270 +/- 30 BP and is the earliest evidence for this tuber in the Bogotá Sabana (Correal
and Pinto 1983: 180-181). It was during the Herrera period that many of the roots and tubers in
the region began to be domesticated or adopted. Sweet potato was possibly introduced to
Cundinamarca and Boyaca from the Northern coastal regions, as it originated in dry areas and
expanded from there to the rain forest and sabanas (Domínguez 1981: 84; Labbé 1986: 154). The
diffusion of sweet potato into other areas from its place of origin is a very interesting process. It
was cultivated in multiple regions in South America and as far away as Malaysia and Polynesia
by native peoples. Sweet potato is native to the Andes, where there is fossil evidence for it dating
to 11,000 year ago. Its presence in the Pacific islands is still debated (Brintnall and Conner 2001:
186). That it occurs in pacific islads supports the hypothesis that people crossed the Pacific from
South America to the Old World before the arrival of the Spanish; however, until further
evidence is obtained this cannot be determined. It is also unknown how and from where the
sweet potatoes reached the central cordillera in Colombia, but as mentioned earlier this root was
being cultivated in this region at a very early date.
Sweet potatoes (Table 1) were a regularly grown by the Muisca in at least 20 different
municipalities during the conquest (Langebaek 1987: 61). The chronicler Simón (1981 [1625]
63
II: 271) mentions that at the arrival of Jiménez de Quesada to Bacata, the Muisca were
cultivating this root in the adjacent regions. After the arrival of the Spanish in Colombia, the
sweet potato began to be prepared as a “sweet”, a practice unknown by the Muisca where these
roots were mainly roasted, baked, and used in soups (Patiño 1990: 6). Today in Colombia sweet
potatoes are usually prepared as a dessert and the native forms of preparation have been
completely replaced. Sweet potato continues to be produced in Colombia, but is not as popular as
some of the previous tubers and roots described earlier. The introduction of cooking methods,
such those practiced in the United States where this crop is commonly utilized can make it more
appealing to Colombians in order to obtain the nutritional qualities that this root can offer. These
roots contain relatively high amounts of protein for a starch (2% by weight), sugar, and betacarotene (as high as that of carrots). Two varieties are grown in Colombia, a sweet variety
(Figure 23) that is oddly – shaped and light brown in color and a salty variety (Figure 24) that is
radish - shaped with dark brown exterior (Appendix B, Table 5).
Figure 23: Sweet potato of the sweet variety Bogotá, Colombia.
64
Figure 24: Sweet potato of the salty variety Bogotá, Colombia.
Methods for the Preparation of Roots and Tubers
The verbs that refer to the act of eating in the language of the Muisca vary depending on
what is being eaten. For eating roots the term is Bgysqua (Viricoechea 1834). Having a specific
verb for eating roots emphasizes that these types of foods were of extreme importance for this
society. Regarding the ways these foods were utilized, it is known that the Muisca ate some of
these raw such as the jicama and the ibias (Rozo1998: 48). The roots and tubers were also boiled,
grilled, or used in stews after the advent of the Spanish. The roots were also cut in large pieces
and used in soups, a method that is generally utilized today in the preparation of soups in
Colombia, as in the renowned sancocho (Rozo 1998: 47). Grilling the yuca, sweet potato, potato
and other roots not directly in the hot coal but in the ashes is also a practice that continues today,
as was done during the Muisca period. Cooking methods utilized by the Muisca are also found in
the Spanish chronicles. In the descriptions of the conquistador of Bogotá Gonzalo Jiménez de
Quesada (1962 [1545]: 9) it is explained that cubios were used in their stews. Oviedo de Valdez
(1852: 389) states that “their subsistence was corn, yuca of the kind that does not kill, and what
they eat the most is potatoes and roots that they cook together and that these were the most
65
ordinary kinds of food,” suggesting again that eating these is for people with a lower social
status.
Grains/Cereals
Zea Mays: Corn
The earliest evidence of corn domestication in Muisca territory is found at the sites of
Zipaquira, dating to 150 B.C., in the form of pollen samples identified in the area (Cardale
1981:49) and at the site of Tequendama, where the presence of ceramics, manos and metates
dating to 275 +/- 34 B.C. (Boada 2006:27) demonstrate the use of corn by the early inhabitants
of this region. In the site of Filomena pollen analysis demonstrates the existence of corn at this
site dating to 2450 +/- 40 BC-500 AC (Boada 2006:49). The Muisca utilized a wide array of
varieties of this grain (Table 1). In excavations at the site of La Muela in Tunja a total of 193
samples of corncobs (Figure 25) were recovered that were later analyzed in order to identify the
varieties present (Pradilla et al. 2005). Through this analysis, it was possible to identify the
following corn varieties: Pollo, Pira, Sabanero, Cabuyo, and Tunebo; the Pollo variety
predominated (Madero 1990). The Pollo and Cabuyo varieties were also identified in Calima
sites, where the earliest corn archaeological samples in the country have been recovered,
demonstrating an early production of these varieties in Colombia (Bray et al. 1987: 447). At La
Muela it was also possible to recover a sample of 275 cooked corn grains; the varieties
mentioned earlier were also identified (Pradilla et al. 2005). The great variety of grammatical
terms in Chibcha used for this crop suggests that a wide spectrum of corn varieties was available
(Langebaek 1987: 59). Corn was considered the most important crop of the Muisca for its
66
religious and political significance as well as for its nutritional value and versatility (Kurella
1998: 198).
Figure 25: Burned corncob from excavations in the Muisca site of La Muela by the UPTC.
The cultivation of corn by the Muisca took place in raised fields known as camellones,
artificially created in swamps (humedales) and high enough to prevent the roots from becoming
humid, and also guarding against droughts and frosts (Boada 2006: 83). The use of camellones
created favorable conditions for corn cultivation and, through the use of this agricultural method,
the Muisca were able to produce two corn harvests per year, increasing the productivity of the
land (Kurella 1998: 198) more specifically, the production of the Pollo variety that is very
common today in this region and that can produce two crops a year (Boada 2006: 136).
According to the Spanish chronicles, in January during the dry season, the fields began to be
prepared and were planted during March at the beginning of the rainy season, and harvested
during December (Simón 1981 [1625] III: 402). This traditional practice is still used today by the
modern population. It is possible that the Muisca practiced a multicrop agricultural technique
where different crops or varieties of a crop were produced at the same time side – by - side in the
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camellones; for instance, in the same field corn, beans and squash were grown. Pollen evidence
for multiple crops in a single field has been recovered in Muisca sites (Boada 2006: 141). The
vague descriptions in the chronicles on the raised field system only mention corn as the product
grown in the camellones (Boada 2006: 144).
One of the most important qualities of corn is that it can be stored for long periods of
time. This was of great advantage for the Muisca. They were able to satisfy their nutritional
requirements during times of famine and keep large quantities of this cereal stored for future
feasts and the production of chicha, thus maintaining a certain control over the population. It is
also clear that corn was extensively produced by this chiefdom; Simón (1981 [1625] III: 268)
notices “that this region was as rich in maize as Neiva was rich in gold.” The production of corn
for the Muisca is clearly demonstrated when one considers that it was the only crop that was
declared to be produced by all of the Muisca chiefdoms, villages, capitancies, and repartimientos
in the territories of Cundinamarca and Boyaca and in larger amounts than any other crop
(Langebaek 1987: 60).
The general consumption of corn by the Muisca is also demonstrated by the presence of
phytoliths of Zea mays in human dental calculus recovered in Tunja and Soacha; there the
majority of the samples tested from individuals in different social classes showed the presence of
this cereal in their diet (Parra 1998: 21). Although corn was consumed by all the Muisca social
classes, this cereal was primarly consumed by the chiefly class and rarely consumed by the lower
classes. The chiefly class controlled the production and storage of this cereal, which was mainly
destined for their consumption and the preparation of chicha for feasts when it was also
accessible for the lower classes (Kurella 1998: 199). This statement is also supported by stable
isotope analysis of human bone recovered in the site of Las Delicias, Cundinamarca where
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individuals considered to be of the chiefly class had the highest percentages for the consumption
of animal protein and corn. Expecting mothers and young children of various social classes also
showed a high consumption of animal protein and corn (Cárdenas-Arroyo 1993: 139). The stable
isotope analysis of Muisca mummies, a funerary practice that was only provided to the
individuals of the highest social class, indicate a diet exclusively of C-4 plants, which is mostly
associated with corn consumption. Stable isotope analysis of Muisca human skeletal samples
considered to be of lower classes reveal a diet rich in C-3 plants associated with tubers and other
plants (Cárdenas-Arroyo 1995: 13). The lower Muisca social classes were not only restricted to
eating corn on certain occasions, but also to the form in which it was was consumed. The
preparation of corn in the form of tamales (bollos in Colombia) (Figure 26), where the corn is
ground into a dough and then wrapped in the husk and boiled, was the form eaten by the lower
classes. When the corn was ground into a dough and flattened into a round shape and then
grilled, known as arepas, this was provided to was the way the chiefly class (Figure 26) (Patiño
1990: 67). Today arepa is the form most commonly consumed by modern Colombians, although
bollos are also still very popular in some regions of the Atlantic coast. It is clear that corn was
restricted to the adult general population and more available to the chiefly classes, expectant
mothers, and younger children indicating again that the Muisca had a sophisticated restrictive
and preferential diet that was highly organized and controlled.
Figure 26: Corn bollos Barranquilla, Colombia (left). Corn arepas Bogotá, Colombia.
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The majority of the corn produced by the Muisca was destined for the production of
chicha, a fermented corn beer that was the main beverage consumed by the Muisca(Kurella
1998: 198). There are no related chemical analysis that establish the nutritional values of the
chicha, but it is noticeable when you drink it that is very filling and, given that is based on corn,
it must have some of the nutritional characteristics of this cereal. In order to ferment the corn,
young Muisca women would chew some grains and spit them back in to the dough, beginning
the process of fermentation (Patiño 1990: 72). The dough was then boiled for a few hours and
placed in large ceramic ollas, where it was fermented for months at a time. Oviedo (1852: 162)
commented that because the water the Muisca drank was of poor quality and unhealthy, they
would drink chicha instead, thus preventing sickness caused by contaminated water. Chicha was
consumed by the elites, but it was also accessible to the general population during communal
projects and during feasts. At the site El Infiernito (Figure 27) near the modern town of Villa de
Leyva, Boyaca, the Muisca constructed an impressive observatory; stone monuments were
erected in the form of phallic symbols, possibly in relation to ceremonies related to fertility
where the distribution of chicha was a common event.
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Figure 27: Archaeological site El Infiernito near Villa de Leyva, Boyaca Colombia. Muisca
observatory (left). Phallic symbols indicating fertility rites (right).
At this site archaeological excavations led to the recovery of large amounts of ceramics
utilized for the processing and consumption of chicha, including large ollas for its preparation
and mucuras ceremonial jars (Figure 5) used for serving this drink. This beverage was
massproduced for a large number of people when communal consumption of this beverage was
the main event in feasts dedicated to fertility ceremonies (Salge 2007: 20). In the majority of
Muisca rituals, rites of passage and other celebrations, such as weddings, used chicha in a
fundamental role (Salge 2007: 21). For instance, as described by Simón (1981 [1625] III: 198),
“the bride will offer chicha to her husband to be as a symbol of the fundamental new life that
awaits them.” During these festivities, the Muisca men formed a circle that represented the sun
and danced; the women in the center of this circle distributed the fermented drink, indicating the
important religious significance this drink had in every Muisca celebration (Salge 2007: 21). In
Colombia the introduction western beer led to a partial replacement of this traditional drink; and,
during the 1900’s, the government implemented a sanitary law that prohibited the production of
chicha for a product that would cost ten times more (Patiño 1990: 72). The implementation of
this law did not completely eliminate the production of this beverage. Indigenous and ladino
populations continued to produce this beverage for their local consumption and for traditional
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practices and celebrations. Corn continues to be part of the diet of the majority of the population
in Colombia. Muisca corn varieties (Table 1) are still cultivated, including the pollo variety
(Figure 28, Table 6). Corn is sold in the majority of markets in different forms: fresh, dry, and
processed (ready for preparation of arepas and bollos) (Figure 28).
Figure 28: Mazorca pollo variety (left). Processed corn for arepas or bollos (right) Bogotá,
Colombia.
Methods for the Preparation of Corn
The Muisca called corn aba (Garcia 1948a and Lugo) but had specific grammatical
variations to refer to different types of corn. “White corn was referred to as Fuquie pquihyza.
Black corn: Chyscamuy. Yellow corn: Abtyba. Red corn: Sasamuy and soft corn: Phochuba”
(Viricoechea 1871:169, and Jiménez de Quesada 1962 [1545]:277). Rozo (1998: 62) explains
that when corn was not used to make chicha, the Muisca roasted the grains to make corn flour
for soups or for dough to make arepas and bollos. The simplest form for eating corn was raw or
grilled. Corn was also utilized to make bollos or tamales and the chiefs gave these with chicha to
the general population as a repayment for communal services or to individuals of a particular
status. “Bollo: A paste of corn flour and grease that is kneaded like bread to form a cylinder of
white dough about a palm and a half in length and are rolled in the corn husk or of other plants
and are boiled and sold all around, and it is the common bread that the slaves and the Indians
72
eat” (Alcedo 1789:127). The bollo (Figure 26) was the general form in which the common
population consumed corn and shows that a restrictive diet was not only enforced in the type of
foods used but also in the forms these foods were prepared. Corn was also eaten in soups, as is
done today all around Colombia (as in the ajiaco and sancocho described earlier) as well as in
the mazamorra, a type of cream corn. There are no detailed descriptions of how these soups were
prepared by the Muisca in the Spanish chronicles, although it is possible that they were prepared
similarly to modern preparations in Cundinamarca and Boyaca, Colombia.
Another common form of corn preparation was the traditional arepas that today are eaten
in all the regions of Colombia. “Arepa in Chibcha: Thytafun or Thyta fun” (Viricoechea 1871:
115, and Jiménez de Quesada 1962 [1545]: 193). The Muisca prepared the arepas from the corn
dough and utilized either dry corn or fresh corn. Generally, arepas are made into a round flat
shape and then grilled, but there are a wide variety of types such as: choclo where the fresh corn
is used and these are usually sweet an yellow in color; pelado where the corn is first dried in
mineral lime powder in order to remove the coat on the grains and then fried; and white arepas
(Figure 26) which are the most common where the dry corn is made into a flour that is mixed
with water to become dough that is made into a round flat shape and grilled. During the Muisca
period arepas were generally eaten by the chiefly class and restricted from the general
population (Rozo 1998: 63), but this rapidly changed during the Spanish conquest when arepas
became the main staple food in the country; today, these corn delicacies are considered the
tortillas of South America.
Chenopodium quinoa: Quinoa
Quinoa originated in Peru (Langebaek 1994: 4), where it was first cultivated 5000 years
ago (Bravo et al. 2005); it is a major source of protein that is of such a high quality that it often
73
replaced meat in the diet of indigenous peoples in Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Colombia
(ACTIBS 1989:149). It appears that the Muisca intensively cultivated quinoa in their raised
fields. Because its use was not restricted like corn, it was commonly used by the general
population (Raichel-Dolmatoff 1965: 159; Labbé 1986: 154). Pollen analysis at the Sabana de
Bogotá, during excavations at the sites of Cota and Suba and from samples found in raised fields
cultivated by the Muisca, show the presence of Chenopodium pollen dating to the early Muisca
period (Boada 2006: 133). This is the only type of archaeological evidence for quinoa in Muisca
territory, as macro samples of this cereal have never been found in Muisca sites. The lack of
archaeological evidence does not allow us to understand completely how this cereal was used or
when it was introduced to Muisca territory from its place of origin in Peru.
There are no references in the Spanish chronicles to this cereal, which raises doubts about
the use of this crop by the chiefdoms in Cundinamarca and Boyaca. Nevertheless, wild and
cultivated varieties of quinoa are commonly found in this territory in the present, and it is not
believed to have been introduced by the Spanish or later inhabitants of the region so it is almost
certain that the Muisca did cultivate this crop. Patiño (1990: 62) suggests that quinoa was
cultivated by the Muisca “and even if the contemporary documents of the period do not support
this affirmation, recent archaeological studies have shown the presence of Chenopodium pollen
in the region.” Quinoa was also documented in later sources indicating that this cereal was
cultivated in Cundinamarca in 1833; this date is the earliest documentation we have for this crop
in the region (Vergara y Velasco 1974: III 1129-1130). It appears that the Muisca also utilized
quinoa for the preparation of alcoholic fermented beverages, as it was done by indigenous
societies in Peru (Cobo 1956 [1639]: 162).
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Usually, quinoa (Table 1) is cooked like rice; it is also used to thicken soups. The grains
are also toasted or grounded into flour and boiled or fermented into beer (ACTIBS 1989: 153). In
Peru and Bolivia it is commonly used to make baked goods and bread. The leaves of the quinoa
can also be eaten or used for animal feed. The nutritional value of quinoa is incredibly high as it
contains a better amino acid balance than most true cereals and even meat; it includes lysine,
methionine, and cysteine as well as carbohydrates (ACTIBS 1989: 149-153). The popularity of
quinoa in Colombia decreased dramatically after the conquest but recently it has been grown
largely for its nutritional quality and now is commonly found in traditional produce markets as
well as in supermarkets around the country. During 2001, it was questioned why such a valuable
crop had not become a staple food and, although its cultivation has increased during the last ten
years, agriculture was still dominated by other crops because it is difficult to change entrenched
eating habits that focus on corn, wheat, and rice (Brintnall and Conner 2001: 462).
A new dietary trend in eating healthy foods has dramatically spread the use of quinoa in
developed countries. In the United States quinoa is now increasingly popular (Murphy 2011) and
can be found in many supermarkets. This grain is distributed by big firms such as GOYA and
Whole Foods and is commonly offered in restaurants. More than 4500 tons of quinoa are
imported to the United States every year from Bolivia and Peru, demonstrating that this cereal is
quickly being adopted (Brintnall and Conner 2001: 462). Quinoa can be grown from elevations
raging from sea level to 4,000 meters above sea level and there are more than eight varietiess
depending on the elevation it is grown: the valley type, altiplano, salar, sea level type and
subtropical type with colors ranging from red, to brown, to yellow, to orange, to purple (ACTIBS
1989: 154). Sea level quinoa is grown in the United States and its resilience means it can grow at
various elevations, allowing farmers to cultivate this nutritional crop in marginal lands. Quinoa’s
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recent popularity is improving the livelihoods of farmers that produce this crop: “Before people
didn't go to study, they were born, they grew up, and that was it. They went on to herd sheep and
llamas. Nothing more, now people here, we think about doing something with our lives”
(Murphy 2011). Yet, the increased popularity of quinoa can also have a detrimental effect for
native populations that use this crop. The increase in the demand for quinoa has raised its price
about seven times in Bolivia, where it is a staple food and made it harder for Bolivians to
purchase it. “And if prices keep climbing, quinoa could stop showing up in traditional soups and
porridges in Bolivia.” (Murphy 2011). Thus, it is necessary to reach a balance in production for
export, while maintaining the supply of quinoa for the local populations that depend on it. In
Colombia this crop is sold as dried grains at produce markets in the country (Figure 29, Table 6).
Figure 29: Quinoa grains Bogotá, Colombia.
Legumes
Phaseolus vulgaris: Frijól, Common Bean
This species of bean (Table 1) was first domesticated in Mexico, Central America and in
the central Andes of South America in Peru and Colombia (Britnall and Conner 2001:143). This
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important crop was domesticated independently by the pre-Columbian societies in the central
Andes of Colombia, ancestors of the Muisca who continued to grow this legume so that it
became an essential part of their diet. The earliest evidence of domesticated beans in South
America come from the coastal valleys of Peru dated to 4400 years ago and to 2500 years ago in
Mexico (Britnall and Conner 2001: 149). Archaeological Muisca sites in the Bogotá Sabana
show the presence of pollen belonging Phaseolus vulgaris dating to 1100 BC (3050 +/- 40 AP)
in Guaymaral, 500 BC (2450 +/- 40 AP) and 450 AC (1510 +/- 40 AP) in Filomena,
representing evidence for the early and continuous use of this legume in the region (Boada 2006:
49). The Spanish chronicles describe corn as the only crop being cultivated on the raised field
system of camellones, but the presence of Phaseolus pollen in samples taken from Muisca raised
fields suggest otherwise (Boada 2006:133).
Most likely the camellones were utilized for growing multiple crops on the same field
and not monocropping, as the sources suggest. This agricultural technique has important benefits
such as a more stable preservation of the soils, a reduction in the quantity of weeds and pests,
and in crop continuity, although this practice has disspeared in Colombia altogether. This mixed
cropping is also advantageous for corn, since beans are associated with nitrogen-fixing bacteria
essential for this cereal (Britnall and Conner 2001: 149). Multi-cropping was commonly utilized
in the Americas before the arrival of the Europeans (Langebaek 1987: 61) and today is still
practiced in the Bogotá Sabana by the local farmers throughout the region (Boada 2006: 133).
Bean plants grow fast and are ideal to grow along with corn. They complement each other in
nutritional terms and these two crops were of extreme importance for the chiefdoms (Labbé
1986: 154). “The Muisca agricultural economy was based on corn and beans” (Kurella 1998:
198).
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According to Langebaek (1987), fortysix percent of all the Muisca captaincies cultivated
beans and this was the third most cultivated crop after corn and potatoes in the chiefdoms. As
with many other plant species, the Muisca cultivated multiple varieties of this legume. In
excavations at the site of La Muela, a total of 33 bean seeds were recovered and analyzed. At
least three distinct varieties were present: Huacaloma, San Rafael, and the Tunja varieties
(Pradilla et al. 2005) (Figure 30, Table 1). The Spanish chroniclers also described the presence of
beans in the Muisca chiefdoms. Fray Pedro Simón’s (1981 [1625] III: 96) account of the
welcome the Spanish received when they encountered the Muisca is as follows: “…y les traian a
los nuestros de todo lo cual abunda aquella tierra con mucho maiz, frisoles y raices de muchas
maneras” (…and they will bring to our people everything they have in abundance in that land
corn, beans, and roots of many forms).
Figure 30: Burned bean seeds recovered at the site of La Muela Tunja, Colombia by the UPTC
representing the varieties: Huacaloma, San Rafael and Tunja.
After the conquest beans continued to be of importance for the human population of the
northern and central Andes. Today common beans are the most widely cultivated species of
legume in the world (Britnall and Conner 2001: 149). In Colombia the common bean (Figure 31,
Appendix B, Table 7) is the most important legume in the daily diet, especially for families with
78
scare resources. It is considered the cheapest resource with proteins and calories they can find
(Bravo et al. 2005). In the produce markets of Paloquemao in Bogotá and Tunja the cost of one
pound of fresh common beans range between 700 to 1,000 Colombian pesos or around .50 USD.
These legumes can be purchased as dry seeds, fresh seed, or fresh in the pod. Beans are eaten in
the entire country in abundance and are utilized in many traditional recipes, such as the bandeja
paisa, the main traditional dish in the Department of Antioquia, Colombia. In Cundinamarca and
Boyaca beans also form part of the daily diet and they are usually added to soups. Beans are
utilized by the entire range of social classes and it is also possible this was also the case during
the Muisca period.
Figure 31: Common bean San Rafael variety Bogotá, Colombia.
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Arachis hypogaea: Peanut
Although peanuts (Table 1) are usually associated with nuts they are really legumes.
Native societies in South America probably ate them in much the same manner as beans. The
domestication of this legume possibly occurred first in southern Bolivia and northern Argentina;
by the time of the arrival of Columbus to America, peanuts were cultivated in many warm
regions of South America (Britnall and Conner 2001: 150; Langebaek 1994: 4). Peanuts were
utilized by many indigenous groups, including the Muisca before the arrival of the Spanish
(Domínguez 1981: 87). Peanuts were grown in the Colombian Andes and in the Alto Magdalena,
although they were introduced to these regions from the Llanos Orientales where they diffused
extensively, indicating they were grown there before the Muisca had access to this legume
(Patiño 1964: 161). This crop is not mentioned in the Spanish chronicles as a Muisca food
product nor found at any of the archaeological sites in Cundinamarca and Boyaca. Nevertheless,
it is very likely that peanuts were utilized by the Muisca, especially as native societies in the
Llanos who cultivated this crop were subjects of the Muisca chiefs of Sogamoso and Tunja
(Castellanos 1955 [1601], IV: 221). In Colombia, as is the case all around the world, peanuts
have become one of the most consumed legumes and are subject of extensive agricultural
research for their high protein content, their resilience to grow on poor soils, and their ability to
thrive in tropical environments (Britnall and Conner 2001:150).
Erythrina edulis: Chachafruto or Balú
Chachafruto is a legume that grows in trees, can reach 14 meters in height, and can live
between 30 to 40 years (Bravo et al. 2005). It grows at elevations ranging from 1200 to 2600
meters above sea level. This tree is native to the Andean region from eastern Colombia to
80
southern Bolivia. It is a semidomesticate and wild forms are abundant in Colombia, so it is very
likely that the Muisca and other indigenous pre-Columbian groups used it for food (ACTIBS
1989: 166). The chachafruto (Table 1) is considered a miraculous plant by some indigenous
people for its medicinal uses and as a super food for its high protein content and its quality and
balance of amino acids (Bravo et al. 2005). Its leaves, flowers, pods, and fruits are edible. The
indigenous people that had access to this food probably used efficiently. Archaeological
evidence of this legume is lacking in Colombia, but seeds have been found in early burial sites in
Peru (ACTIBS 1989: 170). Rozo (1998: 31) explains that, although this legume is not mentioned
on any of the sources as a Muisca crop it should be added to the list of foods utilized by this
chiefdom society.
This legume is not commonly utilized by the modern population in Colombia, but it is sold in
the market of Codabas in Bogotá for 2,500 Colombian pesos per lb. or around 1.25 USD,
although it is not easily found (Figure 32, Appendix B, Table 7). This legume has great potential
for becoming a staple food in the Andes, as the tree is very easily grown. “Because of its offseason seed production, basúl is potentially vital for health and survival in times of food scarcity.
It is also promising for use in reforestation, one of the most pressing of all environmental
concerns” (ACTIBS 1989: 167). This legume is usually boiled with salt and then eaten with corn
and tubers. Chachafruto could be an important dietary addition to the dinner tables in Colombia,
as its seeds contain 20% protein, essential amino acids, and phosphorus (ACTIBS 1989: 168).
Figure 32: Chachafruto seed Bogotá, Colombia.
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Inga feuillei: Guama
Compared to the other Muisca legumes, the part of guama that is eaten is not the seeds
but the fruit itself. These fruits also grow inside pods like beans and peanuts, but unlike those
legumes that are vines, guamas grow as trees up to 15m high (Bravo et al. 2005). The long hard
pods of guamas contain a white silky fruit encasing a large black hard seed (Figure 33). The
silky casing is a delicious sweet substance that appears to melt in your mouth and can be
compared to cotton candy. These fruits are eaten fresh today and this was probably the case
before the conquest (Table 1). It appears that this plant originated on the eastern slopes of the
Andes, including parts of Colombia and were later introduced to coastal regions in Peru in
ancient times, given that the pods of this plant are represented in pre-Columbian pottery dating to
approximately 1,000 BC (ACTIBS 1981: 283). The presence of this fruit in the Muisca diet is
listed in the Descripción de la Ciudad de Tunja (1943 [1610]: 455). The Muisca possibly
obtained this fruit from lower elevations, including those outside their territory and most likely
traded some of their products, including salt for the fruit. Guamas grow at elevations from sea
level to 1500 m, they can resist temperatures above 33ᵒC, and they tolerate highly acidic soils
with aluminum saturation as well as high amounts of water often growing in swampy areas
(ACTIBS 1981: 284).
Figure 33: Guama fruits, seeds and pods Neiva, Colombia.
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Fruits
The pre-ceramic societies of Cundinamarca and Boyaca that inhabited this region around
10,000 years ago based their subsistence primarly on the collection of wild fruits and seeds over
the consumption of meat, as hunting was a secondary activity; the Muisca, considered an
agricultural society, in reality had a mixed diet composed of animal and vegetable protein as well
as wild fruits (Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002: 14). Fruits were of extreme importance during the early
human occupation in the Bogotá Sabana and Tunja and continued to be of great importance
during Muisca occupation. Microverticality allowed the Muisca to have access to a wide range of
fruit species in their diet from tropical fruits growing at very low elevations to fruits that include
a wide variety of berries that grow at elevations of up to 3500m above sea level (Kurella 1998:
198). The Spanish sources do not explain the importance that fruits had in the Muisca economy,
but it is clear that, before the arrival of the Europeans, fruits were utilized widely by the native
societies (Langebaek 1987: 65). Fruits were an important source of calories, minerals, and
vitamins in the Muisca diet and the majority were eaten fresh from the trees (Rozo 1998: 65). It
has also been documented in the chronicles that fruits were seasoned (Sazonar), although it is not
known if this was a preparation of sweets, preserves, marmalades, or a different way to preserve
them: “Sazonarse la fruta. Aiensuca” (Viricoechea 1871: 194). The Spanish were also introduced
to the fruits the Muisca utilized, but as the native populations declined and new agricultural and
food production methods developed, the fruiting trees that got eradicated were never replaced,
leading to a irreparable reduction of fruit sources (Patiño 1977: 108). Today native fruits are
commonly found at the produce markets in Colombia and are widely utilized by the modern
populations once again (Table 1, Table 9).
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Shrub and Vine Fruits
Curcubita maxima and pepo: Ahuyama and Calabaza
These squash varieties (Table 1) were possibly the most important and the earliest
domesticated fruits of the Muisca, but it is also been suggested that these fruits were not that
important in the chiefdoms (Kurella 1998: 198). The earliest archaeological evidence of
Curcubita in Muisca territory comes from the site of Zipacón, Cundinamarca, where samples of
a squash were recovered and dated to 3860 +/-35 BP (cal 2300 +/-35 BC) during excavations
conducted by Correal (1990: 261). In the site of Aguazuque, Cundinamarca the remains of
Curcubita pepo were recovered in association with the third zone of occupation with a
chronology of 3850 +/- BP (cal 2345 BC-cal 2240 BC)(Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002: 57). This
evidence suggests that squashes were early contributors of the Muisca diet and of early peoples
in the Bogotá Sabana. Curcubita phytoliths in the form of elongated segments were identified in
the dental calculus of a Muisca individual in Tunja, Boyaca, demonstrating the presence of this
fruit during Muisca occupation (Parra 1998: 22). This Muisca individual (Tunja 4), a female of
approximately 30 years of age, came from a common burial, suggesting that Curcubita was
available to the general population (Parra 1998: 22). The Muisca utilized this fruit for a variety
of dishes, such as taque, a pickled squash combined with ibias, chuguas, and other vegetables
that was fermented for two weeks in a clay pot and eaten with meats and tubers (Rozo 1998: 66).
The leaves and flowers of the ahuyama were also utilized in stews combined with corn, a meal
that was served for breakfast (Rozo 1998: 66). Langebaek (1987: 65) explains that according to
the Spanish chronicles the Muisca generally utilized the ahuyama and the squash in their diet,
although it was mostly used by the lower social classes.
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In the Descripción de la Ciudad de Tunja (1943 [1610]: 455) ahuyamas are described as
a staple food of the Muisca, emphasizing the importance of this fruit there. The chronicler Simón
(1981 [1625].I: 242) also describes the presence of this crop in Bogotá and the adjacent regions
during the arrival of the Spanish to the area in 1537. According to Zamora (1980 [1701]: 43), the
“auyamas que son vnas grandissimas calabazas de mas de seis dedos de canto, la carne
anaranjada de buen gusto y alimento de los pobres”. This chronicler refers to the Curcubita
maxima (Figure 34) as an enormous squash more than three feet in length with a tasty orange
meat. This is noted as being the food of the poor, emphasizing the idea that squashes were
considered food for the lower classes. Boada (2006:133) also states that ahuyama was considered
food for the lower classes during the Muisca period.
Figure 34: Ahuyama Villa de Leyva, Colombia notice the large size of the fruit (left). Ahuyamas
at the produce market in Tunja, Colombia.
The Curcubita maxima originated in the northern and central Andes and has the largest
fruits known for a plant species, some weighting in excess of 50kg and reaching a meter in
diameter (Bravo et al. 2005). This large size allows for an entire family to sustain themselves for
many days with just one fruit. This squash is commonly utilized in the modern Colombian
cuisine and has a high nutritional value. It is also utilized for its medicinal value, as many
Colombian doctors affirm that it is the best type of food for people suffering from ulcers or
85
whom have been operated on for digestive and intestinal problems (Bravo et al. 2005). The seeds
of the ahuyama are also eaten after being roasted. The Curcubitas are easily cultivated and are
little bothered by pests or heat, making them ideal for cultivation in many environments. These
crops can also be stored for months, even years, without special care, a quality that is used by the
modern population in Colombia and that was possibly used in antiquity by the Muisca. The fruits
are usually baked or boiled, sometimes made into a puree known as mute de ahuyama in the
Atlantic coast of Colombia, and are also added to soups in Cundinamrca and Boyaca. The
squashes are highly nutritious and are an excellent source of vitamin A, C, iron, and potassium
(ACTIBS 1989:203). In the markets of Paloquemao in Bogotá, Tunja and Villa de Leyva
ahuyama can be purchased for 1,000 Colombian pesos per lb. or approximately 50 cents. A wide
variety of Curcubitas are grown today in Colombia. In addition to the ahuyama, I was able to
purchase a rare green variety of C. pepo at the Paloquemao market in Bogotá (Figure 35,
Appendix B). Today in the Andes, as in some other parts of the world, squashes are still
considered to be food for the poor (ACTIBS 1989:210). However the important qualities of these
fruits, such as their high nutritional value, easily cultivation, and their preservation for storage,
are changing this concept rapidly and these crops are becoming highly valued by modern
populations.
Figure 35: Curcubita pepo green variety Bogotá, Colombia
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Capsicum sp.: Ají or Pimiento
Peppers have become one of the most diverse types of fruits around the world. They can
be found in a great variety of shapes, colors, and flavors and are used as the number one spice
ingredient in all the continents (ACTIBS 1989:195) (Figure 36). The location of the origin for
peppers is still contested; some researchers place them in Mexico dating to 7,000 BC (Britnall
and Conner 2001:76), while others suggest an origin in the countries of Bolivia and Argentina
(Pearsall 1992: 181-187), from where they quickly spread and reached Central America and
Mexico in very early times (ACTIBS 1989:195) (Table 1). There is no archaeological evidence
for peppers in Colombia, although many species of Capsicum had already been domesticated in
South America by at least 7,000 BC; and, their presence in Colombian territory at an early period
is almost certain (Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002: 19; Labbé 1986: 154). Domínguez (1981: 85) explains
that the early domestication of primitive forms of ají in Colombia were for use as condiments
and that later these were transformed and hybridized into the cultivated forms we find today. The
small number of wild species of peppers point to an ancient origin of this crop.
Figure 36: Varieties of peppers sold at the Codabas produce market Bogotá, Colombia.
The Tunebos of Boyaca, descendants of the Muisca, use peppers frequently in their diet,
particularly as a condiment for meat and as side dish for tubers (Uscategui 1963: 94). The
87
proximity of the Tunebos to the Muisca chiefdoms indicates that peppers were possibly utilized
by the Muisca in the same manner as the Tunebos use them today. Ethnohistoric references note
that peppers were utilized in large quantities by the Muisca when potatoes were eaten (Vargas
Machuca 1892 [1599]: 162). According to Langebaek (1987: 59, 64) the Muisca grew peppers in
the captaincies of Chicamocha, Chitagota, Chusbita, Guacha, Mona, and Ocavita in
Cundinamarca and Boyaca. Rozo (1998: 34) described the different varieties of peppers utilized
by the Muisca with their respective names in Chibcha as: “Ají Quybsa, long and big Pquata
quybsa, round Nymqua quybsa, yellow Guapa quybsa, small (possibly pajarito) Agua quybsa”.
According to this same author, the general method to eat the peppers by the Muisca was to just
chew the fresh fruits.
Peppers are grown in warm climates and were used as a condiment in central Colombia.
One of the main advantages of peppers is that they can be stored for long periods of time and are
easily transported, which could have been beneficial for trade during the Muisca period (Correal
1990: 248). Today in Colombia there are a great variety of pepper species that can be purchased
in the different produce markets throughout the region. The average cost of the peppers in the
markets of Bogotá and Tunja is around 1,500 Colombian pesos about .75 USD per lb. In terms of
the national native species found in Colombia, the Rocoto Capsicum pubescens (Figure 37,
Table 10) is the most widely cultivated; this species is hot in flavor and is commonly used to
make hot sauces (ACTIBS 1989: 196). This species can vary greatly in color from dark red, to
orange, to yellow to brown, although the most common colors found are red and orange. Another
widely used pepper is a very small species about 1.5 cm in length commonly known as pajarito
(Figure 38, Table 10), this is a wild Capsicum species that is green to orange in color and very
spicy. It is alsi used to make hot sauces that are added to a variety of foods, especially
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empanadas. Today in Colombia you can find a great variety of peppers, both imported and
national, so it is very difficult to determine which species were native to the region. As in ancient
times, peppers continue to be widely used in the Colombian cuisine.
Figure 37: Ají Rocoto-Capsicum pubescens Bogotá, Colombia.
Figure 38: Ají pajarito wild species of Capsicum used in the preparation of hot sauces in
Colombia.
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Annanas comosus: Pineapple
Pineapples are native to the central Andean region of South America (Langebaek 1994:
4) and were widely cultivated and utilized by the pre-Columbian indigenous people in Colombia
(Table 1). It is believed that the Guarani in northern Paraguay and southern Brazil were the first
to domesticate the pineapple, although “pineapple exhibits greatest variation in western
Amazonia, particularly in Peru and Colombia” an indication that it could have been domesticated
in these countries first (Smith et al. 1992: 107, 108). Columbus described these fruits, noting
their similarity to pine cones which led to the common English name we use today (Brintnall and
Conner 2001: 91). “Pineapples were obtained by the Muisca from the lower valleys” (Labbé
1986: 154). This fruit can be cultivated from low elevations up to 2000 meters above sea level
and was utilized by the Muisca. It is commonly used today by their descendants, the Tunebo
Indians of Boyaca, who ferment this fruit into guarapo an alcoholic beverage (Langeabek 1987:
64). The archaeological presence of pineapples in Muisca territory continues to be missing, but
future projects might identify this fruit in Muisca sites. Domínguez (1981: 87) also mentions the
presence of this fruit in Muisca agricultural fields. According to Langebaek, pineapples were
grown in the Muisca captaincies of Súnuba and Pausagá in Cundinamarca and Boyaca. There is a
widespread description of pineapples as a Muisca food in the Spanish chronicles.
Oviedo (1852: 389) mentions pineapples in his account of the Muisca chiefdoms and
pineapples are also mentioned in the Descripción de la Ciudad de Tunja (1943 [1610]: 455) and
by Zamora (1980 [1701]: 114). This fruit began to be spread around the world in the 1500’s by
Portuguese, Dutch, and Spanish traders, and it was introduced to Hawaii in the early 1800’s
where the majority of pineapples came to the continental U.S., although this changed as tourism
replaced this industry there. This fruit is now grown mainly in Africa and Central America
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(Brintnall and Conner 2001: 91). In Colombia pineapples (Figure 39) are used in juices, desserts,
and in guarapo, which continues to be very popular (as it was before the conquest); however,
eating the fresh fruit is the most common form of consumption. In Colombia 9,225 hectares of
pineapple are cultivated every year with a production of 369,000 tons a year (Acosta and Moreno
1991: 24).
Figure 39: National pineapples at the Codabas market Bogotá, Colombia.
Physalis peruviana: Uchuva
The goldenberry (Figure 40, Appendix B, Table 1), as this fruit is known in English, is a
relative of the tomato and the two fruits are very similar, with the difference that the uchuva is
yellow and much smaller. The origin of this fruit is obscure, but it grows wild in the Colombian
Andes of Boyaca and Cundinamarca above 2200 m. of elevation in Muisca territory (ACTIBS
1989:251). The chronicler Zamora (1980 [1701]: 114) mentions the uchuva as a Muisca fruit,
supporting the fact that this society had access to this delicacy. In Colombia these fruits are
found all around the country, but they are mainly cultivated and sold in Cundinamrca and
Boyaca (Table 9). In the produce markets of Bogotá and Tunja these sell for 1,800 pesos or
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around .80 USD per lb, which makes them relatively affordable for the general population. This
fruit is shaped like a sphere; it has a meaty texture and is dark yellow in color with an abundant
quantity of white seeds (Bravo et al. 2005).
In Colombia the uchuva is usually eaten fresh and also added to salads. They are also
used for preparing traditional desserts (Figure 41) and jams (Diaz et al. 2008: 64). The
goldenberry is a great source of vitamin A (3,000I.U. of carotene per 100g), vitamin C, Bcomplex (thiamine, niacin, and B12), high protein, and phosphorus (ACTIBS 1989: 244).
Colombia could easily add this fruit to its already large fresh-fruit exports. The high nutritional
value of this plant, its beautiful appearance, and exotic flavor makes it an excellent candidate for
worldwide consumption and it should be of particular interest for up-scale restaurants and
grocery shops. This plant is also easily grown, tolerates poor soils, is easily grown from seeds or
cuttings, and matures quickly, all characteristics that makes this fruit an ideal addition to
horticulture in regions outside of its native Andes (ACTIBS 1989: 243).
Figure 40: Goldenberries Bogotá, Colombia.
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Figure 41: Goldenberries in their husk (left). Dulce de uchuva a traditional dessert of Colombia.
Solanum quitoense: Lulo
Another relative of the tomato and the goldenberry is the lulo (Table 1, Table 9), one of
the most popular fruits in Colombia. The juice from this fruit is considered the national beverage
of the country and it has been described as “the nectar of the gods”. This fruit originated in the
Colombian Andes and is thought to have been domesticated in the last few hundred years (Bravo
et al. 2005), which means that, if the Muisca had access to this fruit, it was as a wild variety.
Fray Alonso Zamora (1980 [1701]: 118) describes lulo as a Muisca product, but there are no
other sources or archaeological evidence to support this statement, although the presence of wild
varieties in the region might indicate that it actually was used in the chiefdoms. The lulo fruits
were possibly eaten fresh by the indigenous people of Colombia, although the possibility that the
pulp of the fruit was added to water and drank (as it is done in modern times) cannot be excluded
(Patiño 1990: 164).
There are three varieties of lulo: quitoense, the most common variety, a spineless form;
septentrionale, a variety with spines in its trunk and branches; and, topiro, a larger fruit (Bravo et
al. 2005) (Figure 42). The presence of all the varieties in Colombia suggests that lulo originated
there. Quitenses is found also in Ecuador and septentrionale is also found in Costa Rica, but
topiro can only be found in Colombia (ACTIBS 1989:274). The price of lulo in the markets of
Paloquemao in Bogotá is 2,000 pesos or around 1 USD per lb. and 1,500 pesos in Tunja
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(Appendix B). In Cundinamarca and Boyaca 400 hectares of lulo are cultivated every year with a
production of 8,000 metric tons a year (Acosta and Moreno 1991: 24). This fruit has seen little
serious commercial development outside of Colombia and has become scarce and expensive in
Ecuadorian and other Andean markets because of the devastation from a nematode pest that
affects it (ACTIBS 1989:267). In order to save this native product, it is necessary to conduct
research in nematocides and biological controls that is presently lacking. Based on 100g of an
edible portion, lulo contains 23 calories, 0.6 g of protein, 5.7g of fiber, as well as vitamin A,
thiamine, riboflavin, niacin, ascorbic acid and phosphorus (ACTIBS 1989:270). The excellent
taste of this fruit has the potential of becoming popular in industrialized countries. Colombia
could begin exporting this fruit all over the world, but the pest problems that this crop is having
outside Colombia must be addressed in order to accomplish this.
Figure 42: Lulo fruit S. quitoense Bogotá, Colombia (right). Lulo fruit S. septentrionale Neiva,
Colombia.
Passifloras: Passion fruits
In Colombia there is a wide selection of species and varieties of passion fruits (Table 1)
sold in the local markets, especially in Cundinamarca and Boyaca. These are part of the daily
diet of people all around the country and are generally utilized in the preparation of juice. Fruit
juice is almost a requirement in a Colombian meal, especially for lunch and passion fruits are
94
some of the most common fruit juices served. The most popular of these juices is maracuya from
the Passiflora edulis, which has a sour and sweet flavor. Fruits of this plant can be yellow in
color, which is the most commonly used, or purple. P. edulis is native to Brazil. This fruit only
began to be extensively cultivated in Colombia during the 20th century and became increasingly
popular throughout the entire country (Bravo et al. 2005). This passion fruit is the most
cultivated species in Colombia and the rest of the world (Britnall and Conner 2001: 103). Even
though maracuya is the most popular passion fruit in the country, there are also a large selection
of native varieties used there.
The Muisca territory is ideal for the cultivation of vines like the passion fruits, as these
grow at elevations higher than the 2000 meters commonly found in this part of the Andes.
Modern Colombians not only prepare juice with these, fruits but also ice creams, jams, other
sweets, and liquors. Native passion fruits are also eaten fresh in some cases. The Muisca likely
also ate the fresh fruits, as did the Muzos a pre-Columbian society that inhabited the adjacent
regions. Patiño (1990: 68), when referring to this society eating curuba (Passiflora mollissima),
explained that: “the Muzos ate the curuba directly as it appears that the use of juice from this
interesting plant family was a modification posterior to the conquest”. This species of passion
fruit is native to Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Peru and was domesticated by indigenous
groups shortly before the Spanish conquest (ACTIBS 1981: 289). The presence of curuba in the
Muisca diet is listed in the Descripción de la Ciudad de Tunja (1943 [1610]: 455). This fruit was
grown in trellis by the Muzos and the Muisca in Cundinamarca and Boyaca (Patiño 1990: 68) as
was probably the case for all the cultivated species of passiflora, given that they are all vines.
Curubas are tubular shaped fruits with yellow, green, or red thin skins and pink to orange
interiors (Figure 43, Appendix B, Table 9). These plants are extremely resistant to high
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elevations and can grow up to 3500 m above sea level and tolerate temperatures of -5ᵒC
(ACTIBS 1981: 289). It is a very productive crop. In Cundinamarca and Boyaca 1,550 hectares
cultivated with P. mollissima and produces 18,000 metric tons a year (Acosta and Moreno 1991:
62). “Annual harvest in Colombia are said to reach 300 fruits per vine, amounting to some
500,000 fruits per hectare weighting about 30,000 kg.” (ACTIBS 1981: 289). In addition to the
common curuba (P. mollissima), there are also some endemic Colombian species of curubas that
were possibly used by the Muisca, including: P. mixta, P. tripartite, the P. achlimiana endemic
to the Sierra Nevada, P. ambigua, and P. antioquiensis known as the Colombian passion fruit
(ACTIBS 1981: 287-295). The rosy passion fruit (P. cumbalensis), known in Colombia as
curuba bogotana, with a red skin is extensively cultivated in Cundinamarca, originated in this
area, and was most likely the species used by the Muisca of Bogotá. The high yield of production
and the resilience to high elevations and low temperatures made the curubas ideal for cultivation
by the chiefdoms of the Andes.
Figure 43: Curuba fruits Bogotá, Colombia.
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It is now difficult to find in the markets of Bogotá and Tunja the endemic species of
curubas. During this research, only the common curuba was available for purchase, costing
2,000 Colombian pesos per lb. or 1 USD. The local produce merchants and friends mentioned
that, although they used to eat some of these species, including the curuba de indio (P. mixta),
curuba bogotana (P. cumbalensis), and curuba antioqueña (P. antioquiensis), a few years ago
these species were not commonly sold or found any longer. It is of concern that these endemic
species are not being used in the local diet and this might cause a decrease in their production
and lead to the extinction of these species. Fortunately the common curuba continues to be
desired throughout Colombia. It has begun to be exported and research projects on this plant’s
biology and agronomy are being developed (Bravo et all 2005).
In addition to the curubas, there are four more species of passion fruits native to the
Muisca regions that were likely used by these chiefdoms. Unlike the curubas these passion fruits
have a hard thick exterior and are spherical, usually the size of a baseball. The most commonly
found in Colombia is the granadilla (P. ligularis) (Figure 44, Appendix B, Table 9) an orange
fruit with a slimy light gray interior that it is only eaten as a fresh fruit and is not used to make
juice. The Spanish chronicles refer to granadilla as one of the passion fruits present in the
Muisca diet and these accounts prove this fruit was widely used by the chiefdoms prior to the
conquest (Descripción de la Ciudad de Tunja 1943 [1610]: 455, Oviedo 1930: 56 and Zamora
1980 [1701]: 114). One of the qualities of this fruit is that it can be transported easily thanks to
its tough skin. The Muisca possibly used it as a snack when on the move, as is commonly done
today by the modern population. In Colombia this fruit is cultivated from 800m to 3,000 m of
elevation and it can withstand temperatures as low as -1ᵒC; it is currently being exported to
Europe (ACTIBS 1981: 290) with an area of cultivation of 1,851 hectares and a production of
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28,000 metric tons a year (Acosta and Moreno 1991: 26). The fact that this fruit can be grown at
multiple elevations, resisting high and low temperatures, made it an ideal crop for the Muisca
microverticality agricultural system.
Figure 44: Granadilla fruits Bogotá, Colombia
The largest of the passion fruits in Colombia is the badea (P. quadrangularis) (Figure 45).
This species has a hard light green or yellow fruit with thick skin and is found at lower
elevations, ranging from 800m to 1500m (Bravo et al. 2005) (Appendix B). Cylindrical in shape,
its pulp is gelatinous and translucent. The seeds, which are about 200-300 per fruit, are used in
the preparation of juice and its cost is 1500 pesos a lb. or .75 US.
Figure 45: Badea fruit Neiva, Colombia
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The gulupa (P. pinnatistipula) (Figure 46, Appendix B, Table 9) is a purple fruit with yellow
pulp and grows at elevations between 2500 and 3000 m from Colombia to Chile. They are
smaller in size than granadillas (ACTIBS 1981: 291). These fruits are rarely found in the
markets of the Andes (ACTIBS 1981: 291), but unlike the endemic curubas, this species is still
found at Paloquemao, Bogotá and in the markets in Tunja. The chulupa (P. maliformis) (Figure
47, Appendix B, Table 9) is commonly marketed in Bogotá and the surrounding regions. It is a
light yellow fruit with white spots. Its skin is strong and thick; to use it, is cracked open, divided
in halves and eaten as a fresh fruit or made in to juice. This species is still a wild plant, but it has
been successfully cultivated in La Mesa, Cundinamarca, its native region and an area occupied
by the Muisca. The cost of this fruit is 800 Colombian pesos a lb. or .40USD. Although the only
species of passion fruits described in the chronicles are the curuba and the granadilla, Oviedo
(1930: 56) mentions a variety of passion fruit called gualchapa in his description of the Muisca.
This could be the chulupa or the gurupa, as it is described as being similar to the granadilla and
as growing in the wild.
Figure 46: Gulupa fruits Tunja, Colombia.
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Figure 47: Chulupa fruits Neiva, Colombia.
Fruit Trees
Persea Americana: Aguacate
Unlike other fleshy fruits, avocados (Figure 48, Table 1, Table 9) are rich in oil and have
the highest energy content of any fruit, about 2500 cal per kilogram (Brintnall and Conner 2001:
96). Thus this fruit is a valuable addition to a healthy diet and was probably the reason avocados
expanded throughout the Americas. The wild ancestor of avocado has completely disappeared,
indicating the early domestication of this fruit. Avocados originated in Mexico at least 7000 BC;
from there it was taken to other locations, including Colombia, Venezuela, and Brazil where
native peoples began to cultivate it (Bravo et al. 2005).
100
Figure 48: Avocado fruit West India variety Bogotá, Colombia.
It has also been argued that avocados were independently domesticated in different
locations, leding to the varieties we find today: the West India variety with thick smooth skin
(also known as Florida avocado in the U.S.), the Guatemalan variety with thick warty skin, and
the Mexican variety (also known as Hass) with a thin smooth skin (Brintnall and Conner 2001:
96-97) (Figure 49). “The apparent early emergence of three distinct races of avocado supports
the idea that avocado was brought into cultivation from genetically diverse and widely separated
wild populations (Smith et al. 1992: 112). Langebaek (1994: 4) has suggested that avocados
were also independently domesticated in Colombia, although recent molecular studies indicate
that this is unlikely (Brintnall and Conner 2001: 97). Multiple authors mention avocado as a food
product of the Muisca (Domínguez 1981: 87; Rozo1998: 30; Labbé 1986: 154; Langebaek 1994:
4; 1987: 59), but there is no archaeological or ethnohistoric evidence that supports these
descriptions. Future archaeological and ethnohistoric research is necessary to demonstrate or
reject the presence of avocado in the Muisca diet. Nevertheless, avocado was present in the
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Colombian territory when the Spanish arrived and it is likely that the Muisca had access to this
fruit through trade networks (Langebaek 1987: 59; Bravo et al. 2005).
Figure 49: Avocados of the three known varieties at the Codabas produce market Bogotá,
Colombia.
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Today avocados are utilized in Colombia (Table 9) on daily basis; these are eaten fresh as
a side dish during lunch and are an essential part of the traditional dishes bandeja paisa and
ajiaco. They can be purchased in the majority of markets and supermarkets around the country
and are sold by street vendors. They are an important source of income for many families, who
sell them depending on their size with prices raging from 1,000 to 3,000 pesos per unit. In
Colombia 20,920 hectares are cultivated with avocado with a production of 339,000 metric tons
a year (Acosta and Moreno 1991: 48). However, Mexico is the largest producer and consumer of
avocados in the world with 906,000 metric tons a year, the United States produces 130,000
metric tons a year which are sold locally and exported mainly to Mexico (Brintnall and Conner
2001: 77).
Psidium guajava: Guava
Although Langebaek (1994: 4) believes guava (Table 1) had an Andean origin, this fruit
most likely originated in Central America where it was domesticated and later transported to
South America (Brintnall and Conner 2001: 103)11. Once the fruit was established there, the
Muisca farmers began to grow it in the warm thermic floors of their domain (Labbé 1986: 154).
According to the chronicles, guavas were present in Muisca territory when the Spanish arrived
and grown in the captaincy of Pausagá, Cundinamarca (Langebaek 1987: 65). The chronicler
Oviedo (1852: 389) describes the use of guavas by the Muisca, but the presence of these fruits
does not appear in the archaeological record. These fruits are also mentioned as a Muisca product
in the Descripción de Tunja (1943 [1610]: 455). “Guavas have a pungent flavor when eaten raw
and are more commonly stewed or processed into jams, jellies or pasties” (Brintnall and Conner
11
“Given the long association between people and guava, it is probably impossible to establish with any certainty
the precise former range of guava” (Smith et al. 1992: 151).
103
2001: 103). In Colombia guavas are very popular and are used in the preparation of juices,
sweets, and desserts. However they are mainly used for making bocadillo, a traditional sweet of
guava and sugar that forms a burgundy paste that is eaten in the entire country and usually
accompanied with cheese.
A wide variety of guavas are found in Colombia including the: pera, a pear shape fruit
with yellow exterior and pink interior; cimarrona, similar to the pear but smaller and round;
quito, also small and sweet; and, the coronilla with white pulp and sour flavor used in the
preparation of juices (Diaz et al. 2008: 27) (Figure 50, Appendix B, Table 9). This fruit is one of
the most important crops in the country with a total of 24,920 hectares cultivated with a
production of 449,000 metric tons per year (Acosta and Moreno 1991: 24). The majority of
guava fields, about 90% of the cultivated land, is unattended and is located in pastures,
backyards, and near roads; it is the third largest crop produced in the country (Acosta and
Moreno 1991: 45). It can be purchased in the produce markets mentioned earlier for 2,000
Colombian pesos per lb., around 1 USD. Guava is the fruit with the highest content of vitamin C
(Brintnall and Conner 2001: 103) and also contains vitamin A and B3 (Acosta and Moreno 1991:
45). It grows in elevations from 0 to 1,800 meters above sea level and continues to be an
important crop in Cundinamrca and Boyaca, as it was during Muisca occupation.
Figure 50: Guava fruits pera variety (left). Guava fruits white (coronilla variety), and red (pera
variety) Bogotá, Colombia.
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Cyphomandra betacea: Tomate de Arbol
The tree tomato (Table 1) is unknown in its wild state an indication of its ancient
domestication (ACTIBS 1989: 314). The presence of this fruit is not mentioned in any of the
sources as a Muisca food crop, but the fact that is widely dispersed and utilized by the local
populations in the departments of Boyaca and Tunja could indicate that it was actually used by
the pre-Columbian chiefdoms there. The place of origin for this fruit is currently unknown, but
future research could point to Colombia as it grows in Muisca territory extensively and the
majority of the varieties of this species are also found there. “On the Colombian uplands, for
instance, it is found in every city, including Bogotá” (ACTIBS 1989: 307). This fruit is usually
grown in home gardens in cold areas with high elevations between 1,300 to 3,000 meters above
sea level (Bravo et al. 2005; Acosta and Moreno 1991: 23).
In Colombia this crop is considered of great importance. In Cundinamarca and Boyaca
580 hectares are planted with this crop with a production of 15,000 metric tons per year (Acosta
and Moreno 1991: 24). It is generally utilized to make juices and desserts, after boiling the fruits
to easily peel the skin; it is not commonly eaten raw. There is great variety in these fruits based
on their color; in the produce markets of Bogotá, Tunja and Villa de Leyva can be found in the
red (oratia red ACTIBS 1989: 315), yellow, and común varieties with prices ranging from 1,300
to 1,500 Colombian pesos per lb. depending on the variety (Figure 51, Appendix B, Table 11).
These fruits are a good source of vitamin A (carotene 150IU per 100g), vitamin B6, vitamin C
(25mg per 100g), vitamin E and iron, with less than 40 calories per fruit (ACTIBS 1989: 310).
Tree tomatoes are currently being cultivated in New Zealand with excellent results and have
been adapted to some traditional dishes there. Their high vitamin content and their exotic form
105
and flavor might lead this crop to be commercially successful in other regions outside of the
Andes, as is the case in New Zealand.
Figure 51: Tomate de árbol fruits of the varieties: rojo, amarillo, and común Bogotá, Colombia.
Annona cherimola, muricata and squamosal: Chirimolla, Guanábana and Anón
Commonly referred to as the sops (Table 1), these fruits are native to the Andean region
and is composed of perhaps 100 species that includes some of the most delectable fruits in the
tropics (ACTIBS 1989: 238). The custard apple (A. Squamosa) (Figure 52, Appendix B, Table 9)
is the most commonly consumed because selection has led to high quality in the fruits,
seedlessness, and an ability of the plant to tolerate a wide range of climates (Britnall and Conner
2001: 99). This species grows in tropical and subtropical climates and is believed to have been
eaten by the Muisca before and during the Spanish conquest (Rozo 1998: 31). This fruit splits
when ripe and its “white custard like pulp has a sweet, delicious flavor” (ACTIBS 1989: 239).
The custard apple is also believed to have originated in Central America and to have been taken
from there to Colombia (Bravo et al. 2005), although this is not supported by the majority of
authors consulted. There are a wide number of varieties of the anón, such as the mammouth,
ateira cearense, as well as hybrid varieties of A. squamosa and A. cherimola (Bravo et al. 2005).
106
This fruit can be purchased at the markets visited in Colombia for 2,000 pesos per lb. or 1 USD.
It is usually eaten fresh and used in the preparation of desserts and sweets.
Figure 52: Custard apple fruit Bogotá, Colombia.
The soursop or guanábana (A. muricata) (Figure 53, Table 9), as it is known in Latin
America, originated in Northern South America in the modern countries of Colombia and
Venezuela (Langebaek 1994: 4). It is considered the most tropical of the Annonaceae family and
has the largest fruit weighting up to 7kg (ACTIBS 1989: 238). Its flesh is similar to the other
fruits in this genus, but tends to be whiter and more fibrous. Like the other species in its family,
guanabana has a high content of vitamins B1, B2, and C, as well as alkaloids useful to arrest the
growth of certain cancers and help in healing damaged livers (Smith et al. 1992: 202). It is
usually used for making juice and is not eaten fresh. The Muisca possibly did not cultivate this
fruit in their realm as it grows better at very low elevations, but it reached their territory through
trade as has been documented in the chronicles and by contemporary authors (Labbé 1986: 154;
Rozo 1998: 30). The chronicler Oviedo describes the Muisca fruits as: “Hay muchas frutas y
todas las que comúnmente hay en las otras partes de las Indias, así como ajes, patatas,
guayabas, caymitos, guanábanas e pitahayas…” (1852: 389). Oviedo describes soursop as a
Muisca fruit, demonstrating the presence of A. muricata in the chiefdoms. In Colombia this fruit
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is sold throughout the country for 3,000 pesos per lb. or 1.50 USD and used to make juice and
desserts, such as the merengon, a cakelike egg pastry. In Cundinamarca and Boyaca 450 hectares
of land are cultivated with a production of 5,000 metric tons every year (Acosta and Moreno
1991: 24).
Figure 53: Soursop or Guanábana fruits Neiva, Colombia.
The Chirimoya (A. cherimola) (Figure 54, Appendix B, Table 9) is considered to be one
of the oldest domesticated fruits in the Andes. Controversy has surrounded the origin of this fruit
placed by some in Central America, although “was most likely domesticated in highland Ecuador
or Peru, and then gradually disseminated in precontact times as far north as Mexico and south to
Chile” (Smith et al. 1992: 199). Its seeds have been found in archaeological sites in Peru and its
fruits are depicted on the pottery of pre-Inca peoples (ACTIBS 1989: 237). Soon after its
domestication in Peru and Ecuador, it spread into Colombia and was adopted by native human
populations there, including the Muisca (Langebaek 1994: 4). It was utilized by the people of
these chiefdoms and probably eaten fresh as it is done today in Colombia (Rozo 1998: 31). Its
delicious sweet flavor has given this fruit a great reputation and it has been called the “pearl of
the Andes, the queen of subtropical fruits, or deliciousness itself” (ACTIBS 1989: 239). It is
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considered by many people to be the finest of all the sops. It growth is restricted to montane
tropical regions between elevations of 1400 to 2000 m, elevations usually inhabited by the
Muisca whom probably grew it in their gardens. This fruit has high sugar content with a modest
amount of calcium, phosphorus, and vitamin A; it is also a good source of thiamine, riboflavin,
and niacin (ACTIBS 1989: 232). In Colombia this fruit is usually eaten fresh, but it is also
utilized to make sauces, mousse, custards, ice cream, and wine. It can be purchased in markets
and is also sold by street vendors for 2,000 pesos per lb. or 1USD. Some commercial varieties
include: the Booth, White, Pierce, Knight, Bonito, Ott and Oxhart. In Ecuador nearly every
valley has a local variety (ACTIBS 1989: 237). The exquisite flavor of this fruit makes it a great
candidate to become a major product in the global market economy where it can become a
valuable crop.
Figure 54: Cherimoya fruit Bogotá, Colombia.
Carica: Papayas
Like many other tropical fruits in the New World the origin of Papaya is uknown, but it
possibly originated along the eastern flank of the Andes from Ecuador to Venezuela (Smith et al.
1992: 163). Papayas and papayuela (Table 1), a smaller variety of this fruit, were cultivated by
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the Muisca (Labbé 1986: 154), although this is not supported in any of the chronicles or by
archaeological reports from the area. These fruits include a variety of species, such as: C.
candamarcencis, C. pubensis, C. cestriflora, C. chrysophylla, C. goudotiana, C. pubescens and
C. goudotiana - all native species in Colombia (Bravo et al. 2005, Smith et al. 1992: 168). These
fruits grow in herbaceous trees and are highly productive, giving fruit only two years after
cultivation and producing from 60 to 200 fruits per tree (ACTIBS 1981: 253). These fruits are
generally eaten fresh or in juice in Colombia, but the papauyuelas (Figure 55, Appendix B),
actually a bit tasteless, are usually used in the preparation of a traditional sweet dessert (Figure
55) that is commonly prepared during Christmas season. Papayas are difficult to differentiate and
place taxonomically, as these species hybridize easily between species, increasing sexual
variation (Bravo et al. 2005).
Figure 55: Papayuela fruit (left and center) and dulce de papayuela a traditional Colombian
dessert (right) Neiva, Colombia.
Berries
Vaccinium meridionale: Agras
This endemic species of the central Andes in Colombia only grows in the páramos of
Cundinamrca and Boyaca at elevations between 2000 to 4000 meters above sea level (ACTIBS
1989: 219) in the territory once occupied by the Muisca chiefdoms (Table 1). This wild species,
known as the Andean blueberry, is not mentioned in any of the sources, but as an endemic
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species of the Muisca Mountains, it must have been collected and utilized as food since the preceramic period. Future research projects might eventually identify this fruit in Muisca and preMuisca archaeological sites. During a visit to Lake Iguaque in Boyaca located at an elevation of
3700 m above sea level, I noticed that agras grows there and could be found all around the area
(Figure 56). The lake Iguaque in Boyaca was considered sacred to the Muisca and the birthplace
of human kind (Figure 56). Bachue, the first woman, emerged magically out of this lake and
gave birth to a son with whom she then, copulated bringing fourth mankind and peopling the
earth. Once the earth was populated, Bachue and her son turned into serpents and returned to
Iguaque and disappeared forever (Labbé 1986: 155).
Figure 56: Lake Iguaque in Boyaca (left). Wild agras berries at Iguaque (right).
The Andean blueberries (Figure 57, Appendix B, Table 9) are dark purple and round,
about 1cm in diameter (larger than must blueberries). They are very sweet and juicy and their
skin is tough and difficult to digest (ACTIBS 1989: 219). Agras is highly valued in Colombia
and it is not easily found; a pound of this fruit costs 25,000 Colombian pesos in the markets at
Bogotá around 14 USD and it is the most expensive product of all the ones described in this
thesis. This fruit is used in the preparation of preserves, pastries, desserts, yogurts, ice creams,
and wine - as well as eaten fresh. In Villa de Leyva and the surrounding regions of the
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department of Boyaca the locals travel to the mountains with high elevations in search of this
fruit, especially during the months of June and July when the fruit becomes ripe.
Figure 57: Agras berries at the Paloquemao market Bogotá, Colombia.
Rubus glaucus, Rubus macrocarpus, Rubus adenotrichus: Mora de Castilla, Zarzamora or Morón
and Mora Común or Silvestre
These South American blackberries (Table 1) are commonly found in the Andean region,
where they are native. These fruits are not domesticated and grow wild throughout the region
although people cultivate them and market them in large quantities. They are also commonly
used in Colombia, especially in the preparation of mora juice one of the most traditional
beverages in the country. These fruits are also used in the preparation of desserts, yogurt, ice
cream, and many other sweet treats that take advantage of the sour flavor of these fruits and
creates a great contrast to sweet flavors. The origin of this fruit is found in the high elevations of
the South American tropics above 1,000 m. (Bravo et al. 2005). It has been suggested that moras
were used by the Muisca for food (Rozo 1998: 31) and their wild presence in the region supports
this.
Mora de Castilla (Rubus glaucus) (Figure 58, Appendix A, Table 9) is the most popular
and numerous of these species in Colombia. Although this is a wild species, it is cultivated
extensively in the country where it has become an increasingly important cash crop (ACTIBS
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1989: 213). This fruit has the highest concentration of production in Cundinamarca where 600
hectares of this fruit are cultivated with a production of 7,200 tons a year (Acosta and Moreno
1991: 41). In Boyaca the production is of 560 tons a year, perhaps indicating that the Bacata
chiefdom of the Muisca used this fruit more often than in Tunja for it is easier to obtain this fruit
in Cundinamarca. In Colombia the total production of mora de castilla is 11,770 tons a year and
Cundinamarca produces more than half of this amount, making this fruit one of the most
important agricultural products in the region (Acosta and Moreno 1991: 41). The cost of one
pound of mora de castilla in the markets of Bogotá is 2,000 Colombian pesos or 1 USD.
Colombia already exports this fruit to the U.S., but realistically this fruit is barely known outside
of the Andes. These berries are very juicy. In Colombia the majority of the fruit is made into
juice, which is popular in the entire country. It is relatively easy to cultivate from seeds or
vegetatively and it grows on many types of soils, from clays to volcanic sands (ACTIBS 1989:
216).
Figure 58: Mora de Castilla berries Bogotá, Colombia.
The Zarzamora or Morón (Rubus macrocarpus) (Figure 59, Appendix B, Table 9) known
in English as the giant Colombian blackberry, is endemic to the Colombian Andes and
commonly found growing wild in the Muisca mountains. “It is native to a narrow, rather
inaccessible zone in the higher areas of Colombia (2600-3400 m elevation)” (ACTIBS 1989:
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216). Its color is lighter than the mora de castilla, but the plants and fruits resemble each other,
with the exception that the zarzamora is very large. The giant Colombian blackberry is one of
the biggest berries in the world. It is so large that is difficult to eat it in a single bite (ACTIBS
1989: 217). The flavor of this berry is very similar to the other moras, but because it is difficult
to grow outside its natural region, it is almost impossible to market it outside of Colombia. Thus
production is relatively small. These berries sell in the markets of Bogotá and Tunja for 3,500
Colombian pesos around 1.88 USD.
Figure 59: Zarzamora or moron berries (left). Size variation between the three species of moras
largest zarzamora, medium size mora de castilla, small mora silvestre Bogotá, Colombia.
The mora común, also known as mora silvestre (Robus adenotrichus) (Figure 60,
Appendix B, Table 9), is the smallest of this group. It grows wild in Cundinamarca and Boyaca
and is not commonly commercialized because of its size and its sour flavor. “It is seldom
cultivated, but the fruits of wild plants are collected and sold in the markets for the preparation of
jellies, refreshments, and even wine” (ACTIBS 1989: 217). It is commonly found in pastures.
When I was younger, I commonly ate these berries in the town of Yerbabuena, Cundinamarca
where my neighbor had a cattle farm and you could find these berries. In the market of
Paloquemao in Bogotá I was able to purchase these berries for 2,000 Colombian pesos per lb.
around 1 USD. The merchant who sold me the berries mentioned that people bought them in
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order to make a tea from the stems, leaves, and berries to treat fevers. These three species of
blackberries and the Andean blueberry were of great importance for the diet of indigenous
people of Cundinamarca and Boyaca and were especially important for the early inhabitants of
this area, who depended almost completely on the collection of berries and other wild fruits that
were eventually domesticated (Cárdenas-Arroyo 2001: 46).
Figure 60: Mora Silvestre plant and berries Bogotá, Colombia.
Leafs
Some leafs of Muisca plants are currently used in the diet of modern South Americans.
These include the leafs of the achira, cubios, yuca, quinoa, ahuyama and the chachafruto. They
are eaten in salads and soups. However the most important leafs used in the Muisca diet were the
coca leafs (Erythroxylum coca) and the guasca (Galinsoga pawiflora). The Muisca refer to
eadible leafs as Quysca, muin, or huazica (Rozo 1998: 32). The majority of leafs used by the
Muisca are no longer utilized for food because of the imposition of Western preferences for
sweet foods as opposed to the bitter taste of the leafs used by the Muisca (Rozo 1998: 33).
Galinsoga pawiflora: Guasca:
Guascas (Figure 61, Table 1) are one of the main ingredients of ajiaco and were adapted
to this dish from its traditional Muisca use. The chronicler Oviedo describes the use of these
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leafs as: “y las guisan que se llaman guascas, bledos y muchas otras” (1930: 56). According to
this chronicler, the leafs of the guascas and many other plants were stewed. Colombia is possibly
the only place in the world where this weed is used for food because this plant has small thorns
on its leafs, which does not make it an ideal food product. It is exclusively used in the
preparation of the traditional dish of Cundinamarca, the ajiaco. “It seems that this plant will
thrive close to the potatoes fields of the Muisca and was considered a weed or a guasca. As
nothing was wasted in these fields the plant was added to potato soups where its aromatic flavor
was a great complement to the potatoes” (Diaz et al. 2008: 29). The accessibility to this plant
allowed it to be used as one of the main ingredients of the ajiaco, a fusion of culinary techniques
between indigenous and Spanish cooking, with an excellent flavor.
Figure 61: Guasca leafs a main ingredient of the traditional ajiaco Bogotá, Colombia.
Erythroxylum coca: Coca
Coca leaves (Table 1) were not used as a food product, but was part of the Muisca diet.
These leaves were chewed in large quantities, being mixed with calcium obtained from
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gastropod shells that were ground and placed in poporos. The poporos are containers made of
different materials including gold, ceramic, stone, and wood where coca leafs were mixed with
the calcium and then chewed to extract alkaloids, a process that reduced fatigue, altitude
sickness, hunger, and pain (Figure 62). The Muisca traded salt for coca from groups at lower
elevations where this leaf grew; they also cultivated their own coca at warmer valleys in Muisca
territory and it was a desired plant by all the social classes for its religious and medicinal value
(Kurella 1998: 198; Aguado 1956: 406). This plant is a woody shrub with brown steams. It has
alternate leaves with an obobate shape (upside-down teardrop); it is dark green in color with a
light grey underside and a smooth surface (Appendix B). The taste is bitter, similar to green tea.
The smell is similar to hay and soil. Coca chewing had a ceremonial purpose for the Muisca, but
was not exclusively destined to ceremonial rituals. According to the chronicles, the Muisca used
coca regularly when conducting agricultural labor - to the point that the words in Chibcha for
harvesting corn and chewing coca (zeb chuscua) were used interchangeably for both actions
(Langebaek 1987: 79; Acosta Ortegón 1938: 42).
Figure 62: Gold Muisca poporo and stick for coca (left). Coca leaves and snails used for calcium
(right) Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
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Langebaek (1987: 79-81) dedicates an entire chapter to the use and cultivation of coca by
the Muisca. According to this author, the Muisca cultivated the majority of coca in Soatá and
Duitama, Boyaca and in the Chicamocha canyon. The inhabitants of the canyon traded coca for
blankets and gold. An extensive internal trade network developed between the Muisca chiefdoms
to transfer desired products, such as coca, gold, salt, and cotton blankets (Figure 63). The
Chicamocha canyon was the preferred zone to grow coca because this plant tolerates dry
environments and it was possible to obtain two harvests a year in this location. Other areas
utilized to grow coca in Muisca territory were Guatavita and Fomenque, Cundinamarca where
the majority of the production was destined to trade. According to Aguado (1956: 406) “in order
to get coca the Muisca will go wherever it was produced and trade one load for two blankets and
after the load was brought to the markets in Tunja it was traded for four blankets”. As shown by
the last description, coca (Figure 64) was a highly valued product by the Muisca and continues to
be of extreme importance for contemporary indigenous societies in Colombia like the Kogui of
the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, demonstrating the continuation and importance of this plant
outside its criminalized use in the production of cocaine in the country.
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Figure 63: Map created by the author showing the trade of coca leafs within the Muisca territory
before and during the conquest, based on information found in Langebaek (1987).
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Figure 64: Coca leafs and coca plant Bogotá, Colombia
Fauna
It has been suggested that the Muisca diet contained little animal protein (Labbé 1986:
154; Kurella 1998: 199). It is certain that the Muisca diet was mostly based on agricultural
products, as demonstrated in stable isotope analysis of human remains (see Cárdenas-Arroyo),
but animal protein had an extremely important role in the diet of all the social classes in the
chiefdom. The consumption of certain types of foods was indeed restricted to the elites - as was
the case for the majority of the corn and deer that was rarely distributed to the lower strata (only
during feasts and communal work efforts). Hunting was a common practice of the Muisca
(Simón 1981 [1625] III: 164) and the chronicles also support the idea that the consumption of
meat was restricted to the chiefly class (Visita (1560) 1988: 75). It has been suggested that
hunting was done by large groups of people. Spears, slings, arrows, tramps, and blow guns were
the methods preferred for this activity (Viricoechea 1871: 128). It appears that the richest
hunting grounds were uninhabited locations in the cold valleys and paramos that the hunters
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patroled in search of deer, rabbits, tapirs, mountain lions and guinea pigs destined to food, trade,
and tribute (Langebaek 1987: 71).
The restriction of meat used by the lower classes probably refered specifically to deer and
other large game animals, but does not mean that the lower social classes only ate plant
agricultural products for they had at their disposal an extensive diversity of animal species within
their territory (Rozo 1998: 29). This is especially truth for people in remote locations and those
dedicated to hunting and raising animals. The change of elevations in this part of the Andes
contains a wide range of microclimates with a rich biodiversity of animals. The Muisca had
access to a wide variety of fish and fresh water species as well as a variety of birds and mammals
(Table 2, Table 3), that could hunt for food. In their homes they raised the domesticated guinea
pigs and these animals provided meat to all social classes, not only the elite. It is common to find
higher proportions of Cava bones than any other animal, including deer, in Muisca sites, an
indication that guinea pig consumption was widespreadd among the Muisca population (Ijzereet
1978: 170). It was likely that the range in the consumption of animal protein was not only due to
social constraints but was also influenced by many factors, including geographical position,
occupation, and accessibility. It is possible to define what species of animals were used for food
by the Muisca as there is extensive archaeological evidence that animal remains were processed
for consumption, as well as detailed descriptions of animals that were eaten and offered to the
Spanish during the conquest. There are also representations of animals in the Muisca
iconography found in their gold artifacts, ceramics, and stone tools.
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Mammals
Cavia porcellus: Guinea pig
The guinea pig was the only domesticated animal species of the Muisca. The constant
hunting of wild guinea pigs in the region led to its domestication during the Herrera period
(Langebaek 1987: 70). There are still wild varieties of guinea pigs that continue to be hunted
near the site of Herrera. These are possibly the ancestors of the domesticated animals the Muisca
raised and that we find today in this territory (Broadbent 1971: 173). In the Chibcha language
this animal was referred to as fuquy or fucos; the action for trapping the guinea pig was called
chihibago (Correal and Pinto 1983: 75). The consumption of Cavia by the people inhabiting
Cundinamarca and Boyaca dates to the pre-ceramic period. The domestication of this animal was
only possible after thousands of years of experimentation and through the opportunistic hunting
and capture of the animals, especially in nearby gardens planted with species that attracted them
(Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002: 22).
There is extensive evidence of guinea pig (Table 2, Table 3) consumption throughout all
the periods of occupation in the Bogotá Sabana and Tunja and there are no indications of
restrictions in the consumption of this animal (Pradilla et al. 2005). This fact contradicts the idea
that the Muisca had limited access to animal protein. The results of isotope analysis, indicating
the lack of animal protein in human diet, do not be take into consideration the similarity of this
animal’s diet to that of humans, possibly leading to inaccurate results. In the site of Checua,
Cundinamrca there is evidence of guinea pig consumption, including bone evidence and tools
used for butchering dating to cal 7400BC-cal 6440 BC (8200+/- 110 BP – 7800 BP+/- 160 BP),
demonstrating the early manipulation of this species in the region (Groot 1995: 54). Other early
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pre-ceramic evidence of guinea pig consumption in the Bogotá Sabana comes from Petroalto (cal
7400 BC – cal 6440 BC), and Soacha (915 +/- BP – 720 +/- BP) (Cárdenas-Arroyo 2002: 30-31).
Stable isotope analysis of human bone at the sites of El Abra and Tequendama, Cundinamarca
indicate that the consumption of meat from deer and guinea pig increased gradually, especially
for Cavia. There aremore bones from the rodent than from deer at these sites starting from 7,000
BP (Ijzereet 1978; Correal and van der Hammen 1977). The domestication of guinea pig in the
Bogotá Sabana took place after 2,500 BP and it is demonstrated by the morphological changes of
the pelvic bones (Figure 65) of Cavia samples obtained from the site of El Abra. These changes
are easily noticeable when compared to wild varieties of this species (Ijzereet 1978: 170).
Figure 65: Domestic guinea pig pelvic bones recovered at La Muela, Tunja by the UPTC,
Colombia.
The early domestication of guinea pig allowed the human populations of the region to
have a more controlled and stable supply of animal protein. Thus adaptation was so successful
that the habit of raising guinea pigs for consumption is still practiced today in various regions in
Colombia, including Cundinamarca, Boyaca, Huila and Nariño. It is common knowledge that
these rodents are extremely fertile from three months to seven years of age and can have new
offspring every 65 days (Correal and Pinto 1983: 75). In the town of Saucio, Cundinamarca the
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local farmers value the meat from these rodents so much that they keep them in their houses to
fatten them, in order to eat them and sell them in the local markets (Langebaek 1987: 70). These
guinea pigs are fed human table scraps and parts of the plants not used for human consumption,
including the husk of the corn and the pods of the beans. This practice is very interesting because
the human diet resembles the diet of the guinea pig in terms of the food products utilized and
these methods were possibly also practiced by the Muisca and their ancestors.
Domesticated guinea pigs are dependent scavengers and roam around their host’s house
in search of human table scraps. Their diet is generally similar to the humans that raise them.
Stable isotope analysis of human and guinea pig bones from the Wari site of Conchopata, Peru
indicate that the diets of Cavia and humans were very similar with the exception of nitrogen
values, which are higher in the human diet, an indication of the consumption of animal protein
and corn (Finucane et al. 2005: 1-10). The guinea pigs of Conchopata had a variable presence of
corn in their diet, indicative of the differential consumption of maize by the humans that raised
them, possibly related to social stratification or the form in which corn was acquired in each
household (2005: 8). If corn was not processed, the guinea pig in that household would had more
access to a C4 diet as it could eat the corn husk. In households where processed corn was
obtained in the form of grains, this limited the amount of corn available to the guinea pigs. It is
not known how the Muisca raised their guinea pigs, but it is likely that they used the same
technique of having the animals in their household eating table scraps from the floor, as was
done by the Wari and by the modern human population in Cundinamarca. A stable isotope
analysis of Muisca guinea pig remains would allow us to determine what type of diet they had
and how these animals were raised by the Muisca. An analysis of samples from the large number
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of preserved guinea pig bones recovered at the site of La Muela, Tunja would be ideal for this
type of project (Table 3).
Excavations by the UPTC in the Muisca site of La Muela, Tunja has led to the recovery
of 503 bone remains belonging to Cavia (Pradilla et al. 2005). It is interesting that these fragile
bones are so well preserved, even better preserved than those from deer. After visual inspections
of these bones, it is possible to assume that they contain enough collagen to conduct a successful
stable isotope analysis, although a collagen test would be the preferable technique (Figures 66,
67, 68). From the samples acquired at the UPTC it was possible to identify 9 samples of
completely domesticated animals and 16 transitional samples. The majority of the bones
recovered from this sample came from human burials, indicating that these animals were placed
there as food offerings. The majority of the bone samples show that the animals were large and
developed, coming from individuals which had reached adulthood and been killed at a selected
age. This way to reducing the amount of food and time required to raise them an indication these
were domesticated. The preservation of these bones is outstanding. It can easily be determined
what part of the animal each bone belongs to as well as identify indications of human
consumption caused by burning and cut marks (Figures 66, 67, 68). The chronicler Oviedo
(1852: 407) mentions that the Muisca: “have innumerable quantities of guinea pigs that they eat
as many times as they want to”. These animals were consumed by a large part of the
population,as they were easily raised and in large numbers. The high amount of guinea pig bones
in Muisca and pre-Muisca sites indicate that consumption of these animals did not have
restrictions for the population, as as was the case for deer.
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Figure 66: Domestic guinea pig mandibles recovered at La Muela, Tunja by the UPTC
Figure 67: Domestic guinea pig femurs (left). Domestic guinea pig humerus notice burned areas
indication of cooking. La Muela Tunja, Colombia UPTC.
Figure 68: Domestic guinea pig radius (left). Domestic guinea pig scapula (right). La Muela
Tunja, Colombia UPTC.
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Odocoileus virginianus, Mazama rufina, M. Americana, M. goazoubira: Deer
It is not known if the deer hunted and eaten by the Muisca were wild or semidomesticated. I refer to semi-domestication as controlled populations which were not afraid of
humans, were fed by humans, and in some cases were corralled, similar to the reindeer herds of
North America and Siberia that are neither wild nor completely domesticated. Simón (1981
[1625]) noted that deer roamed freely in Muisca territory and were so numerous that they
resembled the cattle and sheep of Spain. As described in the chronicles, the Muisca offered the
deer to the Spanish in large quantities apparently to distract them from advancing deeper into
their territory; about 80 deer were killed daily as offerings for the Europeans (Simón 1981 [1625]
IV: 397). The comparison made in the Spanish chronicles between their domesticated herds of
sheep and cattle and the deer of the Muisca is very interesting. The evidence for corrals in
Muisca chiefdoms supports the idea of semi-domesticated or controlled populations of deer
(Tovar 1980: 22). The manipulation of deer by the Muisca was described as: “Las carnes que
comen los indios en aquesta tierra son venados de que hay infinidad, en tanta abudancia que los
basta a mantener como aca los ganados” (The meats that the indians eat in this lands are those of
deer which exist in such abundance that they are maintained as here (Spain) is cattle)
(Descripción de la Ciudad de Tunja 1943 [1610]: 430). Simón (1981 [1625] IV: 397) states that
deer roamed in “manadas como si fueran ovejas…” (herds like they were sheep). Deer are also
represented in Muisca iconography, an indication of the importance of this animal for the
chiefdoms (Figure 69).
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Figure 69: Gold deer figurine from the Late Muisca Period Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
Considering the descriptions of the Spanish, it appears as though the deer were semidomesticated or at least controlled and protected. To establish this scientifically, a stable isotope
analysis of deer bone found in Muisca sites would be crucial. If the deer remains contain a high
concentration of C3, it would indicate that deer consumed mainly tree foliage and were possibly
compltly wild. If the concentration is of C4, then the deer consumed corn, perhaps indicating
they were semi-domesticated, as described in the chronicles, although it could also suggest that
deer had unwanted access to corn crops. Emery (2000) conducted this type of research in the
Maya area and determined that, although the deer bone exhibit a high concentration of C4, the
deer were not semi-domesticated. The high consumption of corn by these animals was due to the
large number of corn fields in the area that allowed the deer to enter the fields to fed on the corn.
This might also explain high C4 levels within Muisca deer populations. Cárdenas-Arroyo (2002)
tried to conduct stable isotope analysis of deer bone of the Muisca at Bacata (Bogotá), but he
only tested one sample and did not obtain any valid results (it is possible this sample did not
contained enough collagen to conduct chemical analysis of isotopes.) These types of studies are
lacking in Colombian archaeological studies and this kind of research is crucial for our
understanding of complex Pre-Columbian societies from the Colombian Andes, especially
concerning their dietary practices.
Consumption of deer was the most important determinant of the Muisca restrictive diet,
as it was only eaten and hunted by the chiefly classes - with the exception of feasts and important
occasions where the entire population was allowed to eat it. Deer remains (Figures 70, 71) found
in some of the complex human burials at Los Altos Santuarios and La Muela indicate that these
human individuals were part of the chiefly social classes. In an attempt to determine the control
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or semi-domestication of Muisca deer, I measured, described, and collected samples from deer
femurs found in complex and simple burials at Los Altos Santuarios and La Muela recovered by
the UPTC (Table 3). This was done for a future analysis of the Carbon isotopes of the
osteological material at these Muisca sites, hopefully showing through ratios of C3 andC4 if
these were wild or controlled animals. I collected 1 to 3g of deer femur bone material to test for
content of collagen in the U.S. with the assistance of Dr. Dupras of the University of Central
Florida. In order to conduct stable isotope analysis 20 to 40 mg of bone powder is required
(Dupras, 2001). I collected 1 to 3g to have extra material as a precaution (this will be part of a
future project). Bone collagen quality of human and faunal bone from Los Altos Santuarios and
La Muela will be tested by using the methods mentioned by Van Klinken (1999). I choose to
collect femur samples (Figure 70) as this is the most reliable bone to use for stable isotope
analysis (Dupras, personal communication 2008).
Figure 70: Odocoileus virginianus femur samples collected for collagen testing from La Muela
Tunja, Colombia recovered by the UPTC.
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Figure 71: Odocoileus virginianus maxilla (left). Deer antler (right). Recovered at La Muela
Tunja, Colombia by the UPTC.
Other Mammals:
In addition to deer and guinea pig, the Muisca hunted other wild mammals for
consumption as well as for pelts and skins. Excavations at the UPTC recovered mammals that
included: dogs, Canis (but it is not clear if it was a domesticated animal); armadillos, Dasypus
kappleri; coati, Nusuella olivacea; foxes, Cerdocyn thous (Figure 72), and vulpes; opossum,
Didelphis marsupialis; puma, Felis oncolor; and rodents, including the agouti, Agouti
taczanowski, cotton rat, Sigmodon sp, and rabbits, Sylvilagus brasiliensis (Pradilla et al. 2005)
(Table 2, Table 3). The majority of these animals were destined for human consumption and
possibly part of the Muisca diet. In addition to the previous animals mentioned, the chronicler
Zamora (1980 [1701]: 144-159) described the presence of zaino Tayassu tajacu, wild pigs,
otters, and monkeys. Langebaek (1987: 7) adds that archaeological excavations of Muisca sites
show the presence and consumption of: an endemic mouse Sigmondus bogotensis, rabbits
Sylvilagua sp, peccary Tayassu pecari, and weasels Mustela sp. It is curious that the only
mammals recognized in the iconography of the Muisca and Herrera societies are the monkeys,
deer, and felines (Legast 1995: 10). These mammals just described had the potential for mass
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consumption and there are no indications for restrictions regulating their consumption with the
exception of deer (Rozo 1998: 29). The meats of these animals, as well as of the guinea pig and
deer, was either cooked fresh or smoked and added to the Muisca mutes, soups, stews, and
possibly other unknown dishes (Rozo 1998: 63).
Figure 72: Fox mandible recovered at La Muela Tunja, Colombia by the UPTC
Birds
Colombia has the largest number of species of birds in the world (n=1,871) and the
Muisca had an abundance of species in their territory that were hunted and possibly raised for
food. Spanish colonial documents mention that the Muisca raised birds in large quantities for
consumption, although is not known if this was an introduced practice by the Spanish or a native
custom; the documents also describe the use of Cornish hens, doves, and ducks (Tovar 1988: 77).
It is very possible that the Muisca did raise and control some species of birds for consumption,
just as they did with some mammals and fish species before the conquest. Zamora (1980 [1701]:
144-159) described the consumption by the Muisca of ducks, doves, Cornish hens, and wild hens
but their specific species are not known. Some endemic species in the humedales of the Bogotá
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Sabana at this point are endangered and could be some of the ones mentioned in the chronicles.
These include: the Podiceps andinus, a type of water bird similar to the anhinga, ducks, like the
Oxyura dominica, Dendrocyna autumnalis, Oxyura jamaicensi, Anas gergica, Anas cyanoptera,
and Netta erythrophtalma, the American purple gallinule, Porphyrio martinica, another almost
extinct endemic gallinule, the Gallinula melanops, some parrots, like the Ognorhynchus
icteriotis, and the Gallinago undulate, a wild hen the Odontophorus strophium, and the dove
Zeanaida articulata (Boada 2006: 24).
In addition to these endemic species, it is also possible to determine other birds
encountered by the Muisca found in the iconography (Figure 73). Muisca gold ornaments
depicting birds are common and sometimes the detail in the craftsmanship of these figures allows
for the identification of a specific species. Large birds highly desired for their quality meat,
including the native crested guan Penelope purpurascens and the Andean guan Penelope
montagnii, are clearly represented in gold artifacts (Legast 1995: 19).
Figure 73: Gold ornament of a large bird, Late Muisca period Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
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Most likely the Muisca hunted the guan, but the fragility of their bones has not permitted their
archaeological identification. Excavations at the site of La Muela by the UPTC led to the
recovery of preserved bird bones of multiple species, the majority found in burials. The bird
bones are distributed throughout the site, although the identification of specific species has not
been undertaken and the UPTC is expecting a future research project by a specialist to identify
these bones. It was possible to determine that the bones belong to at least seven different species,
four of them large birds, possibly guans (Pradilla et all 2005). It is clear the Muisca hunted and
possibly raised birds for their meat and these were part of the Muisca diet, as the ethnohistory
and archaeology of the region suggests.
Fish
Fishing was an important activity for the Muisca and their territory had a rich variety and
quantity of fish used for sustenance. According to the conquistador Jiménez de Quesada (1962
[1545]: 295) there were abundant fish in the rivers of Cundinamarca and Boyaca. The Muisca
probably practiced pisiculture in the ditches between the camellones, where the fish known as
capitán Eremophilus mutisii a species of catfish, was raised for human consumption (Broadbent
1987: 435). The possibility of the practice of pisiculture by the Muisca is likely. There is
archaeological evidence of heavy fishing weights (Figure 74) that were used with nets to capture
large quantities of fish, as well as descriptions of this practice in early Spanish documents. Some
of these fishing weights inspected at the Museo del Oro in Bogotá are spherical 8.5 cm in
diameter with a weight of 800g made with granite; others are made of stone usually rounded at
the edges with a larger flat surface areas weighing more than 1 Kg each. This is an indication
that they were used for relatively large fishing nets. Even if pisiculture was not practiced, the
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large fishing weights demonstrate that the Muisca used advanced fishing techniques to capture
large quantities of fish from rivers and lagoons in their territory. Some of these fishing weights
have been recovered in the Muisca sites of Fúquene, Sogamoso, and Soacha, Cundinamarca but
the chronology of these artifacts is unknown (Langebaek 1987: 72).
Figure 74: Fishing weights of the Muisca period Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
Fishing was an important activity in the main bodies of water found in Muisca territory
including the Fúneque lagoon, Cundinamarca, and the Tota lagoon, Boyaca (Langebaek 1987:
72-73). One of the main locations for fishing was the Bogotá River that crosses the entire Sabana
and its tributaries. The Bogotá River is 72 km long and approximately 2m deep (Boada 2006:
23). The river was commonly used by the Muisca for fishing and transportation, but is so highly
polluted today by sewer runoff from the city that these activities are no longer possible. The
chronicles mentioned that the most important resource of this river was the capitán fish
Eremophilus mutisii and that the Muisca had controlled areas bounded by nets for raising this
fish. The capitán fish did not have scales and was compared to the eel, which was eaten in Spain
(Tovar 1988: 77). This species of catfish endemic to the Bogotá Sabana was called chichinegua
in the Chibcha language of the Muisca. The word for fishing was chupcua, very similar to the
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word chucua that refers to the camellones, an indication that the capitán fish was nourished in
the canals between the raised fields, as suggested by Broadbent (1987: 435).
It has also been suggested in the chronicles that fishing was not a very productive practice,
but that the quality of the fish was so high that it was still a primary activity by the Muisca “The
fish that they raise in that kingdom although is not abundant it is the best of them all, because of
its particular flavor, it is of only one kind and not too big about the size of a hand or two but is an
admirable thing to eat” (Jiménez de Quesada 1962 [1545]: 295-296). “There is no fish in Tunja
and in Bogotá there is a fish that lives in that river although not too big is extremely tasty and
good” (Oviedo 1852: 407). This is contradicted by Zamora (1980 [1701]: 152) who explains that
fish was abundant in Bosa and Madrid, Cundinamarca and was commonly fished by the Muisca.
It is likely these fishes were roasted, steamed, or fried as it is done in areas were capitán fish is
still found (Rozo 1998: 64). Some of the catch of capitán fish was destined for tribute to the
caciques of Bogotá and Sogamoso and was also traded for other foods and cotton blankets
(Langebaek 1987: 73). Unfortunately, overfishing of Eremophilus mutisii and the pollution of the
Bogotá River and its tributaries has deteriorated the ecological niches of this fish and has alsmost
led to this extinction.
The majority of the evidence for fishing practices by the Muisca comes from ethnohistoric
evidence, as archaeological evidence of this type is mainly based on the fishing weights
mentioned earlier. The fragility of fish remains has not permitted archaeologists to successfully
recover fish bones associated with Muisca sites, with the exception of a few fragments from the
site of Zipacón, Cundinamarca with an associated date of 1320 BP; their poor preservation did
not allow for an identification of the species (Correal and Pinto 1983: 89). The Muisca also
represented fish in the iconography, especially in gold objects. Eremophilus mutisii was
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commonly represented in gold figures identified easily by its iconic barbels (Figure 75); some of
these are currently exhibited at the Museo del Oro in Bogotá. Other representations of fish in
Muisca artifacts include those of the genera Astroblepus that are native to creeks in the
mountains in Cundinamarca and from the genera Chaestotoma; both are valued for their
exquisite flavor, often compared with that of the lobster (Legast 1995: 51). Although the
archaeological material related to fishing is relatively limited, the ethnohistoric accounts of the
practice of pisiculture is extensive showing the highly evolved techniques used by the Muisca for
nourishing fish in the canals located beside their raised fields. The grammatical similarities
between the names for fishing and the names of the raised fields themselves also suggest that this
practice did occur. The evidence of large fishing weights is another indication of specialized
fishing practices used in pisiculture. In addition to this evidence, it is known that farming
communities in Boyaca and Cundinamarca make canals next to rivers and lagoons in order to
detour the passing fish from the river into these canals, therby retaining a large number of them
that eventualy be eaten, following a practice very similar to a Muisca method mentioned in the
ethnohistory (Langebaek 1987: 72).
Figure 75: Gold ornament of a capitán fish, the eel like cat fish is easily recognized for its
barbells (left). Small gold fish from a Muisca necklace. Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
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Muisca Artifacts Used for Processing, Service, Praparation, and Storage of Food Products
Utilitarian materials used for the preparation, cultivation and serving of food products
recovered after excavations of Muisca sites facilitates our understanding of the dietary practices
of this society. For these purposes the Muisca used a wide array of materials that included stone
tools, ceramics, bone, wood, animal skins and other perishable materials. In this section I will
describe some of the non-perishable materials left by the Muisca in terms of their function. This
description will be based on artifacts analyzed at the Ceramic and Stone tools Deposit in the
Museo del Oro in Bogotá (Table 4) and on artifacts recovered at excavations in the city of Tunja
by the UPTC.
Ceramics
Muisca ceramics (see Appendix D for scale drawings of Muisca ceramics) are relatively
scarce. There are approximately 950 intact vessels included in the collections at the Museo del
Oro, Museo Nacional, and Museo del Banco Popular (Labbé 1986: 157). In comparison to the
restrictions found in food products and gold regalia, the circulation and ownership of foreign
ceramics was not an indication of status or restricted (Patiño 2003: 140). The majority of these
imported ceramics are bowls, jars, ollas, and cups - all used for serving foods. During the Early
and Late Muisca periods, these types of ceramics were used for food service during feasts
associated with the trade and redistribution of excess production for the cacique in exchange for
future services and tribute (Langebaek 1995: 173; Patiño 2003: 142). Another trade item was a
type of ceramic used in the evaporation and trade of salt (Cardale 1981: 150), an important
element in the Muisca diet. It is clear that the production and trade of ceramics was mainly
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directed towards the storage, preparation, and service of foods and not primarly for ceremonial
functions. The specialization of Muisca ceramics was not complex; the majority of this material
was not produced by specialists exclusively dedicated to this profession except in the town of
Raquira, Boyaca, known during the conquest for its pottery and still producing high quality
ceramics today (Figure 76) (Rojas 1977: 17).
Figure 76: Modern town of Raquira well known for its ceramics since Muisca occupation.
Muisca jars (Figure 77) were used for transporting, containing, and serving liquids
(Patiño 2003: 147), including water and chicha as described in the chronicles (Rojas 1977: 22).
These usually have globular wide and short bodies with restricted rims and were rarely decorated
or elaborate. Another type of elaborate jars known as mucuras (Figure 78), are described as
pitchers with a globular body and long neck with attenuated spouts and flaring shoulders, usually
modeled into a human face with painted decorations of geometrical figures restricted to the
shoulders and spout (Labbé 1986: 157).
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Figure 77: Muisca jar (left). Muisca mucura (right). Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
Figure 78: Muisca jar Guatavita desgrasante mucura, notice the geometrical figures. Museo del
Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
The mucuras with their anthropomorphic and zoomorphic motifs were also used for
serving and storing liquids, as well as offerings of chicha found at burials (Rojas 1977: 22).
These fine jars had a direct religious purpose and were used during celebratory feasts and
weddings (Salge 2007: 77; Rojas 1977: 23). The faces usually represented in this form of pottery
might show Bachue, the mother of mankind according to Muisca religion (Labbé 1986: 157).
These vessels were clearly the most elaborate form of pottery made and proliferated during the
Late Muisca period, an indication of an increase in religious practices possibly associated with
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an increase in the population (Langebaek 1995: 117). Another type of ceramic vessel used for
ritual and food consumption are cups (Patiño 2003: 142). Pedestaled cups (Figure 79) were also
elaborate ceramics decorated on the outside during the Early Muisca period and also on the
inside during the Late Muisca period (Langebaek 1995: 117). These were used for drinking
chicha during feasts, as well as for funerary offerings and collect blood from the Moxas, a name
given to children destined to become religious sacrifices (Rojas 1977: 31).
Figure 79: Pedestal cup dating to the Muisca Period painted outside and inside Guatavita
Desgrasante. Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
Cuencos or bowls (Figure 80) were the main utensil for serving foods and drinks. These
were utilized during feasts for this purpose (Patiño 2003: 142). Ollas were used for storage, for
fermenting corn, and for cooking. These have globular bodies, short necks with inverted rims
and rounded lips, and sometimes handles. Some ollas are decorated and painted, usually with
geometrical shapes and modeled with zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figures. They usually
have burn marks evidence of their function for cooking (Rojas 1977: 31). Other smaller versions
of this type of ceramic, called ollas cuenco, were used for storing foods; these did not have
handles (Patiño 2003: 147). There are a wide variety of sizes and styles of ollas; this form is the
most abundant type of ceramics (Figure 81). There were also ceramics used for the evaporation
of salt, known as guachas (Figure 82) (Patiño 2003: 141).
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Figure 80: Muisca cuencos used for serving food and drinks. Museo del Oro, Bogotá.
Figure 81: Muisca ollas of different shapes and styles sometimes decorated and painted (left).
Ollas cuenco (right). Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
Figure 82: Guacha a type of ceramic used in the evaporation of salt. Museo de Oro Bogotá,
Colombia.
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Stone tools and Bone Tools
The Muisca used chert, granite, jasper, and other stones as materials for tools used in the
acquisition, preparation, and processing of foods (Table 4). Stone tools (see Appendix D for
scale drawings of Muisca stone tools) were essential materials that allowed the Muisca to exploit
food products more efficiently and, like ceramics, should be considered part of the development
on the dietary practices of this society. Manos and metates (Figure 83) are usually found
incomplete and broken, usually made of granite. These are ground stones used for processing
corn for the preparation of bollos and arepas. Large axes (Figure 84) made of stone were used
mainly for agricultural purposes, especially for cutting and digging ditches (Langebaek 1987:
53). Smaller stone and granite axes (Figure 84) were used for cutting and hammering all kinds of
materials, including vegetable and animal products. Mortars and pestles, sometimes carved into
anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figures (Figure 85), were used for grinding spices and foods.
Sharpeners (Figure 86) made of different stones are also common for Muisca stone tools and
used on axes and chert tools (Pradilla et all 2005). The Muisca used chert points for their arrows
and spears as well as stone-tipped atlatls for hunting (Figure 86). Large perforated stone and
granite fishing weights were another type of stone tools artifact related to food acquisition
(Figure 87). In addition to the stone tools, bone tools (Figure 87), including deer antlers, were
used for puncturing, mixing, and cutting food products. Other perishable materials used by the
Muisca for food processing were animal skins for transporting liquids. Wood tools were used for
multiple functions such as mixing soups, chicha, and other food products; wooden rods used in
agriculture (Langebaek 1987: 53). These tools facilitated the cultivation and the collection and
consumption of the food products mentioned earlier in this text, allowing the Muisca to conduct
these activities more efficiently.
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Figure 83: Muisca stone mano and granite metate Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia
Figure 84: Muisca stone axes large and small. Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
Figure 85: Muisca stone mortar and bird carved pestle. Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
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Figure 86: Stone sharpener (left). Jasper Atlatl (right). Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia.
Figure 87: Muisca granite fishing weight Museo del Oro Bogotá, Colombia (right). Deer bone
tools for puncturing, mixing and other functions UPTC Tunja, Colombia.
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CHAPTER SIX: LIMITATIONS OF RESEARCH
Five outstanding limitations can be noted for the research undertaken here:
1. There is a lack of archaeological research in this area and, if we take into consideration
the material remains left by the Muisca, these do not represent the complexity of this
society as described in the Spanish chronicles (Reichel Dolmatoff 1965).
2. Although fish consumption was probably an important contribution to the protein supply
of the Muisca (Jiménez de Quesada 1972 [1545]), there are only a few archaeological
remains that represent this consumption. These include a few fishing weights and fish
bones described earlier in this text. This is problematic, as the Muisca probably practiced
pisiculture in the ditches between raised fields and water sources (Kurella 1995: 199).
The lack of this information hinders a total comprehensive reconstruction of the Muisca
diet, until we are able to understand what was the role and importance of fish
consumption for this culture.
3. There is not only a lack of published sources on the Muisca diet, but most are written in
Spanish and required translation by the author. This is most problematic in the case of the
primary sources and the chronicles, as these are written in Old and Colonial Spanish,
which is difficult to understand even for a native speaker. The chronicles use common
names for certain plants and animals that might not be currently in use, thus posing a
challenge to accurate species classification.
4. The Colombian Andes have a highly acidic soil which causes the deterioration of organic
materials. An example of this is the problems encountered in the site of San Agustín,
where the majority of human, animal, and plant remains have been completely
decomposed due to the acidity of the soil (Duque Gomez and Cubillos, 1988: 82). Kurella
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(1998) also describes that, due to the acidity of the soil in the Andes, Muisca perishable
organic materials, such as blankets and wood, have not survived to the present.
5. Looting has been one of the biggest problems for Colombian archaeology. This practice
is still glorified in the country and there is also a lack of authority to deal with looting.
Laws allow land owners to keep any type of archaeological material they encounter on
their property. Most artifacts in museums, especially gold objects, are out of context as
they were mainly recovered by looters and not by professional archeologists (Agudelo
2007; Calles 2007).
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CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
The reconstruction of the Muisca diet is possible through an interdisciplinary approach.
The evaluation and identification of archaeological, ethnobotanical, and ethnohistoric evidence
of Muisca practices facilitates the identification of their food products, their preparation, and the
methods of acquisition and consumption. Multiple archaeological investigations of Muisca sites
focus on food identification methods that include: the analysis of human food remains, and tools
to process foods; the iconography of artifacts depicting foods; pollen analysis; phytoliths; dental
wear patterns; and stable isotope analysis, all fundamental tools to determine ancient diets. The
archaeological evidence is supported by ethnobotanical studies of the modern uses of Muisca
products through cross-cultural comparisons between ancient and modern societies. The written
descriptions of Muisca dietary practices left by the Spanish during the conquest allows us to have
an insight on the food products of the Muisca and how these were used. This is especially
important as we lack the ability to see these practices first-hand and ethnohistoric evidence is
sometimes the only evidence we have on the utilization of these products.
The evidence collected in this thesis demonstrates that the Muisca utilized at least fortytwo species of plants in their diet and approximately twenty-three of these species were
domesticated either independently or trough cross-cultural adaptations (Table 1). The Muisca
diet also included at least seven species of mammals (Table 2), three species of fish and twenty
species of birds. It appears that the Muisca only domesticated one species of animal, the guinea
pig, although some species of mammals such as deer, a species of cat fish, and a variety of birds
were controlled and raised for consumption by this society. This research also demonstrates that
the microverticality technique used by the Muisca allowed this society to exploit a great variety
of food products. The cultivation and collection of tubers, grains, legumes, and fruits of plants
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with different environmental requirements was only possible with the efficient utilization of the
thermic floors found in this part of the Andes. The variety of climates and elevations also
resulted in an abundant biodiversity of animals that the Muisca and the early inhabitants of the
region hunted for food. Another essential agricultural technique practiced by the Muisca was the
utilization of raised fields known in the region as camellones.
Camellones are artificially elevated surfaces that allow the roots of the crops to be
drained and reduce humidity (Boada 2002: 83). This strategy permitted the farmers to prevent
frost, and reduce the effects of droughts and floods minimizing crop failure. The use of
camellones created favorable conditions for corn cultivation, and with this agricultural method,
the Muisca were able to produce two corn harvests per year, increasing the productivity of the
land. Most likely, the camellones were utilized for growing multiple crops on the same field and
not monocropping, as the early Spanish sources suggest. It is possible that the camellones were
used to grow corn, beans, and squash, as each of these species benefits from each other when
growing side by side an agricultural strategy supported by pollen analysis in Muisca agricultural
fields (Boada 2002). In addition to agricultural products, the camellones were also utilized to
raise fish and the Muisca possibly practiced pisiculture in the ditches between the camellones,
where the fish known as capitán Eremophilus mutisii a species of catfish, was raised for human
consumption (Broadbent 1987: 435).
The impressive number of food products used by these chiefdoms and their differences in
availability led to social restrictions and preferences in the diet of this society. Foods like corn
and deer were mainly enjoyed by the chiefly classes, while products that included tubers and
fruits, like the ahuyama, were avoided by the elites and became the sustenance of the lower
classes. Methods for the preparation of foods, such as chicha and arepas from corn, were also
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restricted and these products were mainly used by the chiefly classes, with the exception of
celebratory occasions such as feasts and weddings or during communal labor efforts. The
analysis of Muisca artifacts associated with the production, acquisition, and consumption of
foods is another fundamental tool in order to reconstruct this ancient diet. It is clear that the great
majority of Muisca ceramics are associated with processing, serving, and storing food products.
Therefore is essential to understand Muisca ceramic traditions in order to understand the Muisca
diet. In addition to the ceramics, a high number of stone tools and perishable materials that
include bones and leather are also associated with dietary practices.
The identification and descriptions of the food products in this thesis is the direct result of
the collection of data found in the archaeological record, ethnohistoric accounts, and
ethnobotanical studies in this part of the Colombian Andes. Our understanding of the subsistence
strategies of the Muisca and of their preferential and restrictive diets will result in a better set of
theories that define the evolution of complex societies in South America. They also have
implications for modern policies and politics. The preservation of the knowledge of foods used
by the Muisca is important for modern society, as many of these products are still part of the
modern Andean diet. With the current discussions on a free trade agreement between Colombia
and the United States that have gained so much attention in the last few years, it is necessary for
us to understand the role of Muisca food products for the modern Colombian society before this
trade agreement is finalized. A free trade agreement without understanding the role of these
products can result in the replacement of native foods by imported goods, as occurred in Peru
(Peru currently has a free trade agreement with the U.S.) where imported foods have replaced
important native crops (ACTIB 1989). It is also necessary to understand the utilization of these
foods by the native populations in the Andes in order to maintain their traditional use unaltered.
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As some of these products become popular outside their native range and their demand increases
(see chapter on Quinoa), the products increase in price leading to a decrease or disappearance in
their traditional use as native populations cannot afford them any longer. This can have
detrimental effects in the nutrition of these populations leading to irreversible consequences that
can cause the disappearance of native societies. Thus, it is necessary to reach a balance in
production for export, while maintaining the supply of local products for the native populations
that depend on it.
On the other hand if it is implemented correctly, a free trade agreement can also be
beneficial in bringing these products out of their native environments an on to the tables of
people around the world, as was the case of potatoes and corn during the conquest. Some of
these products have interesting qualities, such as the high protein in quinoa, the frost resistance
of ibias, or the pleasant flavor of arracacha; these may be useful in combating hunger and
poverty. Some of these agricultural products can be used to develop new varieties of foods that
can resist climatic change or survive in harsh environments, as well as aid in the creation of
genetically modified crops that can satisfy the nutritional needs and palates of people around the
globe. In order to achieve such optimistic goals, it is first necessary that we understand these
indigenous crops and how they were used by the Muisca and other native populations in the
Andes. Hopefully, this thesis has provided a large part of that background.
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APPENDIX A: COPYRIGHT PERMISSION LETTER FOR FIGURE 1
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152
APPENDIX B. GENERAL AND BOTANICAL DESCRIPTIONS
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Tubers and Roots:
Achira, Canna edulis: Flour 1,000 Colombian pesos per lb. The white, yellow crackers salty
soft and crunchy. Ramo: 25g 10pks. Per 14,850 pesos. Achiras del Huila, 1200 pesos 25g.
Ingredients: achira flour, cheese, eggs, margarine and salt. 125 calories, fat 6.6g 10.2%. trans fat
0,002g, cholesterol 0.01mg, carbs: 11,3g 3.8%, Protein 5.0g, calcium 21,3mg. Iron: 18.2g.
Phosphorus: 100g.
Arracacha, Arracacia xanthorriza: (all tubers and roots flavors are described after boiling):
Exterior: light brown to large yellow with a rough texture. Cylindrical root. Flesh is pale yellow
in color. Center core approximately 3 cm in diameter. Outer rings 1-1.5 cm thick varies in color
of white, yellow and purple. Flavor: similar to cooked carrots, earthy very gentle to the palate.
Smell: strong pleasant smell, sweet with a hint of wet earth.
Miniature: similar to larger variety, but much smaller 1.52mm of skin thickness, also rings but
purple rings more intense. Same smell but taste a bit sweeter than larger varieties.
Chemical Composition: Eatable part 85%; Calories in 100% 104 cal; Protein % 1.10g; Water
71.90g; Fat 0.10g; Carbs 24,90g; Fiber % 0.80g; Calcium mg/100g 24.00mg; Phosphorus
mg/100g 65.00mg; Iron mg/100g 0.70mg; Sorbic acid mg/100g 15.00mg; Vitamin A 20.00 UL,
Thiamin 0.04mg; Riboflavin 0.03mg; Niacin 2.70mg (Acosta and Moreno 1997: 60).
Batata/Sweet potato, Ipomoea batatas: Tuber. Exterior: Light brown, similar to a typical sweet
potato. Outer skin less than 1 mm thick. Odd non-geometrically shaped. Flavor: Sweet potato but
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less sweet, earthy, very fresh and a light taste. Flesh pale orange. Smell: mild sweet earthy. No
defining characteristics of the interior.
Batata/Salty sweet potato: Tuber. Exterior: purplish brown with a rough texture, outer skin less
than 1 mm thick. Radish shaped. Interior flesh is marbled yellow and white with milky latex...
Flavor: sweet, earthy, fibrous, strong taste, Smell: mild earthy.
Cubios, Tropadelum tuberosum: White: Exterior white and purple incisions, smooth texture.
Cone shaped. Interior white and purple. 3.62mm of skin followed by a center core. Taste earthy,
neutral, a bit sweet, texture is a little slimy, some are a bit bitter, texture similar to cooked potato.
Resembles the flavor of red radish. Smell: earthy, strong sour aroma.
Yellow: Exterior dark yellow, darker yellow incisions, cone shaped, long tip, very smooth
surface, 4.01 mm skin followed by a center core. Interior: Dark yellow on the borders, and
lighter yellow of flesh.
Chuguas/rubas, Ullucus tuberosus: Brown variety: Exterior dark purple and brown. Commonly
spherical shape like common potatoes, but some are (cone, long cylindrical, curved and irregular
shapes) very smooth surface. Skin 2.95mm thick, followed by a lighter core and a dark purple
center, Taste: Very similar taste as beads, as well as the smell.
Purple variety: Exterior bright purple much brighter than brown variety. Shape same, smooth
surface. Skin: 2.52mm thick. Followed by lighter core and a bright purple center. Taste and smell
very similar to beads. Texture of interior is slimy or gummy in all the varieties observed.
155
Yellow/green variety: Exterior light green and yellow, same shape as brown, skin 2.05. Followed
by a yellow core and a green center. Taste: like beads a bit sourer and less sweet. Smell: Like
beads. Most common variety (ACTIBS 1989: 108).
Ibias/oca, Oxalis tuberosa: Exterior: Pink and red with purple incisions, smooth texture except
where the incisions occur. Cone shaped. Skin 1.13mm thick, followed by a white core, whit
beige ring 2.62 from the exterior, and 1.26 mm thick. Taste: Smell: earthy, mild sweet, gardenia
soft smell.
Potatoes: s.tuberosum chemical composition: Eatable part 100%; Calories in 100% 84 cal;
Protein % 1.90g; Water 76.70g; Fat 0.10g; Carbs 19,30g; Fiber % 1.00g; Calcium mg/100g
4.80mg; Phosphorus mg/100g 26.00mg; Iron mg/100g 1.10mg; Sorbic acid mg/100g 20.00mg;
s.phureja criolla chemical composition: Eatable part 100%; Calories in 100% 83 cal; Protein %
2.50g; Water 75.20g; Fat 0.10g; Carbs 18,70g; Fiber % 2.20g; Calcium mg/100g 7.0mg;
Phosphorus mg/100g 54.00mg; Iron mg/100g 1.00mg; Sorbic acid mg/100g 15.00mg;
(Acosta and Moreno 1997: 42).
Yuca : Chemical Composition: Eatable part 80%; Calories in 100% 146 cal; Protein % 0.80mg;
Water 61.80g; Fat 0.10g; Carbs 35,50g; Fiber % 0.90g; Calcium mg/100g 27.00mg; Phosphorus
mg/100g 35.00mg; Iron mg/100g 0.40mg; Sorbic acid mg/100g 30.00mg; Vitamin A 10.00 UL,
Thiamin 0.04mg; Riboflavin 0.03mg; Niacin 0.5mg. Yuca varieties in Colombia: colorada,
antioquia, comun, algodona, barranquiña, llanera, Ch, lengua de pisco, negrita, Ch-fina, guajiba,
cadena, manteca, Montero, botoncito, blanquita, (Acosta and Moreno 1997: 49).
156
Legumes
Frijol Común/ Cargamanto: Exterior inside a pod pink and yellow to light green long and
rounded at the edges, inside of the pod is white and fleshy, usually. Bean color pink and white
marbled, with a bean like elliptical shape. Flavor: earthy, bit tart, strong flavor, turns pink when
cooked 1,000 per lb. or .50 lb.
Chachafruto Erythrina edulis: Bean pod not present. Bean is large, dark brown in color with a
smooth surface. Regular bean shaped. No smell.
Guama, Inga feuillei: Exterior: Encased in a pod, legume, dark lime green various shapes, some
long straight others curled crescent moon shaped, hard casing, woody, ridges present, superior
ovary, casing mesocarp 6mm, Interior: the casing is white inside and crack open casing to reveal
the pulp which encases the large seeds. The pulp is a white cotton like which separate easily
from the pod. Seeds are black and dark purple, split in halves easily, and bean shape smooth and
shiny, 4.5 cm long. Taste: Cotton like texture, very sweet, soft and pleasant, eaten as a fresh fruit
only the pulp is consumed. Smell: mild sweet smell, refreshing.
157
Fruits
Calabaza Verde, Curcubita pepo: Exterior: Light green yellowish pale, pericarp 3mm thick,
smooth skin, oval shape, squash, inferior ovary, pepo, 6 carpals, Mesoderm Light white to light
green spongy texture 9.6 cm. Flesh/pulp pale green to white, covering seeds, seeds white tear
shape 1.75 cm typical squash seeds. Taste: Similar to cucumber, refreshing light taste. Typically
boiled similar to yellow squash or baked. Smell: Fresh mild taste similar to cucumber. Price:
1,000 pesos a Lb. = .50US.
Lulo, Solanum quitoense: Exterior: Bright orange pericarp, skin 3.1 mm. Rough skin scabrous,
stiff hairs irritate skin, perennial, herbaceous shrub. Interior: Superior ovary, with four carpals.
Flesh translucent yellow. Seed multiple 4mm long, green flesh surrounding the seeds similar to a
tomato. Taste not sweet, sour, acidic, not usually eaten as a fresh fruit. Used in Colombia mainly
to make juice something as a national drink. The juice is made by cutting the fruit in half and
placed in a blender with the skin and seeds (entire fruit) adding water, and sugar. After is
blended it is strained to remove seeds and skin. Taste of juice is acidic, sour similar to lemonade
and very refreshing. Smell: Fresh and aromatic and someway citrus like. In the market Codabas
at Bogota it runs for 2,000 pesos a Lb. = 1 US. In the market at Paloquemao in the South of
Bogota runs from 1,000 pesos a Lb. = .50 US.
Goldenberry/Uchuva, Physalis peruviana: The goldenberries are encased inside a bell shaped
calyx with five sections, which resemble straw-colored pale yellow leaves, with fussy pubescent
and the steam on the calyx. This husk is removed before consumption of the fruit. The fruit is a
158
sphere of a yellow to pale orange; the skin is very thin less than 1 mm and smooth. Interior: a bit
lighter yellow than the skin but very similar. Many seeds like a small tomato, two carpals in the
shape of two half-moons joined at the middle. Seeds are about 1.5mm long. Superior ovary.
Taste: Mildly sour with a bit of sweet, juicy, and light very pleasant to the palate. Smell: Similar
to the lulo aromatic and citrus like. Commonly eaten as a fresh fruit, as well as added to salads,
can be also made into jams, and used to make a traditional dessert adding sugar to make syrup,
also used as a culinary garnish and decoration. Runs for 1,800 pesos a Lb. = .90 Lb. In
Paloquemao is 1,000 pesos a Lb. = .50 US.
Guava Psidium guajava: White variety Exterior: Round, light apple green with brown marks,
thin skin less than a 1mm. Inferior ovary, 6 carpals. Mesoderm white-green, firm, 1cm. Pulp
surrounds many seeds, firm same as mesoderm. Seeds are round off white in color, 3.5mm long.
Entire fruit is consumed eaten as a fresh fruit, made into juice, dessert, jelly. Taste: Mildly sweet
aromatic, mealy texture similar in taste as a pear. Smell: Not too strong but very refreshing.
Price: 2,000 pesos a Lb. = 1US. Red Variety (Pera) Exterior: pear like shape, apple green, and
yellow, relatively smooth skin, less than 1 mm. Inferior ovaries 4 carpals. Mesoderm pink and
green 1 cm thick. Pulp pink firm, 1cm, seeds are yellow 3mm, Taste: Sweeter, creamer, than
white variety, stronger taste than white variety. Smell: refreshing, tropical, sweet. Price: same as
white variety.
Tomate de Arbol, Cyphomandra batacea: 3 varieties común, rojo and Amarillo.
Común: Exterior: Smooth pale red in color skin. Thin pericarp with a mesoderm of
approximately 5 mm thick. Fruit is egg shaped, very pointed at the base with the stem attached to
159
the fruit. Superior ovary, 2 carpals. Mesoderm light orange meaty, Similar in color taste and
appearance to the goldenberry. Pulp is darker than the mesoderm pale, translucent orange
encasing the seeds which are light orange 5mm long oval shape. The entire fruit is used to make
juice and is also used to make a traditional dessert by pealing the skin and adding sugar to make
syrup and boiled. Taste: distinctive taste a bit sour, not too sweet, similar to papaya, mild flavor,
pungent flavor. Smell: Flowers, similar to the goldenberry. Price: 1,500 pesos a Lb.: .75 US.
Rojo: Exterior: Dark red smooth skin. Mesoderm same color as común. Pulp is darker than
común, and seeds are dark purple size 4mm. Same price as común. Smell sweeter than común
but less aromatica. Taste: More sour than rojo but very similar a bit sweeter. Price: Same as
Común. Amarillo: Exterior: Dark yellow smooth skin. Mesoderm same as común. Pulp is a bit
lighter than común. Taste: more sour than rojo, taste similar to a tomato. Firm pulp and
mesoderm. Smell: milder than the rojo and común. Price: 2,000 pesos a Lb. = 1US.
Anón, Annona squamosa: Aggregate fruit each segment is a carpal. Exterior: dark and light
green, black, divided in multiple segments oval shape skin is though and rough, 7.5mm thick,
each segment can be separated individually. Mesoderm thin white .7 mm also a bit of brown.
Pulp is white gelatinous, surrounds seeds, which are black oval, multiple 1.3 cm. Only the pulp is
consumed usually eaten as a fresh fruit in Colombia. Taste: Very sweet, like pudding similar to
sour soap. Smell: very mild, forest smell, pleasant. Price: 1,500 pesos a Lb. = .75 US.
Cherimoya, Annona cherimola: Aggregate fruit. Exterior. Apple shaped, dark green, lathery
skin, whit small incisions; skin is 1.08mm, though skin. Mesoderm blends with pulp white in
color. Pulp surrounds seeds, fewer than anon, black in color, 1.5 cm long, same family as anon
160
and guanábana. Only the white pulp is consumed as a fresh fruit or juice. Taste: Sour milky
sweet taste, aromatic, creamy, a bit dry compared to the anon. Smell: aromatic, sweet, mild.
Price: 2,000 pesos a Lb. = 1 US.
Papayuela, Carica candamarcencis: Exterior: Bright yellow, smooth, five parts or angles,
elliptical shape. Inferior ovary, 5 carpals. Skin is very thin less than a mm. Mesoderm is pale
yellow firm and 1.30 cm. Pulp surrounds the seed, white. Seeds many nodules, elliptic shape
dark brown 7.5mm. Only the pulp is used after pealed, and seeds are extracted. It is consumed as
a dessert in syrup not eaten raw. Taste: It is not sweet pungent as a papaya without the sweet.
Smell: Sweet smells same as a Hawaiian papaya. Price: 1,000 pesos a Lb. = .50 US.
PassionFruits
Chulupa, Passiflora maliformis: Exterior: Light yellow with light green coloration, white spots,
skin less smooth than other passion fruits, small protuberances. Mesocarp 7.2 mm, skin is strong
and tick superior ovary, three carpals. To consume the pulp and the skin are cracked open
divided in halves can be eaten as a fresh fruit or made in to juice. Mesoderm is white detaches
easily from the pericarp. Small white bristles attaches to each of the seeds. The pulp is
translucent yellow, gelatinous and surrounds the multiple black seeds that can exceed 200 seeds
are 5mm long. Taste: sweet and sour, very pleasant refreshing. Smell: sweet smell mild, similar
to gurupa, maracuya. Price 800 pesos per lb.
161
Granadilla, Passiflora ligularis: Exterior: Light to mild orange, smooth skin, with small white
dots, round shape, with a long strong steam usually cut and left on the fruit. The skin is thick and
relatively strong about 4mm thick. superior ovary, three carpals. To consume the pulp the skin is
cracked open and the fruit is divided in halves. Between the skin and the pulp there is a
mesoderm of white color which detaches easily from the pericarp and this mesoderm is cotton
like with small bristles towards the interior of the fruit. The pulp is translucent, gelatinous and
surrounds the multiple gray seeds that could exceed 200 and the seeds are about 7mm in length.
Only the pulp and the seeds are consumed usually as a fresh fruit but could also be made into
juice but this is rare in Colombia. Taste: Very sweet taste like sugar water very pleasant, a very
tiny bit of sour flavor from the seeds is also felt when eaten, the texture is gelatinous and might
be unpleasant for some people, but it is one if not the most sweet of the passion fruits in
Colombia. Smell: very tropical. Sweet and aromatic. Price: 2000 pesos a Lb. = 1US.
Gulupa, Passiflora pinnafistipula: Exterior: Dark purplish brown with some protuberances and
resemble small potatoes. The skin is smooth and relatively hard similar to the granadilla’s and is
about 5mm thick. It has three carpals, inferior ovary. When cut open the pericarpal is a pink
reddish color. It has white mesoderm cotton like with bristles towards the pulp. The pulp is a
translucent dark yellow. It has black seed tear drop shape seeds, about 5.5 mm long, and each
fruit contains about 100 of them. The pulp is gelatinous. Only the seeds and the pulp are
consumed usually made into juice or eaten as a fresh fruit. Taste: Very sour not too sweet at all, a
bit like a yellow lemon. It tastes similar to the Brazilian Maracuya. Smell: Very aromatic as most
passion fruits, fruity smell, and refreshing. Price: 2,500 pesos a Lb. = 1.25 US.
162
Curuba, Passiflora mollissima: Exterior: Green to pale yellow with soft fussy pubescent skin. It
is cylindrical in shape with pointy edges; it is called sometimes the banana passion fruit as its
shape resembles this fruit. Skin is about 4mm thick very soft skin unlike granadilla and the
gulupa. It has a mesoderm of white color cotton like with bristles towards the interior that easily
separates from the skin. Inferior ovary with 3 carpals. Pulp is gelatinous and dark orange
surrounding many seeds probably more than 300 seeds which are black in color, tear shape 6.5
mm long. Only the seeds and the pulp is consumed usually made into juice but is also eaten as a
fresh fruit. Taste: Sour and refreshing, when made in to juice has a mild banana flavor, the pulp
and the seeds are blended with milk, water and sugar to make the traditional sorbet de curuba
highly consumed in Colombia. Smell: It is a sweet smell, highly aromatic like flowers,
refreshing. Price: 2,500 pesos a Kg= 1.50 US.
Badea, Passiflora quadrangularis: Exterior: Apple green colored smooth pericarp. Cylindrical
in shape. Inferior ovary, 3 carpals. Similar in shape size and color to a green squash. Skin thick
up to 2.5 cm. Mesoderm white to light green in color, relatively hard compared to other passion
fruits. Pulp is gelatinous translucent white covering the seeds which are about 200-300 per fruit.
Each seed connected to the bristles in the mesoderm. Seeds are almost 1 cm long, black with
three ridges at the top. The pulp the mesoderm and the seeds are consumed mainly as a juice not
eaten as a fresh fruit in Colombia. Taste: Sour, ginger like flavor, mild sweetness, blended into
juice as explained for the other passion fruits with or without milk with the exception that the
mesoderm is used for this plant. Smell: Mild melon aroma, refreshing. Price: 1500 pesos a Lb. =
.75 US Lb.
163
Berries
Agras, Vaccinum meridionale: Similar to blueberries, round purple in color, sweet, juicy, thick
skin, eaten as a fresh fruit in yogurt, jams, and desserts in Colombia. Four carpals, inferior
ovaries, Interior translucent green with seeds of same color 1.67mm Bit sour. Smell: Strong like
wine. Price: Codabas 25,000 pesos a Lb. = 12.50 US. Paloquemao market 18,000 pesos a Lb.
=9US.
Zarzamora/Moron, Rubus macrocarpus: Aggregate of dropes. Purpple in color, multiple
aggregate dropes, 4.5mm each, oblong shape, compact pulp. Taste: Very acid, aromatic, not
sweet at all, sour, white center. Smell: Berry like, wine smell. Used in juice, desserts, entire fruit
is used not eaten as a fresh fruit because its acidity. Price: 1,500 pesos a Lb. = .75 US
Mora de Castilla, Rubus glaucus: Same as zarzamora but much smaller in size. 3.0mm dropes
Price 1,800 pesos a Lb. In the Codabas much more expensive than Paloquemao.
Mora Silvestre, Rubus adenotrichus: Small wild moras small and entire bush is used including
the fruits to make tea to treat cold. Same as other moras but very small in size .9mm each, dropes
are 2mm. The plant has alternate leaves, with above leaves, serate margins, parallel veins, minute
fussy pubescent on the underside of the leave, woody steams with spines, large brown hairs on
steams, 2mm long. Flowers with 5 sepals.
164
Leafs
Coca, Erythroxylum coca: Woody shrub, brown steams, alternate leaves, obobate (upside-down
teardrop), dark green, smooth surface, underside of leave light gray. Taste: bitter taste, taste
similar to green tea. Smell: similar to hay, soil.
165
APPENDIX C: TABLES
166
Table 1: This table shows agricultural crops used by the Muisca before the conquest, common names, botanical names, varieties,
origins, nutritional information, and uses for these plants.
Crop Type
Family
Botanical Name
Varieties
Common Names
(Sp for Spanish)
Origin
Nutrition 100g
(from ACTIBS,
1989 unless cited)
Uses (modern
unless stated)
Roots and Tubers
Achira
Cannaceae
Canna edulis
In the Andes
two type of var.
Verdes,
Morados
In Colombia is used
to make salted
crackers from flour
Apiaceae
Arracacia
xanthorriza
Blanca, Morada
Amarilla in
Colombia
Bolivian Piedmont
(Langebaek,
1994).
Earliest evidence
2500 BC Peru
(ACTIBS,
1989:36)
Colombia (Sauer,
1950)
Ecuador, Colombia
and Peru
(ACTIBS,
1989:54)
75% moisture,
75-80% starch, 614% sugar, 1-3%
Protein, Potassium
high
Arracacha
10-25% starch,
calcium high, vitamin
A high
In Colombia is used
in the main typical
dish of Bogotá the
ajiaco
Cubios
Tropaeolaceae
Tropaeolum
tuberosum
3000+ m elevation
in Peru and
Ecuador (ACTIBS,
1998:72)
16% protein, 371
calories, 4.3g fat,
78.6g carbs., 5.7g of
fiber 50mg calcium,
300mg phosphorous,
8.6mg iron.
Ibias
Oxalis
Oxalis tuberosa
Colombia Sp: Ibias
Quechua: Okka
English: Oca
One of the oldest
Andean crops.
Andean crop
possibly Peru.
12% carbs, 1% fat,
and fiber, up to 9%
protein, amino acids,
easily digested
Ancient: antiaphrodisiac for
armies (Cobo,
1956).
Modern: In stews,
baked, fried, flowers
are also eaten. (in
the Andes is
associated with
poverty)
Used in stews soups
and desserts and in
the traditional
cocido boyasence.
Ulluco
Basellaceae
Ullucus tuberosus
More than 100
varieties have
been
recognized. In
Colombia
endemic
varieties var.
Pilifera
var.
Lineovaculata.
Andean
indigenous
groups
recognize more
than 12
varieties.
Enormous
variety, I have
seen more than
six types in
Colombia Sp:
Achira
Muisca Chibcha:
Chisgu/rijua
Quechua: Achira
English: achira/
edible canna
Colombia Sp:
Arracacha
Quechua:
Laquachu/
rakkacha
English: White
carrot/ Peruvian
carrot/ Peruvian
parsnip
Colombia Sp:
Navo
Muisca Chibcha:
Cubios
Colombian Paez:
Puel
Quechua: Mashua
English: Mashua/
anu
Colombia Sp:
Ullucos/ rubas/
papa lisa (Nariño)/
lisas/ olluco
Completely
domesticated no
wild varieties.
Represented in
85% moisture, 14%
starch, 1-2% protein,
high vitamin C, 381
calories, 75g of
Boiled, mashed,
grated, pickled,
freeze-dried. Can be
stored for up to a
167
Crop Type
Family
Botanical Name
Varieties
Common Names
(Sp for Spanish)
Origin
Colombia.
Muisca Chibcha:
Chugua
Paez: Lao
Quechua: Ulluco
English: Ulluco/
melloco
Colombia Sp:
Jícama/ jiquimilla
Quechua: Yacón
English: Yacon
strawberry/
jiquima
Muisca
iconography,
found in 4300 year
old ruins in costal
Peru (ACTIBS,
1989:112).
Jícama grows wild
in Colombia so it
might have
originated in this
region. It has been
found in pre-Inca
tombs in Peru,
wide dispersal in
early times
(ACTIBS,
1989:122).
Peru and Bolivia
(Langebaeak,
1994:4).
Approximately
8000 years ago
cultivated in the
Andes (ACTIBS,
1989).
Colombia (Patiño,
1990).
Jicama
Asteraceae (sun
flower family)
Polymnia edulis
Potato
Solanaceae
(up to 200 kinds
of potatoes)
Solanum
tuberosum
Two varieties in
Muisca region
(Reichel
Dolmatoff,
1965:159).
Colombia Sp: Papa
común.
Muisca Chibcha:
Iomuy, yoma
Potato
Solanaceae
Solanum
colombianum or
phureja
(Acevedo,
2005):
Colombia,
Paisa, Latin
Potato
Solanaceae
Solanum andigena
Colombia Sp: Papa
criolla
Muisca Chibcha:
tybaiomy
Colombia Sp: Papa
andigena
Sweet Potato
Convolvulaceae
Ipomoea batatas
Colombia Sp:
Batata
Muisca Chibcha:
Miz/ mizipa
168
Peru. Ancestral to
the potato that
reached Europe in
the XVI century
and became the
staple food of
many European
nations.
The Andes. In
Colombia the
earliest evidence
for domestication
Nutrition 100g
(from ACTIBS,
1989 unless cited)
carbs. 0.6-1.4g of fat.
Uses (modern
unless stated)
69-83% moisture,
0.4-2.2% protein,
20% sugars, 1.3% fat,
high potassium.
Colonial: Food for
sailors.
Modern: Eaten raw,
Squeezed for
making a drink,
boiled, baked,
2.g of protein, 17g of
carbs., approx. For
more information on
potato nutritional
values see HN
Englyst and JH
Cummings (1987).
Common
knowledge.
year at room
temperature. Leafs
can be also eaten.
In Colombia is fried
or baked.
Is the best known
potato in Latin
American countries
used in an wide
range of traditional
dishes.
Baked, desserts,
boiled.
Crop Type
Family
Botanical Name
Varieties
Common Names
(Sp for Spanish)
Origin
English: Sweet
potato
from Musica
region from
Zipacón 3270+/-35
BP (Correal and
Pinto, 1983:181).
Colombia (Reichel
Dolmatoff
1965:62).
Yuca
Euphorbiceae
Manihot esculenta
Sweet and
Bitter (Reichel
Dolmatoff,
1965).
Colombia Sp:
Yuca
Muisca Chibcha:
Aro
Paez: Lom
Quechua: Rumu
English: Manioc
Grains
Corn
Poaceae
Zea maize
Muisca
varieties: Arroz,
Amarillo,
Rosado, Tunebo
A, Tunebo B,
Pollo, Pira,
Sabanero,
Cabuyo, (Parra,
2005)
Sp: Maíz
Colombia on the
cob: Mazorca.
Quechua: Cara
English: Maize/
corn
Muisca: aba
Quinoa
Chenopodiaceae
Chenopodium
quinoa
Valley type,
Altiplano Type,
Salar Type, Sea
Level Type,
Subtropical
Type
Colombia Sp:
Quínoa
Muisca Chibcha:
Suba/ pasca
Quechua: Kiuna
English: Quinoa
Legumes
169
Mesoamerica 6000
BC to 5000 BC
(Brintnall and
Conner,
2001:129).
In Colombia
earliest evidence
for cultivation in
Calima territory
4000 BC to 3000
BC (CárdenasArroyo, 2002:14;
Bray et al., 1987).
Domesticated
independently in
multiple locations
in Bolivia,
Ecuador, Peru,
Colombia and
Ecuador between
3000 to 5000 BP
Nutrition 100g
(from ACTIBS,
1989 unless cited)
Uses (modern
unless stated)
1% protein, no
vitamins, 86% carbs
(Brintnall and
Conner, 2001). Third
largest producer of
carbohydrates for
humans.
Ancient: prepared a
coarse flour
manioco, made to
make flat cakes
known as cazabe.
Modern:
Boiled, fried,
mashed, in bollos de
yuca, soups, leafs
are also eaten.
11.1% moisture, 348
calories, 8.2g protein,
1.0g fat (Brintnall
and Conner,
2001:114). C4 plant.
Ancient: The most
important of the
Muisca crops. It was
mainly used in the
preparation of
Chicha a fermented
drink widely
consumed, also
made into arepas,
bollos. (Patiño,
1990).
16-23% protein, FAO
standard for human
nutrition in protein,
high lysine,
methionine, cystine,
58-68% starch, 5%
sugars, 4-9% fat,
higher calcium,
phosphorus, and iron
In Colombia is still
widely used, usually
toasted and grinded
into flour, boiled, in
soups, also made
into Chicha.
Crop Type
Family
Botanical Name
Varieties
Common Names
(Sp for Spanish)
Origin
Beans/ Frijol
Común
Fabaceae
Phaseolus
vulgaris
Muisca
varieties:
Huacaloma,
San Rafael,
Tunja (Pradilla,
2005).
Colombia Sp: frijol
común.
English: Popping
beans, beans
Peanuts
Fabaceae
Arachis hypogaea
Chachafruto
Fabaceae
Erythrina edulis
none
Colombia Sp:
Chachafruto
Peru 11000 BP,
Guitarrero cave in
Ancash (ACTIBS,
1989:178).
Argentina and
Bolivia
(Langebaek,
1994:4). Mexico,
Colombia, and
Peru (Brintnall and
Conner,
2001:143).
Central and
Eastern S. America
(Brintnall and
Conner,
2001:143). Andean
piedmont Bolivia
(Langebaek,
1994:4).
Unknown
Fruits
Guama
Leguminosae
Inga feuillei
Several species
are recognized.
Inga feuillei is
pre-Columbian.
Colombia Sp:
Guama.
Quechua: Pa’qay
English: Ice-cream
beans
Curcubitaceae
Curcubita pepo
C. maxima
There is a wide
variety of this
species
including the
summer squash,
zucchini, acorn
squash. In
Colombia
ahuyama is the
most commonly
Colombia Sp:
Ahuyama.
Sp: Calabaza
English: Squash
Ahuyama/
Calabaza
Colombia Sp:
Maní
English: Peanuts
170
Eastern slope of
the Andes, in
iconography 1000
B.C. at Peru
(ACTIBS,
1989:283).
Mexico or S.
America
(Brintnall and
Conner, 2001:76).
In Muisca area
earliest evidence
from Aguazuque
dated to 32170+/30 BP (Correal,
1990:261).
Nutrition 100g
(from ACTIBS,
1989 unless cited)
8.3% moisture, 349
calories, 22.9g
protein, 1.2g fat,
63.7g carbs., 4.3g
fiber (Brintnall and
Conner, 2001:142).
Uses (modern
unless stated)
5.6% moisture, 564
calories, 26g protein,
47.5g fat, 18.6g
carbs., 2.4g fiber
(Brintnall and
Conner, 2001:142).
In Colombia are
usually roasted,
boiled, or sugar
coated.
20% protein, rich in
lysine and
phosphorus
Seeds are boiled in
water, mashed, can
be eaten raw, leafs
are eatable.
No nutritious, 1%
protein, 15% carbs.
The flesh around the
seeds is eaten raw.
frijoles are used in a
wide variety of
traditional
Colombian dishes
including soups, and
guizos.
Ancient: Squashes
in the new world
were usually
combined with corn
and beans “three
sisters”.
Crop Type
Family
Botanical Name
Pepper
Solanaceae
Goldenberry
Varieties
Common Names
(Sp for Spanish)
Origin
Capsicum annuum
Colombia Sp: Aji
English: Pepper
Solanaceae
Physalis
peruviana
Lulo
Solanaceae
Solanum quitoense
Colombia Sp:
Uchuva
Quechua: Totopo
English:
Goldenberry
Colombia Sp: Lulo
Quechua: Lulo.
English: Quito
orange
Pineapple
Passion Fruit
Curubas
Bromeliaceae
Annanis comosus
Mexico 7000 BC
(Brintnall and
Conner, 2001:76).
Peru, Bolivia and
Argentina early
evidence ca. 8000
or 7000 BC
(Pearsall,
1992:181-187;
ACTIBS,
1989:195).
It grow wild in the
Colombian Andes
above 2,200m and
probably
originated there.
Unknown origin,
but most probably
native to
Colombia. First
record of
domestication
from Colombia in
the 1600’s).
S. America
Passifloraceae
Colombian
Passion Fruit
Passifloraceae
Passiflora
mollissima
P. mixta
P. cumbalensis
P.achlimiana
P.ambigua
Passiflora
antioquiensis
Chulupa
Passifloraceae
Nutrition 100g
(from ACTIBS,
1989 unless cited)
Uses (modern
unless stated)
consumed
Passiflora
maliformis
Quitoense,
Septentrionale
both found in
Colombia
Colombia Sp. Piña
“Colombia has
some
outstanding
varieties”
(ACTIBS,
1989:289).
No known
varieties.
Colombia Sp:
Curuba
English: Banana
passion fruit
Colombia Sp:
Curuba paisa
English:
Colombian passion
fruit
Colombia Sp:
Chulupa
171
To make hot sauces
and as a condiment,
also cooked and
eaten filled with
meat and cheese.
High vitamin A, C,
B-complex, high
protein for a fruit,
and high phosphorus.
Eaten raw, in salads,
sauce for meats,
desserts, jams.
23 calories, 92.5g
protein, 0.6g fat, 5.7g
carbs.
In Colombia is
usually made into
juice considered to
be the national drink
in the country.
Andean valleys
from Venezuela,
Colombia, Bolivia
and Peru (Brintnall
and Conner,
2001:76).
Native to the
Colombian Andes.
In Colombia is
usually made into
juice, jams, gelatin,
ice cream.
Native to the
Colombian Andes
near Bogotá at
In Colombia is
made into juice or
eaten fresh.
Use for juice, eaten
raw, in desserts.
Crop Type
Family
Botanical Name
Rosy Passion Fruit
Passifloraceae
Passiflora
cumbalensis
Gurupa
Passifloraceae
Passiflora
pinnafistipula
Granadilla
Passifloraceae
Badea
Passifloraceae
Passiflora
ligularis
Passiflora
quadrangularis
Tree Fruits
Chirimoya
Annonaceae
Annona cherimola
Guanabana
Annonaceae
Annona muricata
Anón
Avocado
Annonaceae
Lauraceae
Annona squamosa
Persea americana
Guava
Myrtaceae
Psidium guajava
Varieties
Seven varieties.
“The variety
found in Bogotá
is the best of
the species”
(ACTIBS,
1989:293).
White, Pierce,
Knight, Bonito,
Chaffey, Ott,
Whaley, and
Oxhart
5 varieties
More than 100
species P.
guajava is the
most common
Common Names
(Sp for Spanish)
Colombia Sp:
Curuba Bogotana
English: Rosy
passion fruit
Origin
Nutrition 100g
(from ACTIBS,
1989 unless cited)
elevations from
1,200m to 1,500m.
Native to
Cundinamarca,
Colombia but
tends to hybridize
with other species.
Uses (modern
unless stated)
Is used to make
juice, yogurt, ice
cream, and desserts.
Colombia Sp.
Gurupa
Chibcha:
Gualchapa
Colombia sp.
Granadilla
Colombia Sp.
Badea
S. America
Made into juice or
eaten fresh
S. America
Eaten fresh
S. America
For juice and eaten
fresh
Colombia Sp:
Chirimoya
Quechua:
Chirimuya
English:
Cherimoya/
cherimoyer,
annona
Colombia Sp:
Guanabana
English: Soursop
Appears in preInca pottery
(ACTIBS,
1989:237) Peru
and Ecuador
(Langebaek,
1994:4)
Sugar content high,
calcium and
phosphorus 35g, high
thiamine, riboflavin,
and niacin.
Pulp is eaten when
ripe, to make ice
cream.
Colombia and N.
South America
(Langebaek,
1994:4).
Sugar content high,
calcium and
phosphorus 35g, high
thiamine, riboflavin,
and niacin.
In Colombia is
usually made into
juice or a milk
based drink.
Colombia Sp.
Aguacate
Colombia Sp:
Guayaba
English: Guava
Mexico and
Central america
Northern Andes
(Langebaek,
1994:4).
Central America
(Brintnall and
Conner,
2001:103).
Good source of fat,
protein
Eaten fresh
172
Eaten raw, in juice,
jams, and desserts,
used in Colombia to
make the traditional
bocadillo
Crop Type
Family
Botanical Name
Varieties
Common Names
(Sp for Spanish)
Origin
Tree Tomato
Solanaceae
Cyphomandra
betacea
Many varieties.
Most common
red and yellow.
Colombia Sp:
Tomate de árbol.
English: Tamarillo
Unknown.
Possibly Bolivia
Carica
Multiple
species and
hybrids
Colombia Sp.
Papaya and
papayuela
S. America
Papaya fresh fruit
and juice.
Papayuela desserts
Colombia Sp:
Arándano/ agras
English: Andean
blueberry
Colombia Sp:
Mora
Colombian
páramos 2,400m to
4,000m.
Eaten raw, yogurt
Northern Andes
Native to
inaccessible zone
in the higher
Andes of
Colombia (2,600m
to 3,400m)
(ACTIBS,
1989:216)
Native to Central
and S. america
In Colombia is a
cash crop grown in
Bogotá mostly to
make juice and
jams, very popular
in the country.
Hard to grow
outside its native
region but widely
marketed in
Colombia
Papaya and
Papayuela
Berries
Andean Blueberry
Ericaceae
Vaccinium
meridionale
Seven varieties
(Luteyn, 1981)
Mora
Rosaceae
Rubus glaucus
Wild and
domesticated
Zarzamora
Rosaceae
Rubus
macrocarpus
Colombia Sp:
Zarzamora
English: Giant
Colombian
Blackberry
Mora Silvestre
Rosaceae
Rubus
adenotrichus
Colombia Sp.
Mora silvestre
Leafs
Coca
Erythtoxylaceae
Erythroxylum
coca
Sp: Coca
Quechua: Kuka
173
South America,
Peru, Bolivia
(Brintnall and
Conner,
2001:287). Peru
(Langebaek,
1994:4).
Nutrition 100g
(from ACTIBS,
1989 unless cited)
Excellent source of
vitamin A, vitamin
B6, vitamin C,
vitamin E and iron.
Less than 40 calories
per fruit.
Uses (modern
unless stated)
In Colombia is
usually made into
juice, and desserts.
Used as a fresh fruit
and to treat fevers.
No nutritional value
but used as a
stimulant, prevents
altitude sickness, and
lessens the feelings
of hunger and fatigue
(Brintnall and
Conner, 2001:298).
Ancient: Coca was
important for trade
within Muisca
territory. Sogamoso,
Paipa, and others
traded coca leaves
with Tunja and
Bacata (Bogotá)
Coca was chewed
usually with
Crop Type
Guasca
Family
Astereceae
Botanical Name
Galinsoga
pawiflora
Varieties
Common Names
(Sp for Spanish)
Colombia Sp:
Guasca
174
Origin
Andes.
Nutrition 100g
(from ACTIBS,
1989 unless cited)
Uses (modern
unless stated)
calcium compounds
such as seashells
Used in Colombia
in the traditional
dish of Bogotá the
ajiaco
Table 2: This table uses information from Pradilla et al.(2005) of mammal remains recovered at La Muela and Los Altos Santuarios in
Tunja, Boyaca by the UPTC. (MNI) refers to the minimum number of individuals from the skeletal assemblage.
Mammals
Family
Species name
Domestic
Guinea pig
Caviidae
Cavia porcellus
503
47
Sp: Cui, cava
Eng: Guinea pig
Chib: fucuy, fucos,
sucui
Semi-domestic
Deer
Cervidae
Odocoileus
virginianus
2557
28
Sp: venado cola
blanca
Eng: white-tailed deer
Chib: chihica
Cervidae
1
1
0
0
Sp: venado rojo
Eng: gray brocket deer
Chib: guahagui
Sp: Perro
Eng: Dog
2
2
Dog
Canidae
Mazama rufina
M. americana
M. goazoubira
Canis lupus
Wild
Armadillo
Dasypodidae
Dasypus kappleri
#frags.
(UTPC)
175
MNI.
Common names
Sp: Spanish
Eng: English
Chib: Chibcha
Muisca
Sp: Armadillo/ jerre
Uses
Deer was only
consumed by the chiefly
classes. It is possible
that it was semidomesticated as they
were either maneuvered
by the Muisca like
caribou in Northern
region or were corralled.
Mammals
Family
Species name
#frags.
(UTPC)
Agouti
Dasyproctidae
Agouti taczanowski
1
1
Coati
Procyonidae
Nasuella olivacea
5
1
Cotton rat
Muridae
Sigmodon sp
24
3
Cotton mouse
Muridae
Sigmodon hispidus
1
1
Fox
Canidae
1
1
Crab eating fox
Canidae
Vulpes
cinereoargentus
Cerdocyon thous
3
3
Opossum
Didelphidae
Didelphis
marsupialis
2
2
Puma
Felidae
Felis concolor
4
4
Rabbit
Leporidae
Sylvilagus
brasiliensis
3
3
176
MNI.
Common names
Sp: Spanish
Eng: English
Chib: Chibcha
Muisca
jerre
Eng: Armadillo
Sp: Lapa
Eng: Agouti
Sp: Coati
Eng: cuatamundi/
coati
Sp:Rata de algodon
Eng: Cotton rat
Sp: Raton
Eng: Mouse
Sp: Zorro gris
Eng: Gary foz
Sp: Zorro de agua
Eng: Crab eating fox
Sp: Fara
Eng: Common
opossum
Sp: Puma, leon
Eng: Puma, cougar
Sp: Conejo brasilero
Uses
Cotton rats make their
nests out of cotton and
can damage cotton crops
which the Muisca
planted.
Table 3: Weight (wt), type, and condition from mammal bone samples analyzed at the UPTC Tunja, Colombia.
Species
Armadillo (Dasypus kappleri)
ID
wt
condition
type
n1044-11
n0895-11
4.5
4.1
good
good
?
no595-48
no665-9
3.6
3.8
good
good
maxila
maxila
N-superior
N66bull
N4bull
n0679-1
12.5
52.9
20.1
41.4
good firm discolored
poor
good
good
tibia
tibia
tibia
mandible
n0822-3
n2239-4
1.3
0.8
poor
good
?
?
g0041-6
9.2
good
mandible
n0162-1
n0627-1
n0699-6
n0308-15
n0178-4
n0180-1
2.1
0.6
0.5
0.9
0.2
0.1
good
good
good
good
good
good
maxila
pelvis
scapula
femur
radius
radius
n bull
10.5
good
maxila
Coati (Nasuella olivacea)
Deer (Odocoileus virginianus)
Opossum (Didelphis marsupialis)
Fox (Vulpes cinereoargentus)
Guinea pig (Cavia porcellus)
Puma (Felis concolor)
177
Table 4: Measurements, material, munsell coloring, and function of Muisca artifacts analyzed at the Museo del Oro ceramic and stone
tools deposit Bogotá, Colombia.
Muisca Stone tools
Code ID
L (cm)
W (cm)
T (cm)
wt (g)
Material
Metates
Metates
Sharpener/afilador
Sharpener/afilador
L00333
L00118
L00096
L00311
34.4
21.6
6.5
5.6
21.4
13
4.5
2.1
3.5-6.8
4.4
1.5
1.6
?
1600
50.5
27.9
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Container yopo
Atlatl
Atlatl
Atlatl
Atlatl
Axes/hachas
L00347
L00060
L00306
L00666
L00955
L00108
5.1
2.6
2.3
4.2
3.98
9.61
3.9
1.5
1.78
1.84
2.2
7.26
1
0.7
0.69
1.11
1.08
2.21
24.9
4.2
3.9
7.4
8.2
222.8
Axes/hachas
Axes/hachas
Mortar
Mortar
Pestle
Mano
Mano
Fishing net weight
Mortero
L00320
L00107
LN1244
L00078
L00390
L00961
L00962
L00526
L00334
9.28
21.8
D=14.2
D=12.11
D=5.1
19.2
19.4
D=8.64
14.53
4.55
7.93
L=20.5
1.98
3.87
4.28
5.18
174
1311.5
965.2
99.7
109.6
1933.4
Slate
Hematite? Jasper
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Red stone/river
cobble
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
Granite/arenisca
L=5.3
9.03
10.76
L=8.17
8.98
6.98
7.29
4.36
807.1
1149.1
L= length. W= width T= thickness. Wt= weight.
178
Color
Gray/brown/inclusions
Hematite
Dark brown
Back
Red/gray
Function
Brown/gray
Red
Black
Brown/yellow
Green
Brown/gray
grind corn
grind corn
sharpener
sharpener
contain/consume
hallucinogenic
atlatl/gancho para lanzar
multi
Red
Gray
Very dark gray 5yr 3/1
Gray N06 7.5 yr
Dark redish brown 3/2 7.5 yr
Light gray/brown
White 8/2 5yr
7.5 yr 4/2 dark brown
Very dark gray 5yr 3/1
multi
multi
crush
crush
crush
Grind corn
Grind corn
weight fishing net
crush
Table 5: Mean roots and tubers size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in Cundinamarca and Boyaca, Colombia.
Crop
Variety
Cubio
Cubio
Sweet
Potato
Sweet
Potato
Arracacha
Arracacha
Ibias
Papa Criolla
Chuguas
Chuguas
Chuguas
Papa
Sabanera
Papa Rucki
n
W
L
H
wt
white
yellow
Species name
Tropaeolum
tuberosum
T. tuberosum
9
12
3.4 ± 0.11
3.4 ± 0.12
9.7 ± 0.93
11.5 ± 0.66
-
45.1 ± 6.09
65.1 ± 4.78
salty
Ipomoea batatas
1
8.8 ± 0
11.1 ± 0
7.0 ± 0
300.8 ± 0
sweet
I. batatas
Arracacia
xanthorriza
A. xanthorriza
Oxalis tuberosa
Solanum phureja
Ullucus
tuberosus
U. tuberosus
U. tuberosus
1
5.1 ± 0
16.3 ± 0
4.7 ± 0
196.2 ± 0
1
12
20
14
5.2 ± 0
3.4 ± 0.13
1.9 ± 0.07
4.3 ± 0.08
18.1 ± 0
6.0 ± 0.37
5.2 ± 0.42
3.7 ± 0.1
-
269.7 ± 0
33.9 ± 1.08
12.8 ± 1.6
40.4 ± 2.17
30
30
30
1.6 ± 0.07
1.8 ± 0.08
1.9 ± 0.08
2.2 ± 0.16
2.2 ± 0.13
2.7 ± 0.19
1.7 ± 0.08
4.1 ± 0.63
5.3 ± 0.69
5
30
6.3 ± 0.27
3.0 ± 0.08
6.6 ± 0.49
2.4 ± 0.07
4.1 ± 0.24
2.7 ± 0.08
miniature
purple
yellow
brown
S. tuberosum
S. rybinii
n= sample size. W= width. L= length. H= height. Wt= weight.
179
6.9 ± 0.96
109.4 ±
19.61
13.0 ± 0.85
Table 6: Mean grains size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in Cundinamarca and Boyaca, Colombia.
Crop
Corn
Quinoa
Species name
Zea maize
Chenopodium quinoa
n
2
5
dm (mm)
2 ± 0.1
W
4.8 ± 0.09
-
L
13.7 ± 0.4
-
wt.
147.4 ± 1.8
-
Table 7. Mean legumes size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in Cundinamarca and Boyaca, Colombia.
Crop
Frijol o
Cargamanto
Chachafruto/Nunas
Species name
Phaseolus
vulgaris
Erythrina edulis
n
14
1
W
1.9 ±
0.03
2.4 ± 0
L
16.2 ±
0.7
45.3 ± 0
H
1.5 ±
0.03
2.6 ± 0
wt
18.7 ±
1.0
16.8 ± 0
#sds
5.3 ±
0.22
1±0
Table 8. Mean leaf size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in Cundinamarca and Boyaca, Colombia.
Crop
Coca
Guasca
Species name
Erythroxylum coca
Galinsoga pawiflora
n
10
9
W
2.1 ± 0.1
4 ± 0.3
L
3.6 ± 0.1
5.1 ± 0.3
180
Table 9: Mean fruits size measurements (± standard error) of products purchased in Cundinamarca and Boyaca, Colombia.
Crop
Curuba
Red Guava
White Guava
Granadilla
Papayuela
Anon
Chirimoya
Badea
Chulupa
Gulupa
Lulo
Golden Berries
Avocado
Calabaza
Verde/Green
Squash
Zarzamora/Moron
Mora de Castilla
Mora Silvsilveste
Agras
Guanabana
Species Name
Passiflora mollissima
Psidium guajava
Psidium guajava
Passiflora ligularis
Carica
Annona squamosa
Annona cherimola
Passiflora
quadrangularis
Passiflora maliformis
Passiflora pinnafistipula
Solanum quitoense
Physalis peruviana
Persea americana
n
5
1
1
3
1
1
1
W
4.7 ± 0.11
6.6 ± 0
7.3 ± 0
7.6 ± 0.19
6.8 ± 0
7.9 ± 0
8.3 ± 0
L
11.1 ± 0.39
9.1 ± 0
6.2 ± 0
8.5 ± 0.16
11.9 ± 0
8.4 ± 0
8.1 ± 0
Diam.
-
wt.
128.5 ± 8.36
189 ± 0
191.2 ± 0
143.2 ± 11.47
200.3 ± 0
266.5 ± 0
274.9 ± 0
1
5
7
5
30
2
10.4 ± 0
5.9 ± 0.29
4.6 ± 0.12
6.4 ± 0.19
1.9 ± 0.03
7.1 ± 0.1
17.9 ± 0
6.4 ± 0.26
4.9 ± 0.15
6.3 ± 0.13
1.9 ± 0.03
13.9 ± 0.8
-
953.6 ± 0
81.4 ± 11.64
37 ± 3.27
140.4 ± 10.18
4.4 ± 0.19
353.8 ± 7.4
Curcubita pepo
Rubus macrocarpus
Rubus glaucus
Rubus adenotrichus
Vaccinium meridionale
Annona muricata
1
30
30
30
30
1
12.4 ± 0
2 ± 0.03
1.8 ± 0.02
0.7 ± 0.01
0±0
12.1 ± 0
21.7 ± 0
3 ± 0.04
2.2 ± 0.05
0.8 ± 0.02
0±0
20.5 ± 0
0.8 ± 0.03
-
1806.1 ± 0
7.9 ± 0.18
4.8 ± 0.22
0.3 ± 0.09
0.4 ± 0.13
1351.8 ± 0
181
Table 10: Mean ají size measurements (± standard error) purchased in Cundinamarca, Colombia.
Crop
Chichiperro/rojo
nacional
Pajarita
Species name
n
W
Capsicum pubescens
Capsicum sp.wild
2 1.8 ± 0.23
30 0.6 ± 0.02
L
wt.
8.1 ± 0.32
0.6 ± 0.02
8.7 ± 2.35
0.16
Table 11: Mean tomate árbol Cyphomandra batacea size measurements (± standard error) purchased in Cundinamarca, Colombia.
Varieties
Común
Rojo
Amarillo
n
4
3
5
W
5.9 ± 0.1
5.8 ± 0.07
5.6 ± 0.13
L
7.1 ± 0.12
6.6 ± 0.16
6.9 ± 0.05
wt.
123.6 ± 4.24
115.8 ± 4.23
108.2 ± 2.96
182
APPENDIX D: ARTIFACT SCALE DRAWINGS
183
184
185
186
187
188
189
190
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