Moncton: portrait of Maritimes pivotal city

Moncton: portrait of Maritimes pivotal city
Abstract:
Recently heralded as a model of economic success, Moncton appears to be on the
right track for one more recovery. Indeed, Moncton’s history is one of a succession
of booms and busts in relation to technological changes. Blessed by a central
location, Moncton has been a shipbuilding site and a regional railway center, which,
capitalizing on its bilingual population asset, is now a regional service purveyor and a
important player in telecommunications. However, its eventual re-positioning on the
North American urban system depends largely on directions to be taken by regional
key decision makers.
Résumé:
Identifiée comme un modèle de succès économique, Moncton semble à nouveau être
sur la voie de la croissance. La jeune histoire de Moncton est en effet caractérisée par
une succession de périodes de croissance et de déclin, fortement influencée par les
innovations technologiques. Grandement favorisée par une position centrale,
Moncton fut un chantier naval, un centre ferroviaire régional, et est maintenant, grâce
à la composition ethno-linguistique de sa population, un centre regional de services et
important acteur en telecommunications. Toutefois, son éventuel repositionnement
au sein du sytème urbain nord américain dépend encore d’importantes décisions que
prendront certains acteurs régionaux de premier plan
A central location
Moncton has been blessed by history and by its geography. From the small local agricultural
settlement it was in the beginnings, it has become the center of the Canadian Maritime provinces.
For that matter, it has been nicknamed “the Hub City” around which revolves a host of cities and
communities. As Canadian economy developed and its urban system became more interconnected,
Moncton is crucial location became increasingly apparent. It has been the main ingredient for its
growth. Technology, or its evolution, played a key role in Moncton’s fortune: sometimes favoring
growth, some other times precipitating shifts to a new economic base.
Although its site favored, at first, agricultural settlement, Moncton’s situation has certainly
been the most important ingredient for growth. Being located at the furthest navigable point on the
Petitcodiac river, it became an important shipbuilding site. Later, its central location within the
Maritime provinces made it the focal point of the transportation industry.
Figure 1: Greater Moncton region and selected characteristic features
These site and situation characteristics have combined to confer to Moncton, by all standard,
the status of a Canadian medium-sized city. In a way, it brings to its inhabitants the advantages of a
big city, without its drawbacks: crime, traffic, anonymity, air pollution, etc. Recent publicity
campaigns have capitalized on the quality of life that Moncton has to offer. Moncton is also pivotal
in the sense that it has become the flagship of a new information-based economy highly observed by
other Maritimes cities. Moncton has become, to a certain extend, a model of economic shift,
diversification, and revitalization. Whereas Saint-John is still a highly industrial city, Halifax and
Fredericton, administrative capitals, Moncton appears ready to embark the new millennium. Some
demographic projections tend to illustrate this as Moncton is expected to experiment continuous
population growth while Sydney and Saint John show considerable decline (see Ren and White,
1995). However, such optimism should not be blind, some monitoring and directions are needed to
keep the region in focus.
What follows is a synthetic portrait of Moncton that aims to describe and explain its
geographic configuration and the dynamics that have influenced the present pattern.
Shifting demographic trends: planner’s nightmare... or challenge?
The Greater Moncton Planning Commission produced, in 1975, a strategic development plan.
That project relied on available data at that time, and data however reliable, that reflected trends of
that era too.
These were still booming years following World War II, an era marked by
comparatively high household and family formation, fertility rates and the accompanying burgeoning
of ever spreading suburbia. According to prediction derived from official data, Greater Moncton was
expected to reach, what seems in retrospective a highly optimistic estimation, a population of
170,000 people by 1990. However, as was the case throughout North America, what has happened
has been outrageously different: population totals about 110 000, and most significantly is the far
greater variety of household arragements that now exists, and that requires different housing needs.
Implications of shifting trends and economy and the fragmented ecumene of a dispersed city
Most of the infrastructure has been done according to these projections and resulted in costly
and still unused facilities, especially the servicing of land planned to welcome new housing. They
also partly explain the ease and willingness of permitting subdivisioning on fringe land, thus creating
“new frontiers”. As demographic trends indicated a considerable decrease in population growth
rate, planning authorities began to encourage fill-in by relaxing inner city planning policies since
large tracts of serviced urban land are still available for development.
Annexations have also contributed to this loose layout of population. In order to increase its
tax base, the cities have embarked in a fashion of annexing adjacent settled areas at first, but their
need to grab new tax payers made them go even further. That has characterized most North
American cities, Moncton included. Reaching more distant households also means increasing costs
in supplying them with basic services. The city of Moncton has spread its tentacles westward but
mainly northward along Mountain Road.
Dieppe and Riverview have also gobbled a few
communities respectively but have recently resisted the Greater Moncton amalgamation plan
proposed by Premier McKenna.
English re-settlers and French migrants
Because of the presence of marsh land, creeks and terraces throughout the region, topography
has played an important role in setting up Greater Moncton’s human geography. The crossing of
Hall’s Creek was possible only further North from its intersection with the river for a long time,
keeping Moncton’s spread mainly westward. More recently, Main street extended into Dieppe by
crossing Hall’s Creek and large tracts of marsh lands. That crossing allowed Dieppe to escape from
its rural tradition and become an important magnet to increasing numbers of Acadian migrants
leaving the countryside. Urban English Monctonians have tended to move North, West, and, more
recently South, across the River, while rural Acadians, to the Eastern fringe. These population
movements gave Moncton an interesting, even stimulating, linguistic character to place her at the
crossroad of 2 cultures. Riverview is almost essentially English speaking, Dieppe is 70% French
speaking, and caught in the middle, is Moncton with an approximately 70% English speaking
population.
Table 1: Language spoken at home, Moncton region, 1996
Population
French
%
English
%
Dieppe
12320
8380
68.0%
3650
29.6%
Riverview
16500
365
2.2%
16075
97.4%
Moncton
58630
14475
25.6%
42695
72.8%
111790
29320
26.2%
80415
71.9%
Greater Moncton
Statistics Canada, 1996 Census
Paradox of the French language: fragility and economic strenght?
Reactions to surrounding and isolation in an “English sea” have been varied. The increasing
use of English, either by assimilation, or by “englishization” of Acadian French in developing of the
notorious “Chiac” is a preoccupying concern. Some studies have warned the Acadian population of
rapid assimilation rates.
Although the standard French appears to be threatened, paradoxally, the increased occurrence
of English people speaking French is the new strength heralded throughout North America to market
Moncton as a pivot in the changing economic environment.
Moncton’s social climate has appeased since the turbulent 1960s when Acadians rights were
baffled by the English majority. A large proportion of French population is already bilingual as a
willingness to be integrated in Moncton traditional “English world”, whereas most of the English
population has remained unilingual. However, this trend has started to change with the recent
generation. Moncton’s population has indeed become increasingly bilingual. French immersion in
English schools is producing “bilingual young adults”. Then, it is fair to say that confrontation of the
1960s have been replaced by co-operation in the 1990s (table 2).
Table 2: Knowledge of official language, Greater Moncton, 1991-1996
1991
%
1996
%
English only
56790
53.3%
58960
52.7
French only
3855
3.6%
2845
2.5
44650
41.9%
49920
44.7
Both
Statistics Canada, 1991 and 1996 Census
A fluctuating economic base: From railway lines to telecommunication lines....
The fate of Moncton has been largely influenced by its positioning in shifting economic
trends. Its capacity of adjustment to changing technological eras has to be regarded as its best asset.
One particular building is a good indication.
Heritage Courts: an historic illustration of Moncton evolution
The history of the present Heritage Courts provides a very good illustration of Moncton’s
evolution throughout the different technological and economic eras and strategic location. Located
immediately South of the city core, it once stood at a stone throw from both railway and maritime
transportation facilities. The river is no longer navigable and the railway lines and repair shops had
been relocated elsewhere (the “new” shops have been closed in 1988).
Steel, steam, and rail era: a Foundry
Navigation on the Petitcodiac river triggered a burgeoning of manufacturing establisment in
Moncton in the middle of nineteeth century specialized in a host of products: sugar, cotton, cookies,
wool, and steel products largely geared to local markets. The coming of railways boosted their
business... for a while.
Founded
in
1857,
Record
Foundries manufactured wood stoves
and agricultural equipment and was
active mainly in the end of the
nineteenth century. It experienced an
increased demand for a different
product, namely shells, during the First
World War.
The original buildings
have been acquired by Eaton’s and
some of them were later destroyed by
Photo 1: Record Foundry: Moncton as an industrial city
fire in 1920. The original chimney,
however, remains. Railways had the opposite effects of what was expected. Many manufacturing
industries were later lost to central Canada entrepreneurs who benefited of larger capitals and market,
and accessibility to remote areas by rail.
Internal combustion and demographic boom era: Eaton’s Maritimes mail-order center and retail
In 1920, an important Canadian
department store located on the same site
as Record Foundries. It provided retail
space on the lower floor, warehousing
and mail-order facilities on higher floors.
Eaton’s, a major retail company from
Toronto, had chosen Moncton as their
regional distribution outlet, mainly
because of its central location with
Photo 2: Eaton’s Maritimes Mail order center
respect
to
the
Maritimes
market.
Although it killed a few local retail
businesses, its coming was seen as a promise for growth: thousands of well paid jobs and steady
work, but also the influx of managerial people from Toronto. Postal and railways services saw their
business increase considerably, although the trucking industry would eventually challenge them.
“Post-industrial era”: Heritage Courts: services and senior citizens residence
The 1970s and 1980s were fatal
to both mail order business and railway
industry. Eaton’s dropped it’s mail
order service and moved to adjacent
land to become the main anchor store of
a shopping center.
Rail had long
suffered from now acute competition
from road transportation and went
through
a
restructuration.
period
of
constant
The “old Eaton’s
Photo 3: Heritage Court: The service era!
building” was rehabilitated to accommodate a large array of service firms and a senior citizens
residence
Now, almost typical model of eclectic post-modernism, Heritage Courts serves a variety of
purposes linked to a changing economic and demographic context). Local reaction to globalism?
... but there was agriculture and shipbuilding before
Long before being a city, the region was settled by Acadians from French descent performing
subsistence agriculture on the rich Petitcodiac tidal plain. The area was re-settled in 1766 by
Pennsylvania Dutch families after the Acadians were expulsed by British troops in 1758. They
mainly occupied “Le Coude” (a bend in the river). From there originated the present urban region of
Moncton.
Wooden shipbuilding industry developed, and virtually gave birth to the city. A major
shipyard was established by the Salter brothers in 1847. An immediate population boom followed
for 30 years. Meanwhile the town of Moncton was incorporated in 1855. Technological changes in
ship building gave a first blow as steel and steam ships, requiring deeper water, were introduced.
From then on, New Brunswick ship building concentrated in Saint-John and caused the closing of
Moncton’s shipyard and the loss of its town status in 1862. Moncton would rise again...
A Railway city is what Moncton really... was!
Ten years later, Inter-Colonial Railway (later Canadian National Railway) gave Moncton its
“ticket to prosperity” (Cormier, 26) by electing to have its Halifax-Montreal line go through
Moncton, and to establish its head office there. Furthermore, the company decided to relocate its
repair shops in Moncton after the Shediac facilities were destroyed by fire.
This presence in Moncton had a domino effect on industry. A string of directly or indirectly
dependant entrepreneurial ventures developed or strengthened as a result. Six hundred new
commercial and industrial establishments between 1865 and 1913 (Hickey, 1990, 44) benefited from
protectionist tariffs hoping to open new and extended markets through railways. From 1871 to 1911,
Moncton population and ICR’s share of jobs more than doubled, but commercial ventures went from
50 to 250 (Hickey, 46). ICR, however, became the dominant employer in Moncton, and making
Moncton a “railway city”: “The CN shops created Moncton” (Savoie et Bourgeois, 232).
City population and ICR employees,
Moncton, 1881-1913
1881
Population
5 032
ICR empl.
640
% ICR empl. 12,7
1913
11 345
3 117
27,0
(Hickey, 1990, 44)
ICR had a strong impact on the economy of the city and virtually integrated Moncton in the
Canadian urban system, but it also had a decisive and enduring influence on the city is spatial
development. Because the original repair shops had to be relocated in 1908, this geographical
impact was felt in 2 waves:
1st located on the shore, along with head office and train station - pre 1906
Industrial, warehousing, working class housing and commercial concentration: some of the
original installations still stand today but many serve a different purpose: offices and fitness
centers for instance. This first concentration of industries has been short lived and
Moncton’s industrial dream almost died with the moving of CN shops. Moncton suffered
from lack of primary resources, small and geographically fragmented market, take over from
larger central Canadian firms and eventual closing. Some, geared to local needs, were more
successful for a little while longer (foundries, wood and cotton mills). Although few
strategically located structures have been converted, housing is still substandard.
2nd relocated inland after fire destruction, 1908
Relocated far from the city in 1908, CN shops have spontaneously attracted with them a host
of ancillary and rail related businesses throughout the years in what is now referred to as
Moncton’s oldest industrial park: Victory Park commemorating the Allied forces’ victory of
the First World War.
Post-war years have rhymed with booms: economic, public services, and one important
source of this, the Baby Boom. Increased demand, productivity and incomes fueled many more
changes that were not all expected. Cities and North America have been dramatically transformed by
cars.
Cities have spread, industrial
America and auto related businesses
thrived, new ones developed (motels
and shopping centers for instance).
Trucks have become more convenient
and flexible to transport and deliver
manufactured goods.
Cities have
become magnets to people searching
better
opportunities,
and
so
has
Moncton. It attracted mainly still rural
Acadians.
Because of its central
location and its complementarity to rail
Photo 4: Vanishing tracks: Once highly visible
and important, railway industry has vanished
from Moncton
transportation, Moncton also benefited from the truck transportation industry, and was still a regional
distribution center. However, Canadian National was still the city’s soul and largest employer with
almost 3000 jobs.
Public sector boom, Acadian entrepreneurship and the “French empowerment”
The post-war demographic boom has created a domino effect on the public sector. A high
demand in healthcare, education, and government services has benefited the generally bilingual
Acadian community more than the unilingual English speaking community.
This “French
empowerment” is illustrated by the changing character of Sunny Brae, a typical English
neighborhood, over the last 35 years. The proportion of French households has risen from 10.3% in
1961 to 35.3% in 1991. What is more striking, however, is the their passage from a mainly working
class status to a predominantly professional one. In 1991, they accounted for 30.4% of professional
jobs compared to 6.7% for English speaking workers. The explanations for such a transformation
are easily “readable” in the surrounding landscape: the French university of Moncton, a French
hospital that has been considerably enlarged over the years, governmental research centers, the
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, and many smaller businesses.
For Moncton though, this era was to have a whole different meaning and effect. The
backlash was felt in the 1980s when, after a steady decline to road transportation firms, railway
companies needed to restructure their operations. Canadian National, like many others, continued
its quest to diversify by embarking transportation related ventures like hotels, trucking,
telecommunications, and decided to close its Moncton repair shops in 1988, following a long string
of important basic business closures: Swift, Marven’s, No 5 Depot, Eaton’s mail order service
among others. The loss of the CN shop would turn Moncton into a ghost town it was believed. The
application of a simple economic estimates (annex 1) that the eventual loss of all 2 772 jobs,
averaging close to 28 000$ vs 17 300$ for the region (Savoie, Bourgeois, 233) would have, indeed, a
monstrous cumulative effect on the economy of Moncton: 13 534 indirect jobs loss, and a loss of 33
397 people from the city if the impacted workers and their families left the city to find work
somewhere else that would initiate a downward swirl of negative impacts.
Moncton: a “miracle city”?
Prospects looked grim when Frank McKenna became the provincial Prime Minister. Well
supported by his team, he started an aggressive campaign of promotion in order to attract
investments in New Brunswick. Using tax exclusion for the first years, competitive exploitation
costs, and state-of-the-art communication technology1 among other incentives, important central
1
NB Tel is a world leader in telecommunication technology.
Canada companies began to consider locating their operations, or part of it, in marginal New
Brunswick... and many did move to New Brunswick.
A trend really emerged.
A large proportion of these investments were from
telecommunications firms and telephone customer service section of a wide array of firms. Among
New-Brunswick cities, Moncton benefited the most of this new trend. Its prime asset was the
presence of an important pool of bilingual work force. Thus, what might have been perceived as a
linguistic duality in the past has been dealt with in a more constructive way and transformed into a
major strength. Other cited reasons refer to the relatively low cost of living and real estate, and a
skilled and cheap labor force. Hence, reasons combine to translate in most effective cost-effective
location for incoming companies (Cormier, 29). Moncton is now back on the map as the “Telephone
call-centre capital of Canada” (Cormier, 27). It has even surpassed Omaha as the busiest call-centre
city of North America. Half of the 59 call-centers established in New-Brunswick are located in
Moncton bringing together 4 000 jobs (7 000 for the province). Reportedly, 11 other companies are
expected to come to Moncton in the next 2 years to create an additional 2 000 jobs (Veniot, 1998,
B8). Not only is the number of companies swelling, but many are still growing.
Whereas repairs were performed on locomotives and wagons to confer Moncton the title of
Railway City, information is the new resource of the “Miracle city” and has indeed attracted many
new businesses and office jobs in the area. Recent changes in Moncton have been widely heralded
beyond regional scope; "Phone City" (Canadian Geographic), "Telecommunications Mecca" (The
Montreal Gazette), "Moncton Miracle" (The New York Times), "Economic Star of the
Atlantic"(MacLean's)... . and others. This scenario, however, may appear brighter than it really is,
but may indeed be a seed to further economic blooming. The future of many of these newly created
jobs remains, at best, fragile, but, with visionary leaders and decision-makers, the potential for
continuous growth is there.
The negative side of the recent economic shift is often mirrored: low paying jobs, stressful
working environment, part-time and un-unionized work, creating “contemporary sweatshops”. More
important is the fact that many of these employers are “foot loose” companies which could easily
move to other locations for a variety of reasons. In that regard, large companies could be viewed as
colonizers exploiting the advantages found in new colonies, as history has shown so many times.
Geography, to a certain extend, has become insignificant for this type of business. “Central” Omaha,
Nebraska, has been surpassed by “marginal” Moncton as the North American call center capital!
Information flows all over the continent wherever its origin may be.
Not all colonies have remained dominated by imperial powers. The United States are a good
example. Not only did they free themselves from England, but they became a dominant force.
Silicon Valley, with its important role in high-tech industry, Montréal, which is said to be the 2nd
most important multimedia city after Los Angeles, are other examples. On a different scale,
Moncton could eventually benefit from the interest it has been exposed to. The presence of call
centers in the region needs to create spin-off effects: goods, services, technologies, and know-how
produced in the region rather than being imported. Symbiotic links among information and
manufacturing industries must be developed. Some of this is already evident. However, extra care
should be taken: should Moncton become a leader or a servant in this shifting trend?
In either direction, education will play a major role. This role has to be carefully evaluated.
If the latter is favored, technical education will suffice but the fragility of Moncton will remain.
Technical formation already exists in the region with 2 community colleges (one in each language),
and a host of smaller business colleges. A telemarketing programme, for instance, has been
elaborated in a least 1 community college and is, apparently, very successful, to the point that
employers are awaiting graduates. However, such formation leads to service jobs, customer service,
and answering jobs.
The first direction, on the other hand, encourages for more entrepreneurial and scientific
knowledge, and appears more promising for stable growth. Higher education is bound to play a
crucial role here in providing highly skilled and entrepreneurial work force to extend the trend
already in motion. Not only does a priority have to be put on university education, but the education
programs in the region’s universities need to be pro-active, and geared to creating new and
aggressive knowledge, and not only to follow the conjonctural lead. Université de Moncton2 has, in
its 35 years of existence so far, produced 30 000 graduates, including 3 900 in business and
administration and 600 in engineering (Mandale et Chiasson, 1998, 40) which has dynamized the
region’s business community. Its role has to remain this way though. Developing expertise in
telecommunications rather than becoming a “XXe century working class” has to be a top priority.
2
Université de Moncton, a French speaking university is the only one in Moncton. Mount Allison
University in Sackville, 50 km from Moncton, is English speaking.
Technical education is necessary, but decision making and highly skilled education is vital. If well
managed, the region’s economy might have shifted from a downward to an upward spiral. The
creation of a technological park adjacent to the university in one step in that direction3.
From sweatshops to “specialty shop” or the Italian model?
Some similarities exist with the recent experience of what has been referred to as the “Third
Italy”. The latest stages of this evolution could serve as a model for Moncton’s future.
Large companies from the industrial North relocated parts of their activities elsewhere
(decentralized and fragmented), relying on subcontracting (Kumar, 37-43). This has led to a
complex, diversified yet complementary, and flexible interconnecting post-fordist network of smaller
specialty firms but still dependent on large firms as initial demand4. Later, these firms widened their
scope of production and developed respective markets through “flexible specialization”, a process
allowing them to produce goods in smaller quantities of varied specifications5.
Human resource firms: adjusting the work force to change
The passage from an railway-led economy to an information-led economy has created a
mismatch between the work force in place and the skills required for the new jobs. For instance,
diesel mechanics may no longer be required in as large numbers as before the CN shops closed.
Private human resource firms have begun to provide placement, training and services to workers that
may no longer fit in the new regional economy.
Although the “information era” has strongly impacted Greater Moncton’s economic base,
more traditional jobs still remain, and the geographic position of Moncton still plays a significant
role. Transportation and warehouse business is still important. Spin-offs are still felt. For instance,
Good Year (U.S. tire manufacturer) has announced the opening of a tire re-thread manufacture for
3
4
5
One engineering firm, for instance, is actively working in developing artificial intelligence.
As if a car assembly plant were putting together components manufactured by smaller specialized
firms.
To follow the previous example, a company specializing in manufacturing starters or any other car
components for one model could now, with adequate technology, produce them for a larger variety
of models or car constructors. This can be applied to an infinite range of goods and services
production.
truck tires in Moncton that will serve the Atlantic Provinces. Interestingly, three planned industrial
parks are closely linked to different ways of transportation beside being linked to highways: that of
Dieppe is located near the airport, that of Moncton lies along
railway tracks and close the CN hump yard, and Caledonia
Industrial park is directly located on Trans-Canada highway.
Even though the businesses located in these industrial parks
don’t appear to directly benefit from this proximity, the location
of such land uses could only attract light industry.
One industrial concentration remains, Victory Park that
sits around the vacated CN lands. Its vocation has changed from industrial to mainly wholesale and
commercial, but its fate may depend on the future affectation of CN lands. Like the previous
industrial parks, this one could also be linked to transportation: the “Info Highway”!
The future of CN lands...
The closing and demolition of CN shops has
left a 91-hectare eyesore no-man’s land in the centre
of Greater Moncton (photo). That, altogether, can
be considered a deterrent to future development, or
have tremendous potential for development and
“Moncton positioning”.
The case of derelict railway lands in city
centers is common throughout Canada. In the
Photo 5: Clouds over CN lands
1980s, larger cities have redeveloped large tracts of
abandoned lands into a variety of new land uses with large “value added” and economic potential
like public parks (Winnipeg), convention centers (Toronto), temporary exposition showcases
(Vancouver’s Transpo’86), stadiums and upscale housing (Vancouver and Toronto). These tracts
created a new supply of prime land that could be included in city centers redevelopment and
revitalization projects. The prospects of redeveloping redundant lands have been doomed by the
recent economic recession and the ever devaluation of the Canadian dollar. The situation of such
lands in smaller cities remains to be documented, and the case of Moncton could, again, serve as an
example to follow or to avoid.
The land has been acquired by the Government of Canada. Canada Lands Company, a
Crown Corporation, is managing the property in order to rehabilitate it. So far, the soil has been
sampled to evaluate its level of contamination. Redevelopment plans have been prepared by subcontracting land developers taking into account contamination levels throughout the property. The
plans are to be presented for public consultation, revised accordingly, and then implemented.
“A post-modern pot-pourrit”
A first land rehabilitation plan has been submitted. At first glance, it appears as a mixed bag
of post-industrial uses in a park-like setting designed to please everyone. A closer look reveals an
elitist landscape that does not really fit with its actual surroundings. A call center campus, an office
park, a hotel, an “InfoTech centre”, a thematic golf park (sic), and a medium/low density residential
neighborhood irrigated by a minimal street network are featured in the proposed plan (see plan).
Ultimately, such a project could be contagious and create redevelopment pressure that could
revitalize Victory Park.
Figure 2: Railway Lands redevelopment plan
A downtown changing accordingly...
The changing image of Moncton’s core in the last decade is a real success story in itself. The
facelift it underwent is closely linked to the changing economic base. A close look at Main street
land use over the last two decades clearly illustrates the last of a long series of booms and busts. The
downtown core showed great vitality in
the late 1960s: a very alive commercial
sector including 9 large department
stores,
financial
institutions,
entertainment, and residences.
The
developing of suburbs in the 1970s
vacuumed much of this vitality to then
outlying shopping centers and residential
neighborhoods. The result was a rather
depressed city center with very few
Photo 6: A refurbished Downtown core
residents, most of them in poor housing,
poorly maintained discount stores, and visible vacant premises. What was still not visible was the
impact of the economic shift that was taking place in the region. In a little less than 6 years the
picture of Downtown Moncton has completely changed and perspires with a regained vitality. Retail
and business have adjusted to the daily presence of office workers and professionals, a variety of
restaurants and cafés has emerged, information business, although relatively small in numbers, is
highly visible by the names of new companies in the downtown environment.
The ever moving city hall: the fearless public sector...
Public administration remained very present with the increasing presence of federal and
provincial governments jobs, and the city hall, and this, despite the fact that all levels of public
administration had to cut down on services and jobs to cope with increased expenses. This sector,
although limited in its number of listings, accounts for close to 25% of downtown jobs. Moreover,
its impact is massive in the current wave of downtown revitalization. Like it has been the case in
numerous instances in Canadians cities, the public sector often acts as a beacon for re-development
as opposed to the private sector which is generally acting in risk free environments.
Enumeration of City Directory listings, Moncton, 1970, 1992 and 1998.
1992
1970
1998
Change 1970-98
F.I.R.E.
39
14.8%
43
16.9%
42
18.4%
3.6%
Professionals
12
4.5%
22
8.7%
29
12.7%
8.2%
Administration
11
4.2%
12
4.7%
9
3.9%
-0.2%
Retail, business
69
26.1%
52
20.5%
50
21.9%
-4.2%
Vacant
27
10.2%
49
19.3%
29
12.7%
2.5%
Public serv.*
18
6.8%
25
9.8%
12
5.3%
-1.6%
Entertainment.
10
3.8%
21
8.3%
25
11.0%
7.2%
Information
3
1.1%
11
4.3%
17
7.5%
6.3%
Residential
75
28.4%
19
7.5%
15
6.6%
-21.8%
228 100.0%
0.0%
Total
264 100.0%
254 100.0%
A business powerhorse
There
were
520
firms
employing 8 300 people in downtown
Moncton in 1995. Among this labour
force, 25% are government employees
of all 3 levels (Downtown Moncton
Inc., 1995). Seventy percent of Greater
Moncton’s 1,9 million square feet of
office space are located in the
downtown core. Its profile is becoming
increasingly corporate with the ongoing
Photo 7: The fearless public sector as motor for
East End revitalization: Moncton’s new City Hall
with its mix of modern and post-modern
architectural themes
concentration of financial institutions and related services, and its widening professional expertise
including information related businesses. The physical image has been transformed while the
building sector has been thriving to adjust downtown’s real estate to new demands through
renovation of older structures and construction of new ones. As a result, the evaluation assessment
skyrocketed from 100 millions $ in 1984, to 210 in 1991, then to 240 millions $ in 1995. A large
City Hall complex has been completed since then and, in a matter of months, the immediate vicinity
of this derelict district has been completely transformed.
A polarized retail structure in consumers’ paradise
Other than being an important focus for
business, Moncton has long been a very busy
retail city, again, largely because of its central
location. Indeed, 1.2 million people and a market
potential of $ 8 billions lie within a 3 hours drive
(Savoie et Bourgeois, 234). Typically, the retail
Photo 8: Feeling the effects of economic
revival: an old house being renovated
core has shifted over time. Suburban shopping
malls eroded once unique and dominant
downtown retail concentration which is now occupied by specialty shops. The present picture is
nonetheless a peculiar one.
Champlain Mall: colossal business on a swamp!
The coming of giant department
store chain and Chicago-based Sears
completely transformed the region’s retail
landscape. It located its original store on
Main street for a few years, performing
mainly mail order. Sears left Main street
Photo 9: Champlain Mall and Crystal Palace:
Economic magnets
in 1970 to open a new and larger store
where a wider variety of goods would be sold. The new location appeared somewhat singularly
adventurous. The company gambled that building on the large vacant marsh in Dieppe, just across
Hall’s Creek, would attract other retailers and customers. The land was cheap, although unstable,
plenty, and offered numerous possibilities. The daring action proved to be a successful one from a
business point of view.
Shortly after Sears opening an expansion plan was being implemented and resulted in the
creation of Champlain Mall. The marsh transformed rapidly by pavement and buildings, new streets,
Hall’s Creek mouth was deviated in order to build a larger bridge to increase traffic. Sears move
created an agglomeration effect that still carries on in the late 1990s. Three enlargement phases
boosting the number of stores to close to 200, many of them moving from downtown, the nesserary
addition of parking space, an indoor theme park, the construction and the agglomeration of all kinds
of retailers on Paul street, the passing-by of a major highway and a traffic circle later, increased
traffic congestion all around later, Champlain Place has transformed a wild marsh into a large and
wild money making machine, so good that mammoth Cadillac Fairview Real Estate Developer
recently bought it. It has become a supra-regional pivotal shopping center and a magnet for retail
and business entrepreneurs... Very little remains from the original landscape but reminiscing ponds, a
Photo 10: Marshland transformed into a commercial environment: Champlain Mall in Dieppe,
1963 and 1989)
wavy parking lot, and unstable land6. Buildings height is limited to one story and 50 foot pillars are
required to support built structures though.
Such a vacuum had detrimental effects on downtown retail landscape but also, more
importantly, on the city of Moncton tax base. Interestingly, in order to try to stop the trend, or least
regulate it, Moncton has promoted the building of a “Power Center” in 1994, a totally different and
newer approach to retail. Power Center regroups a handful of warehouse and factory outlet types of
retail businesses located on suburban lands within the city’s limits. The success of this reply remains
to be evaluated, but so far, one of the few large surface stores has already been closed, due to the
company’s financial restructuring.
... but, is there a river in Moncton?
As the region grew, it seemed to forget, or to negate, the presence of Petitcodiac River.
Indeed, a walk along the river gives to
the observer the impression that
development turned its back from the
river for what can be seen as the
backside of Moncton. Enduring and
recent
trends
have lead urban
functions to move away from the
waterfront.
Ship building and
railway-related businesses have long
6
Photo 11: Downtown backside facing the river
It is said that one could hear ceramic floors cracking at night!
ago left the riverside. Tracks along the shore have been removed. Only parking lots and a lumber
yard7 in the close vicinity remained.
However, what could be considered a local effect of global environmental consciousness is
now evident. There currently is a renewed interest in the river as if Moncton made peace with the
river that caused its “first death” and needed to identify with the past. The creation of a system of
linear parks along its bank is underway. Old railway track beds now serves as bike paths across a
newly landscaped riverfront and create links with urban functions. For instance, downtown office
workers now make the best of their lunch breaks by walking or eating by the river, and some
restaurants have built terraces facing it. A new hotel (called nothing less than “Le Chateau”) is the
first major building to take advantage of the riverfront.
The building of a causeway, a bridge combined to a dam, in the 1960s had also strongly
impacted the river and, eventually, modified its role and interest in it. The dam built to create a
reservoir and a road link to Riverview modified its sedimentation pattern and lowering the size of the
Mascaret, the first tidal wave, a long standing tourist attraction. Protests have led to the recent
opening of the gates on a 7 month experimental basis in order to try to give the Petitcodiac River its
original character.
Conclusion: Moncton, or the image of growth (or what the future holds)
History has proven that Moncton could really bounce back from adversity, and its motto
“Resurgo” is perfectly suited. From an agricultural settlement, to a ship building town, to a railway
city, Moncton seems to have entered the new technological era in becoming an information city. To
7
The local company has reportedly refused to sell despite large sums offered over the years.
many this recent stage might represent an accomplishment and a success in itself. However, it must
be viewed as the seeds to new beginnings instead. Challenges and uncertainty are still ahead.
The types of businesses that have come to Moncton recently appear to be volatile and prone
to leave rapidly if better opportunities arise elsewhere. Moncton is not a high-tech city.. yet. There
is still, although changing, a strong blue-collar flavor to it. Attracting and keeping the new employers
remains a constant challenge. One way of partially meeting the challenge is to provide them with
locally produced first hand services. Learning institutions are basic to Moncton prospects. Should
they produce technical graduates geared to the actual needs, or should they provide pro-active
education that will eventually support the actual and constantly upgrade the economic base and
continually generate new growth, somewhat like a “mini Silicon Valley”. Much of this will depend
on decisions taken by key decision makers and exposure of Moncton on a wider scene. For instance,
Moncton has recently attracted wide attention as hostess city of the “Congrès Mondial Acadien”
(World Acadian Conference in 1994), and will host the “Sommet de la Francophonie Mondiale”
(World Francophone Summit) in 1999.
Continuous
growth
despite
constant adaptation has given Moncton
the reputation of a tenacious and
flexible city. The momentum is in its
favour. It has remained an important
urban center that may soon eclipse Saint
John as New Brunswick largest city.
Moncton has become a very attractive
Photo 12: Generations conflict: old working class
house, telecommunications, and post-modern office
building)
development pole but, at the same time, it is draining young rural population. It may not still be in
complete control of its destiny, but bound to become a pivot in Maritime Canada.
Bibliography
Cormier, M., “Calling Moncton”, Canadian Geographic, Vol. 115 (4), pp.24-34 (1995).
Downtown Moncton Inc., “Réussite et Progrès: Portrait Statistique” (1995).
Hickey, D., “Moncton, 1871-1913: Le commerce et l’industrie dans un carrefour ferroviaire”, in
Hickey, D., Moncton 1871-1929: changements socio-économiques dans une ville ferroviaire,
Moncton: Les Éditions d’Acadie, pp. 37-62 (1990).
Kumar, K., From Post-Industrial tp Post-Modern Society, Oxford: Blackwell (1995).
Mandale, M. , Chiasson, P.-Y., Les partenariats et le développement économique communautaire:
l’exemple du Grand Moncton, Moncton: Agence de promotion économique du Canada atlantique
(1998).
Moncton City Directory
Veniot, A., “Calling for more jobs: N.B. has more than 5000 call center jobs so far and another 500
plus are in the offing”, The Telegraph Journal, May 30, B1, B5(1998).
Ren, J., White, “The simulation of urban system dynamics in Atlantic Canada, 1951-1991, The
Canadian Geographer/Le géographe canadien, 39 (3), pp.252-261 (1995).
Savoie, D.J., Bourgeois, Y., “Moncton, Making the transition: Myth or reality”, in G.J. De Benedetti,
R.H. Lamarche, Shock Waves: The Maritime Urban System in the New Economy, Moncton: The
Canadian Institute for Research on Regional Development, pp. 231-248 (1994).
Annexe 1 : Cumulative effect models of CN shops closing in Moncton
Gain
Population
106503
Work Force
52000
Basic (town forming) jobs
Non-basic (town serving) jobs
Loss
8840
43160
Ratio pop./work force, 1:
2.0
Ratio basic/non-basic, 1:
4.9
Impact
2772
Basic jobs
13534
Non-basic indirect jobs
0
Emplois non basiques
-33397
Population change
Difference
New population total
-33397
73106