Journal of the Department of Behavioural

Transcription

Journal of the Department of Behavioural Sciences
Vol. 3, (1), February 2014
CONTENTS
Editorial
Dylan Kerrigan
i
LOVE THE SINNER, HATE THE SIN: RELIGIOUS BELIEF DOES NOT
EQUATE HOMOPHOBIA
Craig Rodriguez-Seijas
1
ABOLISHING THE STIGMA: THE COLLECTIVE STRUGGLE AND
RIGHT TO SEXUAL SELF-DETERMINATION AMONG COMMERCIAL
SEX WORKERS IN TWO LOCATIONS IN TRINIDAD
Rochelle Kimberly Howe
14
GEOGRAPHIES OF SEXUALITY: CONSTRUCTIONS OF SPACE AND
BELONGING
Krystal Ghisyawan
28
THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE HEARTS AND MINDS PROGRAMME AS
A COMPONENT OF HOT SPOT POLICING ON COMMUNITIES IN
LAVENTILLE, TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
Wendell C. Wallace
44
TERTIARY EDUCATION AND THE DIRECTION FOR FUTURE
RESEARCH: ACCOMMODATING THE SHIFTING DEMOGRAPHICS OF
THE CARIBBEAN’S TERTIARY STUDENT
Karima Pragg
65
PERCEPTIONS OF INJUSTICE AND ALIENATION DYNAMICS WITHIN
THE WORKPLACE
Nirmala Sookoo
81
i
Editorial
Understanding the Caribbean through the Lens of Research and Practice: A Selection
of Graduate Papers from the April 11th, 2013, Department of Behavioural Sciences Post
Graduate Conference, UWI, St. Augustine
For this third volume of the Journal of the Department of Behavioural Sciences (JDBS)
presenters from the Department of Behavioural Sciences’, Post Graduate Conference, entitled
“Understanding the Caribbean through the Lens of Research and Practice” were asked to
submit papers for development and publication.
The one-day conference consisted of 52 different presenters, across 10 different panels, and
included a poster session and a poster workshop. In terms of audience, over 300 persons
signed the attendance sheet on the day, including 25 scholars from beyond the region. The
conference was also picked up by all three dailies and carried on the three consecutive days
after the conference.
While it is clear the research of our Post-Graduate community is diverse and wide-ranging
enough to stage a successful conference, the post-conference world for young Caribbean
scholars is limiting.
One of the biggest problems young and emerging scholars face in universities located in the
“Global South” such as the Caribbean is a lack of writing mentorship and publishing
opportunities.
Not only do emerging Caribbean scholars encounter a global academic culture industry that
does not see the Caribbean as significant in terms of research and publishing (mostly an
argument about profits and lack of audience); there is also a culture of resistance to 21st
century solutions such as Open Access Journals such as the JDBS. Sadly such resistance
while offering decent critique fails to offer solutions to the current impasse young scholars
and Caribbean scholars face more generally.
Into this breach the editors of the JDBS felt it only right to offer space, encouragement and
revision advice to young authors who presented at the Department of Behavioural Sciences’,
Post Graduate Conference.
Six papers survived the peer review process, which included double-blind peer review, and at
least two rounds of revise and resubmit. Each paper is still a work in progress, with all the
authors still engaged with their research and its on-going development, and each article
should be digested as such.
Any comments, thoughts or insights readers might want to pass on to the authors is greatly
appreciated as they continue to refine their ideas and disseminate their findings. The authors’
email addresses are contained in the header of each article.
The papers span a broad sway of Caribbean research including; Worker’s Rights, WorkPlace Dynamics, Tertiary Education, Policing, Homophobia, and Identity; from
researchers in the fields of Psychology, Criminology, Sociology, Human Geography, and
Anthropology.
ii
Both the conference itself and this short volume of papers from the proceedings demonstrate
the breadth of research and practice within the Dept of Behavioural Sciences and the wider
university. Publishing these papers is also a means by which the Department of Behavioural
Sciences at St Augustine can connect our Post Graduate community to the wider public and
for our young researchers to receive feedback on their ideas/research from a wide span of
people. Both these things were stated aims of the original conference.
Peer review for this issue was provided by both present and former faculty from the
University of the West Indies, St Augustine Campus.
Dr. Christine Descartes served as co-editor for this issue and endeavoured greatly over its
evolution to get the content out to our peer reviewers and online. Due to unforeseen
circumstances this issue was sadly delayed by over 4 months. We offer the authors and peer
reviewers our apologies for that and ask for understanding.
For further information about the
at: http://journals.sta.uwi.edu/jbs/index.asp
Dylan Kerrigan
Editor
journal,
please
see
our
web
page
1
LOVE THE SINNER, HATE THE SIN: RELIGIOUS BELIEF
DOES NOT EQUATE HOMOPHOBIA
Craig Rodriguez-Seijas
[email protected]
Clinical Psychology, Department of Psychology, State University of New York (SUNY), Stony
Brook, Long Island, USA
If the belief that homosexuality is a sin constitutes an aspect of homophobia, then any
person whose religious ideology posits homosexuality as sinful would be judged as
homophobic. As such, the assertion that homosexuality is sinful may actually be a mere
expression of religious ideology (Rosik 2007a). In response to the spontaneous
qualification of their positive regard for gay persons while expressing negative moral
evaluation of homosexual behaviour, men’s and women’s (N = 199) attitudes towards
homosexuals were analysed. Participants displayed a significant disparity in homophobic
beliefs; with Christians expressing elevated levels of homophobia when compared with
their non-Christian counterparts, F (1, 197) = 20.65, p < .001, η2 = .09. However, when the
anti-religious Condemnation/Tolerance factor (Rosik 2007a) was controlled for, these
differences became non-significant. Participants also displayed a significant disparity
between their beliefs about the sinfulness of homosexuality and their beliefs in civil rights
for homosexuals, t (198) = 12.00, p < .001. Christians expressed greater agreement that
homosexuality was sinful than did non-Christians, F (1, 197) = 30.52, p < .001. Christians
and non-Christians, however, did not differ in beliefs about discrimination based on civil
rights. This suggests that the belief in homosexuality as sinful may not be equated with
other prejudicial sentiments - like job discrimination. Discussion revolves around the
validity of the construct homophobia.
Keywords: Attitudes, lesbians, gay men, ATLG, homophobia
Introduction
“… some committed Christians may be homonegative when it comes to the value of
behaviour but homopositive when it comes to the value of (homosexual) persons” (Bassett
et al. 1997:18).
Weinberg’s introduction of the construct homophobia (Wenberg 1972) has led to considerable
scholarship on the topic, with a resultant shift in understanding behind the term. Weinberg’s initial
construct pathologised heterosexual persons’ reactions to homosexuals. However, contemporary
research in the field has led to different understandings of the term – oftentimes representing
generalised negative evaluations of gay persons - and a call for a new vocabulary to describe
negative sentiment directed at gay persons (Herek 2004).
Herek (2004) presented an in-depth overview of the historical roots of the term, and the
implications of its etymology. According to Herek, the clinical suggestions of pathology, as
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implicated by the “phobia” suffix, serve to stigmatise opinions and sentiments which may be in
opposition to those of persons who are pro-gay. Similarly, he criticised the individualistic,
diagnostic effect of the term; saying that it fails to consider the larger social and cultural context
from which that negative sentiment emerges. This larger consideration he defined as heterosexism:
the cultural ideology that perpetuates sexual stigma by denying and denigrating any nonheterosexual form of behaviour, identity, relationship or community (Herek 2004: 16). This
heterosexism operates at an individual level, leading to sexual prejudice (Herek 2004) – the
negative attitudes that one holds based on another person’s sexual orientation.
In the current study, I sought to distinguish the sexual prejudice1, to which Herek refers, from the
heterosexist background within which religious persons may reside. I also sought to question the
concept of sexual prejudice with regards to religious persons, provoking thought on whether
academics ourselves might be guilty of similar prejudicial beliefs.
Religion and Anti-Gay Prejudice
Historically, empirical research has found a positive correlation between religious belief and
prejudice towards homosexuals (Whitley 2009). In a meta-analysis of existing literature on
religious beliefs and anti-gay sentiment, Whitley (2009) found that for all but one form of
religiosity, quest – which signifies openness to change - orientation, increasing religious belief was
associated with increased prejudice towards homosexuals. Similarly, Núñes-Alarcon, MorenoJiménez and Moral-Toranzo (2011) found that of the 47 papers on the topic produced between
1940 and 1990, 37 presented positive relationships between religiosity and anti-gay sentiment,
with a mere two papers finding a negative correlation. The literature consistently provides support
that religious belief tends to go hand in hand with sexual prejudice.
Batson and Burris (1994) suggest that the relation is due to religious teachings that serve to
underpin anti-gay prejudice. However, there is no consensus among, or within, different religions
on the varying levels of acceptance versus rejection of homosexuality (Helminiak 2008). In his
review of several world religions – from ancient teachings to today’s more contemporary foci –
Helminiak (2008) discussed the complexity of teachings on homosexuality. In this paper, I discuss
his findings on Hinduism, Islam and Christianity; the major religions practiced within Trinidad
and Tobago. With regards to Hinduism, Helminiak (2008) noted that, historically, there has been
an awareness of homosexuality, but not necessarily support for the practice. This softer, mixed
message also permeates the Christian teachings. Helminiak (2008) points to different teachings,
and understanding throughout the various denominations within the Christian faith. Himself a
Roman Catholic priest, he exemplifies this divergence of belief within the religion. While the
Catholic hierarchy at the Vatican has consistently denounced homosexual acts, with biblical
scripture used as evidence against homosexuality, Helminiak (2008) proposes that the scriptures
have been misinterpreted, and actually say nothing negative, or indeed at all, about same-sex
attractions – when interpreted with accommodation for the context in which they were written
(Helminiak 2008). He also notes that Islam is the only religion that outright condemns
homosexuality.
Scholarship on the relation between religion and sexual prejudice oftentimes occurs within a
Western, Christian-centric sphere. However, there may be issues with the instruments used to
3
measure anti-gay prejudice. It is to this issue that I now turn.
Religion and Anti-Gay Prejudice: Difference of Ideological Surround?
Criticism of research in anti-gay prejudice, points towards a particular unidimensional manner in
defining and measuring negative attitudes towards gay persons, which does not reflect the multiple
components of the attitude and its relation to other variables (Wilkinson 2004). Herek’s Attitudes
Towards Lesbians and Gay men scale (ATLG-R; Herek 1998) is one of the most utilised measures
for sexual prejudice against homosexuals (Wilkinson 2004; Núñez-Alarcon et al. 2011). Rosik
(2007a, 2007b) found that the scale presents a bias when dealing with conservatively religious
persons. Following ideological surround analysis (Watson, Morris & Hood 1992), he found that
the majority of the items on the scale were deemed anti-religious by Christian participants, thus
presenting a bias to categorise Christian participants as considerably homophobic. Rosik refers to
the anti-religious items on the scale as “scored in a manner inconsistent with respondents’ religious
traditions (2007b: 146).” This finding speaks to Herek’s (2004) own admission that to ignore an
individual’s cultural background would result in a narrowing of our frame of reference for that
person. Indeed, it would appear that this constriction might occur when this scale is used with
religious persons.
Through exploratory factor analyses, Rosik (2007b) went on to partition the scale into various
components. He found a primary “Condemnation-Tolerance” factor that consisted of solely antireligious items. In multiple regression analyses, participants’ self-identification as Christian loaded
highly, and solely, on this component (Rosik 2007b). These items assess conservative Christian
beliefs regarding morality and naturalness; beliefs which the scale classifies as homophobic. The
items may be better thought of as anti-Christian. As such, the items on these components appear
to obfuscate attitudes towards lesbians and gay men, instead reflecting agreement with moral
statements based on religious teachings. Thus, do items such as these prejudice findings on sexual
prejudice themselves; rendering religious persons unfairly homophobic?
When it comes to this scale, to avoid being labeled homophobic, an individual would have to
believe that homosexuality was not a sin (item 5), was not immoral (item 6), was natural (item 14),
and that gay sexual activities were not “wrong” (item 18). Such items distinctively speak to a
Christian worldview. Therefore, Christians would be predisposed to homophobia, when measured
using the ATLG-R.
This issue speaks to the ideological surround (Watson, Sawyers, Morris, Carpenter, Jimenez, Jonas
and Robinson 2003). The model contends that this type of measure fails to account for the
worldview of religious persons. In essence, if the belief that homosexuality is a sin constitutes
homophobia, then anyone for whom religious ideology conceives homosexuality as sinful would
be considered homophobic. Instruments such as the ATLG-R, therefore, assign a negative valence
to such a normative worldview (Watson et al. 2003).
Watson et al. (2003) termed this phenomenon “tautological empiricism”. When this circularity is
built into an instrument, it paints a negative picture of the religious individual. According to the
ideological surround model, researchers often differ in their worldview from religious persons. As
such, the belief in the inherent negatives of homosexuality may simply be a reflection of a
4
theological worldview, and not an expression of a propensity towards discriminatory practices.
Indeed, when it comes to the ATLG-R, Rosik (2007a) found only a single item regarding civil
rights for homosexual persons that refers to the belief in the appropriateness of job discrimination
based on sexual orientation. This item may be a better representation of prejudice, as it is
independent of religious beliefs.
Furthermore, the ATLG-R, and similarly instruments, examines only a subset of the Christian
belief system, neglecting that tolerance and prejudice might be separate beliefs based within
religious ideology. Indeed, orthodox Christian beliefs may actually serve as a moral tradition
which dampens sexual prejudice (Ford, Brignall, VanValley and Macaluso 2009). LaMothe’s
(2009) identification of the most salient features of Christianity points toward concepts of love,
peace and coexistence. Niebuhr (1963) speaks of a fundamental belief in “imago dei”; that each
person is made in the image of some supreme being, and thus possesses an inherent goodness.
LaMothe (2009) explains that this concept is fundamental, and part of the theological teachings,
engendering a love that is not contingent upon the other being the same as the self. LaMothe (2009)
also explains a fundamental belief in forgiveness for those who sin – with the acknowledgement
that all persons sin – while still holding true to the belief that, sinful actions are wrong. These
teachings suggest a worldview that should value respect for individual persons. Research has found
that Christians distinguish between sinful behaviour and people (Wenger and Daniels 2006), and
respond in a discriminatory manner to cases of homosexual action (which participants see as a
violation of their personal value-system) as opposed to homosexual persons (Mak and Tsang
2008). As such, there would be a distinction in the belief about gay persons, and the belief
regarding the acceptability of gay actions. Indeed, a core teaching of the Christian faith revolves
around the distinction between the person and the behaviour (Rosik, Griffight and Cruz 2006). So,
while acknowledging that all persons sin, and expressing a belief in certain actions as sinful,
Christian teachings may also protect against discriminatory behaviour against other persons. As
such, simply stating that an action is sinful may not be sufficient to classify an individual as
homophobic.
The Present Study and Predictions
The current study sought to utilise Rosik’s (2007a,b) identified components on the ATLG-R to
compare Christian university students with their non-Christian counterparts, with regards to their
attitudes towards lesbians and gay men i.e. homophobic attitudes. Similarly, it sought to explore
the discrepancy between different single items from the scale; one which exemplifies a religious
bias in comparison with one that is not as religiously subjective. The inclusion of a non-Christian
comparative sample allows exploration of Rosik’s belief in the need for interpretive sensitivity
when dealing with conservatively Christian persons. I hypothesise that increased homophobic
beliefs will be found for Christians when compared with non-Christians. However, Christians and
non-Christians will not differ on beliefs about civil rights matters for gay persons. Such findings
will reflect a bias within the scale which places Christians as more homophobic than other nonChristian counterparts, merely due to the nature of the anti-Christian items within the scale.
The study made several predictions. Firstly, Christians will be found to express greater
homophobic sentiment than non-Christians when measured using the ATLG-R (Herek 1998). This
will be largely due to differences resulting from the anti-religious character of items on the scale.
5
As such, Christians and non-Christians will differ along the Condemnation-Tolerance (Rosik
2007a) component of the ATLG-R, with Christians expressing more homophobia than their nonChristian counterparts. This would be due to the anti-Christian nature of the items within this
component, predisposing such participants to respond in a homophobic manner. After controlling
for the variability due to items on the Condemnation/Tolerance component (Rosik 2007a),
Christians and non-Christians will show no difference in the level of expressed homophobia along
the ATLG-R. Secondly, item-level analysis of the belief in the sinfulness of homosexuality will
reflect the religious bias in this item, with Christians exhibiting greater belief in the sinfulness of
homosexuality than their non-Christian counterparts. Analysis of beliefs in civil rights for gay
persons will exhibit no differences based on religious belief, as the item is not a function of a
religious ideology.
Method
Procedure and Participants
As part of a larger study, participants indicated their attitudes towards gay persons using the
ATLG-R. Participants then indicated the religious group to which they belonged, their sexual
orientation, as well as the number of gay persons they knew.
Participants were 199 students from the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and
Tobago campus. The original sample consisted of 204 participants, of which 7 participants were
excluded during analyses as they expressed a sexual orientation other than heterosexual, since this
study only focused on heterosexual persons’ attitudes towards homosexual persons.
Participants were recruited from foundation courses offered at the university, on three consecutive
weekdays. The courses are mandatory for all students at the campus; and thus, the sample is
assumed to reflect the inter-faculty distribution of the campus. Participation was voluntary, and
there was no remuneration for participation in the study. The sample was relatively young (M =
20.65, SD = 3.96), predominantly female (64%), and identified primarily as Christian (65%). 19%
of participants identified as Hindu, 6% identified as Muslim, 4% identified as other and 6%
identified as belonging to no religion. There were no religious differences with respect to age and
previous contact with homosexual persons.
Table 1. Demographic makeup of the sample.
Sample Size
Religious Affiliation
% Female
Age
(N)
(n)
M (SD)
% Christian
% Hindu
% Muslim
(n)
(n)
(n)
199
65 (129)
19 (38)
6 (12)
64 (127)
20.65 (3.96)
* 4% (n=8) of sample identified as Other, and 6% (n=12) of the sample identified as belonging to
No Religion.
** No religious differences with respect to mean age, or previous contact with gay persons.
6
Measures
As part of a larger study which was granted ethical approval by the University of the West Indies,
St. Augustine campus Ethics Committee, attitudes towards homosexuals was measured using the
Attitudes towards Lesbians and Gay Men scale (ATLG-R; Herek 1998). The 20-item scale
measures participants’ beliefs and attitudes regarding gay men and lesbians. The ATLG-R (α =
.94) is composed of two subscales; the Attitudes towards Lesbians (ATL) subscale and the
Attitudes towards Gay Men (ATG) subscale. Each subscale is comprised of 10 items. Subscales
cannot be compared to one another, as a means of comparing attitudes towards lesbians with those
towards gay men, due to the different wording of items on each subscale (Herek 1998). As such,
the subscales were aggregated, and the scale used as a single entity. The subscales were not used
separately for analyses. Responses were provided on a 9-point Likert scale, with lower scores
representing increasingly negative attitudes towards lesbian and gay men; homophobia. Item 6 on
the ATLG-R was modified, replacing the words “North American” with “Trinidadian” for the
scale to make sense in the local context. The items were placed into components according to
Rosik’s (2007a) factor loadings (see Table 1). Values for the Condemnation/Tolerance component
(Component 1) were standardised by dividing the sum or scores for each item by 11 (the number
of items comprising said component).
Table on next page
7
Table 2. Full Sample ATLG-R Items Descriptive Statistics and Component Loadings according to
Rosik (2007a)
Component Loading
Item
Mean (SD)
1
2
3
4
1. Lesbians just can’t fit into our society.
5.88 (2.77)
*
2. A woman’s homosexuality should not be a 7.43 (2.53)
*
cause for discrimination in any situation.*
3. Female homosexuality is bad for society 4.52 (2.71)
*
because it breaks down the natural divisions
between the sexes.
4. State laws regulating private, consenting 4.26 (2.67)
*
lesbian behaviour should be abolished.*
5. Female homosexuality is a sin.
4.13 (2.38)
*
6. The growing number of lesbians indicates a 4.68 (2.96)
*
decline in Trinidadian morals.
7. Female homosexuality in itself is not a 5.25 (3.07)
*
problem, unless society makes it a problem.*
8. Female homosexuality is a threat to many of 5.12 (2.67)
*
our basic social institutions.
9. Female homosexuality is an inferior form of 5.08 (2.84)
sexuality.
10. Lesbians are sick.
5.89 (3.05)
*
11. Male homosexual couples should be allowed 4.34 (3.19)
*
to adopt children the same as heterosexual
couples.*
12. I think male homosexuals are disgusting.
4.83 (3.21)
*
13. I think male homosexuals should not be 5.77 (2.89)
*
allowed to teach schools.
14. Male homosexuality is a perversion.
4.60 (2.87)
*
15. Just as in other species, male homosexuality 4.32 (2.81)
*
is a natural expression of sexuality in men.*
16. If a man has homosexual feelings, he should 3.86 (2.91)
*
do everything he can to overcome them.
17. I would not be too upset if I learnt that my 3.41 (2.85)
*
son were a homosexual.*
18. Homosexual behaviour between two men is 3.85 (3.03)
*
just plain wrong.
19. The idea of male homosexual marriages 3.68 (3.00)
*
seems ridiculous to me.
20. Male homosexuality is merely a different 4.65 (2.98)
*
kind of lifestyle that should not be condemned.*
* indicates items that are reversed scored. Items have already been reverse scored, with lower
reported values reflecting greater homophobia.
8
Results
The study compared Christians’ and non-Christians’ homophobic beliefs as measured using
Herek’s (1994) ATLG-R scale. The Condemnation-Tolerance component of the scale, as identified
by Rosik (2007a), was used as a covariate to determine whether any differences found were solely
as a result of variability along this factor. Beliefs about the sinfulness of homosexuality were also
compared with beliefs about civil rights regarding job discrimination.
ANOVA and ANCOVA were utilised to examine the differences in expressed homophobia
between Christians and non-Christians in the sample. Results showed that Christian participants
(M = 85.44, SD = 37.30) expressed greater homophobic attitudes than did their non-Christians
counterparts (M = 111.49, SD = 40.32), F (1, 197) = 20.65, p < .001, η2 = .09. However, when
variability along the Condemnation/Tolerance component (component 1), as identified by Rosik
(2007a), was utilised as a covariate, this difference became non-significant, F (2, 196) = .53, p >
.05. From these findings, it appears that the difference in levels of homophobia expressed may be
singly due to differences along this factor, and not due to an overall discrepancy in other attitudes
towards lesbians and gay men.
Comparisons of single items on the ATLG-R revealed that Christians (M = 3.27, SD = 2.99)
expressed greater agreement that homosexuality was sinful (item 5) than did non-Christians (M =
5.79, SD = 3.19), F (1, 197) = 30.52, p < .001, η2 = .13. Christians and non-Christians, however,
did not differ in beliefs surrounding civil rights for homosexuals (item 2), F (1, 197) = .01, p > .05.
Interesting to note, while, Christians expressed greater belief in the sinfulness of homosexuality
than their non-Christian counterparts, non-Christians still expressed a discrepancy in their beliefs
about the sinfulness of homosexuality and that regarding civil rights for gay persons (M = 7.46,
SD = 2.60), t (67) = 3.48, p < .01, η2 = .39.
Further exploratory analyses were conducted after separating the non-Christian component into
individual religious groups (Muslim and Hindu). These tests were conducted to explore differences
in levels of homophobic sentiment across participants from three major religions; Christianity (N
= 131), Islam (N = 11) and Hinduism (N = 38). In addition to the ANOVA being a very robust test
to the departure from equal Ns, Levene’s test revealed that despite the difference in numbers within
each religious group, the assumption of homogeneity of variance was not violated, F (4, 194) =
.69, p > .05.
ANOVA and ANCOVA revealed that there was a significant difference for religion along the
Condemnation/Tolerance component, F (4, 194) = 9.43, p < .001, η2 = .16. All possible pair-wise
comparisons conducted using the Bonferonni adjustment revealed that Christians (M = 3.71, SD =
2.00) and Muslims (M = 3.58, SD = 2.58) did not differ along this factor. However, they both
expressed significantly more homophobic attitudes along this factor than did Hindus (M = 5.65,
SD = 1.99). Similarly, while initially there was a significant effect for religion and overall attitudes
towards lesbians and gay men, F (4, 194) = 7.71, p < .001, η2 = .14, the effect became nonsignificant when the variability along the Condemnation/Tolerance factor was utilised as a
covariate, F (4, 193) = .56, p > .05.
9
Discussion
The findings echo Rosik’s (2007a) call for “interpretive sensitivity” when conceptualising antigay sentiment. The findings show that the initial anti-gay sentiment held by Christian participants
was largely due to their values along the Condemnation/Tolerance dimension of the scale. When
this factor was controlled for, the group differences disappeared. Taken at an item-level analysis,
the data showed that for Christians, the belief in the sinfulness of homosexuality was not equivalent
with their beliefs about job discrimination based on sexual orientation. Thus, even though
Christians expressed increased “homophobic” belief in how sinful it is to be gay, they did not
express a concomitant elevated belief in the acceptability of job discrimination – an elevated belief
that would be expected for traditionally prejudiced individuals. Indeed, these may be two separate
beliefs, and scales that assume sinfulness equates homophobia may be tautological (Watson et al.
2003) - commingling religious ideology and anti-gay prejudice.
An interesting finding was the discrepancy that existed for non-Christians regarding the beliefs in
sinfulness versus civil rights. With the idea of sinfulness speaking to a primarily Christian
perspective, it was puzzling to find this similar discrepancy among non-Christians. However, as
Inglehart and Baker (2004) posit, the dominant religion of a society may become institutionalised
and transmitted via social institutions. Thus, other religious institutions may internalise similar
values. As such, in a multicultural society like Trinidad and Tobago, it may be regular for persons
to participate in, as well as express doctrine from, other religions. Anecdotal evidence may be
taken from the local political scenario, where, in 2011 a Hindu minister quoted the famous
Leviticus chapter as justification for an absence of debate on same-sex matters at a governmental
level (The Trinidad Express, February 2011). As such, I interpret this finding to also represent a
religiously-based expression, as opposed to anti-gay belief, particularly as it bears difference from
attitudes towards civil rights.
Comparison of attitudes based on participants’ religious denomination revealed that for Christians
and Muslims, beliefs about homosexuality along the Condemnation/Tolerance factor were similar.
This is not surprising, for, as Helminiak (2008) posits, Islam is the only religion that outright
denounces homosexuality. As such, the views would be more consistent with those of a
conservative Christian worldview. Hindus, on the other hand, expressed less anti-gay prejudice
than persons in the other two groups – possibly a manifestation of the ambiguity within the religion
on the matter. Still, when this factor was controlled for, all group differences again disappeared,
suggesting a similar explanation as presented above; that differences may not be due to prejudice
per se, but more likely due to the nature of the items on the scale.
Adding to the evidence for instrumentation issues with the ATLG-R were some participants’ (N =
5) spontaneous justifications on their responses to item 5 on the scale – regarding their beliefs in
the sinfulness of homosexuality. Cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger 1957) posits that counterattitudinal actions lead to psychological discomfort, which can manifest as guilt and shame
(Monteith et al. 1993; Devine et al. 1991). This discomfort must be reduced through dissonancereduction strategies (Elliot and Devine 1994). This discomfort does not dissipate on its own, but
must be actively reduced. Participants’ spontaneous justifications seem to exemplify a form of
reduction strategy. By affirming the value of the person, while rejecting the violating behaviour,
participants may be able to distinguish their sentiments regarding gay persons from those regarding
10
homosexual behaviour (Bassett et al. 1997, 2005).
“Homosexuality to me is a sin, but we all sin. So I say Love the sinner hate the sin.” The above
statement, written by a 22-year-old Christian male is typical of the type of justification expressed
by participants. The statement appears to be an attempt to explain his belief in the sinful nature of
homosexuality while upholding his sentiments of positive regard for gay persons. This appears to
support the distinction between attitudes towards homosexuals as a social group, and those towards
homosexuality as a behaviour; a value violation. As such, it suggests differential sentiment towards
the action versus the person and, in accordance with this study’s findings, represents a separate
attitude from the intent to treat homosexuals with prejudice. This is consistent with Mak and
Tsang’s (2008) findings. The authors found that students high in intrinsic religiosity showed the
same level of discrimination for sexually promiscuous homosexual and heterosexual persons.
Thus, the belief in the sinfulness of the activity appears to lead to differential treatment, and not
the personal quality of the individual.
Limitations
A major limitation inherent to the current study is the use of gross categorisations for the religion
variable. The categorisation as Christian, Muslim or Hindu does not shed light into the depth of
religiosity experienced by individuals; a variable that has been found to be related to anti-gay
prejudice (Whitley 2009). The gross categorisations fails to account for the plethora of religious
beliefs on the matter (see Helminiak 2008 for a review). This stems from the study’s post hoc
methodology. Spontaneous justifications to item 5 on the ATLG-R led to a more in-depth
investigation. Thus, the issue of religious belief was based upon previous demographic data on
religious denomination.
A second limitation of the current study involves the ambiguity in the use of the construct
homophobia. While contemporary literature has begun to move away from the term
“homophobia”, there is still no agreement on the use of an alternate term (Wilkinson 2004). I lean
to the definition as provided by Plummer (1996: 6, as seen in Wilkinson 2004) referring to
homophobia as “a provisional term not to be taken too literally.” The question remains as to what
aspects of this construct are of importance for social scientists. Herek’s (2004) review of the
historical roots of the term, and suggestions for contemporary substitutes, puts forth “sexual
prejudice” as an alternative. However, he includes the concept of sinfulness as part of this
prejudicial belief system. Ultimately, his concern is to find a term that allows for understanding
the “hostility and oppression based on sexual orientation,” with the ultimate aim being its
eradication (Herek 2004: 20). Thus, I ask, does the belief in the sinfulness of homosexuality lead
to this oppression and hostility? Further investigation may delve into which beliefs actually predict
the hostility to which Herek refers. From the above data, it appears that regarding homosexuality
as sinful may not be one such belief.
Conclusion
The findings suggest a disparity in religious beliefs and the concept of homophobia. Indeed, taken
in conjunction with some participants’ justifications, which affirmed the values placed on gay
persons, it suggests that persons’ expressions of homophobia, according to the scale, may originate
11
from a religious ideological background, in accordance with Rosik’s (2007a, 2007b) assertions.
As such, the belief in sinfulness regarding homosexuality may not be taken to mean prejudice
towards gay persons. Overall, I end in calling for increased sensitivity with academics in the
pathologising of religious persons when it comes to anti-gay sentiment. I see the findings from this
paper as echoing Rosik’s (2007b) call for open discussion and dialogue regarding the diverse
perspectives on the topics of religion and sexuality. I also see this as a means of escaping a
prejudice on the part of social scientists themselves, failing to acknowledge ideological differences
and belief systems.
Author Bio: Mr Rodriguez-Seijas is currently a PhD student in the Clinical Psychology
programme at the State University of New York (SUNY) at Stony Brook in Long Island. His
primary research interests include the nature and conceptualisation of psychopathology, as well as
the effects of discrimination on the structure and function of mental disorders. He is also interested
in the experience of psychopathology across different groups; for example exploring the
discrepancies in prevalence rates and types of mental disorders experienced within the Caribbean
in comparison with other regions. He also possesses a keen interest in matters of sexuality and
sexual identity, and how these factors intersect with mental health.
REFERENCES:
Basset, R. L., Hodak, E., Allen, J., Bartos, D., Grastorf, J., Sittig, L., & Strong, J. 1997.
Homonegative Christians: Loving the sinner but hating the sin? Journal of Psychology and
Theology, 19, 258-269.
Bassett, R. L., Nikkelen-Kuyper, M., Johnson, D., Miller, A., Carter, A., & Grimm, J. P. 2005.
Being a good neighbor: Can students come to value homosexual persons? Journal of Psychology
and Theology, 33, 17-26.
Devine, P., Monteith, M., Zuwerick, J., & Elliot, A. 1991. Prejudice with and without
compunction. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 60, 817-830.
Elliot, A. J., & Devine, P. G. 1994. On the motivational nature of cognitive dissonance:
Dissonance as psychological discomfort. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67, 382394.
Festinger, L. 1957. A theory of cognitive dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Ford, T. E., Brignall, T., VanValey, T. L., & Macaluso, M.J. 2009. The unmaking of prejudice:
How Christian beliefs relate to attitudes toward homosexuals. Journal for the Scientific Study of
Religion, 48, 146-160.
Herek, G. M. 1998. Attitudes towards lesbians and gay men scale. In Davis, C. M. (Ed.),
Handbook of Sexuality-Related Measures (pp. 392-394). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Herek, G. M. 2004. Beyond “homophobia”: Thinking about sexual prejudice and stigma in the
Twenty-first Century. Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 1, 6-24.
12
Helminiak, D. A. 2008. Homosexuality in world religions: A case study in the psychology of
spirituality. The Journal of Individual Psychology, 64, 137-160.
Helminiak, D. A. 2008. What the bible really says about homosexuality. New Mexico: Alamo
Square Press.
Inglehart, R., & Baker, W. E. 2000. Modernization, cultural change and the persistence of
traditional values. American Sociological Review, 65, 19-51.
LaMothe, R. 2009. Confusion of tongues: Christian discipleship and the problem of patriotism.
Pastoral Psychol, 58, 403-416.
Mak, H. K., & Tsang, J. 2008. Separating the “sinner” from the “sin”: Religious orientation and
prejudiced behaviour toward sexual orientation and promiscuous sex. Journal for the Scientific
Study of Religion, 47, 379-392.
Monteith, M. 1993. Self-regulation of prejudiced responses: Implications for progress in
prejudice reduction efforts. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 469-485.
Neibuhr, H. 1963. The responsible self. New York: Harper and Row.
Núñes-Alarcón, M., Moreno-Jiménez, M., & Moral-Toranzo, F. 2011. Modelo causal del
prejuicio religioso. Anales de Psigoloía, 27, 856-861.
Plummer, D. 1999. One of the boys: Masculinity, homophobia and modern manhood. New
York: Harrington Park Press.
Rosik, C. H., Griffith, L. K., & Cruz, Z. 2006. Homophobia and conservative religion: Towards
a more nuanced understanding. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 76. DOI: 10.1037/00029432.76.4.000
Rosik, C. H. 2007a. Ideological concern in the operationalization of homophobia, Part I: An
analysis of Herek’s ATLG-R scale. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 35, 132-144.
Rosik, C. H. 2007b. Ideological concerns in the operationalization of homophobia, Part II: The
need for interpretive sensitivity with conservatively religious persons. Journal of Psychology and
Theology, 35, 145-152.
Taitt, R. 2011, February 17. Senators in biblical clash over gay unions. The Trinidad Express
Newspapers. Retrieved from
http://www.trinidadexpress.com/news/Senators_in_biblical_clash_over_gay_unions116369699.html.
Watson, P. J., Morris, R. J., & Hood, R. W. 1992. Antireligious humanistic values, guilt, and
self-esteem. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 26, 535-546.
13
Watson, P. J., Sawyers, P., Morris, R. J., Carpenter, M. L., Jimenez, R. S., Jonas, K. A., &
Robinson, D. L. 2003. Reanalysis within a Christian ideological surround: Relationships of
intrinsic religious orientation with fundamentalism and right-wing authoritarianism. Journal of
Psychology and Theology, 31, 315-328.
Wenger, J. L., & Daniels, A. L. 2006. Who distinguishes between sinners and sins at the
implicit level of awareness? Journal of Social Psychology, 146, 657-669.
Whitley, B. E. 2009. Religiosity and attitudes towards lesbians and gay men: A meta-analysis.
The International Journal for Psychology of Religion, 19, 21-38.
Wilkinson, W. W. 2004. Religiosity, authoritarianism and homophobia: A multidimensional
approach. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 14, 55-67.
From this point, I utilise the terms anti-gay sentiment, prejudice, homophobia, etc. to denote generalised negative
attitudes towards lesbians and gay men. For the purpose of this paper, the terms are utilised interchangeably. The
discussion focuses on the issue of operationalisation of homophobia in the social sciences.
1
14
ABOLISHING THE STIGMA: THE COLLECTIVE STRUGGLE
AND RIGHT TO SEXUAL SELF-DETERMINATION AMONG
COMMERCIAL SEX WORKERS IN TWO LOCATIONS IN
TRINIDAD
Rochelle Kimberly Howe
[email protected]
Sociology Unit, Department of Behavioural Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of
the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago
This study, conducted in Trinidad, examined and documented whether a local Sex
Workers’ Movement has emerged through coalitions and the everyday resistances of
commercial sex workers. To illustrate how such struggles relate to basic human
rights advocacy, the study employed a qualitative methodology to flesh out two
specific forms of sex work in two different locations. In particular, interviews were
used to better understand the impact of socio-economic, cultural and political
systems on the emergence of sex workers’ rights activism and the challenge sex work
creates in the transgression of societal notions of sexual norms. The study also
explains how women’s involvement in the sex trade has been shaped within the
context of a globalising capitalist system and patriarchal hegemony. Conclusions
from the study emphasised how stigma continues to surround the plausibility of
sexual labour as a commodity and dominates current perceptions and societal unease.
Keywords: Commercial sex work, stigma, sexual self-determination, Trinidad and
Tobago
Introduction
My research explored the variances between two specific forms of sex work, indoor and outdoor
(commonly known as street) prostitution. The significance was to emphasise the stigma
surrounding the plausibility of sexual labour as a commodity; the current perceptions abutting
societal condemnation; and whether the shared experiences of exploitation among commercial
sex workers – a practice that is offensive to the rights of women – could galvanise people into
action and spirit a movement for change.
Much emphasis has been placed on the social problems such as poor living and working
conditions, physical abuse, economic conditions and health issues associated with the sex trade.
Prostitution for example is commonly referred to as a social evil or disease (Kempadoo 2001)
with very little emphasis placed on sex work being defined and experienced as labour. This has
meant the everyday life of the sex worker, their local cultural histories, traditions and testimony
about agency and subjectivity has been obscured and ignored.
Until recently, sex work and the wider sex trade in the Caribbean, commanded little attention
from the academic field in spite of its long history in Caribbean societies (Henriques 1965). The
15
references to sex work that did exist indicated that sex work played an integral role in the
region’s past, was inextricably tied to colonialism as well as the power and control exerted by
European men over black women; and stood at the nexus of at least two areas of women’s
existence – as an extension of sexual relations (forced or otherwise) with (white) men as
highlighted by Harvey Neptune (2007), and as labour (Kalm 1975; Del Omo 1979; Martins
1984; Beckles 1989; Morrissey 1989; Bush 1990).
According to Kempadoo (2001) sex work in the region emerged as an activity that provided
material benefits. Indicatively, the global location of the Caribbean as a service centre and
playground for wealthier nations and peoples positioned Caribbean sex workers. This location
reinforced not only global gendered inequalities but also long-standing patterns of dominance
and subordination between the North and the South; reflecting concerns expressed by Frantz
Fanon since the 1960s about the region being the “brothel of Europe” due to the neo-colonial
relationships established through the global tourism industry.
Yet what would happen to the sex industry if some of its shaping constraints were lifted? What if
sex work itself was decriminalised and destigmatised and we no longer believed it toxic? These
are some questions posed by Pat Califia (2000). Such thinking reflects the perspective of this
paper which seeks not to pathologise or condemn working women or even men for taking up
prostitution to make a living, but instead casts a critical eye on the sex trade and examines the
experiences and perspectives of sex workers.
To make a strong case and justify the struggle sex workers endure and the entitlements they are
so often denied, our understanding of sex workers must change. This change involves viewing
sexual workers as actors in a trade; the providers of sexual labour; a social group whose lives and
voices are commonly dismissed or ignored and a population whose perceptions and experiences
are not understood (Kempadoo 2001).
The fact that sex work is a highly stigmatised activity and women who provide sexual services
and labour the subjects of discriminatory, often criminalising policies, laws and ideologies
creates difficulties for academics.
Pre-conceived notions – prejudicial stereotypes – remain rigid amongst a large sway of the
population in Trinidad and Tobago. The stigmas often function as a means to silence and degrade
those it targets, and strips them of any form of legitimacy (Pheterson 1998). This study treated
“stigma” as the main macro-structural arrangement that inflicts oppression on an already
subjugated group (women) and the collective consciousness they experience, given their shared
subjective realities, to resist disempowerment and become primary agents of social change.
What is Sex Work?
According to PANCAP’s study conducted in 2009, “sex work” and “sex workers” are not legal
terms in any Caribbean country. The terms were first introduced to the Caribbean in the early
1990s by COIN (Centro de Orientación e Investigación Integral) of the Dominican Republic and
the Maxi Linder Association of Suriname; two institutions that complete out-reach and
empowerment-work in their respective countries. In fact the most common terms used within the
16
law, laws that date back to the late 19th and early 20th centuries, define the prostitute and
prostitution as a woman engaging in common lewdness. Such definitions have been refined
somewhat and are not confined by any specific gender (Akaloo 2009). Such laws left longstanding heteropatriarchal ideas that obscure female roles as the providers of sexual services and
given this discriminatory classification activists have aimed at abolishing this idea and relaxing
the myopic view by advocating for the sex trade as a legitimate form of labour.
Globally, the term prostitution carries a stigma that has been used to denigrate women and as a
result it has been exchanged for the concept of “sex work” – a term coined by sex worker Carol
Leigh – which allows for prostitution to take on a legitimate position, and also should allow for
the elimination of the social ills detrimental to a worker throughout their period of employment.
It is commonly understood that this new term protects practitioners “from stigma, abuse, and
marginalisation that comes with the perception of prostitutes as against moral, sexual and
behavioural norms of society” (CAFRA 2004). As such, researchers concluded that sex work
could be defined as “a gainful income generating activity that involves an explicit exchange of
sexual labour or services for material benefits” (Kempadoo 1999). This perspective focuses on
the ways in which sexual commerce qualifies as work, involves human agency, and may be
potentially empowering for workers (Carmen and Moody 1985, Chapkis 1997, Delacoste and
Alexander 1987, Strossen 1995). Therefore, it holds that there is nothing inherent in sex work
that prevents it from being organised in terms of mutual gain to both parties – just as in other
economic transactions.
Most studies on commercial sex work tend to operate on opposite ends of the paradigm, either
employing arguments that highlight the highly negative experiences of sex workers –. the uneven
distribution of agency, subordination, and job satisfaction inherent within commercial sex work
(Chapkis 2000, O’Connell Davidson 1998, Weitzer 2007a) – or at the other end, where they
depict that sex work is not necessarily empowering but has the potential to be so (Weitzer 2009).
A sub-group of sex workers that is largely ignored in academic literature and often subjected to a
variety of crude and positive stereotypes is that of the “kept” woman, which alludes to “an upper
echelon type of prostitute” who engages in adulterous liaisons and a sexual-economic exchange
with the invisible role of patron known as the “sugar daddy.” According to E.D Nelson (1993)
man’s adoption of this role is thought to be strictly sexual. It is presumed to be interchangeable
with other men who pay a “prostitute for sex.” However, it is framed by both men and women as
richer, and as more benevolent than that, given that supposedly the sugar daddy relationship is
not always a cynical, sex-for-hire arrangement. These kept relationships are framed under an
ideology of romantic love, allowing denial of the relationship as merely one of social or financial
expedience. But these “kept” women may have several “patrons” or “sugar daddies” whose aid
upkeeps her lifestyle and whose wealth makes her less conspicuous than your average streetwalker or “curb-crawler.
This transactional sexual liaison also extends to the region as highlighted in Christine Barrow’s
in-depth study amongst “at-risk” adolescent girls. She refers to a similar “sugar-daddy
syndrome” involving “school-girls in unprotected sex with older men in exchange for brandname clothing, jewellery and other material goods, even food and basic necessities.” She notes,
“The principle motivation for the girls to enter these relationships is the receipt of money,
17
material goods and financial security from the men involved, though they were also said to be
attracted by the sex, the notoriety and the protection provided within these relationships”
(Barrow 2005:64). This suggests that a thin line exists between what could be defined as sexual
labour. The “kept” woman may deviate from the negative stereotypes of prostitutes but in a
financial sense, it is essentially the same thing. It shows not all sex work has been historically
denigrated, and not all sex work as prostitution is actually seen as some sort of normative
prostitution.
Although this article primarily focuses on prostitution as the type of sex work that warrants
discussion, apart from the “kept” woman Nelson exemplified, Weitzer (2009, 2007a) also
introduced several under examined dimensions that aim to broaden and enrich our understanding
of sex work.
The sex industry is a distinct occupational sector subjected to social control and discriminatory
treatment. This is partially due to the fact that the laws of most countries push many aspects of
the industry underground giving rise to the variegation of illicit activities surrounding the sector.
On the heels of Kempadoo’s definition (1999), commercial sex work could also include
pornography, stripping and exotic or lap dancing, internet sexual services, call girls and escorts,
gigolo or “rent-a-dread” services. For this article, all cannot be covered so the focus remains on
prostitution – one specific type of sex work often associated with characteristics which are
mostly determined by locale or third-party involvement.
Given that its social and psychological connotations are characteristic of women often associated
with “whore,” sex work is a term suggesting prostitution is not viewed as an identity but instead
as an income-generating activity or form of labour for both men and women. If work is defined
as a productive or operative activity or as employment in some form of industry, especially as a
means of earning a livelihood, prostitution falls appropriately into place.
Our understandings of sex work need to undergo a shift to allow for a rethinking of the activity
in terms of contracts, safety, improvement of working conditions and sex workers’ ability to
negotiate the different aspects of services they offer be they acts, rates and duration. This can
help to support action about workers’ rights: the right to work safely and in health; the right not
to be raped, harassed or discriminated against; the right to associate with other workers for
protection; and the right to dignity and integrity.
Methodology
In the classic work entitled “Prostitution and Morality”, Benjamin and Master (1964), remarked
that “to study all or most facets of prostitution today, the investigator has no alternative but to go
out and meet the prostitutes on their own varied grounds.” This is a very hazardous and
painstaking job that takes some social scientists many months and even years.
The task of collecting data and facts for scientific inquiry in order to understand the various
facets of commercial sex work requires gaining entry into that “world.” While much sociological
research is quantitative, qualitative research can be useful for obtaining detailed, textured
insights of the specific phenomenon in question. Within the context of prostitution, there was no
18
other alternative but to contact the workers personally in their brothels – for the purposes of this
study – the streets, or any other work space.
In order to provide a dynamic and contextualised picture of the research, the study recorded
digital interviews. Within Trinidad and Tobago, there is no reliable data on the commercial sex
work population, so by relying on proven snowball sampling techniques passage through this
arena of the sex industry was made possible. As a close relative engaged in relations with a sex
worker during her formative years, the author’s personal history allowed access to this sector. As
a gatekeeper, the relative provided safe access into these areas in which indirect methods were
subsequently used to establish some form of rapport with the sample population. I was also
accompanied on my visit with a family member to provide another layer of safety.
Only female sex workers were interviewed – in the confines of a vehicle for those interviewed on
the streets, and on the grounds of the hotel for those interviewed indoors – and they were
sampled based on the given space where they ply their trade, and the key role they play in its
daily, or rather, nightly operations. The sample population was generated from two locations in
West and Central Trinidad: Murray Street, Woodbrook – a well-known sex workers’ area; and
Dads Dan, a.k.a Santa Maria Hotel in Charlieville, Chaguanas, infamously regarded as an
“entertainment centre;” it moonlights as strip club, brothel and hotel all in one.
These two areas were chosen on the basis of preliminary research conducted in these locales.
Fieldwork enquiry involved semi-structured interviews with seven individuals consisting of six
female prostitutes and one manager conducted over a period of five nights, amassing to
approximately thirteen hours engaged in naturalistic participatory observation. The recorded
interviews were later transcribed manually and uploaded as Windows Media Audio files. With
the exception of the sole manager interviewed, all informants were paid One Hundred Dollars
(TT$100.00) for their time. The workers were paid because on average a half hour interview
equated a loss from upwards of Three Hundred Dollars (TT$300.00) for services rendered to a
client.
With the dearth of data sources on commercial sex work in Trinidad and Tobago, utilising
qualitative methodological approaches through incorporation of semi-structured interviews, and
observation of the locales under study, provided primary data.
Theoretical Framework
The notion of prostitution throughout many societies is so tightly constructed that for years
attempts to breakdown or rather redefine these otherwise impenetrable notions has proven futile.
Undertaking the exploratory nature of this research allowed for the construction of an
independent feminist “standpoint,” allowing for an effective focus on the individual, her
subjective experience and the task of emphasising issues of agency.
Contemporary Feminist Theorising
Contemporary Feminist theorising radically challenges and deconstructs established systems of
knowledge by showing their masculinist bias and the gender politics framing and informing
19
them. It also puts into theoretical perspective how gender in its relation to power invokes
condemnation and stigmatisation of commercial sex work, and imposes on an individual
woman’s ability to freely explore, experience, and name her own sexuality lest she be labelled.
Because commercial sex work is the deliberate attempt of men’s perceived need and selfproclaimed right to buy and sell women’s bodies for sexual use, prostitution operates under a
system of male supremacy that is itself built along a continuum of intense feelings of power
within a sexual context. This argument is based on the premise that the social behaviour of
customers – in this context, men – does not reflect an interest in pleasing a woman but simply
want to feel power over the “whore” who is by implication of her class and gender, someone
beneath them. This inherent superiority of one sex and thereby the right to dominance is what
has prompted the struggle amongst sex workers’ advocates to reclaim and destigmatise the name
(and the work itself).
This social behaviour perceived amongst customers, as the interview with one informant at
Chaguanas depicted.
Imprisoned behind the barb-wired walls of “777,” in solitude I sit on a bench awaiting
Kimberly, whom Gary, her manager, sent for me. Within minutes, the outlines of skin the
colour of ebony, appeared from beyond the guarded doors of the club. Tall and slender,
dressed in a short, red, netted dress which exposes a nude body beneath, Kimberly makes
her way towards me with a Carib and a small purse in hand. She seems dazed, and upon
sitting and explaining the purpose she was dragged from work, she indicates that she’s an
extremely emotional person who cries frequently. She asks, “Are you going to make me
cry? Because I just smoked some weed and I’ve been drinking beers whole night.” The
chatty, warm and inviting nature was appealing, most times matter-of-fact but appealing
nonetheless. Though interrupted on several occasions, the end of the conversation was
marred by contrived responses brought about by Gary’s proximity to Kimberly. She was
visibly put on edge, more hesitant and less relaxed than she was initially.
It’s a tell-tale sign of how the opposite sex exerts superiority over women within the profession.
Kimberly’s demeanour attested to this as Gary’s presence overshadowed the course of the
interview towards the end. Her position within the community is indicative of how her
profession is synonymous with the identity she holds. Within her short lifespan, she has been
raped several times at gunpoint, barely escaped death to evade her rapists and sought assistance
only from immediate family members as opposed to contacting the police. In spite of this she
insists:
“Everybody knows I’m a hoe and I’m proud of it…in more ways than one. Nobody likes
a prostitute, I don’t know why, I guess its people’s mind…they think like this. They get
to walk the road free, with nobody watching them or saying anything about them. It’s no
one’s fault, it’s my fault, I accept that because I choose this life and I can’t waste my time
trying to change anybody. But I do believe I should do what I want with my body and I
don’t think people should tell me what to do and that’s what everybody getting tie up
with….I’m not using your body to do this, I am not using my friend’s body to do this.
I’m using my body, my strength, my night rest to do this and I feel I should just be able to
walk the road in peace.”
20
The excerpt also alludes to the stigma surrounding the profession. Numerous accounts on the
field highlighted the fact that sex work is commonly a highly stigmatised activity; and the
women who provide sexual services and labour the subjects of discriminatory, often
criminalising policies, laws and ideologies which often create difficulties for academics to
persuade readers to dismiss any preconceived notions. According to Delacoste (1998) stigma
represents an awareness of a defiled social construct, a mark of infamy or disgrace possessed by
sex workers as a result of their engagement in the skin trade that defies the “normal”
expectations/standards that categorises them as women within the society. As with Rachel, a 32
year old sex worker for whom the stigma hits a little close to home. She states:
“If yuh have any friend and they get to know what yuh doing, they look at you different,
they say girl how you could do that, how you could sleep with different men on the same
night. They look at you completely different and you just have less friends. Nobody
would not really want to eat or drink from you, they would say you open to STD disease
and all that. I had a couple of friends who found out what I was doing, and I no longer
call them friends because they totally disagree with it and they don’t really want to be
around me since I’m doing this work. The females are mostly discriminating, but the
males like you more once they know they could get what they want from you.”
Stigma perpetuates a social identity that defines and sets them apart as stigmatised individuals
and disavows any measure of respect that would allow for full integration within the social
structure; as is depicted with Rachel, who becomes an outcast of sorts within her inner circle of
friends. Upon discovery of her occupational stance, Rachel’s colleagues synonymously identify
her with this label and have seemingly ignored the individual they knew prior to unearthing this
knowledge. In the same way gypsies occupy the outskirts of the societies to which they belong,
sex workers are branded. This pushes the trade further underground as it is not a legitimate form
of employment, making it virtually impossible to shed the stain and escape.
Jennifer, a 37 year old sex worker who has been plying her trade in and around the Woodbrook
area for more than a decade corroborates how the stigma extends to familial relationships and
society at large. She states:
“If somebody pass and see us at the side of the streets and say we live in Chaguanas, they
don’t even know if we liming in the casino, they don’t know if we waiting on somebody,
they would go back down in the village we living in and spread the talk that
discriminating yuh one time.”
Commercial sex workers are characteristically the stigmatised individuals that Goffman alludes
to. Some have social constructs of themselves that defy the expectations/standards they are well
aware of that categories them as women in society. They are also aware that this construct is a
“defiling thing” to possess and as such engage in what Goffman termed role distance that
perpetuates a virtual social identity that would accord them the respect which allows for full
integration within the social structure. However, it is when sex workers no longer have a
constructed social identity that differentiates them as “other,” that defines and sets them apart
from “normals” and as stigmatised individuals, that they create roadways out of this dilemma.
21
It seems women vulnerable to the stigma are regarded with a denigrated status, silencing and
stripping them of any form of legitimacy and opening them up to treatment as criminals,
altogether dehumanising them and transforming human sexuality into a bestial force. Sex
workers, along with other marginalised sections within the community, are identified as a
vulnerable group in the Caribbean and specifically Trinidad and Tobago. The stigmas and
discriminations at best cause and maintain such vulnerability. Oppression, not only controls the
lives of sex workers but of all women and with a criminal status that encourages police
harassment and abuse, rape, assault, lack of legal access to workers’ rights, health care and
benefits; it ensures that workers’ remain in poor working conditions and that notions of sex
workers’ as disposable people are sustained.
These accounts detail how the concept of stigma results from a diversion away from societal
norms. Our understanding must undergo a change in which they are viewed as one set of actors
in the sex trade; the providers of sexual labour; a social group whose lives and voices had
commonly been dismissed or ignored and a population whose perceptions and experiences needs
to be centred upon if we are to make a strong case and justify the struggle sex workers’ endure
and the entitlements they are so often denied. Policies, conventions and activities still remain
exclusively focused on eradicating trafficking and forced prostitution and do not actually deal
with or offer any support for sex workers who are not trafficked (Kempadoo and Doezema,
1998). This largely negates recognition of the right to sexual self-determination and is thus a
threat to the entire concept of women’s human rights.
Importance of Struggle and Recurring Themes
Sex work to this day remains one of the few forms of employment for unskilled labourers within
Trinidad and the reality is that “a lot of women are saying they don’t necessarily want out of
prostitution, as Kimberly earlier portrayed, but they want better conditions, some of which
involve the lifting of laws that criminalise the work” (Kempadoo 2005). According to Michelle,
another sex worker who is formally employed in security:
“Yuh doh WANT the money, yuh NEED the money…as it surpasses the minimum wage
in the country by far.”
The plight of many to earn above their means (i.e. gain financial independence), given prevailing
economic conditions, paints the industry as a viable source of income and as long as the
opportunity for paid intercourse remains hidden and stigmatised, the black-market sex economy
is booming. According to Kempadoo (2005) although sexual-economic relations can be sites of
both oppression and liberation for women, the social reality is that there are streams of
empowerment through sex work. This also sheds light on the class differentials within the
profession as exemplified through the concept of the “sugar daddy” and “kept” mistress. Studies
have shown that empowerment is high or increases among those working in the upper echelons
of the profession. This is associated with a range of structural factors which includes education,
income, control over working conditions and client base (Weitzer 2009). As one study
concluded, independent call girls generally enjoyed the “financial, social, and emotional
22
wherewithal to structure their work largely in ways that suited them and provide…the ability to
maintain healthy self-images” (Lucas 2005:541).
During fieldwork, another theme resonated amongst most sex workers where men, more so local
men, have the mentality that women are treated on the basis of whether they are a prostitute or
not. As Jennifer explains:
“When they know you is a prostitute, they like to treat you a certain way...Trini men
especially. They know you are a prostitute; they treat you like a prostitute. You have no
rights especially when a client ill-treating or advantaging you in any way at all.”
Jennifer also spoke of being raped for two days, beaten and tortured by two local guys in a
deserted area in Santa Cruz, and luckily was able to escape with her life but with no form of
redress given her status. Rachel corroborates:
“There’s no redress. No way. You go to the police station and tell them you making
“fares” on the street, and a guy pick you up and carry you in the back and rape you,
police don’t do nothing. Basically you gets no justice. You cannot go to any station in
Trinidad and report that this is the job you are doing and you were raped. Even if you
were stabbed, robbed…not only rape but any other thing, they would not take it on. They
would in fact say that you look for that.”
Jennifer’s contribution reflects how violence and patriarchy are recurring themes throughout the
profession. The fact that there is no redress and a client’s ill-treatment highlights how laws
against prostitution and the stigma imposed on sex work provokes and permits violence, ensures
poor working conditions, and continuously keeps sex workers locked in a struggle; a struggle
which occurs on a more individualistic than collective basis throughout the two locations.
As Chocolate Fudge reveals in her own words however, there can be a disinclination to
collectively support the reification of decriminalisation:
“Yes it is, it is very stigmatised. If it wasn’t, well…it would have been even more
stigmatised because well people would want to know why then they put this…[sex work]
as a legal thing…but it would not stop girls from coming to work because this is a money
making business. People in society would still look at them…[sex workers]…as whores
and sluts and stuff, that’s why I say it would still be stigmatised, it wouldn’t make a
difference. It would just make the girls more comfortable to work…If it have people who
could explain the concept and the whole business thing to society, then the whole stigma
would disappear…that’s the government’s responsibility. Yes, it’s our responsibility too,
but we can’t just go out on the streets and protest for prostitution…Because of that stigma
in Trinidad and Tobago, my parents don’t know I’m doing this, and my daughter, she
don’t know I’m doing this. Well meh boyfriend know I’m doing this but I wouldn’t want
to put myself out there. Ah done already know T&T have that stigma…yuh know how
yuh mother would think about yuh, yuh know how yuh father go think about yuh, yuh
aunts, yuh uncles, yuh sisters would know how…so I wouldn’t put myself in the forefront
and protest for prostitution to get downgraded by my family…money is not
23
everything…but ah getting it and they don’t have to know how ah getting it because ah
not living with them, but I would not want them to know that this is what I do…”
She further states from her point of view:
“Everybody is for themselves. Here have different groups of people. It have Spanish,
Jamaicans, it have the locals, everybody stick to they self. Some locals don’t talk to
locals, some locals does talk to Spanish, some locals does talk to Jamaicans, not
everybody does talk to everyone…like if two girls does talk to each other, they would
talk about their problmes, but they wouldn’t go and tell everybody, they wouldn’t go and
sit down in a group and tell everybody about their problems…they don’t do that…it not
necessary…I don’t think it’s a bad thing, yuh come here to make money and really yuh
not supposed to be studying anybody else problems. Yuh come and yuh have yuh
problems, you deal with yuh problems on yuh own…I don’t really want to know anyone
business. Some don’t have the mentality to sit down and talk about yuh problems and
sort it out and say let we shake hands and be friends. We, some of them, well most of
them don’t have that kind of intelligence to sit down and do that…and I wouldn’t put
myself in the forefront to say don’t do that, don’t do this…”
The above suggests ways in which capitalism enforces competitiveness, individuation and a lack
of solidarity among the women. It brings into question whether the sex workers’ movement
remains out of reach. Such movements allow societies to confront fundamental questions about
social structures, sexuality, life and moral rights and wrongs. But the desire to fuel a movement
within Trinidad seems suppressed because this position is at loggerheads with many conservative
groups, institutionalised religions and feminist lobbies that are united in condemning
prostitution. However, a support of sex workers’ demands for decriminalisation of the work
stems from the knowledge that these women are prime examples of the agency within this group.
On-going thoughts and discussion
This small overview of my on-going research provides insights into the depths of stigmatisation
and criminalisation within Trinbagonian society sex workers face. Whether there exists a force
willing enough to shift this construction through which prostitution is understood is the focus of
my future research. It is hoped that it will shed more light on the need for a movement within our
society and a transformation of ideological patterns which has shackled us to archaic traditions
and a period defined by colonial domination.
Feminism is of central importance in highlighting the struggles for social change within the
society and a prostitute’s rights activism that seemed lost in both districts. There are many
hidden myths about prostitution and society seems to be apathetic towards counteracting these
myths and embracing. It was obvious that whether indoor or outdoor, structural conditions are a
key predictor of vulnerability amongst these women who entered the sex industry. These
conditions are predicated on a gendered hierarchy and a systematic privileging of the male and
the masculine which continues to be prevalent within the industry even though social relations
involving sexual labour are not inherently tied to specific gendered roles or bodies. As such, “sex
work” has been constructed where female sexuality threatens male control and domination
24
within a contextual arrangement of cultural, social, economic and political systems that produce
the stigmas and the condemnation femininity defies. Hegemonic institutions within our society
perpetuate the stigma, but again that story will be part of future research.
The severity of victimisation is frequented upon sex workers, not only by customers who
advance the stigma and condemnation, but also by law enforcement officials who negate that in
spite of their illegality, sex workers should not be stripped of their basic human rights. Indoor
workers receive more protection and their invisibility renders them more capable of being
discreet and less marginalised as Goffman illuminates.
Without any form of recourse, commercial sex workers within the Woodbrook and Chaguanas
areas are deprived of fundamental rights. As a fixed group within the society, this denial of rights
channelled from stigmatisation and criminalisation of the profession is derived from overarching structural and micro arrangements. These arrangements are a system of repressive
strategies that effectually denounce the establishment of a movement. One thing rings true, is
that in all societies people are selling sex, and it really comes down to a question of how honest
we are as a society and how much we are respecting people’s rights to make their own choices.
Moving forward, there is a need for a movement, a rallying of various organisations to give aid
and for a transformation of ideological patterns. Without a movement, criminalisation of sexual
labour pervades and leaves sex workers without freedom of occupational choice, protection of
health and safety, and prosecution of those who commit acts of violence. Even if there was an
emergence of a movement it would be difficult for the social and cultural climate to immediately
change as there exists strong, social taboos against prostitution. A large space of tolerance is not
offered to women who participate in sexual commerce but if we channel advocacy into the
decriminalisation of sex work, maybe prostitution would be recognised as legitimate work and
prostitutes accepted as working women, and for once an opportunity to eradicate the stigma
would present itself.
Author Bio: Rochelle Kimberly Howe was recently awarded an M.Sc. degree in Sociology in
January 2013 from the UWI, St. Augustine Campus. Her research explores the conditions
accorded to commercial sex workers’. Ms. Howe is a staunch advocate of sex workers’ rights
and decriminalisation of the profession and has developed a passion for bringing awareness to
social injustices with a focus on topics often regarded as socially taboo. Ms. Howe was a
Research Assistant with the Energy Alliance’s evaluative study on the Boys’ Nature-Nurture
Programme in association with Dolly and Associates in the first quarter of 2012. She is currently
a researcher with the School of Medicine’s Department of Psychiatry and Institute for Gender
and Development Studies research project on alcohol use and sexual risk taking in Trinidad and
Tobago. Ms. Howe’s ultimate goal is to pursue her PhD, and to use her drive and unwavering
commitment to foster greater autonomy and dignity amongst Caribbean Sex Workers.
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Bobbs-Merrill.
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Prentice-Hall
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Inter-India Publications.
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Work in the Caribbean. Feminist Review, no. 67 (Spring 2001): 39-62.
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Redefinition. New York: Routledge.
Kempadoo, Kamala. 2001. Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transnational Feminist
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Order. Contemporary Sociological Theory and Its Classical Roots: The Basics, edited by George
Ritzer, 109-111. New York: McGraw-Hills Companies Inc.
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Experiences. Deviant Behaviour 26: 513-46
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24, 2004) http://www.raymondandpierre.com/articles/article23.htm. [Accessed August 31, 2012]
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no. 3: 373-389.
28
GEOGRAPHIES OF SEXUALITY: CONSTRUCTIONS OF
SPACE AND BELONGING
Krystal Ghisyawan
[email protected]
On-going research for my MPhil in sociology describes, documents and analyses selfidentified non-heterosexual women (bisexual, lesbian, pan-sexual) from various parts of
Trinidad, and how they construct an image of “Home”, “Work”, physical place and
virtual space. This paper interrogates the cultural geographies of space and place. In
particular how material cultures and social histories get grafted onto spaces to create a
physical geography of place, as it relates to lesbian identity and citizenship. My ongoing
aim is to illustrate the subjectivities created for LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,
Transgender) women within certain places and spaces. Through the women’s
experiences, addressing the intersections of gender, identity and ethnicity with space, I
examine the sexing of spaces and the pervasive nature of heteronormativity1 in
Trinidadian society.
Keywords: Lesbian, Trinidad, Identity, Space, Imagined Community
Introduction
N’Dare and I were sitting on a couch at Rituals, cosily nudged into the cushions, sipping on chai.
We leaned in towards each other to reduce the likelihood of others overhearing our intimate
conversation. As N’Dare is not out and open about her sexual orientation, N’Dare was cautious
of eavesdroppers. As we quietly chatted and giggled over experiences that she had had, a voice
interrupted us. “Excuse me, are you two on a date? Cuz you look like you checkin’ each other.”
Stunned, I said, “Pardon me”, unsure if I had heard her accurately. One of the two girls sitting
across from us was leaning over the table with an inquisitive smirk on her lips. From their
familiarity with N’Dare when they came in, I assumed the girls knew her enough to attempt to
tease her.
“Yes, I checking her. You have a problem with that?!” said N’Dare.
“No, I doh have a problem”, the girl said.
N’Dare’s nonchalance put me at ease, and I jokingly asked, “Well how we lookin’? We look
good together?”
29
“Yea man, y’all lookin’ like chocolate and vanilla,” she replied. Her friend added, “To me, it
look like one girl trackin’ the next one, but she talkin’ too much (referring to N’Dare) and the
next girl [meaning me] just thinkin’, ‘when this girl goin’ an’ shut up, boy?”.
“Well as long as we looking good it doesn’t matter what people think we doing here,” I said,
bringing their interruption to a close and returning my attention to the chocolate girl beside me.
Never having been approached like that in public, the girls’ comments made me feel quite aware
of how I was being viewed and interpreted by others. This brief interaction highlights some of
the themes within my research: space and place, gender expressions and sexuality, subjectivity
and identity. It seemed the girls read our body language to be that of lovers. The couches at
Rituals, the on-campus café, are also the most likely place to find cuddling heterosexual couples,
and perhaps our behaviour seemed to mimic that in its intimacy.
The ascription of meaning to space can be what transforms it from a ‘space’ to a ‘place’. ‘Place’
has a social identity that is conferred by the elements of the space, such as its configuration,
furnishings, lighting, as well as its occupants (Agnew 2011). The race, class, status, actions,
interactions and social relations of its occupants give meaning to the space. Rituals for instance,
in its use of couches convey that it is a space to lounge and relax (Gaudio 2003). Soft lighting
encourages intimacy and closeness. The type and price of the items, to a certain extent also
determines the client demographic, although you do not need to make purchases in order to
lounge on the couches.
Methodology
This ongoing research involves the use of mapping, one-on-one interviews and collecting life
histories. The participants are all women who have had or were in sexual relationships with other
women. They are between the ages 18-35, live and work in various parts of Trinidad, have
various relationship statuses, and are of different ethnic groups, religions, occupations, and
socio-economic classes. They all used Facebook and were members of one or more LGBT
groups on the site, from where they were sourced for participation in this study. Thus far,
twenty-one (21) persons have agreed to be part of the project and preliminary interviews were
conducted with them all, but the mapping exercises (described below) have only been done with
6 participants. While drawing from interviews with all the women, those highlighted in this
paper are Jean (34), Raven (26), N’Dare (28) and Emma (19). All names have been altered for
privacy.
Conducting one-on-one interviews and collecting life histories with the women produced
documentation of how their experiences of spaces shift and develop.
To facilitate this research, contacts were made with lesbian and bisexual women over the course
of the last year, some relationships building into friendships. Data was collected through
participant observation conducted on the University of the West Indies, St Augustine campus, in
lounges and at parties. Building friendships with these women made it easier to collect life
histories, although this was usually carried out over a number of meetings and conversations.
The informal meetings fostered openness, and receptivity to their perspectives and desires. The
30
bulk of data collection is yet to take place but already the diversity of experiences can be seen in
the information that is being gathered.
Mapping
In my project the use of ‘mapping’, a social science technique where the participants illustrate
how they see and traverse spaces was inspired by William Leap (2009). Leap used the technique
to map the geography of Washington, D.C. as a gay city (2009). As our daily activities In
Trinidad can often lead many to traverse wide distances, from home to work or play this project
maps the entire country.
Cities are often viewed as microcosms of the larger space, but looking at the country as a whole
offered more versatility for my study, especially given the relative size of Trinidad. This method
and wide scope yields a range of experiences of place, as some concentrate more on one town or
area than another person. One of the strengths of using mapping techniques is that it allows
respondents a means to articulate these spaces and raise the factors which producing a sense of
belonging (or not). At the start of interviews, participants were informed that the interview would
entail a mapping exercise. Many asked “What’s that? What am I supposed to do?”
After talking about their lives and experiences, they were presented with sheets of paper, lead
pencils, coloured pencils, and coloured pens and asked to represent in whatever way they chose
the following questions: Where do you feel safe? Where do you “lime” (hang out)? Where are
you comfortable? Why is a place comfortable to you?
They then created a map to reflect their ideas and explain it to me. In this way, the maps are used
as interview aids, to expand the conversation and bring aspects to it that were not explicitly
asked or that the respondent did not initially think to elaborate on. By being asked to do this
activity they were already beginning to think about space in certain ways, grouping places into
categories, connecting stories of their experiences to how they perceive certain places, and how
they themselves were perceived in certain places.
The maps generated in Leap’s study (2009) frequently included “where I go to play” and
excluded places of work and residence, which the women in my study often indicated in order to
articulate its role in their perceptions of spaces.
The mapping exercise proved to be quite informative even if the maps created were not
geographical but rather abstract and symbolic. The construction and articulation of these maps
relate to each individual’s social history and life experiences. While some might question this
technique and its ability to represent everyday complexities in static, formalised representations,
the process of mapping provided rich narratives that were not bound by the fixity of the image.
The creation of the maps proved to be discursive, with revisions and changes or additions as the
respondent elaborated on her past or her current habits and activities. .
Subjectivities of space and sexualities
The normative regime which works to consolidate existing power relations, constructs
heterosexuality and homosexuality as opposing, different and unequal (Kleinhuber 2000; Kulick
2000). Terms such as “lesbian” and what it means within this context (subjectivity) might not be
31
what the women participating in this study would use to describe themselves (identity). They
have claimed “lesbian”, “bisexual”, “pansexual”, even “fluid”, as the terms that best describe
them2. N’Dare, for instance, claimed she was “pansexual”, attracted to individuals who identify
as male or female, but also to people who do not fall into the gender binary, such as intersex,
third-gender, androgynous, transsexual, or the many other sexual and gender identities. Jean,
Raven and Emma, all identify themselves as “lesbian”, claiming that they always had exclusive
attraction to women
N’Dare: Safety as subjective and along a continuum
N’Dare’s map (Figure 1, below) is an illustration of how she relates to the spaces around her.
Her anxiety, even in “private” spaces, like her bedroom, is reflected in the map. For example,
lying in bed on the phone with a girlfriend, totally comfortable and relaxed, but her mom
unexpectedly opens the door and walks in, pausing to look at her and immediately walks back
out. N’Dare suggests this made her afraid: what did she hear? Does mom know it’s this girl?
How would she feel about it? How will she react? For most people, their bedroom represents a
haven, a personal and intimate space. But for N’Dare, the very public consequences of what
happens in her bedroom, makes it a space where she feels uncomfortable to be herself.
Figure 1: N'Dare's Map
Her map illustrated the subjectivity of safety and its existence along a continuum, rather than a
binary of safe versus unsafe. While her drawing shows safe and unsafe through “Whichever my
brain tells me”, what she describes points to every space having equal potential to be threatening
to varying degrees: such as those which present an immediate threat; situations where one should
be cautious; or an all-clear where one feels comfortable to be themselves.
32
N’Dare suggests she is perceived a particular way in these contexts and so is treated in a
particular way. How she feels in that context, in that instance, depends on a number of different
factors: people present, act/event happening, interactions occurring, the setting itself, who she is
with, how she is dressed, how she is being perceived and how others are reacting to her. The
places highlighted in the map are meant to illustrate this. For instance, she is only comfortable
going to LGBT clubs with groups of friends, so that she is not there alone and is not pinpointed
as LGBT.
N’Dare lives in a predominantly Afro-Trinidad, semi-urban, working-class area along the EastWest Corridor. The area has a high military enrollment. The military is hypermasculinised (Lutz
2002; Armitage 2003; Das 2001) which when coupled with working class ideas about sexuality
produces intolerance and hostility towards non-hetero-sexualities (Chevannes 2002; Hope 2010;
Dunphy 2000). The social deprivation and lack of power and resources of black working-class
men inhibits their ability to assert their masculinity, so their “sexuality and ability to sexually
conquer and dominate women” is used instead (Hope 2001:5 in Kempadoo 2003:76, Hope
2010). Within the Afro-Trinidadian working-class culture, notions of heterosexuality and a
man’s control of his woman are upheld.
The reactions N’Dare received while in her last relationship with a soldier from the same
neighbourhood reflect the caution and discomfort they felt being in a military area:
Before [ex-girlfriend] and I started limin’, already rumours started in the area. People
used to ask if we were together because she used to spend a lot of time at my house. Even
the downstairs neighbour start askin my friends them if I gay and they deny it, cuz at that
time, no one knew anything, but plenty people know her and know me. I didn’t even
know at that time that I was attracted to women. When we started really dating each
other, we didn’t come out. Is not like we could have, because [ex-girlfriend] is in the
military and they very strict about that kind of thing. We went to a few get-togethers that
the military had, with two male friends, as though we going as two straight couples. But
as the night continue and the alcohol start getting to yuh head it was harder to control
ourselves. So we were dancing together and hugging up and getting really close to each
other and people came and asked us to stop it. It was obvious that we were more than
friends.
N’dare indicated that, although the couple kept their relationship hidden and private, rumours of
its occurrence were enough to breach the accepted societal norms, resulting in their rejection and
ridicule. As this relationship became more visible, people in the neighborhood became more
openly rude to her. For example, a taxi driver, while passing in front of her house, told
passengers, “Oh, this girl who live here… she gay”, creating a spectacle of her sexuality and
private life. Strangers began to recognise her as the rumours of her became more rampant in the
village. The couple struggled with privacy and often felt as though they were being scrutinised.
For N’Dare, the reaction of men to finding out about her was as appalling as it was
uncomfortable.
…it become a kind of validation for why I wasn’t interested in them (the men), but others
get angry with me that I was gay, like that was an insult to them and their manliness.
33
This other guy was turned on by the idea of me and other women and wanted to watch.
He asked if I would let him come and watch us.
According to Chevannes (2002), within Afro-Caribbean culture, there is a symbolic
understanding of male and female, represented by sun and moon respectively, ruler of day and
night, seen and unseen, public and private, which renders one sex as public and one as private.
Public spaces are deemed man’s space (sex) and embody hegemonic masculinity (gender). This
often means that subordinated sexes and gender groups, including non-heterosexuals, “feel like
outsiders to the space itself and to heterosexual culture” (Roscoe 1996:204 in Kleinhuber 2000).
The proper place for expressions of desire some suggest, particularly homosexual desire, is in the
feminised “private” sphere (Brown 2001; Chevannes 2002). Chevannes (2002) points to the need
for non-heterosexuals to suppress public displays of sexuality in order to live peacefully among
heterosexual communities. This is also tied up with notions of respectability and reputation
which play a huge role in Caribbean societies.
As can be seen from the map, N’Dare prefers to use Facebook anonymously especially to post
gay themed ideas or images.
“I used to put up profile pics and cover pics that had homosexual couples or somewhat
erotic same sex scenes, like couples in embraces or kissing or in suggestive positions,
without anyone saying anything at first. But then people start asking me to take it off and
change it. The only way I will post anything like that now is in a group with closed
privacy settings. There are many groups I want to join but it will come up on my feed and
on my profile and I don’t want people to see it, so that I don’t have to hear anything ‘bout
it.”
She was surprised that the people she worked with were irked by her posts. Being an actress and
dancer, she is popular among Arts circles. She once posed for a picture at the Photobooth Exhibit
at Erotic Art Week in 2011, where she was squatting in only her underwear over another half
dressed girl lying flat on her back. The picture was posted on Facebook and N’Dare was tagged
in it.
“I have rell high-class people on my account, many public figures and prominent people
in the Arts, and people who would never think to be homophobic or even blink an eye at
something like this, started calling and messaging me to take it off. They even asked what
would possess me to take a picture like that, and to pose in such a provocative way. They
said they were ashamed of it being there, ashamed for me. I really expected them to be
open-minded, knowing the amount of queer people are involved in the Arts. But this, I
never expected.”
Raven: Paranoia and trauma
Like an interloper ducking behind the rose bush in your front yard, trying to “maco” (eavesdrop)
what’s happening inside your house, so too the ‘Fakester’ (as called by boyd and Eddison 2007)
or fake profile, as it is commonly referred to, is lurking, hovering over your posts, journeying
through your timeline, prowling your friend list, just awaiting the momentarily forgotten privacy
setting (or indiscriminate ‘tag’) to let slip a salient bit of your life.
34
Raven’s online Facebook usage is plagued by the ever persistent threat of a fake profile. It took
her a year to reply to my hello, even though she did accept my friend request. A year later she
messaged on Facebook to say:
“Hey. I'm not sure if I saw you in UWI some time ago, but the person looked a whole lot
like you... I kinda thought u were not real until I saw your name somewhere… I didn't
think you were real because your profile pic looked surreal, and that was around the time
when there were random people with fake profiles all over the place.”
She explained that she thought my profile and my request to get participants for a study were
part of a ploy to get into the secret lives of lesbians. She thought I was the interloper. In creating
a profile, one can type oneself into being and become whoever he or she wishes to be, and create
lives and stories for themselves, even fictionalised ones.
This fear, though it might seem irrational and tedious, made sense to Raven. She had been the
victim of fake profiles and slanderous comments which made her cautious of all newcomers and
users that she did not know personally in the offline world. While social networking sites have
allowed individuals to meet strangers, it is also used to strengthen latent ties with people who are
already a part of their extended social network and with whom they share an offline relationship
(boyd and Ellison 2007). Raven’s friends were mainly persons who she knew from school,
lecturers and colleagues, as well as family members. For this reason she was cautious about who
can post to her wall and what access they had to her profile.
Her anxieties and distrust were not just limited to virtual space, but are a part of her everyday
life. She fears that knowledge of her sexual orientation would result in ridicule, taunts, and
discomforting glares, to be pointed out and singled out as different, and to be treated differently.
She manages her wall to ensure that the posts there do not reveal too much about her personal
life. She “doesn’t want to draw attention to herself” at least not for this reason, as she fears the
potential backlash from colleagues, peers and faculty.
MAP ON NEXT PAGE
35
Figure 2: Raven's Map
Raven felt the mapping exercise to be challenging for her to produce saying that she doesn’t
know what to put in because she, like N’Dare, “doesn’t feel safe anywhere”. The map above is
what she produced. It reflects the fears she have about her surroundings: each space represented
on the map had the potential for betrayal, rejection and aggression.. She indicates Lavantille as
an unsafe space “for obvious reasons” referring to gang crime and the stigma attached to the
area. She used to live in the Mayaro – Rio Claro area, and worked in the area. She was
comfortable there despite living with an abusive girlfriend. If the need arose, they presented
themselves as roommates.
While she attends and works at University of the West Indies (U.W.I.), St Augustine campus, she
does not feel safe on the campus and is always cautious of an impending altercation from any
backlash if peers knew about her sexuality. The only places where she feels relatively safe is in
her home village and the nearby town of Sangre Grande. But the ways in which she speaks about
“home”, depict a very tumultuous relationship, and a distrust which she acknowledges to be the
basis for her fears in social interactions.
When asked about her experiences and if she had been ridiculed or mistreated because of her
sexual orientation, Raven’s descriptions were all linked to her family. Raven came out to her
family by age 17, and was expelled from the home and told that her choice was unnatural:
Well they talked about it being unnatural and how it’s not normal. And my father once
asked who was the man and who was the woman in the relationship. My brother went
telling everyone I was a lesbian.
36
She talked about confiding in her cousin:
My cousin, I told him I was gay. And I thought since he lived Canada for a long time he
would be cool with it. He was a lot older than me. He told me I needed a good dick up
my nanny. I laughed it off. I honestly wasn't thinking til he asked me hypothetically,
would I suck his dick for $12,000. And I told him no. No one believed me when I said
that [he] was a nasty person until he moved rell stink with other women, then everyone
believed me.
After the death of her father, she was reintegrated into the home with her girlfriend who became
accepted into the family:
In any event, my mother eventually accepted me because of [ex-girlfriend]. She was there
when my dad died and she stayed. Mom saw her literally like another daughter despite
the fact she used to beat me… …My mom eventually stopped telling me about how much
she liked [ex-girlfriend].
The ex-girlfriend has since moved out and Raven now lives with her mother and siblings,
including a brother who has been verbally and physically abusive to his girlfriends and other
family members. She still experiences harsh comments and treatment, particularly from him. As
adolescents, he used to molest Raven and her sister, and now berates and hits them when the
mood strikes him. He is quick to temper and often drunk. Her history with her brother and father
was traumatising for her. She links her habits of self-harm and dishonesty to her desire for
attention for her problems and the psychological trauma she believes she has undergone and still
is subject to. She mentions an incident when she was 8 years old, and woke up with a pain in her
vagina:
I remember it hurt when I was peeing. And seeing the blood on my underwear… But at
age 8, I think I actually was raped, but then no one would believe me… I was diagnosed
as being manic depressive after the rape thing, by a psychiatrist. He prescribed anti
depressants and I felt ill. All of this was when I was 16. I was 16 when I put the scars on
my arm. I used to cut a lot.
Her cycle of self harm did not stop there, even including abuse of insulin injections and pain
killers. Being in a physically abusive relationship took its toll on her mental and physical health:
I overdosed all the time on painkillers. I wanted to die. Some days I still do, I just never
admitted it to anyone til now. How many days I dream of dying in an accident, because
my life is still too messed up for words… Because I still have zero faith in myself. [Exgirlfriend] told me I was so fat and ugly that nobody would want me. I have nobody
really to talk to because I found out my best friend of 6 yrs went telling people I'm a
lesbian. I kind of hate that word so much.
Although hesitantly, she still referred to herself by saying, “I guess I’m a lesbian”. She hates the
word as it had been used to define her, as defamatory, as an insult. She is wary of how she
dresses, walks, speaks, who she associates with, and is open to, both in real life and online,
because she is constantly on guard against being perceived as butch, ‘a dyke’ or ‘gay’ – different,
37
outcast, unwanted, perverted, hypersexual, abomination, unnatural – and the resulting ways in
which ‘the gay’ will be treated.
All of the above describes events which have shaken Raven’s confidence to the point where she
feels as though anyone she trusts will betray her. If the persons with whom she should share a
most intimate bond were not there for her, she wondered how strangers would react to her and
treat her. Her everyday anxieties were reflected in the challenge she faced to delineate safe
space.
Jean: Performing gender
Figure 3: Jean's Map
Jean, 34, holds a supervisory position at a large regional company and works mainly in an
outskirt of Port of Spain. Jean considers herself to be ‘butch’, dressing in jeans and t-shirts,
usually without make-up and a short bob haircut. She is attracted to ‘femme’ women, meaning
those who usually adhere to feminine gender norms of appearance, wearing close fitting
clothing, makeup and accessories3. Her most recent girlfriend worked in the same building as
she and for the same company. They were publicly a couple, in spite of defamatory comments
circulating about them in the office. “Town”, as Port of Spain is often referred to, became a
38
refuge for them. They were comfortable going to the mall together, to various eating places and
night clubs, for example West Mall and Stumblin’, as indicated on the map. She is aware of how
her butch appearance is being read but claims that she is at that point in her life where it does not
matter to her what people think so is comfortable being seen cuddling with her femme partner.
She cannot deny however, that public opinion and thought often translate into unwelcome
behaviours, which she reflects in her map (Figure 3) by marking certain terrain as “Prefer not to
lime”, designating them as unsafe.
San Fernando and the surrounding areas are clearly marked as “Prefer not to lime”. She narrated
a number of incidents that took place in south Trinidad which has lead to her rejection of it as an
accepting place. Twice, while on dates with women in the area, men attempted to “pips on” her
girlfriend. In another instance, while getting food on The Cross with a girl, they were gawked at.
A third experience, which she found to contradict the good Christian values that our society
seemingly strives to uphold, involved going to a guest house with a woman – referring to the
acceptability of adultery or ‘horning’ and pre-marital heterosexual intercourse in Trinidadian
society. Upon checking out, her femme girlfriend walked straight past the receptionist’s door to
wait in the car while Jean returned the room key. The woman at the counter said “Ent is a woman
who jus pass dey? Doh come back here with that shit!” [Wasn’t that a woman who just passed
over there? Don’t come back here with that!] To which she replied, “I doh know what you talkin’
‘bout” and left. All of these experiences act to delegitimise Jean’s relationships by ignoring it,
being blind to it or by actively denouncing her relationships.
A factor in creating safe space for her was the presence of friends. When she was around people
she knew, or places that were familiar to them, it fostered a sense of safety. The squares all
represent places that she frequents because she knows someone who lives in that area and who
provides a safe place for her and her friends to lime. She also used a square to depict U.W.I. and
the nearby bars where she feels safe to lime. The stars represent public places that she frequents.
Nature spots like beaches and hiking are in grey. Mayaro, for instance, was not a place where she
felt threatened. She mentioned particular bars in the area that are friendly and open to lesbian
couples.
She felt as though her butch appearance made her visible as a lesbian, as she transgressed the
societal rules for “right femininity”, but claimed that with aging she has come to accept herself
and her rights, and is not afraid of what people think of her. Jean is not as concerned as other
respondents about presenting the socially approved image of femininity and does not feel that it
makes her any less of a woman. Her androgynous body provides some space for her to be
flexible with her appearance.
Jean is ambivalent about her East Indian heritage. On the one hand, she is knowledgeable of her
history, finding a measure of comfort in knowing her past. But on the other hand, she finds
people of East Indian descent to be hostile and intolerant. Jean observes that these East Indian
communities – referred to as “coolie-villes”, a derogatory reference to East Indian indentured
workers who carried loads on the head and engaged in manual labour – are particularly intolerant
and linked them to the cultural retention of patriarchal ideals and the emphasis placed on women
being the property of her husband, or being subjugated to a man’s will at all points during her
39
life, be it father, husband, or son. Lesbians defy this power configuration and are vulnerable to
disrespect, ridicule and aggression.
It’s really [ex-girlfriend] who first used said it [“coolie-ville”] to me. She heard someone
use it to refer to Chaguanas. (rolls eyes) That’s where I live. Anyway, it applies to places
like […]. I don’t like to go there because of how people, men and women, watch us and
the kind of comments they will make, especially when they drunk. Indian men take it
personally that we not interested in them. And [ex-girlfriend] was a nice ‘reds’, so the
inter-racial thing was another problem for them.
While liming there, they would receive the stares, comments, and blatant disrespect as men
would make sexual comments and advances. Jean did not identify “coolie-villes” on the map but
listed a few places that she considered as such and which she prefers to avoid.
Emma: An “outsider’s” view
On the other hand, being of Scottish Caucasian descent, Emma felt that she was not being held to
the standards that Trinidadian women are held to because she is not seen as being a Trinidadian
woman. It is already assumed that she does not belong, so she is not expected to perform
femininity like a Trinidadian woman is expected to. The features of her body – particularly the
colour of her skin – marked her as different from what the “typical Trinidadian female body” is,
and so what that body represents. She felt as though she was always being seen and treated as an
outsider to Trini culture and hence, Trini patriarchy.
Non-normative persons and bodies are seen as outside/outcast within any given culture.
And I feel as though my race and my skin colour make me less normative. People in my
area tend to think that women are Indo or Afro-Trinidadian, but not typically white. My
special-ness excludes me from the everyday norms and expectations that people have.
This raises questions about this typical Trini woman and how she came to be typical. What then
is atypical? While one cannot construct an image of the typical woman, based on what Emma
and the others are saying, there exists a notion of what a Trini ideal woman looks like and act
like. There is an accepted norm and idea of the female body and how femininity should be
enacted, but also perhaps as Emma is suggesting a kind of ethnic belonging to the Nation.
Emma’s map below shows how she perceives the spaces in which she inhabits. When asked
about the configuration of the map, Emma explains that she likes to be neat so drew the map in a
systematic way, with each region being bounded and separated. Each enclosed block represents a
certain set of behaviours, ideas, attitudes, and values, particular ways of interacting with that
space. It shows her unique perception of the spaces in which she operates and the subjectivity of
her experiences.
40
Figure 4: Emma's concept of spaces
Emma is “out” to her immediate family and some extended family and friends especially at
UWI. She doesn’t like to be touched, and came out when one of her younger sisters asked,
“What would happen when you get a boyfriend?” She figured the time was right. Her sisters are
accepting without question, although the elder of the two believes it is a choice. She is quiet at
home about her sexuality and never took a girlfriend home, especially due to the young age of
her siblings (13 and 11 years old, respectively). She is unsure of how it will affect them, how
they will react and if at all things might change at home. Over the July-August vacation of 2012
between academic years, Emma worked her first job as an intern. She felt very welcome there,
with an openly gay supervisor as well as gay interns, describing the space as “very friendly”.
Among her peer group, Emma feels understood. As most of her friends are gay, she feels as
though they “get it”, referring to the experience of being different and seen as an outcast.
While she feels accepted as described in the above snippets, she does not want to flaunt her
sexuality and disrespect the beliefs of her mother and others. “Private” spaces, as marked on the
map – her parents’ and friends’ homes – were ones where she was more cautious and mindful of
her behaviours and more attuned to how others would react to her. In “public” spaces – U.W.I. or
liming spots in Town like Studio – Emma was less anxious about her gender expression and
sexuality respectively, and the possible interpretations and reactions to her. She was comfortable
to be herself and never felt pressure to conform to Trindadian gender norms. This suggets that
the pressure she feels is excluded from public life still has hold in these private, even intimate,
41
spaces. She feels as though she competes with the religious knowledge of her friends and family,
saying that she “goes quietly to church” with her mother who is a Catholic, so as not to
disrespect her, yet understanding that it affects her ability to fully express herself [Emma].
Concluding thoughts
Using anecdotes and maps, I hoped to illustrate some of the experiences of women in my study.
On account of their sexual orientation and/or their gender expression they recounted being called
mannish, unnatural, abominations, and more. They highlighted the events that shaped their
subjectivities and identities and how they adapt in various spaces.
We saw how power relations and knowledge can function to shape the identities of this small
group of women and how those identities can be used to exclude them or to form a new
community. My on-going research will continue to investigate landscapes of resistance and
power lived by Trinidadian lesbians.
While there are dominant social orderings of space, and legal systems to uphold that ordering,
other, less hegemonic, less dominant subaltern social productions or re-interpretations of space
can emerge in tandem with dominant spaces and can be directly superimposed on the hegemonic
landscape of power, even challenging notions of heteronormativity, citizenship and belonging.
Author Bio: Krystal Ghisyawan, from San Fernando, Trinidad, attended York University,
Toronto, Canada (2007-2011) graduating Summa Cum Laude with Double Honours B.A. in
Anthropology and South Asian Studies. She is currently pursuing an MPhil in Sociology at
University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Campus, focusing on non-normative sexualities.
Her other research interests include children’s rights and protections, and gender in religion,
particularly Hinduism and Islam.
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Heteronormativity is the assumption that there are naturally two opposite and complementary gender categories,
masculine and feminine, and sex categories, male and female, which naturally belong together and attract each
other. Society is organised in such a way that its structures and institutions reinforce these ideas of compulsory
heterosexuality.
1
Sexuality versus sexual identity: these are symbolic but not necessarily empirical categories. Adrienne Rich (1983)
believes that all women fall along the lesbian continuum, which includes women-identified experiences including
women’s choice of women as passionate comrades, life partners, co-workers, lovers, and community, looking at
flexibility in interactions.
2
Terms used in usage by gay and lesbians cannot simply be seen as grounded in gay and lesbian identities, but as
having multitudinous meanings and codes. ‘Butch’ does not simply refer to particular appearance, but a number of
gendered acts that are embodied to varying degrees. This comparison of ‘butch’ to ‘femme’ does not exist in a
binary but along a continuum.
3
44
THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE HEARTS AND MINDS
PROGRAMME AS A COMPONENT OF HOT SPOT POLICING
ON COMMUNITIES IN LAVENTILLE, TRINIDAD AND
TOBAGO
Wendell C. Wallace
[email protected]
Criminology Unit, Department of Behavioural Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of
Anthony Braga notes that policing of hot spots has become a very popular way for police
departments to prevent crime. This has impacted policing in Trinidad and Tobago as
police resources are disproportionately expended to police in the Laventille district via
increased patrols, sustained investigations on repeat offenders and arrests. The study
assessed the social impacts of the Hearts and Minds programme as a component of hot
spot policing on residents in Laventille, Trinidad and Tobago. The research was
conducted via survey questionnaires to randomly selected personnel of the Inter-Agency
Task Force of the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service as well as unstructured interviews
and survey questionnaires to randomly selected Laventille residents. The findings
indicated that a large number of individuals were unaware of the programme; however,
those who were aware of its operations have become more accepting of the police, have
seen positive social benefits of the programme and support the programme.
Keywords: Social impact, Hearts and Minds programme, hot spot policing, communities,
Laventille, Trinidad and Tobago
Introduction
“The appeal of focusing limited resources on a small number of high-activity crime
places is straightforward. If we can prevent crime at hot spot locations, then we might be
able to reduce total crime” (Braga 2008:9).
Globally, researchers have focused almost exclusively on the negative aspects of policing (Band
and Manuelle 1987; Greller, Parsons and Mitchell 1992). This focus of researchers on the
negative aspects of policing has been conducted in the context of members of the media also
consistently highlighting the negative aspects of policing in the media. Importantly, not all
aspects of police work and police conduct are negative and there is some positivity associated
with policing, yet they remain unreported or under-reported. Storm and Rothman (2003:62-63)
submit “it is therefore also necessary to study police work in a positive way.” This research on
the Hearts and Minds programme indirectly attempts to report on the positive aspects of policing
in Trinidad and Tobago by examining the social impacts of the Hearts and Minds programme on
community residents in Laventille, a geographical location which was deemed a ‘hot spot’ of
crime by the political executive in the island in August 2011.
45
The Hearts and Minds programme is a social development approach to crime prevention which
was designed and implemented by members of the Inter-Agency Task Force (IATF) of the
Trinidad and Tobago Police Service (TTPS) in 2004. It is of critical importance that the impacts
of the programme are assessed from the policy perspective if the programme is to be enhanced,
expanded, modified or used as a model of crime prevention in similar ‘hot spot’ areas in Trinidad
and Tobago. Quite notably, there can be a wide range of impacts of policies and intervention
strategies on communities wherever they are implemented, inclusive of economic, psychological
and social impacts. However, far too often these impacts are not empirically tested before being
mechanically transferred and implemented in other areas. Therefore, the major objective of this
study is to examine and report on the social impacts of the Hearts and Minds programme (a
social development approach to crime prevention) on residents in the ‘hot spot’ community of
Laventille.
Capobianco (2005:15) notes that “internationally, there is strong support for holistic, social
development approaches to crime prevention.” Instructively, “this approach to crime prevention
recognises the complex social, economic, and cultural processes which contribute to crime and
victimisation. It focuses on reducing risk factors including: poor living conditions, poverty and
unemployment, poor parenting, school dropout, and substance abuse by strengthening the range
of personal, social, health and economic factors which protect families, children and young
people from becoming involved in crime and victimisation” (Capobianco 2005:15). Importantly,
this approach does not operate in isolation (see Capobianco 2005) and might not always utilise
the ‘hard’ or a strict law enforcement approach, but often includes pro-active social prevention
aspects with a variety of initiatives inclusive of heightened levels of patrols, increased arrests and
focussed investigations in hot spot communities. This social prevention aspect was evident in the
approach which was utilised by the members of Inter-Agency Task Force (IATF) of the TTPS
who were mandated to police ‘hot spot’ communities in Laventille, Trinidad and Tobago as they
created the ‘Hearts and Minds’ programme as a component of their law enforcement duties.
Eck et al. (2005:8), submit that “the common understanding is that a hot spot is an area that has a
greater than average number of criminal or disorder events, or an area where people have a
higher than average risk of victimisation.” Sherman (1995:36) notes that hot spots are “small
places in which the occurrence of crime is so frequent that it is highly predictable, at least over a
one year period”, while for the U.S. Department of Justice, a hot spot is an area that has a greater
than average number of criminal or disorder events, or an area where people have a higher than
average risk of victimisation (Eck et al.2005). Hot spot policing is viewed as a geographically
focused policing strategy intended to reduce violent crime in high-crime areas. Generally, hot
spots policing focuses on increased patrols, sustained investigations on repeat offenders and
arrests. Braga (2008:6) notes that “the traditional police response to such trouble spots typically
included heightened levels of patrol and increased opportunistic arrests and investigations.” Hot
spots policing also includes interventions which are aimed at police “engagement of the public”
(Braga 2007:7). In this paper, Laventille is operationalised as an area of concentrated crime,
where such public engagement has occurred.
46
Background
In many Trinidad and Tobagonian societies there is a subtle and perhaps prevalent thought that
police work only entails the investigation and prosecution of criminal offences; however, the role
of the police in today’s society involves a range of different tasks in which crime prevention
plays a central role. An examination of Sir Robert Peel’s nine principles of policing of 1829 is
important as the first principle is “the basic mission for which the police exist is to prevent crime
and disorder” (Lentz and Chaires 2007:69–79). Peel’s argument was that police officers were
duty bound to pro-actively prevent crime by being involved in the social and moral fabric of their
communities. Peel also sought to strengthen his argument when he stated ‘police officers should
maintain a relationship with the public’. Therefore, apart from being law enforcers, in many
instances, police officers also perform roles akin to social workers, marriage counsellors,
educators, priests and parents in an attempt to prevent the commission of crimes (or further
crimes) or to discourage individuals from indulging in criminal behaviours. As such, policing has
an important social component and given that crime may be embedded within the social fabric of
a society, it is submitted that the police in Trinidad and Tobago cannot prevent crime using a
unilateral (hard, aggressive) approach.
An alternative perspective of some crime scholars and practitioners is that “police actions should
be focused on high-risk crime places rather than spread thinly across the urban landscape”
(Braga 2005:317-342). This perspective suggests that police can reduce crime by focusing their
limited resources on the small number of places that generate a majority of crime problems
(Sherman and Weisburd 1995; Eck and Weisburd 1995). Importantly, the police have long
recognised the importance of concentrating their enforcement efforts on high-activity crime areas
(Wilson 1967; Gay, Schell and Schack 1977) and it seems that it was in this context that the
Hearts and Minds programme was designed and implemented in Laventille, Trinidad and
Tobago.
To some skeptical individuals in Trinidad and Tobago, the Hearts and Minds programme is seen
as being ‘soft’ on crime as it does not follow the traditional detect and arrest approach to crime
reduction which they are accustomed to, but instead focuses on the social prevention aspect of
crime reduction. Additionally, the Hearts and Minds programme is viewed in this light mainly
because it is difficult to measure how many crimes were prevented and because the programme
does not lead to larger numbers of offenders being prosecuted and convicted, or to visible
improvements in the clearance rate (see Weisburd et al. 2010:5). Pro-active crime prevention
initiatives such as the Hearts and Minds programme, however, have the propensity not only to
prevent or reduce crime, but also to improve the social efficacy of communities even when done
as part of a larger policing initiative, for example, hot spot policing. Instructively, Idriss et al.
(2010:2) submit “crime prevention extends beyond the absence of crime to the improvement of
the quality of life.” Therefore, the improvement of the quality of life in Laventille communities
is a vital aspect of policing in Trinidad and Tobago, as the harmful effects of crime spreads
beyond the communities of Laventille.
47
Literature review
No society is free from crime and it is to be accepted that “crime is an ever-present condition,
even as sickness, disease, and death” (Tannenbaum 1943:2 as cited in Teeters 1995:63). Crime
and deviance may be concentrated in one community (hot spots) (Pierce et al. 1988; Sherman et
al. 1989; Weisburd et al. 1992), however, even within those small places; crime may cluster at a
few discrete locations, whilst other areas may be relatively crime free (Sherman et al. 1989). The
distribution of crime therefore varies in time and space and even within neighbourhoods.
Researchers Hawley (1944, 1950), Shaw and McKay (1942) and Werthman and Piliavin (1967)
noted that this phenomenon (hot spots) is not of recent origin, as it has existed for a long while.
Sherman and Weisburd (1995), Weisburd and Green (1995) and Braga (2008) point out that
many crime problems can be reduced more efficiently if police officers focus their attention to
these deviant spots. The end result of research by Braga (2008) and others is that “hot spots
policing has become a very popular way for police departments to prevent crime” (Braga 2008:
6). Indeed, the phenomenon of ‘hot spot’ policing has not escaped the attention of members of
the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service (TTPS) as they began using this approach in a consistent
manner from 2004 onwards in certain areas where crime seemed disproportionately
concentrated. One such area is the Laventille district and in declaring a limited State of
Emergency to deal with the high rate of crime in the island in August 2011, the political
executive in Trinidad and Tobago officially deemed Laventille a ‘hot spot’.
Hot spot policing is a key component of preventative policing. However, Weisburd et al.
(2010:5) noted “the work of crime prevention, is sometimes neglected, not least because it leads
neither to larger numbers of offenders being prosecuted and convicted, nor to any visible
improvements in the clearance rate. However, the police’s crime prevention role is important
from the perspective of both crime victims and the cost of crime to society.” Continuing, the
authors posit “more effective crime prevention work on the part of the police would mean fewer
crime victims and would also greatly reduce the social costs of crime.” In the context of crime in
Trinidad and Tobago, effective crime prevention programmes may reduce the victimisation level
and assist in the reduction of the social costs associated with the commission of crime.
Instructively, crimes usually vary in their typology and methods of commission and most crimes
are the result of different risk factors such as gang membership, family problems, residing in
socially disorganised communities, social and economic marginalisation and poverty. The
variation in the typologies and methods of crime commission calls for a multi-disciplinary
approach to re-engineer the mindset of individuals who are involved in criminal activities. In
seeking to re-engineer the mindset of these individuals in ‘hot spot’ communities, some of these
risk factors can be addressed by a number of crime prevention initiatives inclusive of focused
police interventions, such as increased patrols, attention to repeat offenders and proactive arrests,
but may also include activities targeting the most vulnerable individuals via social development
approaches to crime prevention.
Hot spot policing is premised on two separate, yet inter-related concepts. The first concept
entails the use of computer systems and software packages to “electronically map the
commission of crimes” (crime mapping) in particular areas (Battin 2009:36). Electronic crime
mapping is relatively recent in the Criminological landscape and according to Weisburd et al.
48
(2011:299) “it was not until the late 1980s that technological advances allowed scholars to
illustrate just how extremely concentrated crime was in very small geographic areas.” The
second concept is the identification of criminal hot spots via the data emanating from the first
concept (crime mapping). The identification of these hot spots then allows for ‘focussed police
interventions’ such as directed patrols, increased attention to repeat offenders and increased
arrests at the location(s). This involves “an abrupt increase in police activity, especially proactive
enforcement, which is intended to increase dramatically the perceived and/or actual threat of
apprehension for specific types of offenses in certain places or situations and so to produce a
general deterrent effect” (Worden et al. 1994:95). A social development approach to crime
prevention is often included as a component of hot spot policing in an attempt to prevent crimes
from occurring at these hot spots of criminal activities.
There is growing consensus over the effectiveness of hot spots policing approaches (aggressive
and non-aggressive policing tactics similar to the Hearts and Minds programme) in combating
crime and disorder; however, the tactic is not without its critics as authors Reppetto (1976),
Caulkins (1992) and (Eck 1993) have suggested that ‘hot spot’ policing causes displacement of
crime to surrounding catchment areas. An additional criticism is that there is the potential for
increased police presence and activities in small crime hot spots to have collateral consequences
such as increased fear of crime, and decreased collective efficacy and police legitimacy for
residents living in these areas. Other researchers have expressed concern that hot spots tactics
risk increasing fear of crime and eroding police-community relations (Kochel 2011, Rosenbaum,
2006). Further, Battin (2009) posits that although hot spot policing is potentially an effective
policing technique, there has been inadequate research used to understand its successes.
In spite of the postulations by Caulkins (1992), Rosenbaum (2006), Battin (2009) and Kochel
(2011) research has shown that identifying and formulating a strategic response to hot spots can
reduce crime in both the hot spot and surrounding areas. For example, Eck (1993), Clarke and
Weisburd (1994) and Hesseling (1994), in evaluations of hot spots policing found evidence in
support of the notion that crime strategies which focus on specific areas of high crime do not
inevitably lead to the displacement of crime. Other evaluations of hot spot policing suggest that
there are crime prevention benefits which are garnered from hot spots policing such as the
reduction effect in both crime and disorder reported (Skogan and Frydl 2004; Braga 2007) as
well as significant reductions in total calls for service (Braga et al. 1999). Research by Weisburd
and Mazerolle (2000) showed that crime can drop substantially in small hot spots without rising
in other areas and that the introduction of crime-prevention strategies in small, high-crime areas
often created a ‘diffusion of benefits’ to nearby areas, reducing crime in the immediate
catchment zone around the target area. Support for this approach to policing can be found in the
postulations of Skogan and Frydl (2004:240) who submit that there is “strong empirical support
for the hot spots policing approach” to crime prevention. The efforts of the Inter-Agency Task
Force in the Laventille area will be examined in this context.
The Inter-Agency Task Force (IATF)
The IATF is a specialised unit within the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service (TTPS) which is
mandated to patrol the streets in the volatile areas of East Port-of-Spain and Laventille, ‘the
districts which have recorded the most murders in Trinidad and Tobago in the past ten years’
49
(2002 to 2012) (CAPA 2013). The agency was formed on March 1st, 2004 to deal with violent
and firearm-related crimes. The focus of the work of IATF personnel in the Laventille district
were 24 hour foot and mobile patrols, and the execution of search warrants aimed at reducing the
high incidence of homicides, firearm related offences, and gang related activities. In the pursuit
of their duties the officers quickly realised that there was a communication gap between
members of the police service and the public and began working hard to engage the community
in crime fighting techniques. The IATF personnel also recognised that there existed a high level
of discord as well as a visible distance between the Laventille residents and themselves and they
set about to repair the relationship.
In an effort to reduce the discord between the community residents and members of the IATF, a
decision was made to adopt an approach which supplemented the strict law enforcement
approach. It was this supplemental approach which birthed the ‘Hearts and Minds’ programme.
According to the initial creators of the programme, “it was geared to assist the traditionally
hostile communities of Laventille (towards the police) to view the police as friends, not as
adversaries, whilst aiming to bring warring elements of the Laventille communities together”
(IATF Annual Report 2012:4-6).
The ‘Hearts and Minds’ programme
In pursuit of their duties, members of the Inter Agency Task Force (IATF) began working with
residents of Laventille to expose them to several different initiatives aimed at improving
community relations. One such venture was the Hearts and Minds programme, whose motto is
‘Changing the Hearts and Minds to form better communities’. Initially, the Hearts and Minds
programme faced many challenges due to the varying cultures of residents in the various
Laventille communities, the rugged topography of the district, the prevalence of firearms as well
as the prevalence and reckless nature of gang members in the communities. When these factors
were combined with the reactive nature of policing in Trinidad and Tobago, the task of the IATF
personnel seemed insurmountable.
In 2008, the administration of the IATF changed its focus of policing from reactive to a more
pro-active approach and began pursuing the Hearts and Minds programme with new vigour. The
programme was introduced to the generally dysfunctional and crime plagued communities of St.
Barbs, Soogrim Trace, Pump Trace and Rock City in an attempt to control the ready market of
youths who were constantly being recruited by gang members as well as seeking to unite and, or
connect the previously divided communities in Laventille. Five teams of support officers,
comprised of four officers each from the IATF were formed to meet regularly with the local
residents, various pre-primary, secondary and technical schools as well as other stakeholders
within and external to the communities. The aim was to foster consistent and improved
relationships between the police and community residents and to restore the public’s trust and
confidence in the police in a Laventille area which has historically distrusted the police. The
result was a host of social, educational, sporting, religious and other activities aimed at bringing
the police closer to the Laventille communities via the Hearts and Minds programme whilst still
aggressively pursuing the goal of crime reduction.
50
Activities of the Hearts and Minds programme
Between March, 2004 and January, 2013, members of the IATF have hosted a number of events
and which included:
 Outreach programmes such as summer camps, sports and family days, health fairs and
Christmas treats.
 School visits to conduct lectures aimed at offering positive options for the youths of
Laventille and environs hard-hit by a recent spate of murders.
 Sponsoring/coordinating medical treatment for Laventille residents over a two-day period
from a team of missionary doctors from Atlanta, Georgia, USA.
 Sponsorship of Laventille youth Isaiah Price, 17, a student of Trinity College, Moka and
a footballer with the Clint Marcelle Football Academy to attend a football program in
Canada in August, 2012.
 Fund raising activities.
 Distribution of food hampers.
 Parenting programs.
 Community outreach meetings.
 School (primary, secondary and vocational) visits for the purposes of motivational
lectures, interventions with violence and attendance at Parent/Teacher meetings.
Theoretical Framework
In creating the Hearts and Minds programme as a crime reduction strategy in Laventille, the
founders might have knowingly or unknowingly utilised several criminological theories
including the routine activity theory, as part of their overall hot spot policing mandate. Braga and
Bond (2008:577–607) submits “the strategy (hot spots policing) is based on the idea that
combating violent crime is possible by focusing on hot spots of crime - specific locations where
violent crime is concentrated.” Braga and Bond (2008:577–607) also submits “this approach is
based on the routine activities theory of crime.” The routine activities theory of Cohen and
Felson (1979) is a leading theory of crime which is premised on the grounds that criminal events
result from a triangle of crime, namely; (1) the presence of a motivated offender, (2) the presence
of a suitable target, and (3) the absence of a capable guardian against crime. These three sides
converge non-randomly in time and space. Therefore, hot spot policing uses a geographical
approach to concentrate police attention in areas where violence is most likely to occur. In
focusing on these specific locations, the police are trying to remove one side of the triangle of
crime (the absence of a capable guardian) by having a continuous presence.
The hot spots approach to policing high crime areas has also been put forward by advocates of
the situational approach to crime prevention who submit, “if we can prevent crime at these high
crime places, then we might be able to reduce total crime” (Eck 1997:187). Situational crime
prevention refers to measures taken by the police to reduce the opportunities for, and potential
rewards of, crime committed in specific places. These measures focus on the nature of criminal
events and the settings within which they occur, rather than on the motivations and profiles of
offenders. Hence, this is a highly pragmatic approach, which “seeks not to eliminate criminal or
51
delinquent tendencies through improvement of society or its institutions, but merely to make
criminal actions less attractive to offenders” (Clarke 1997:2).
Another criminological theory which might have been used is the social disorganisation theory.
This theory suggests that the natural ability of people to control deviance in their neighbourhoods
is impaired in some areas by the constant residential turnover and net out-migration. These
constant changes can either disrupt social networks or prevent such networks from forming.
According to the supporters of the disorganisation theory, since these networks are responsible
for most social control in neighbourhoods, their absence leads to higher levels of deviance.
Conceptually, the constant presence of police officers in Laventille ‘should’ make the
communities safer for residents and reduce the constant residential turnover and net outmigration.
Social impacts and the importance of its measurement
It should be noted that there is no one definition of the term ‘social impact’. Social impact has
been defined as “the consequences to people of any proposed action that changes the way they
live, work, relate to one another, organise themselves and function as individuals and members
of society” (Sadler and McCabe 2002:464), whilst Vivek (2004:1) submits that “social impacts
are impacts of developmental interventions on human settlements.” ‘Social impact’ is
operationalised in this discourse as the effect of an activity on the social fabric of a community
(Laventille) and the well-being of individuals and their families within the community. Thus, the
term social impact refers to the changes that occurred for the people of Laventille as a result of
the activities of the Hearts and Minds programme.
At least 100,000 people, in 53 communities, reside in the Laventille area (IATF Annual Report
2012:4-6) which is disproportionately affected by high rates of crime. The population in the
district is largely of African descent with many of its residents having familial ties to other
Caribbean countries. For many, the Laventille district has become the focal point of debate on
crime control in Trinidad and Tobago (see No Time to Quit: Engaging Youth at Risk, Ryan et
al.: 2013). Therefore, the social impacts of the Hearts and Minds programme have the potential
to be immense and to extend over wide sections of Laventille. Importantly, the measurement of
the social impact is a very significant aspect of all programmes, whether public or private, and
the impact of policy programmes may manifest themselves in various forms. Additionally,
significant benefits may emanate from different policy programmes and there is a need to
identify and evaluate the eventual outcomes. According to Vivek (2004:1) “such impacts not
only need to be identified and measured but also need to be managed in such a way that the
positive externalities are magnified and the negative ones minimised.” Braga (2007:4) elucidated
that “given the growing popularity of hot spots policing, regular systematic reviews of the
empirical evidence on the effects of focused police interventions on crime hot spots are
necessary to assess the value of this approach to crime prevention.” It is therefore necessary to
measure the social impacts of the Hearts and Minds Programme on residents in Laventille
communities. However, consideration must be taken of the fact that social impact as a tool of
crime measurement is problematic when compared to the traditional methods of detection and
clearance rates.
52
Research on the social impact of interventions is predicated on the notion that these interventions
have social results and impacts. The social impacts includes social-psychological changes, such
as those to people’s values, attitudes and perceptions of themselves, their communities as well as
other individuals (internal or external to the community). It is therefore imperative that decision‐
makers (IATF officers and the political executive) understand the consequences of the
programme and how people are affected and also gain valuable insights in designing and
possibly expanding the programme. Instructively, when developmental and social policy
initiatives such as crime reduction are informed (or further informed) by assessing the social
impact of current or proposed programs, they assist in alleviating poverty, reducing crime, and
building ownership while minimising and compensating for potentially adverse social impacts of
crime.
The impact of intervention initiatives may be positive or negative, intended or unintended, or a
combination of all. Therefore, it is important to assess the Hearts and Minds programme by
measuring its social impacts in the communities where the programme was implemented. Sadler
and McCabe (2002: 464) noted “the main types of social impacts that occur can be grouped into
five overlapping categories.” These are:
1. lifestyle impacts – on the way people behave and relate to family, friends and cohorts on
a day-to-day basis;
2. cultural impacts – on shared customs, obligations, values, language, religious belief and
other elements which make a social or ethnic group distinct;
3. community impacts – on infrastructure, services, voluntary organisations, activity
networks and cohesion;
4. amenity/quality of life impacts – on sense of place, aesthetics and heritage, perception of
belonging, security and livability, and aspirations for the future; and
5. health impacts – on mental, physical and social well being, although these aspects are
also the subject of health impact assessment.
Based on the impacts alluded to by Sadler and McCabe (2002), the research aimed to: (i)
measure the lifestyle impacts; (ii) measure the community impacts; (iii) measure the
amenity/quality of life impacts programme and (iv) measure the health impacts of the Hearts and
Minds programme, on residents of Laventille.
Methodology and data analysis
The study employed a simple random sampling method which gathered data from IATF police
officers and residents of the Laventille district concerning the nature and functioning of the
Hearts and Minds programme. The researcher randomly distributed survey questionnaires to
residents in the Laventille district as well as at IATF bases so that each resident and IATF police
officer had an equal probability of selection. The research utilised both the qualitative and
quantitative approaches as unstructured interviews were conducted with community residents in
Laventille. The samples were evaluated separately for comparison. The quantitative data was
analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and the dot thematic mapping
technique was utilised to analyse the qualitative data. Using the dot thematic mapping technique,
53
each dot represents the presence of a feature or occurrence and displays a spatial pattern. Simple
percentages will be used to illustrate the findings of the study.
The research
The survey sought to assess the social impacts of the Hearts and Minds programme as a
component of hot spot policing on residents in various communities in Laventille, Trinidad and
Tobago. As the programme was created by personnel attached to the IATF (a unit of the TTPS),
the perspectives of personnel from the unit were sought via survey questionnaires. Additionally,
the thoughts of residents in various Laventille communities were solicited using survey
questionnaires and unstructured interviews as they were recipients of the initiatives of the
programme.
Protection of Human Subjects
The research was approved by the Criminology Unit of the University of the West Indies, St.
Augustine. The aspect of the research concerned with police officers received approval from the
Commissioner of Police. All subjects were informed through a letter attached to the front of the
questionnaire about the nature and goals of the research, their anonymity and confidentiality, and
their right not to participate.
Limitations and suggestions for future research
The study was hampered by two methodological issues which may negatively impact its wider
significance. First, there was a low response rate among respondents (in Laventille communities)
to the survey questionnaire. This however, must be understood and contextualised from the
philosophical context of the Laventille district being heavily criminogenic, with a pervasive fear
of ‘assisting the police’ as a by-product of the current environmental climate. This environmental
climate is one whereby conversations with strangers, no matter how innocent -looking are
frowned upon by the criminal elements in the community and often lead to death or serious
injury. There is a cultural dimension in many Laventille communities whereby persons who are
seemingly cooperative with the police or persons believed to be law enforcement agents are seen
as ‘informers’ and where death is a real consequence of such action. In many instances, the
researcher was informed by residents that they were willing, but afraid to accept and complete
the questionnaire as gangsters were looking at them as the questionnaires were handed out
randomly by the researcher in the presence of police officers. Thus, though there was random
selection of the survey participants, the response rates from the Laventille communities were low
(24% - unstructured interviews and 8% - survey questionnaires).
The second weakness of the study is related to the sampling method which was employed. The
respondents were randomly chosen from the single hot spot community of Laventille which is
comprised of many small villages. The questionnaires for the study were administered to some
citizens in locales where the Hearts and Minds programme was more popular and entrenched
than in other communities where it had just begun. For this reason, it was difficult to evaluate
whether participants responses differed significantly from the entrenched areas versus those in
54
the non-entrenched areas. As such, caution must be exercised in making wide ranging
generalisations from the research as the findings may not necessarily be generalisable to all ‘hot
spot’ communities in Trinidad and Tobago. Future research should utilise a larger sample size
keeping in mind the reluctance of most Laventille residents to communicate with strangers. In
spite of the limitations, the findings of the study are nevertheless a valuable tool of evaluation for
the police officers who manage the programme as well as local policy makers who may have a
desire to expand the programme.
Results
The interviews were aimed at determining the level of knowledge of Laventille residents in
respect to the Hearts and Minds programme as well as its social impacts. Of the one hundred
residents in the Laventille district who were randomly approached over a four month period as
potential respondents to the answer questions via unstructured interviews, only twenty-four
(n=24) persons (24%) agreed to participate in the study. Thirty-two Laventille residents
responded (n=32), (8% response rate) to the randomly distributed questionnaires. With regards
to the demographics of the respondents to the randomly distributed questionnaires, there was a
50% response by males and a 50% response by females. 63% of the respondents were of African
descent, 25% were of Indian descent, 6% were mixed and 6% did not indicate their ethnicity. In
terms of the age of the respondents, the age of the male respondents ranged from 24-49, while
females ranged from 19-56. Approximately 70% of the respondents resided in the Laventille
district for fifteen years or more, 15% for more than five, but less than fifteen years and 15% for
less than one year. In terms of education, 25% of the respondents were educated up to the
primary school level, 13% up to secondary school, 43% held undergraduate qualifications and
9% had postgraduate qualifications.
For the IATF personnel, there were forty-two (n=42) respondents (35% response rate) to the
randomly distributed questionnaires. Of the IATF respondents, 95% were males and 5% females.
62% were of African descent, 9.5% were of Indian descent and 28.5% were mixed. The age of
the respondents ranged from 24-59. Approximately 50% of the IATF respondents were attached
to the department for three or more years and 50% for less than three years. In terms of
education, 47.6% of the respondents were educated up to the primary school level, 47.6% up to
secondary school, and 5% held undergraduate qualifications.
Despite the low response rate (see limitation above) the survey data yielded valuable information
on the social impacts of the Hearts and Minds programme on residents in the Laventille district.
There was a general view among the respondents as gleaned from the unstructured interviews
that the programme was very beneficial to residents in the various Laventille communities, that it
served to unite ‘warring’ communities and that it should be extended to ‘every nook and cranny’
in Laventille. Of the non-police respondents, approximately 50% were totally unaware, 31.2%
very aware and 19.8% were somewhat aware of the programme’s existence (see table 1). For the
IATF personnel, 14.3% were totally unaware, 57.1 % were very aware and 14.3 % were
somewhat aware of the programme’s existence. With regards to the Hearts and Minds
programme and whether it should be replaced with a strict law enforcement approach, 31.2% of
the household respondents (Laventille) agreed that it should be replaced with a strict approach
55
while 43.7% disagreed. For the police officers 38.1% both agreed and disagreed that the Hearts
and Minds programme should be replaced with a strict law enforcement approach. The results of
the study indicated that the respondents did not believe that the relationship between
communities in Laventille improves significantly as only 7.2% (Laventille residents) and 9.5%
(IATF officers) believed that the relationship improved.
In terms of positive social benefits accruing to residents in the hot spot communities of
Laventille due to the implementation of the Hearts and Minds programme, 50% of the non-police
respondents agreed that positive social benefits had accrued to the residents, while 25%
disagreed with the notion. Interestingly, only 38.1% of the police personnel agreed that social
benefits accrued to the Laventille residents. 50% of the respondents from the Laventille
communities felt more accepting of the police since the introduction of the Hearts and Minds
programme, while 31.2% were no more accepting of the police; however, only 14.2% of the
IATF officers felt that the Laventille residents were more accepting of them. As it relates to
improved trust between the residents and the police, 31.2% of the residents felt that there was
improved personal trust in police while 28.5% of the IATF officers believed that personal trust
between both groups had improved. Interestingly, when questioned about the reduction in
deviant activities in the Laventille communities since the introduction of the Hearts and Minds
programme, only 12.5% of the Laventille respondents believed that there was a reduction in
deviant activities, while the corresponding figure for IATF officers was even lower at 9.5%. In
spite of the negative perceptions surrounding the reduction in deviant activities in the Laventille
since the implementation of the Hearts and Minds programme, there was a 50% support for the
programme by the Laventille respondents and a corresponding 47.6% support by the IATF
officers.
Table 1: Residents and IATF personnel selected responses on the Hearts and Minds programme
Question
Respondent
(Households)
Response
Respondent
(IATF
personnel)
Response
Level of awareness
50% - totally unaware
31.2 % - very aware
19.8 % - somewhat aware
14.3% - totally unaware
57.1 % - very aware
14.3 % - somewhat aware
Should be replaced by a strict
law enforcement approach
31.2% - agreed
43.7% - disagreed
38.1% - agreed
38.1% - disagreed
Improved the relationship
between
communities
in
Laventille
7.2% - Improved the relationship
43.7% - Did not improve
relationship
Positive social benefits due to
the programme
50% - agreed
25% - disagreed
38.1% - agreed
38.1% - disagreed
Improved personal trust in
police
31.2% - improved personal trust
37.5% - did not improve personal trust
28.5% - improved personal trust
52.3% - did not improve personal trust
the
9.5% - Improved the relationship
38.1% - Did not improve the relationship
56
Improved the relationship
between
communities
in
Laventille and the police
31.2% - improved relationship
43.7% - no improved relationship
23.8% - improved relationship
33.3% - no improved relationship
More accepting of the police
50% - more accepting of the police
31.2% - no more accepting of the police
14.2% - more accepting of the police
47.6% - no more accepting of the police
Reduction in deviant activities
12.5% - reduction in deviant activities
43.7% - no reduction
9.5% reduction in deviant activities
57.6% - no reduction
Provision of
opportunities
31.2% - agreed
37.5% - disagreed
28.5% - agreed
33.3% - disagreed
50% - Support
9.3% - No support
47.6% - Support
33.3% - No support
non-existent
Support for the programme
The following impacts of the Hearts and Minds programme emanated from the datasets of the
IATF respondents and the resident’s questionnaires and unstructured interviews.
Lifestyle impacts
1. The programme provided guidance to the youths;
2. Provision of opportunities; and
3. Increased cohesiveness between communities.
Community impacts
1. Improved community relations among warring communities;
2. Community meetings;
3. The creation of safer communities; and
4. Improved community-police relations.
One gang leader in a particular community (anonymity requested by the individual) stated,
“The programme real good, ah like it. The police should do more things like this to unite
the people who warring wid each other. It also mek me see the other side ah the police.
They have they work to do and I does do my thing, but it have some real good officers
who care about them youths and doh advantage nobody. Before officer Subero and dem,
was about four years since I leave my yard to go anywhere, but because ah that program I
was able to go places in Laventille I woulda never go. That happen because them boys
(the police) pick me up and carry me (anonymous locality) under protection to meet with
some brothers ah was warring with fuh nothing, so we could talk.”
Amenity/quality of life impacts
1. Assistance to the poor, needy and downtrodden via distribution of foodstuff.
2. Financial assistance;
3. Educational assistance;
4. Assistance to the elderly - transportation;
5. Provision of homework centres, youth clubs, karate classes, Christmas treats, social
activities, sporting and fund-raising activities in the various communities;
57
6. Crime reduction; and
7. Providing love and hope to communities.
Health impacts
1. General health benefits;
2. Medicine and medical treatment for elderly and other persons; and
3. Stress reduction.
Progress to date and lessons learnt
Emanating out of every programme which is implemented are lessons learnt and progress made
by the intervention. The actual experiences which flow from implementation should facilitate
new insights into the strategy (Hearts and Minds programme) and the lessons learned should be
taken into consideration as well as taken advantage of by the organisation’s planners and thinkers
by way of the concept of “intelligent opportunism” (Liedtka 1998: 121). At the time of authoring
this manuscript, the following were some of the progresses which were made, as well as lessons
learnt to date.
Progress to date
The progress made to date in many of the crime affected communities includes making positive
inroads into some communities which were traditionally unwelcoming to a police presence and a
resultant reduced level of police/community conflict. There has also been an increased level of
trust in the police whereby there is a reduction in the perception that they are adversaries.
Additionally, the programme has had a small measure of success in establishing a closer
relationship between traditionally warring communities.
Lessons learnt
Based on the outcome of the research, many lessons were learnt. These lessons include the
perspective that crime prevention strategies have failed to address the underlying conditions that
give rise to hot spots (support from Braga 2008) and that many residents desire a peaceful, crime
free environment in Laventille, but not everyone buys into the crime reduction interventions no
matter how beneficial they are. Lessons learnt also include the fact that crime rates in Laventille
communities may reflect the symptoms of crime rather than the root causes of crime and that the
root causes of crime can be addressed, not necessarily eradicated. The research data also revealed
the fragile and tenuous nature of relationships in many Laventille communities as well as the
notion that the success of crime reduction initiatives in Laventille is not dependent solely on a
unilateral approach.
Problems, obstacles and successes of the Hearts and Minds programme
The data emanating from both the police and resident dataset as well as from the unstructured
interviews reveal several problems, obstacles and successes associated with the Hearts and
58
Minds program. Some of these problems, obstacles and successes of the programme are
highlighted below.
Problems
Problems associated with the Hearts and Minds programme included a lack of acceptance from
some police officers as well as residents. Additionally, some individuals were not fully accessing
the programme and/or were accessing it on a needs basis. A key problem which the survey
highlighted was the tenuous nature of police/community as well as inter-community
relationships. These problems affected the efficient functioning of the programme in many
Laventille communities.
Obstacles
Obstacles associated with the Hearts and Minds programme included community dysfunction,
community apathy and a lack of collective efficacy or the unwillingness of local residents to
intervene for the common good (Sampson, Raudenbush, and Earls, 1997). Social efficacy
depends on “mutual trust and solidarity among neighbours” (Sampson, Raudenbush and Earls
1997:919) which to a large extent is lacking in several Laventille communities. Obstacles which
prevented the smooth operation of the programme also included the historical mistrust of the
police in Laventille communities, the pervasive culture of non-involvement with police officers
and a real fear of involvement with the programme as collusion with the perceived enemy (police
officers) usually leads to death of the collaborator.
Successes
Despite the problems and obstacles which the Hearts and Minds programme encountered, there
are many social successes which can be attributed to its implementation. The major successes of
the programme included improved police/community relationship (reduced police/community
conflict), a slight reduction in inter-community rivalry and warfare as well as community
benefits (health, economic) to residents. There have also been socio-economic benefits
(fundraising, educational, holiday, sporting activities) as well as greater information flow
between communities and police which has led to the identification and arrest of many criminals
in the district. The successes of the programme which were garnered from this study and
reported on above have been substantiated by the findings of Gift and Ewatski (2011), who in a
prior, but not as extensive evaluation of the Hearts and Mind programme, found the following
social benefits/impacts:
• Improved relationship between the community and the police;
• Open door communication;
• Sharing of information between residents and the police;
• Identification of gang leaders/members;
• Reduction in gang related homicides and other criminal activities; and
• Identification of criminal elements.
59
In their research on the Hearts and Minds programme, Gift and Ewatski (2011) intimated that
one successes of the programme was that IATF officers of the Hearts and Minds programme had
hosted several cultural, social and sporting activities over a six (6) year period and that the
activities tended to prevent young people (males) from being recruited by gang leaders. Gift and
Ewatski (2011) also stated that an additional social success of the programme was that warring
gangs within the communities were brought together and gang related issues resolved.
Relevance of the study
For many programmes, impacts on people can be by far the most important consideration.
Adverse social impacts can reduce the intended benefits of an existing or proposed program and
can threaten its viability if the impacts are severe enough. However, if the social impacts are
viewed in a positive manner, they can be used to garner support for the programme and its
possible extension to other communities. This study is therefore important as it was used as a
yardstick to analyse the social impacts of the Hearts and Minds programme on individuals and
communities in Laventille and to attempt to mitigate the adverse social effects whilst enhancing
the positive effects. The research is also relevant as the results can be used to ensure that future
Hearts and Minds initiatives are duly informed by prior research; to take into account key
relevant social issues; and incorporate a participation strategy for involving a wider range of
stakeholders. The research can be utilised to provide a logistical framework for the political and
police executive to implement wider social changes in similar criminogenic communities in
Trinidad and Tobago via the Hearts and Minds or other closely related initiatives.
Conclusion
Although many evaluations of hot spots policing reveal that these programmes work in
preventing crime, it is submitted that it is not the panacea to crime prevention and “additional
research is needed to unravel other important policy-relevant issues such as community reaction
to focused police enforcement efforts” (Braga 2005:317-342). Whilst the involvement of police
officers from the IATF via the Hearts and Minds programme is noble, activities that address the
social causes of crime in Trinidad and Tobago have more difficulty in gaining public support
when compared to other crime prevention measures. This might have accounted for the negative
responses by some police officers towards their own initiative. It is also suggested that both the
public and the police cultures are firmly mired in specific, quantifiable targets and visible
solutions which may not be easily reconcilable with social development projects whose benefits
may be unclear, difficult to measure, or long term. Despite these realities, many individuals
proffered the view that the Hearts and Minds programme was beneficial (a point also made by
several persons who refused to be officially recorded). Additionally, the results showed
numerous positive impacts on the communities and residents which included lifestyle,
community, health and quality of life/amenity impacts.
Importantly, all citizens of Trinidad and Tobago are either directly or indirectly affected by
criminal activities and if the results of this study are juxtaposed on the wider Trinidad and
Tobagonian society, then it may be possible to appreciate the view that “if we can prevent crime
at hot spot locations, then we might be able to reduce total crime” (Braga 2008:8). Based on the
60
results of the study, there are implications for policy makers and police officials in terms of what
works and what does not and who in the future may seek to expand and use the Hearts and
Minds programme in other hot spot communities in Trinidad and Tobago.
Author Bio: Wendell C. Wallace is a Doctoral candidate and part-time lecturer in the
Criminology and Criminal Justice programme at the University of the West Indies, St.
Augustine. Presently, he is awaiting the defense of his PhD dissertation titled, ‘A concurrent
analysis of the relationship between community involvement in policing and the policing process
in various communities in Trinidad and Tobago: towards a new social control model’. He has
several journal publications on the Tourism/Crime relationship in Tobago, juvenile delinquency,
community involvement in policing in Trinidad and Tobago and female involvement in gangs.
Wendell is also passionate about law and has been called to the Bar in England and Wales as a
Barrister in 2013. His research interest includes tourism and crime, juvenile delinquency, gangs,
policing and law reform. Wendell is an active member of the Accreditation Council of Trinidad
and Tobago, the Caribbean Studies Association, the Caribbean Child Research Conference
Network and the Honourable Society of Gray’s Inn. He is also involved in charitable works on
security issues and lectures to both parents and children on gangs and their deleterious effects. In
November 2013, Mr. Wallace’s first book, Better to be Alone than in Bad Company: A
Handbook about Gangs for Caribbean Parents and Children was published by Arawak
Publications, Kingston, Jamaica.
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65
TERTIARY EDUCATION AND THE DIRECTION FOR FUTURE
RESEARCH: ACCOMMODATING THE SHIFTING
DEMOGRAPHICS OF THE CARIBBEAN’S TERTIARY
STUDENT
Karima Pragg
[email protected]
the West Indies, Trinidad and Tobago
Within recent times, governing bodies throughout the Caribbean region have been
heavily concentrating upon highlighting the value of higher education. They have
subsequently sought to widen access to such educational opportunities in an effort to
propel their nations forward against an international backdrop of simultaneously
expansive higher education incentives. This heightened emphasis has sparked an
overwhelming demand among citizens for tertiary qualification. A by-product of this has
been the growth of private tertiary institutions and a subsequent diversification of the
Caribbean region’s tertiary student body. The phenomenon of the on-traditional student
has risen to the fore and is especially prominent at the University of the West Indies St.
Augustine campus since the participation of these more mature students are encouraged
through the campus’ Evening University Programme. The present paper will make the
argument that student needs must be researched in order to cater for this heterogeneous
student body. Furthermore, the incorporation of more mature students especially at the
undergraduate level presents a novel area of research that requires immediate
investigation. The factors impacting upon their motivation and the various challenges
endured while pursuing their undergraduate degrees should be examined as these findings
can lend themselves to institutional and policy reform. Recommendations for future
research are also outlined. Finally, the paper will advocate that such student-centered
inquiry is essential for the true benefits of the tertiary sector to be harnessed.
Keywords: Higher education, student motivation, challenges, policy, research, nontraditional student.
Introduction
The global demand for higher education has exponentially increased within recent years. The
quantitative expansion of student numbers serves as testimony to this fact (Schuetze and Slowey
2002). It has progressively become apparent that a growing number of students are now
lengthening their academic careers by making a direct transition from the secondary to tertiary
academic hallways. Additionally, within recent times, an increasing number of working adults –
or re-entry students (Dill and Henley 1998) as they are sometimes quoted as in the literature –
who have not previously obtained tertiary certification are now seeking such qualifications.
Consequently, there has been a growth in student enrollment in the numerous tertiary institutions
66
that have become available to meet the growing desire for post-secondary qualification.
Researchers are of the view that a combination of factors is responsible for this growth in
enrollment numbers especially among this more mature cohort of students (e.g. Bowl 2001).
Depending upon one’s viewpoint, this heightened interest in higher education can be understood
as either a consequence of or a catalyst for the employers’ heavy demand for persons with postsecondary qualification.
Interestingly, a by-product of this increased demand for higher education has been the
development of a lucrative economic market that benefits private providers of such tertiary
certification. Technocrats have recognised the profits that can be gained from this sector and
have therefore sought to capitalise upon this opportunity. Chao (2013) refers to this as the
“privatisation and commercialisation of higher education.” This growth in “private for profit”
(Gibney 2013) higher education is rapidly expanding in all parts of the world in an effort to
satisfy the ever-increasing demand for higher education. The result has been the tremendous
growth of private tertiary institutions to service public demands for higher education. Ali (2007)
outlined that the Caribbean tertiary education sector has expanded from being limited to a single
regional provider – The University of the West Indies (UWI) – to a multiplicity of private
tertiary education institutions. Such institutions include the School of Accounting and
Management (SAM) and the School of Business and Computer Science (SBCS) in Trinidad and
Tobago. These institutions have established campuses across the country and are partially statefunded. In Trinidad and Tobago 95.56% of the country’s tertiary and post secondary institutions
area privately owned and receive fifty percent financing from the Government (Ministry of
Science, Technology and Tertiary Education 2010). Chao (2013) describes such governmental
financial arrangements with private providers as a mechanism for alleviating the state’s
economic burden for the provision of higher education opportunities.
Additionally, this shift in focus toward tertiary qualification has further intensified the
competition for scarce resources in that a greater proportion of the world’s population is now
tertiary-certified thus no longer is tertiary qualification solely relegated to the privileged few
within society. Schuetze and Slowey (2002) describe this as a transition from an “elite to a mass
system” of higher education services. For instance, the World Bank reports that the percentage of
the American population enrolled in tertiary education rose from eighty-five percent (85%) in
1993 to ninety-five percent (95%) in 2007, while the British enrolled population increased from
fifty-seven percent (57%) in 1993 to sixty percent (60%) by the year 2007. Furthermore, the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) estimates that the
global percentage of adults receiving tertiary education will continue to climb though at a slower
pace (Gibney 2013). Regional increases are also evident, for instance Trinidad and Tobago
recorded a 3.21% increase in tertiary enrollment from the period 2008 to 2010 (Ministry of
Science, Technology and Tertiary Education 2010).
This increased demand for higher education has placed access to such training on the front
burner for Caribbean governments (Persad-Bachan 2010). In an effort to satisfy this demand,
various government policies and programmes have been implemented throughout the Caribbean
within recent times. Increased awards of national and open scholarships coupled with
government subsiding the cost of tertiary education through the Government Assistance for
Tertiary Expenses (GATE) programme in Trinidad and Tobago and the Student Loan Bureau in
67
Jamaica have, to some extent, reduced the economic burden that accompanies higher level
training. In Trinidad and Tobago for instance, the number of scholarships awarded to students
who successfully completed the 2013 Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Exams (CAPE) exceeded
the number of scholarships issued for the previous five years (Chan Tack 2013). Furthermore,
100% of undergraduate tertiary tuition expenses at selected institution is covered by the Trinidad
and Tobago Government.
The region’s pursuit of economic growth and overall development may be the reason behind this
increase in government expenditure on the provision of higher educational opportunities. Firstly,
within modern industrial society a highly skilled and specialised labour force is required. Such
specialised personnel is produced by the tertiary education system (Ali 1975). Secondly, the
generation of new ideas that inform economic growth and other facets of the development
schematic is now the driving force within society today (Bray 2007). The Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) outlines that the boom in higher education
opportunity within developing economies is related to efforts of knowledge cultivation (Gibney
2013). These new forms of knowledge are produced through research conducted by academics,
post-graduate students and other researchers involved in the tertiary level of academia.
Examination of the existing literature reveals that research into the area of higher education is
mainly centered on the expansion of higher educational incentives and programmes offered. For
instance, studies on the UWI Extra-Mural Department have been undertaken by Bernard (2002)
for instance, who examined the growth of opportunities for adult learning. Additionally, research
on the UWI Open Campus has been conducted by Woodall (2011) exploring the attitudes of
stakeholders to online learning but failed to take into account student perceptions of such
endeavours. In both instances, the attitudes of students themselves toward such incentives,
especially the more mature, non-traditional students were not examined. Thus far, the growing
emphasis placed upon tertiary education has been researched but a more holistic exploration of
the system necessitates an examination into the perspectives of students within the system. For
example, one important aspect highlighted by Dill and Henley (1998) are problems faced by
students including the task of readjusting to student life after a long period of time. In this light,
expansion of opportunity should not be the sole focus of universities, but equal emphasis must
also be placed upon catering to the increasingly diverse needs among contemporary tertiary
student populations (Schuetze and Slowey 2002).
It has been illustrated that student enrolment in this sector has increased and that a burgeoning
private education sector has resultantly emerged (Asian Development Bank 2012). But a
question still remains - Why? It is indeed true that societies have become knowledge-driven
(Bray 2007) thus Universities and other tertiary establishments have risen to the forefront, but
why are students filling these institutions? What motivational factors can be attributed to
students’ pursuit of post-secondary training? Are they being directed by the economy or are they
the ones directing the economy? Subsequently, is the system meeting the needs of the students?
While it is true to state that around the world and even within the Caribbean region, students are
filling tertiary establishments, are their individual needs being met? In order to adequately
answer this question, an investigation into the challenges/stresses students encounter throughout
their tertiary career must be undertaken (Dill and Henley 1988). Student experiences, therefore,
68
need to be at the forefront of future research. Quality education can only be provided once the
needs of the tertiary learners are adequately understood (Sockalingam 2012).
An understanding of the population dynamics of the contemporary tertiary student body requires
an inquiry into the motivation of and challenges faced by today’s students. As will be
subsequently discussed further along in this paper, the notion of the Caribbean’s tertiary student
has undergone a transformation (Plummer-Rognmo 2012) and it is important that these changes
and new characteristics be researched and documented (Schuetze and Slowey 2002).
Furthermore, narrowing the focus to the St. Augustine campus of the UWI, an examination of the
impact of the Evening University is necessary. This programme was introduced in the 2004/2005
academic year and is offered by the faculties of Law, Science and Technology, Food and
Agriculture and Social Sciences in an effort to provide avenues for working adults to participate
in undergraduate classes. Resultantly, undergraduate student demographic characteristics have
been diversified since the population now encompasses older, employed, self-financing adults.
What has been the impact of such a programme on not only the demographic structure of the
population, but also in motivating adults to return to the classroom? This phenomenon provides
an interesting area for future research. Ali (2007) suggested that Caribbean governments now
have to face the challenge of accommodating the multifaceted student population and the
simultaneously increasing diverse workforce. He continues to outline, that Caribbean educational
systems must introduce non-traditional forms of learning to meet the varying needs of this
heterogeneous tertiary student body. The findings of such investigations will add to the existing
literature on the Caribbean’s experience of higher education.
The tertiary student of the contemporary Caribbean
Historically, the Caribbean region has been subjected to political, economic, social and cultural
changes. The territories continue to be molded and altered within contemporary times as the
global scenery continues to evolve. Coupled with this progression, is the evolution of the
Caribbean’s tertiary student body, which the literature suggests, has experienced a tremendous
demographic alteration.
Plumer-Rognmo (2012) indicates that the classification of the Caribbean’s undergraduate student
has undergone a ‘paradigm shift.’ She is of the opinion that today’s tertiary student is drastically
different from the tertiary student to which the region has become accustomed. For instance, in
her estimation, no longer does the population comprise students specifically from middle to
upper socioeconomic backgrounds since students from the lower social classes now partake in
higher education. Their involvement in this sector may be a consequence of the increased access
and affordability of higher education due to programmes such as GATE, Higher Education Loan
Programme (HELP), the Student Loan Bureau and the numerous national and institutional
scholarships available to students. For instance, in 2004 an average of twenty seven thousand
students received GATE funding while between the years 2007 to 2010, this figure almost
doubled to an average of fifty thousand students (Ministry of Science, Technology and Tertiary
Education 2011).
69
Moreover, Plummer-Rognmo (2012) asserts that students are now older, some even beyond the
age of retirement and highlights the part-time status of the contemporary student as another
distinguishing feature among this new cohort.
Such changes in student demographics have also been noted internationally by various
researchers who have documented the rise of non-traditional learners within the realm of the
tertiary level. However, in discussing this phenomenon of the non-traditional student, researchers
suggest that a universal definition may not be achieved and that the nontraditional students
cannot be understood as a homogenous group (Miller-Brown 2002). Schuetze and Slowey (2002)
purport that the conceptualisation of students as non-traditional is dependent upon the context
within which the term is being used. For instance, from an equality standpoint, non-traditional
students may be categorised as those who have previously been barred from access to tertiary
education on account of financial barriers, and are no longer restricted from participation.
Another case in point can be gleaned from the work of Bowl (2001) who classifies nontraditional students in the United States as female ethnic minorities over the age of twenty-one.
For the purposes of the present paper however, non-traditional students will be defined as
financially independent persons who, in addition to playing the role of student, simultaneously
play the roles of employee and parent (Dill and Henley 1998). They further explain that such
persons do not usually make a direct entry from secondary to tertiary training and can therefore
be termed re-entry students. Allen (1993) adds that non-traditional students are also married.
This definition, coupled with the observations made by Plummer-Rognmo (2012) that the
Caribbean’s tertiary students are now older part-time students are representative of the Evening
University students enrolled at the St. Augustine campus.
Figure one below shows the distribution of age groups among the Evening University students
for the academic year 2012/2013 and lend support to Plummer-Rognmo’s statements that
Caribbean student populations are now encompass a much older cohort.
Figure on next page
70
Figure 1: Bar graph illustrating number of Evening
University students by age grouping
1200
1121
995
1000
800
566
600
400
287
200
32
0
19-28
29-38
39-48
49-58
59 and older
Age groups
Source: University of the West Indies. 2013. The University of the West Indies St. Augustine Student
Statistics 2012/2013. The University of the West Indies.
In contrast, members of the traditional cohort are usually younger, financially dependent, play
the singular role of student and move directly from secondary school to university (Dill and
Henley 1998).
In light of these substantial changes, it has become essential for tertiary institutions to identify
and evaluate the needs and motivations of adult students and the differences between these nontraditional learners and their traditional counterparts if they are to adequately service this new
dynamic student body (Schuetze and Slowey 2002). Ali (2007) notes that it is crucial for policy
makers to understand this diversity in order to draft suitable policies that will enable the
sustainable development of this sector.
Factors impacting upon student experiences: motivation and challenges/stress
The main argument of this paper is to bring attention to the need for more student-centered
research to be conducted at the tertiary level institutions and in particular, at the St. Augustine
campus so that the Evening University programme (which is specific to this institution) and the
evening university students can be evaluated. It also suggests that two of the major features of
student experiences – student motivation and challenges/sources of stress – must be factored into
research in order to provide a holistic understanding of the region’s tertiary student body.
For instance, Garrison (1997) highlights the importance of motivation as a core component of
adult self-directed learning. He continues to emphasise that understanding the independence,
self-direction and determination of mature learners is crucial in ensuring that students attain
valuable educational outcomes. Furthermore, motivation directs student behaviour and this
concept proves to be a valuable area of research especially in developing economies. This is so
since understanding the reasons for student enrollment in higher education can strengthen student
retention in this sector within such economies (Chong et al. 2012).
71
Researchers, in defining student motivation, have conceptualised the term according to both
intrinsic and extrinsic motivational factors. Students who are intrinsically motivated are
interested in the learning process while extrinsically motivated students classify the education
system as a means to an end (Vallerand et al. 1992). That is to say, students are encouraged to
pursue higher education because of both intrinsic or internal rewards such as the fulfillment of
personal goals, and extrinsic or external rewards such as parental expectation or economic
remuneration.
In an examination of the existing literature on student motivation, a host of variables impacting
upon motivation have been gleaned. Each one is outlined and its relationship with student
motivation is explained below:
Motivation and age:
In their research on sources of motivation among traditional (younger) and non-traditional
(older) tertiary students, Wolfgang and Dowling (1981) uncover differences in motivation
between both cohorts of students. Their findings illustrate that the traditional students were
guided to pursue higher education by extrinsic factors such as expectation of family members
and the prospect of professional advancement upon completion of their undergraduate degrees.
Wolfgang and Dowling (1981) underscore that these, along with the possibility of forming new
social bonds were the top reasons for student enrollment. A more recent study by Sandeen (2008,
quoted in Drekmeier and Tilghman 2010) revealed that networking and building connections was
a common reason for student enrollment regardless of age.
On the contrary, intrinsic motivational factors inclusive of personal interest in formal education
and organised learning were found by Bradley and Cleveland-Innes, (1992 quoted in Ratopuro
and Vaisanen 2001) to be the most influential sources of motivation for the non-traditional
undergraduate students. In contrast to the younger students, (Broekemier 2002, quoted in
Drekmeier and Tilghman 2010) the influence of friends and family was the least influential
factor for the non-traditional group.
The aforementioned findings clearly indicate that sources of student motivation vary according
to age groups and this information is of paramount importance to policy makers so that
programmes can be better tailored and suited to the various student needs and interests
(Wolfgang and Dowling 1981).
Motivation and personal goals/aspirations:
The concept of motivation is intricately linked to a person’s goals and aspirations. Individual
goal setting is one of the reasons for student enrolment highlighted by Kember et al. (2010)
whose research outlined that students viewed tertiary education as a natural step to take upon
completion of secondary schooling. Can the same be said to explain why students in the
Caribbean gravitate directly toward the tertiary institutions upon successfully completing their
Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examinations (CAPE)?
72
Aforementioned are the reasons students seek to engage in tertiary study but are not related to the
reasons adults return to the classroom. This is so since the more mature tertiary student does not
make a direct transition from the secondary to the tertiary realm within the Education system.
For instance, the UWI classifies mature students as those who has successfully completed and
been out of the secondary school system for at least five years (Experience UWI, UWI
Undergraduate Prospectus 2013/2014). Research conducted by Scala (1996) underscores that
these non-traditional students have reverted to the role of student because of their desire to learn
and aspiration toward personal growth and development.
The literature also revealed that men and women held different goals and aspirations and were
therefore motivated to pursue tertiary qualification for different reasons. Results published by
Ford (1999) attest that advancement within their field was the main factor motivating men to
seek tertiary education while women sought university qualification to change careers. This
gender differentiation with regard to motivation to undertake tertiary study sheds light to the fact
that men and women are differently influenced and as such, policy should reflect this distinction.
Additionally, Covey (1980, quoted in Scala 1996) explains that generally, students are compelled
to seek higher education as part of personal quest for academic accomplishment and personal
enrichment.
Kennett et al. (2009) have focused their study on directly questioning undergraduate students
about their reasons for enlisting in institutions for higher learning and have found that students
expressed both internal reasons such as self-improvement, achievement of life goals, and also
highly endorsed external reasons pertaining to career objectives and familial and societal
expectations. This line of reasoning coincides with the earlier point that sources of motivation
can be derived from both intrinsic and extrinsic factors. Kennett et al. (2009) further exemplified
that students’ predominant and central reasons for attending university were for selfimprovement, to achieve the goal of attaining a degree and to secure a well-paying job.
Motivation and Evening Programmes
Harb et al. (2007) suggests that the increased student enrollment in tertiary programmes reflects
their drive to advance or even complete their academic and career objectives. Moreover, Armour
(2003) explains that another factor driving adults to return to the classroom is the fact that
institutions have become more accommodating to employed adults seeking to further their
studies by offering Saturday classes. Therefore, students with full-time jobs are in a better
position to manage study and classroom responsibilities, as there is now a reduced impact upon
their regular five-day workweek. This is a feature of the Evening University programme since
through the South Initiative of the St. Augustine Campus, Evening University students are given
the option to attend classes at the Naparima Boys’ College in San Fernando on Saturdays.
Enterprises such as these further accommodate the academic interests of working students, hence
the rate of return will be twofold. On the one hand, students are provided with additional avenues
for learning and it is this flexible scheduling that Drekmeier and Tilghman (2010) encourages
older employed students to enroll in tertiary institutions. On the other, the St. Augustine campus
would have adequately met the needs of its students by providing an environment that caters to
the diverse requirements of an employed student population since suitable support programmes
are essential for the non-traditional students (Miller Brown 2002).
73
It is interesting to note, however, that the reasons expressed by undergraduate students for
embarking upon the course of tertiary education do not remain static throughout their academic
career. Lieberman and Remedios (2007) report that initially, the main desire of tertiary students
was to master their subjects but over time, maintaining passing grades became their main
objective. The question of making student experiences more enjoyable and rewarding within
Caribbean universities is now raised. In answering this question, the diversity within today’s
student population has to be factored into research. Such an approach will prove beneficial to the
students, the tertiary institutions and the higher education system as a whole since lifelong
learning would be encouraged (Miller Brown 2002). This increasingly heterogeneous population
produces both a burden and an opportunity for Universities who must now strive to
accommodate a plethora of student interests (Miller-Brown 2002). Student centered, or micro
level research, will shift focus from the structure (the education system as a whole) to the agent
(the student) allowing their perspectives to be highlighted. This, by extension, will be useful to
the tertiary sector since factoring the specific needs of student into policy and institutional
changes will produce a more effective higher education sector.
An analysis of the existing literature illustrates that the causal factors for student participation in
higher education are wide ranging. An extensive enquiry is therefore required to understand
student motivation and thus ensure that student expectations are met or even surpassed. This type
of analysis is especially necessary from the perspective of the Caribbean given that the tertiary
sector has become part of regional government’s modus operandi for the social, economic and
political development of the territories. The fact that the largest allocation of the 2013/2014
budget of Trinidad and Tobago was allotted to the nation’s education sector serves as testament
to this standpoint.
On the contrary, in their examination of the challenges tertiary students face, researchers such as
Kasayira et al. (2007) have conceptualised these impediments in terms of ‘stressors’ inclusive of
“Vocational/Academic” which refers to inadequate library resources and study material,
“Personal/Social” inclusive of financial burdens and adjusting to university life, and
“Administration Processes” referring to inadequate campus infrastructure and poor hygiene and
sanitation of campus utilities. From this regard, challenges faced by tertiary students throughout
their academic career are wide-ranging and are not limited only to institutional downfalls or
cognitive ability. Furthermore, in utilising the Student Stress Survey (Ross et al. 1999) explored
environmental, academic, interpersonal and intrapersonal factors that produce stressful situations
for students enrolled in post-secondary study. Challenges/stresses also encompass personal
issues with which students must grapple while assuming the role of tertiary student. The most
pertinent sources of stress gleaned from the literature will be now explained.
Cognitive ability as a challenge/source of stress
Even though “grey-haired” students (Armour 2003) have become more acceptable within the
undergraduate halls, these non-traditional students are still faced with psychological problems
such as developing a sense of belonging. Zeidner (1992) reveals in his study that these students
grapple with feelings of shyness and nervousness since they often stand out among their younger
counterparts. This finding needs to be researched within the context of the Caribbean since the
74
sole focus of universities should not be limited to the production of qualified graduates, but to
produce ones that are confident.
The infiltration into the tertiary system by these non-traditional students – who can be likened to
the Evening University population at the St. Augustine campus – calls for certain adaptations to
be made to cater to this new segment of the population. Inability to keep up in class, meeting
deadlines, difficulty with exams (Scala 1996) and emerging oneself into the world of academia
after a long respite from study (Zeidner 1992) are sources of stress experienced by the more
mature student.
In an effort to counteract such stresses, policy needs to be tailored to address these specific
concerns and credit must be given to the St. Augustine campus for workshop initiatives
conducted by the Office of the Evening University. These workshops included “Managing
Stress” in February 2012, “Exam Strategies” in March 2012 and “Writing Skills: Academic
Writing Skills” in October 2012. These workshops were geared toward alleviating some of the
problems faced by the evening university students and are very much in line with the
aforementioned research findings. Such efforts should not be limited to these areas; however, the
need for a deeper understanding of the challenges students face, including the full time
traditional students, must be gleaned through research. Furthermore, such workshops may also
prove effective and necessary among the younger cohort of students thus validating the claim for
more student-centered research to highlight the needs of students in the region’s tertiary system.
However, even though Macan et al. (1990) agree that time management seminars can aid
students in dividing their time among their various activities, they caution that such training
sessions do not actually reduce stress among students given that time management is
multidimensional.
Socioeconomic Status and Family Background as challenges/source of stress
There is substantial research that shows the relationship between a student’s socioeconomic
status and family background and their educational attainment. Researchers in Education such as
Bernstein have indicated that one’s family can positively or negatively impact upon educational
goals depending upon their views on higher education. This idea is supported by Harb et al.
(2007) whose research indicates that a lack of encouragement from family members and
significant others may pose problems for the traditional and non-traditional cohort. For instance,
family settings such as crowded households are not conducive to learning and do not allow
sufficient time or privacy for study.
In like manner, Cooke et al. (2004) indicates that students from “disadvantaged backgrounds” or
a low socioeconomic status are less likely to receive encouragement from family members to
seek undergraduate degrees.
While the institutions may be unable to affect students’ home environment, their educational
environment can be better structured to counteract challenges/stresses experienced within the
home. Longer hours of operation for campus libraries and the provision of additional study
rooms are two such methods that may be employed. However, these and other provisions should
75
be introduced at the request of students so that provisions reflect their specific needs. In order for
such an endeavor, student-centered research is required.
An analysis of the existing literature on student motivation and sources of stress underscores the
abundance of factors that have an impact upon student experiences within the tertiary realm of
academia. More importantly, the wealth of international studies in the face of the relatively little
Caribbean research emphasises the need for such research to fill the existing gap in Caribbean
literature. What is required therefore, are studies specific to the region that take into
consideration the changing demographic structure of the Caribbean’s undergraduate population.
The contemporary undergraduate faces a myriad of challenges and seeks tertiary qualification for
various reasons, some of which are direct consequences of the changing global economy and
cultural landscape. Thus, in order to tailor research to adequately investigate the reasons students
engage in higher education and the various forms of stress they face throughout this academic
activity, an understanding of today’s students is fundamental.
Recommendations for future research
The new classification of the region’s tertiary student represents a novel phenomenon that calls
for empirical scrutiny since the present tertiary system must now make the necessary adaptations
to cater for this newly formed, increasingly diversified student population. No longer is the
student body solely comprised of young, middle to upper class, full time students (PlumerRognmo 2012) who migrated directly from the secondary school system, and this modification
of the population must not only be reflected in research, but also in governmental and
institutional policy. As previously mentioned, the UWI has recognised these changing
demographics and have classified mature students as those above the age of twenty-one who
have had at least a five year time period after completion of secondary schooling (Experience
UWI, UWI Undergraduate Prospectus 2013/2014).
The present paper has shed light on the notion that Caribbean research in the field of education
necessitates an exploration of the experiences of tertiary students. Such research is appropriate
against the backdrop of shifting demographic characteristics of the region’s undergraduate
student body. One of the main purposes of research is to shed light on and explain new and
evolving phenomena (Bray 2007) within society but Caribbean research is yet to adequately
analyse the new dynamics of the undergraduate population.
All things considered, future research should seek to unearth the reasons students are flocking
toward tertiary educational institutions. Therefore, sources of motivation for today’s tertiary
student necessitate enquiry. The findings of such investigations will answer the earlier proposed
question, ‘why?’ An understanding of the reasons why students seek higher education will prove
instrumental in assisting policy makers in better tailoring the system to motivate current students
and attract prospective students. This is especially important since diversity in student
populations will simultaneously lead to diversity in motivational influences (Chong et al. 2012).
Caribbean researchers should also examine the challenges endured by these students. Studies of
this nature will uncover the sources of stress affecting students and such information can inform
existing and future policies in attempts to alleviate such burdens. The aforementioned
international studies revealed institutional, personal and psychological factors that impact upon
76
today’s tertiary students, and if similar findings are discovered within the region, such issues can
be addressed.
Furthermore, the Evening University programme at the St. Augustine campus warrants
immediate investigation. This programme has been in existence for almost ten years and it is yet
to be substantially evaluated in terms of the experiences of its adult learners. These nontraditional students have diversified the demographic structure of the Caribbean’s undergraduate
student and the impact of this upon the structure must be analysed. Studies of this nature become
increasingly important as universities continue along their drive toward massification (Chong et
al. 2012) and expanding their horizons to more varied populations. Additionally, these more
mature learners face challenges that are specific to their realities including but not limited to
having to immersing themselves into study after a long respite and adapting to new forms of
technology. Methods of better accommodating these students through the Evening University
initiative must be established and therein rests the role of research to uncover such methods.
Conclusion
As the region continues to chart its course along the path toward social and economic
development through the strengthening of its human capital, research within the area of higher
education should be expanded. The area of student experiences – with emphasis upon their
motivations and challenges – require investigation, thus a more student-centered thrust in
Caribbean research should be forthcoming. As the Caribbean’s higher education sector continues
to expand, policy makers should be keen not to overlook the new realities of the contemporary
tertiary students of the region. Socioeconomic status, age groupings, enrolment status, and
employment status are some of the variables that reflect today’s tertiary student and collectively
impact upon their academic careers. No longer do tertiary students share the same social,
economic and cultural backgrounds; therefore, such changes have to be analysed in future
research. As such, student experiences should be at the forefront of future inquiry.
These initiatives will produce a tertiary system that is fashioned according to the specific needs
of the Caribbean’s tertiary student thereby maximising the gains that can be derived from this
sector. Student-centered research will afford students an opportunity to inform policy directly
related to their experiences and requirements and therefore increasing the effectiveness of the
sector in contributing toward the holistic development of its students. This form of inquiry
should not be a single occurrence, but there should be continuous assessment and re-evaluation
of student bodies. Within the context of continuous social change, it is imperative that policy and
institutions not remain fixed. Constant readjustment is necessary to satisfy the dynamic needs of
the region’s diverse student population which over time, may only increase in its complexity.
The final result therefore, would be a sector that evolves along with the wider societal changes
and more specifically, the shifts in future tertiary student populations.
Author Bio: Karima Pragg obtained her BSc. Sociology degree from the St. Augustine campus
of the University of the West Indies. She is currently a post-graduate student and has recently
been upgraded from the M.Phil to the PhD programme. Her research specialisation is within the
area of Education. Miss Pragg’s dissertation focuses upon tertiary education and seeks to
ascertain the reasons students pursue higher education and the challenges they experience while
77
carrying out such endeavors. More specifically, she is interested in exploring the phenomenon of
the non-traditional student of the Caribbean region. Miss Pragg has presented papers on her postgraduate work at the SALISES and CSA conferences in 2013. She is presently a Research
Assistant attached to the Faculty of Social Sciences, UWI St. Augustine.
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PERCEPTIONS OF INJUSTICE AND ALIENATION DYNAMICS
WITHIN THE WORKPLACE
Nirmala Sookoo
[email protected]
Criminology Unit, Department of Behavioural Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of
This study examined the relationship between perceptions of injustice and alienation
dynamics within the public service in Trinidad. The two dimensions of organisational
justice – procedural and distributive justice – were expected to predict alienation. In
addition, the study explored the mediating role of disconfirmed expectations on the
relationship between perceived organisational injustice and work alienation. Using
multistage cluster sampling, 494 individuals between the ages of 18 and 65 years
participated in the study. A series of Pearson correlation, regression and a path analysis
were used in the study. The findings revealed that both distributive and procedural justice
influenced alienation at the bivariate level of analysis. However, at the multivariate stage,
only procedural justice had a direct effect on alienation. Disconfirmed expectations had a
significant positive relationship with alienation. The path analysis indicated that
disconfirmed expectations mediated the relationship between both dimensions of
organisational justice and alienation. There was partial support of the proposed
conceptual model.
Keywords: Procedural justice, distributive justice, alienation, disconfirmed expectations
Introduction
For profit reasons, numerous work organisations appear to be concerned with the impact workers
have on their agency, rather than the reverse, that is, the impact that the workplace has upon their
workers. However, they should be concerned as employees’ behaviours and attitudes influence
employee job performance. Thus, employers cannot risk their employees becoming alienated.
Alienation often refers to feelings of despair, isolation, self-estrangement, meaningless and
powerlessness (Blauner 1967). It also pertains to feelings of despair, anomie, isolation, anxiety,
dissociation, loss of identity and a mind numbing experience (Allan 2012). Furthermore, this
phenomenon is popularly seen as a key influence over work performance, intention to quit, job
commitment, burn-out and loyalty to the organisation.
Alienation has been identified with a number of problems and negative consequences. These
problems were found within the work organisation; however, it has wider social and
psychological consequences. The unconstructive consequences of alienation identified within the
workplace were; employee turnover, employee dissatisfaction, lower worker commitment,
absenteeism, employee sabotage (Hodson and Sullivan 2011), lower productivity (Abraham
2000), and aggression amongst individuals, and groups (Freudenberger 1980), and employee
burnout, which further decreased workers’ productivity (Abraham 2000). Employees who were
victims of alienation were more likely to care little about their jobs, expend little energy, work
82
for external or instrumental rewards (salary) and more likely to quit their jobs (Abraham 2000).
Agarawal (1993) also claimed that alienated employees showed an increase of undesirable work
attitudes and behaviours. Symptoms of these negative attitudes and behaviours identified by
Hodson and Sullivan (2011) included absenteeism, sabotage and theft which contributed towards
lowered worker commitment to the workplace, engagement in work, and a decline in overall
productivity.
Although, alienation is seen as a negative influence over work consequences, there is limited
research available in Caribbean with the exception of one study in Cuba (Banai and Reisel 2003).
At the same time, it has been recognised as a source of concern within the region. There are
poorly motivated and disaffected personnel within the public service in Barbados. There has
been an increase in
“…customary, practice of avoiding, delaying, stalling, dithering and
hesitating. Avoiding facing or dealing with certain challenging situation,
delaying key decisions or disposal of current or pending work, avoiding
dealing with certain personnel or certain unhelpful propensities, avoiding
responding to written or verbal communications” (Khan and Charles-Soverall
2007:176).
Thus, the study seeks to address this research void and therefore the intention is to investigate the
influences of employee alienation in the public service in Trinidad.
Organisational justice is one of the dynamic factors which influence alienation. In this study two
types of organisational justice were examined; distributive (which is concerned about a particular
outcome, such as income) and procedural (which is concerned about the fairness in reaching a
decision). When employees believe that they are treated fairly in each aspect, they are
predisposed to demonstrate more positive attitudes and behaviours.
Although, workers’ perceptions regarding organisational justice are imperative, a few studies
have focused on this topic (Lee 2000). There have been numerous studies on the effect of
organisational justice upon worker job satisfaction (Cohen-Charash and Spector 2001) and
worker commitment (Tallman, Phipps, and Matheson 2009; Aryee, Budhwar, and Chen 2002),
yet there are only two studies which directly investigated the impact of organisational justice
upon alienation (Sulu, Ceynan and Kaynak 2010; Ceylan 2011).
Although organisational justice may be an important variable in determining alienation at the
workplace, one should not to forget that workers enter the workplace with expectations, and
confirmation or disconfirmation of their expectancies can determine alienation. White collar jobs
were often seen as promising success based on materialistic acquisition, autonomy and
opportunities to career development. If these expectations are not confirmed, workers experience
alienation (Korman, Wittig-Berman and Lang 1981). However, not all employees may have
expectations of career success and fair treatment and this could reduce the impact that
organisational justice has upon alienation (Kanungo 1990). Therefore, this suggests that
disconfirmed expectation has a mediating effect between organisational justice and alienation.
83
Literature Review
Alienation of the workforce emerged as a problem during the era of industrialisation (Marx
1959) and continues to permeate the workforce in contemporary society. Marx (1959) claimed
that the worker lacked control over the labour process, and experienced powerlessness and
dissociation from the inner self. Workers have no control over the conditions of their work and
the commodity they produce. Therefore, they have limited ability to develop their potential as
creative human beings. Thus, work becomes external to the worker, work is no longer an
element of his/her being and he/she denies him/herself and feels a sense of misery.
Employees who were victims of alienation were more likely to care little about their jobs, expend
little energy, work for external or instrumental rewards (salary) and more likely to quit their jobs
(Abraham 2000). Agarawal (1993) also claimed that alienated employees showed an increase of
undesirable work attitudes and behaviours. As such, alienation is often seen as an agent of
dehumanisation, as the person becomes an object who merely responds to work rather than
seeing work as a fulfilment of the self.
There is a plethora of antecedent factors known to influence alienation, such as bureaucracy, job
characteristics, and work locus of control, worker centrality, technology and demographic
variables. However, this research is limited to organisational justice and disconfirmed
expectations.
Organisational Justice
Organisational justice is a multidimensional concept inclusive of many characteristics such as,
payment, treatment of employees and managers, and the procedures by which rewards are
allocated. However, this study is limited to understanding the effects that distributive and
procedural justice has upon alienation.
According to Longres and Scalon (2005, 448), distributive justice refers to the approach used to
determine how “economic and social goods and services are distributed in a society” and Colton
(2002) claimed that it concentrates on the just allocation of income or rewards. Distributive
justice defines perceived fairness of decision outcomes which includes pay, bonus or promotion
workers obtained in an exchange relationship with the workplace. Distributive justice is judged
by evaluating and comparing the outcome to a standard or rule and/or to the outcome by a
referent, such as a co-worker or past experience. Employees perceived distributive injustice
when rewards do not match investment (Greenberg and Colquitt 2005). Procedural justice is the
seeming equality of the process of regulating distributive rewards such as pay, schedules,
evaluations and promotions (Thibaut and Walker 1975) and the voice afforded to workers in the
allocation process (Folger and Konovsky 1989). Procedural justice focuses on the amount of
input that the organisation seeks from their employees, and the ability of employees to challenge
decisions made in the organisation (Folger and Konovsky 1989). The implicit difference between
distributive and procedural justice is that the former concept concentrates on ends and the later
focuses on means (Lambert et al. 2005).
These two dimensions of organisational justice have been associated with employees’ attitudes
and behaviours such as satisfaction, and intention to quit (Gilliland and Chan 2001). Low levels
of organisational justice can influence counterproductive work behaviour, withdrawal, (Khan et
84
al. 2009), outrage (Greenberg 1993) and retaliation (Skarlicki and Folger 1997). Such actions can
be considered consequences of employee alienation.
Although organisation justice has been associated with work outcomes, little empirical research
exists on the nature and the magnitude of the relationship between organisational justice and
workplace alienation (Ceylan 2011). Most empirical investigations have narrowed their focus on
work commitment and job satisfaction and only two empirical articles were found which
explicitly examined the relationship between organisational justice and workplace alienation
(Sulu, Ceylan and Kaynak 2010; Ceylan 2011). In a study on work commitment of 383 health
care workers in private and public hospitals in Istanbul, Turkey, Sulu, Ceylan and Kaynak (2010)
found that both distributive and procedural justice were associated with alienation (measured at
two dimensions powerlessness and social isolation). Distributive injustice was significantly
correlated with powerlessness with (r = .271, p < .01), and social isolation (r = .267, p < .01).
The r values with their associated p-values have illustrated that distributive justice had a
significant correlation with alienation. Procedural justice was also significantly positively related
to powerlessness (r = .480, p < .01), and social isolation (r = .472, p < .01). The results indicated
that as measures of perceived organisational injustice increases, there was an associated increase
in alienation.
Ceylan (2011) found that both distributive and procedural justice were associated with
powerlessness and social isolation amongst health workers in Turkey. A significant positive
relationship was found between Distributive injustice and powerlessness (r = .264, p < .01), and
social isolation (r =.259, p < .01). Procedural injustice was significantly positively related with
powerlessness (r = .474, p < .01), and social isolation (r =.478, p < .01). These results from the
correlation coefficients were similar to the previous study by Sulu, Ceylan and Kaynak (2010).
However, Ceylan and Kaynak (2010) claimed that procedural injustice was more important in
explaining the two dimensions of alienation, he further explained that when workers experience
distributive injustice, they examine if the allocation process is just.
However, a multivariate analysis of alienation completed by Nair and Vohra (2010) found that
both distributive and procedural justice was insignificant in predicting variance in alienation of
information technology specialists in India. However, they did not consider extraneous variables
that could have impacted upon the phenomenon such as power–distance and the socialisation and
cultural beliefs of people in India. It is essential to note that the culture of India is different from
Western countries in which organisational justice was found to be significant in producing
variance in job satisfaction, commitment to work and intention to leave. India is widely regarded
as high power-distance (Ralston et al. 1993). In a high power-distance nation, employees have
the general belief that they should play the role of sub-ordinates and take instructions (Hofstede
1980) and therefore they may not expect to get involved in decisions implicating the allocation
of resources and rewards.
Although most of the research have focused on organisational justice and work commitment or
job satisfaction, the literature is still significant as alienation significantly reduces commitment
and job satisfaction (Hodson and Sullivan 2008). Research has found that distributive and
procedural justice predicted intention to stay, job satisfaction and worker commitment to both the
work organisation and the supervisor (Folger and Konovsky 1989). According to McFarlin and
Sweeney (1992) distributive justice is associated with attention to stay and job satisfaction,
whilst procedural justice has been associated with supervisor and organisational commitment.
85
Dailey and Delaney (1992) found that both dimensions of organisational justice are antecedents
in job dissatisfaction and intent to stay. Even outside Western societies such as and Saudi Arabia
dimensions of organisational justice are seen as predictors of organisational commitment and job
satisfaction (Ali and Ali 2010; Elamin and Alomaim 2011). In a study of 366 school teachers in
Pakistan, Zaman, Ali and Ali (2010) found that both distributive and procedural justice
accounted for the variance computed in job satisfaction, commitment and turnover.
Disconfirmed Expectations as a Mediator
Although organisational justice has been shown to significantly influence work related attitudes
and behaviours, there are other influential antecedent variables, such as disconfirmed
expectations. Workers may not necessarily perceive alienation if they did not expect
organisational justice. For example, results from knowledge workers in India, reported that
employee alienation was not predicted by organisational justice (Nair and Vohra 2011).
Disconfirmed expectations is taken from the expectancy theory, which proposes that employees’
expectations of the outcome of their performance influences their behaviour and attitudes at
work, such as employee burn-out, work satisfaction, work involvement and employee alienation.
Expectancy theory claims that an individual will choose to perform or behave in a particular
manner because of what they expect or anticipate. Therefore, the expected result is what
influences the individual’s behaviour (Vroom 1964, Chaing 2006). In short, the motivation of a
particular behaviour is impacted upon the attractiveness of the result. Furnham (2005) suggested
that people are motivated to work due to their expectancies. Alternatively, when workers’
expectations are disconfirmed in the workplace, poor work outcomes are the result, such as
alienation (Korman, Wittig-Berman and Lang 1981), burnout (Fredenberger 1980), disillusion
(Sarason 1977) and demotivation (Furnham 2005).
Disconfirmed expectations and alienation have been directly investigated. Results reported by
Korman, Wittig-Berman and Lang (1981), Burke and Deszc (1982) and Lang (1985) have
showed that high expectations can often lead to disillusionment and perceived personal and
social alienation. Korman, Wittig-Berman and Lang (1981) from their study on alumni and
evening MBA students reported that disconfirmed expectations had a significant positive
relationship with personal alienation (r = .59, p < .01) and with social alienation (r = .52, p < .01)
among the alumni. Amongst the MBA students, disconfirmed expectations had a significant
positive correlation with personal alienation (r = .53, p < .01) and social alienation (r = .44, p <
.01). Also, it was seen that alienation scores increased as the level of education increased. Burke
and Deszca (1982) from their research on senior managerial and managerial staff found that
disconfirmed expectation was positively correlated with personal alienation (r = .31, p < .05),
social alienation (r = .25, p < .05), personal and negative work experiences (r = .24, p < .05).
The review of the literature regarding disconfirmed expectations and alienation revealed that
high expectations whether internally or externally imposed could lead to feelings of disillusion,
burnout, lower job involvement, demotivation and personal and social alienation. Disconfirmed
expectations is an important variable when examining alienation and can act as mediating
variable in understanding the relationship between structural variables and alienation (Nair 2010;
Nair and Vohra 2011).
86
Research Model and Hypotheses
In the light of the explanations provided in the literature, it is expected that the two dimensions
of organisational justice would predict alienation. In addition, disconfirmed expectations were
incorporated as a mediating variable in this study to investigate whether it mediated perceived
organisational injustice and work alienation (see figure 1).The conceptual model is presented in
figure 1, and is followed by the hypotheses.
Independent Variable
Mediating Variable
Dependent Variable
Distributive
Justice
Disconfirmed
Expectations
Alienation
Procedural
Justice
Figure 1
Conceptual Model
The theoretical model illustrates the direction of the relationships, in which the two dimensions
of organisational justice simultaneously influences the mediating and criterion variable. As such,
the independent variables can effect alienation either directly or indirectly through their effect
upon the mediating variable.
Hypotheses
Research has shown that distributive and procedural justice are determinants in work outcomes
(Sulu and Ceylan 2010; Ceylan 2011). When employees perceive that they are treated
unfairly, the key outcome is negative emotions at work (Latham and Pinder 2005). Therefore,
it hypothesised that:
87
H1a: Distributive justice influences alienation of public servants in Trinidad.
H1b: Procedural justice predicts alienation of public sector employees.
Korman, Wittig-Berman and Lang (1981) reported that disconfirmed expectations were
associated with personal and social alienation amongst white collar employees. In this research,
it is therefore proposed that disconfirmed expectation will mediate the relationship between
organisational justice and alienation. Therefore, it is hypothesised that:
H2: Disconfirmed expectations affect employee alienation.
H3: Disconfirmed expectations mediate the relationship between organisational justice (both
distributive and procedural) and alienation of public service employees.
Methodology
Sample
The study used primary data collected by the main researcher. The data were collected from
employees from 11 randomly selected Ministries. A total of 494 persons between the ages of 18
and 65 years participated in the survey. The sample size was based upon Krejcie and Morgan’s
(1970) formula for determining sample size. The given population of public servants in Trinidad
was 27,399 (Mori report 2008), with .05 margin of error and 95% confidence interval, a sample
size of 379 was needed to normally represent the population. However to compensate for nonresponses, 600 questionnaires were distributed and 494 were returned. Thus, the response rate
was 82.3%.
Employees were sampled using the multistage stage cluster sample design. The clusters were
defined by the various government ministries.The entire procedure was completed in steps, the
total population was divided in naturally occurring groups (ministries) and then subdivided (into
offices) and then the employees within these offices were invited to participate in the study.
Measures
A closed ended questionnaire containing 106 items was utilised in exploring factors affecting
alienation. Before initialisation of the questionnaire, employees were given instructions and the
assurance of their anonymity and confidentiality. Likert scales were used for all measurements,
from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5).
In this present research, alienation was measured in terms of self-estrangement/disassociation
and disengagement from work. The alienation scale utilised for this particular study was
developed using a combination of Nair and Vohra’s (2009), MaddiKobasa and Hoover’s (1979)
alienation scale items, as well as self-constructed items. Five out of eight questions were adopted
from Nair and Vohra’s alienation scale which measured alienation by testing work enjoyment,
boredom, work as a chore, estrangement and the inability to reach one’s goals at work. The
entire scale developed by Nair and Vohra (2009) was not used and the author selectively
removed three items because these items had factor loading below .70. The factor loading of the
remaining five questions used in the questionnaire were between .75 and .81.
88
To measure alienation, a ten item scale developed by Maddi, Kobasa and Hoover (1979) and
adapted by Hirschfeld and Fields (2002) was utilised. Three statements from the scale were used;
these statements sought to measure perceptions of fatalism, resignation at work and the extent to
which the employee maintains a low level of positive feelings toward the world of work. The
reliability of the scale was measured by Hirschfeld and Field (2000) and the cronbach alpha was
calculated at 0.80.
Furthermore, three additional items were included to the two aforementioned scales. These items
questioned employees about whether they found their job unfulfilling, boring and if he/she
intended to leave. In total, there were eleven items measuring alienation. The reliability of the
scale was tested using cronbach alpha test, which reported a score of .95.
Disconfirmed expectations
The measurement for disconfirmed expectations was created for this present research. The scale
was fashioned using the logic of the disconfirmed expectations theory which states that worker
alienation is as a result of the discrepancy between prior expectations and actual outcomes
(Oliver 1980). Workers expect a good salary, work security, recognition, autonomy, expression,
diversity, responsibility, fair distribution of rewards and protocol in observing the distribution of
rewards. The cronbach alpha for this scale was .92.
Organisational Justice
The items measuring distributive justice were adapted from Price and Mueller (1986). The scale
questioned participants if they were fairly rewarded considering their responsibilities, level of
education and stresses of the job. Fields (2002, 172), reported that the cronbach alphas ranged
from .75 to .94. For this study, the cronbach alpha was .92.
Procedural justice was measured using four out of six items developed by Niehoff and Moorman
(1993). Items on this scale were based on how fair manager decisions were, if workers were
allowed to challenge decisions, about employers’ concerns of the rights of the employee and the
removal of personal biases in the decision making process. Results from Niehoff and Moorman
(1993) reported a cronbach alpha of 0.85; therefore there was evidence of high reliability.
Additionally, a score of .83 was attained in this investigation.
Statistical Procedures
To test the predictors of alienation in the public service in Trinidad, a number of statistical
procedures were used. Initially, descriptive statistics were calculated, followed by the bivariate
statistical tests, which included correlation and regression. Subsequently, multivariate tests such
as, multiple regression tests and recursive path analysis were employed to test the theoretical
model. The general test for mediating variables in a conceptual model is a path analysis
(Olobatuyi 2006). Researchers popularly use path analysis, a form of Structural Equation
Modelling to investigate and analyse conceptual models which include a series of paths (Chriser
and McCreary 2010). In path analysis, the researcher uses a series of multiple regression
analyses to estimate the influence of the independent variable on the dependent variable while
controlling the effect of the mediator (Whitley and Kite 2013).
89
Results and Analysis
A series of pearson correlation and regression tests were used to test the hypotheses 1, 2 and 3.
Distributive justice was negatively correlated with employee alienation (see table 1), r = -.233 (p
< .001). Additionally, the regression coefficient shown that distributive justice significantly
predicted variance in alienation, r2 = .054 (p < .001). Thus, the more workers perceived
distributive injustice, the greater their feelings of alienation.
Table 1. Model Summarising Regression Coefficients for Alienation as the Predictor
Variables
Model
R
R Square
Adjusted R
Standard
1. Distributive
Justice
2. Procedural Justice
3. Disconfirmed
Expectations
Square
Error
-.233
.054
.52
.038
-.379
.144
.142
.043
.521
.272
.270
.041
Predictor Variables: Distributive justice, Procedural Justice, Disconfirmed Expectation
Dependent Variable: Alienation
There was a negative association between procedural justice and employee alienation, r = -.379
(p < .001) and r2 = .144 (p < .001) respectively. The independent variable accounted for 14.4%
of the variance in alienation scores. Thus, when public servants believed that procedural justice
was reduced, there was an increased in alienation. The results have shown that both distributive
justice and procedural justice were both significant independent predictors of alienation.
Using multiple regression, the two dimensions of organisational justice and alienation had a total
r = of .386 (p < .001) and r2 of .149 (table 2).
Table 2. Model Summary of the Effects of Organisation Justice on Alienation
Model
1
R
R Square
.386
Adjusted R Square
.149
.145
Predictor: Distributive Justice; Procedural Justice
In table 4 which summarises the values of multiple regression equation for alienation, there were
negative relationships between each of the predictors and alienation. For this model, procedural
justice; t (484) = -7.307 (p < .001) was the only significant predictor of alienation. Distributive
justice had a β value of -.080 and procedural justice had a β value of .343. Thus, the relationship
between procedural justice and alienation was stronger and more significant than the relationship
between distributive justice and alienation.
90
Table 3. Coefficients for Alienation as Predicted by Distributive Justice and Procedural
Justice
Unstandardised Standardised
Collinearity
Coefficients
Coefficients
Statistics
Std.
B
1 (Constant)
Distributive
Error
4.502
.150
-.069
.040
-.348
.048
Beta
t
Sig.
Tolerance
VIF
29.963
.000
-.080
-1.714
.087
.803
1.246
-.343
-7.307
.000
.803
1.246
Justice
Procedural
Justice
Independent Variable: Distributive Justice, Procedural Justice
Distributive Justice
-.080
Alienation
-.343
Procedural Justice
Figure 2. Multiple Regression on Alienation as Distributive
and Procedural Justice
The third hypothesis which sought to measure the influence of mediator variable on the criterion
was tested via both correlation and regression. There was a positive correlation between
disconfirmed expectations and employee alienation, r = -.521 (p < .001). Furthermore, r2 = .272
(p < .001). Consequently, when public sector employees felt that their prior expectations of the
job were not met they experienced higher levels of alienation.
91
The final hypothesis proposed that disconfirmed expectations would mediate the relationship
between both dimensions of organisational justice and alienation. The theoretical model was
tested by means of a recursive path analysis, which is a decomposition of multiple regression
analysis (Olobatuyi 2006). There were two layers in multiple regression analysis:
1. Layer one consisted of disconfirmed expectations as the criterion and distributive and
procedural justice as the independent variables.
2. Layer two comprised of alienation as the outcome and distributive and procedural justice
as the predictors.
Layer One
According to Baron and Kenny (1986) there are a number of conditions that must be fulfilled in
performing mediation tests. First the independent variables must be related to the dependent
variable. Both distributive justice (β = -.149, p< .001) and procedural justice (β = -.299, p< .000)
had significant influences upon disconfirmed expectations (see table 5). Both predictors
correlated with disconfirmed expectations (r = .389, p < .000). Also, the multiple regression test
revealed that distributive and procedural justice accounted for 15.1% of the variance in the
outcome (r2= .151, p< .000).
Table 4. Multiple Regression Coefficients for Disconfirmed Expectations
Model
R
R Square
.389a
1
Adjusted R Square
.151
.148
Predictors: Distributive Justice, Procedural Justice
Dependent Variable: Disconfirmed Expectations
Table 5. Multiple Regression Coefficients for Disconfirmed Expectations
Unstandardised
Standardised
Coefficients
Coefficients
Std.
Model
1 (Constant)
Distributive
B
Error
4.605
.140
-.120
.037
-.286
.044
Beta
t
Sig.
Tolerance
VIF
32.820
.000
-.149
-3.214
.001
.806
1.240
-.299
-6.446
.000
.806
1.240
Justice
Procedural
Justice
Predictors: Distributive Justice, Procedural Justice
Dependent Variable: Disconfirmed Expectations
92
Layer Two
The two components of organisational justice as well as disconfirmed expectations correlated
with alienation (r = .559, p< .001). From the multiple regression analysis on disconfirmed
expectations, the independent variables accounted for 31.2% of the variance in the criterion (see
table 6).
Table 6. Multiple Regression of Alienation as Predicted by Organisational Justice and
Disconfirmed Expectations
Model
R
R Square
.559a
1
Adjusted R Square
.312
.308
Predictors: Distributive, Procedural Justice, Disconfirmed Expectations
It was also noted that procedural justice (β = - .208, p < .001) and disconfirmed expectations (β =
-.411, p < .001) had significant influences upon alienation. Thus, another assumption of
mediation tests was met, in that the mediator must be related to the dependent variables (Baron
and Kelly 1996).
Table 7. Multiple Regression Coefficients on Alienation as Predicted by Distributive,
Procedural Justice and Disconfirmed Expectations
Standardise
Model
Unstandardised
d
Collinearity
Coefficients
Coefficients
Statistics
Std.
B
1 (Constant)
Distributive
Error
2.348
.241
-.015
.036
-.210
.467
Toleranc
Beta
t
Sig.
e
VIF
9.736
.000
-.017
-.408
.683
.787
1.270
.045
-.208
-4.717
.000
.740
1.352
.044
.441
10.718
.000
.852
1.174
Justice
Procedural
Justice
Disconfirme
d
Expectations
Predictors: Distributive Justice, Procedural Justice, Disconfirmed Expectations
93
Path Analysis
The final hypothesis was partially supported since all the assumptions of the conceptual model
were not met. The first assumption is that both distributive and procedural justice would
influence disconfirmed expectations, which were met. The second assumption was that
disconfirmed expectation would effect alienation, which was met. The third assumption was that
both distributive and procedural justice would influence alienation, which was partially met, as
only procedural justice had a significant effect upon alienation. The final assumption was that
disconfirmed expectation would mediate the relation between distributive justice and alienation
and procedural justice and alienation, both which were met. Figure 3 illustrates the path analysis.
Independent
Variable
Mediating Variable
Low Distributive
Justice
Dependent
Variable
.017
.829
.921
.149
.441
Disconfirmed
Expectations
Employee
Alienation
.299
Low Procedural
Justice
.280
Figure 3.Recursive Path Analysis
94
In examining the path diagram it was noted that:
1. Both procedural and distributive justice had direct influences upon the mediator.
2. The mediator variable had a direct effect upon the dependent variable.
3. Procedural justice and disconfirmed expectations had direct effects on employee
alienation. Conversely distributive justice had no direct influence upon alienation.
4. Although distributive justice had no direct influence upon alienation, through its direct
effect upon disconfirmed expectation, it had indirect effect upon alienation. This was
calculated by multiplying the direct effect (β – standardised beta weights) of the
independent variable upon the mediator by the direct effect (β – standardised beta
weights) of the mediator on the dependent variable (Everitt and Dunn 1991). Following
this equation, low decision making had an indirect effect of(low distributive justice →
disconfirmed expectations → alienation = .149 x .441 = .066).
5. Additionally, low procedural justice had a direct effect upon alienation (β = .280).
Nonetheless, there was an indirect effect. The indirect effect was calculated at .123 (low
procedural justice → disconfirmed expectations → alienation = .280 x .441).
6. Thus, an estimate of the total effect that disconfirmed expectations had on employee
alienation was .63 (.066 + .123 + .441). The total effect was calculated by adding the
direct effect of the mediator on the dependent variable plus all the significant indirect
effects that the independent variables had on the criterion through the mediator (Everitt
and Dunn 1991).
Discussion
The present research sought to determine sources of alienation among public servants in
Trinidad. This research is one of the two studies conducted in Caribbean using Western
management theory and methodology. Additionally, the findings of the study offered a
preliminary insight into employees’ experiences of alienation.
At the bivariate stage of analysis, both distributive and procedural justice influenced alienation.
However, at the multivariate stage, only procedural justice had a direct impact upon the criterion.
Ceylan (2011) reported that procedural justice was a more robust predictor of employee
alienation. He explained that when workers experience distributive injustice, they examine if the
distribution process is just. If they observe that the distribution process is inequitable, they may
perhaps experience higher levels of powerlessness and social isolation. Employees are more
disposed to acknowledge decisions when they believe that decision procedures are fair
(Korsgaard et al. 1995). Moreover, Lowenthal (1980) claimed that there cannot be just rewards
devoid of fair procedures. Therefore, perceived distributive injustice is not generally the more
effective form of injustice but rather procedural justice, which the results of the present study
reported.
Another important finding in this research is that disconfirmed expectations had a significant
positive relationship with alienation amongst employees and it predicted 27.2 % variance in
alienation scores. These results were consistent with research findings which targeted employee
alienation (Korman, Wittig-Berman and Lang 1981; Burke and Deszca 1982). Employees who
had high expectations whether imposed internally or externally (Sarason 1977) were more likely
to be disillusioned and alienated when their expectations were disconfirmed in the workplace.
Disconfirmed expectations had the highest correlation and regression coefficients (r = .521, r2 =
95
.272) and thus indicated that it was a robust predictor of alienation. Perhaps, employees have
more expectations that work could fulfil their intrinsic and extrinsic needs and when those
expectations are not met, they become alienated. Also, with the expansion of tertiary education
(Korman, Wittig-Berman and Lang 1981; Lang 1985), the expectations of workers are being
increased. Employees may expect more autonomy, diversity, recognition and rewards and once
these expectations are not met there are heightening rates of alienation.
The results from the path analysis revealed that both procedural justice and disconfirmed
expectations had direct effects upon alienation. Although distributive justice had no direct effect
on alienation, there was an indirect effect through its significant direct impact upon disconfirmed
expectations. Moreover, disconfirmed expectations mediated the relationship between both
dimensions of organisational justice and alienation. Thus, the conceptual model was partially
supported. Although, most of the assumptions of the theoretical model were met, the results have
their limitations. Most of the variance in both disconfirmed expectations and alienation was not
accounted for. Thus, there were other variables both within and external to the work organisation
which predict alienation. Possible predictors could include bureaucracy, job characteristics,
worker centrality and work locus of control (Aiken and Hage 1966; Nair and Vohra 2011).
Conclusion
In this research paper, public sector employees were the units of analysis. The research found
that work organisations with low levels of organisational justice had alienated employees.
Additionally, workers who failed to have met their expectations were also alienated.
Furthermore, disconfirmed expectations mediated the relationship between organisational justice
and alienation. Not only were the hypotheses supported, but the measures adopted from Western
scales were highly reliable within the local context.
Additionally, this research adds to the body of knowledge about employee alienation. According
to Heinz (1991), there is a fading romance with the idea of alienation. Also, in the Caribbean,
there is little research dedicated to the phenomenon with the exception of Banai and Reisel’s
(2003) research in Cuba. The research indicated that the work institution contains dimensions
that explained employee alienation, such as organisational justice. This was consistent with the
existing body of research in organisational sociology, management and public administration, in
which the structural mechanisms, such as, bureaucracy, technology and job characteristics
influence alienation.
Author Bio: Nirmala Sookoo is a PhD student in Criminology and Criminal Justice System in
the Department of Behavioural Sciences, University of the West Indies, St Augustine Campus
and has a Masters in Sociology. She recently co-authored a book chapter with Dylan Kerrigan
entitled “White Collar Crime in Trinidad” in the edited collection by Seepersad, Randy and AnMarie Bissessar, Gangs in the Caribbean. Her research specialisation includes sociology of
workplace, white collar crime, poverty, and quantitative methodology. Additionally she tutors
and guest lectures at the University of the West Indies and was a research assistant for four years.
96
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