Built and Natural Environment Research Papers

Transcription

ISSN 1756-2473
Built and
Natural
Environment
Research
Papers
Spatial planning in the age of Globalization
Combining conservation and community development: An example
from Málaga, Spain
carbon urban neighbourhoods
The scalar politics of economic planning
Improving building performance through integrating constructability
in the design process
Oolitic limestone and marine sandstone gravel aggregate, early life
concrete and aggregate freeze/thaw test for durability
The Architectural Technologist’s Role in Integrated Design
The transition from CAD to BIM within architectural practices: The
individual and resistance to change
Uptake of bim and ipd within the uk aec industry: the evolving role of
the architectural technologist
2011 Volume 4 pages 149–286
Built and Natural Environment
Research Papers
2011 Volume 4, No. 2, pages 149–286
Editorial Consultant: David Greenwood
Editor: Emine M Thompson
Associate Editors: Gill Davidson, Paul Greenhalgh
Editorial Assistant: Jem Pendlington
Editorial Board
Alan Richardson
Barry Gledson
Bob Giddings
Chris Underwood
Elaine Paterson
Kate Theobold
Kathryn Coventry
Michael Barke
Sarra Walker
Minnie Fraser
Paul Ring
Paula Bleanch
Peter Glaves
Rachel Kirk
Tim Howarth
Victor Samwinga
Purpose of the Built and Natural Environment Research Papers
The aim of this Journal is to provide an opportunity
for preliminary publication of material that is in
progress, or likely to be developed further in the future.
Contributors will primarily be members of staff of
Northumbria University School of the Built and Natural
Environment and its partner organisations. Articles are
welcome in any discipline (or interdisciplinary fields)
relating to the Built and Natural Environment.
Enquiries should be made to
[email protected].
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322253J/07/12
Contents
Editorial................................................................................................... 151
Spatial planning in the age of Globalization ............................................ 153
Peter J Taylor
Combining conservation and community development: An example from
Málaga, Spain.......................................................................................... 169
Michael Barke
Community energy solutions: Involving residents in developing low-carbon
urban neighbourhoods............................................................................. 179
Gill Davidson, Kate Theobald and Sara Walker
The scalar politics of economic planning.................................................. 192
Lee Pugalis and Alan R. Townsend
Improving building performance through integrating constructability
in the design process................................................................................. 208
Ayman Ahmed Ezzat Othman
Oolitic limestone and marine sandstone gravel aggregate, early life concrete
and aggregate freeze/thaw test for durability............................................ 230
Alan. E. Richardson, Kawin Hemapanpairo, Thotsaphorn Sae-Tae, Nipat Puthipad
The Architectural Technologist’s Role in Integrated Design...................... 238
Jason Braithwaite and Paula Bleanch
The transition from CAD to BIM within architectural practices: The
individual and resistance to change.......................................................... 254
Laura Robson and Michelle Littlemore1
Uptake of bim and ipd within the uk aec industry: the evolving role of the
architectural technologist......................................................................... 275
Peter James Morton and Emine Mine Thompson
Built and Natural Environment Research Papers • Vol. 4 No. 2, 2011
149
Editorial
Welcome to another eclectic mix of research papers relating to the Built and Natural Environment.
Scanning through all the issues since 2008 in order to write my final editorial, made me realize that
with an expanding number of authors and reviewers the journal has left its infancy. Under the inaugural
editorship of Dr. Udechukwu Ojiako, this working papers series made it possible for so many colleagues
to share their work in a mutually supportive environment. The aim of the Journal, as was outlined by the
Dean of the School, Stephen Hodgson in his foreword for the first issue, was to showcase some of the
research and writing that is going on in and around the School, and to nurture it in an environment that
is constructively critical, yet supportive for those who have not published before. It has enabled, not just
authors, but also those who aspire to academic refereeing and editorial work, to gain experience in these
areas. I took over the editorship three years ago and have edited five issues –one as a guest editor. During
this period the editorial team has gained two associate editors, Gill Davidson and Dr. Paul Greenhalgh
whom I enjoyed working with and learnt a lot from. It is our belief that this group work has been
successful. Over the years we have had editorial assistance from Elaine Ryder, Andrew Pearce, and Jem
Pendlington, which has been vital for the success and continuity of the Journal. We believe that robust
editorial assistance will make the journal even stronger.
I firmly believe that we have achieved the initial aims of the journal. Since 2008 there have been
several structural changes at different levels in the University, in the School and in the overall academic
environment, and the focus of the School journal has managed to adapt itself to these changes, with the
modifications to its name in 2009 and 2010; I believe we have now established a brand that does what
it says what on the cover. By providing open online access, the School journal followed the change in
the publication ethos of many other journals and now gives open access to everybody via its website.
With guidance from Professor David Greenwood, the journal published its first Special Issue in 2011
publishing selected papers from an international conference.
It can be said that this issue has an overall “technology” theme across most of the papers and starts
with a paper from Professor Peter Taylor titled “Spatial Planning in the Age of Globalisation” where
Prof. Taylor shares his views on how the public sector requires to catch up with the data needs of
the current complex cities by monitoring dynamic knowledge. The second paper is by Dr. Mike Barke
titled “Combining Conservation and Community Development: an Example from Málaga, Spain”. In
this paper Dr. Barke showcases the study of the impact of changing architectural conservation policy
in Andalucía, southern Spain. Gill Davidson, Dr. Kate Theobald and Dr. Sara Walker reveal the finding
of a pilot study on Low-Carbon Neighbourhoods in their paper entitled “Community energy solutions:
involving residents in developing low-carbon urban neighbourhoods”. “The scalar politics of economic
planning” paper, by Lee Pugalis and Alan R. Townsend, is based on national monitoring of policy shifts
and draws upon participatory observation as an instrument to enrich more formal policy narratives.
In the following paper, Justin Ee, Dr. Udechukwu Ojiako, Prof. David Wainwright and Prof. David
Greenwood investigate technology acceptance with regards to mobile communications tools in the
Construction industry entitled “Mobile Communications use and adoption in the construction industry:
An exploratory study”. Dr. Ayman Otham’s paper “Constructability for Reducing Construction Waste
Continued overleaf
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December 2011
and Improving Building Performance” aims to investigate the integration of construction knowledge
and contractor’s experience in the design process as an approach for improving building performance.
The following papers belong to a series of student work. The first one of these is “Freeze/ Thaw Test on
Oolitic Limestone Aggregate/Sub Base” by Dr. Alan. E. Richardson, Kawin Hemapanpairo, Thotsaphorn
Sae-Tae, Nipat Puthipad, investigating the freeze/thaw resistance of Oolitic limestone itself and when
used as a coarse aggregate in concrete. The students, Kawin Hemapanpairo, Thotsaphorn Sae-Tae, Nipat
Puthipad came here to Northumbria University from Thammasat University, Rangsit, in Thailand to
carry out a lab based research project and following this project, further consultancy work was carried
out by the Northumbria Lab staff to determine the suitability of Oolite when used in construction.
The following papers are the outcome of undergraduate student dissertations. All the students who
achieved to convert their dissertations were also acclaimed awards for their studies here in Northumbria
University. The paper entitled “The Architectural Technologist’s Role in Integrated Design” by Jason
Braithwaite and Paula Bleanch investigates the architectural technology discipline, in relation to
integrated design, touching upon changing roles and responsibilities in the Construction Industry. Laura
Robson and Michelle Littlemore focus on Building Information Modelling and resistance to change
in their paper entitled “The Transition from CAD to BIM within Architectural Practices: Resistance To
Change”. Finally Peter J. Morton and Dr. Emine Mine Thompson seek to identify the benefits of using
Building Information Modelling enabled Integrated Project Delivery, and further identifying what effect
this will have on the future roles of the Architectural Technologist (AT) in their paper entitled “Uptake
Of BIM and IPD Within The UK AEC Industry: The Evolving Role of The Architectural Technologist”.
The next issue of the journal is another Special Issue focusing on Architecture and I am pleased to
confirm that it is looking very promising. Gill Davidson has already started to work on this issue and I am
sure many of you will help Gill in this endeavour by providing the papers and/or the reviews.
Special thanks go to Professor David Greenwood for his continued help and support for the Journal.
Many thanks for the opportunity and it is time for somebody else to carry the flag and dip into the
publication world. I shall be watching this journal continue to grow with pride.
Dr. Emine Mine Thompson
December 2011.
152
Key Note:
Spatial planning in the age of
Globalization
Peter J Taylor1
ABSTRACT
Globalization exacerbates the tensions between geography and planning as reflected
in contemporary strategic spatial planning. The first question for any planning exercise
is to decide what can be planned and what cannot. Using the economic work of Jane
Jacobs on the complexity of cities, it is argued that cities cannot be planned. This is
described both generically and specifically for contemporary globalization. Thus the
tasks of spatial planning are enabling through infrastructure insertions and, above all,
detailed, continuous monitoring to nurture the ecology of the city as job supplier and
wealth creator.
Keywords : city networks, complexity, globalization, Jane Jacobs, spatial planning
Planners today need not a close-up lens or a wide-angle lens but a wide-angle zoom lens. They need to
be able to see the big picture as well as the parts close up; and even if they are not trained to design the
parts themselves, they need to know how all those parts fit together. (Campanella 2011, 151)
INTRODUCTION
The advent of economic globalization has encouraged a rethinking of geographical scales in public
policy and this is most explicitly expressed in the invention of a new ‘spatial planning’. Such planning
aspires to recognise large-scale spatial structures, typically trans-jurisdictional, that are more attuned
to contemporary policy needs. Drawing on Gottmann’s (1961) ‘megalopolis’ and Doxiadis’ (1967)
‘ecumenopolis’ defining multiple city regions, such geographical strategic initiatives have more recently
been codified by the European Commission in their ‘Economic Spatial Development Perspective’ (ESDP)
(Faludi 2002a). The European Union remains the leading institution employing spatial planning (Faludi
2002b), although similar ideas can be found in Pacific Asia (Choe 1998), and it is currently being
promoted in the USA by the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy and the Regional Plan Association of New
York (Carbonell et al 2008). Although very functional in nature, the resulting spatial representations are
1
School of Built and Natural Environment, Northumbria University Newcastle upon Tyne, NE1 8ST, UK
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December 2011
intrinsically simple, which is a serious limitation. There has always been a tension between geography’s
concern for spatial detail (place) and the sparse strategic mappings of planners, and it is the thesis of
this paper that the tension has become accentuated in the age of globalization. Contemporary spatial
planning is faced with the rise of complex city networks of global dimensions that no simple ‘up-scaling’
of policy can deal with adequately.
Reading Jane Jacobs as an urban and economic geographer (Lawrence 2011, 16, 19), her assault on
modernist city planning in the classic ‘The Death and Life of Great American Cities’ (Jacobs 1961), and
the debates it engendered, can be interpreted as the most influential episode of the perennial geographyplanning tension. Championing people and neighbourhoods against cars and bulldozers she is generally
considered to have precipitated a paradigm- shift in city planning (Page and Mennel 2011). I regard
today’s geography-planning tension to be as serious as the one she revealed half a century ago. To
explicate this latest tension I use her later works on economics (Jacobs 1969, 1984, 2000) that continue
concern for cities and locates them at the centre of economic development. She treats cities as the basic
entities through which economies expand; they are special settlements and their ‘differentia specifica’
is inherent complexity. This harks back to the famous last chapter of Death and Life on ‘The kind of
problem a city is’ (Jacobs 1960, 442) for which she has been identified as one of the key pioneers in
bringing complexity theory into social analysis (Allen 1997, 2005). It is the complexity of cities in
globalization that faces the practice of spatial planning today.
I start from the position that the first question for planners in any context should be: what can be planned
and what cannot be planned? In the case of spatial planning I put cities into the latter category.
A DOUBLE DOSE OF COMPLEXITY: HOW DO WE MAKE SENSE OF
CONTEMPORARY ‘HYPER-COMPLEXITY’?
Of course, I am by no means the first to indicate that the complexity of cities fits uneasily with conventional
ideas on urban planning. For instance, one of Jacobs’ followers in urban economics has recently written
the following critique.
‘Planning implies rationality and the efficient choice of means to a consciously chosen end. But
as the scale of the planner’s ambition grows from a single building to districts to entire cities,
rationality and efficiency transform from useful benchmarks for decision making into weapons
of mass destruction. Any attempt to impose a particular vision of rationality on urban life,
whether inspired by the car and Euclidean geometry or the pedestrian and the ethos of early
twentieth century New England, will confront this problem. That is why architects tend to
make bad urban planners.’ (Ikeda 2010, 24)
My position mirrors this argument except that I do not particularly target architects. And this generic city
complexity has been recently compounded and enhanced by contemporary globalization with its myriad
of transnational relations that nobody can ignore, including planners from whatever ilk.
How planners are responding to complexity and globalization
Of course, writers on planning issues have responded to this situation. A leading scholar on ‘planning
theory’, Patsy Healy, sums up the situation admirably:
‘the “places” of cities and urban areas cannot be understood as integrated unities with a
singular driving dynamic, contained within clearly defined spatial boundaries. They are instead
complex constructions created by the interaction of actors in multiple networks who invest in
material projects and who give meaning to qualities of places. These webs of relations escape
analytical attempts to “bound them”.’ (Healy 2007, 2)
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Keynote: Spatial planning in the age of Globalization
This is what I mean by a double dose of complexity confronting planners today: not only are cities
generically complex but also they are now enmeshed within increasing complex globalization processes.
Thus she concludes
‘It is widely recognised that the development of urban areas, understood in socio-economic
and environmental terms, cannot be “planned” by government action in a linear way, from
intention to plan, to action, to outcome as planned.’ (Healy 2007, 3)
So where do we go from here?
Newman and Thornley (2005) in their text ‘Planning World Cities’ have attempted to answer this
question. However they approach the situation inductively by describing how planners in major cities
across the world are responding to globalization and its supposed enhancement of city competition. The
upshot is less than four pages devoted to ‘Creative planning in a complex world’ (pp. 273-77) only at
the very end on the book. Here the complexity of economic globalization is recognised and planning is
seen to cope with it quite well:
‘Strategic plans interpret global forces, and can act as vehicles to manage different spatial
responses to globalization and promote particular visions of a city’s global role.’ (Newman and
Thornley 2005, 276)
Thus they are able to conclude their book with a statement that appears to contradict Healy above:
‘It would seem that the idea of the plan could become increasingly important in the future both
for the role it might play in global intercity competition and for its potential in extracting the
greatest benefits for local citizens.’ (Newman and Thornley 2005, 277)
But actually Healy (2007) turns out to offer arguments not so dissimilar to Newman and Thornley: after
her insightful introduction, she adopts a similar inductive approach focusing on case studies of planning
processes in economically successful cities such as Cambridge city-region. The message is that planning
has to change to accommodate globalization but its practice is adaptable and amenable to the task.
I think this response to the double dose of complexity is far too optimistic. Nigel Thrift (1999) has
famously referred to contemporary globalization as a blizzard, myriad upon myriad of flows encompassing
information, commodities and people. It is the sheer magnitude of this ‘global spaces of flows’ that is so
daunting; it reflects a degree of social complexity that is hard to contemplate let alone understand. One
role of the Globalization and World Cities (GaWC) Research Network has been to try and make sense
of this through measuring inter-city business relations. In Figure 1 inter-city linkages for 175 firms across
the leading 50 world cities are depicted precisely to show this complexity: an immensely complicated
picture results for even such a very small part of all globalization flows. Respecting this complexity, my
starting point encompasses two initial related positions.
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December 2011
Figure 1 Inter-city Business Relations of the Leading 50 cities in 2008
Urban and regional planning in conditions of complex globalization
Whatever field of work we are operating in, dealing with a social blizzard is challenging. But it is especially
so for spatial planners with their responsibility for ordering bounded places. This traditional concern for
place appears at odds with complex globalization. Whereas new ‘network economic players’ such as in
the media, finance, logistics and information industries, are making spaces of flows in their routine work
practices, in the public sector work remains largely wedded to acting within fixed boundaries.
The fact that the local and the global are intimately related has led to coining the term ‘glocalization’
but it is by no means clear how this concept can be harnessed by place-based policymakers. To be sure it
recognises that we should not think of globalization as being ‘out there’ beyond the boundary, but there
still remains an ‘inside’ and an ‘outside’ in terms of where responsibility, power and concern is directed.
Such a topological frame is the very obverse of complex globalization; blizzards are no respecters of
boundaries!
The key point goes beyond the spatiality of complexity: the complexity itself is a product of private
actors and this must be fully appreciated in public spatial policymaking.
Finding the relevant meaningful level of simplification
But we cannot just throw our arms in the air and bewail the complexity. All contemporary citizens’ lives
are constructed through spaces of flows and it is a betrayal of our innate humanity to give up and accept
our lot. If the fates of the places where we live are in the many hidden hands of globalization it will be
because we have not challenged such a situation.
In order to be subjects in globalization rather than objects of globalization we must respect the complexity
confronting us while simultaneously searching out our manoeuvrability within it. This means building
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a framework of simplification that maintains the critical character of complex globalization but which
can be a feasible basis for action. The key question is what degree of simplification can be relevant to
place-based policymaking while remaining meaningful in terms of the global spaces of flows? The trick
is to focus on process – which brings cities to centre stage – and then translate back to places as dynamic
outcomes of process.
The key point is that before the specifics of any city policy is considered, there has to be generic
understanding of what is going on.
GENERICS: HOW DO CITIES WORK?
Both Jane Jacobs (1969) and Manual Castells (1996), at different times, and with differing theoretical
perspectives, insist that cities are best understood as process. This is not to demean traditional
understanding as places, but it does assert that to comprehend how cities work, they have to be understood
first as process. Personally, I have found this insight the major stimulus to my work in urban studies.
‘Cities as process’ means focussing on an ordered pattern of mechanisms that encapsulate the main
features of what it is to be a city. From among the myriad city mechanisms I follow Jacobs and privilege
the expansion of economic life that occurs in and through cities. Figure 2 illustrates my interpretation of
Jacobs as a relevant and meaningful simplification of complexity as represented by cities. This is a generic
treatment of ‘city-ness’ that will ultimately serve to make sense of the specificity that is contemporary
cities in globalization
Cities as concentrations of work: both old and new
In this interpretation cities are considered to be first and foremost concentrations of work – the initial
question to be asked of any city is what work is done here? Other important elements like architecture
or culture are deemed to derive from this materialist stance.
According to Jacobs (1969) city work divides into two types. ‘Old work’ is continuing production of
work that has been carried on for some time. “New work’ is production taken in new directions. These
definitions are all very obvious but the implications of the division are vital. A city economy grows
through additional work; if this is more old work the city’s division of labour stays the same; if there is
new work the city’s division of labour becomes more complex. It is this increasing complexity that marks
out a city: Jacobs defines a city as a process where new work increases economic complexity (which she
calls the expansion of economic life to distinguish it from simple economic growth). It is this process that
Figure 2 attempts to capture as different formations within the process that is ‘city-ness’.
City clusters formation
The formation of city clusters of work is the centralizing mechanism in the process we call city-ness (Figure
2). There has been a large literature developed on this mechanism in which two different emphases can
be found. The question is whether the importance of clusters is due to like-firms being located together
or whether it is the propinquity of many firms from different economic sectors that sparks economic
expansion. Edward Glaeser and his colleagues (1992) have shown the latter to be the case, which it is
why we call the process city-ness.
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December 2011
Figure 2 A Generic Model of City-ness
Cities are knowledge-rich milieu with associated divisions of talented labour that provide the raw
materials for creating new work via innovation and imitation. This is where cities get their reputation as
the dynamos of economic development able to lead their regions into relative prosperity. This key aspect
of city-ness is described by Fujita and Thisse (2002).
City network formation
But no city is an island, in the past or today. The dynamism of cities depends also on their relations with
other cities producing flows of knowledge, commodities and people that give cities their cosmopolitan
nature. Thus the formation of city networks is the expansive mechanism in city-ness (Figure 2).
The knowledge-rich milieu that are cities is equally the product of a city’s connectivity, within city
networks, as its economic clusters: all dynamic cities are cosmopolitan. Therefore in this argument the
external relations of cities are weighted equally with their internal relations. This is a position originally
emphasized in GaWC research, which we now consider to be generic (Taylor et al 2010b). The corollary
of this is that cities are inherently cooperative – the mutuality of networks – with city competition being
a contingent relation (depending on time and place). This key aspect of city-ness is described by Taylor
(2004) and illustrated in Taylor et al (2010a)
City-region formation
This mutuality extends to a city’s immediate region where a city-regional economy is created. Jacobs
(1984) uses this scale to introduce the power of cities to mould their surroundings to their needs. She
identifies five ‘great forces’ that derive from dynamic city economies: (i) enlarged city markets (size and
variety); (ii) more and varied jobs (new work); (iii) increased transplants of city work (old work); (iv)
new uses of technology; and (v) growth of city capital.
In the city-region the five forces act together to create balanced growth: markets stimulate new food
158
production; technology, while creating new divisions of labour at the centre, leads to out-sourcing (old
work) in the region as transplanted work; and all of this provides opportunities for city capital. The key
point is that the forces reinforce one another in a positive manner to develop a viable regional economy
integrated with the core city economy (Figure 1). This increasingly important aspect of city-ness as megacity regions is described in Hall and Pain (2006).
World-supply regional formation
Beyond city-regional economies, the five great forces act singly and therefore negatively to generate a
city’s world-supply regions (Jacobs 1984). Because the economic forces do not reinforce each other, they
create simple regional economies at the mercy of distant and complex city economic process. This is what
Gunder Frank (1969) famously called the ‘development of underdevelopment’, a metropole-satellite
system that has created a core-periphery structured world-economy.
Jacobs (1984) extends Frank’s model to five distinctive mechanisms producing world-supply regions for
(i) primary goods (agricultural and raw materials) on market demand; (ii) secondary and tertiary goods
(manufacturing, routine information) via transplants (including outsourcing); (iii) providing labour via
the ‘pull’ of city jobs (labour sheds); (iv) providing labour via push factors consequent on technology
(population clearances); and (v) generating large-scale projects as ways of absorbing surplus capital (e.g.
building dams). In all cases vulnerable, dependent regions are created with simple economies that Jacobs
calls ‘economic grotesques’ (Figure 2). This directly feeds into world-systems critiques of development
theory and practice as developed by Wallerstein (1991) and illustrated in Taylor (2006).
Specialist supply formation
Jacobs (1969, 1984) does not just identify simple economies in the exploited supply regions of the world,
she notes their occurrence nearer to home. These are places that specialize in one or a few products
that make them economically vulnerable relative to more complex cities. As such they fail to grow and
are especially prone to catastrophic decline. She gives several examples of such ‘deindustrialization’ but
contemporary Detroit would seem be the greatest example of all time. But there are also urban places
that are highly specialised but rather more resilient for functional and institutional reasons. Unlike world
supply regions they have a mutual relation with complex cities whilst still being dependent on them for
their economic wellbeing. Five examples are included in Figure 1.
The obvious example is urban places that specialize in logistics: hubs for the spaces of flows that are
essential to all cities. Seaports and railway towns are the common examples of settlements that have not
grown their economies beyond warehousing and infrastructure maintenance to become complex cities.
In contemporary globalization many such places are being integrated into mega-city regions.
University towns are a second category: their perennial ‘town-gown conflicts’ reflect the domination
of the higher education institution at the expense of all other work. They supply knowledge to more
complex cities in the form by training professional and scientific labour.
Officially in Europe all places with cathedrals are ‘cities’ and some of these can be very small. They
supply spiritual services to more complex cities. Their lack of growth (another ‘town-gown conflict’) is
similar to the university situation.
There are also towns that specialise in politics: capital cities that are small compared to the other cities
they rule. This is common in US states where ten state capitals have less than 100,000 population but
it is also found in sovereign state capitals as compromises between competing cities to supply ‘neutral’
political services.
Finally I include centres for leisure/entertainment activities from eighteenth century spas to nineteenth
century seaside resorts to today’s heritage places and gambling centres. Susceptible to changing fashions,
nevertheless these ‘one-trick towns’ do flourish over generations through supply of social fun.
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December 2011
Of course, there are many examples of cities breaking out of these specializations but many mutual
specialist urban places remain. They have specific planning needs separate from complex cities and I do
not consider them further here.
My contention is that Figure 2 represents a minimum of city understanding; a level of simplification that
respects the complexity while providing a basis for urban and regional policy making.
SPECIFICS: CITIES IN GLOBALIZATION
In this section I apply these generic insights on how cities work to the specific case of cities in globalization.
The process that is contemporary cities will adhere to the previous relations in particular ways. Thus I
interpret the large literature that has accumulated on world and global cities in Jacobs’ terms.
Given the new scale of operation, the one thing we might confidently expect would be an accentuation
of the importance of the external relations of cities. The network mechanism has been a focus of GaWC
work (Taylor 2004), (Table 1), but it is important to appreciate that this still operates within the overall
Jacobs model of dynamic cities. It remains one of four key elements of cities as process and will be treated
as such in what follows.
Globalization as network society: spaces of flows
Since Castells (1996) adheres to Jacobs’ notion of cities as process it is with his work on globalization
that we begin. He provides the basic spatial framework for understanding contemporary globalization
through his designation of network society superseding industrial society. In this new informational
world the production of space has been revolutionalized. Whereas industrial society was created through
spaces of places, notably the international mosaic that is the world political map, network society is
constituted as spaces of flows, as exemplified by global financial markets.
The contemporary dominance of spaces of flows is the result of the combining of the computer and
communication industries in the 1970s. This provided the means for replacing the need for contiguity
in social relations through simultaneous communication at a distance. This did not herald the end of the
importance of face-to-face meetings but it did enable new expansive levels of control in the economic
organization of production. In this way international spaces of places were challenged by transnational
spaces of flows.
City cluster formation
This dispersion of production required a centralization of organization (Sassen 1994) which Friedmann
(1986) termed command and control centres. This was a new knowledge industry that organized the new
global division of labour. This new world city power is indicated in Table 1 in terms of ranking the top
20 global business centres in 2008.
One key feature that Sassen (1991) particularly emphasized was the importance of advanced producer
services in contemporary globalization. The command and control in what she termed new ‘global cities’
relied upon financial, professional and creative services to augment their headquarter functions. Services
such as inter-jurisdictional law projects and global advertising concept projects helped globalizing
firms negotiate globalization. Cities became both markets for these customised services as well as their
production centres. This was a classic case of new work creating economic expansion through dynamic
cities.
City network formation
The advanced producer service firms not only expanded in their home cities in the 1980s and 1990s, they
also expanded externally through the development of large office networks to service their worldwide
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clients. In this way their routine work practices create a world city network: it is the service firms who
are the network makers interlocking cities through their work (Taylor 2001, 2004).
The measurement of the world city network has been a key contribution of the Globalization and
World Cities (GaWC) Research Network (www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc) to understanding network society.
It has helped put mutuality between cities back on the research agenda in a literature dominated by
city competition. But these service firms are not the only world city makers: for instance, the media
industry has also created much new work through globalization. In Table 2 media firms are combined
with advanced producer service firms to create a ranking of the network power of cities in 2008.
Table 1 City Place Power: the Top 20 Cities, 2008
RankCity
1Tokyo
2
New York
CPP
100,00
82,44
3London
81,50
4Paris
69,20
5Chicago
33,90
6Houston
33,42
31,33
7
Los Angeles
8Washington 29,04
9Madrid
27,18
10Toronto
26,70
11Seoul
25,51
12Dallas
24,08
13Atlanta
23,21
14Beijing
22,76
15
21,46
16Stockholm
21,17
17
20,74
18Osaka
20,29
19Sydney
18,27
20Boston
18,26
San Jose (CA)
San Francisco
Source: Taylor et al (2010b)
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Table 2 City Network Power: the top 20 Cities, 2008
RankCity
1
New York
2London
3
Hong Kong
CNP
100,00
95,55
81,37
4Paris
75,46
5Tokyo
73,51
6Singapore
72,45
7Shanghai
68,16
8Beijing
66,40
9Milan
65,97
10Sydney
65,33
11Madrid
63,37
12Seoul
62,98
13Moscow
59,88
14Toronto
59,06
15Mumbai
56,38
16
17Brussels
55,74
18Chicago
54,13
19
20Bangkok
Taipei city
Kuala Lumpur
55,87
53,17
52,72
Source: Taylor et al (2010b)
City-region formation
One prominent feature of the world city literature has been a return of interest in city regions (Scott
2000). In particular, multi-nodal mega-city regions have become a well-researched topic; the Pearl River
Delta urban region, including both Hong Kong and Guangzhou, has become the archetype of such megacity regions (Castells 1996).
GaWC contributed to this research initially via Peter Hall’s POLYNET project that compared eight major
city regions in North West Europe (Hall and Pain 2006). Using methodologies developed for city network
measurement, this research identified two types of multi-nodal, mega-city region: (i) connected dynamic
nodes within an otherwise non-expansionary region and (ii) diffusion of city dynamism out from the
main centre across the region. The latter pertains to a Jacobs’ mechanism of positive city effects and was
found to be strong in the London and Paris city-regions (Table 3). This tendency for the mechanism to be
associated with the more important cities has been confirmed by new studies of Germany and UK cities.
In the former, Jacobs’ mechanisms were found in Munich, Dusseldorf, Frankfurt, Munich and Stuttgart
but not in the other 17 German city regions (Table 4). In the UK, contrasting the London city-region with
Manchester city-region (Taylor et al 2009), the differences are stark (Table 5).
162
Table 3North West Europe: Polycentricity for Different Geographical Scales
by Mega City-Region
MEGA
CITY-REGION
gradient
Regional National EuropeanGlobal Scale
Scale ScaleScale Scaledecline
RhineRuhr
0.87 0.750.39 0.36-0.189
The Randstad
0.63 0.690.36 0.36-0.114
Central Belgium
0.56 0.560.20 0.19-0.147
Northern Switzerland
0.50 0.390.17 0.17-0.121
Paris Region
0.47 0.380.25 0.27-0.073
Greater Dublin
0.44 0.210.03 0.02-0.144
Rhine Main
0.43 0.150.07 0.06-0.119
South East England
0.41
0.41
0.27
0.24
-0.065
Source: Hall and Pain (2006)
(Note: figures measure polycentricity at four different scales; the last column measures the decline in
polycentricity with increased scale showing the distinctiveness of the Paris and London regions).
Table 4 Relative changes in service connectivity, 2002-2009:
German metropolitan city hinterlands
Metropolitan regions with
strong hinterland growth
moderate hinterland growth
weak hinterland growth
Dusseldorf
Cologne
Aachen
Munich
Hamburg
Berlin
Rhine-Main
Hannover
Bielefeld
Stuttgart
Leipzig
Bremen
Nuremberg
Chemnitz
Wuppertal
Dresden
Karlsruhre
Rhine-Neckar
Ruhr
SaarBrucken
Source: from the doctoral research of Anna Growe
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Table 5 Comparing London and Manchester City-regions
London City-Region
Manchester City-Region
City/town
UK conn.
City/town
UK conn.
London
1.00
Manchester
0.71
Reading
0.30
Leeds
0.66
Southampton
0.26
Liverpool
0.30
Cambridge
0.26
Sheffield
0.18
Milton Keynes
0.21
Warrington
0.06
Crawley-Gatwick
0.17
Preston
0.06
St Albans
0.15
Chester
0.05
Brighton
0.12
Guilford
0.11
Oxford
0.10
Bournemouth
0.10
Swindon
0.10
Maidstone
0.09
Slough
0.09
Basingstoke
0.09
Bedford
0.08
High Wickham
0.07
Portsmouth
0.07
Luton
0.07
Chelmsford
0.07
Bury St Edmonds
0.06
Epsom
0.06
Tunbridge Wells
0.06
Fareham
0.05
Source: Taylor et al (2009)
(Note: UK conn refers to UK-scale network connectivities based upon advanced producer firms. All
places with connectivities above 0.05 are included. In the Manchester region the following places are
thus excluded: Blackburn, Bradford, Bolton, Huddersfield, Wigan and York)
World-supply regional formation
All five forces emanating from dynamic cities are found in contemporary globalization: (i) primary supply
regions still suffer the ‘curse of resources’ throughout inter-tropical Africa and in tropical rain forests
of Latin America and Asia; (ii) secondary and tertiary supply regions are to be found in Latin America
and Asia as sweatshops and as outsourced services; (iii) the pull of dynamic cities creates immigration
politics in the ‘global north’ centred on labour and housing; (iv) the de-peasantization of the rural world
continues apace feeding massive ‘mega-cities’ in the ‘global south’; and (v) non-urban large projects
continue to be seen as development tools while feeding city capital.
164
The obvious question arises as to how to break free from this pernicious set of mechanisms. Amin
(1990) has famously promoted ‘delinking’ but this has the potential of cutting off these regions from
the possibility of city-based economic expansion. Jacobs (1984) argues that ‘backward cities need one
another’ implying breaking the pernicious links and replacing them with new city mutualities. It would
seem that this is only possible for cities within a single large state: contemporary China is the archetypal
example.
IMPLICATIONS FOR SPATIAL PLANNING
The tension between planning and geography has never been so critical. The nub of my argument, the
goal towards which all the previous material has been leading, is that if we accept the inherent complexity
of cities in globalization and agree that a Jacobs’ style simplification is relevant and meaningful, then
what does this mean for spatial planning?
My argument particularly pertains to the more ambitious end of the planning process where a holistic
approach to cities is aspired to. Such modernist visions were the targets of Jane Jacobs, and could lead to
disastrous policies as she and her followers have been stressing since 1960. Of course, most planning is
not so high-minded and deals with problems in a sectoral manner. What complexity means in this context
is to be aware that all interventions will likely have unexpected consequences. Thus a housing policy
may have its intended positive effect in terms of improved dwellings but at the same time might stymie
important micro-economic processes, as Jacobs famously illustrated. Such problems may be reasonably
dealt with using ordinary foresight and common sense once the complex nature of the city is understood.
This might be the ‘creative planning’ that, as previously noted, Newman and Thornley (2005) have called
for. But there still remains the fact that the key agents of change in cities are private sector firms; they are
the makers of city-ness as both positive and negative effects in terms of economic change. It is this that
implies traditional place-based planning has little future in complex city-centred globalization. In this
final section I highlight two ways in which public policy has a role to play, one traditional (sectoral) and
commonplace, the other somewhat rarer and, I will argue, particularly necessary.
Enabling through complexity: infrastructure and logistics
Complexity is all about unexpected consequences that stymie simple planning. There was a time when
‘urban systems’ thinking was thought to be sufficient through its feedback loops but this was always a
very limited and constrained way to model the external relations of cities. However, there was one set
of results that did seem to be predictable: every time a traffic problem was ‘solved’ by building a new
road, the latter soon got clogged up just like the old road it was planned to relieve. A common reaction
to this predicament was to argue against new roads since they did not solve the problem. A second, more
subtle, interpretation is that what such findings reveal are a pent up demand for new infrastructure that
is impeding economic expansion.
The latter position melds with the general point that the dynamism of cities is dependent upon its
infrastructural and logistic advantages (e.g. Capello 2000). This is supported by Jacobs (1984) when she
argues that a historical sign for a dynamic city is always a rise in contemporary complaints about the
limitations of infrastructure: economic expansion is being held back. Large-scale infrastructure requires
public intervention and this lags behind private needs: as soon as a city has its explosive growth based
upon existing logistics it is ready for infrastructural renewal. In a complex world it would seem that
here is a key role for public policy making but, given long lead-in times, how do you identify necessary
intervention early enough so as to not to impede economic expansion? There are plenty of transport
white elephants resulting from political lobbying to suggest that getting this right is not easy.
Since dynamic city growth cannot be predicted, future demand for new infra-structure cannot be
known. Therefore this is not a situation for devising a plan to guide public investment. Rather, multiple
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preparedness would seem to be what is required. In other words, many options for additional infrastructural projects should be available and regularly updated so as to be ready if and when the time
arrives for their implementation. The creative element comes with treating demand as a spatial variable
so that low demand is considered alongside high demand in directing public policy.
The necessity for monitoring in informational society
And so we return to the question for planners stated in the Introduction: before they embark on their
work, planners should ask ‘what can be planned and what cannot be planned?’ Perhaps this can be
simplified to drawing a line, albeit a very fuzzy and somewhat subjective one. But there are some entities
far beyond the line that they are unequivocally ‘unplannable’. Cities, I have argued, are such a case.
So how can urban policy be developed that treats cities (and their regions and networks) as a whole?
I suggest city planners need to become something akin to city ecologists. (Note that this is not to hark
back to early twentieth century ‘urban ecology’, rather it derives from Jacobs (2000).) Nobody suggests
to environmental ecologists that they ‘plan’ ecological areas and niches but there are active policies
of nurturing, enabling and even protecting. And this all depends on knowledge of the complexity of
ecologies: how they work and how they are changing. This is how I see city policymaking evolving. And,
as in all ecological policy, monitoring change is the minimal starting point.
In a rapidly changing complex world there is a fundamental need for intensive monitoring of city work.
This needs to be on as continuous a basis as possible: the time for relying on ten-yearly national census
results plus some local updating is long past. If city officials and planners are to seriously contribute to
the economic wellbeing of their cities and their regions they have to begin thinking of their data needs
in a completely new way. We are told we live in a dynamic knowledge world, this is certainly true of the
private sector and the public sector needs to catch up. Where there is complexity, monitoring is the key
to action not wishful planning.
So what might city and regional monitoring look like? It focuses on work, on spaces of flows, on all
changes that are occurring in a city-region economy at a given time. This will include changes in labour,
new sources for commodity chains, new services for production; that is everything that is making the city
what it is as a viable economic unit. The public-private initiative we really need is in current information
and data production, In this way there can be ‘findings’ that are ‘under the radar’ of conventional
urban data, minor changes with potential to be important and acted upon – perhaps facilitated by new
infrastructure. We live in unprecedented times and therefore we need unprecedented knowledge of cities,
based upon more information than has ever been attempted before.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Versions of this paper have been presented at The 4th International Association for China Planning
(IACP) Conference (Shanghai, June 19-21, 2010) organized by the International Association for China
Planning (IACP) and Tongji University, China, and at a Public Lecture in the context of the Belgium EU
Presidency (October 7, 2010) jointly organized by the Flemish Department of Spatial Planning, Housing
Policy and Immovable Heritage, the VRP Flemish Association for Spatial Planners/Designers, and the
Club of Rome (EU Chapter). I acknowledge the comments of the audiences in developing the paper.
Parts of the data and analysis are courtesy of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the Department of
Geography, University of Ghent, and were made possible by a research project grant from the Economic
and Social Research Council (UK)
166
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Combining conservation and community development: An example from Málaga, Spain
Combining conservation and
community development: An
example from Málaga, Spain
Michael Barke1
ABSTRACT
A case study of the impact of changing architectural conservation policy in Andalucía,
southern Spain is examined. The example highlights a fundamental issue of
contemporary debate on cities, namely the future of residential and non-monumental
buildings that, nevertheless, represent a distinctive genre of building typology but
which are frequently judged to be unsuitable for contemporary housing needs and
aspirations. An historical but rapidly disappearing Andalucían residential building
type – the corral or corralón – is identified and its traditional features described. This
residential type continues to play a particularly significant role in housing the elderly.
The measures taken by various departments of the Málaga city local authority to not
only conserve examples of this distinctive architectural type but also to link this to
community development through various measures of enhancement of community
cohesion are examined and assessed.
Keywords: Corralón, community development, conservation, elderly, typological form.
INTRODUCTION
A recent review of United States and Spanish housing policy in relation to elderly people concluded rather
patronisingly that “..lessons from the American experience..can expand housing policies in Spain. “
(Jiménez and Koebel, 2007). It is the contention of this paper that the reverse is equally true, particularly
in relation to the role of community in ‘successful’ ageing. The role of the built environment in helping
to support or even shape communities and their effective functioning is well recognised in the literature,
albeit in a contested fashion (Lozano 1990; Cuba and Hummon 1993; Talen 1999). This short paper
reports on a preliminary investigation of a municipal scheme by the city of Málaga to combine the
conservation of a historically distinctive typological form of multi-family housing with the enhancement
of the community residing there.
In the present context, community development refers to a conscious process of change in the relationship
between ordinary people (in this case mainly elderly) and people in power, a change in favour of the
Department of Geography and Environmental Management, School of the Built and Natural Environment,
Northumbria University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK, NE1 8ST
1
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December 2011
former in terms of recognition of their values and priorities. This includes the community’s perception
of the value of their neighbourhood and its built environment. However, this community enhancement
is as much psychological as material and is based on the recognition of the intimate relationship between
people and place at the micro-scale and of the role of the emotional dimension in community development
(Ayuntamiento de Málaga 2004; Hoggett and Miller 2000). As part of this process, a section of society
that was traditionally marginal has been given a voice and the opportunity to demonstrate its cultural
norms and expressions. But an integral part of this particular example is that a form of housing provision
that was widely believed to have outlived its usefulness, has been renovated and celebrated as representing
community cohesion.
Although a specific example, and therefore limited in scale, the initiative discussed here is of wider
interest in that it represents a significant change in conservation policy that is not just limited to the
city of Málaga. Along with many other European countries, for many years conservation policy in
Spain was dominated by a ‘monumentalist’ perspective, that is, the focus of policy was concentrated on
individual ‘great’ buildings – castles, palaces, convents and, especially, cathedrals (González Pérez, 2007).
A somewhat different perspective on urban conservation is one where the emphasis moves on from
conventional ‘expert’ value judgements of important architectural elements to a recognition of the wider
social and cultural grounding of those elements. In so doing, the range of elements to be considered
as ‘important’ is broadened considerably, as is the elitist conception of what is ‘worthy’ (Zanchetti and
Jokilehto 1997). A genuinely sustainable approach to conservation can only be achieved and have
meaning where it is reinforced by the community’s interest, support and values. This paper is therefore
concerned with an illustration of expanding the scope of conventional urban conservation policy away
from a concentration on individual structures and their perceived dominant role in representing cultures
and societies to one based much more on the recognition of the cultural identity of societies themselves.
It is concerned with a philosophical shift from a conservation approach that tends “..to treat townscape
as art rather than as a setting for everyday life.” (Hubbard 1993).
The concept of area based conservation has been relatively slow to develop in Spain as has the notion
that structures other than grand buildings are worthy of conservation. More recently, however, evidence
of changes in approach and a broadening of perspective in relation to heritage and its conservation has
become apparent (Pickard 2002; González Pérez 2007). An example is the enthusiasm with which
regional and local authorities have embraced the declaration of conjuntos histórico-artístico (broadly
similar to conservation areas in Britain, a trend that has been described as the emergence of la cultura de
la recuperación urbana (Martínez 2001). In addition to this stimulus to area-based conservation, a range
of administrative and legal instruments at different scales have emerged (Pol 1998) and there have been
some notable successes in the rehabilitation and recovery of historic centres (Pol 1989). Changes in the
approach to urban conservation are indicated by the development of techniques such as the recognition
of ‘character areas’ or morphological regions within cities (Barke 2003) but the growth of more flexible
approaches has also been stimulated by the recognition of important functional changes in the role of
city centres themselves (Calle Vaquero and García Hernandez 1998). The essential preliminary tool for
conservation policy in Spain is the Plan General de Ordenación Municipal (General Plan for Municipal
Development) but within the framework established by this are contained other plans, most importantly
for conservation are Planes Especiales (Special Plans)dealing, amongst other things, with measures to
protect historic areas (González-Pérez, 2007). Such measures include different levels of protection for
areas and individual structures. In the case of Málaga there are four such levels. Proteccción integral
refers to buildings with architectural features that must be retained in their entirety due to their
unique and monumental character , Proteccción Arquiteconica (Grado 1) concerns buildings of special
architectural value that must be totally retained but minor modifications may be made to ensure their
continued occupancy , Proteccción Arquiteconica (Grado 2) includes buildings of lesser architectural
value in their totality but which contain elements that should be preserved even if renovation takes place,
and Proteccción de Conjunto concerns historic districts of the city where special preservation measures
170
operate (Plan General de Ordenacion Urbanistica de Málaga, 2007a). Within the framework of the Plan
General de Ordenación Municipal a catalogue of buildings and areas to be so protected must be drawn
up (and also for archaeological sites and gardens/green areas of special interest), specifying the detailed
characteristics of the buildings and the features that must be retained (Plan General de Ordenacion
Urbanistica de Málaga, 2007b).
CORRALES IN ANDALUCÍA
The following observations are based on extensive fieldwork in the city of Málaga including interviews
held with residents in three different examples of the housing type which forms the subject matter
of the paper, the Corralón de Santa Sofía and Corralón de la Aurora, both in the Trinidad barrio of
the city, and the Corral de Dos Puertas in the Capuchinos district. Interviews took the form of semistructured conversations with groups of (mainly) elderly residents, focussing on their residential history,
their feelings about the community and their relationships with the city authorities. Representatives
of the city’s Concejalía de Bienestar Social (Department of Social Welfare) and Gerencia Municipal de
Urbanismo, Obras e Infraestructuras (Planning Department) were also interviewed at approximately
the same time (April, 2010). Interviews with the latter were principally concerned with their strategies
towards the three areas in terms of architectural conservation and community development.
The housing form under consideration is known in Spanish as a corral, corralón or patio de vecino
(neighbourhood yard) (Plate 1) and is claimed to date back as far as the 14th century (Montoto y
Raustenstrauch 1981). Their main feature is an open space blocked off at one end to form a patio at the
centre of which was usually a water source, either a fountain or a well available for use by all residents.
Surrounding the patio, on two or more levels, were small single-storey dwellings (often comprising no
more than two rooms). The number of dwellings varied substantially, depending on the dimensions of
the plot upon which the corral was built. Typically, the upper storey included a wooden veranda with
railings, usually decorated with plants and flowers. Each dwelling normally housed no more than one
family but, though families lived separately, a key feature of the corral was the sharing of communal
services, such as lavatories and a washing area, normally located on the ground floor.
These corrales were particularly associated with households working in trades such as bricklaying,
carpentry, blacksmithing, weaving, whitewashing, carting, washing, ironing, dress-making and cobbling.
Their residents were essentially working-class (Morales Padrón 1974).The corral itself was often the
location for the practice of such activities and neighbours would constitute a significant proportion of the
customers. The corral was not only the place of work for many but also the place where a whole range
of social and cultural activities took place. These included baptisms and wakes enacted for the dead but
also events such as impromptu musical performances. Thus the corral was not just a place to live but
a form of housing that demanded close social relations and mutually supportive coexistence with the
patio functioning as the geographical and social centre for the community. It has been claimed that the
psychology of living within a corral was a unique combination of that of the dwelling itself and a small
barrio (neighbourhood) (Morgado Giraldo 1993).
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Plate 1: Corralón de Santa Sofia, Málaga (author’s photograph)
Most corrales in the past had a casera or caretaker (usually female) who represented the owner of the
properties (Carloni 1981). The casera would be responsible for the routine opening and shutting of the
complex, for collecting rents and for dealing with persistent debtors. The caretaker also resolved disputes
between residents and determined the responsibilities for performing tasks within the communal areas,
for example cleaning the patio, the street door, preparing the internal patio lights or extracting water
for washing clothes or hygienic purposes. She/he also often had the delegated power to admit and expel
residents of the corral (Morales Padrón 1974).
In the second half of the 20th century many corrales started to disappear (García Gómez 1997). For
example, in Seville in 1873 there were well over 200, a figure reduced to 81 by the end of the twentieth
century. In Málaga the recorded figure of 120 in the first decade of the twentieth century fell to just
over 20 in 2009. The general perception of them as slum areas was the most common rationale for
the closure and subsequent clearance of many (Plate 2). Ironically, other corrales have fundamentally
changed their character and resident population through processes of gentrification (Salinas 2003).
However, in Málaga at least the Ayuntamiento (City Hall) has, through the Concejalía de Bienestar
Social (Department of Social Welfare) and councillors representing specific barrios of the city’s historic
centre, sought to preserve this material context of a traditional way of life. But equally important as this
building conservation policy is the enhanced support for the many positive features which the communal
way of life in the corrales has to offer. The city officials interviewed confirmed that physical regeneration
has been accompanied by a commitment to retain and foster what is considered to be a positive social
model, with the intention of dealing with one of the most significant contemporary social problems, that
is, providing appropriate residential accommodation for the elderly.
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Plate 2: Derelict corral, No. 18, Calzada Trinidad, Málaga (author’s photograph)
THE CORRALÓN DE SANTA SOFÍA
A specific example concerns the Corralón de Santa Sofía in the Trinidad district of the city, in Calle Montes
de Oca (Plate 1). This deteriorating complex of fifty dwellings was acquired and completely renovated
by the Ayuntamiento through its Instituto Municipal de Vivienda (Municipal Housing Institute) and
subsequently, in 2007, the Ayuntamiento took the unprecedented step of listing the Corralón in its Plan
General de Obras y Urbanismo (PGOU) (General Plan of Works and Urban Development) under its section
of preserved buildings. As noted earlier, this was somewhat unusual as the type of buildings included in
such a Plan was normally restricted to churches, convents, town halls, etc. But before this recognition of
architectural distinctiveness, on completion of the renovation the Corralón was made available to some
eighty rent-paying senior citizens, many of them previous residents, who now enjoy excellent facilities
in homes which, albeit small, include lounge, kitchen, bedroom and bathroom. Interestingly, the City
Hall’s original idea was, in line with the traditional construction of corrales, to provide common areas
for all residents, including kitchens, dining rooms and washrooms. However, in a significant act of
empowerment of the residents, a consultation process carried out by the Department of Social Welfare
established that it was more important to respect the independence of each tenant, but provide support
services (meals, cleaning, hygiene etc) for the more frail and needy residents via their network of social
workers. The typical profile of one of these residents is: a widowed female of around 70 years old, on
a state pension and with restricted mobility (though access is certainly not limited to females). The
interviewees were keen to record that their sense of ‘neighbourliness’ had not declined as a result of the
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modernisation of the Corralón and noted that, whilst the character of the built environment (Plate 1)
remained fundamental to ‘everyday’ social interaction, its modernisation had enhanced their sense of
dignity and a range of other development s had served to promote an even greater level of community
cohesion. The Corralón now has a gym and a variety of excursions are held each year. Interviewees
observed that virtually all the residents participate in these activities and particularly popular are the in
situ ceramic classes and painting lessons. Opportunities exist to sell the products of these activities. A
doctor visits each week and there are two cleaning women for the communal areas.
Therefore, despite the fact that residents live independently in their own homes, and that some of the
traditional communal areas have not been reinstated (for example, shared toilets), this does not mean
that the old way of life has disappeared altogether. Communal ways of life are more common and
probably valued more in Andalucía than in northern Europe. Accordingly, the Ayuntamiento, in the
form of the Concejalía de Bienestar Social has recognised the importance of encouraging participation in
celebrations and events that historically have been important manifestations of identity but which may
be recognised as adding new meaning to a community (Hustedde and King 2002). Support has therefore
extended beyond the conventional in situ provision of services for the elderly as described above and
has consciously sought to reinforce a sense of identity and cultural worth. A notable example of this is
the annual Semana Popular (People’s Week) held in late May or early June, in which not only residents
from other corralones in the area but also any other malagueños (residents of the city of Málaga), and
even interested tourists are invited to participate (Sur, 2010). In 2011 the Ayuntamiento sponsored the
seventh event in the series entitled Semana Popular de los Corralones Trinidad Perchel. This is part of a
wider scheme known as the Proyecto de Desarrollo Comunitario (Community Development Plan) for
the districts of south Trinidad and north Perchel, sponsored by the City Hall’s Centre for Social Services
(Centre District). Over the seven years of its existence, this initiative to add cultural to architectural
regeneration has developed strongly and now encompasses a varied diet of activities for all tastes and
ages. While sheer enjoyment is obviously a vital aim of this event, the officials interviewed confirmed
that the Semana also has significant social and educational aims. As well as the desire to promote social
cohesion and community solidarity the intention is also to try and pass on to younger generations a sense
of the cultural values embodied in this traditional form of semi-communal living within the corralones.
An important element in the Semana, designed to encourage maximum participation by the residents, is
the various concursos (competitions). The major one is the Concurso de Engalanamento (Embellishment
Competition) for streets, patios and balconies, which in the course of the week are decorated with flowers,
plants and other ornamental features (Plate 3). This is in fact a revival of a practice that flourished in
the early 20th century up to the Civil War (Mateo Aviles 1995). In 2008 nearly 50 patios were involved
in this competition and the total number of participants was 2,600. It should be noted that not all of
these were traditional corrales and included patios within modern apartment buildings but several of the
elderly residents interviewed in the Corralán de Santa Sofia and Corralón de Aurora noted with delight
the adoption of ‘their’ traditions by residents of new residential blocks. Among other competitions
organised are photography, traditional cooking and flamenco dancing. The respondents interviewed
were all aware of the strategy of the organisers to use these competitions to encourage residents to make
permanent improvements to their corralones and enhance their knowledge of their history and cultural
richness, but all commented positively on their impact. In addition to a procession through the streets
of the area to launch the Semana, a number of major cultural events are held, including performances
by local choirs, a flamenco concert, and a Hip-Hop concert. Various types of standing exhibitions are
also staged, including, for example, old photographs and plans of the corralones in former times. The
locally hand crafted ceramics and paintings are also on sale. Another feature of the celebrations is the
various workshops (talleres) organised to give participants hands-on experience in various fields, such
as traditional games, mural painting and making puppets. A number of these are specifically geared
to children, including the very youngest. Guided walking tours, aimed especially at schoolchildren
and interested groups outside Trinidad-Perchel, also play an important part in the week’s programme.
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Parallel with these activities in the corralones themselves, educational talks, centred on various aspects
of traditional life in these unique urban environments, are given in local schools (Málaga Hoy 2009).
Plate 3: Patio del Montes, No. 19, Calle Fuentecillas (author’s photograph)
The Semana Popular, though clearly the most important, is not the only initiative of this kind organised
during the year by the Ayuntamiento. For example, at Christmas the same protagonists participate,
albeit on a rather smaller scale, in another week of activities entitled ‘Navidad en los corralones’. The
decoration of corralones, patios and streets - including the creation of traditional Christmas belenes
(cribs/nativity scenes) - is a vital element in this celebration. Once again concursos are organised to
encourage participation plus a range of both passive and active cultural events (Sur 2008). As with the
Semana Popular a major aim is to bring old traditions and modes of living back to life in a modernised
setting.
CONCLUSION
Despite its success and the successful renovation of several other corrales, the degree to which the
experience of the Corralón de Santa Sofía could be repeated in all of Málaga’s remaining corrales is
questionable. There are less than 20 corrales left within the city and, as most are privately owned and
relatively centrally located, they are highly vulnerable to wholesale redevelopment in order to capitalise
on the value of their sites. The Ayuntamiento simply does not have the means to intervene in every case
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as it did in the Corralón de Santa Sofía. In addition, there is no doubt that the distinctive architecture of
Santa Sofía was a major factor in this intervention. Not many surviving corrales provide such a classic
example of the genre and would win support for their conservation. Many surviving corrales are
small in size and, as pointed out somewhat ruefully but not resentfully by an interviewee at the Corral
de Dos Puertas (11 dwellings) in Calle Rosal Blanco (Plate 4), do not offer the economies of scale and
the suitability for conversion for senior citizens or other groups as did the Corralón de Santa Sofía and
Corralón de Aurora.
Plate 4: Corral de Dos Puertas, No. 7,
Calle Rosal Blanco, Málaga (author’s
photograph)
However, a clear sign that the Ayuntamiento remains committed to the socio-spatial residential
environment model represented by corrales is indicated by the creation of modern ones, albeit designed
in the traditional style, in the redevelopment of the El Bulto district to the south of Trinidad. Of the
92 dwellings in two redeveloped blocks, each built around a ‘modern’ corral, 25 are occupied by
residents from the old corralones of Salitre and Plaza de Toros Vieja which had been demolished in this
redevelopment. The inhabitants of these new developments are enthusiastic participants in the Semana
Popular.
In several ways, therefore, the Málaga Ayuntamiento is seeking to rescue and regenerate at least one
component of declining urban areas. In the case of the Corralón de Santa Sofía it has not only conserved
a distinctive architectural form but also, to a large extent, managed to reinvigorate a traditional way of
life, albeit in a modified form more suited to the present day; and it has responded to an obvious social
need, particularly among its senior citizens.
176
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178
Community energy solutions: Involving residents in developing low-carbon urban neighbourhoods
Community energy solutions:
Involving residents in
developing low-carbon urban
neighbourhoods
Gill Davidson1, Kate Theobald1 and Sara Walker1
ABSTRACT
As part of national and global efforts to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, the
UK domestic sector must meet a series of targets by 2020, including reducing its
emissions by 33%, delivering energy efficiency improvements to 7 million homes, and
ensuring all homes have smart meters. The long-term aim is to achieve near zero
emissions in all homes by 2050 (Great Britain. Department of Trade and Industry [DTI],
2003). Households can reduce their emissions in a number of ways, although the
evidence reviewed in this paper suggests that consumer adoption of carbon-reduction
behaviours is currently fairly low. Potential barriers to adopting environmental energy
behaviours are discussed, including housing type, housing tenure, the up-front cost of
measures, and perceptions of responsibility, and the suggestion that people may be
more likely to adopt behaviours that deliver financial savings or that are normative. The
paper presents three community approaches which aim to encourage a reduction in
energy consumption in the home, with an assessment of their respective advantages
and disadvantages. It goes on to introduce an approach currently being piloted
by the authors in Newcastle upon Tyne, through the Low-Carbon Neighbourhoods
project. The paper concludes by discussing the possible implications of these differing
approaches with regard to policy making in this area.
Keywords: behaviours, community, energy, environment, low-carbon.
1
School of the Built and Natural Environment, Northumbria University. [email protected]
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December 2011
INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this paper is to introduce and discuss the rationale and findings of the Low-Carbon
Neighbourhoods project, a pilot initiative led by Northumbria University in Newcastle upon Tyne.
In order to place the study in an appropriate context, the paper begins by reviewing recent UK
Government policy developments with regard to domestic carbon emissions. It goes on to discuss ways
in which households and individuals can achieve carbon reduction, as well as the potential barriers and
motivations associated with the various measures, and the types of approach that may be taken in order
to influence domestic environmental behaviours.
A number of projects have aimed to influence domestic energy behaviours at neighbourhood level in
the UK. The paper presents three projects that have attempted to do this using a range of different
approaches and methods in various locations, highlighting good practice, lessons learned, and particular
features of the host neighbourhoods which may have contributed to success.
Finally the paper describes how a research team from Northumbria University, along with a group of
partner agencies, embarked on a neighbourhood level project in Newcastle upon Tyne to encourage
environmental energy behaviour among householders and reduce domestic carbon emissions. The
progress made to date in this project is discussed, along with some of the positive outcomes and lessons
that have emerged.
UK POLICY FOR CARBON EMISSIONS REDUCTION IN THE DOMESTIC
SECTOR
The UK policy landscape of the domestic energy sector has undergone significant change in the last
decade. The four priorities of the Energy White Paper (Great Britain. Department of Trade and Industry
[DTI], 2003), however, remain core values of the long-term energy strategy. These are:
1.To cut carbon dioxide emissions by 60% by 2050 based on a 1990 baseline (recently amended to 80%
by 2050 in the Climate Change Act 2008 and now legally binding).
2. To maintain the security of UK energy supplies.
3.To promote competitive markets in the UK and beyond, helping to raise the rate of sustainable
economic growth and improve our productivity.
4.To ensure that every home is adequately and affordably heated.
These four objectives were further detailed in the subsequent 2007 Energy White Paper (Great Britain.
DTI, 2007) with additional aims outlined in the Department of Energy and Climate Change [DECC]
Annual Energy Statement (Great Britain. DECC, 2010). The Annual Energy Statement has four priorities:
1.Saving energy through the Green deal and supporting vulnerable consumers
2.Delivering secure energy on the way to a low carbon energy future
3.Managing the UK energy legacy responsibly and cost-effectively
4.Driving ambitious action on climate change at home and abroad
For the domestic sector, the UK Government has developed a range of energy efficiency policies (Great
Britain. Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs [Defra], 2004 and 2007) which outline grant
schemes for energy efficiency improvements, information schemes for private home owners, appliance
efficiency and an overall target for emissions reduction from the UK’s residential housing stock of 31%
(1990 baseline) by 2020. The Green Deal legislation, passing through Parliament under the Energy Bill
2010-11, is a new financial mechanism to support energy efficiency investment. The principle is that up
front cost of improvement is avoided and investment is instead paid for through savings on energy bills
(DECC, 2010). New-build in the domestic sector is affected by the Code for Sustainable Homes (Great
180
Britain. Department for Communities and Local Government [DCLG], 2006), the Housing Green Paper
(Great Britain. DCLG, 2007) and The Building Regulations 2000 (and associated approved documents).
The previous Government attempted to increase the use of microgeneration and renewable energy in
all sectors, including the domestic sector, through the Microgeneration Strategy (Great Britain. DTI,
2006), the Climate Change and Sustainable Energy Act 2006 and the Renewable Energy Strategy (Great
Britain. DECC, 2009). This latest policy document, the Renewable Energy Strategy, has been followed
by implementation of feed-in tariffs for small-scale renewable electricity generation projects. Experience
in Europe has indicated that well-designed feed-in tariff mechanisms are successful in increasing the
proportion of energy generated by renewables (Huber et al, 2001).
Following the creation of the Department of Energy and Climate Change (DECC) in 2008 much of
the energy policy development work has now been delegated to this Government department. Their
work overlaps with several other departments, in particular the Department for Communities and Local
Government with regard to housing policy.
In 2009 a consultation document on heat and energy saving (Great Britain. DECC, 2009a) outlined
further housing policy targets for the UK. In summary, these are:
1.To deliver comprehensive changes (insulation, access to low carbon heat and power, community/
district heating and options for microgeneration) to 400,000 homes a year by 2015, and a total of 7
million homes by 2020.
2.To cut household emissions by 33% compared to a 2006 baseline by 2020.
3.To make available cost-effective energy efficiency measures to all households by 2030.
4.To achieve near-zero emissions from households and business premises by 2050, to help achieve the
overall UK goal of cutting greenhouse gas emissions by 80% from 1990 levels.
The Low Carbon Transition Plan (Great Britain. DECC, 2009) outlined further targets for the domestic
sector including a 29% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions for the domestic sector by 2020 (2008
baseline), smart meters (meters capable of remote monitoring of energy for the supplier) in all homes
by 2020 and extending the Carbon Emissions Reduction Programme (CERT) to a further 1.5 million
homes.
These key policy areas have been further supported since the Coalition Government came into power
in 2010, with the DECC Annual Energy Statement reiterating key targets (Great Britain. DECC, 2010),
and the Energy Security and Green Economy Bill (Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons, 2010)
introduced to provide the necessary legislative drivers for Green Deal, CERT and smart meters.
The success - or otherwise - of the above policies is largely dependent on households changing their energy
consumption practices. In order to be able to influence the behaviour of individuals and households in
this regard, it is first necessary to understand how they currently act, and why. The following sections
explore the barriers and motivations to changing energy behaviours, and describe a neighbourhood level
approach to developing resilient low-carbon communities.
ENVIRONMENTAL ENERGY BEHAVIOUR AMONG INDIVIDUALS AND
HOUSEHOLDS
Population growth, increasing demand for new housing and an ever-increasing standard of living means
that domestic energy use – and the level of domestic carbon emissions - is higher than ever, and is
continuing to rise (Boardman, 2007; Retallack et al, 2007; Wiedmann et al, 2008). Domestic energy
consumption can vary widely, however, even ‘between similar households in nominally identical houses’
(Banfill and Peacock, 2007). This suggests that the overall level of domestic carbon emissions could be
significantly reduced through behavioural changes among householders.
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People can reduce their household carbon emissions in a number of ways, through a combination of oneoff actions or purchasing decisions, occasional purchases, and everyday behaviours (Great Britain. Defra,
2008). Most sources of ‘green’ advice (e.g. Green Alliance, 2005; Great Britain. Defra, 2008; Energy
Saving Trust) recommend the following actions for reducing domestic carbon emissions: choosing energy
efficient electrical equipment and light bulbs; insulating homes against heat loss to reduce wasted energy;
switching to more economical fuels; switching tariff to a ‘green’ energy supplier; improved energy
management; and using renewable fuels by installing renewable microgeneration. Information is not
just available for the individual. On 25th November 2010 DECC launched a new community web site,
community energy online, (www.ceo.decc.gov.uk) to provide information and guidance to communities
on low carbon and renewable energy projects.
Even though we are increasingly aware of the link between climate change and our behaviour - a 2009
survey found that 60% of respondents believed that climate change is either largely or entirely caused
by human activities (Ipsos MORI/Icaro, 2009) - levels of consumer engagement with carbon reduction
behaviours remain low. Retallack et al (2007) reported that less than 1% of the electricity market share
was held by ‘green’ suppliers, with just over 200,000 consumers having switched to a green tariff. While it
is estimated that nearly half of UK homes (about nine million) have the potential for microgeneration, the
Government’s 2008 Microgeneration Strategy progress report stated that just 100,000 microgeneration
units had been installed in the UK (Great Britain. Department for Business, Enterprise and Regulatory
Reform [BERR], 2008).
Barriers to domestic energy reduction
There are a number of barriers with regard to reducing domestic carbon emissions. Not all homes are
suitable for microgeneration; furthermore, the up-front cost of installing it is a major barrier for many
householders (Walker, 2008). It may take many years for microgeneration units to ‘pay for themselves’,
although this varies according to type. The recently introduced UK feed-in tariff (The Feed-in Tariffs
(Specified Maximum Capacity and Functions) Order 2010) may assist in improving the financial payback of certain renewable microgeneration technologies.
People with lower incomes are vulnerable to fuel poverty. Although it is reasonable to assume that
energy efficiency measures can help to address fuel poverty by reducing household fuel requirements,
measures that require upfront spending are even more difficult for people on low incomes to afford.
This is something which the Government states it has recognised and is trying to address through the
Green Deal policy, whereby energy companies pay for insulation measures to be installed in customer
homes, with the customer paying back the investment through energy bills as a result of the savings made
(Great Britain. DECC, 2010). Furthermore, people who live in rented accommodation may lack both the
freedom and the incentive to make home improvements that will boost energy efficiency. Walker (2008)
suggests that landlords of rental properties are not motivated to improve their energy performance, and
furthermore, if they do so, they may recoup the investment by raising rents, which is not in the tenants’
interests. Green Deal is also planned to be implemented in the rental sector (Great Britain. DECC, 2010);
however, it is unclear at this stage how this will be delivered by both private and social landlords.
Individual perceptions may be discouraging individuals from adopting green behaviours. Many people
appear to feel that it is not their responsibility to take action, or that they alone cannot make a difference:
‘The public clearly think that influence to limit climate change is directly linked to size – they
as individuals have very little influence, but the Government and big business can have a major
influence…the international dimension was also very clear – the US, China and India are major
contributors/polluters, so requiring international change’ Sale Owen, 2005, p10
Only 4% of research participants in this North East study felt that they personally could have a large
influence on climate change (Sale Owen, 2005).
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Motivations to reduce energy consumption
As far as motivations to adopt green behaviours are concerned, it would appear that saving money
is more persuasive than saving the environment. Households are highly likely to have made changes
that are known to help them save money, such as insulating their homes to prevent heat loss. A 2007
survey showed 90% of households had at least one of the following: double or secondary glazing, loft
insulation, hot water tank insulation or cavity wall insulation (Great Britain. Defra, 2007). The same
survey showed that proportionately fewer people had adopted simple everyday ‘green’ behaviours: 1 in 5
people said that they often or always indulged in behaviours such as leaving the TV on standby overnight,
leaving the tap running when brushing their teeth, or taking a bath instead of a shower.
These differences may be partly explained by social norms. Fitting home insulation is a normative,
widespread and commonplace behaviour (Great Britain. Defra, 2008). Switching the TV off and taking
showers rather than baths are also behaviours that can save money and energy, but they are not widely
accepted and embraced as such, and there are continuing debates on whether people’s everyday actions
are likely to be simply a matter of habit or personal preference or related to wider social norms and
practices.
Is it possible, then, to establish environmental energy behaviours as social norms, and therefore sustainable
behaviours? There is evidence to suggest that this could happen. For instance, Haq et al (2007) observed
a number of pro-environmental behaviours among people who had lived through the Second World War.
People aged 65 years or older lived relatively thrifty lifestyles and disliked waste more than other age
groups. While this may be due to some extent to low incomes among this age group, it is also likely to
be partly a result of ingrained habits and beliefs arising from experiences of wartime austerity. That these
people have retained wartime habits for over 60 years suggests that once adopted, such behaviours can
be highly enduring.
Secondly, research carried out for the Sustainable Consumption Round Table in 2005 found that people
living in houses with microgeneration were likely to change their behaviours accordingly and, in the
words of one participant, ‘to work with the house’, even if they were ‘passive’ users who had not been
responsible for having the microgeneration installed in the first place (Hub, 2005, p7).
Finally, Shove has built up a body of work documenting behavioural shifts over time, such as the change
from weekly bathing to daily showering, and has also shown how social norms and technology can
influence each other. For example, room temperature is often determined by a combination of social
norms plus the interaction between people and technology (see e.g. Shove, 1997, 2003, 2004a and b).
COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT AND INFLUENCING ENVIRONMENTAL
BEHAVIOUR AT HOUSEHOLD LEVEL
Encouraging people to adopt more environmentally responsible behaviours remains a key challenge.
There are a number of different ways to approach the matter; efforts may be targeted towards individuals,
households, or communities, and may occur at local, regional or national levels.
One approach has been to target people at an individual or household level according to their key
attitudes, values or characteristics, often drawing on consumer psychology and marketing models. A
considerable body of research has been amassed, and further study is ongoing in this area. Three recent
studies are described below.
A programme of research by Defra (2008) led to the identification of seven different consumer types,
each with distinctive attitudes and behaviours. These types varied from positive greens (who make up
around 18% of the population, or 7.6 million people), whose attitude can be summed up by the phrase:
‘I think we need to do some things differently to tackle climate change. I do what I can and I feel bad
about the rest’; to the honestly disengaged (also 18% of the population, or 7.6 million), characterised
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by the phrase: ‘Maybe there’ll be an environmental disaster, maybe not. Makes no difference to me,
I’m just living my life the way I want to’. Defra is now working on a tailored approach to target these
distinct types of consumer in a variety of different ways, with the aim of encouraging pro-environmental
behaviours.
A 2009 IPPR report focused on Now People, described as market leaders who ‘seek psychological
rewards in status, fashion, success and the esteem and recognition of others’ (Pratchett et al, 2009 p4).
It identified a series of strategies for encouraging green behaviours in Now People, such as focusing on
saving money rather than on climate change, making low carbon lifestyles appear desirable, and avoiding
the label of ‘environmental’ behaviour. It also looked at ways to successfully market particular desirable
behaviours among this group.
Thirdly, a recent study commissioned by the North East Regional Information Partnership (NERIP) used
MOSAIC geodemographic profiles to analyse the spending patterns of eleven distinct population groups,
and their associated environmental impacts (Paul et al, 2009).
There are potential shortcomings in solely targeting people and households at an individual level. It
is difficult in such circumstances to present environmental behaviours as something that ‘everybody is
doing’ or to make people believe that they are part of a communal effort or movement to halt climate
change, which may be necessary if we want to challenge the view that others are not ‘doing their bit’, and
help environmental energy behaviours become social norms. It may therefore be desirable to combine
individual targeting with more collective models of community engagement.
Communal approaches may also allow households to benefit from economies of scale, thus offering
financial savings, reducing the need for up-front spending and enabling people on lower incomes to
participate more freely. For instance, by forming ‘buyers’ clubs’, householders may be able to jointly
negotiate a lower price for ‘green’ goods and services (Hopkins, 2005), or form an alliance with an
Energy Service Company (ESCo) to install, operate, and maintain microgeneration at a community level
(Watson et al, 2006).
An emerging approach to encouraging environmentally responsible energy behaviour is at community
or neighbourhood level. There are a growing number of UK examples of what could be termed ‘econeighbourhoods’ or more specifically ‘low-carbon neighbourhoods’ due to their focus on reducing
energy consumption in households and on a scale greater than one or two individual households, with
the potential for impacts being felt more widely than the individual household.
We can learn from studies of this kind about which approaches are most effective and under what
circumstances. For instance, research for the Pilkington Energy Efficiency Trust suggests that urban
communities are more difficult to engage in carbon reduction initiatives than rural ones, and goes on to
identify a range of potentially successful engagement strategies (Knowland, 2009).
EXEMPLAR LOW-CARBON NEIGHBOURHOODS
This section presents three examples of ‘low-carbon neighbourhoods’ being delivered in urban areas in
the UK, which include a combination of approaches – retrofitting of existing housing stock, including
energy efficiency and renewable energy technology measures; interventions such as energy meters and
energy advice in order to encourage a change in energy behaviours; and the introduction in one case
of a competitive element. These examples have been selected to illustrate the range of different project
approaches being taken, and also the diverse features of the neighbourhoods they are based in. These
projects have been or will be undergoing an evaluation of their impact on energy savings and CO2
emissions, as well as other environmental behavioural changes.
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Summerfield eco-housing project, Birmingham (2007-2008)
Summerfield became Birmingham’s first eco-neighbourhood after local residents raised concerns to the
Family Housing Association (FHA) about energy efficiency and the negative impact of rising fuel bills. FHA
identified opportunities for accessing new renewable technologies, and a dialogue developed between the
community, the FHA and partner agencies. Funding for the project came from various sources including
Birmingham City Council, Urban Living Ltd (the local Housing Market Renewal Pathfinder) and the
Neighbourhood Renewal Fund. Working with Birmingham City Council and Urban Living Ltd, FHA
installed a number of new technologies in a demonstration model ‘eco house’, a Victorian semi-detached
house that was being converted from multiple occupancy into a large family home.
Between 2007 and 2008, FHA and the City Council installed 329 homes with solar panels. They were
fitted free of charge for owner-occupiers in the area, depending on certain eligibility criteria, with the
aim of reducing fuel poverty.
A ‘Green Doctor’ was employed by the Council to visit residents and give advice on practical, smallscale improvements to make their homes more energy efficient. An independent evaluation by Sheffield
Hallam University in 2008 identified a number of benefits that have resulted from making Summerfield
an eco neighbourhood:
• The solar panels have given the residents pride in their community and have encouraged them to
become more engaged with the wider environmental agenda.
• Recycling rates in the area have risen drastically, and many residents have made small lifestyle changes
to maximise energy savings.
• There has been a reduction in energy consumption, water consumption and CO2 emissions from the
houses.
• Houses have reduced fuel bills by approximately £150 a year.
• Temporary jobs were created during the development phase.
• A number of training placements have arisen, leading to permanent jobs.
Green Streets Project (2007-2008)
Green Streets was established by British Gas as a social experiment in energy and carbon savings. It
involved 64 households, eight each from eight streets in eight cities (Birmingham, Cardiff, Edinburgh,
Leeds, London, Manchester, Southampton, and Plymouth) in a 12-month project that ran from the
end of 2007 to the end of 2008. Green Streets had a competitive element, with the street with the
biggest reduction in energy use and emissions winning £50,000 to spend on a community project of
the participants’ choice. The homes represented the full range of types found in the UK. Participants
received energy assessments of their streets and £30,000 worth of energy savings and renewable energy
measures were offered to each street, with the choice of measures influenced by the energy assessments.
Each street received guidance throughout the project from a dedicated energy efficiency expert from
British Gas.
An evaluation by IPPR in 2009 reported that the average energy saving across all the households was just
over 25%, ranging from 15% in London to 35% in Leeds. The average reduction in carbon emissions
from domestic energy over the 12 months was 23%. Analysis of actual versus modelled energy savings
implied that behaviour and lifestyle changes played a major role in determining outcomes, although
energy efficiency measures and installation of Renewable Energy Technologies (RETs) also had a
beneficial impact on carbon emissions. Interviews with participants indicated that the energy advisers,
new electricity meters, and the competition element were key drivers of behavioural change. One
unintended impact was increased social interaction and community spirit, with many people meeting
neighbours for the first time. A key point made in the report was the potential for a ‘virtuous circle’
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between householders acting together to reduce energy demand and thus strengthening social cohesion.
The Green Streets project led to a number of policy recommendations being made to government,
highlighting the potential benefits of: scaling up energy saving advice and information for householders
through the Community Action for Energy programme and other means; providing feedback via
smart meters in all homes; encouraging and incentivising energy suppliers to work more closely with
communities, with and through community groups; facilitating innovative financing mechanisms to
help householders adopt energy saving measures; and introducing competitive elements to encourage
householders and communities to reduce their energy consumption (IPPR, 2009).
Ashton Hayes ‘Going Carbon Neutral’ Project (2006 onwards)
This is a rural community project led by a local parish council in Cheshire and involving 1000 people.
The aim of the project was to become England’s first carbon neutral village. Since the project launch,
behavioural changes such as switching off appliances and changing to low energy light bulbs have led to
a reduction in carbon usage of 25% for the village, with some community members cutting their energy
costs by 50% through improved insulation and careful energy use. A small wind turbine and solar thermal
system have been installed at the local primary school, as well as solar thermal panels at ten houses.
Almost all households are now engaged in ‘environmentally-friendly behaviour’, and over a third have
become more actively involved in village life throughout the project. Raising awareness is a major part of
the work, and the project has been awarded funding by Defra’s Climate Challenge Fund for information
dissemination and awareness-raising activities around the UK, including: a video to explain the project;
a ‘Carbon Neutral Toolkit’ which gives guidance to other communities; and a national ‘Climate Friendly
Communities Conference’ held at the University of Chester in 2007.
A number of features may have contributed to the success of the Ashton Hayes project. Firstly, it has a
stated commitment to using a non-confrontational and apolitical approach, and does not apply pressure
to people or act in a confrontational manner. The project works by being open, inclusive and nonjudgemental to maximise participation, and motivate people through fun rather than spreading fear
or guilt. It has the support of up to 50 volunteers with a wide variety of skills and expertise. The
project relies on two main information sharing approaches: firstly, informal local relationships within the
community, with most local communication and awareness-raising delivered through the primary school
– recognised as the ‘hub’ of village life - and village notice boards. Working with primary schools has an
important advantage in that it encourages children’s involvement, and their enthusiasm can help spread
knowledge and good practice to households. Secondly, the project has developed a high media profile,
using radio, TV, newspapers, newsletters and the internet. It has links with more than 70 communities in
the UK, as well as having an international influence with projects as far away as Canada, Mauritius and
Australia. Finally, running the project through the Parish Council can increase its profile and legitimacy,
and enable the project to engage with the widest range of people.
However, a distinct advantage for the project is that Ashton Hayes is an affluent community, with few of
the problems associated with deprived neighbourhoods. Low-carbon initiatives which are based in more
deprived areas – in which fuel poverty is a problem – may find it harder to engage with local people and
recruit volunteers.
A LOW-CARBON NEIGHBOURHOOD PROJECT IN NEWCASTLE UPON
TYNE
Building on the lessons learned through previous projects, including those outlined above, a team from
Northumbria University began working to develop its own low-carbon neighbourhood project. This
pilot project began in 2009 in conjunction with Newcastle University, Newcastle City Council, and other
agencies such as Groundwork and the Energy Saving Trust. Building relationships between key local
186
players and across agencies was a key objective of the work, not least as a way to draw in additional
funding through joint funding applications.
Newcastle upon Tyne is located in the North East of England, a region in which there is substantial
fuel poverty, scope for carbon reduction in certain areas and potential for further retrofitting including
renewable energy microgeneration and neighbourhood level solutions.
In order to ensure that the project built on existing knowledge, a comprehensive literature review was
undertaken. This encompassed areas including the developing policy context, the various low-carbon
technologies and behaviours, ways in which behaviours could be influenced at household level and with
what degree of success, and lessons learned in conducting previous similar UK projects.
A key aim was to target specific deprived neighbourhoods in Newcastle upon Tyne and work with local
residents. Two neighbourhoods were selected in the West End of the City, both of which were within the
boundaries of a New Deal for Communities (NDC) initiative (NDC was one of the partner agencies). The
project tapped into existing social networks such as community groups and local governance structures.
The research team worked closely with the Energy Saving Trust and National Energy Action in the
neighbourhoods, building upon the EST Green Communities awareness-raising approach. Contact was
made with community and residents groups in the neighbourhoods to identify existing activities, social
networks, and opportunities for linking into other sustainability and environmental initiatives, such as
Transition Towns groups. It was anticipated that this would provide opportunities to capitalise on local
knowledge by taking on board recommendations from neighbourhood groups, for instance on how
promote the project and engage with residents most effectively.
In the longer term, it is anticipated that the project will build upon successful approaches used in other
similar projects, such as those mentioned in the previous section, but with a number of different elements:
it will have a resident-centred approach; it will be on a larger scale, but within defined boundaries; and
it will involve evaluation of households’ propensity to change behaviour according to socio-economic
grouping, class, gender, BME, housing tenure (with a focus on residents in social housing), and specific
locality.
The project has developed links with a small group of social housing residents through its partnership
network. Workshops have taken place with this group, in which discussions have centred around awareness
and acceptance of the need to reduce energy consumption, the potential for reducing CO2 emissions at a
neighbourhood level (both through behaviour change and retrofit measures), and developing short- and
long-term actions to deliver carbon reductions.
To date there has been little further progress due to difficulties in making contact with residents on a
wider scale. Attempts have been made to contact residents through community representatives, by doorto-door leafleting, and by holding open meetings in local venues, but the response from the community
has been extremely limited. Lack of resources has also been a problem, as the project has not been able to
attract any significant additional funding to allow it to progress beyond the initial pilot stage.
The Low-Carbon Neighbourhoods Project has so far led to some positive outcomes. Having a partnership
of interested parties taking part in regular ‘team meetings’ has been an important way to share information
and develop joint projects and close working relationships. Furthermore, the knowledge that has been
amassed through this and the literature review process has enabled the Northumbria research team to
identify areas for future study, some of which are now being pursued. The project is ongoing.
CONCLUSION
There is evidence suggesting that people can adopt more environmental energy behaviours through
changing social norms and in response to technological changes, and that once acquired, such habits may
be sustainable over long periods of time. However, Shove (2009) has noted that while social norms are
subject to transition or change over time, the matter of what causes such change is highly complex, and
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December 2011
our understanding of it is not yet great enough to enable us to, for instance, adopt government policies
which will influence changes towards new social norms that are more environmentally responsible.
It would appear to be beneficial to target communities collectively to encourage people to adopt
environmental energy behaviours, as well as using individual-centred approaches. Benefits of community
approaches may include improved social cohesion and the creation of new jobs, as well as behavioural
changes and reduced energy use. There is also potential for financial savings through economies of
scale, which may enable the poorest and most vulnerable members of society to have a greater level of
participation in low carbon initiatives.
Community-focused initiatives, in particular those involving bottom-up community action, may
provide greater opportunities for citizen engagement in the process of change to a low-carbon society,
and facilitate processes resulting in social and environmental justice. However, it may be necessary to
develop the skills and capacity of communities and community members to enable them to take part in
such processes, and to reduce their carbon emissions. The development of tailored approaches may be
beneficial in order to target different types of community most effectively, possibly drawing lessons from
community development and community engagement literature.
While the Low-Carbon Neighbourhoods Project has not yet fulfilled the aims set out for it, it has led to
important outcomes such as improved partnership working among key agencies and the identification of
further research areas. The lack of a dedicated focus on using lessons from community development or
community engagement approaches may have contributed to the project’s slow progress in developing
relationships with local residents to date, although funding and resource issues have also played a part
in this.
Low-carbon initiatives are largely dependent on a combination of private investment and funding streams
that target local authorities or housing associations. Many funds, such as the DECC Green Communities
Fund and DTI Low Carbon Communities Challenge, will only accept bids led by local authorities or
strategic partnerships. Although funding sources are available for local communities to produce their
own energy, the level of resources required to secure this funding is considerable, and it is difficult for
interested communities to find support for bottom-up approaches to reducing carbon emissions. There
are a number of examples of rural communities securing funding for local energy production; however,
this has not yet transferred into urban areas.
New policy initiatives which provide incentives for households to lower their carbon emissions
also have a role to play at neighbourhood level. The 2010 introduction of feed-in tariffs (FITs) for
households producing electricity from renewable sources has made it more financially attractive for
many homeowners to invest in renewable energy microgeneration, and this may provide an incentive for
developing renewable energy generation on a neighbourhood scale. In the first year of operation, 405
community scale projects were registered under the FIT programme. This, in conjunction with improved
energy efficiency, leading to reduced energy demand, may also help to achieve other objectives such as
minimising fuel poverty, enhancing security of supply, and increasing community resilience in the event
that energy supplies are compromised.
The approach of ‘scaling-up’ delivery of low-carbon housing to a neighbourhood level is a significant
challenge, given the need to both encourage behaviour change on an individual and collective scale, in
conjunction with a retrofit programme that will meet the various energy needs of residents. However,
a shift to neighbourhood level energy solutions to support individual actions is considered to be an
important way forward in the drive to deliver low carbon, resilient localities.
188
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The scalar politics of economic
planning
Lee Pugalis1 and Alan R. Townsend2
ABSTRACT
Across England, modes of governing larger-than-local development strategies are
undergoing far-reaching change. In particular, the new government of 2010 has a
political and financial mission of rescaling and simplifying sub-national economic
planning. Alongside the revocation of myriad and sometimes unpopular regional
strategies, their supportive institutional structures are being rapidly disbanded,
opening up a strategic leadership gap or fissure between national and local scales
of policy. Analysing the theory and processes of spatial rescaling, including the
emergence of new geographies of governance at the sub-regional scale, the paper
draws attention to some of the key opportunities and dilemmas arising from these
‘scalar shifts’. The economic planning roles of the new, cross-boundary entrepreneurial
governance entities – Local Enterprise Partnerships – are explored. A key question is
whether these public-private arrangements, across what were intended as ‘functional’
economic areas, present a pragmatic way of resolving the strategic tensions between
local authority areas that would otherwise be neglected in a post-regional era. The
research is based on national monitoring of policy shifts and draws upon participatory
observation as an instrument to enrich more formal policy narratives. The paper finds
these new bodies lack powers and funding, and concludes that state-led rescaling in
effect provides a new ‘cover’ for some old politics; namely neoliberalism including the
deepening of entrepreneurial forms of governance.
Keywords: Strategic planning, sub-national development, economic planning, entrepreneurial governance
and Local Enterprise Partnerships
INTRODUCTION
Most states produce policy across different tiers of governance and administration, including ‘regional’
elected bodies in the majority of countries of Europe (Brenner, 2003). In England, seven tiers have
featured prominently over recent times:
1.The European Union
1
2.
School of the Built and Natural Environment
Emritus Professor of Repiral Regeneration and Development Structures, University of Durham.
192
2.The United Kingdom
3.The nation state (i.e. England)
4.Nine administrative regions
5.An ‘upper tier’ of 118 principal local authorities (e.g. County Councils and ‘Unitary’ or ‘Metropolitan
Authorities’)
6.A ‘lower tier’ of 201 local authorities (e.g. District Councils)
7.A partial geographic coverage of more than 8,000 Parish and Town Councils*
In England, the Conservative and Liberal Democrats ‘Coalition’ Government is dismantling much of the
inherited regional institutional structures (tier 4) devised by successive administrations between 1994
and 2010 but mainly by Labour after 1997, partly replacing these with 39 Local Enterprise Partnerships
(LEPs), expected to operate across a ‘functional’ space, between tiers 4 and 5. Reforms are also seeking
to strengthen plan-making flexibilities across tiers 5 and 6, and provide tier 7 with new plan-making
powers. In terms of statutory planning these have, potentially, created a strategic leadership gap or fissure
and for economic development provided greater flexibilities, albeit in a context of limited regeneration
programmes and fiscal austerity (Harding, 2010; HM Government, 2010b; HM Treasury, 2010b; Pugalis
& Townsend, 2010a; Pugalis, 2011c; b). These changes across the policy field of economic planning –
understood here as interventions in the spatial economy involving governance, planning and delivery
activities – prompt international and theoretical consideration, especially as they represent broadly a
reversal of European thought and practice.
Across Europe it is almost considered a ‘policy truism’ that devolving power to the lowest appropriate
spatial scale will produce optimum social outcomes, although the theoretical and empirical case is more
disputed (see, for example, Rodríguez-Pose & Ezcurra, 2011; Pike et al., 2012). The notion of subsidiarity,
including devising policy, making policy decisions and/or administering services, accords with the widely
accepted view that grassroots engagement (‘bottom-up’ views) should be reconciled with (‘top-down’)
policy activity, although the mechanisms of such a reconciliation is inherently complex. Compared with
the regions at tier 4 the devolved ‘nations’ of the UK – Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland – each
possess legislative authority across a broad range of policy areas, such as road transport (MacKinnon
& Shaw, 2010), and has regular elections. However, the regions of England, with the exception of
London (Gordon & Travers, 2010), lack any devolutionary constitution.** England’s failure to develop
a ‘strategic’ tier of elected government, contrary to European nations, such as Germany and France, has
produced a ‘scalar messiness’ (Harrison, 2011) that may go some way to explain the ongoing transfers
of governance, planning and delivery arrangements. This is despite England’s nine administrative regions
possessing an average population much greater than the EU average (Townsend & Pugalis, 2011). For
almost the first time since 1947, England will be without a recognised strategic planning framework
after the revocation of Regional Spatial Strategies as set out in the 2011 Localism Act. The latest round
of state-led rescaling is being implemented through fundamental institutional reconfigurations; most
notably, the dismantling of Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) – a flagship policy creature of New
Labour (Pearce & Ayres, 2009; Pugalis, 2010; 2011d). This has to be understood along with a gradual
incorporation of the private and sometimes the voluntary sectors into partnerships with government
(Peck, 1994; Codecasa & Ponzini, 2011). Over recent decades an entrepreneurial urban politics has been
encouraged and often supported through public-private partnerships as infrastructural liberalisation and
Estimates indicate that full geographic coverage of Parish and Town Councils would equate to between 17,000 and
18,000 Bishop, J. (2010) ‘Localism, collaborative planning and open source’, Town & Country Planning, 79 (9), pp.
376-381.
Different arrangements apply to London, which has had an elected mayor since 2000. Rescaling matters covered in
this paper therefore apply to the rest of England outside of London. Reference to England’s administrative regions in
this paper excludes London unless otherwise stated.
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December 2011
outsourcing of service provision continue almost unabated (Harvey, 1989; Webster, 2003; Coulson,
2005; Harvey, 2008; Purcell, 2009; Biddulph, 2011). The paper will go on to highlight the significance
of this for the formation of LEPs (partly replacing RDAs) as part of a broader examination of the rescaling
of economic planning in England by addressing the following central research questions:
1.How can processes of spatial rescaling be theorised and what have been the most significant ‘scalar
shifts’ up to the change of government in 1997?
2.What policy narratives guided the rise and demise of regional economic planning between 1997 and
2010?
3.Do LEPs reflect a continuation of entrepreneurial governance arrangements?
4.In what ways do LEPs, as new ‘functional’ sub-regional arrangements, help resolve some old issues?
This is achieved through interpretive policy analysis (Yanow, 2004; Kisby, 2011), involving analytical
critique of formal government statements, political and policy discourse, as well as incorporating some
views expressed by the policy community. Consistent with an understanding of spatial rescaling as a
process, theorised below, the paper conceptualises the public policy-making pursuits of planning and
economic development as political actions that involve symbolic as well as substantive representations and
practices (Fischer & Forester, 1993; Fischer, 2003). As different, and often competing, policy narratives
are woven together to help create different versions of reality or a ‘regime of truth’ (Foucault, 1972;
1994 [1966]), the paper applies policy analysis to interpret views, ideologies and power relations that
inform spatial rescaling. Insights were derived from more formal sources, including publicly available
ministerial statements, and ‘grey literature’ accessed during an extended period of work (2010 to 2011),
at meetings, forums, policy exchanges and deliberations primarily but not exclusively in the North East
of England. It is for this reason that direct quotes are not used in this paper as a source of ‘evidence’.
Rather, these insights accessed during participant observation research are used as an instrument to
enrich more formal policy narratives. The next section theorises processes of spatial rescaling, which is
used to identify some of the most significant ‘scalar shifts’ to 2010.
STATE-LED RESCALING OF ECONOMIC PLANNING ACTIVITIES
Across the public policy fields of planning and economic development, the reallocation of roles
between tiers of governance and administration – processes of spatial rescaling – has taken on added
significance over recent decades (Brenner, 2003; Brenner, 2004; Gualini, 2006; Brenner, 2009; Lord,
2009; Reed & Bruyneel, 2010; Stead, 2011). The processes of spatial rescaling are much more complex
than effecting the reduced role or ‘hollowing out’ of the central state, which requires a more sensitive
reconceptualisation of scalar hierarchies and relations. Accounting for a geographically uneven ‘filling
in’ of institutions (Goodwin et al., 2005; Jones et al., 2005; Shaw & MacKinnon, 2011), including the
dispersion of services outwards to non-governmental societal actors, new ‘geographies of governance’
have emerged (Reed & Bruyneel, 2010, p. 646), such as LEPs.
‘Scale’ is applied here not so much as a (constant) administrative unit or tier, but rather to describe the social
organisation and evolving interactions, relationships and processes between tiers of an organisation such
as a region or local authority. It is in this sense that new articulated forms of scalar organisation construct
new policy narratives or reframed problems and associated solutions. Spatial rescaling, understood as
a continuous and dynamic socio-political process, involves new scales of policy organisation, problem
framing, targeting and interventions, which involve the development of new constellations of actors. As
Stead (2011) observes, new geographies of governance emerge in addition to shifts in the flows of power
across existing layers of decision making. These variable geometries of governance, in Stead’s words, are
not necessarily contiguous, but open and porous. In this sense, ‘the politics of scale – as in other political
dynamics – determine who gets involved and under what circumstances’ (Reed & Bruyneel, 2010, p. 651).
Viewed through this theoretical lens, inter-scalar relations pertaining to economic planning in England
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are in the process of being renegotiated. Whilst change is continuous, more significant transformations
can be understood as ‘scalar shifts’.
The main rescaling tendency over time has been one of concentration in larger units of local government.
In 1931, for example, there were 97 voluntary Town Planning Regions covering two or more of the local
authorities across England (then numbering more than 1000) (Cherry, 1974). It is in this context that in
1947 a Labour Government bestowed the regulation of land use through development plans to principal
local authorities. It was also a Labour administration which instigated a move toward metropolitan
scales of government in the Royal Commission on Local Government in England, 1966-1969 (the Maud
Report) (Redcliffe-Maud, 1969) and in 1974 established, for the first time, a full coverage of regional
economic planning institutions across England (tier 4).
Conservative governments on the other hand have had a leaning toward more local democracy. Indeed,
they established the Local Employment Act in 1960 as their tool of development policy (in place of
the more geographically expansive Development Areas designated by a Labour Government). It was a
Conservative administration which also created the present (lower-tier) local authority Districts constituted
in 1974 (tier 6), which they also designated planning authorities, in reaction to and augmenting Maud
and abolished Regional Economic Planning Councils in 1979 (tier 4), and metropolitan counties in 1985
(partly comprising tier 5). Even so, the scalar modes of governance, planning and delivery instituted
by competing political administrations have sometimes been the same. For example, the Conservative
Government led by John Major restored and regularised Government Offices for the Regions, leaving
only a small number of regional boundary changes to the incoming Labour Government of 1997, which
were used in the establishment of RDAs (tier 4) with statutory powers. The next section examines the
rise of regional economic planning under New Labour (1997-2010) and its demise since 2010 under the
Coalition.
THE RISE AND DEMISE OF REGIONAL ECONOMIC PLANNING
Sub-national economic planning under New Labour was multi-scalar and multi-sector. An armoury of
new tools had been instituted, from Local Strategic Partnerships, which were responsible for agreeing
and delivering Local Area Agreements and developing Community Strategies (in turn informing local
development plans), to city-region development programmes, and regional plans, such as Regional Spatial
Strategies and Regional Economic Strategies. As a result the system suffered contradictions, and was
widely considered to be overburdened with process and regulatory requirements (Shaw & Lord, 2009;
Taylor, 2010; Morphet, 2011). The disjointed and overlapping processes failed to engender distinctive,
locally-tailored spatial frameworks to guide implementation.
While there had been communitarian ideals expressed through Tony Blair’s Labour administration
(1994-2007), exemplified through the flagship neighbourhood renewal strategy (Social Exclusion
Unit (SEU), 2001), they operated in a state of ambiguity alongside neoliberal politics that promoted
economic competitiveness and entrepreneurial governance (Valler & Carpenter, 2010; Bristow, 2011).
The ‘Third Way’ approach was championed as a synthesis of these two paths in order to deliver the
Blairite philosophy of ‘what works is what matters’. The latter years of ‘New’ Labour’s national political
leadership (2007-2010) – under the stewardship of Gordon Brown – produced some subtle shifts in
political meta-narratives, including the more vigorous application of central state targets in the provision
of welfare services and ‘top-down’ monitoring of policy implementation (see, for example, Syrett &
North, 2010).
At the behest of HM Treasury (2007), a lengthy Review of sub-national economic development and
regeneration (SNR) was initiated in 2007. A key strand of SNR was the initiative to improve the
integration of planning and economic development inspired by a brand of neoliberalism designed to
meet the demands of business (see, for example, Barker, 2006). SNR maintained the decisive role played
by regions and in particular the RDAs, albeit operating to the tune of central government, but also took
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some tentative steps in recognising a greater role for sub-regions and city-regions (i.e. the geographies
of governance between tiers 4 and 5). In the face of growing demands for greater identification of cityregions, which were recognised in Multi-Area Agreements (MAAs) between local authorities (Harrison,
2011), SNR outlined support for an inchoate arrangement of sub-regional entities, including:
• City Development Companies/Economic Development Companies
• Economic Improvement Boards/Economic Prosperity Boards
• Statutory city-regions and Combined Authorities
• MAAs and non-statutory city-regions
• City Strategies
Whilst some of these policy ‘innovations’, such as Economic Prosperity Boards, failed to materialise,
the array of overlapping and competing spaces of governance resulted in a complex and confusing
institutional landscape relating to planning and economic development (Catney et al., 2008; Lord, 2009;
Valler & Carpenter, 2010). It was a safe prediction before the 2010 General Election that a different
government might accept the largely unimplemented sub-regional tier and seek to remove some of the
institutional congestion (Johnson & Schmuecker, 2009; Townsend, 2009b).
Some aspects of regional governance had become decidedly unpopular. During the RDAs’ reign, place
competition and rivalry between major cities, in particular, were a major feature of several regions,
placing RDAs in the unenviable position of unofficial arbitrators of almost irresolvable conflicts. Yet,
lacking a clear democratic mandate arguably compounded the dissatisfaction with the relatively remote
regional administrative bodies that informed the policy narratives of the incoming Coalition Government.
Consistent with their localism rhetoric, the Conservative Party (2009), stated that it would ‘abolish
regional planning, revoke all regional spatial strategies (including regional house-building targets), and
repeal the national planning guidance that relates to regional planning’ (p. 28). Spelman and Clarke, then
shadow ministers for the Conservatives, suggested a rescaling of lines of accountability, with enhanced
responsibilities ‘going to local government and the local business communities’ (Spelman & Clarke,
2010, p. 1) while also revealing that ‘national economic priorities will be handled in Whitehall’ (Spelman
& Clarke, 2010, p. 3). The Liberal Democrats also viewed regional institutions unfavourably (Liberal
Democrats, 2010). Following the publication of their Programme for Government (HM Government,
2010a), the Coalition were prompt and systematic in their abolition of regional institutions, including
Government Regional Offices, dating in their last form from 1994, RDAs from 1999 and Regional Select
Committees and Regional Ministers from 1998 (Pugalis & Fisher, 2011).
Viewed through a political lens, the assault on regional institutions reflects the interests of the Coalition
Parties’ local government councils, their elected leaders and voters in the south of England more
generally (Harding, 2010; Williams, 2010). The narrative of localism was invoked to ‘[end] the culture of
Whitehall knows best’, in the words of Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg (HM Government, 2010b, p.
3), as the administration’s post-regional, ‘localist’ brand of sub-national economic planning pronounced
that ‘where drivers of growth are local, decisions should be made locally’ (HM Government, 2010b, p.
5). They contended that Labour’s regions were ‘an artificial representation of functional economies’,
quoting that labour markets ‘do not exist at a regional level, except in London’ (HM Government,
2010b: 7). The reference to London is noteworthy as it implies that democratic sub-national or regional
government (tier 4) is only appropriate at a ‘functional’ scale. In addition to the Coalition’s perception
that the geographies of regions were unsuitable, two other intertwining political and policy issues
combined in denouncing Labour’s ‘top-down’ regional approach: lack of democratic accountability and
organisational effectiveness (Pugalis, 2011b; Pugalis & Townsend, 2012).
Notwithstanding some notable critiques of Labour’s system of economic planning discussed earlier,
Regional Spatial Strategies (alongside previous sub-regional Structure Plans and unimplemented Regional
Strategies), arguably performed a pragmatic role, especially in respect of cross-boundary decisions and
196
larger-than-local matters, as their approved policy provided legally enforceable certainty for applicants
(see Pugalis & Townsend, 2010b). A plan which calculated the need for housing and identified suitable
sites for it in District ‘A’ could be implemented to meet the expansion of employment in the adjoining
District ‘B’ which had limited land available for housing. Hence, constraining this housing delivery
could significantly hinder an economic recovery. Alternatively, undue speculative development activity in
some localities could destabilise the wider urban land economy. Similarly, disputes about retail provision
competing with centres in different Districts were decided on an agreed policy calculated across the
region, which attempted to restrict over-provision of retail capacity. Within a strategic framework it
is possible to prioritise development schemes in a manner that, at least, attempts to minimise negative
(spatial) externalities and share the benefits from a wide range of necessary developments, although
critiques of Keynesianism-informed notions of redistributive justice should be recognised (Varró, 2011).
A further risk brought about by the removal of the regional tier of strategy-making in economic planning
is the possibility that some local planning authorities might find themselves out-manoeuvred by well
resourced developers supported by seasoned planning consultants (see Peck et al., 2010 for a wider
discussion of the ‘skills gap’ and challenges). It is well known for example that, looking to the financial
viability of schemes, speculative developers will try to undermine sustainable development principles and
design goals by exploiting loopholes (Coulson, 2007; Punter, 2007; Wakefield, 2007). In the context of
local authority budget cuts and the ensuing service ‘transformations’, ‘restructures’ and redundancies,
resources will be increasingly stretched and expert advisors, as in the fields of design (Carmona, 2010),
face a particularly uncertain future. Also, abolishing the regional tier of economic planning strategymaking opens up the potential for innumerable boundary problems, with practitioners and academics
suggesting that a disproportionate number of cross-boundary developments would stall indefinitely (Guy,
2010). With such development inertia in mind, others asserted that it will not take too long before
a statutory form of strategic economic planning is reconstructed and a further round of institutional
reorganisation takes place (Jones, 2010; Lock, 2010), suggesting that this latest round of state-led
rescaling may be time limited.
The extent to which the demise of regions was brought about by the repercussions of the global creditcrunch (2007-2008) and subsequent stresses of recession in the UK (2008-2010) is not entirely clear,
but it is notable that the Coalition Government’s Comprehensive Spending Review set out to reduce
public expenditure on a permanent basis (HM Treasury, 2010b). Sometimes seen as complementary to
this ideological shift is the concept of the ‘Big Society’, which promotes the dispersal of responsibilities
and service delivery across a broader array of societal actors (Conservative Party, 2010), particularly the
private and voluntary sectors. As a reaction to regions, the ‘functional’ sub-region is considered in the
next section as part of a continuation of entrepreneurial governance arrangements.
A CONTINUATION OF ENTREPRENEURIAL GOVERNANCE
ARRANGEMENTS
As mentioned earlier, attention to market forces and business opinion – under ‘neo-liberalism’ – played
an increasing role in economic planning in the 1980s and thereafter. Attention shifted away from the
local state as a key site of ‘collective consumption’ (Castells, 1977) towards a narrower interest in a more
competitive brand of ‘entrepreneurial’ governance (Harvey, 1989). The result was a condition where a
preoccupation with private sector leverage has been described as the ‘marketisation’ of the public sector
(Minton, 2006, p. 8), not least now in tackling the public sector deficit. Local authorities were aiming to
‘steer’ development and ‘enable’ enterprise by sharing power through affording more effective private
sector involvement in decision-making, development and service provision. Such a swing in modes of
working escalated the requirement for local authorities to be proactive and to back potential or perceived
‘winners’. Consequently, the interests of public administrations and private actors have combined in
informal networks and cross-sector alliances. These governance communities of (economic) interest – a
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‘corporatised statecraft’ (Coleman et al., 2005) – are combining to reorder patterns of development.
These multiple processes toward entrepreneurial governance appear to be having a considerable impact
on the role of economic planning. It is from this reading of entrepreneurial politics that the paper now
analyses the role of LEPs.
THE LOCAL ENTERPRISE PARTNERSHIP EXPERIMENT
While the Conservative Party had their longstanding interest in reducing the role of the state –
pronounced during the Thatcher period but also traditional before (Parkinson, 1989; Thornley, 1991)
– their Coalition partners, the Liberal Democrats, had moved somewhat toward right-of-centre politics
since the publication of the ‘Orange Book’ (Laws & Marshall, 2004). Such shifts in political outlook are
similar to ‘small state’ policies in other parts of the world, including China and the US (see, for example,
Chongyi, 2001). Through the legislation contained in the 2011 Localism Act, the Coalition purport to
devolve power, including the provision of services at large, across a range of governmental and nongovernmental actors including elected councillors, direct consumers and local providers.
LEPs are embraced as the new scalar ‘fix’ for marshalling activities including transport, housing and
business support, providing economic leadership and planning for economic prosperity (Cable & Pickles,
2010; HM Treasury, 2010a, para 1.89; Pickles & Cable, 2010). Expected to have a geographic reach of
a minimum of two or more upper tier authorities (tier 5) but not as expansive as regions (tier 4), they are
producing new geographies of governance. With their basis in ‘bottom-up’ deliberations utilising local
government boundaries as the basic building-blocks (tiers 5 and 6), there is also a thread of continuity
in these geographies of governance. For example, many of the voluntary MAAs or city-regions were
accepted among the least contentious of the original 62 LEP proposals. This is particularly the case
with two statutory city-regions of Leeds and Greater Manchester, which are larger than the smaller EU
administrative regions in working population, and enjoy functional integrity and economies of scale.
The majority of the original LEP bids were rejected by government as the Coalition chose to endorse
just 24 proposals (HM Government, 2010b). Many rejections focussed on geographical aspects, with
government expecting LEPs to reflect ‘natural’ or ‘functional’ economic areas (Pugalis, 2011a). To date,
a further 15 LEPs have been sanctioned by government. The 39 LEPs cover approximately 99 percent of
the population, although are not necessarily contiguous as some LEPs have overlapping boundaries. This
is a significant departure from many predecessors and particularly the administrative regional boundaries
adopted by the RDAs. LEPs, understood as new scales of policy organisation could therefore be expected
to develop relations and process that intersect other primary tiers of administrative organisation. This
would be a divergence from RDA practice that can be characterised as operating as part of a scalar
hierarchy involving the EU (tier 1), nation state (tier 3) and principal local authorities (tier 5). More
so, if LEP geographies of governance are to be viewed as the nodal spaces of distanciated connections
(opposed to bounded entities), then they could facilitate more dynamic interactions and evolve to suit
multiple requirements.
In a continuation of entrepreneurial politics, private business interests have been granted a preeminent
role in the governance of LEPs (Pugalis, 2012). Indeed, government also commissioned the British
Chambers of Commerce to mange a national LEP Network to ensure ‘business is at the helm’, in the
words of the Communities Secretary Eric Pickles. As a result, LEP boards are predominantly composed of
businessmen with the remainder made up of local elected representatives and ‘other’ interests. Most LEPs
have a nominal educational representative, such as a university vice chancellor, on the board and some
have also opted for voluntary and community sector representation, although it is unclear whether these
are tokenistic gestures. Due to their non-statutory nature, LEPs have adopted a variety of governance
arrangements and organisational forms. In addition, government have repeatedly stressed that there will
not be a dedicated funding stream to support the operation of LEPs or help deliver their priorities. As a
result, there are some important differences between LEPs and RDAs that preceded them (see Table 1).
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Table 1: RDA and LEP comparative functions
RDAs
LEPs
Statutory
basis and
purpose
Quasi-Autonomous Non- Governmental
Organisations (QUANGOs)
Enshrined in an Act of Parliament – 1998
Regional Development Agencies Act.
The Act provided RDAs with five statutory
purposes, to: further economic development
and regeneration; promote business efficiency,
investment and competitiveness; promote
employment; enhance development and
application of skill relevant to employment;
and contribute to sustainable development.
No statutory basis.
Government issued a White Paper that expects
LEPs to perform a broad strategic economic
leadership role that could involve LEPs
undertaking some delivery functions, although
government has not specified a core set of
functions.
Number and
geography
Nine – each with a geography coterminous
with England’s administrative regions.
38 – including geographical overlaps and less
than one percent of England’s population in
non-LEP areas.
Lifespan
Formally launched in eight English regions
on 1 April 1999. The ninth, in London,
was established in July 2000 following the
establishment of the Greater London Authority
(GLA).
Set to be abolished by the end of March 2012.
LEP proposals called for in June 2010.
The first round of LEPs were approved by
government in October 2010.
No fixed lifespan.
Departmental
sponsor
The Department for Business, Innovation
Responsibility for sponsorship of the RDAs
and Skills (BIS) and the Department for
moved from the former Department for the
Communities and Local Government (CLG)
Environment, Transport and the Regions
(DETR) to the Department of Trade and
Industry (DTI) in 2001, then to the Department
for Business, Enterprise & Regulatory Reform
(BERR) from Summer 2007, which was
restructured and renamed as the Department
for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS)..
Governance
Accountable to ministers (i.e. national
government).
Government appointed board – majority of
board representing private business interests.
Accountable to localities (i.e. local people and
businesses).
Government endorsed board – criteria expects
strong business input and a chair from the
private sector.
Powers
Issue Compulsory Purchase Orders.
Statutory planning consultee and regional
planning body powers.
Production of a Regional Economic Strategy
(superseded by an integrated Regional Strategy)
on behalf of the region.
Land acquisition, holding assets and trading.
No statutory powers.
LEPs are not precluded from acquiring land,
holding assets and trading, although the majority
are operating as unincorporated partnership
entities which prevent such activities.
Funding
A Single Programme budget (known as
the ‘Single Pot’) since April 2002, which
included contributions from BERR, CLG,
the Department of Innovation, Universities
and Skills (DIUS), the Department for the
Environment and Rural Affairs (DEFRA),
UK Trade and Investment (UKTI) and the
Department for Culture Media and Sport
(DCMS). Funding support totalled £2.3 billion
for the nine RDAs in 2007-08.
A one-off £5 million Start-up Fund.
A £4 million Capacity Fund over four years.
Government has nominally allocated LEPs
a share of a £500m Growing Places fund,
although each LEP must submit a business case
to government.
LEPs are expected to maximise the funding of
its constituent partners and coordinate bids from
alternative funding sources, such as the Regional
Growth Fund.
It is anticipated that those LEPs that have an
Enterprise Zone within their territory will be
able to retain the business rates generated from
these zones, which could provide a nominal
income stream to reinvest
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The transition from nine regions to 39 sub-regions generated cause for concern from a variety of sectoral
interests (Bentley et al., 2010; Bailey, 2011; Bentley, 2011; Pugalis, 2011a). Some business groups, for
example, complained of local politics derailing the opportunity to establish LEPs of sufficient scale,
with the Confederation of British Industry asserting that the government’s permissive approach was
unleashing a ‘wave of parochialism’ across the map. However, the case of Northumberland, Tyne and
Wear, and County Durham demonstrates that when government rejected some of the more parochial
bids, a wider geography cannot necessarily mitigate local political disputes:
The seven-council North Eastern LEP got going very belatedly and appears to have been squabbling
ever since. Witness the recent internal decision on what should be its Enterprise Zone bid: something
of a “spat” if reports are to be believed, Newcastle/Gateshead pushing for development of the
“urban core” both there and in Sunderland, everybody else favouring a “low-carbon zone” in the
A19 corridor, tied to the much vaunted prospects of the offshore wind industry. One could wince
to read the quotes of key players complaining of this or that person missing the relevant meeting,
of mini-cabals forcing through an agenda.
If you’re a hopeful sort you might say these issues are worth fighting over. Were you more sceptical,
you might worry that North East local authorities, in the teeth of a big test of leadership, are failing
– over concerned with their own doorstep, trying to steal a march on their neighbour. Competition
is usually healthy, but rather ruinous when it cuts across the common interest
(Kelly, 2011, p. 5).
Assuming that such a scale of governance would produce more optimum policy outcomes does not
take account of history. Initial media reports of the development of the North Eastern LEP augmented
previous analysis (Townsend & Pugalis, 2011), also would suggest that old rivalries die hard and new
relationships of trust take a substantial amount of time and effort to forge.
Despite the rhetoric of LEPs operating across functional spaces, there are many examples where the
substance is lacking. For example, Hertfordshire LEP has less than 70 percent of its population working
in the same area. Although, such travel-to-work calculations of self-containment go against the grain of
porous boundaries and open geographies, it is such data that directly helped inform the government’s
sanctioning of LEP proposals and underpins their claim that LEPs operate across ‘natural’ economic
geographies. There are also other examples, such as Greater Birmingham and Solihull LEP, which show
a much higher degree of self-containment, over 80 percent in this case, but are widely considered, for
example by the Chair of the Regional Studies Association, to be a poor reflection of a broader subregional spatial economy (Bailey, 2011; Bentley, 2011).
Analysis undertaken by the Centre for Cities concluded that the first wave of 24 LEPs had made only
limited progress over their first twelve months, arguing that they had failed to draw up convincing
strategies for investment and growth (Bolton & Coupar, 2011). Although the accuracy of this research
has been attacked by some LEPs (e.g. Tees Valley Unlimited) and critiqued by other observers (Gibbons,
2011), and the appropriateness of the metrics used to determine progress are questionable, alternative
research also concludes that, as yet, LEPs are failing to live up to government expectations (Pugalis et al.,
2012). Overall LEP progress has been slow and inconsistent. However, this is partly due to the shortage
of staff at a time of cuts by local authorities, the lack of policy direction by government (which has
afflicted the broader regeneration landscape) (HOC (House of Commons), 2011), and the lack also of
clarity and/or commitment from non-government actors, and deficient tools or resources. So whilst the
The local authority members of the Tyne and Wear City Region and MAA opted to submit four separate LEP
proposals to government covering: Northumberland and North Tyneside, Newcastle and Gateshead, South Tyneside
and Sunderland, and County Durham. Each of the bids were rejected by government, which in effect left the seven
local authorities with little option but to come together to submit a revised bid to government that was approved
under the name of ‘the North Eastern LEP’ in January 2011.
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majority of LEPs have been busy doing work behind-the-scenes – recruiting board members, formulating
governance arrangements, establishing partnership structures, agreeing priorities, developing business
plans, and formulating bids for resources and Enterprise Zones to government – fears that LEPs are
simply the latest in a long line of symbolic government policy ‘fads’, which may offer little more than
‘talking-shops’, continue to persist.
It is true, however, that LEPs have taken on a distinct role in implementing the government’s growth
policy since the beginning of 2011. Their role in proposing the sites of Enterprise Zones has been followed
by a similar role in recommending (mainly relatively small) transport investments, and in allocating
spending to speed up infrastructure projects. This is beginning to transform LEPs from a role in ‘soft’
non-statutory planning towards a ‘harder’ approach to development management. Nevertheless, many of
the roles and activities originally desired by LEPs, have either been recentralised to London (e.g. inward
investment and business advice) (Bentley, Bailey & Shutt, 2010) or in the case of employment and skills
remain firmly under the remit of the Department of Work and Pensions, which has traditionally been
ambivalent to regionalisation and decentralisation (Ayres & Stafford, 2012). Therefore, the limitations
of the RDAs’ role as strategic enablers and influencers, which according to some was undermined by a
lack of discretionary power and resources (Fuller et al., 2002), is likely to persist under the mantle of
LEPs. More so, LEPs will arguably possess much less traction than RDAs. But with the demise of regions,
some LEPs are anticipated to develop into effective sub-national economic planning entities or at least
the prime fora for strategic economic planning questions, over the coming years.
SCALAR SHIFTS: DO NEW ‘FUNCTIONAL’ SUB-REGIONAL
ARRANGEMENTS HELP RESOLVE SOME OLD ISSUES?
From a professional vantage-point, the English sub-region has long been recognised as a workable
scale for the planning and co-ordination of multiple spatial interactions, as seen for example in official
requirements for transport evaluation based on land-use plans as far back as the 1960s (Solesbury &
Townsend, 1970) and the formation of Metropolitan Counties and Passenger Transport Authorities
analysed earlier. Whilst not suggesting that the sub-region is the optimum scale of work for all purposes,
the English sub-region does benefit from an ability to address larger-than-local matters. If given time to
develop, LEPs present a theoretically viable scale for the meaningful consideration of strategic economic
planning matters. Yet, whether they have plugged the democratic deficit that was a repeated criticism
of RDAs remains a valid question. Hence, whether some, if any, LEPs will evolve into legitimate and
appropriate arenas for governing larger-than-local economic planning decisions is worthy of further
empirical examination. As presently constituted, it is unlikely that LEPs are equipped to undertake a
statutory plan-making role as envisaged for RDAs following the 2007 SNR.
Relating back to the notion of subsidiarity, without statutory powers there is a danger that the strategic
spatial leadership role of LEPs and much of their work could prove nugatory. For example, a LEP covering
several Districts could find each local planning committee approving ‘rival’ development schemes,
despite previous broad strategic accords under the banner of the LEP. Such a scenario is likely to promote
inefficient local competition. Guy (2010), for example, argues that the forthcoming period will see an
intensification of a large number of clashes between local authorities over new retail developments.
Indications of local place rivalries have already started to surface, including disputes between Bradford
and Leeds, and Sunderland and Newcastle. Irrespective of the ‘duty to co-operate’ contained in the
2011 Localism Act, councillors are not elected to co-operate across local authority boundaries. Without
some enforcement of an overall plan for the LEP area, local planning decisions will be largely divorced
from the priorities and activities of LEPs, and could shatter broader political agreements and strategic
collaboration.
Local Economic Assessments, intended to assess the ‘whole economy’ and thus incorporating wider
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December 2011
spatial endeavours such as housing and transport, are likely to retain some importance and inform the
work of some LEPs, although it is less clear what role other social and environmental assessments will
perform. The role of LEPs in economic planning or more holistic strategic planning is unlikely to be
uniform and could, in turn, be marginalised by some LEPs if they opt to concentrate on a narrow range
of activities to stimulate the economy. There is a growing unease among some practitioners that LEPs
may accelerate the ‘neoliberalisation’ of planning, apparent in Labour’s SNR (Townsend, 2009a). This
countered the balanced inclusion of the social and environmental aspects of Regional Spatial Strategies.
A rescaling of strategic policy organisation across 39 sub-regions may go some way in filling the strategic
leadership gap or fissure that has opened between national and local scales of policy. Nonetheless, the
potential pitfalls that applied to the joint public-private sign-off of Regional Strategies, by RDAs and
Leaders’ Boards remain (Counsell et al., 2007; Marshall, 2008; Warburton, 2008; Hildreth, 2009;
Townsend, 2009a).
At this stage in the evolution of LEPs it is too early to assess the material effects that this latest round of
state-led rescaling will have on policy formulation and implementation. Nevertheless, since the original
LEP proposals were submitted to government in September 2010 there have been some indications that
socio-economic-environmental problems are being reframed to focus more ruthlessly on (economic)
opportunities. This is by no means a new policy direction, but rather a deepening of the entrepreneurial
mode of governance analysed above. A major difference between New Labour’s and the Coalition’s
larger-than-local economic planning strategies, however, is that the former retained a strong commitment
to communitarian programmes whereas the latter has replaced dedicated regeneration funding with cuts
to welfare budgets as part of a strategy to ‘make work pay’. The Coalition’s incentivised system has
caused considerable concern across the regeneration and planning sector (Broughton et al., 2011; HOC
(House of Commons), 2011). With LEPs lacking the financial resources of RDAs, a major dilemma is that
LEPs will focus what little resources they do have on targeting resources towards those places, people and
businesses that are perceived to offer the best chance of ‘returns on investment’. In other words, the ‘low
hanging fruit’. Whilst there could be an appropriate policy role for this form of problem framing, what
will be of the fruit most difficult to reach?
CONCLUSION
Conceptualising scalar shifts as part of a recurrent process, this paper has drawn attention to the role of
politics and the use of policy narratives to rationalise new modes of policy. This practice of scalar politics
has been illuminated through the case of post-1997 sub-national economic planning arrangements in
England, and specifically the transition from working with regions to sub-regions, which has accelerated
since 2010. Given the factors identified in this paper it is not surprising that RDAs, in a similar manner
to the regional bodies of 1966 to 1979, later fell in both the Conservatives’ (Conservative Party, 2009)
and Liberal Democrats’ (Liberal Democrats, 2010) sights for closure, a process, arguably, accelerated by
the budget deficit inherited from Labour. Although tools such as Regional Spatial Strategies had been
important, they were also unpopular in the coalition parties’ grass-roots and thinking. The transition
from Labour’s state-centric regime to a more devolved system based on incentives under a Coalition
Government showed a decisive change in the practice of economic planning.
The abolition of RDAs in concert with the purge on Labour’s regionalist policy-framework created the
space for LEPs. However, the process of setting up LEPs and their decisions over priorities revealed some
of the locally-rooted political tensions that RDAs had attempted to resolve. LEPs have been given a clear,
if weak, role which has nonetheless gained strength since summer 2010. There has been a tendency
for concerns to converge on the issue of economic objectives, usurping social and environmental goals
(Marshall, 2008; Townsend, 2009a) The perpetuation of ‘partnership’ with business shows a thread of
consistency in placing emphasis on public-private collaboration: a trend that has grown since at least
the 1980s and held sway irrespective of political ideologies. This is a strategy that attempts to provide a
202
new cover for some old politics; namely neoliberalism including the deepening of entrepreneurial forms
of governance. Whether the geographies of LEPs reflect ‘functional’ economic areas is open to debate
and will necessitate further research to examine the effectiveness of policy formulation/implementation
at these new or ‘natural’ geographies in the words of the Coalition Government. The evolution of LEPs
could also later be provided with a statutory basis and legislative responsibilities, potentially with a clear
democratic mandate that the strategic tier across England has continually lacked.
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Improving building
performance through
integrating constructability
in the design process
Ayman Ahmed Ezzat Othman1
ABSTRACT
This paper aims to investigate the integration of construction knowledge and contractor’s
experience in the design process as an approach for improving building performance.
In order to achieve this aim, a research methodology is designed to accomplish four
objectives. Firstly, reviewing the nature of the construction industry; constructability;
architecture and the design process and measuring building performance. Secondly,
presenting case studies of successful projects benefited from applying the concept of
constructability during the design process. Thirdly, developing an innovative framework
to facilitate the integration of construction knowledge and contractor’s experience in
the design process and establishing the strategies that support its application. Finally,
summarising research conclusions and recommendations useful to construction
professionals and further research. Findings of the research show that integrating the
concept of constructability during the design stage improves building performance
and enhances the relationships between project participants.
Keywords: constructability, design management, design process, partnering, performance, quality.
INTRODUCTION
The construction industry is one of the biggest industries worldwide. It has significant contributions
towards social and economic development at national and international levels. It provides communities
with places for housing, education, culture, health care, business, leisure and entertainment. In addition,
it constructs the infrastructure projects that are essential for these facilities to perform their intended
functions. Furthermore, it increases the gross domestic product (GDP), motivates development of other
industries that support the construction process such as building materials and construction equipment as
Architectural Engineering Department, Faculty of Engineering, the British University in Egypt, Postal Code 11837,
P.O. Box 43, El Sherouk City, Cairo, Egypt.
1
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Improving building performance through integrating constructability in the design process
well as offers employment opportunities. On the other hand, the construction industry is arguably one of
the most resource-intensive and environmentally damaging industries worldwide. Construction accounts
for 40% of the total flow of raw materials into the global economy every year. It is a substantial source of
waste, pollution and land dereliction (Earth watch Institute 2011, Roodman and Lenssen 1995). Anink
et al. (1996) stated that the construction sector is responsible for 50% of material resources taken from
nature, 40% of energy consumption and 50% of total waste generated. Virtually, all modern buildings
now have artificial heating or cooling systems and sometimes both. Large amounts of energy are wasted
in constructing, heating and cooling large and impressive glass cladding skyscrapers particularly in sunny,
hot and humid countries (Architectural Review 1995, Abdellatif and Othman 2006). Furthermore, the
construction industry is plagued with a number of problems that limits achieving its optimum output.
One of these important problems is the creation of division between designers and contractors through
separating design from construction (Field and Ofori 1988, Othman 2007, Mthalane et al. 2008).
The traditional procurement approaches usually used in construction projects and the large number
of organisations, with different and sometime conflicting objectives, skills and interests took part in
creating a fragmentation and adversarial relationship between project participants, which eventually
obstructed contractors from providing designers with construction comments and feedback to improve
the building design (Motsa et al. 2008). Professional fragmentation in construction has become the
theme of many research studies carried out globally. This has triggered the emergence of the concepts of
‘Buildability’ and ‘Constructability’. Although both terms are used interchangeably, buildability refers to
the extent to which a building design facilitates ease of construction whilst other clients’ requirements
are met. It focuses on the design of a building. In contrast, constructability, which embraces both design
and management functions, is concerned with a wider scope than ‘buildability’. It deals with the project
management systems that optimally use construction knowledge and experience to enhance efficient
project delivery. Particularly, benefits become apparent when constructability is considered at the earliest
possible stages (Wong et al. 2006). The importance of the design process as many critical decisions
are made during this phase (e.g., material selection, standard components, construction methods) and
the key role played by contractors as the entity responsible for delivering the designed facility, called
for the early involvement of contractors in the design process as an approach for improving building
performance.
RESEARCH AIM AND OBJECTIVES
The aim of this paper is to investigate the integration of construction knowledge and contractor’s
experience in the design process as an approach for improving building performance. In order to achieve
this aim, four objectives have to be accomplished:
• Building a thorough background of the study topic through reviewing the state-of-the-art relating
to the nature of the construction industry; constructability; architecture and the design process and
measuring building performance.
• Presenting a number of case studies of successful projects improved their performance through
integrating construction knowledge and contractor’s experience in the design process.
• Developing an innovative framework to facilitate the integration of construction knowledge and
contractor’s experience in the design process and establish the strategies that support its application.
• Outlining the research conclusions and recommendations useful for construction professionals and
further research.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The research methodology designed to achieve the abovementioned aim and objectives, consisted of
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three interrelated activities, namely data collection, data analysis and action required. During the data
collection activity, different sources are used to accomplish the first and second objectives. This included
textbooks, academic journals, conference proceedings, dissertations and theses, government publications
and related websites. In addition, creative case studies of successful projects are presented to show the
benefits of integrating construction knowledge and contractor’s experience during the design process.
They included the re-design of the structural system of Lansing Community College, Michigan, USA
and the integration of contractor in the design of Cannon beach residence project. Collected data
was analysed qualitatively through focusing on the contractor’s contribution, methods and timing of
integration during the design process. As an action for facilitating the integration of the concept of
constructability in the design process as an approach for improving building performance, an innovative
framework is developed and the strategies that support its application are established. Because of the
importance of validity and reliability, this research depended on facts rather than subjective information
which increased the reliability and validity of collected data and research findings.
LITERATURE REVIEW
The Nature of the Construction Industry
The construction industry is a dynamic and ever-expanding business. It plays a significant role towards
supporting governments and international organisations to achieve their social and economic development
programmes. On the other hand and due to its nature, construction is a complex, risky, fragmented
industry and has negative impacts to the environment. It is a time-consuming process that consists of
thousand of interrelated design, construction and operation activities. Construction is characterised by
high capital investment, reliance on developers and subcontractors, an extensive and complex regulatory
framework, high interest costs and competition. In addition, increasing client expectations coupled with
the technological development of materials and equipment as well as the impact of internal and external
influences made the construction industry subject to more risks than any other industry (Othman et al.
2004, Othman and Harinarain 2009). Furthermore, the involvement of multitude of participants (e.g.
clients, architects, engineers, contractors, labours) with different objectives, skills and interests coupled
with the traditional procurement approach which separates design from construction and creates a division
between designers and contractors, made the construction industry a highly fragmented business. This
inhibited the design team from utilising and benefiting from the construction knowledge and experience
of other project participants, particularly contractors. Hence, design mistakes, incompatible drawings,
lack of details, inefficient construction methods, specification ambiguity and errors are repeated which
obstruct improving building performance on the long run.
CONSTRUCTABILITY
Definitions and Concept Development
The Construction Industry Institute (CII 1987) defined Constructability as the optimum integration
of construction knowledge and experience in planning, design, procurement, and field operations to
achieve overall project objectives and improve building performance. Constructability, which is also
known as Buildability in the UK, is a project management technique that encompasses a detailed
review of design drawings, models, specifications, and construction processes by one or more highly
experienced construction engineers or specialists, working with the project team before a project is
put out for bids and also prior to construction mobilization (Douglas and Gransberg 2009). It helps
identifying obstacles before a project is actually built to reduce or prevent errors, delays, wastes and
cost overrun. Constructability focuses the team on maximizing the simplicity, economy, and speed of
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construction, while considering the site conditions, code restrictions, and client requirements (Aeck and
Ruby, 2006) which increases the probability of project success, reduce construction waste and improve
building performance.
The concept of Constructability was first emerged in UK and USA during the late 1970’s as a result of
studies aimed to maximize the efficiency, productivity, cost effectiveness and quality in the construction
industry. Researchers in the UK had initially focused their attention on the design process and the
early involvement of construction expertise. Later on, researchers tended to enlarge the scope by
encompassing management practices and procurement approaches as contributors to the buildability and
constructability concepts. In the US, the CII promoted the concept of constructability and formulated
guidelines for implementation. Likewise, CII Australia proposed 12 principles for putting the concept of
constructability in action. In the 1990s, Singapore introduced the first assessment system for buildability
of designs. These studies and actions showed that the lack of integration of construction knowledge into
the design process was considered as one of the main reasons for projects exceeding their budgets and
schedule deadlines (Trigunarsyah 2004, Wong et al. 2006).
Constructability Concepts
Twenty-three concepts have been developed by Nima et al. (2001) to enhance and facilitate the adoption
and application of the constructability philosophy throughout the different phases of the construction
process (see Tables 1, 2 &3).
Table 1: Constructability Enhancement Concepts during Conceptual Planning Phase
Concept C1The project constructability programme should be discussed and documented within
the project execution plan, through the participation of all project team members.
Concept C2A project team that includes representatives of the owner, engineer and contractor
should be formulated and maintained to take the constructability issue into
consideration from the outset of the project and through all of its phases.
Concept C3Individuals with current construction knowledge and experience should achieve the
early project planning so that interference between design and construction can be
avoided.
Concept C4The construction methods should be taken into consideration when choosing the type
and the number of contracts required for executing the project.
Concept C5The master project schedule and the construction completion date should be
construction-sensitive and should be assigned as early as possible.
Concept C6In order to accomplish the field operations easily and efficiently, major construction
methods should be discussed and analysed in-depth as early as possible to direct the
design according to these methods. This could include recovery and recycling methods
as well as sustainable and final disposal planning.
Concept C7Site layout should be studied carefully so that construction, operation and maintenance
can be performed efficiently, and to avoid interference between the activities performed
during these phases.
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December 2011
Table 2: Constructability Enhancement Concepts During Design and Procurement Phases
Concept C8Design and procurement schedules should be dictated by construction sequence.
Thus, the construction schedule must be discussed and developed prior to the design
development and procurement schedule.
Concept C9Advanced information technologies are important to any field including the
construction industry. Therefore, the use of those technologies will overcome
the problem of fragmentation into specialized roles in this field, and enhance
constructability.
Concept C10Designs, through design simplification by designers and design review by qualified
construction personnel, must be configured to enable efficient construction. This will
help minimise material waste, recycling and cost-effectiveness.
Concept C11Project elements should be standardized to an extent that will never affect the project
cost negatively.
Concept C12The project technical specifications should be simplified and configured to achieve
efficient construction without sacrificing the level or the efficiency of the project
performance.
Concept C13The implementation of modularization and preassembly for project elements should be
taken into consideration and studied carefully. Modularization and preassembly design
should be prepared to facilitate fabrication, transportation and installation.
Concept C14Project design should take into consideration the accessibility of construction
personnel, materials and equipment to the required position inside the site.
Concept C15Design should facilitate construction during adverse weather conditions. Efforts should
be made to plan for the construction of the project under suitable weather conditions;
otherwise, the designer must increase the project elements that could be prefabricated
in workshops.
Table 3: Constructability Enhancement Concepts During Field Operations Phases
Concept C16Field tasks sequencing should be configured in order to minimize damages or rework
of some project elements, minimize scaffolding needs, formwork used, or congestion of
construction personnel, material and equipment.
Concept C17Innovation in temporary construction materials/systems, or implementing innovative
ways of using available temporary construction materials/systems that have not been
defined or limited by the design drawings and technical specifications will contribute
positively to the enhancement of constructability.
Concept C18Incorporating innovation of new methods in using off-the-shelf hand tools, or
modification of the available tools, or introduction of a new hand tools that reduce
labour intensity, increase mobility, safety or accessibility will enhance constructability at
the construction phase.
Concept C19Introduction of innovative methods for using the available equipment or modification
of the available equipment to increase their productivity will lead to a better
constructability.
Concept C20In order to increase the productivity, reduce the need for scaffolding, or improve the
project constructability under adverse weather conditions, constructors should be
encouraged to use any optional preassembly.
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Concept C21Constructability will be enhanced by encouraging the constructor to carry out
innovation of temporary facilities.
Concept C22Good contractors, based on quality and time, should be documented, so that contracts
for future construction works would not be awarded based on low bids only, but by
considering other project attributes, i.e. quality and time.
Concept C23Evaluation, documentation and feedback of the issues of the constructability concepts
should be maintained throughout the project to be used in later projects as lessons
learned.
Constructability Awareness and Reviews in Design Firms
Two international studies by Arditi et al. (2002) in the United States and Motsa et al. (2008) in South
Africa found that most design firms are aware and perceive the concept of constructability with 95.7%
and 84% respectively. 50.7% of respondents in the United States indicated that they have a formalized
corporate philosophy about constructability in their organizations. Where in South Africa, 76% of the
design firms indicated that they required contractors’ experience in their design because contractors
have better knowledge about material availability and appropriate technology that affects design and
cost. In their survey, Uhlik and Lores (1998) indicated that 90% of general contractors surveyed did
not have formal constructability programmes, nor did they take action towards the implementation of
constructability programmes. There seem to be more explicit constructability programmes in design
firms than in construction companies. This is probably caused by the general belief that constructability
review is particularly valuable in the design phase (Zimmerman and Hart1982, Burati et al 1992).
Techniques Used in Constructability Reviews
There are a number of techniques used in construability reviews. Douglas and Gransberg (2009)
mentioned in their study that ‘‘peer review’’ and ‘‘feedback systems’’ are the most popular tools used in
conducting constructability reviews in design firms with 88% and 87%, respectively (see Figure 1). This
is because government authorities mandate peer reviews for specific contracts and before issuing building
permits for complex projects. There are two types of peer reviews, namely project management and
project design. The first focuses on the planning or management aspects of a project; whereas the latter
evaluates the technical aspects of a project. Peer reviews may involve both of these reviews to improve
the quality of a project prior to entering the construction phase. A major advantage of peer reviews is
benefit from the accumulated construction experience to uncover and correct design inconsistencies and
specify alternative construction methods that the designer may not be familiar with. The feedback process
involves the capture and transfer of past lessons learned using either hard copy records or multimedia
tools. In the latter, the computer tool captures, records, and stores constructability concepts and lessons
learned, while providing design professionals with easy access and graphical retrieval of concepts and
lessons to deepen their understanding of constructability issues (Multimedia Constructability Tool 1998
cited in Arditi et al. 2002).
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Figure: 1 Constructability Review Techniques (Source: Douglas & Gransberg 2009)
Small-scale physical models are considered the least common tool used in constructability analysis. This
finding indicates that this once popular tool used to visualize the project is on its way to becoming
obsolete except for highly sophisticated structures like petrochemical plants. Design firms appear to
rely more on computer generated models to pursue constructability of design than building physical
models, probably because of cost and time considerations. It is worth mentioning here that design firms
utilize various different tools in their pursuit of constructability, depending on the characteristics of
the projects undertaken. Other techniques included discussions with contractors, clients, and suppliers;
quality assurance/quality control after each design stage; the construction manager participating in design
reviews; and design checklist reviews.
When to Apply Constructability Reviews?
Because of its ability to improve building performance, constructability could be applied at any phase
of the project life cycle. But due to the different nature of every phase in terms of the involved parties,
technical requirements, inputs, tools and techniques as well as expected output, the potential contribution
of constructability varies (see Table 4) (Douglas and Gransberg 2009)
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Table 4: Constructability Contributions During Project Phases
Project Phase
Phase Characteristics and Constructability Contribution
Feasibility PhaseOften clients of projects do not have any “in-house” capability for construction services,
so they procure the services of a consulting firm to perform the initial “feasibility
phase” constructability review. The consulting firm works from the preliminary
design documents and provides useful suggestions (e.g., selecting sustainable and
recyclable materials, reducing design complexity, etc.) that are incorporated into the
design package. The focus of a feasibility phase constructability review is to generate
alternatives that can be expanded by conceptual design decisions in a manner that
permits the necessary financial and schedule considerations for each alternative to
be determined with the requisite degree of certainty by cost engineering specialists
or equivalent. Essentially, the constructability reviewer/consultant will furnish the
client with options that were not contemplated by the designer. The results of the
constructability review can literally make or break a project’s viability.
Early DesignAs the architects/engineers develop the project design; the client typically retains
Phase
a second team of specialists who specialize in providing construction management
(CM) services. The constructability review takes place as the construction documents
are being developed. This CM team will perform a detailed constructability review
(CR) of the proposed project documents: design drawings, technical specifications
including specified construction materials, the proposed site layout and if available;
the construction cost estimate and project milestone schedule. This review effort will
focus on whether the project can be built as designed. This CM/CR team effort will
provide suggestions on ways to improve the project: such as a more efficient site
layout, alternate construction materials including recycled ones, identifies possibly
detrimental design specifications that could result in long lead time procurements or
exotic construction techniques, using standard components as well as ease of design
and disassembly.
Procurement When the overall project design is approximately 60%-90% complete, the client retains
Phase
a construction management firm to prepare the project for the procurement phase that
prepares the subcontracts and procurement bid packages, pre-qualification of vendors,
suppliers and trade contractors. These procurement bid packages must be complete design
packages in order to provide the qualified bidders with the information necessary to make
intelligent cost proposals for the overall success of the project. During the subcontractor
procurement process, after receipt of the request for proposal (RFP), the various
bidding contractors will normally conduct their own constructability reviews prior to
bidding. Constructability clarification questions are frequently transmitted to the client’s
representative who provides additional information about site conditions, ambiguous or
missing construction details, and often the bidding contractors may propose alternate
construction methods for consideration.
Construction Constructability continues to be a viable tool for the success of the project after
Phase
the award of the major contracts and purchase orders. For example, a mechanical
contractor, employing constructability reviews, may determine that certain piping
components could be fabricated in their shop and economically transported by truck
to the project site, thereby improving both labour productivity and reduce the field
costs for that large component of the work on a project. The client, the engineer, and
the CM must remember that trade subcontractors are the technical experts in their
field and must include construction contract language that encourages constructability
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improvement suggestions as well as requests for material and means substitutions.
The submittal review process must be established to identify potential constructability
improvements and then analyze the impact of implementing them on both project
budget and schedule.
After Action Constructability does not end when the project is completed. Often the project
Reviews
participants are in a hurry to close out the project and move on to another assignment.
Either there is happiness over the success of the project, or there is a strong desire to
put their bad experiences behind them and move on. In either case, there should be
a formal review to capture the constructability lessons learned on the project. The
corporation should establish a constructability database.
The integration of the concept of constructability throughout the project life cycle is supported by
Arditi et al. (2002) who indicated that 87% of the surveyed design firms used constructability reviews
during the developed design stage. In addition, Motsa et al. (2008) confirmed that 58% of South African
design firms use constructability during the outline proposal stage and 50% during the detailed proposal
stage. This means that most design firms surveyed treat constructability integration as part of an overall
continuous project improvement process, which is the recommended by most researchers O’Connor and
Miller (1994). Having another approach, Mendelsohn (1997) stated that it is generally believed that
implementing constructability reviews should be conducted after plans are completed to a certain level in
order for reviewers to have something to work with. Alternatively, construction knowledge and expertise
must be brought in before any design is put onto paper. This approach enables designers to begin their
work with certain key issues in mind, issues that can frequently be accommodated without adverse cost
to the design.
Professionals Involved in the Constructability Reviews
Although achieving constructability objectives is the responsibility of all project participants, not all
professionals have the same chance to be involved in the design process. Motsal et al. (2008) mentioned
in their studies that, the surveyed design firms were asked to indicate the professionals that are usually
involved in the design process. All respondents indicated that structural engineers were the most
commonly involved professionals, while 44.7% of the respondents stated that specialist subcontractors
were the least commonly involved (see Table 5). This could be attributed to the perception that some
project participants can contribute more than others towards achieving constructability objectives. In
addition, time constrains, client encouragement and participant’s willingness could be other reasons to
be considered.
Table 5: Professionals involved in the Constructability Reviews
Professionals
No. of respondents
% Response
Quantity Surveyors
36
94.7
Main Contractors
18
47.4
Subcontractors18
47.4
Specialist Subcontractors
17
44.7
Structural Engineers
38
100
Electrical Engineers
33
86.8
Mechanical Engineers
33
86.8
Land Surveyors
28
73.7
Source: Motsa et al 2008
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Construction Engineer’s Involvement in Design
Arditi et al. (2002) mentioned in their study that 95% of the respondents are of the opinion that
construction engineers should be involved in the design phase in addition to other professionals that
are already participating in this stage. This finding indicates that designers are aware of the need for a
construction expert to provide the design team with insights into the construction phase of the project.
Although 57% of the respondents believe that construction engineers should be involved regardless
of project conditions, 38% indicated that the involvement of construction engineers should depend
on the size, complexity, and type of project. Several respondents made remarks like ‘‘sometimes our
office engineers do not see things as our construction people do. This kind of remark indicates that the
designers are not against the potential advisory role that experienced construction personnel might play
in their organizations. It emphasizes the fundamental differences between designers and contractors that
a designer has a conceptual mind that relates to intangibles and a contractor has a practical mind that
relates to tangibles.
Constructability Reviews and Procumbent Methods
There are a number of procurement methods used in construction projects namely traditional routes
(e.g. design-bid-build) and non-traditional routes (e.g. design and build). Tam (2007) stated that the
traditional procurement method is the most typical method used in the construction industry. One of the
main burdens in using this method in construction projects is the lack of contractor involvement in the
design stage. It should be noted that separation between designers and contractors in handling design and
construction activities largely affects project constructability. The traditional procurement method lacks
co-ordination between design and construction phases of the project, in which individual parties mainly
concern on their own interests. Therefore, other procurement approaches are highly encouraged for
construction projects to utilise the construction knowledge and contractor’s experience to deliver better
construction projects and develop common interests between project participants. An interviewed main
contractor highlighted that the involvement of contractors at the early design stage in a project can bring
advantages in considering construction methods (such as the use of prefabrication in major activities
including concreting, plastering and formworking, rather than wet-trade construction activities) before
project commencement on site and to improve project constructability.
Barriers to Constructability
O’Connor (1994) identified barriers to constructability as significant inhibitors that prevent effective
implementation of a constructability programme. The barriers to constructability are (CII 1987,
Abdellatif and Othman 2006, Douglas and Gransberg 2009):
Owner Barriers
• Lack of awareness and resistance to formal constructability programmes.
• Perception that constructability delays project schedule
• Reluctance to invest additional money and/or effort in early project stages
• Lack of genuine commitment
• Distinctly separate design management and construction management operations
• Lack of construction experience
• Lack of team-building or partnering
• Disregard of constructability in selecting contractors and consultants
• Contracting difficulties in defining constructability scope
• Misdirected design objectives and performance measures
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• Lack of financial incentive for designer
• Gold-plated standard specifications
• Limitations of lump-sum competitive contracting
• Unreceptive to contractor innovation
Designer Barriers
• Perception that they have considered it.
• Lack of awareness of benefits, concepts, etc.
• Lacks of construction experience/qualified personnel.
• Setting company goals over project goals.
• Lack of awareness of construction technologies.
• Lack of mutual respect between designers and constructors.
• Perception of increased designer liability.
• Construction input is requested too late to be of value.
• Faulty, ambiguous, or defective working drawings.
• Incomplete specifications and budgetary limitations.
Contractor Barriers
• Reluctance of field personnel to offer preconstruction advice.
• Poor timeliness of input.
• Poor communication skills.
• Lack of involvement in tool and equipment development.
Waste Management and Recycling Barriers
• Lack of understanding the importance and benefits of managing and recycling waste,
• Lack of awareness and integration of the waste management philosophy in the design process.
• Not specifying the use of recycled materials in design.
• Over specification.
• Using materials / products that generate waste.
•P
oor communication with waste management specialists who need to be integrated early in the design
process.
•L
ack of considering life cycle cost and specify non-durable or sustainable materials results in replacing
materials / products many times during the project life span.
Benefits of Constructability in the Design Process
Constructability should be applied at the early stage and considered as an important objective in all
stages of the construction process. This is because of its ability to influence project cost and add better
value for money. Based on their construction knowledge and experience, contractors can play a major
role in reducing construction waste and enhancing building performance during the design stage Nima
et al. (2001). On a scale of 1-5, Motsa et al. (2008) identified and ranked the benefits of implementing
constructability (see Figure 2). In addition, Arditi et al. (2002) Identified and ranked the benefits of
constructability to design firms (see Table 6).
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Figure: 2 Benefits of Implementing Constructability Source: Motsa et al 2008
Table 6: The Opportunities for Implementing Constructability Reviews
Developing better relationships with clients and contractors
2.7
Being involved in fewer lawsuits
2.5
Building a good reputation
2.5
Professional satisfaction
2.4
Efficient Design
2.3
Source: Architi et al 2002
Architecture and the Design Process
Definitions
By referring to Webster Dictionary, “Architecture” has one of the following meanings:
• The art of making plans for buildings, the work of an architect.
• The style or styles of building that an architect produces or imitates; as a church or modern architecture.
It could be defined as the science and the art of building. It is understood to be the whole of the
environment built by humans, including buildings, urban spaces, and landscape (Roth 1994).
The Architect is defined as the person who designs buildings. The role of the architect is to design
buildings within the framework of the national building bylaws and the local planning restrictions
and to document and supervise the erection thereof in order that it will meet the client requirements
(Hauptfleisch 2004).
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An Introduction to Design
Every construction project starts with a plan. The plan identifies all the details of the project. It is
developed by many different people, such as architects, engineers, draughtsmen, and specification
writers. Design is the first step in a construction project. It could be defined as “the process of deciding
what a structure will look like and how it will function. Designing a project can be entirely new or it can
be a result of several ideas combined together to meet the needs of a specific project (Fales 1991).
Design Theories
There are two opposing views of the theories of design. In one view, termed the “Glass Box Theory”,
design is taken to be a rational, explicable decision making process, while the opposing view, the “Black
Box Theory”, holds design ability to be a talent which cannot as yet be rationally explained. The “Glass
Box Theory”, assumes that the process is a transparent, rational one where objectives are fixed in
advance, information relevant to the problem is gathered, this data is analysed, a possible solution is
synthesised and then evaluated against the objectives. If it is thought that the attempt at the solution can
be improved upon, then a re-iterative process follows where the solution is refined until some optimum
is achieved. The “Black Box Theory” maintains that the most important part of the design process is
the creative act on the part of the designer. They point out that the unpredictable, associative abilities
of the human mind which produce an idea cannot be accounted for by any rational model. It is to this
theory that many practising designers subscribe, they offend the attempts to explain their abilities and
argue that designers cannot always give convincing reasons for their design decisions. Design problems
are extremely complex, requiring the designer to deal interrelationship between many sub-problems.
When dealing with problems requiring the manipulation of more than one a few parameters then, the
designer must initially focus on a well-structured sub-problem as a point of entry to the design problem.
The environment in which the design problem is being solved brings various pressures to bear on the
designer. Principals among these pressures are lack of time and increasing professionalism. It is argued
that architects gain more esteem from peer approval than from the satisfaction of the client or users. It
is therefore in their interest at times to pursue their own aims in designing a building, particularly from
the aesthetic point of view, and deny the client group the opportunity of interfering with his own ideas
of how the building should be designed (Roth 1994, Othman 2008).
The RIBA Plan of Work
In 1964 the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) published the RIBA Handbook in which was published
a model procedure for methodical design process, termed the RIBA plan of Work. Subsequently, the plan of
work was revised in 2000 and then updated in 2007 to cope with the ever-changing business environment,
meet clients and users’ expectations as well as technology enhancement. The process is typically broken down
into 5 main phases namely, preparation, design, pre-construction, construction and use. . Detailed description
of the activities to be carried out in each phase is mentioned in Table 7 (RIBA 2011).
Measuring Building Performance
Definitions and Background
Generally speaking, performance is defined as the action or process of performing. Hence, measuring building
performance could be defined as the evaluation of the ability of a building to accomplish its intended function
and satisfy its users. It is an ongoing process which aims to identify what is going well and why and what
is going wrong or could be improved, and why. In addition, corrective actions have to be taken in order to
overcome shortcomings and enhance performance. Performance measurement can only be effective if it is
carried out against specific aim and objectives (Pettinger 2001). In the past, the performance of construction
projects was typically evaluated informally and in terms of cost, time, and quality.
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Table 7. The RIBA Plan of Work
Preparation
Design
Pre Construction
Contractor.
Use
(A) Appraisal
• Identification of Client’s needs and objective, business case and of possible
constraints on development.
• Preparation of feasibility studies to enable the client to decide whether to proceed.
(B) Design Brief
• Development of initial statement of requirements into the design brief by or on
behalf of the Client confirming key requirements and constraints.
• Identification of procurement method, procedures, organisational structure and
range of Consultants and others to be engaged for the Project.
(C) Concept
• Implementation of design brief and preparation of additional data.
• Preparation of Concept Design including outline proposals for structural and
building services systems, outline specifications and preliminary cost plan.
• Review of procurement route.
(D) Design Development
• Development of concept design to include structural and building services
systems, updated outline specifications and cost plan.
• Completion of Project Brief.
• Application for detailed planning approval.
(E) Technical Design
• Preparation of Technical design(s) and specifications sufficient for co-ordination
of all components and elements of the Project. and information for statutory
standards and construction safety.
F) Production Information
• F1 Preparation of detailed information for construction. Application for statutory
approvals.
• F2 Preparation of further information for construction required under the
building contract. Review of information provided by specialists
(G) Tender documentation
• Preparation and collation of tender documentation in sufficient detail to enable a
tender or tenders to be obtained for the construction of the Project.
(H) Tender action
• Identification and evaluation of potential contractors and/or specialists for the
construction of the Project.
• Obtaining and appraising tenders and submission of recommendations to the
Client.
(J) Mobilisation
• Letting the building contract, appointing the Contractor.
• Issuing of production information to the Contractor.
• Arranging site handover to the Contractor.
(K) To practical completion
• Administration of the building contract up to and including practical completion.
• Provision to the Contractor of further information as and when reasonably
required.
• Review of information provided by contractors and specialists.
(L) Post Practical Completion
• L1 Administration of the building contract after Practical Completion and making
final inspections.
• L2 Assisting building user during initial occupation period
• L3 Review of project performance in use
Source: Riba 2011
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This type of evaluation was perhaps sufficient at that time because building projects were relatively
less complex and the level of technology in design was low. But things have changed dramatically and
the three categories of project evaluation of time, cost and quality have been described as insufficient.
Building performance evaluation has to be improved to cope with the ever-increasing proliferation and
specialisation in the construction industry in terms of building types, services, technology, code and
regulatory requirements, energy conservation, fire safety, environmental health, and safety constraints
(Kagioglou et al. 2001, Langston and Ding 2001).
Building Performance Criteria
In order to improve building performance it is of prime importance to establish the criteria to be used
for evaluating building performance. This will help design firms to utilise the construction knowledge
and experience of project participants, contractors in particular, to achieve these criteria as an approach
for improving building performance. Building performance criteria could be carried out at three levels.
• Health, safety and security performance;
• Functional, efficiency and work flow performance;
• Psychological, social, cultural and aesthetic performance (Preiser and Vischer 2005).
Benefits of Measuring Building Performance
Although measuring building performance helps understanding current building performance and endusers’ requirements, it is an important tool for managing and planning for new facilities. The benefits of
measuring building performance range from short term to long term (Barrett 1995).
1) In the short-term
Measuring building performance allows clients and facility management team to have a better
understanding of the functionality and performance of their buildings compared with the stated criteria
during design. In addition, active user participation in the evaluation process plays an important role in
defining and considering their needs and requirements in the design of new buildings.
2) In the medium-term
The data collected during the assessment of building performance can be used as a source of knowledge
for planning new buildings of similar type. Designers equipped with user feedback are helped to design
future buildings that more closely meet the needs of the users.
3) In the long term
Measuring building performance helps establishing databases, generates planning and design criteria for
specific building types and enables designers to consider documented past experience. This is important
to avoid repeating past errors and recognise past success. The accumulated information plays a pivotal
role in improving the quality of future buildings and services to the client and users. Assessment results
may also improve design practice by making designers aware that their buildings may be subject of
scrutiny. Thus design of future buildings may lead to better value for money to clients and society. This
concern not only issues of functionality, but overall sustainability, energy efficiency and environmental
impact.
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SUCCESSFUL PROJECTS BENEFITED FROM INTEGRATING
CONSTRUCTABILITY IN THE DESIGN PROCESS
The Lansing Community College, Michigan, USA
Since the cost of the new campus building exceeded the allocated budget, Lansing Community College
(LCC) decided to redesign the project or scrap part of it. LLC was established in 1957 to meet the
growing demand for technical and specialized education in the Greater Lansing area, Michigan, USA. The
LCC Health and Human Services Career Building was originally designed as a three story building with
a future fourth-floor expansion. The expansion exceeded the $2.5 million budget for steel fabrication
and erection by $200,000. Ruby and Associates Consulting Structural Engineers entered the project and
applied the constructability principles to completely re-design the structural steel fabrication. Utilising
their construction knowledge and the practical experience of Douglas Steel Fabrication Corporation, the
re-design process included:
• Increasing the deck thickness from 2” to 3” allowed the floor beams spacing to increase by 10”. This
reduced the number of floor beams by 78%.
• Changing the mixed lateral load resisting system to moment frames in both directions and the
connections were designed as field-bolted moment connections using the actual moments and stiffness
require. This reduced field labour required and simplified shop fabrication.
• Reducing construction hours and labour needed for the structure through moving the fabrication from
the field to the shop which enhanced the quality and increased work efficiency.
Using Information technology in communication and exchange of files and information reduced the redesign time and enhanced communication between different parties. The new design maintained design
intent and made the project easier to build. 700 steel members and 1,400 connections were eliminated,
while shear studs were reduced by 11,000. Overall, approximately 300 tons of steel were saved. This
saved enough money to enable LCC to construct the fourth floor upfront while bringing the project in
approximately $100,000 under budget and on schedule (Aeck and Ruby 2006).
Cannon Beach Residence, Oregon, USA.
The owners’ request to the architect was for “a small home that will provide shelter, comfort, and
rejuvenation.” The request continued, “We will need for it to be equally comfortable when inhabited
by just the two of us as when a gathering of family and friends joins us. Our new home should reflect
the character of Cannon Beach and capture our love of materials and forms found in nature. We prefer
for it to be low profile and understated. The home should be durable for generations and require little
maintenance. Our goal is to build a home that is healthy to live in using materials and systems with
a dramatically reduced impact on the environment.” The project’s integrated design team included
the owners, architect, interior designer, and landscape architect. The contractor joined the team after
schematic design was complete. The team held several meetings to establish clear and concise goals for
the project (see Figure 3).
During the design process, the project team conducted five half-day eco-charrettes, each composed of the
core team, content experts, and guests of the owners, including artists, neighbours, and friends. Involving
the contractor early in the design process was paramount, as the contractor contributed expertise to all
aspects of the design process. The contractor’s contribution to conducting three abbreviated life-cycle
cost assessments was critical to the selection of building systems and materials. The contractor also
contributed to the design for durability, low maintenance, reducing waste and longevity. Based upon the
contractor’s opinion that the local knowledge of green building was less than adequate to achieve the
aggressive green goals for this project, the design team and owners conducted a six-hour green-building
seminar open to subcontractors, building officials, trades people, and the public (Cascadia 2009).
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DISCUSSION
Literature review and case studies showed that improving building performance could be accomplished
through applying the constructability concept early in the project life cycle. The diverse experience
of project participants (i.e. clients, architects, engineers, contractors, suppliers, etc.) represents a great
opportunity to achieve the project objectives at the most cost-effective manner and in a way that saves the
environment, enhances the society and prospers the economy. Being the entity responsible for constructing
the designed facility, contractors have a significant role that could be played towards improving building
performance during the design phase. As case studies showed, utilising construction knowledge and
contractor’s experience during the design phase, helped reducing cost, facilitating construction, reducing
waste, resolving conflicts, reducing delays and selecting sustainable materials and better building systems.
Contractors were involved in the early stages of the project life cycle and the peer review and feedback
methods were adopted for constructability review. The main issue is how to make better utilisation and
use of the involvement of project participants during the design stage. This necessitated the development
of a framework that set the rules and establish the grounds that organise the involvement of construction
professionals, contractors in particular, during the design stages as an approach for reducing waste and
improving building performance.
IMPROVING BUILDING PERFORMANCE FRAMEWORK (IBPF)
Definition and Justification of Developing the Framework
Framework is defined as a structure for describing a set of concepts, methods and technologies required to
complete a product process and design (EDMS 2010). The Improving Building Performance Framework
(IBPF) (hereinafter referred to as “the Framework” or the “IBPF”) is a proposed framework developed
by this research to facilitate the integration of construction knowledge and contactor’s experience in the
design process as an approach for improving building performance. The justification of developing the
framework is a number of folds:
1. Using natural resources and energy in an efficient way that reduces construction waste, reduces
building and operating costs and enhances the reputation of the building industry.
2. Improving building performance in terms of enhancing health, safety, security, function, efficiency,
work flow, psychology, society and culture and aesthetic.
3. Utilising the construction knowledge and contractor’s experience to support the government initiatives
towards achieving their strategies and plans for social and economic development.
4. Enhancing the performance of organizations operating in the construction industry by creating
partnership between project participants, especially designers and contractors.
5. Adding value to the built environment and achieving customer satisfaction.
The Aim and Objectives of the Framework
The developed framework is a business improvement tool designed to integrate construction knowledge
and contractor’s experience in the design process as an approach for improving building performance.
This aim could be achieved through accomplishing a set of interrelated objectives as follows:
• I dentifying the problems that hinder integrating construction knowledge and contractor’s experience
in the design process.
• Establishing integration objectives.
• Developing integration plans.
• Executing integration plans.
• Monitoring / Optimising Integration.
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Description of the Framework
The framework consists of five steps, namely: identifying integration problems, establishing integration
objectives, developing integration plans, executing integration plans and monitoring / optimising
integration (see Figure 4).
Figure: 4 Improving Building Performance Framework
Identifying integration problem
The “Identifying Integration Problem” function is an essential activity of this framework because it enables
design firms and construction professionals to identify the core causes that obstruct the integration of
construction knowledge and contractor’s experience in the design process. It is of importance to build an
effective team (including a competent team leader) that will carry out the improvement study. Achieving
a balance between the need for participants who represent various areas of expertise and possess diverse
background is fundamental for accomplishing the study objectives. The study team should contain between
six and twelve full time participants to maintain optimum productivity (Norton and McElligott 1995).
Performing an early orientation meeting will help in establishing strategic issues like study duration,
resources required and assigning responsibilities to team members. Senior management support will
facilitate the provision of needed resources and the adoption of study decision. Data collection methods
(i.e. literature review, survey questionnaire and interviews) and data analysis techniques (i.e. quantitative
and qualitative) have to be defined and utilised. Brainstorming technique, team consensus and evaluation
matrix have to be used for identifying the root causes and rank them according to their importance.
Establishing integration objectives
Towards enabling design firms and construction professionals improve building performance and adopt
appropriate decisions, the objectives of integrating construction knowledge and contractor’s experience
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December 2011
in the design process have to be adequately defined and agreed by all participants. This could be achieved
through using Brainstorming technique and team consensus to generate and select objectives that address
the identified problem. Establishing integration objectives gives team members ownership to these
objectives and encourages them to accomplish these objectives. Evaluation matrix will be used to rank
these objectives according to their significance. In addition, this function will result also in defining
the criteria to be used to measure the reduction of construction waste and improvement of building
performance.
Developing integration plans
The “Developing Integration Plans” function aims to set the procedures and actions necessary to
accomplish the integration objectives. It will include a work breakdown structure and a responsibility
matrix, where the first downsizes the work into manageable work packages and the later links the activity
to be done and the responsible person. In addition, the plans should include expected risks and corrective
actions to be taken in case of the plan did not go as planned. Furthermore, communication plan amongst
project participants have to be developed to portray the reporting structure of the constructability review.
Executing integration plans
Within this function, the plans developed in the previous function will be executed. The execution plans
may require that employees involved in the integration process be trained and equipped with all tools
and technologies required to guarantee the successful execution of plans. In addition, senior management
support and offering required facilities will help achieving the integration objectives. The execution stage
should use the work authorization system, which provides for verification of predecessor activities and
the permission to begin successor activities. This ensures the quality of work performed.
Monitoring / Optimising integration
The aim of this function is to ensure that the integration of construction knowledge and contractor’s
experience in the design process goes according to plan. Comments and feedback from the execution
team will enable taking corrective actions if plans were not implemented as planned. Furthermore, this
will help improving the performance of the construction industry in future improvement project.
Limitations of the Framework
Although the framework is theoretical and needs to be tested, it establishes the steps and set the rules
that help integrating construction knowledge and contractor’s experience in the design process. In
addition, the effective application of the framework depends to a large extent on the willingness and
encouragement of the senior management in design firms and construction companies to adopt the
framework to reduce construction waste and improve building performance. On the other hand, if the
senior management does not have the desire and tended not to use the framework, then its adoption
will be limited. Since the adoption and application of the framework is a long-term strategy and due the
tight schedule in construction projects, this framework might not be welcomed by some sectors of the
industry. Due to the research limited timeframe and resources, it was not possible to apply and evaluate
the framework, hence it needs to tested and validated in real construction projects.
Strategies for facilitating the adoption of the framework
In order to overcome these limitations and increase the opportunities of adopting the framework, the
following strategies have to be followed:
•E
scalating the awareness of architects with the importance of utilising the construction knowledge and
contractor’s experience towards delivering better construction projects.
•T
he benefits of the framework should be presented and explained to senior management of design
226
firms in order to convince them with the role, which the framework could play in improving building
performance.
• Eliminating the adversarial relationship between the different parties of the construction process
through creating partnership between project team members, especially designers and contractors.
• Adopting procurement methods that encourage contractor’s involvement during the design process.
• Ample time should be allowed to conduct constructability reviews as it plays a significant role towards
improving building performance.
• Adopting innovative communication tools and techniques will facilitate conducting constructability
reviews and archiving document for future projects.
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Having reviewed the nature of the construction industry, the concept of constrtactability, architecture
and the design process as well as measuring building performance and keeping in mind the analysis of the
case studies that benefited from integrating contractors during the design process, the research comes to
the following conclusions and recommendations:
• In spite of its social and economic development contributions at national and international levels, the
construction industry has a negative impact on the environment and suffers from being a fragmented
business.
• The traditional procurement approaches adopted in construction projects and the different objectives,
skills and interests of project participants played a significant role towards separating design from
construction which ultimately hindered contractors from providing designers with their feedback and
suggestions for design improvement.
• Literature review and case studies showed that the early integration of contractors in the design
process, greatly improves building performance through reducing life cycle cost, compressing delivery
schedules, better productivity and integrating state-of-the-art construction means and methods.
Based on these conclusions, the research recommends that:
• Design firms are advised to integrate construction knowledge and contractor’s experience in the design
process as an approach to improve building performance.
• Changing organisational culture and getting senior management support are essential for successful
implementation of constructability concept in design firms.
• Barriers to constructability need to be identified and strategies for overcoming have to be planned,
implemented and evaluated.
• Design firms are encouraged to adopt the framework developed by this research and its strategies to
facilitate the integration of the constructability concept in the design process.
• Researchers are directed to study the integration of other project participants such as suppliers in the
design stage and other stages of the project life cycle.
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229
December 2011
Oolitic limestone and marine
sandstone gravel aggregate,
early life concrete and
aggregate freeze/thaw test for
durability
Alan. E. Richardson1, Kawin Hemapanpairo2, Thotsaphorn Sae-Tae2, Nipat
Puthipad2
ABSTRACT
Oolitic limestone is one type of limestone which formed during the Jurassic period and
can be found in large deposits in many areas of England. It can be used as coarse
aggregate for concrete construction, however due to its porosity, it requires additional
cement to maintain compressive strength, when compared to marine gravel (sandstone)
concrete. Since freeze/thaw durability is one of the most common problems in temperate
countries, this paper investigates the freeze/thaw resistance of Oolitic limestone itself
and when used as a coarse aggregate in concrete. The washed oolitic limestone
was freeze/thaw tested to BS EN 1367 -1 :2007 and conclusions were drawn. Sixteen
concrete cubes (100 mm3) were made, 8 using Oolitic limestone as a coarse aggregate
and another 8 using marine gravel. Two cubes (1 Oolitic limestone, 1 marine gravel
aggregate concrete) were used in a compressive strength test after 3 days of curing, to
establish the strength at which the concrete was subjected to freeze/thaw action and the
remaining 14 cubes were subject to freeze/thaw cycles, to a maximum of 56 cycles as
informed by BS CEN/TR 15177:2006. Compressive strength, percentage mass lost and
pulse velocity were compared and the results showed an equal ability to resist freeze/
thaw damage when comparing the marine aggregate and oolitic limestone. Normally,
the main role of coarse aggregate in concrete is just to act as a filler which determines
strength. However in the case of Oolitic limestone, which is composed mainly of calcite
(calcium carbonate), further studies should be made both to determine the mineralogy
and its behaviour chemically when exposed to cement paste.
Key words: Oolitic limestone, marine gravel, freeze/thaw durability performance
1
School of the Built and Natural Environment, Northumbria University, Ellison Building, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK,
2
Thammasat University, Rangsit, Thailand
230
Oolitic limestone and marine sandstone gravel aggregate, early life concrete and aggregate freeze/thaw test for durability
INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this work was to investigate the freeze/thaw durability properties of Oolitic Limestone.
Limestone of various types, [Oolitic (CaCO3), dolomitic CaMg(CO3)2,] are a commonly used bedding/
aggregate material. As there are significant Oolitic limestone deposits available for use in the UK and
it is essential to determine the suitability of the material prior to incorporating it into a construction
project. The source of the Oolitic (Jurassic) limestone sample to be tested was from Newbridge quarry
in England, UK (Ordinance Survey SE 796 860). Oolitic limestone samples were tested in accordance
with BS EN 1367 -1 :2007. Oolitic (Jurassic) limestone is white/yellow carbonate rock composed of lots
of sand grains which have many rings of ooliths/ooids formed around them, where ooliths are sandsized carbonate particles with concentric rings of calcium carbonate (CaCO3). The sand grains then
were rolled around the shallow sea floor which leads to the formation of oolitic limestone. This type
of limestone was mostly formed near the end of Jurassic period or about 135 million years ago (UCL
2011). Since Oolitic limestone has an even structure, it can be cut in any direction, which can make
it useful as a building stone, also its hardness, high density and colour, making it useful. According to
Calvo & Regueiro (2010) limestone was used as a building stone for centuries and continues to be used
extensively in a wide range of structures. Limestone was very popular in late 19th to early 20th centuries
it was used in building construction and architecture. Oolitic limestone was used in this test because ice
crystallization in the porous system of rock can cause significant damage (Nicholson, 2000) and this test
compares oolitic limestone with a known performance of marine gravel.
METHODOLOGY
Aggregate testing
The aggregate was washed, oven dried, and weighed prior to the freeze/thaw test procedure as defined in
BS EN 1367 -1 :2007. The test procedure used required the aggregate to be air frozen and water thawed.
After the completion of each freezing cycle, the cans holding the aggregate were thawed by immersion in
water at approximately 20 °C. Thawing was considered to be completed when the aggregate temperature
had reached 20°C (± 3). On completion of the tenth cycle, the contents of each can was poured into
a test sieve having an aperture size half the lower size sieve used to prepare the test specimen (e.g. in
the case of the 8 mm to 16 mm fraction, into a test sieve of 4 mm aperture size). The test specimen was
washed and sieved on the specified sieve by hand. The residue remaining on the sieve was dried at 110°C
(± 5), cooled to ambient temperature and weighed immediately to determine the total mass lost (BS
EN1367-1:2007).
Freeze/thaw testing
The C20 concrete has a high water cement ratio and low cement content that makes the concrete
susceptible to freeze/thaw damage especially when the testing is started at a point in the early life of the
concrete. Concrete cubes were manufactured using a 70 litre rotary drum mixer; a slump of 150 to 160
mm was recorded for each batch of concrete. Sixteen 100 mm3 concrete cubes were made using the
concrete mix design shown in Table 1 that will provide a C20 characteristic strength concrete.
Table 1-C20 Mix design of concrete cubes
Mass per m3 of concrete (kg)
Material
240
CEM1 cement (Ferrocrete)
731
Coarse sand
1107
Aggregate ( Marine gravel/Oolitic limestone)
0.8
Water cement ratio
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December 2011
The batching comprised of 16 concrete cubes (8 Oolitic limestone aggregate and 8 marine gravel
aggregate concrete) as shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1- Batching process
The mixing time for each batch was equal and the batching and cube manufacture complied with BS
1881 : Part 108, (1983). The use of Ferrocrete increased the rate of curing due to the CEM 1 being finely
ground, hence the 3 day curing period.
The concrete mix design had a 0.8 water/cement ratio, which can lead to very weak strength concrete
and allow an accelerated freeze/thaw test program. One from each group of 8 concrete cubes were
subject to a compressive strength test after 3 days of curing. The other 7 cubes of each group were subject
to a freeze/thaw test. The testing took place during the day and two freeze/thaw cycles were able to be
carried out, which comprised of 1 hour in the water tank of 20°C and 7 hours in the freezer of -19°C,
this counted as one freeze/thaw cycle. Then, the concrete cubes were put back into the water tank again
for 60 minutes to fully thaw and saturate and finally, returned to the freezer all night for 15-16 hours.
This procedure was air freezing and water thawing as described in ASTM C666:1997 (Procedure B).
Before all 14 concrete cubes were put into the test, their weight and pulse velocity were measured (BS
1881 Testing Concrete, Part 203: 1986). Also, after every 7th cycle their weight, pulse velocity was again
being measured and cracks from the freeze/thaw effect were observed. The freeze/thaw cycles would
be terminated after 56 cycles or after the pulse velocity reduction was more than 60% of the original
reading and this was informed by BS CEN/TR 15177: (2006) and ASTM 666C.
RESULTS
Oolite aggregate test
The deterioration of the washed Oolitic limestone due to freezing and thawing was observed in this test
after 10 freeze/thaw cycles. The freeze/thaw samples consisted of two batches; one 4kg, and one 2kg
that were sieved down to 16-32mm, and 8-16mm respectively. After 10 freeze/thaw cycles were carried
out on washed Oolitic limestone, the dry mass lost was recorded on a single sieve half the size of the
232
smallest sieve used to prepare the sample. Washing the limestone produced a mass loss of 45% of very
fine materials surrounding the limestone.
The 4 kg sample prepared within the range of 16-32 mm was sieved and 3.66 kg of material was retained
on sieve. This equates to an 8.5% loss of test material due to freeze/thaw action.
The 2 kg sample prepared within the range of 8-16 mm was sieved and 1.78 kg of material was retained
on the sieve. This equates to a 10.5% loss of test material due to freeze/thaw action. The average loss
between the two samples was 9.5% with the smaller aggregate fairing worse than the larger aggregate
due to the volume and surface area relationship of the two aggregate sizes. A 32mm aggregate may
have a surface area/volume ratio of 0.188, whereas an 8 mm aggregate may have a surface area/volume
ratio of 0.750. This shows that there is a difference of 4 with regard to the surface area/volume ratios
of the two different aggregate sizes. A 9.5% loss is not considered to be a good aggregate to be used in
concrete mixing (BS EN 12620:2002) where freeze/thaw cycles may occur as it is outside the F1 – 3
categories as defined in Table 18 and therefore the percentage loss must be declared. Each cycle only
lasts for 24 hours; and according to Smith et al. (2010) oolitic limestone is prone to decay caused
by severe and/or prolonged freezing. Therefore, a different set of results may be obtained regarding
freeze/thaw effectiveness if the cycle time and the number of cycles are increased. According to Nye
(1972), Oolitic limestone has a high anisotropic behavior due to the presence of calcite. This behavior
creates a large dilation coefficient in the crystallographic axis, while causing contraction in the other two
axis. This dilation results in major deformations of the Oolitic limestone in many dimensions, and this
phenomenon leads to more integral cracks in the limestone particles which may be a contributing factor
within these results.
Freeze/thaw test
The initial compressive strength at 3 days was 4.1 N/mm2 for marine gravel and 5.4 N/mm2 for Oolitic
limestone. The freeze/thaw test was terminated after 35 cycles due to the breakdown of the concrete
cube due to freeze/thaw action. The performance of the concrete cubes is shown in Figures 2 and 3 are
based upon the average values of the 7 cubes.
Figure 2. Average pilse velocity of both types of concete – 35
233
December 2011
Figure 3. Average percentage mass lost of both types of concrete –35
Figures 4 to 9 show the deterioration of the concrete cubes at 14, 21 and 28 cycles. It is apparent from
Figures 2 and 3 that the pulse velocity reduction and mass lost were roughly equal with the exception of
the last 7 cycles and this is corroborated in Figures 4 to 9.
Figure 4 and 5. Oolitic limestone aggregate
(left) and marine gravel aggregate (right)
concrete cube after 14 cycles
Figure 6 and 7. Oolitic limestone aggregate
(left) and marine gravel aggregate (right)
concrete cube after 21 cycles
When producing high density concrete, oolitic limestone has high density in itself, however, its shape is
not what is most suitable for using as coarse aggregate. Good aggregate should have some sphericity, some
angular and its texture must be rough. The oolitic limestone is rough and quite angular but its shape is quite
flaky and elongated which is not good. Together with its anisotropic expansion and contraction during
temperature change, this may be the possible reason for the sudden failure in the 28th to 35th cycle.
234
Figure 8 and 9. Oolitic limestone aggregate (left) and marine gravel
aggregate (right) concrete cube after 28 cycles
CONCLUSION
The material was washed prior to freeze/thaw testing, and the clean aggregate was used for the freeze/
thaw test from which the mass lost was only 8.5 – 10.5% which is within the permissible values required
for use as a sub base material. However, a certain amount of fine material is required if the Oolitic
limestone was to be used as a bedding material and this may have to be added back to the aggregate after
the initial washing to be of a commercial use.
The freeze/thaw concrete test showed that, all of the concrete cubes had failed completely after the 35th
cycle; also the pulse velocity reduction was more than 60% for both types of concrete cube, which was
when the test was terminated. As shown in the results, there were no significant differences in freeze/
thaw performance between both types of aggregate. However, marine gravel aggregate concrete cubes
were slightly better in freeze/thaw performance as their average pulse velocity was higher than Oolitic
limestone. This is an indication of fewer internal cracks from the freeze/thaw action. The percentage
mass lost in the last cycle of Oolitic limestone - 49.5%, was about 10% higher than the mass lost marine
gravel aggregate concrete cubes, 37.69%. This reaction may be due to the fact that limestone can be
highly variable in terms of physical characteristics such as hardness, fossil content and porosity (Smith
& Viles 2006). The higher anisotropic behavior of calcite in oolitic limestone, where there is a large
dilatation coefficient in the crystallographic axis (c) and strong contraction in a and b axis (Nye 1972),
can also lead to more cracks inside the concrete cubes.
A visual examination showed that Oolitic limestone aggregate concretes were better in all earlier cycles
since they didn’t have visible surface cracks. However, in the 28th cycle, they suddenly broke down and
displayed similar damage to that of marine gravel aggregate concrete.
235
December 2011
FURTHER WORK
In concrete, there are two possible ways to resist failure caused by freezing and thawing which is increasing
the density of concrete or creating well distributed air voids inside the concrete (Marco Castano et al
2010). Higher density concrete which by implication means higher strength, can be simply produced
by using high strength cement, using high density aggregate or using less water to cement ratio. For the
production of well distributed voids, an air entraining agent can be used to induce the chemical reaction
during the hydration of cement paste during the plastic phase to create air in the form of very small well
distributed bubbles.
By using the oolitic limestone as coarse aggregate, it is possible to increase the freezing and thawing of
concrete by these two ways, producing high density concrete and creating more well distributed voids
inside them.
Oolitic limestones are mainly composed of rings of calcite or calcium carbonate. Regarding the role of
calcium carbonate in cement hydration, calcite addition to the cement patse will create a reaction which
will increase the pH and decrease the porosity in concrete with no expansion in the concrete volume
(Matschei, et al 2006). It can be assumed that by using the oolictic limestone as coarse aggregate, it may
be possible that some chemical reactions may take place and this may help to create more distributed
voids and increase the concrete resistance to freezing and thawing and this is an area for further research.
REFERENCES
ASTM C 666, (1997), Standard test method for resistance of Concrete to rapid freezing and Thawing,
USA
BS 1881 : Part 108, (1983), Making Test Cubes
BS 1881 Testing Concrete, Part 203: (1986) Testing Concrete – Recommendations for measurement of
velocity of Ultrasonic Pulses in Concrete.
BS EN1367-1:2007, “Tests for thermal and weathering properties of aggregates — Part 1: Determination
of resistance to freezing and thawing”, British Standards Institute, UK
BS EN 12620:2002, “Aggregates for concrete”, British Standards Institute, UK
BS CEN/TR 15177: (2006) – Testing the freeze-thaw resistance of concrete
Cement Admixtures Association (2006), “Admixture Sheet”, ATS5 Concrete Air-entraining admixtures.
Calvo J P and Regueiro M, (2010), “Carbonate rocks in the Mediterranean region – from classical to
innovative uses of building stone”, Geological Society, London, pp 27 - 35
Dwecka J, Buchlerb P M, Vieira Coelhob A C, Cartledge F K,(1999) “Hydration of a Portland cement
blended with calcium carbonate” Thermochimia Acta, Elsevier, pp 105 - 113
Marco Castano, L.D, Martinez-Martinez, J, Benavente, D and Garcia-del-Cura, M.A (2010), “Failures
in the standard characterization of carbonate dimension stone durability during freeze-thaw testing”.
Global Stone Congress.
Matschei T, Lothenbach B, Glasser F P, (2006) “The role of calcium carbonate in cement hydration”,
Cement and Concrete Research, Elsevier, pp 551 – 558.
Nye, JF, (1972): Physical properties of crystals. Oxford. London.
Nicholson, DT, Nicholson, FH, (2000): “Physical deterioration of sedimentary rocks subjected to
experimental freeze-thaw weathering”, Earth Surface Processes and Landforms.
Smith B J, Gómez-heras M and Viles H A, (2010), “Underlying issues on the selection, use and
236
conservation of building limestone”. Geological Society, London.
UCL, “Geology in the landscape and buildings of London”, Oolitic limestone: UCL http://www.es.ucl.
ac.uk/schools/Glossary/limestone.htm accessed 02.06.2011.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Oolitic limestone (2000), “Oosparite”, available at: http://csmres.jmu.edu/geollab/Fichter/SedRx/Rocks/
oospar1detC.html
(accessed 27 April 2011)
Scherer G W, (2006), “Internal stress and cracking in stone and masonry”, Measuring, Monitoring and
Modeling Concrete Properties pp. 633-641.
237
December 2011
The Architectural
Technologist’s Role in
Integrated Design
Jason Braithwaite1 and Paula Bleanch2
ABSTRACT
Understanding of the architectural technology profession is maturing and there
appears to be a need for more research into the impact of the technologist in
integrated teams. A review of literature was carried out to investigate the theoretical
role of the technologist and establish a contextual background on current theories
of integrated design. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with architectural
technologists possessing a range of experience in practice, who all currently work
in the North East of England. The interviews sought to identify what the architectural
technologists did in practice and how this related to their role in integrated design.
Interviewees were firstly questioned about their work and whether they identified with
the key features presented in the literature. They were then asked to visually represent
how they felt about these features on a scale of either control or influence, on a “locus
of control” diagram. The research seemed to suggest that the amount of control the
technologists felt they had over their role, and over integrated working, was closely
related to length of time working in the discipline. However, links also emerged which
could indicate that type of experience and attitude are also crucially important. Some
interesting reflections also surfaced about the importance of technical competence
for the architectural technologist, and how this affects potential ability to influence an
integrated team. The visual approach to the data collection was planned to appeal to
the technologists and this also allowed useful comparisons to be made between the
different interviewees.
Keywords: architectural technologist, constructive link, detailed design, integration, technical
competence.
1
School of the Built and Natural Environment, Northumbria University, Newcastle Upon Tyne, NE1 8ST, UK
Awarded to “CIAT Award for Best Architectural Technology Student 2011” [email protected]
2
[email protected]
238
INTRODUCTION
This paper investigates existing theory on the discipline of architectural technology, in relation to integrated
design, and compares this with the actual experience of practicing technologists. The following literature
review discusses the evolution, education, professional training and environment of the technologist and
provides a timely addition to a small body of existing literature. The following primary research will
examine whether technologists currently fulfil the role of co-ordinator in integrated design teams and
whether this assists collaboration between design disciplines.
Semi-structured interviews were carried out with architectural technologists with a range of practical
experience working in the North East of England, to discuss their work and discover their attitude towards
co-ordinating and leading integrated design teams. The interviewees visually represented how their role
could affect the key features of integrated working on a scale of either control or influence, through a
“Locus of Control” diagram. The intent of the research was to provide a way for the technologists to
represent their feelings about key aspects of their position visually, as it was thought that this would
appeal to their way of working. The results were plotted on a graph to provide a visual representation of
the data and allow a comparison between the interviewee’s responses.
THE ARCHITECTURAL TECHNOLOGY DISCIPLINE
This section investigates the relevance of the architectural technology discipline, in relation to current
theories of integration in design and construction. The work of Stephen Emmitt, Professor of Architectural
Technology at Loughborough University, provides a large contribution to the literature; however, there
is generally a lack of academic writing directly relating to the architectural technologist. This can be
simply demonstrated in the results of a quick search on the Northumbria University Library and Learning
Services (NORA) facility, which shows that there is far less existing literature on architectural technology,
than on other professions in the field, such as construction management:
Table 1: Date of Search: January 2011
Search Engine Results
Architectural Technology
77,543
Construction Management
651,698
This comparison shows a contrast between the disciplines. It should be noted that time will affect the
amount of literature produced and it would be expected that more literature exists surrounding the
profession with the longer academic history. However, this probably also reflects the nature of the
disciplines and the fact that architectural technology is a design based discipline. In order to understand
how the profession and the education of technology professionals have developed, it is necessary to
consider the bodies that influence the architectural technology degree programmes and practice.
The Chartered Institute of Architectural Technologists (CIAT)
The CIAT is an internationally recognised body which represents over 9,500 professionals working
and studying in Architectural Technology (CIAT, 2011). It originated in 1965 with the formation of the
Society of Architectural and Associated Technicians (SAAT) and in the years from 1986 and 1994 the
name was changed from the British Institute of Architectural Technicians (BIAT) to the British Institute
of Architectural Technologists to “recognise the development educationally and in practice of the
professionally qualified Architectural Technologist” (CIAT, 2010). Recognition by Royal Charter in July
2005 allowed the Institution to grant full chartered membership of MCIAT and to enjoy parity with the
other professional bodies in the industry (CIAT 2010).
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‘What is a Chartered Architectural Technologist’ (CIAT, 2010), defines the profession as:
...providing architectural design services and solutions. They are specialists in the science
of architecture, building design and construction and form the link between concept and
construction. They negotiate the construction project and manage the project from inception
through to completion.
This recognises the architectural technologist’s specialism in linking design and construction. It also
suggests a degree of responsibility in managing all project stages. The data collection in this research
paper questions the scope of this in practice.
Education
This section considers aspects of architectural technology education, in order to help define competencies
and establish how attitudes to multidisciplinary working may be formed during study.
The architectural technology bachelor’s degree with honours was developed in the 1990’s by a few
pioneering institutions and has grown rapidly from modest beginnings (Emmitt, 2002, p239). Emmitt
(2002, p.24) states that there are three core areas of “design, technology and management” underlining
these courses. However, he also notes that the degree was often created out of modules from existing
construction-related courses. This suggests a direct relationship between the degree and other professional
courses in the built environment.
In his book, Architectural Technology, Emmitt (2002, p239) cites the original Quality Assurance Agency
(QAA) for Higher Education’s Subject Benchmark Statement for architectural technology (QAA, 2000 cited
in Emmitt, 2002). This outlines the academic standards for architectural technology, based on three areas:
• Technology
• Design procedures and practice
• Procurement and contracts (management)
However, this has changed since 2000, and in 2007 the current benchmark statement was issued,
confirming that programmes must ensure familiarity with a total of four main aspects of architectural
technology. These aspects are identified by the QAA (2007) as:
• Design procedures
• Technology
• Procurement and contracts
• Professional practice
These four areas emphasise the expected competencies of graduates and highlight how the architectural
technologist is likely to be utilised in the design to construction process. So, even at first principles,
there is potential for fluency between industry graduates in terms of knowledge, bridging the design to
construction phases. However, the interdisciplinary credentials of the technologist’s education should
be further explored by investigating the area of “professional practice” included in the 2007 changes.
As Cooper (1997, cited in Gann and Salter, 2001) states, interdisciplinary work results from the joint
and continuously integrated effort to combine more than one speciality. The QAA (2007) also recognises
the architectural technology degree as being integrated in nature, rather than sitting in isolation. It states
that architectural technologists actively lead and participate in integrated teams and contribute towards
a built environment that is “designed for production and performance in use”.
As the architectural technology degree has matured, there seems to have been more emphasis on integration
and the potential to lead the team. From this it could be interpreted that the development of the degree
programme has continued to focus on integrating the discipline with other members of the design and
construction processes, hopefully creating an ability to work in, and lead, multidisciplinary teams.
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Competencies
This section aims to establish the competencies of the architectural technologist though consideration of
existing literature, including the view of CIAT on how competency should be developed.
An Identified Gap
An issue well documented in reports such as
Latham (1994) and Egan (1998) is the “fuzzy
edge” between design and construction. In
the midst of these reports, Emmitt (1995, p3)
suggested that the architectural technologist is
a specialist in a strong position to seize the
initiative and become the link between design
and construction. However, this was posited as
early as 1984 with the release of Architectural
Technology – the constructive link (SAAT,
1984). This report aimed to create an identity
for architectural technicians and introduced
the concept of the “constructive link”, an
issue which has become central to the role of
the architectural technologist (Emmitt, 2001).
Figure 1 illustrates the constructive link
between the stages from concept to
completion, and it is here that the
contributors’ competence is consequent to the
effectiveness of the process and the product
(Emmitt, 2002). Detailed design links concept
to assembly, where traditionally the break Figure 1. Interfaces (Emmitt, 2002, p.34)
occurs between the architect and the builder,
and the translation of design to construction
(Emmitt, 2002). It is suggested that this responsibility is ideally fulfilled by the architectural technologist.
As previously stated, it is important to bear in mind that there is very little literature that directly relates
to the architectural technologist, possibly because of its broad brush nature as indicated in the literature.
Emmitt (2001, p.601) describes the discipline as being a “further player in an already overcrowded and
fragmented marketplace”, but recognises that technologists could be a “missing link” in the supply chain,
narrowing the void between design and production. It is therefore necessary to consider literature on
integration and interdisciplinary working in order to shed light on the possibilities open to the discipline
and investigate a framework where this could be encouraged.
Theories of Integration
This section will consider theories of integration and integrated teams, to review existing knowledge and
consider how they may relate to the architectural technologist.
In Mapping the Conceptual Design Activity of Interdisciplinary Teams, Austin et al. (2001), describe the
mapping and tracking of conceptual design activity. Their evidence suggests that an agreed team leader
must lead throughout the process (Austin et al., 2001). This opinion was shared by Steele et al. (2000),
who noted that this may be due to a lack of understanding and knowledge on the part of designers of
what is involved in managing conceptual design. The need for an agreed team leader to guide the team
through the integrated process is essential to establish unison within the team and prevent individual
agendas potentially fragmenting the team.
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One of the frameworks developed in order to counter fragmentation is Integrated Project Delivery
(IPD). The American Institute of Architects (2007) state that IPD will integrate people, systems,
business structures and firms in order to improve efficiency. IPD could potentially allow collaboration of
participants with their individual talents and knowledge. The principles that make up the collaborative
nature of IPD, emphasise skills within the project team such as; technical competence and a commitment
to the integrated practice and a collaborative process. Experience and integrity are also important to the
team (AIA, 2007, p.3).
Along with attitudinal emphasis, there is also a focus on integrity and technical competence, which
has been mentioned previously in the research as fundamental in closing the gap between design and
construction. Furthermore, the AIA (2007) states that open communication and collaboration should
be met with these key provisions. Considerations such as communication and information exchange,
technology, project decision processes and oversight are important features of a team capable of
implementing IPD.
The relevance of the discussed theories and IPD framework helps to describe where the architectural
technologist potentially fits into an integrated method of project delivery. The effective implementation
of the architectural technologist in an integrated design team could be evidence for a possible “evolution”
in how the discipline is both perceived, and assumed to function, within design teams.
Integration and the Architectural Technologist
This section will investigate how the architectural technologist could perform in an integrated environment.
Melhado (1998) describes design work as ranging from “marketing and costs analysis to technological
choices and production process specifications” (Melhado, 1995, cited in Melhado, 1998). With such
multifunctional aspects to projects, it is necessary to have a great deal of co-ordination effort. In
Figure 2. Proposal of multifunctional team to the building design
eleboration (Based on: Melhado 1994, cited Melhado 1998)
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considering these difficulties, Melhado (1998) seeks proposals for “multifunctional teamwork”. Shown
below in Figure 2 is the Proposal of multifunctional team to the building design elaboration (Melhado
1994, cited in Melhado 1998).
What is illustrated here is an innovative type of design consultant who deals with design for production,
focussing on the “concurrent design” of the building parts (Melhado, 1998). Brookfield et al. (2004,
p.7) state that the role of the co-ordinator-consultant requires a person or organisation that is “crossfunctional”. They advocate the architectural technologist in this position, thus linking lean design and
lean construction through multidisciplinary methods. It can be argued that this is in relation to the key
concurrent design aspects of the process (Melhado, 1998).
Alarcón and Mardones (1998) have also devised a methodology as a result of their research into the
work of Huovila et al.(1997) on the design to construction interface. This proposes four different actions
which are suggested to improve design quality:
1. Supervision: of the design process.
2. Coordination: of the different specialties through a logic sequence of information transfer.
3. Standardization: of design information, to avoid the omissions, errors and continuous changes, that
affects the normal development of the projects.
4. Control: of the flow of information, verifying that the requirements of previous processes are fulfilled.
(Alarcón. and Mardones, 1998, p.6)
Brookfield et al. (2004) suggest that this can be realised with the adoption of a multifunctional “design
for production” team similar to that shown in Figure 2. They posit that the co-ordinator role operates
as a constructive link between design and production as they are required to assist the project brief and
ensure that its goals are substantially met (Brookfield et al., 2004). According to Brookfield et al. (2004,
p.7) this position, as a bridge between the concept and the practical, requires abilities such as:
• Knowledge and understanding of the design process and appreciation of the value of design, contractual
issues and professional obligations
• The ability to translate design intent into construction, maximising efficiency and satisfaction (the
ability to materialise)
• Knowledge of the physical and performance factors of building materials and associated technologies
• The ability to work fluently within a multidisciplinary design team
For these reasons, it is suggested that the architectural technologist, as a creative and constructive member
of the design team, can be employed at the heart of the process in the co-ordinator role (Brookfield et
al., 2004).
Summary
The review of the literature has established that there are strong links between the architectural
technologist and the co-ordination of effective design and production. Therefore, the primary data
collection seeks to investigate the architectural technologist in practice to discover similarities between
theory and practice and opinions of practitioners regarding the co-ordination of integrated design.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The findings of the literature review suggested that some further investigation was necessary into the role
of the architectural technologist in practice. This section sets out to investigate what the discipline is in
reality and what technologists believe they can achieve in their work. Such a research topic is attitudinal
in nature, requiring collection of data on the thoughts and opinions of architectural technologists who
work in professional practice. Dainty (2008) has previously noted the polarised opinions regarding
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research paradigms in construction, and the rationalistic approach that dominates the industry. Thus
by choosing to pursue the research in a qualitative or subjective manner, an interpretive process was
developed that responded to the visual nature of technologists and provided some interesting findings.
It was suitable to conduct semi-structured interviews in order to gather the required data. This is
recognised by Davies, (2007, p.29), who perceives effective semi-structured interviews to be of a kind
which will “stimulate reflection and exploration”. The method is more suitable than a fully structured
method to gain data in this case, as it was hoped to prompt a spontaneous response, establishing an
honest immediate opinion of the interviewee. This ensured that the data collection exercise was both
open and engaging.
The interviewee selections were chosen from architectural technologists that work, or have recently
worked, as architectural technologists in architectural practice. This selection was limited to the North
East of England for financial and practical reasons. The six interviewees were selected as they had a range
of experience working in practice, including those employed at senior level (i.e. senior architectural
technologist and technical manager) and those new to the industry. Some interviewees have achieved
chartered recognition by the CIAT. The interviewees’ experience is summarised below:
Table 2: Interviewee Selection
Interviewee
Experience (years)
In a Senior Role?
Are they Chartered?
Interviewee 1
30
yes
yes
Interviewee 2
20
no
no
Interviewee 3
20
yes
yes
Interviewee 4
2
no
no
Interviewee 5
6
no
no
Interviewee 6
15
yes
yes
This selection attempted to capture a range of practical experience versus seniority, in addition to chartered
status. As identified in the literature review, the education of architectural technologists has changed over
time. It was important to realise how the academic nature of the role
has matured and this could be manifested in the answers that were
given by the contrasting backgrounds the selection provided.
A pilot interview helped inform the process, as it tested the
initial set of questions and influenced the subsequent direction
of the data collection. The interview structure changed due to
insights gained in the pilot, such as a need to ensure enough
opportunity to discuss attitudes of the interviewees. This was
also the case when testing the “locus of control” diagram as a
research tool. As this was such an unusual method, the pilot
interview helped to establish whether this would work as a
useful means of data collection.
The “locus of control” was devised as a visual representation
of the technologist’s opinions, as shown below (Figure 3.).
The diagram originates from the “locus of control” developed by
Rotter (1954), when investigating individual perspectives of influence
or control over events (Liebert and Spiegler, 1994). Although the
inspiration for the “locus of control” diagram came from Covey et
al. (1994).
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Figure 3. Locus of Control
diagram, adapted from Covey
et al, (1994, p.151)
The three ‘circles’, as shown above, describe areas in which the interviewee could use their time and
energy effectively. In this case, the three circles consisting of focus, influence and concern are where
the interviewees were asked to place key aspects already identified in the literature as being part of the
technologist’s role in integrated teams.
Table 3, below, illustrates the features identified in the literature. The purpose of this exercise was
to conclude sections in the interview process by allowing the interviewee to place certain features of
their role (in the form of a feature card), on the locus diagram, in the circle that best represented their
perceived level of either control or influence over the said feature. The feature cards were devised by
following the investigative principles of questions set out in the semi-structured interview. The features
are defined under the headings shown in the “Sections” column. The “Purpose” column outlines the
reason for including each particular feature card and its subsequent investigative qualities.
The pilot interview helped clarify how the locus of control and the feature cards would be perceived by
the interviewees. This dictated small changes to the terms used on the feature cards for clarity, however,
the purpose of the card remained the same.
Table 3: Feature Cards
Feature Card
Purpose
“Multidisciplinary
Development”
To realise how an individual can
either control or influence their
multidisciplinary development
“Cross Function within the
Design Team” and “Translating
Design into Construction
(Constructive Link)”
To investigate the extent each
individual realises the main
functions of this role
Technical Competencies
“Providing Vital Technical
Information”
*see constructive link
Role in the Design Team
“Communication of Design
Intent” and “Leadership Through
Technical Competence”
To investigate the individual’s
belief in what they can achieve
in the design team
Co-ordinating Lean Design and
Construction
“Co-ordination of the
Multidisciplinary Team”, “Coordination of Disciplines” and
“Concurrent Design (Design for
Production)”
This was largely based on the
literature on the application of
the discipline in lean design and
construction. Thus investigating
the participants opinions on the
extent of their perceived control or
influence on being implemented in
a co-ordination role.
Sections
Multidisciplinary Development
Constructive Link
The supplementary data collected from the “Architectural Technologist’s Locus of Control” meant that
there were various features expressed on the locus in positions that differed between each participant.
Each participant’s data was scrutinised and put into a spider diagram (as shown in figure 4.1 –4.6 below).
The scale of 0 to 5.5 represents the scoring given by the interviewee regarding their influence or control
over the features, where a scoring of ‘5.5’ is where the interviewee has expressed complete control over
the feature, and where a score of ‘0’ represents neither control nor influence over the feature.
Analysing the radar charts helped test the theories in the literature, consequently illustrating how the
interviewees perceived their responsibilities as architectural technologists. In attempting to map this,
the process has allowed comparisons between length and type experience and attitudes towards the
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discipline, presenting it in an accessible way. This visual approach is in some ways reminiscent of Foley
and Macmillan (2005, p.19), who felt that their research on the patterns of interaction in construction
team meetings would be more “readily accessible to designers” if they graphically represented their
results. The use of the locus of control diagram was perceived to help data collection as the interviewees
commented that this was a more interesting method than the usual interview process.
DISCUSSION
There were a number of recurring themes that emerged in the data. These will be evaluated and discussed
in comparison to the literature in this topic area.
The Architectural Technologists’ Locus of Control
The results of the interviewees’ locus of control diagrams are visually represented on the spider diagrams
overleaf (Figures 4.1. to 4.6.).The data is shown so as to frame the analysis and visually represent the
attitudes of the interviewees. Each spider diagram represents where each interviewee placed their feature
card on the Locus of Control using a scale of 0-5, 0 being no influence or control and 5 being complete
influence and control.
When cross-referencing the interviewees’ length of experience with their perceived level of control over
their work, there are similarities in the findings. Interviewees 1, 2, 3 and 6 have longer experience in
industry than Interviewees 4 and 5. Generally these interviewees thought they had more control over the
key features of the role. However, a higher level of control was apparent with Interviewees 1, 2 and 6 in
comparison to Interviewee 3. This difference in opinion could be down to attitude or type of experience,
but it was the case that Interviewee 3 felt that there was more influence rather than control when it came
to leading through technical competence, and also the idea of linking the architectural technologist to
co-ordinating design.
One of the key aspects of the data is the visual representation of Interviewee 1 and how it differs with the
other participants. Interviewee 1 firmly believed that as an architectural technologist, there was capacity
to essentially control each aspect that the feature cards set out. This described their attitude towards the
architectural technology discipline and what it could achieve. This was also reflected in Interviewee 2’s
response, although to a lesser extent in some areas.
Therefore, there was a mixture of responses to the arguments presented in the literature. Agreement
was most notable in the area of control over providing technical information and translating design into
construction. However, some disagreement came from the features that applied to co-ordinating design,
such as leading the multidisciplinary team and design for production aspects.
Figure 4.1. Interviewee 1
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Interdisciplinary Development
When asked about whether or not there are aspects of their work that influence multidisciplinary
development, the interviewees responded in agreement. The sample showed a lot of emphasis on both
length and type of experience.
Interviewee 3 recalled working for seven years in a smaller practice, in which a multidisciplinary nature
comes “automatically” and there is an expectation to “be more multidisciplinary”. Whereas in a larger
practice, he stated that “we tend to be more focussed on our own role”. Interviewee 3 believes that “you
get more channelled in the larger practice into the ‘core’ bits of your role”.
Also, an aspect that was recalled by Interviewee 5 was how multidisciplinary development could be aided
through the use of Building Information Modelling (BIM) software. In the example of “co-ordinating
our design with the structural engineer’s design”, by using the “two integrated models” it allowed for the
user to “get a hold of it and get a good look and see what they’re trying to achieve”.
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Constructive Link
In this section, the interviewees were questioned on how their role could be described as a “constructive
link” (Emmitt, 2002, p.34) and “cross functional” (Brookfield et al., 2004, p.7). The participants were
aided in their description of “constructive link” through the Interfaces model presented by Emmitt
(2002, p.34) as shown in Figure 1. All of the interviewees recognised being this constructive link, and
saw this as “critical” and “core” to their work.
Experience and level of exposure to translating design to construction was also an emerging theme.
Interviewee 4 recognised that as a less experienced technologist, their role in practice as a “constructive
link” fell between detail and production. This was backed up by the more experienced Interviewee 3,
who worked for the same architectural practice. On the other hand, Interviewee 5 had exposure to both
concept and detailed design stages through the office set up. At his practice there was an open invite to
“stage reviews” which recognised that technologists “would get involved between concept and detail,
and see the whole thing through from there”. So the opportunity for influence and input seemed to
exist. Opportunities, or lack of them, seemed to be the main factor that affected how the technologist
was employed in practice. This highlights the importance of office culture in the development of the
technologist and whether they are afforded opportunities to lead the process.
Cross-Functional Role
The “cross-functional” term used by Brookfield et al. (2004, p.7) describes the nature of the technologists’
requirement to not be an expert in all areas, but have a knowledge of what each discipline does in practice.
Interviewee 6 saw this as an apt description, describing the architectural technologist as a “jack of all
trades, not a master of all, but a good ‘AT’ will know a lot of each”. All of the interviewees had similar
opinions. However, according to Interviewee 5, the cross-functional description was dependant on “the
level of experience of the technologist”. Thus he concluded that having a certain level of knowledge
could increase the cross-functionality of the role. Interviewee 3 stated that cross-functional working
was “a natural part of the role” and that the “two way process” with the other members of the design
team came down to requirements of the conceptual design, hence effectively ensuring that design was
translated to construction.
Technical Competence
All interviewees identified the extreme importance of technical competence. Again, the recurring
theme present in the data was time spent developing skills in practice. Interviewee 4 identified that
the “technical manager and the senior technologists would be the people to go to” if technical help
was needed. Furthermore, on the subject of developing technical competence, Interviewee 5 stated that
“there’s an important part of senior members of staff to pass down information and to spend time with
younger members of staff.....I find that I’ve got the most from the sort of people who will spend time”.
Therefore, there is a reliance upon the experienced members of staff to guide the less experienced in
technical competence.
Role in the Design Team
Communicating Design Intent
Interviewee 1 recalled his experience working in practices that do not “have a very clear demarcation”
between the discipline of architects and technicians, that adopted a “if you’re good enough, do it”
approach. The fact that Interviewee 1 works in a senior position, after having worked as an architectural
technologist, helped form the opinion that “the architectural technologist ‘bit’ is the route to get to a
position, if you wanted to, you could wield as much power or have as pivotal a position as you want,
depending on how much you want it”. This perhaps shows a requirement to have the right type of
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attitude and resilience in order to take on a central co-ordination role in the design team. This key
relationship was also flagged by Interviewee 6, when describing the relationship with the architect he
said, “if the architect and the AT work as they should, the baton passing should be seamless”.
Clearly an essential skill that has to be mastered in order to take on the role of co-ordinator is to be
able to communicate design intent into detail. This appears to be strongly related to a combination
of experience, attitude, and environment. An important feature of the environment appears to be
the relationship between architects and technologists in practice. It seems that where there is little
differentiation between the two disciplines in terms of seniority, technologists are capable of taking on
the co-ordinator and leadership role.
Influencing Through Technical Competence
Interviewee 4 presented the case that technical experience “gives you a good background”, however it
was more important to “have an understanding of the rest of the team” in order to lead the design team,
rather than through technical competence alone.
In addition to personal qualities, Interviewee 5 stated, “I don’t think technical knowledge alone could
lead a project, you have to lean on other people within the team”. However, when probed about the
value of having an understanding of other disciplines in such a situation, Interviewee 5 replied “I think
it’s related”. Therefore, although there is a need to rely on other designers in order to lead the design
team, the interviewees thought that having knowledge of their input and how the technologist should
perform, could be key to influencing the team.
Leading the Design Team
The data analysis highlights that the longer the interviewee had worked in the industry, the more evidence
they could provide to suggest that the technologist could lead the design team. Interviewee 4 stated that
a technologist “doesn’t necessarily have the leadership skills to lead a whole design team and know what
people are doing to give tasks out to people to do, but I think it comes down to experience as well”.
In addition, Interviewee 5 stated that it “purely depends on your knowledge and your past experience”
claiming that “I’ve worked with people who are now technologists who in the past have been project
managers and I think it does influence their role, the fact that they’ve worked in other aspects of the
system”.
A theme that has previously presented itself was that of personal attitude or circumstance. Interviewee
1 identified this as one of the main reasons as to why the architectural technologist is sometimes not the
fundamental leader in the design team. This interviewee believed that the architectural technologist “can
do it every bit as well as an architect”; however, “a lot of technologists to some extent hold themselves
back”. Therefore the interviewee suggested that is up to the technologist whether they believe they could
lead the design team or not.
Co-ordinating Lean Design and Production
When asked their opinion on Brookfield et al. (2004) advocating the architectural technologist in the role
as illustrated by Melhado (1994, cited in Melhado, 1998), the interviewees provided a mixed response.
Interviewee 6 stated that “the co-ordinator is the central connecting element, as an architectural
technologist you are the centre of all that, you draw from the architect and you co-ordinate from that
and that couldn’t be a better diagram”. In addition, Interviewee 2 agreed and said it is “pretty much a
model that we have here actually in the office”, where the architect “would oversee, generally, the whole
project and someone like myself in the system to be dealing with all these elements”. Interviewee 1
agreed that the role “can be” employed in such a manner; however, it was pointed out that if you “show
that to somebody else and they’ll say ‘oh, it’s the design manager’ or ‘it’s the project manager’, depending
on who you’re talking to”.
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There was also some disagreement of the co-ordinator role being linked to the technologist. Interviewee
4 recognised that the technologist “would probably run parallel with the architect” and largely agreed
that they could do this role; however, there were some areas they thought a technologist would be less
likely to co-ordinate on projects (e.g. marketing). Moreover, Interviewee 3 felt that there should be a
much “stronger link” between the architect and the technologist, if the technologist were to be applied
to the co-ordinator role. Interviewee 3 believed strongly that the technologist in this role was “separating
it into two completely separate disciplines” where there ideally should be “more overlap” with the
architect than there is with any of the other design inputs.
CONCLUSION
Figure 5 provides a visual representation of the key findings of the research, describing a model where
the architectural technologist is able take on a co-ordinating role in integrated design. The key inputs
shown are the emerging themes from the data in relation to the theories of Brookfield et al. (2004).
The model also suggests further inputs are required, such as interdisciplinary education and more CIAT
involvement.
Each of the aspects potentially influences the architectural technologists’ individual approach to their
discipline. The model illustrates that opportunities do exist to maximise potential as a leader in the
team, but due to circumstances, this is not necessarily available to every technologist in the industry. The
environment in which the technologist is educated and employed plays a large part in how much control
the architectural technologist perceives themselves to have over co-ordination and leadership.
Figure 5: Key aspects and inputs
(on basis of the findings)
Figure 5. Key aspects and inputs (on the basis of the findings)
Interviewee 1 warned that working in a practice with “demarcation” and a “strict hierarchy” can place
an individual in a situation where their knowledge is narrow. This could be to the detriment of the
individual, as it could potentially influence how they perceive their discipline in relation to others, this
seems to coincide with how a particular practice may define the architectural technology profession. It is
evident that in practices where no difference in seniority exists between the architect and the technologist,
the architectural technologist is employed in a way that encourages personal development, allowing
experience to be accrued on how to lead through technical competence and multidisciplinary knowledge.
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The key aspects in Figure 5 are thought to exist right through education into practice. It must be pointed
out that the impact of the aspects is likely to vary in different circumstances, as an individual may not
have complete control over these aspects in industry. The key areas highlighted by the QAA (2007)
are heavily influenced by the way in which the individual or practice perceives the importance of the
discipline and its main functions in the design team.
By empowering architectural technologists into a co-ordination role, the integrated design team will be
able to utilise the architectural technologist’s multi-disciplinary abilities to provide technical competence
and co-ordination. The data identifies this role as being a “jack of all trades”, when a design team member
offers such skills, the multidisciplinary design team will benefit from their help in integrating the team.
Nevertheless, the sample did not fully agree that architectural technologists can co-ordinate integrated
design. Interviewees who were in positions that either witnessed or carried out duties that demanded
leadership and multidisciplinary working agreed that this function was applicable to the discipline. But
the sceptical individuals still argued that the technologist needs to have a stronger link with the architect,
stating that this relationship needs “more overlap” than any of the other designers. It can be argued that
both opinions are the result of the environment in which the individuals are placed and attitudes towards
the co-ordinator role may hinge on how they perceive this application in their own practice.
It was widely agreed by the sample that technical competence is critical to their discipline. The effective
translation of design into construction was of foremost importance as the interviewees felt that technical
competence in the design team is critical in developing a concept into reality. Most of the sample was in
agreement that their technical competence was valued by the rest of the design team.
The main data concluded that technologists can, and have, effectively co-ordinated integrated design
teams and do have the ability to lead through technical competence. This appears to be largely dependent
on the technologist’s technical competence in translating design into detail, but may also depend on their
attitude and type of experience.
From an educational perspective, the environment and experience of the architectural technologist is
critical when considering the early identification of the discipline’s potential in integrated design. By
providing an interdisciplinary environment with an emphasis on technical leadership, the architectural
technology undergraduate programme can develop essential skills that will define the attitude of the
individual at first principles. Furthermore, Brookfield et al. (2004, p.7) see the effective application
and evolution of the architectural technologist as a co-ordinator “with some additional training and
specialisation (perhaps through postgraduate education and training programmes)”. Perhaps the next
challenge is to understand how skills can be developed in educational programmes to best enable the
technologists of the future to rise to the leadership challenge and perform this important co-ordination
role.
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the British Institute of Architectural Technologists, (September/October, Issue 1), p.3.
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(1), pp. 19-37.
Gann, D & Salter, A. (2001) ‘Interdisciplinary education for design professionals’, in Spence, R,
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Practice. London: Thomas Telford Publishing, pp. 3-5
Steele, J., Macmillan, S., Austin, S., Kirby, P. & Spence, R. (2000) ‘One step forward and three back:
a study of the patterns of interdisciplinary conceptual design’ Design Research Conference 2000,
Coventry, UK September. Eclipse Research Consultants. Available at: http://www.eclipse-research.co.uk/
Conference%20papers/MDP_DRS2000.pdf (Accessed: 8th December 2010).
Strategic Forum for Construction. (2002) Accelerating Change. Available at: http://www.strategicforum.
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Tzortzopoulos, P. & Cooper, R. (2007) ‘Design Management from a Contractor’s Perspective: The Need
for Clarity’, Architectural Engineering and Design Management, (3), pp. 17-28.
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December 2011
The transition from CAD
to BIM within architectural
practices: The individual and
resistance to change
Laura Robson1 and Michelle Littlemore2
ABSTRACT
Building information modelling (BIM) is making a radical impact on the construction
industry. The importance of this technological intervention is being reinforced by the
government with the recent announcement for BIM to be used as a collaborative tool
on all of its projects by 2016. Therefore, in order to remain competitive with regard to
the industry’s biggest client, implementation of BIM within architectural practices will
be a prerequisite. The aim of this study is to explore the benefits and issues associated
with this transformation with a focus on resistance to change and more specifically the
impact that previous technological transitions had on architectural practices. A total of
eighty participants took part in the gathering of quantitative data via questionnaires,
this includes sixty three participants employed by practices which have implemented
BIM and seventeen participants employed by practices which have not. In addition
to this four interviews were carried out, each interviewee was selected from a different
practice to ensure results are not biased towards one practice. Two interviewees were
based in practices where BIM has been implemented and two where it has not, to
ensure opinions of non-users as well as users are gathered. The results of the survey
and interviews indicated that despite the consensus as to the benefits and issues of
BIM it is the behavioural issues associated with the transition from CAD to BIM that are
the greatest barrier to change.
Keywords: BIM, Change, Implementation, Resistance
1
Awarded to “NBS” Award for Best Project Documentation, 2011
School of the Built and Natural Environment, Northumbria University, Ellison Building, Newcastle upon Tyne,
NE1 8ST.
2
254
The transition from CAD to BIM within architectural practices: The individual and resistance to change
INTRODUCTION
In the construction industry having the knowledge to use building information modeling (BIM) software
is fast becoming an essential skill for many including the architect and the technologist. BIM is thought
to be the future of the industry, so it is important that those who will be required to use it are prepared
for its implementation (Dennis, 2009).
BIM is an innovative change in drawing production; as a result the skills needed to produce such drawings
are also changing. When drafting in both traditional and computer aided drafting (CAD) based practices
it is important the individual is familiar with architectural symbols, whereas the emphasis for BIM is the
enhanced understanding of the way buildings come together (Eastman et al., 2008). The change in the
way an individual works, therefore, is substantial; this is reiterated by Smith and Tardif (2008, pp.27),
who suggests implementing BIM means ‘business processes and workflows must change.’
PREVIOUS TECHNOLOGICAL TRANSITION IN ARCHITECTURAL
PRACTICES
Over recent years the technological changes within architectural practices have been significant;
investigating the shift from hand drawing to computer aided drafting provides an understanding of the
changes which were required during this transition and identifies whether similar changes are required
when shifting from CAD to BIM.
The introduction of CAD in the 1980s and 1990s impacted on the professional practice of architectural
firms and presented them with a number of issues and opportunities. In the initial stages of CAD’s
integration the high cost of purchasing and maintaining the hard and software meant that this technological
intervention was only accessible to a few large practices. However, as the cost of computers became more
accessible the financial implications switched from a capital cost to a training cost. Consequently the
financial transition was easier for the smaller firms. (Andia, 2002). The turning point for the uptake of
CAD was the driving force of clients who began to request final drawings to be delivered digitally. As a
result of this demand in house training programmes were implemented in order to reduce costs in larger
firms through the utilization of CAD champions (Andia, 2002).
Whilst this addressed a number of training issues there was still a resistance to its use. Traditional drawing
using pencil and paper allowed designers to produce a range of marks to express ideas but CAD systems
required structured information to be input, which made this difficult. Difficulties using CAD during
the initial design stages lead to some people rejecting the use of computers (Hewson, 1990, cited in
Carter, 1993). The resistance was partly associated with the older generation who started their careers
drawing by hand and who displayed some resistance to using technology they were unfamiliar with.
(Liker and Fleischer, 1989). This is supported by Dillon and Sweeney (1988, pp.07) whose findings
identify that when CAD was introduced ‘it was obvious that the system was capable of reducing much of
the complexity of the drawing technique to a few supposedly simple key presses’. However, it was found
this was difficult for some individuals.
However, this transition can be said to be simpler than the transition from CAD to BIM. McGrath
(2007) suggests that the shift from two-dimensional drawing to three-dimensional modelling is not an
easy task and questions how to bridge traditional ways of representing space in two dimensions to threedimensional representation in digital virtual space.
Sabol (2007) explains that although there were changes in work practices during the transition from the
drawing board to CAD these changes did not affect “process interactions between project participant”
and project deliverables remained the same. The difference between this and the more recent evolution
from CAD to BIM is the change in organisations needing to create new “interdependencies and
collaboration requirements for firms participating in a construction project”. Computer aided drafting
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December 2011
can be integrated into practice without major organisational changes, however to achieve integration
using BIM organisational changes need to be implemented alongside it (Johnson and Laepple, 2003).
ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES OF BIM
There are many advantages to implementing BIM which existing literature identifies, including:
• Accurate visualisations can be produced.
• One 3D model is created instead of multiple 2D drawings.
• Fewer errors occur, as drawings are associated with one another.
• It is quick to produce drawing revisions.
• Design issues can be identified early.
• Schedules can be incorporated as part of the building model.
• Conflicts and collisions of building elements can easily be identified.
• It enables better designs to be produced as simulations can be performed.
• The completed model can be used for facilities management.
• There is minimal loss of information between design phases.
• Quality of drawings is improved which allows for improved construction.
• Construction times are shortened by integrating design and fabrication.
(Eastman, C et al., 2008; Azhar, Hein and Sketo, 2008; Kutrieb, 2008; Luthra 2010).
However, despite the availability of BIM technology and its documented benefits it has been identified
that adoption has been lethargic (Azhar, Hein and Sketo, 2008 and Gu et al., 2008) due to the
disadvantages and barriers associated with its implementation. This is reiterated by Furneaux and Kivvits
(2008, pp.23), who suggest that ‘while BIM may contribute a lot of benefits to the construction process,
the implementation of this technology presents numerous challenges which need to be overcome.’
Disadvantages of BIM are identified in existing literature as:
• Interoperability.
• Added work for the designer.
• The size and complexity of BIM.
• Improved hardware is required.
Barriers to BIM implementation are identified in existing literature as:
• Ownership and responsibility.
• Liability, risk and other legal issues.
• Economic issues.
• A skill and knowledge gap, training.
• Resistance to change.
(Furneaux and Kivvits, 2008; Post, 2008; Mihindu and Arayici, 2008)
It is suggested many practices are content using traditional drawing methods (Mihindu and Arayici,
2008) and there are managerial issues associated with BIM implementation and its use (Azhar, Hein and
Sketo, 2008). Furneaux and Kivvits suggest in addition to technological barriers there can be a need for
change in business processes; some also advocate the risks associated with BIM might not outweigh the
rewards (Kutrieb, 2008).
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INDIVIDUALS’ RESISTANCE TO TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE
‘Resistance to change has long been recognised as a critically important factor that can influence the
success or otherwise of an organisational change effort’ (Waddell and Sohal, 1998, pp.01). This is
confirmed by London et al (2008) who also believe resistance of individuals is a key factor to consider
when implementing a change.
Resistance to change is used to explain why introducing changes in technology does not always meet
expectations of an organisation or can sometimes fail (Oreg, 2006, p.01). In order for a technological
change in an organisation to be successful individual change is also required (Evans, 1994, cited in Bovey
and Hede, 2001). The risks involved in implementing unproven technological methods contribute to
the personal attitudes towards new technology adoption (Paulson and Fondahl 1980; Tatum 1989, cited
in Dossick and Neff, 2010 p460). It is believed that individuals fear change, however when resisting
a change it is not always the change itself which is being resisted; it can be the anticipated negative
consequences it is felt may come from the change (Robbins and Finley, 1998).
The way organisations make changes can cause resistance by individuals. Reasons for resisting change
in addition to fear include: the benefits of changing cannot be seen; a feeling that too much effort is
required to make the change; and habits may be hard to change (Tan, 1997). Kotter and Schlesinger
(2008) illustrate common reasons why people resist change as: misunderstanding of the change; low
tolerance to change; and belief that it does not make sense for the organisation. Job security is also
associated with individual resistance to a change (Oreg, 2006 and Aladwani, 2001). A further five sources
are outlined by Oreg (2003):
1. Reluctance to lose control.
2. Cognitive rigidity.
3. Lack of psychological resilience.
4. Intolerance to the adjustment period involved in change.
5. Preference for low levels of stimulation and novelty.
Managers must be aware of these issues in order to make changes successfully. Successful adoption
depends on allowing teams to adapt the technologies to suite their existing work practices (Hartmann
2009). When BIM is adopted workflows are disrupted and traditional design processes need to be
changed suit new workflows; this relates to resistance to change the existing work practice (London et
al., 2008, pp.667).
As with the implementation of CAD it is suggested older people are more resistant to use BIM in practice,
as they may struggle with the changes which need to be made (Prather, 2007). Mihindu and Arayici
(2008) suggest younger staff are ‘technologically-savvy’. Older generations will be required to move away
from the workflows and processes they are used to; however students are now being taught to use BIM
in many universities, so have the skills required before they start work (Angulo and Vasquez de Velasco,
2007). A lack of training is associated with BIM implementation; if individuals do not understand how
to use BIM they are likely to resist it and continue to work in traditional ways (London et al., 2008; Gu
et al, 2008; Mihindu and Arayici, 2008).
METHODOLOGY
The aim of this study was to explore the benefits and issues associated with this transformation with a
focus on resistance to change and more specifically the impact that previous technological transitions
had on architectural practices. Following a detailed evaluation of relevant research a total of eighty
participants took part in the gathering of quantitative data via questionnaires. 105 people were approached
to take part in the research. Fifty-five construction project development managers were selected for the
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December 2011
survey and in all cases subjects had significant resource management responsibilities. Thirty survey
questionnaires were completed through postal return and twenty-five handed to candidates in weekly
contact with the researcher; however, no distinction was applied in terms of data measurement.
Participants were based around five architectural practices, three of which have implemented BIM and
two which have not. The practices chosen were based on the researcher’s contacts, to make the data
collection process straightforward and limit problems.
Two different questionnaires were designed: one for practices where BIM has been implemented and
one for practices where it has not. A total of one hundred and five questionnaires were distributed; the
individuals targeted include architects, technicians and interior designers.
In addition to the questionnaires four interviews were carried out. Each interviewee was selected from
a different practice to ensure results were not biased towards one practice. Two interviewees were based
in practices where BIM has been implemented and two where it has not, to ensure opinions of non-users
as well as users were gathered. Structured questions were designed to ensure responses from interviews
could be compared against the quantitative data.
RESULTS AND ANALYSIS
Data is presented in accordance with the key objectives of this research which were:
• To investigate previous technological transitions in architectural practices.
•T
o identify issues to be considered when implementing technological change with a focus on building
information modeling.
• To investigate reasons behind individuals’ resistance to technological change.
• To identify processes which could be applied to allow successful implementation.
Research Sample
A 76% response was received from questionnaires, resulting in a total of eighty participants of quantitative
data gathering, including sixty three participants employed by practices which have implemented BIM
and seventeen participants employed by practices which have not. The age, gender and professions of the
participants have been identified, to gain an understanding of the sample and to allow participants to be
grouped during analysis; participant ages and professions are illustrated in Table 1 and 2.
Age Range
Participants
Percentage
19-2521
26
26-3538
47
26-4512
15
45-555
7
55+4
5
Total80
100
Table 1. Age ranges of quantitative research participants
It is identified that 80% of participants were male and 20% female. This demonstrates that the sample
was representative of the industry; The Equal Opportunities Commission 1990 cited in Gale (1994)
states, ‘Women continue to be significantly underrepresented in the primary sector ... in particular, in the
construction industry.’ The same trend was shown for the qualitative research participants.
258
Role
ParticipantsPercentage
Architectural Assistant
7
9
Architectural Graduate
3
4
Architect1417
Technical Assistant
4
5
Technician19 24
Technologist24
30
Interior Designer
4
3
Other 67
Total
80100
Table 2. Professions of quantitative research participants
Details of the participants who took part in the gathering of qualitative data via interviews are shown in
Figure 3.
Interviewee Gender
Profession
BIM user
Age Group
Years at current
practice
1
M
Technician
Yes
19-25
5 and a half years
2
M
Technologist
No
26-35
6 years
3
M
Technologist
No
26-35
7 years
4
M
Architect
Yes
36-45
11 years
Table 3. Qualitative research participants
The transition from hand drawing to computer aided drafting
The data gathered identifies that 56% of the eighty participants have experienced the transition from hand
drawing to CAD. Literature highlights feelings and issues which occurred when CAD was introduced.
These participants were questioned to gain an understanding of their experiences and discover whether
their experiences concur with the literature.
The strongest support of the literature (Burns, 2004; Carter, 1993; Dillon and Sweeney, 1988) came
from 80% of individuals who experienced the transition and agreed the introduction of CAD “enabled a
more efficient way of producing drawings”.
The literature also identifies that the introduction of BIM has enabled a more efficient way of producing
drawings; however, the primary data gathered illustrates that less than half of BIM users agree at 48%. It
is recognised that disadvantages of BIM such as lack of training and the time consuming learning process
may be factors which influence this.
Difficulty of the CAD and BIM transitions
There is much discourse as to the simplicity of technological transitions between hand drawing to CAD
and similarly from CAD to BIM (Sabol, 2007; Dillon and Sweeney, 1988; Carter, 1993). The data
collated indicates individuals who have experienced both transitions supported the contradicting views
in literature. 48% believed the CAD to BIM transition was not the most difficult transition, however
33% believed it was; participants who believed it was were predominantly technicians, at 63%.
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December 2011
Figure 1. Is the CAD to BIM transition most difficult?
Although it has been established that many individuals do not believe the CAD to BIM transition is most
difficult, the qualitative data reiterates the opinion of those who believe it is. An interviewee experienced
both transitions and stated,
‘The switch over from the drawing boards to CAD was really just changing your pen for a
computer to draw a line, whereas the switch over from CAD to BIM is not just drawing lines
it’s a three dimensional line. When hand drawing in CAD you would draw two dimensional
plans and then if you wanted to show it to the client or somebody you would build a model,
where BIM takes that element on board as well ... I think it’s a bigger step than the drawing
board to CAD.’
Advantages of BIM
Literature uncovers many advantages of BIM (Eastman, et al., 2008; Azhar et al, 2008; Kutrieb, 2008;
Luthra, 2010). Participants - both those employed by practices which have implemented BIM and those
which have not - selected advantages outlined in secondary research which they believed to be true. The
results illustrate that five advantages received a response rate of over 50%; the same five were identified
by participants from practices which have implemented BIM as from practices which have not. This
demonstrates that the advantages highlighted in literature, and which non-users perceive, are in fact true
benefits when BIM is used in practice. The five advantages are:
1) One three-dimensional model is created instead of multiple drawings.
2) Conflicts and collisions of building elements can easily be identified.
3) Design issues can be identified early.
4) Schedules can be incorporated as part of the building model.
5) Accurate visualisations can be produced.
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Figure 2. Advantages recognised in practices where BIM has been implemented.
Figure 3. Advantages recognised in practices where BIM has not been implemented.
Participants additionally described in their own words what they considered to be the main advantage of
BIM; the most popular responses in addition to the above list were:
1) Less time is spent revising drawings.
2) The visual aspect, being able to understand the building better in 3D.
The qualitative data supported advantages identified in literature and in quantitative data. A BIM user
stated an advantage as,
‘you can get an integrated and a coordinated construction package’ (Interviewee 4).
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December 2011
Interviewee 1 agreed that BIM’s ability to coordinate information from all disciplines in one model is a
major advantage; however, this individual suggested that this is not happening as not all disciplines are
implementing BIM.
Disadvantages of BIM
The quantitative data illustrates three disadvantages of BIM which are recognised in practices where BIM
has been implemented as well as in practices where it has not. These are:
• the learning process is time consuming.
• improved hardware and software is required.
• interoperability issues.
There appears to be some misapprehension that complexity is an issue. Those who have implemented
BIM do not see this as much of an issue; however, those who have not do. Education may be needed to
inform these practices.
A clear disadvantage of BIM is consultants not using the same software packages; participants rated
their agreement on the importance of this issue. The data gathered reiterates its importance, as 74% of
participants either agreed or strongly agreed that this issue exists. Interviewees supported this, with one
participant remarking that if all professionals used the same BIM software,
Figure 4. Disadvantages recognised in practices where BIM has been implemented.
Figure 5. Disadvantages recognised in practices where BIM has not been implemented.
262
‘it would be a huge advantage because in my opinion that’s the whole purpose of BIM’.
(Interviewee 1)
‘it would make things a lot easier if everybody used the same software.’ (Interviewee 4)
When investigating the issue of interoperability, it was found that, not only the use of the same programmes
is important, but also that the same versions of programmes are used; this is highlighted by interviewee 4,
‘One of the biggest disadvantages of BIM is that its not compatible, there are projects that
we are working on at the moment where we have to use the 2010 version because the other
consultants haven’t up graded to 2011.’ (Interviwee 4)
The need for upgraded hardware and software was identified as a disadvantage; size of files impacts
on this and was also identified by users as an issue. However, where BIM has not been implemented,
although improved hardware is recognised, file size is generally not seen as an issue. The issue of
hardware requirements are reiterated by interviewee 4 who stated that BIM files ‘take up a lot of room
in the server... it is an issue, the machines don’t seem to keep up with the software.’
In practices where BIM has not been implemented, the learning process was recognised by many as a
disadvantage. This was reiterated by BIM users; it appears this is a key cause for resistance to using BIM.
Participants additionally described in their own words what they believe to be the main disadvantage of
BIM; the most popular responses were:
1) The learning process is time consuming and training takes time.
2) Consultants not using the same software/interoperability.
3) Demand on hardware and software.
4) Speed and file size.
5) Complexity.
6) Automatic updates means information is hard to track.
7) Increased time is needed to produce information upfront.
8) Loss of imagination and creativity in designs.
As well as supporting the disadvantages established in figures 4 and 5, new disadvantages which were not
established in the literature were revealed. One of these was the issue of automatic drawing revisions.
This was seen by many as an advantage, but was also seen as a disadvantage due to it being difficult to
keep track of the information which has updated automatically. Two other disadvantages not identified
by literature were the “need to produce more information at the start of a project” and “there is a loss of
creativity in designs”. It was identified in the quantitative data that using BIM to produce details creates
issues. When using BIM as a drawing tool it is intended to be used for all drawings; however, of the fifty
six BIM users questioned, 32% said they used CAD to produce details; of these 17% were architects and
83% technicians.
Disadvantages highlighted in literature and in quantitative data were supported by the qualitative data
gathered; interviewees reiterated the learning process, hardware issues and complexity as disadvantages
of BIM. However, it was suggested that while disadvantages exist, they should not be reasons to avoid
using or implementing BIM:
‘there are disadvantages but not ones that cannot be overcome’, (Interviewee 4)
Barriers to the implementation of BIM
As well as disadvantages of the use of BIM, the literature identifies barriers to its implementation.
Quantitative research participants agreed with the literature and identified resistance to change, lack
of time and training as the main barriers; economic issues were also identified by many participants in
companies where BIM has not been implemented.
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December 2011
It is stated in the literature that a lack of training can lead to individuals being resistant to use BIM
(London et al., 2008; Gu et al, 2008; Mihindu and Arayici, 2008). As resistance to change is the most
recognised barrier to implementation, training is considered further. Examining the amount of training
received by questionnaire research participants, the findings demonstrate that a higher percentage have
been taught hand drawing and CAD rather than BIM at university or college. Therefore, BIM training
in practice is essential. Additionally, the data highlights that when training has been provided, many still
consider themselves to be self-taught.
Figure 6. Barriers to BIM recognised by individuals when BIM has been implemented.
Figure 7. Barriers to BIM recognised by individuals when BIM has not been implemented.
The literature identifies that younger people may be less resistant to using BIM due to its use in many
universities (Angulo and Vasquez de Velasco, 2007). This was supported by the quantitative data; twenty
two BIM users were taught BIM at university and of these only four said they were resistant to use BIM
in practice. This demonstrates that training and knowledge are important in reducing resistance; it is
apparent that those taught to use BIM at university were in the lower age brackets.
Data gathered from practices where BIM has not been implemented also demonstrates that training and
knowledge can reduce resistance. One individual highlighted BIM as their preferred drawing method;
this individual was the only respondent in non-BIM practices who was taught BIM at university.
The questionnaire results reiterate the lack of training as an issue. When asked if more formal training
would have been good, interviewee 1 responded ‘definitely’ this interviewee also stated ‘the lack of
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training’ was the most difficult element in the CAD to BIM transition. Interviewee 4 was also asked if
more formal training would have been good:
‘I do, not just for me, for the company because I think it’s one of the biggest problems we have
because nobody really seems to know how to use it one hundred percent.’(Interviewee 4)
When this individual was questioned about how BIM was taught, their response stated that despite
receiving training they still perceived themselves as being self taught:
‘we had a two day tutorial where they got someone in to try and cover the basics but it’s really
just from trial and error.’
The data gathered reveals the three interviewees who were taught BIM at university were not (or would
not be in the case of non-users) resistant to using BIM in practice. These interviewees were in the lower
age brackets; interviewee 4 who was not taught BIM at university was resistant to use it.
Figure 8. Drawing methods taught to individuals at university or college.
Current drawing production
Figure 9 demonstrates the methods of drawing used in practices where BIM has been implemented.
illustrating that although BIM is a popular method it is not the sole method used. Figure 10 demonstrates
a similar situation with regard to CAD in practices where BIM has not been implemented. This illustrates
that although technological changes have taken place not all individuals have fully embraced them.
Where BIM has been implemented, the questionnaire data highlights that drawings produced by hand
are generally to demonstrate how something works or to demonstrate options for building rather than
full working drawings. However, a small percentage of BIM users (5%) stated that hand drawing was
their main method of drawing production. This demonstrates a resistance to use technology.
Considering the use of CAD, 80% of BIM users use CAD to view other consultants’ drawings; this is
an interoperability issue and implies that if more consultants used BIM, many would no longer need
to employ CAD. Additionally it is identified that 24% of individuals in practices where BIM has been
implemented stated that CAD was their main method of drawing. This suggests that BIM has not been
fully or successfully implemented and that not all individuals are willing to make the change. Using CAD
to produce details is another popular use of CAD when BIM has been implemented.
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Figure 9. Production of drawing in practices where BIM is used
Figure 10. Production of drawing in practices where BIM is not used
Most used and preferred methods of drawing production
Where BIM had been implemented, although other methods of drawing are used, it was clear that
BIM was used by most individuals; however, BIM users suggested that BIM was not necessarily their
preferred method. 78% stated that it was the method they used most, compared to 46% who stated it
was their preferred method.
An interview with a BIM user identified BIM as the primary method of drawing production. The user was
asked if BIM was also their preferred method:
‘It’s difficult, I would use it over other software but as a preferred no because I find its not one
hundred percent accurate and I find its quite cumbersome ... really it’s the time and accuracy
that makes it not a preferred method so I would choose to use CAD over it.’ (Interviewee 4)
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The same applies to CAD in practices which had not implemented BIM; 94% of participants highlighted
CAD as the method they used most but only 70% highlighted CAD as their preferred method.
Figure 11. Method of drawing production most used in BIM practices
Resistance to using BIM and difficulty of transition
Resistance to using BIM is considered in the literature to be a barrier to its implementation, and this
was supported by the quantitative and qualitative data gathered; However, Figure 12 illustrates that
the majority of individuals believed they themselves were not resistant. Those who believed they were
resistant were asked their reasons; the most popular response was ‘it was hard to change habits’.
Figure 12. Were individuals resistant to use BIM when it was first introduced?
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Figure 13. Reasons individuals were resistant to use BIM
BIM users were additionally asked if they found the transition from CAD to BIM difficult. 64% said
that they did, which was almost double the percentage (34%) who believed they were resistant. The
difficulty of the transition was ascribed to factors including lack of time, lack of training and change to
work practice, which are outlined in literature and supported by primary data.
During the collection of data, where BIM has been implemented interviewees were asked about resistance
and how difficult the transition to BIM was. Interviewee 4 was resistant and stated,
‘because it wouldn’t do what I wanted it to do.’
However, interviewee 1 had a different view:
‘not at all, I found that em……. it was quite a privilege for BIM to be implemented into the
practice em…… as it was a new thing I was made aware of it at university and I was quite keen
to start something new, to understand it and how to operate it within a practice.’ (interviewee 1)
This individual did, however, confirm that they found the change difficult
‘yes, it’s not em……. an easy process to manage and it does take a lot to understand the way
it does things because it is so advanced.’ (interviewee 1)
Age
The literature suggests (Prather, 2007; Mihindu and Arayici, 2008) that older people are likely to
be more resistant to use BIM. The qualitative data illustrated above supports this. Interviewee 4 was
resistant and was between the ages of 36-45 years, whereas interviewee 1 was not and was between19-25
years. Interviewee 3, a non BIM user, stated that if BIM was implemented, ‘I would be fine with it’. This
individual was also younger. The qualitative data identified age as a factor in resistance. An interviewee
stated,
‘Resistance to change is a barrier but I think its really just a geration thing because younger
members of staff have taken to BIM without any problems... people who first used the drawing
board used to say it was quicker to use the drawing board than CAD and that’s the same as
what I see now from CAD to BIM.’ (Interviewee 4)
Interviewee 1 had a simliar opinion:
‘I can see the resistance to change being a bit of a barrier for some especially the more experienced
em older technicians and architects who have just got there heads around using CAD ... a lot of
people don’t like a great deal of change ... They found it was cheaper and quicker to implement
BIM into the practice em with the younger members of staff using it as they tend to have I
suppose a larger learning curve.’ (interviewee 1)
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Although the interview data reiterates findings in literature, it is contradicted by the questionnaire data
gathered. Of the 34% of individuals who believed they were resistant to use BIM, ages were of all ranges,
including individuals in the lowest age bracket.
Changing the work process
It is suggested in the literature that implementing BIM means processes and workflows must change
(Smith and Tardif, 2008). When the transition from hand drawing to CAD took place a new way of
working was required; this is also found to be the case when BIM is implemented (Gu et al., 2008;
Coates et al., 2010; Sabol, 2007). 79% of BIM users completing questionnaires supported this view,
feeling that they have had to change the way they work. Their views also support the literature when
highlighting what has changed.
Figure 14. How has BIM changed the way individuals work
Interviewees both supported and contradicted this view:
‘yeah, in the way that you need to know the project inside and out em……. before during and
I suppose after producing the 3D model.’ (Interviewee 1)
However another interviewee stated,
‘I don’t think so, to me it brings certain elements forward but it’s still very much the way that
you designed when you were on the drawing board, you had to think three dimensionally’.
(interviewee 4)
Company improvement during the change process
Individuals employed by practices where BIM has been implemented were asked what could have been
done to improve the process; the most popular response was to “set time aside for learn(ing) how to use
BIM”, followed by “given more informal training”. Time and training have previously been identified as
key issues.
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December 2011
Figure 15. What could have been improved when BIM was implemented
In the qualitative data, training and time were again popular responses. When requested to consider what
could have been improved, an interviewee responded,
‘probably just the training, when it first came in we started using it on newer projects but then
there was a massive resistance to moving away from CAD.’ (interviewee 4)
Considering time as an issue, interviewee 2, a non-user, stated, ‘definitely’ and believes time is the
fundamental reason why a lot of people do not want to use BIM.
What would be important if BIM was implemented?
Both in practices where BIM has and has not been implemented, individuals again illustrated setting aside
time and training as important aspects. Giving information about BIM before it is implemented was also
seen as an important aspect. The literature identifies this as key to successful implementation; Kotter
and Schlesinger (2008) suggest that resistance to change can be overcome if people are informed about
it before it happens.
Figure 16. What would be important if BIM was implemented?
CONCLUSIONS
When CAD was implemented, a more efficient drawing approach was introduced; however, this appears
to be contradicted when referring to the implementation of BIM. The primary data does not support
270
the idea that BIM is more efficient, and issues such as training and time mean that drawing production
can initially be slow.
A number of research participants believed that because information remained two-dimensional, the
transition from hand drawing to CAD was a simple process, but others found it difficult.
Those who had experienced both the hand drawing to CAD and CAD to BIM transitions had mixed
views regarding which transition was the most difficult. Those who believed CAD to BIM was most
difficult were predominantly technicians; this may be due to issues with the production of details using
BIM software and the relationship between two-dimensional and three-dimensional elements.
There is little deviation with regard to the advantages of BIM when comparing the literature to the
primary research. Most of the advantages outlined in the primary data were recognised by both
participants in practices where BIM has and where it has not been implemented.
The most recognised disadvantages of BIM are interoperability, the need for improved hardware and the
learning process. The primary data uncovered additional disadvantages such as automatic revisions being
hard to track, more information being required upfront and a loss of creativity in design.
The most prominent barriers to the implementation of BIM are: training, time and resistance to change.
Training and time are causes of resistance; therefore these issues must be overcome in order to reduce
resistance. It is highlighted that knowledge of BIM is important, as those taught BIM at university are
more willing to use BIM in practice.
Despite BIM being implemented into practices, CAD is still used for purposes such as viewing other
consultants’ drawings and producing details. Some participants used it as their main drawing method,
demonstrating resistance to change from CAD to BIM.
Where BIM has been implemented, the primary data demonstrated that it is the most used drawing
method, but not the preferred method. This also demonstrates resistance to new technology and to the
use of BIM.
Resistance to change is recognised as one of the main barriers to BIM implementation; however, it was
discovered in the primary data that it is often the difficulty of the transition and not resistance itself
which is important to consider.
Age was highlighted as a factor of resistance. However, some younger individuals were also resistant. It
is suggested that younger individuals who show resistance may find the change difficult because there is
a requirement for an enhanced understanding of the way buildings come together.
Work processes change when BIM is implemented due to the holistic view of the project that is required
when working with BIM. However, it is also proposed that using BIM does not change processes, as
buildings have always had to be conceived in three dimensions.
There is little deviation with regard to views on training. Where BIM had been implemented, training
was identified as an aspect which could have been improved during the implementation process. Where
BIM had not been implemented, training was highlighted as the most important factor.
Aspects including time, giving information about BIM before it is implemented, and communication are
key ways to ensure successful implementation of BIM into practice.
LIMITATIONS
The primary data gathered for this research has limitations: practices where BIM has not been implemented
were smaller, therefore gathering information from non users was more difficult. Consequently most of
the quantitative data collected was from practices where BIM has been implemented. Additionally, in
practices where BIM had been implemented, several respondents did not use BIM, so could not complete
the questionnaire fully. This research was also limited due to time restraints.
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December 2011
FURTHER RESEARCH
The following are aspects of this research that could be advanced:
•F
urther consideration of disadvantages revealed in primary research, such as: the difficulty of tracking
information which automatically updates; the requirement to produce more information upfront; and
the loss of creativity in designs.
•L
ook at age and generation as a barrier to new technologies in other industries and identify the
transferability of these to the construction industry.
•C
ompare best implementation practices of BIM with a larger sample of participants nationally and
internationally to ascertain if knowledge sharing with practices who have not yet implemented it would
display less resistance.
•T
arget other areas of the construction industry to identify other instances of resistance to the
implementation of BIM.
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Uptake of bim and ipd within the uk aec industry: the evolving role of the architectural technologist
Uptake of bim and ipd
within the uk aec Industry:
The Evolving Role of the
Architectural Technologist
Peter James Morton1 and Emine Mine Thompson2
ABSTRACT
Building Information Modelling is not only a tool, but also the process of creation,
maintenance, distribution and co-ordination of an integrated database that
collaboratively stores 2D and 3D information, with embedded physical and functional
data within a project-building model. The uptake of BIM within the UK Architecture,
Engineering and Construction (AEC) industry has been slow since the 1980’s, but over
recent years, adoptions have increased. The increased collaborative nature of BIM,
external data sharing techniques and progressively complex building design, promotes
requirements for design teams to coordinate and communicate more effectively to
achieve project goals. To manage this collaboration, new or evolved job roles may
emerge. This research examined the current use of BIM, Integrated Project Delivery
(IPD) and collaborative working in the UK AEC industry and job roles that have evolved
or been created to cater for them. Using semi-structured interviews the interviewees
indicated while several of the key enablers of IPD were being used, IPD itself had not
been fully adopted. BIM was being used with some success but improvements could
be made. New job roles such as the BIM Engineer and BIM Coordinator had been seen
in the industry and evidence that the Architectural Technologist (AT) role is evolving
into a more multidisciplinary role; this reflects similar findings of recent research.
Keywords: Building Information Modelling, Integrated Project Delivery, Enablers, Architectural
Technologist.
1
Awarded to “Space architecure award for Achievement in Architectural Technology, 2011”
School of the Built and Natural Environment, Northumbria University, Elison Building,
Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 8ST.
2
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December 2011
INTRODUCTION
The uptake of Building Information Modelling (BIM) and a collaborative working environment has been
slow in the UK, but over recent years, adoptions have increased. This research seeks to identify the key
benefits of using BIM enabled Integrated Project Delivery (IPD) within the UK construction industry,
further identifying what effect this will have on the future roles of built environment professionals,
specifically the role of the Architectural Technologist (AT). This research reports on information obtained
from case studies produced in the USA as a direct comparison to the UK and a review of current literature.
The aims of this research were to:
• Investigate which, if any of the known characteristics of IPD are being used in the UK AEC industry.
• Investigate the benefits/issues experienced with BIM in the UK AEC industry.
• Identify the presence of any new or evolving job roles.
WHAT IS INTEGRATED PROJECT DELIVERY
IPD is a project delivery approach which integrates people, systems, business structures and practices into
a process that collaboratively harnesses the talents and insights of all participants, to reduce waste and
optimize efficiency through all phases of design, fabrication and construction (AIA, 2007).
The primary characteristics identified by the American Institute of Architects AIA (2007) as fundamental
to the success of IPD are:
• Mutual respect, trust, benefits and reward.
• Collaborative innovation and decision making.
• Early involvement of key participants.
• Early goal definition.
• Intensified planning.
• Open communication.
• Appropriate technology.
• Organisation and leadership.
With the backbone of IPD being ‘Teamwork’, the development of openness and trust between the
stakeholders is extremely important. The project team is seen as the lifeblood of IPD; within an IPD
arrangement, the project team comes together and works collaboratively as an Integrated Project Team
(IPT) (Hardin, 2009).
During a typical delivery process within the AEC industry, each consultant sticks to their own role and
responsibilities, maintaining a ‘silo’ effect, only ever looking outside their silo of responsibility when
problems occur, by which time it’s too late (Whaley, 2009).
IPD promotes the flattening of these ‘silos’, which in turn increases the ability to build respect and trust,
and harbours open communication, which the AIA identifies fundamental to the success of IPD.
The sequences in IPD are similar to projects using traditional delivery models; it begins with a concept
stage, which is worked up and followed by a construction stage, culminating with the project sign off
or closeout. The differences between IPD and traditional models are the convergence of stakeholders at
an earlier stage, and the early upfront effort that is required at the beginning of the project rather than
later in the construction documents stage. This early upfront effort is facilitated by the involvement of
the key participants who create the complete Integrated Project Team (IPT). The key participants then
collaboratively define the project goals from the outset, rather than individual goals (AIA, 2007).
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IPD was created in the 1990’s; companies adopting IPD for the first time may adjust the arrangement
and approach making it more accessible. However, the essence of an IPD arrangement will remain
unchanged; consisting of a core team of stakeholders that includes the owner, the architect/engineers
and the contractor (other consultants may be included). They sign a single, multi-party contract with the
owner, who collaboratively outlines project goals with cost, time and quality attributes (CMAA, 2009).
WHAT IS BUILDING INFORMATION MODELLING
The National BIM Standard (NBIMS) defines BIM as:
“a digital representation of physical and functional characteristics of a facility...and a shared
knowledge resource for information about a facility forming a reliable basis for decisions during
its life-cycle; defined as existing from earliest conception to demolition.” (buildingSMART,
2010).
The uptake of BIM within the UK AEC industry has been slow since the 1980’s, but over recent years,
adoptions have increased. In a recent survey, 35% of construction professionals in the UK claim to use
BIM of that, 60% of architects, 39% of engineers and 23% of contractors (Bernstein, 2010). However, it
was revealed in a recent survey by standards and specification expert NBS that there was still an ‘alarming
lack of awareness’ of BIM across the UK construction industry (Winston, 2010).
Adopting BIM requires substantial operational changes within the construction industry, changing how
buildings are designed and constructed (Becerik and Pollalis, 2006). These changes include requirements
for additional training, particularly the information producers (the Architectural Technologists); timing
for information release (less information upfront as 3D modelling has to take place) and more time spent
collaborating.
ROLE OF THE ARCHITECTURAL TECHNOLOGIST
For many years the role of the AT was largely unrecognised and un-respected within an architectural
practice and within the AEC industry as a whole. The AT, although responsible for bridging the gap
between conceptual design and production, endured years devoid of recognised status, seemingly
overshadowed by the architect (Emmitt, 2002).
John T Emmitt (1880) criticised the ‘strange and paradoxical profession’ of architecture; highlighting
particularly the quandary of architectural assistants, claiming they were the most important member
of the architectural profession. Emmitt urged architects assistants to form an association; however his
views were not listened to for many years. In 1965, following a report from the Royal Institute for
British Architects (RIBA) which called for the establishment of ‘an institute for technicians’, the Society
of Architectural and Associated Technicians (SAAT) was formed. In 1986, SAAT changed its name to the
British Institute of Architectural Technologists (BIAT) and then changed to the Chartered Institute of
Architectural Technologists (CIAT) which remains its name today (CIAT, 2010a).
The CIAT defines the AT as a specialist in the application of technology to architecture, building design
and construction (CIAT, 2010b).
Northumbria University (in their course information) define the AT as the interface between design and
construction, optimising building performance and efficiency. They state an AT will have the ability
to “analyse, synthesise and evaluate building design factors in order to produce efficient and effective
technical design solutions which satisfy performance, production and procurement criteria” of a project
(Northumbria University, 2010).
Future Role of the Architectural Technologist
As previously described the AEC industry is facing a paradigm shift with evolving roles and responsibilities,
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December 2011
primarily due to newly emerging collaborative technologies and processes such as BIM and IPD. New
roles will inevitably be formed catering for the more collaborative nature of the industry; roles such as
‘Building Modeller’, ‘Model Manager’ or ‘Collaboration Manager’ may be seen to emerge over time
(Eastman et al, 2008).
The role of the AT may also evolve to adapt to this new ‘paradigm’; a role which not only encapsulates
all of the previous characteristics of the AT, but also new collaborative qualities and the prerequisites to
be BIM savvy as a condition of employment or additional management skills for example.
BIM CASE STUDIES - RECENT CASE STUDIES
Several key case studies were taken from the AIA case studies document (AIA 2010), detailing projects
which used BIM enabled IPD to varying degrees, also identifying the success/failures and lessons learnt.
The table below shows the three case studies that were analysed in order to define the key IPD
characteristics and the relationship between IPD and BIM; identifying what extent they employed the
underlying core values of IPD within the project contract arrangement (Table 1).
IPD Characteristics
(Taken from case studies)
Autodesk AEC
Sutter Health
Solutions Division Fairfield Medical
Headquarters
Office Building
Walter Cronkite
School of
Journalism
Early Involvement of Key Participants
Yes
Yes
Yes
Shared Risk and Reward
Yes
No
No
Multi-Party Contract
Yes
Yes
No
Collaborative Decision Making
Yes
Yes
Yes
Liability Waivers
Yes
No
No
Jointly Developed Goals
Yes
Yes
Yes
Table 1: Case Study Projects (AIA, 2010)
Autodesk AEC Solutions Division Headquarters
The Autodesk AEC Solutions Division Headquarters in project Waltham, Massachusetts was Autodesk’s
third project used to highlight its new software and implementation of the new trends in the construction
industry. It showed how they could support BIM, design-to-fabrication, sustainability and building
performance analysis, with particular emphasis on incorporating IPD.
The project involved the fit out of a 55,000 square feet, three-storey new tenant improvement within a
speculative office building. The project included office space and associated conference rooms, training
facilities, cafe and a 5,000 square feet customer-briefing centre.
Autodesk handpicked an architect/builder team that were willing to try IPD. Early leaders in the selection
process wanted to change the proposed IPD arrangement; Autodesk declined. Klingstubbins and Tocci
Building were finally chosen; primarily due to their experience, local knowledge and suitability to the
client’s requirements. Both teams had extensive experience with BIM and LEED, both showing their
willingness to try IPD even though neither had tried it before (Autodesk, 2009).
Autodesk worked with both firms to create measurable and performance based goals for the project,
linked to the Incentive Compensation Layer (ICL). The primary goals were: to stay within budget, that
a very high sustainability goal (LEED Platinum for commercial interiors) was to be achieved and the
project would be completed within a very tight schedule of just eight and a half months.
278
The project did run into some problems, i.e. software interoperability. Although the project resulted in a
‘triple win’ for the stakeholders. Design/construction costs were below the target set, benefitting both the
design team and owner; the designer and contractor both exceeded their profit targets and the building
achieved the sustainability target of LEED CI Platinum (AIA 2010).
Lessons Learned
According to the feedback given in the study several of the design team principals noted it was crucial
they select the architect and builder as a team; if the architect and builder did not show the synergy
required, another team would be chosen.
AIA (2010) reports that Phil Bernstein, Autodesk’s Vice President for Industry Strategy and Relations
stated ‘the first step should be a scoping exercise taken to the level of conceptual, in which everyone
works at cost until a deep understanding of the project and budget is achieved by all parties’, echoing
the ‘Early Goal Definition’ characteristic of IPD. Bernstein also noted financial incentives, the ‘Joint
risk and reward’ Incentive Compensation Layer (ICL) were causing unwelcome changes in behaviour,
further stating it didn’t mean the incentives would be dropped, as they are essential for supporting the
right kind of behaviour (AIA, 2010). The study noted the architect learned by using IPD and by the
close collaboration with the builder. Redundant detailing was unnecessary, saving time and leaving the
architect to deal with more important problem.
Sutter Health Fairfield Medical Office Building
The Sutter Health Fairfield Medical Office Building in Castro Valley, California was a $320 million
project fully funded by Sutter Health, the first hospital in its county not financed by the taxpayer or
other public fund, and one of the largest non-profit care providers in Northern California (AIA, 2010
and Khemlani, 2009).
Sutter Health was looking for new ways to design, build and maintain its facilities following several
disputatious projects. They hosted the Sutter Lean Summit in 2004, with help from the Lean Construction
Institute (LCI), they set out their plans for transforming the way Sutter projects would be designed, built
and maintained.
The project involved the construction of a three-storey, 70,000 square metre medical office building,
housing primary care medical practices and laboratories; fully equipped with cardiology, oncology,
paediatrics and rheumatology departments. The owner, Sutter, wanted to use this opportunity to test
a new delivery process of collaboration and advanced technology. Their vision to create a landmark
medical centre that integrated advanced technologies without compromising patient comfort and care
(Khemlani, 2009). Sutter Health was looking for new ways to design, build and maintain its facilities
following several disputatious projects. They hosted the Sutter Lean Summit in 2004, with help from the
Lean Construction Institute (LCI), they set out their plans for transforming the way Sutter projects would
be designed, built and maintained.
Due to new safety laws introduced, requiring the organisation and execution of several large projects
within a specific timeframe, Sutter Health had to find a way to reduce the time delays and budget overruns generally associated with large complex projects. Specifically Sutter Health looked at how it could
transform the design and construction delivery model. IPD came to the attention of Sutter Health,
becoming a viable alternative. SH needed the project delivered in 25 months; this was a very tight
schedule as there was also a three month delay for programming at the start of the project and addition
of extra scope (AIA, 2010).
The project was completed under budget, it was estimated that Sutter Health saved approximately $9
million (Carbasho, 2008) it was within schedule; change orders being virtually eliminated (AIA, 2010).
279
December 2011
Lessons Learned
The feedback from the study noted the sub-contractors felt there was more intense effort required up
front compared to traditional delivery systems, but all agreed that the benefits of this up front effort
and collaboration comes later in the project, rework was almost completely eliminated. The contractor
also felt having supervisors on site full time with BIM software to continuously check the progress and
instantly find solutions to arising problems would be beneficial.
The study noted that the IPD philosophy wasn’t accepted by everyone. Several subcontractors did not
want their foremen attending group scheduling meetings; this has now become a mandatory requirement
from the contractor. The design team stated they felt the owner had to be kept engaged from the earliest
design stages and throughout construction. This enabled quick decision making on the owners’ side,
meaning less delays for the project.
Sutter Health was extremely pleased with the building and process. It has since been applied by Sutter
Health to larger, more complex projects.
Walter Cronkite School of Journalism
The Cronkite School of Journalism was a venture by the City of Phoenix for Arizona State University
(ASU), financed by a city bond measure. The project was to construct a six-storey, 230,000 square feet
building, which included: classrooms and offices for the School of Journalism and Mass Communication,
a university operated television station, general purpose classrooms and ground floor retail spaces which
were intended to activate the ground floor street (AIA, 2010).
Due to the size of the proposed ASU campus, it would fill a nine block area, so the concept was an
extremely important aspect of the Phoenix redevelopment vision. As the first significant building to be
built on the most prominent site, the Cronkite School was expected to set a high standard in not only
design quality but also construction quality.
The project required a number of rooms with advanced technology and specific performance requirements
such as recording studios, control rooms, production studios etc. all of which would need all of the
services accurately designed and coordinated. The City and University both had sustainability goals; the
City wanted the project to be LEED certified and the university wanted it to be LEED silver or higher
(AIA, 2010).
The project suffered from an extremely tight 24 month schedule, which was due to the ‘drop-dead’ date
for move in described by the bond measure. The only way that the project would be to be completed in
this tight schedule was by adopting IPD (Stahl, 2010).
One of the IPD tenets that the project team used was to co-locate the team members in a ‘Big Room’ from
day one. Having the architect, engineers and contractors in one room promoted the understanding of the
project vision; if any problems were encountered they were collaboratively solved by the whole team.
The project was delivered on schedule, which meant the school could be handed over to the client ready
for the start of term. The design costs were under budget but the construction costs ran over budget. The
project achieved LEED silver certification (AIA, 2010).
Lessons Learned
The design team quickly realised that in order for the project to be successful, they had to change the
behaviours that they were used to. They team felt that if they had slipped back into their traditional
mentality the project wouldn’t have been completed.
The design team also stated that co-location works, because when people work together closely, you
naturally build a relationship of trust and respect, one of the key characteristics of IPD. Although they
280
hit the tight programme schedule, the design team felt that an extra month would have been beneficial,
as the collaboration that was happening was extremely intense.
Interoperability issues became apparent in the project as the design architects were using Revit and the
executive architects were using Architectural Desktop. The translation of the models back and forth was
troublesome and problematic, which was extremely inefficient. The executive architect felt there wasn’t
enough time to train their staff in Revit for this project however, the firm has now since completely
transitioned to Revit.
Some of the sub-contractors felt uncomfortable with the nature of the IPD process and it was decided
that in the future extended training would be provided.
Overall, each of the stakeholders thought that the project went well, but did voice concern that some of
the lean construction techniques were inflexible.
Case Study Summary
The three case studies examined identified numerous benefits associated with IPD. They have shown
projects that have tight budgets and programmes that would normally be prone to value engineering to
achieve budgets, and also involve delays when using a traditional delivery system, can be achieved and
in some instances excelled if an IPD system is adopted. It is also clear there are some issues associated
with IPD; people’s reluctance to try something new or change their ways by using something they are
uncomfortable with is an issue that was seen on both the case studies. According to the feedback given
in the case studies interoperability also appears to be quite a common issue that has affected projects
using BIM and IPD. Early planning and getting the key participants together early enough can reduce
the problem of interoperability issues arising, as software can be agreed prior to commencement of the
project.
It is clear that IPD requires further development to be a ‘perfect’ delivery system, but it has shown it can
solve issues and inefficiencies currently affecting the construction industry. The key issues obtained from
the case studies enabled the production of the research methodology and aided the question design.
METHODOLOGY
The chosen method of research is a qualitative methodology and semi-structured interviews were
conducted. The interviews began with closed answer questions for classification purposes, followed
by standard open answer questions. Prompts were given to stimulate further discussion, also to help
interviewees to provide personal views, opinions and experiences regarding their exposure to BIM, IPD
and evolving job roles. The interview questions were delivered using a standard script. This maintained
similarity in question delivery so responses can be analysed accurately and fairly. The questions were
formulated in a way that they were equally accessible to each interviewee, meaning they could understand
the question in order to provide valuable and unique responses.
Interviewee Selection
Interviewees were selected due to:
• Their varying experience and position in the AEC industry in the North East of England,
• Their proximity/usage of BIM and
• Collaborative working on current projects.
The chosen interviewees represent the ‘Key Stakeholders’ as identified in an IPD multiparty contract
(Table 2).
281
December 2011
Interviewee
CompanyPosition in AEC Industry (Key Stakeholder group)
I1
C1
Client Senior Project Manager (Owner)
I2
C2
Senior Design Manager (Constructor)
I3
C3
Structural Engineer (Designer)
I4
C4
Senior Architect (Designer)
I5
C4
Senior Architectural Technologist (Designer)
Table 2: Interviewee clasification
Interview protocol and coding
The Interviews were held at each interviewee’s place of work, to provide ease for the individual, reducing
disruption to their daily working duties. The interviews were audio-recorded and later transcribed for
analysis purposes, so analysis did not depend primarily on notes taken during the interview. During the
process of transcribing the interviewees, companies, people and buildings/projects were assigned a code
to maintain anonymity (Table 3).
Interview coding
Coding Represents
I1, I2, I3 etc
Interviewees
C1, C2, C3 etc Companies
B1, B2, B3 etc
Buildings/Projects
P1, P2, P3 etcPeople
Table 3: Interviewee coding
Question Selection
Interview questions were determined through analysis of key issues raised from literature review and
the analysis of the case-studies. Designed to examine which enablers of BIM enabled IPD were currently
being used, as well as the personal experiences regarding collaboration and coordination, and their
exposure to any new or evolving job roles (Appendix A).
RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS
IPD enablers in the UK AEC industry
This research has shown that there are several IPD enablers currently in use in the UK AEC industry.
Clients are becoming more ‘intelligent’ and want more of an input into the project; this is pushing the
design team to provide the client with clear, accessible information. The client also voiced concerns
over poor design team performance, which was an issue previously identified. The use of BIM and
collaborative processes is enabling this process to improve. BIM is being used increasingly as a tool to
not only design, simulate and maintain buildings, but also as a way to communicate design intent to
invested parties.
Clients, designers and contractors are increasingly seeking to integrate at an earlier stage in the project
to identify key project and client objectives, strategies and timing of information release. The use of
dedicated client or model review meetings scheduled at strategic times is helping the design team and
282
client identify problematic areas, as well as reduce errors and design assumptions, which in turn reduces
time and money. The use of collaborative external document storage sites and new furniture solutions
are also aiding the design team in collaboration and coordination.
The majority of the interviewees identified that the co-location of the design team was potentially a good
idea, although they did state that it would only work if this happened at strategic times throughout the
project; this strategy was also identified in the case studies researched.
Several issues were also identified; including the current appointment process and procurement routes
taken by the contractors, which currently do not lend themselves to a collaborative working environment.
The lack of case history regarding the ‘multi-party’ contract tested in law was seen to be a prominent
barrier for trying IPD; this was also identified in the literature review.
BIM Benefits/issues
This research has shown that there has been a mixed response towards BIM and collaborative working.
Benefits include the ability to use 3D visualisations to communicate design intent to the client with more
clarity than traditional techniques; giving them a greater appreciation of the space. The combining of
individual design models to coordinate, run clash detections and enable the interrogation of complicated
design form was identified as a key benefit to the design team. Efficiencies over traditional processes,
increased quality of design output and reduction of redundant detailing, looks to benefit design teams
and contractor; these benefits were also identified in the research undertaken in the literature review.
The majority of the interviewees felt that using BIM enabled closer collaboration and coordination to
take place. The only barriers were the access to required software, early involvement of key participants,
and user understanding.
All interviewees noted that one issue regarding BIM was the learning curve that prevented users from
completing work efficiently, and that things took longer than traditional techniques.
New or evolving job roles
This research has revealed that the UK AEC industry is currently in a state of transition, with new
collaborative software, tools and processes being increasingly adopted. This increased level of collaboration
has prompted an evolution in design professionals. Job roles such as the AT have started to evolve to
cater for the new tools and processes, some seeing this role evolving into a more multidisciplinary,
coordinating role. The identification of new roles such as the BIM Engineer and BIM Coordinator show
that these new processes require additional skill sets above what are already present. These roles have
also been identified to be present on both the design team and the contractors’ sides, generally sitting
outside the typical teams in a strategic role overseeing and managing the BIM and collaboration.
This research set out to investigate the past, present and future job role of the AT, through the research
carried out, it is evident that the AT will be one of many job roles that will evolve in the near future.
Design managers, architects and site personnel, will be part of this evolution, with the AEC industry
becoming more collaborative and team orientated.
FURTHER RESEARCH
Limitations of Research
The research carried out for this undergraduate dissertation gives an insight into BIM enabled IPD, and
the evolving job roles that are appearing in the North East AEC industry. Due to the selective sample
and the number and locality of the interviewees, the research is limited as it only portrays views and
experiences of professionals in the North East of the UK. The author was aware of this limitation,
283
December 2011
which is why companies based in the North East with a national presence were chosen. This allowed
some indication as to what the rest of the UK was experiencing. Interviewees were selected due to their
proximity and usage of BIM on current projects; this limited the responses that would be received, to
that of individuals who had already made the change to BIM and collaborative working. However the
data that was extracted from the interviewees did correspond with the research obtained from the case
studies and literature review.
Areas for Future Research
Overall, this research has been effective at investigating the aims and objectives set out. However, as
indicated in the limitations there could be several improvements.
Possible areas for future research would be to increase the number of interviewees from throughout the
UK, as this would give a more varied sample of individuals’ views and experiences regarding the topic
area. This research also concentrated on individuals who had prior experience and exposure to BIM
and collaborative working; interviewing individuals who are yet to try BIM would yield additional data.
Several new job roles such as the BIM Engineer and BIM Coordinator were identified through the course
of this dissertation. Interviewing these individuals would give additional data regarding how their job
roles have changed.
APPENDIX A: Questions
QuestionAims
1. Please state your job role within the AEC industry. * Determine the interviewees’ job role,
indicating which of the ‘key stakeholders’
they belong.
2. How long have you worked in the AEC Industry? * Determine how long the interviewee has
worked in the AEC industry, their experience
level.
3. What is your age group?
* Determine the age range of the interviewee.
4. What is your perceived definition of BIM? What interviewee has about BIM.
* Determine the level of knowledge the
is your current level of knowledge about BIM?
5. What benefits have you seen on your current project, primarily attributed to the use of BIM?
* Determine the interviewees’ personal
positive experiences with BIM.
6. What issues have you seen on your current project, * Determine the interviewees’ personal
primarily attributed to the use of BIM?
negative experiences with BIM.
7. Do you believe that BIM allows for closer collaboration and coordination between the design team?
* Determine whether the interviewee feels that
BIM is a successful process for enabling
collaboration and coordination.
8. Since adopting BIM, have you noticed any organisational changes, specifically in the levels of collaboration and coordination between the design team?
* Determine whether the interviewee has
experienced any organisational changes to
cater for BIM.
9. What techniques do you currently employ to * Determine how the interviewee enhances
enhance collaboration and coordination between the collaboration and collaboration.
design team on your current project?
284
10. Is there any area of your current project that you * Determine whether the interviewee feels that
think could be improved by increased collaboration their current process could be improved to
and coordination?
increase collaboration and coordination.
11. Who, on your current project manages the collaboration between the design team, and how do they do this?
* Determine who manages collaboration on
the interviewees’ current project.
12. What is your perceived definition Integrated Project Delivery? What is your level of knowledge about IPD?
* Determine the level of knowledge the
interviewee has about IPD.
13. The philosophy of Integrated Project Delivery * Determine the views of the interviewee
(IPD) is collaboration between the design team, regarding a shared risk/reward culture.
shared risk/ reward incentives and working together
for the good of the project. Would you have any
reservations being part of a shared risk/reward project?
14. One of the IPD principles is the co-location of the design team to a single ‘war room’ where each of the consultants works in the same space; do you
feel that this close proximity would work well on
your current project?
* Determine the views of the interviewee
regarding team co-location.
15. Do you feel that you were able to contribute your expertise at an early enough stage on your current project?
* Determine whether the interviewee feels that
they were able to contribute to the project
early enough.
16. Since adopting BIM and a collaborative working * Determine whether the interviewee has
environment on recent projects, have you seen any experienced new or evolving job roles.
new job roles appear or current job roles evolve to
cater for this increased collaboration?
17. Has your job role and responsibilities changed since the adoption of BIM and a collaborative working environment?
* Determine whether the interviewees’ job role
has changed.
18. Due to collaborative working, which job roles do you feel have changed the most?
change the most.
* Determine the personal opinion of the
interviewee regarding the job role that will
285
December 2011
REFERENCES
AIA. The American Institute of Architects. (2007). Integrated Project Delivery: A Working Definition.
AIA. Available at: http://www.ipd-ca.net/images/Integrated%20Project%20Delivery%20Definition.pdf
(Accessed 19 November 2010)
AIA. The American Institute of Architects. (2010). Integrated Project Delivery: Case Studies. AIA.
Available at: http://www.aia.org/about/initiatives/AIAB082049 (Accessed 19 November 2010).
Autodesk. (2009). Take more risks - reap the rewards. Available at: www.images.autodesk.com/adsk/files/
trapelo_final_updated.pdf (Accessed 17 November 2010)
Becerik, B. and Pollalis, S. N. (2006). Computer aided collaboration for managing projects, Design and
Technology Report Series, Harvard Design School, Cambridge. [Online]. Available at: http://images.
autodesk.com/adsk/files/white_paper_computer_aided_collaboration_construction.pdf (Accessed: 06
January 2011).
Bernstein, P. (2010). Smartmarket Report: The Business Value of BIM in Europe. McGraw-Hill
Construction. Available at: http://bim.construction.com/research/FreeReport/BIM_Europe/ (Accessed 06
Oct 2010)
buildingSMART. (2010). Frequently Asked Questions, What is BIM. Available at: http://www.
buildingsmartalliance.org/index.php/nbims/faq/#faq1 (Accessed 03 January 2011)
Carbasho, T. (2008). Integrated Project Delivery Improves Efficiency, Streamlines Construction.
Available at: www.tradeline.com/reports/0A03D1C0%2D2B3B%2DB525%2D85702BCEDF900F61/
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CIAT. (2010a). The history of CIAT. Available at: http://www.ciat.org.uk/en/the_institute/history.cfm
(Accessed 06 January 2011)
CIAT. (2010b). What does a professionally qualified Architectural Technician do? Available at: www.ciat.
org.uk/en/careers/What_does_a_professional_Architectural_Technician_do.cfm (Accessed 30 December
2010)
CMAA., Thomsen, C. (2009). Integrated Project Delivery: An Overview. Available at: www.
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Modelling for Owners, Managers, Designers, Engineers and Contractors. Hoboken, New Jersey: John
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Emmitt, J. T. (1880). The profession of an Architect. British Quarterly Review. April, pp. 335-368.
Emmitt, S. (2002). Architectural Technology. Oxford: Blackwell Science Ltd.
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Indianapolis, Indiana: Wiley Publishing, Inc.
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www.aecbytes.com/building the future/2009/sutter_IPDCaseStudy.html (Accessed 19 November 2010)
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tradelineinc.com/reports/96196521-A93A-2353-6DDD2E71846493FC (Accessed 05 January 2011).
Whaley, M. (2009). There is No “I” in IPD! Available at: www.aecbytes.com/viewpoint/2009/issue_45.
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Winston, A. (2010). Survey reveals industry split over BIM. Available at: www.bdonline.co.uk/news/
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