Rap Music and Its Violent Progeny: America`s Culture of Violence in

Journal of Negro Education
Rap Music and Its Violent Progeny: America's Culture of Violence in Context
Author(s): Jeanita W. Richardson and Kim A. Scott
Source: The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 71, No. 3, Juvenile Justice: Children of Color in
the United States (Summer, 2002), pp. 175-192
Published by: Journal of Negro Education
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Rap
Music
America's
and
Its
Culture
Violent
Progeny:
in
Context
of Violence
Jeanita W. Richardson & Kim A. Scott*
herrolein the
Americafor all herprotestsagainstviolentraplyricshasfailedto acknowledge
creationof this relativelynewartform.Thereis no denyingthelanguagein someraplyricscould
neitheris rap
be construedas offensive,however,just as othermusicformsarenot homogeneous,
music.It is far too simplisticto portrayrapartistsas perpetuators
of behaviordeemedsocially
deviantwithoutplacing the artists and their life experiencesin context.Instead,this article
andmetaphorical
considersrapmusicasa creativeexpression
offspringofAmerica'swell-established
cultureof violence.
Got me worried, stressin, my vision's blurried
The question is will I live? No one in the world loves me
I'm headedfor danger, don't trust strangers
Put one in the chamberwhenever I'mfeelin this anger
Don't wanna make excuses, cause this is how it is
What's the use unless we're shootin no one notices the youth
It's just me against the world baby (Shakur, 1993)
Rap Music has been categorized as, "A cultural evolution of the Black oral tradition and... [as] contemporary
resistance rhetoric." (Smitherman, 1997, p. 21)
America for all her protests against violent rap lyrics has failed to acknowledge her role
in the creation of this relatively new art form. Evidence of America's preoccupation
with violent activity is pervasive and can be found, for example, in virtually all of the
entertainmentindustry.As a result,of the prevalenceof violence in music, movies, television and video games, America has nurtured an environment that some have come to
call a culture of violence. If there is in fact a culture of violence, the true parent of rap
lyrics is Americaherself,who financiallyrewardsthe glamorizationof behaviorsdeemed
socially unacceptable.Rap music, in this context, is merely another creative expression
that is an outgrowth of prevailing entertainmentpractices.
Rapmusic, however, is not in and of itself, a genre createdsolely for profit.Deprivation
and unequal opportunity nurtured the hopelessness, distrust, and early death depicted
in Tupac Shakur's lyrics. America's urban centers in general and low-income minority
communities in particular,are replete with poverty, police brutality,drug abuse, educational inequality, high dropout rates, and violence. The very governmental and social
systems theoreticallyestablished to protect the poor, have engendered distrust. A sense
of powerlessness to changeconditionsgroundedin complexsocial,political,and economic
issues has led artiststo seek ways to expresstheirdiscontent.Rapmusic becamea cathartic
outlet. As noted by Smitherman(1997),rap music has become a way for youth to voice
*Jeanita W. Richardson, Senior Policy Analyst, State Council for Higher Education in Virginia; and Kim A.
Scott, Assistant Professor Hofstra University.
Vol. 71, No. 3 (Summer2002)
Journalof NegroEducation,
Copyright
? 2002, Howard
University
175
their dissatisfaction with society employing the heritage of the Black oral tradition. Lyrics
similar to those in the opening quote by Tupac, are just one way America's children, and
urban Black children in particular, have chosen to articulate their anger and frustration
with mainstream society. Unfortunately in the case of Tupac, a young Black urban male
who was murdered, lyrics were more than a social commentary, they were prophetic.
Tupac became a victim of the very violence he depicted in his music and in the process
became a rap icon.
Often the terms "rap music," "hip-hop," and "gangsta rap" are used synonymously.
While closely related, each has a distinct meaning. Hip-hop is a broad term referring to
a cultural movement among African American youth that has influenced styles of clothing,
music and other forms of entertainment. Rap music, is rooted in the African tradition of
speaking rhythmically to a beat generally supplied by background music. Grandmaster
Flash and Kool Herc are credited with being instrumental in the development of rap
music as a distinct genre in the 1970s, which at the time was party-oriented. In the early
1980s, Grandmaster Flash used rap to call attention to the deplorable conditions in inner
cities. Gangsta rap grew out of Grandmaster Flash's recording, "The Message," and
became the focal point of political controversy because of its explicit, violent lyrics in the
late 1980s and early 1990s. At its root, gangsta rap was following in its predecessor's
tradition because many songs protested police brutality and highlighted the realities of
the violence commonplace in the communities of the artists (Center for Black Music
Research, 2002). Also for purposes of clarification, youth culture in this article refers to
all young people irrespective of race and socioeconomic status under the age of 18.
There is no denying that some sects of the adult culture find the language in some
rap lyrics offensive. However, just as other music forms are not homogeneous, neither is
rap music. It is far too simplistic to portray rap artists as perpetuators of behavior deemed
socially deviant without placing the artists and their life experiences in context. Instead,
this article considers rap music as just one expression of a well-established culture of
violence. To this end, the pervasiveness of violence and some of the social, economic, and
political responses to rap and the notoriety of gangsta rap are examined to contextualize
this music genre. Depictions of rap music in literature are not intended to be an exhaustive
review, but rather an attempt to highlight the hypocritical scrutiny experienced by artists
and their music when compared to other music forms.
While episodes of violence litter the daily reality of some urban youth, vicarious
exposure to violence is also a function of the lives of all America's children, primarily
because of media exposure. Pursuant to a Federal Trade Commission report (FTC, 2000),
children in the United States spend on average more than 38 hours per week exposed to
entertainment media, which includes television, music videos, video games, and movies.
Rap music, just one entertainment form, represents a small segment of the multibilliondollar entertainment media industry in America. Despite being only one of many music
genres, rap has captured the attention of youth across distinctions of race, ethnicity, and
socioeconomic class and catapulted its progenitors to wealth. Part of the teen identification
with lyrics appears to be grounded in the features of adolescent identity development.
Youth look for models to shape their behavior and values (Anderson & Cavallaro, 2002).
Given the hours of exposure to real and fictitious characters engaging in violent escapades
and antisocial behavior, youth come to believe violence is not only "normal" but also
admirable.
Whether rap is attractive because it speaks to one's personal reality or represents a
fascination with a foreign lifestyle, there is no denying the economic, political, and social
influence of this music. In 1999, Americans purchased over $1.5 billion worth of rap
and hip-hop music (Yeoman, 2001). According to the Recording Industry Association of
176
The Journal of Negro Education
America (RIAA), sales rose to $1.8 billion in 2000 (Rose, 2001). Meanwhile, the youth
culture has created by virtue of their support an unparalleled trajectory for rap artists
and their business partners replete with money, popularity, and fame.
The mass appeal of rap music and the potential influence of violent lyrics brought
this new music form to the attention of politicians, academicians, sociologists, and psychologists. Considerable contact with violence has heightened politicians', parents', and scholars' concerns about the implications of the quality of entertainment images youngsters
consume. Critiques of the images consider race, class, and gender in analyses of film (e.g.,
Dalton, 1999; Giroux, 1999; hooks, 1996; Muwzea, 1999; Tobin, 2000; Walkerdine, 1997;
Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995), print media (e.g., Jamieson, 1996; Martindale, 1997), television
(e.g., Giroux, 1997), and music-particularly gangsta rap music. As much as the adult
society condemns rap music, critiques have done little to minimize or detract from its
popularity. In fact, condemnation may have inadvertently increased popularity in teens
looking for ways to distinguish themselves from their parents.
The interest of writers, politicians, and scholars oscillate between being incensed by
the counter-hegemonic dimensions of this new art form to being elated that the music is
a cultural elixir for African American communities. Others value dismantling the lyrics
in the name of scholarship. Rarely, however, is an evaluation of rap music placed in the
context of a society replete with violence in all its entertainment forms.
RAP MUSIC IN THE CONTEXT OF A VIOLENT CULTURE
Rap music is not synonymous with hip-hop but rather a subset of the hip-hop culture
(George, 1994; Smitherman, 1997). Hip-hop refers to a cultural response from the working
and lower income youth segment of the African American community to perceptions of
their economic and social stigmatization (Tate, 1999). Speech patterns, dress, MCing ("mic
controllers"), DJing ("disk jockeys"), graffiti writing, dance, philosophies, and music are
aspects of hip-hop culture (Arads 1999; George, 1994; Fernando, Jr., 1999). Rap music is one
cultural expression of hip-hop, which provides what some deem a political commentary on
the tapestry of lower income African American urban life (Dyson, 1994). With gangsta
rap's emergence in the early 1990s, society developed a heightened awareness of rap
music and hip-hop culture. Literature does not consistently delineate the heterogeneity
of rap music. As a result, this article discusses rap music in a generic sense and, when
available in cited texts, separates specific characteristics associated with gangsta rap in
particular.
Gangsta rap gained notoriety, in part, due to its misogynous themes, encouragement
of hypermaterialism, violent lyrics, and the behavior of some of its artists. However,
antisocial behaviors, or activities considered reprobate by predominant cultural norms
(e.g., shooting police officers or rival gang members) are symptoms of far more complex
and multifaceted issues than commonly acknowledged. Risk factors such as poverty, drug
and alcohol abuse, gang participation, and pervasive violence in all forms of media have
been blamed for the 10 children and teens that die every day in the United States. Restated,
one young life is lost every 21/2hours due to violence (Children's Defense Fund [CDF],
2002b). Manifestations of violence in various forms of media and concerns about its
influence on behavior are not a new phenomenon, but rather an example of history
repeating itself. For example, there have been more than 30 Congressional hearings since
1954 relative to "youth violence" and the entertainment industry (Grier, 2001). Unfortunately, culpability for youth fascination with violence has been narrowly ascribed to
particular ethnic or economically challenged groups instead of viewing youth violence
The Journalof Negro Education
177
as a manifestation of serious economic, social, and emotional deprivation. Consider for
example the marketing strategies of the entertainment industry.
Aggressive marketing of violent material to children and teens is evident in all forms
of media and is at least partially to blame for a desensitized population. For example, by
the time the average American child reaches the age of 18, they have witnessed 16,000
simulated murders and 200,000 acts of violence (CDF, 2002b; The Commission for the
Prevention of Youth Violence [CPYV], 2000). Some cartoons contain as many as 80 violent
acts per hour. Commercial television for children contains 50-60 times more violence
than primetime adult television programs (CDF, 2002b). As per CPYV (2000), children
constantly exposed to carnage become desensitized and begin to accept violence as a
normal part of life to be imitated.
Based on a request by former President William Clinton, the FTC conducted an investigation of the marketing practices applied by the entertainment industry to attract the
attention of children and teens (as cited in Pitofsky, 2000). The report concluded that
although the industry had imposed a self-regulating system in the form of product ratings
and labeling, enforcement and adherence in marketing strategy was minimal (see Table 1).
As noted, movies, video games, and music CDs all have rating systems. Ratings are
in theory designed to inform the viewing and purchasing practices of consumers. However,
individual corporations aggressively market products with violent images to children
that by their own standards are age inappropriate. Marketers in the FTC study targeted
audiences under the age of 17 in 80% of the movies rated "R," 100%of music with explicit
lyrics, and 70% of video games. Elaborate marketing plans, such as commercials, teen
magazine ads, and popup Internet ads expressly target youth under the age of 17. As a
result, underage youth's purchasing practices are minimally affected by the entertainment
industry's labeling system (FTC, 2000; Grier, 2001).
Exposure to media violence alone is not believed to cause socially unacceptable behavior in children; however, it is believed to impose a significantly negative influence on
youth (FTC, 2000; Grier, 2001). One of the reasons for concern about the relationship
between exposure to violence and violent activity are features of identity development
and social expectations in children. It is believed that children shape their identities, values,
and behaviors by drawing clues from their environments. Role models, for purposes of
this article, are persons held in high esteem by children who possess characteristics, skills,
or attributes worthy of emulation. Inordinate exposure to fictional and real images in
television, video games, music videos, sports, and movies provide an endless array of
role model choices and perhaps more importantly, cultural messages about acceptable
practices and behavior (Anderson & Cavallaro, 2002).
Concerns about the relationship between childhood emotional development and role
model emulation are supported by several FTC reports that cite a high correlation between
exposure to media violence in its many forms and aggressive behavior in youth. Further,
extensive exposure to violent images has been linked to a desensitization of the general
public, as well as, youth culture, which has yielded an increased acceptance of violent
acts as "natural" and expected (Grier, 2001). At least in part because of ubiquitous exposure, violence has been deemed an epidemic in America and experts have begun to
acknowledge connections between vicarious exposure and active participation.
Statistics further illustrate the unparalleled level of violence American youth experience. For example, gun-related deaths of American youth under the age of 15 are nearly
12 times higher than 25 similarly industrialized nations combined (CDF, 2002a, 2002b;
CPYV, 2000). Gun-related homicide rates for children in the U.S. are more than two times
the rate of children killed by guns in Finland (CPYV, 2000). The Center for Disease Control
and Prevention (as cited in CDF, 2002a) and the Federal Interagency Forum on Child and
178
The Journal of Negro Education
TABLE1
Entertainment
Ratingsfor Movies, Video Games,and Music
MOVIES
G
PG
PG 13
R
NC-17
General
Audiences
Parental
Guidance
Suggested
Mild language
and violence.
Parents
Strongly
Cautioned
Restricted
No one 17 and
underadmitted
Maturethemes
and some
violence,
Languageand
strongbloody
violence, such
as graphic
horror.
All ages
VIDEOGAMES
EC
E
T
M
AO
Early
Childhood
Everyone
Teen
Mature
AdultsOnly
Content
suitablefor
childrenaged 3
and older
Suitablefor
children6 and
older. Contains
minimal
violence, some
crude language
and some
comic mischief.
Suitablefor
those 13 and
older. Game
may contain
violent content,
mild or strong
language,and
suggestive
themes.
Suitablefor
those 17 and
older. Game
may include
intense
violence or
languagethan
productsrated
T and may
include mature
sexual themes.
Suitablefor
adultsonly.
Game may
includegraphic
depictionsof
sex and/or
violence. AO
productsare
not intendedto
be sold to rent
to anyone
under18.
MUSIC
ParentalAdvisory-Explicit
Content
Recordingmay contain stronglanguageor
expressionsof violence, sex, or substanceabuse.
Note. Adaptedfrom Pocket Guide:Entertainment
Ratings,by FederalTradeCommission,1999. Retrievedfrom
http://www.ftc.gov/bcp/conline/pubs/misc/rateguide.htm.
Family Statistics (2000) report American children are at greater risk of being victims of
violence than children in similarly industrialized nations, such as Finland and Great
Britain. One of every eight persons murdered each year in America is under the age of
18 and one of every 18 victims of violent crime is under the age of 12 (CPYV, 2000).
Violence under the age of 18 is perpetrated not only by youth, but also by adults. The
data reflected here reveals only patterns of victimization to support the thesis that violence
in the United States is widespread. Mortality and injury rates are disproportionately
distributed by age, race, and gender, as are many measures of economic deprivation.
Consider Figures 1 and 2, which depict victimization rates by age and race.
As reflected in Figures 1 and 2, teens (youth aged 12-17) are three times more likely
than adults to be violently victimized. While crime rates have decreased radically since
The Journalof Negro Education
179
FIGURE1
Violent Crime Victimization by Age
140
I
- --
80-
2
16to19
20to24
25to34
35to49
6-0I--
c60 ---
40-
20 -
11~
R11b1~
011l
I
1-1
--.I
I
Note: From "Violent crime rates by age of victim," by Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001, retrieved May 6, 2002
from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/glance/vage.htm. Copyright 2001 by U.S. Department of Justice. Reprinted with
permission of the author.
1993, the group most apt to be the victims of violent crime remains those between the
ages of 12-19. African Americans, when compared to Whites are more likely to be the
victims of violent crime (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001). African American females and
males are 4-11 times at greater risk of being killed than Caucasian children (CPYV, 2000).
Lest the blame for astronomical assaults be misplaced, it is important to note that while
some juvenile offenders are violent, less than 10% of "serious, habitual violent offenders"
are juveniles (CDF, 2002a, p. 3).
Given the high rates of death and violence, particularly from firearms, the numbers
of guns present in homes is also a concern. Firearms outnumber children in the US nearly
3:1. Handguns began claiming more lives than any other weapon around 1987. Between
1979 and 1998, gunfire killed 84,000 young people under the age of 18, which is 36,000
more than the total number of American soldiers killed in the Vietnam conflict (CDF,
2002b). Firearms accounted for 25% of deaths in the 15-19 year old age group, most of
which were homicides. Caucasian youth deaths are most commonly associated with
suicide, while for African Americans and Hispanic Americans the cause of death is most
often homicide. Males are nearly twice as likely to be victims of violent crime as opposed
to females (Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics, 2000). As was the
case with patterns of victimization, the use of guns in homicides could also include
adults. However, even in the absence of disaggregated statistics, there is evidence of
disproportionate youth victimization by gender and race.
180
The Journalof Negro Education
FIGURE2
ViolentCrimeVictimizationby Race
60
50 -
o 40 -
cD
CZ
G^~--\
-^.
30O
o*
N
E 20*^
--- White
;
/ ^--^-^^^~^\r~~
African American
-^
\,
^
^ .^ ^
^
10
0
Note: From "Violent crime rates by age of victim," by Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001, retrieved May 6, 2002
from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/glance/vage.htm. Copyright 2001 by U.S. Department of Justice. Reprinted with
permission of the author.
The costs of injuries and deaths caused by violence extend far beyond individual
victims and their families. According to the Physicians for Social Responsibility (2002),
health costs associated with gun violence are approximately $100 billion annually. Health
related direct costs include medical treatment and rehabilitation. An example of indirect
costs would be lost wages (CPYV, 2000). With nearly 40% of American homes equipped
with at least one firearm, the potential for the perpetuation of accidental and intentional
deaths does not seem likely to abate. Thus far, gun injuries have claimed 10 times the
childhood victims as the polio epidemic of the early 20h century (Physicians for Social
Responsibility, 2002). Further, more children and teens in the U.S. died in gun-related
violence in 1999 than from the combined mortality accounted for by HIV/AIDS, cancer,
pneumonia, asthma, and influenza in the same year (CDF, 2002a). Perhaps these and the
many other costs associated with youth violence have prompted the cognitive shift to
categorize youth violence as a public health issue. Consequently, public health agencies
in the United States consider violence an epidemic inextricably linked to the risk factors
of poverty, social injustice, and corporate greed, which are all additive, complex, and
interdependent (CPYV, 2000). Thus, the violence depicted in rap music is an artistic
expression obsessed with the very social inadequacies that plague and are perpetuated
in poor urban communities.
Violence in Music
Violence in music is not by any means limited to rap or gangsta rap. Folk and country
music have contained references to murder, killing of police, and domestic violence for
The Journalof Negro Education
181
decades. Eric Clapton's popular song "I Shot The Sheriff" (1974) Woodie Guthrie's "Pretty
Boy Floyd" (1987) in which a police officer is killed; and, Johnny Cash's "Folson Prison
Blues" (1968) that describes a murderer who kills someone just to see him die are a few
examples of violent lyrical content. Yet despite the historical use of violent lyrics, country
and folk artists are rarely blamed for escalating murder and domestic violence rates
(Hershey-Webb, 1993).
White heavy metal musicians also have themes of violence in songs. For example,
consider a stanza from Metallica's 1983 song entitled, "No Remorse":
Only the strongsurvive
No one to save the weakerrace
Wearereadyto killall comers
Likea loadedgun rightat yourface
Chorus:
Warwithoutend
No remorse,No repent
Wedon'tcarewhatit meant
Anotherday,Anotherdeath
Anothersorrow,Anotherbreath
No remorse,No repent
Heavy metal lyrics to "kill all comers" devoid of remorse are evaluated in different
contexts than gangsta rap's "Cop Killer" lyrics by Ice T in the early 1990s. The American
Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Communications suggested that the relationship
between violent activity and heavy metal needed further study (Rose, 1991). Conversely,
rap music is subject to a markedly different analytical approach. With as little researchbased data substantiating the relationship between listening and action as heavy metal
there are calls for censorship of rap music-unlike any action taken against folk, country,
heavy metal, or any other genre (Rose, 1991). One need only examine the transcripts of
Congressional hearings to find evidence of the vilification of rap artists in isolation of
other equally violent music forms (Hall, 1998; Mosley-Braun, 1994; Ogbar, 1999). Whether
in the context of sociological studies or Congressional hearings, calls for censorship appear
rooted in the belief that rap music poses a threat to mainstream society and requires
containment, while its White counterpart (heavy metal music) warrants mere watchfulness. Before such negative pronouncements are categorically applied it is worthwhile to
consider not only the influence of America's culture of violence on the creation of rap,
but also the conflict between the values rhetorically stated versus the practices rewarded
with fame and money.
Rap Music: An Overview
Depending upon the source, the roots of rap music can be traced back to ancient
African cultures. Evidence of the predecessors of contemporary rap can be found in the
artistic expressions of Bessie Smith's lyrical speech to the beat of music and in the Last
Poets and Gil Scott-Heron's recordings of the 1970s. The contemporary art form labeled
rap music is urban in origin with New York City as its epicenter, and provided political
commentary on drugs, police brutality, sex, and material deprivation (Dyson, 1994).
The mass appeal of rap music is generally considered to have begun in 1979. At the
time the Sugar Hill Gang's "Rappers Delight" reached number 36 on the Billboard charts
and sold two million copies. In 1983, Run D.M.C. released the first rap album to be
certified gold by RIAA. Despite the popularity of rap, MTV did not broadcast rap videos
for the first several years of programming, which began in 1981. MTV devoted its telecasts
to rock and roll music videos targeting White suburban teens. Minimal exposure of African
American artists was limited to rock and roll acts such as Tina Turner. It was not until
182
The Journalof Negro Education
the airing of Michael Jackson's "Billie Jean" in the early 1980s that African American rap
and hip-hop artists markedly increased their presence on the music network. There are
conflicting accounts as to why Michael Jackson's groundbreaking video was played,
ranging from threats by CBS Records to pull all its label videos from the MTV broadcast
line-up to MTV's recognition of the mass appeal of African American artists (Fernando
Jr., 1999; The Eighties Club, 2002). Whatever the reason, the telecast of "Billie Jean" and
its popularity are widely viewed as a turning point in hip-hop and rap music video access
to mainstream media. Further evidence of the appeal of rap music was demonstrated
over time. While initially rap CDs were purchased primarily by African American youth,
as of 1999, 7 out of 10 of the teens that purchased rap music CDs and tapes were White
youth (Yeoman, 2001). Since its inception in the 1970s, rap album sales approximated 81
million in 1999, making rap the fastest growing music genre in the United States (Salon
Brilliant Careers, 1999).
Just as there are numerous forms of hip-hop expression, there are many categories of
rap (Hall, 1998; Powell, 1991). For example, Hall (1998) presents four kinds of rap music
and artists: gangsta (e.g., Snoop Doggy Dogg), hip-hop (e.g., Fugees), political (e.g., Public
Enemy), and commercial (e.g., MC Hammer). Among the many forms of rap music,
gangsta rap consistently contains the most violent lyrics. However, not all violence is
equal. In the case of violence perpetuated on youth by police, artists may be crying out
for justice. On the other hand, promoting gang members to kill rival gang members may
be a qualitatively different type of expression. The larger point is that without critical
dialogue with the creators of rap music and its genre, it is difficult if not impossible
for outsiders who are in many cases non-African American and/or not economically
disadvantaged, to place lyrics in the intended context.
Gangsta rap emerged when the rap group Niggaz With Attitudes' (N.W.A.) released
their 1988 album entitled Straight Outta Compton.Unapologetic voices provided explicit
accounts of violence, death, drugs, and despair-the daily reality of many poor, urbandwelling youth. Predictably, the public concentrated on the songs' perceived deleterious
effects. The belief that gangsta rap lyrics increased the incidents of male aggression in
general (Ballard & Coates, 1995), and sexual aggression in particular, shaped much of the
discussion. While there is no conclusive evidence demonstrating a causal relationship
between rap lyrics and violent antisocial behavior, there is substantial statistical and
sociological data corroborating the violent contexts many of the lyricists chronicle. Tupac
Shakur's words, among others, map the violence, hopelessness, and despair from which
many gangsta rappers emerge. Social, political, and economic factors disproportionately
work against certain groups in search of a better future and, as such, notions of cultural
capital and social reproduction cycles are relevant to this discussion.
RAP, CULTURAL CAPITAL AND SOCIAL REPRODUCTION
Bourdieu's (1977) notions of cultural capital as well as cultural goods help explain the
preoccupation with rap music lyrics within a culture replete with violence. The creation
of the art form and the associated capitalistic tug-of-war over profits is a function of the
creation of an alternative to the hypocrisy of the dominant cultural norms. While rhetorically violence is condemned, it is clearly considered a profitable venture and rewarded
in all forms of entertainment media.
Social capital in the Bourdieu (1977) tradition refers to the skill sets, practices, and
mores esteemed by the dominant social group. Culture and its varied aspects are socially
constructed, defined, and controlled by the dominant empowered group (Gordon, 1999;
Richardson, 2002). Social capital groups the valued skills and practices into the, "composite
The Journalof Negro Education
183
profile individuals bring to the market that would include, for example, education, economic resources and familiarity with marketplace norms and expectations" (Richardson,
2002, p. 54). Subsequently, power is an outgrowth and benefit of membership as the
dominant group applies its understanding and possession of at least some of the esteemed
practices or goods. The cyclical relationship between access and opportunity yielding
more access and opportunity is the social reproduction phenomenon (Richardson, 2002).
Rappers could be considered outsiders (possessing minimal social capital) given their
race and socioeconomic status. Rather than ignoring the social inequities that persisted
in their neighborhoods, rappers became the ultimate capitalists (copying the dominant
cultures strategies) by creating and owning a music form designed to expose inequities
and social contradictions. In an economic sense, what rap and hip-hop artists have done,
is apply the capitalistic skills and networks valued by society to catapult themselves into
media moguls. Further, not only did rap artists benefit, but so did the mainstream corporate
sponsors eager to sign radical artists, once the popularity of rap was well-established
(Stephaney, 1999). It appears that the more negative press rappers receive, the more
popular rap-related products have become to White youth in particular who have significant purchasing power. Baggy pants, shoes, hairstyles, tattoos, and jewelry are emblematic
of the popularity of rap-related products. Further, violence because of its prevalence in
all forms of media can be considered a valued commodity or at least a useful marketing
tool to increase sales. As the FTC (2000) report so eloquently discusses, the more violent the
entertainment content, the greater the appeal to youth. As a result, rap artists capitalized on
what society truly valued and paid the price of increased scrutiny as they amassed wealth
and fame.
In another sense, the lyrics of rap artists are born of the systemic disenfranchisement
felt by those who have been unable to secure the levels of adequate education, employment,
housing, and police protection afforded their upper income Caucasian counterparts. Thus,
in the case of rap, historic exclusion from social capital gave birth to a social construction
that coexists with the dominant culture, borrowing necessary aspects to progress, but
remaining grounded in a type of counter-culture.
RAP IN THE SCHOLARLY LITERATURE
The critique of hip-hop and rap has become a popular scholarly topic. Perkins' (1996)
edited book provides a historical analysis and attends to some of the controversies inherent
in the movement and the music-White artists, women as objects, derogatory language,
and promotion of debauchery. As an overview to some of these contestable points, many
of the essays in his book rely on outsider perceptions.
Despite the differential critiques of rap music and hip-hop culture, most discussions
of rap and/or hip-hip describe the musical and cultural expressiveness as: a monolithic
scourge on society contributing to the downfall of the "our" youth; a sociopolitical vehicle,
replete with possibilities of a postmodern Black community based revolution; or, an artistic
expression that can best be understood through academic microanalysis. These narrow
categories tend to prioritize the critics' and interpreters' voices rather than the artists
creating the objects for analysis-the lyrics.
A limited number of hip-hop and rap studies have examined rap as a social phenomenon manifesting the cultural resiliency of Black America. Examination of the integration
of African American discourse practices (e.g., African American language, semantic inversion) rap music is categorized by Smitherman (1997) as a, "cultural evolution of the
Black oral tradition and the construction of contemporary resistance rhetoric" (p. 21). She
highlights how rap demonstrates the intersecting lines between language, history, culture,
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and self within Black America. Further, Smitherman (1997) describes the contribution of
rap and hip-hop as a response to the noted author James Baldwin's (1992) challenge for
artists to disturb the peace. Given its popularity and economic profitability, one could
argue that rap music and its genre have been quite successful in fulfilling Baldwin request.
Dimitriadis (2001), Dyson (1995), hooks (1994), and Rose (1994), among others, collaboratively work with rappers to explore the deeper sociological significance of their messages.
Given society's treatment of children, particularly Black youngsters, these heuristic
approaches stand out. While Rose (1991) tends to analyze rap music and highlight its
connection to certain Black American traditions, she also pays attention to the social,
cultural, and artistic dimensions of the music and the movement. Similar to Potter (1995)
and Dyson (1995), Rose defends rap with a clearly defined heuristic framework including
the voices of the participants of whom she speaks. More recent works (see Dimitriadis,
2001), follow in Rose's ethnographic tradition to explore the effects of hip-hop on self
and communal identity formation. Rose does not give voice to the artists-a method
many researchers slip into when presenting their participants' perspective. Rather, she
provides a space in which their voices can be heard and appreciated by a normally critical
public-academe.
Some researchers have argued that society in some ways, needs rap music-no matter
how seemingly misogynous, hypermaterialistic, and hedonistic-to
illustrate cultural
norms of the urban poor. As hooks (1994) explains, a lack of critical evaluation of the
roots of rap music allows mainstream White culture to avoid challenging the culture of
violence it engenders. The point that gangsta rap is "a reflection of the prevailing values
in our society, values created and sustained by White supremacist capitalism patriarchy"
(hooks, 1994, p. 116), remains narrowly understood. The most well-meaning critiques
often limit themselves to intracultural commentaries. Controversies abound with respect
to White artist imitation of Black art (e.g., Beastie Boys, Vanilla Ice, Cyprus Hill, Eminem),
women as sex objects, derogatory language, blatant sexuality, and promotion of debauchery (see Perkins, 1996 for example), but fail to contextualize the real issues behind these
topics and hide behind academic jargon (see Potter, 1995).
As the current form of intergroup dialectic for the youth culture (Pinn, 1999), rappers
are the contemporary Black culture's griots (Smitherman, 1997). The culture of hip-hop
has become the nexus from which youth (particularly lower income Black youngsters)
can create their values, define their selfhood, and express their heightened consciousness
of violence and its implications against a social backdrop that has historically devalued
their color and contributions. Rappers, even the most graphic, often become cultural
ethnographers systematically silenced due to their social and cultural disenfranchisement
and further censored for describing the effects of their marginalization.
Rap and Hip-Hop artists have not waited for acceptance to embrace publications as
another means of challenging mainstream perceptions. Popular magazines (e.g. Vibe,
URB, XXL, The Source) and books provide a forum for artists to answer critics, voice
their positions and diversify their media empires. Several examples of books written by
rap artists include: "I Make My Own Rules (Parental Advisory)" by LL Cool J with Karen
Hunter (1998) published by Doherly, Tom Associates LLC;"Life & Def: Sex, Drugs, Money
& God", by Russell Simmons and Nelson George (2002) published by Crown Publishing
Group; Ladies First: Revelations of a Strong Woman" by Queen Latifah (1998) published
by Morrow, William and Company; and, "Fight the Power: Rap, Race & Reality" by
Chuck D. Chuck with Yusuf Jah (1998) published by Dell Publishing Company. Perhaps
one of the reasons artists branched into print media is because of the absence of ongoing
dialogues between rap artists and scholars.
The Journalof Negro Education
185
The majority of studies about rap music and its progeny are not collaborative efforts
between researchers (writers) and subject of the writing (rappers). Despite important
exceptions (Dyson, 1994, hooks, 1994; Rose, 1994; Smitherman, 1997), central to prevailing
research perspectives is the belief that youngsters are unfinished products, immature,
untrustworthy sources of data that can only be understood by their deficiencies (Alanen,
1994; Mandell, 1991; Oakley, 1994; Waksler, 1991). It is much easier to essentialize youth
and avoid attending to the diversity of childhood experiences. African American youth's
experiences and voices have been historically trivialized and homogenized into violent,
deficient, anti-intellectual characterizations. It is ironic that these seemingly voiceless
individuals have sufficient ability to create and maintain a multimillion-dollar industry.
As the subject of articles and books, it is little wonder that many of the young Black artists
look to rap music to express their developing consciousness and gain profit.
POLITICAL AND JUDICIAL SCRUTINY OF RAP
Anxiety associated with lyrics and gangsta rap in particular became a hot political
topic in the early 1990s. Gangsta rap's emergence and popularity coincided with national
elections and sparked what has now been termed a "cultural war." Incensed by the lyrics
of Ice T's song "Cop Killer" on the Time Warner label, police groups publicly advocated
divestiture of company stock. Boisterous condemnation also came from Former Republican
Congressman Newt Gingrich who suggested boycotts of radio stations that played
"vicious" music, which he identified specifically as rap music. Not to be left out of the
rising controversy, presidential candidate William Clinton denounced Sister Souljah lyrics
(Johnson, 1999; Ogbar, 1999).
In some ways, gangsta rap's profile rose significantly when it became the subject of
political rhetoric and referred to as the antithesis of "family values." One of the most
comprehensive hearings focusing on rap lyrics and its violent content was held in 1994.
The Senate Juvenile Justice Subcommittee (1994) convened hearings, entitled Shaping Our
Responses to Violent and Demeaning Imagery in Popular Music (p. 1). Testimony was heard
from members of Congress, professors, members of the recording industry, public health
professionals, and various advocate groups. While implying an interest in violence in
popular music, testimony was almost exclusively devoted to commentary on gangsta rap
lyrics and hip-hop culture.
Wisconsin Democratic Senator Herbert Kohl (1994) was careful to voice the Senate
Juvenile Justice Subcommittee's concern as the message conveyed in lyrics rather than
"the color of the messengers" (p. 1). This proclamation, however, appeared to be disingenuous, since overwhelmingly testimony focused on African American rap artists and their
music. No more than cursory references were made to heavy metal music or its content.
Not all persons who testified viewed rap from the same perspective. In his testimony
before the Senate Juvenile Justice Subcommittee, Dr. Robert Phillips (1994), Deputy Medical Director of the American Psychiatric Association reminded participants that rap was
merely the latest iteration of themes prevalent in popular culture. The problem was the
prevalence of poverty and the despair it nurtured. Further, while not condoning the
language, Congresswoman Maxine Waters (1994), a California Democrat, testified:
I don't encourage the use of obscenities. I just think we should stop pretending that we are hearing them
for the first time.... Let's not lose sight of what the real problem is. It is not the words being used. It is
the reality they are rapping about. (p. 3)
Despite calls for consideration of the underlying social inequities as the breeding ground
for discontent, participants such as Dr. C. Delores Tucker (1994), Chair of the National
Political Congress of Black Women, Inc., claimed that if unleashed, gangsta rap would
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"trigger a crime wave of epidemic proportions" (p. 11). Perhaps as researcher Michael
Eric Dyson (1995) pointed out, "Gangsta rap's greatest sin may be that it tells the truth
about practices and beliefs that rappers hold" (p. 3).
Some observers view rap music as a victim of over scrutiny (such as the aforementioned
hearing) precisely because it is a political commentary in its own right. Restated, rap
music is part of a political cultural movement (Arads, 1999), which some describe as a
civil and human rights activity. Another opinion holds, that lyrics serve as a form of
education, teaching Black youth a powerful lesson of "solidarity and emotional reinforcement" (Powell, 1991, p. 245). However, without critical consciousness of its impact and
potential, many of the listeners accept the described violence as normal in lower income
Black communities. This seems to serve the dominant culture well, shifting attention away
from equally disturbing musical forms and maintaining the images of the violent Black
community that cannot be assisted.
Claims that violent rap lyrics impair the judgment of youth are being used as a judicial
defense in court cases. In 1995, the Connecticut Supreme Court heard Morasciniv. Sullivan,
which dealt with the overzealous assignment of police officers to a 2 Live Crew concert.
The major issue in the case was the cost of the police assigned. The Commissioner of
Public Safety in Connecticut was accused of operationalizing his personal bias against
rap artists and the concert attendees (Scheffey, 1995).
Another example of judicial involvement with rap culture relates to the application
of the clear and present danger tests (CPD) as a defense. Supreme Court Justice Oliver
W. Holmes (as cited in Dow, 1998) believes that some language undermines democracy
and as such should be punished by government. CPD is a different premise than freedom
of speech, which presumes that negative words do not necessarily translate into lawless
behavior. A rap-related test of CPD came in the case of Ronald Howard. Mr. Howard
was listening to Tupac Shakur songs in his car when he was pulled over by a police
officer. Mr. Howard pulled out a semiautomatic weapon and murdered the investigating
officer at point blank range. In an attempt to avoid the death penalty (and apply the CPD
test), attorneys entered the defense that Mr. Howard's capacity to make a rational decision
had been diminished because of Tupac's lyrics (Dow, 1998). Using a, "the music made
me do it" defense did not work and Mr. Howard was sentenced to death. However, the
use of gangster rap lyrics as a force capable of diminishing the capacity of a listener lends
credence to the perception that rap lyrics promote and encourage violent behavior.
CAPITALISM AND RAP
Rather than detracting from the appeal of rap, the legal, legislative and media attention
may have fueled its popularity among America's youth. As a result, a music genre whose
beginnings were in garages and basements, and whose records were initially peddled from
the trunks of cars quickly turned into a multimillion-dollar industry (Stephaney, 1999).
As previously noted, the $1.8 million in music industry sales in 2000 account for only
rap music sales (Rose, 2001). Merchandise, publications, concerts, and movie revenues
reflect examples of the growing influence and profit potential associated with rap. African
American artists' creation of an innovative music form is not a contemporary phenomenon.
What is novel, however, is the progenitors of this new music form reap a significant
portion of the financial benefits their creativity has yielded. Blues, jazz, and rock and roll
reflected the heartaches and transformative personas of Americans of African descent.
James Brown's 1969 release "Say it loud, I'm Black and I'm Proud" became an anthem
of self-validation in the midst of a movement to secure civil rights. Miles Davis
(1960s-1980s) and John Coltrane (1950s-early 1960s) reflected the energy and complexity
The Journal of Negro Education
187
of urban life and mass migration. Unfortunately, more often than not, White entertainers
through imitation, distortion, or self-serving copyright filing, reaped the benefits at the
expense of Black innovators (Greene, 1999).
Conversely, young rap artists created their own companies (now empires) in their
garages, basements, and homes. Rap artists created distribution networks completely
outside of the White mainstream recording sector, which, once establish, were sold to
major corporate concerns. As such, the money that used to go exclusively to White
executives and producers now was and is in the pockets of the creators for the first time
in the history of African Americans musicians.
Rap recording artists, Rick Rubin and Russell Simmons' Def Jam, Dr. Dre and Suge
Knight's Death Row Records, and Sean "Puffy" Combs' (a.k.a. P. Diddy) Bad Boy Entertainment, and Master P's No Limit Records represent just a few of the rap artists turned
multimillionaire entrepreneurs (Considine, 1999; Stephaney, 1999). Another example is
Queen Latifah-one of the first female rappers to convert her early success into an empire.
Her label and talent agency, Flavor Unit Records and Flavor Unit Management, represent
artists and serve as a production company for other ventures. She has established herself
as an actress in films such as Set it Off and Living Out Loud, on the long-running sitcom
Living Single, and as a talk show host and author (Jamison, 1999).
REFLECTIONS
While not professing to be an exhaustive social, economic, legal, and political examination of rap music, this article sought to place rap music and its artists in a context rarely
seen in the literature. Exploring the prevailing literature and its shortcomings represent
only a first step. There is clearly a need to consider conditions that made youth frustrated
enough to create rap music. Rap music is America's child, bor of the inadequate remediation of social inequities. As offensive as some lyrics may be, they speak the "truth" as
constructed by an isolated Black urban youth culture in a land of plenty. Given the
pervasive exposure to violence and poverty in particular, it is reasonable to assume that
gangsta rappers might feel as Tupac, "It's just me against the world." Rap music deserves
in-depth study that engages the artists in dialogue because of its broad appeal, its influence,
the social ills lyrics bring to our attention and perhaps most importantly because rap artists
have demonstrated a type of integrity, which married entrepreneurship and creativity.
The pivotal hypocrisy is that this art form is disparaged without a critical evaluation
of society's role in creating this level of hopelessness. Amidst the despair, gangsta rap
breathes life into the inequities substantiated in statistical data and perpetrated against
Black urban youth. Within this framework, gangsta rap does not initiate violence. Instead,
the verbalizations of violence call attention to structural and cultural injustices of the
larger social system in America. In a broad sense, gangsta rap provides a much-needed
space in which the impoverished Black community can reshape itself (George, 1994).
Youth affinity for actual or fanaticized violence is a result of the collective failure of
our societal institutions including our government, businesses, families, social welfare
agencies, schools, and religious institutions (CDF, 2002b; Federal Interagency Forum on
Child and Family Statistics, 2000; CPYV, 2000).
Despite age, race, and gender discrimination rappers' success exemplifies an uncanny
ability to command the youth culture's attention and resources. Society may do well to
recognize the potency of Black youth culture evidenced through the hip-hop movement.
Instead of silencing their voices to which their peers are attentively listening, more
researchers and writers need to tap into the knowledge of the artists and engage in a
meaningful critical conversation. As pivotal members of the youth culture, many of the
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artists play crucial roles in shaping the future society's values, collective consciousness,
and cultural pursuits. If the economics of hip-hop culture are any indication, the social
marginalization and attack on rap music may create a new powerful group of disenfranchised, angry, monetarily, and politically influential citizens.
Until America comes to understand that violence in the form of poverty and deprivation
against children is an injustice to all, hope for curbing violence in the Black community
in a traditional sense seems unlikely. Relative to the artists, there is no denying that
rap music and the hip-hop culture have carried many impoverished Black youth to
unanticipated economic heights. Unfortunately, notoriety and economic mobility, notwithstanding, the general response to rap music has also allowed another Black youth culture
to mature without heightening their critical consciousness. That many of these artists
without formal musical training command both the throngs of concert goers and their
pocketbooks reflect the potential of Black youth. However, how the artists make sense of
their journeys as young African Americans in a society that historically and systematically
devalued their Blackness seems to be missing from conversations with and about the
artists. The absence of this question allows young rap artists to continue without reflection,
uncritical paths and indirectly endorses society's demonization of Black youth and culture.
There is a symbiosis between violent reactions in rap music and a culture that rewards
violent expressions. Writers, researchers, and scholars continue to be incensed by the
counter hegemonic dimensions of this new art form, elated that the music is a cultural
elixir for Black communities, or intellectually engaged in dismantling the lyrics in the
name of scholarship. Meanwhile the youth culture continues to create a music trajectory
replete with money, popularity, and fame. Dialogue with an emphasis on self-evaluation
seems conspicuously absent. It is precisely this point-this failure to facilitate a dialectical
approach to the evolution of and reaction to rap music and hip-hop-that allows our
youth to prioritize economic gain and fame over self-reflection and critical thinking. It is
the adultist society's rejection of anything related to African American youth culture that
allows youngsters to remain culturally insulated.
Rap music has drawn attention to the subjugated life and senseless violence the
mainstream culture attempts to normalize, and more importantly, rap and its progeny
have served as an emancipatory tool allowing Black urban youth previously systematically
silenced, to name the injustices of poverty and their subjugation. In the end, to liberate
ourselves from the diseased culture of violence, we must refuse to accept it and seek
alternative songs of transformation, empowerment, and self-determination.
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