New Social Movement - Centro de Estudios sobre la Identidad

Transcription

Bilbao
Universidad del País Vasco – Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, Servicio Editorial = Argitalpen Zerbitzua, 2012.
ISBN: 978-84-9860-595-2 Depósito Legal / Lege gordailua: BI-142-2012
Benjamín Tejerina and Ignacia Perugorría (editors)
Edition: Mikel Azpiri Landa
Book cover design: Josu Aguinaga Cueto
From Social to Political New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization
CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS
Edited by Benjamín Tejerina and Ignacia Perugorría
From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
4
Table of Contents
Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Organizing Committee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
6FLHQWL¿F&RPPLWWHH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Conference Program . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
ARAB SPRING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Mobilizing during the Arab Revolutions: Palestinian Youth Speak for Themselves
Abeer Musleh (Heller School for Social Policy and Management, Brandeis University) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14
Iconography and Contestatory Language in the Arab Protest
Moisés Garduño García (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .28
Social Media and New Technologies in Egypt and Tunisia: Two Examples of Innovative Forms of Democratization
Stefania Perna (University of Reading) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43
Gdeim Izik. A Change in the Struggle Strategies of the Sahrawi Population
Carmen Gómez Martín (EHESS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .62
15M AND “INDIGNADO” MOBILIZATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
Antecedents, Achievements and Challenges of the Spanish Socio-Political Movement 15M
Tomás Alberich Nistal (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .78
Continuities and Discontinuities in Recent Social Mobilizations. From New Social Movements to the Alter-Global Mobilizations and the 15M
Benjamín Tejerina and Ignacia Perugorría (UPV-EHU and Rutgers University) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .93
The Assemblies of 15th May Movement in Cáceres: An Example of Democracy School, a Road to Dialogic Society
Borja Rivero Jiménez (Universidad de Extremadura) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Among Militants and Deliberative Laboratories: The Indignados
Héloïse Nez (Université Paris 13) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
INTERNATIONALIZATION OF PROTESTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
The Notion of the Multitude and Lessons from the Present Cycle of Struggles: The Case of Greece
Nikos Sotirakopoulos (University of Kent) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
Occupy: A New “New Social Movement”
Lauren Langman (Loyola University) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
YOUTH AND STUDENT MOBILIZATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
The New Wave of Student Mobilizations in Europe Explained as a Fordist-Posfordist Transition
Joseba Fernández González (UPV-EHU) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
Precarious Present, Uncertain Future: Multiple Dimensions of Precarity as a Symbolic Tool and Resource in the Italian University Mobilization
Lorenzo Zamponi (European University Institute) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
5
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EMOTIONS AND AFFECTS IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
Transforming the Ominous into Happiness: How Antinuclear Drive was Tamed in the Post-War Japan?
Daishiro Nomiya (Sophia University). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
RETHINKING SOCIAL MOVEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
Aproximación a los movimientos sociales como sujetos de emancipación
Zesar Martínez, Beatriz Casado and Pedro Ibarra (UPV-EHU) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
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Raphael Schlembach (University of Salford) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
‘Environment and health, yes… but for other reasons’: Asserting Control, Sovereignty and Transgression in Barcelona
Isabelle Anguelovski (Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona and MIT) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
MEDIA AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267
What Really Matters in Creating Mass Mobilization: Classical Organization or New Social Media? A Comparative Case Study of the Mass Mobilization Process in France and South Korea
Jeong-Im Hyun (Sogang University) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268
Twitter and Public Reasoning around Social Contention: The Case of #15ott in Italy
Stefania Vicari (University of Leicester) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
Protest Politics Through Music in the Basque Country. The Spread of the Lip Dub as a New Form of Collective Action
Ion Andoni Del Amo, Jason Diaux and Arkaitz Letamendía (UPV-EHU) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297
IDENTITY AND PERFORMATIVITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
A Study of Movement Identity on Protest Events: The case of The Protest Against the 2008 Hokkaido Toyako G8 Summit
Kyoko Tominaga (University of Tokyo) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314
Ocup(arte)!: Cultural Engagement in The University of Puerto Rico Student Movement, 2010
Katherine Everhart (Vanderbilt University) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
NEOLIBERALISM AND GLOBALIZATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
From the Save Movements to the Live Ones. An Analytical Approach to the Evolution of Social Movements in Valencia in the Last Two Decades
Rafael Xambó Olmos and Xavier Ginés Sánchez (Universitat de València) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348
Social Movements, Civic Society and Globalization in Latin America
Ilan Bizberg (El Colegio de México) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364
6
Foreword
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Max Weber, and as a central class struggle for the transformation of society by Karl Marx.
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rights and pro-democratization movements constitute alternatives to global domination and the systemic conditioning of individuals and groups. 7KHREMHFWLYHRIWKLVFRQIHUHQFHLVWRIRVWHUWKHRUHWLFDOUHÀHFWLRQVDQGWRSUHVHQWHPSLULFDOHYLGHQFHRQ
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to deepen or initiate processes of democratization in countries such as Tunez, Egypt, Morocco, Libya and Syria, among other. On the other, the massive displays of discontent regarding the political mismanage-
ment of the socio-economic crisis and the shrinking of the Welfare State in Southern Europe. Among the latter are the 15M mobilizations in Spain, the “Indignate-vous” protests in France, Italy and Greece, and other mobilizations organized by young people and students in England, Israel and Belgium.
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social movements, expressed by the Research Committees RC47-Social Movements and Social Classes and RC48-Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change of the International Sociological Asso-
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continuities and discontinuities in the contexts, organizations, repertoires, identities, and symbols suffered E\VRFLDOPRYHPHQWVLQWKHODVWIHZGHFDGHV
7
Organizing Committee
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Centro de Estudios sobre la Identidad Colectiva -Collective Identity Research Center- UPV-EHU
Diego Carbajo
Beatriz Cavia
Gabriel Gatti Casal de Rey
David Gómez Ruiz
Ignacio Irazuzta
Amaia Izaola
María Martínez
Daniel Muriel
César A. Oré Rocca
Alfonso Pérez-Agote
Ignacia Perugorría
Silvia Rodríguez
Gema Sancibrian
Elsa Santamaría
Andrés G. Seguel
Benjamín Tejerina
Taghi Azadarmaki – Iran
Tova Benski, College of Management Studies – Israel
Breno Brigel, UNICAMP – Brasil
Jorge Cadena-Roa, UNAM – Mexico
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Antimo Luigi Farro, Sapienza-Università di Roma – Italy
Helena Flam, Universität Leipzig – Germany
Maria da Gloria Gohn, UNICAMP – Brasil
James Goodman, University of Technology – Australia
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Eiji Hamanishi, Kyoto University – Japan
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Lukasz Jurczyszyn, Aleksander Gieysztor Academy of Humanities – Poland
Lauren Langman, Loyola University of Chicago – USA
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Henri Lustiger Thaler, Ramapo College – USA Kevin McDonald, Goldsmith College – UK
Dai Nomidia, Sophia University – Japan
Geoffrey Pleyers, FNRS-U.C. Louvain – Belgium
Paola Rebughini, Bicocca Milan University – Italy
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Debal Singharoy, Indira Gandhi National Open University – India
Benjamín Tejerina Montaña, UPV-EHU – Spain Emanuele Toscano, Sapienza-Università di Roma – Italy
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8
Conference Program
Thursday, February 9
9:00 Accreditation
9:30-9:45 Presentation
9:45-11:15 Session 1
ARAB SPRING I
Chair: Antimo Farro
· Musleh, Abeer (Heller School for Social Policy and Management, Brandeis University) 0RELOL]LQJGXULQJWKH$UDE5HYROXWLRQV3DOHVWLQLDQ<RXWK6SHDNIRU7KHPVHOYHV
· Khosrokhavar, Farhad (CADIS) Arab Spring Mobilizations · Garduño García, Moisés (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid) Iconography and Contestatory Language in the Arab Protest · Desrues, Thierry (IESA-CSIC) The 20th February Movement: Collective Action and Political Responses in Morocco
11:15-11:45 Coffee break
11:45-13:15 Session 2
ARAB SPRING II Chair: Pedro Ibarra
· Perna, Stefania (University of Reading) 6RFLDO0HGLDDQG1HZ7HFKQRORJLHVLQ(J\SWDQG7XQLVLD 7ZR([DPSOHVRI,QQRYDWLYH)RUPVRI'HPRFUDWL]DWLRQ
· Esu, Aide & Maddanu, Simone (Università degli Studi di Cagliari & CADIS-EHESS) The Controlled Heteropia: Urban Ethnography among Tunisian Migrants connected to Arab Spring · Gómez Martín, Carmen (EHESS) *GHLP,]LN$&KDQJHLQWKH6WUXJJOH6WUDWHJLHVRIWKH6DKUDZL3RSXODWLRQ
13:15-15:30 Lunch
15:30-17:00 Session 3A
INTERNATIONALIZATION OF PROTESTS Chair: Amparo Lasén
· Baumgarten, Britta (CIES-ISCTE, Universidade de Lisboa) Espanha, Grecia, Irlanda, Portugal! A nossa luta é internacional! The Portuguese Mobilizations around the Economic Crisis and their Relationship to Other Contemporary Protests
· Langman, Lauren (Loyola University) 2FFXS\1HZ1HZ6RFLDO0RYHPHQW
· Grinberg, Lev Luis (Ben Gurion University) The Israeli Mix of Europe and the Middle East: Collective Identity, Mobilization and Socio-Political Context of the J-14 movement 9
· Sotirakopoulos, Nikos (University of Kent) The Notion of the Multitude and Lessons from the Present Cycle of Struggles: The Case of Greece
Session 3B
YOUTH AND STUDENT MOBILIZATIONS Chair: Elena Casado
· Fernández González, Joseba (UPV-EHU) 7KH1HZ:DYHRI6WXGHQW0RELOL]DWLRQVLQ(XURSH([SODLQHGDVD)RUGLVW3RVIRUGLVW7UDQVLWLRQ
· Zamponi, Lorenzo (European University Institute) Precarious Present, Uncertain Future: Multiple Dimensions of Precarity as a Symbolic Tool and Resource in the Italian University Mobilization
· Rebughini, Paola (University of Milan) $YDWDUVRI(PDQFLSDWLRQ)URP&ULWLTXHWR,QGLJQDWLRQ"
17:30-19:30 Session 4A
EMOTIONS AND AFFECTS IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Chair: Ybon LeBot · Langman, Lauren & Benski, Tova (Loyola University & Tel Aviv University)
The Effects of Affects: Democratic Social Movements and their Visions
· Lasén, Amparo & Casado, Elena (Universidad Complutense de Madrid)
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· Nomiya, Daishiro (Sophia University)
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· Bataille, Philippe (CADIS) Au sujet du corps, le corps du Sujet
Session 4B
RETHINKING SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Chair: Paola Rebughini
· Toscano, Emanuele (Sapienza-Università di Roma) The space of movements: An interpretative frame · Martínez, Zesar, Casado, Beariz & Ibarra, Pedro (UPVEHU) Aproximación a los movimientos sociales como sujetos de emancipación · Schlembach, Raphael (University of Salford) 6RFLDO0RYHPHQWVLQ3RVW3ROLWLFDO6RFLHW\3UH¿JXUDWLRQ'HOLEHUDWLRQDQG&RQVHQVXV · Anguelovski, Isabelle (Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona & MIT)
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Sovereignty, and Transgression in Barcelona
10
Friday, February 10
9:00-11:00 Session 5 15M AND ‘INDIGNADO’ MOBILIZATIONS I: CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES Chair: Dai Nomiya · Alberich Nistal, Tomás (Universidad Complutense of Madrid)
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in Spain and the 15M Movement.
· Tejerina, Benjamín & Perugorría, Ignacia (UPV/EHU & Rutgers University)
Continuities and Discontinuities in Recent Social Mobilizations. )URP1HZ6RFLDO0RYHPHQWVWRWKH$OWHU*OREDO0RELOL]DWLRQVDQGWKH0
· Fernández García, Manuel (IESA-CSIC)
Emerging Forms of Political Protest as Participation: The Political Space of 15M Movement · Farro, Antimo L. (Sapienza-Università di Roma & CADIS) ;;,&HQWXU\6RFLDO0RYHPHQWV1HZ,VVXHVDQG1HZTXHVWLRQV
11:30-13:30 Session 6
15M AND ‘INDIGNADO’ MOBILIZATIONS II: LEARNING PROCESSES Chair: Ignacia Perugorria · Rivero Jiménez, Borja (Universidad de Extremadura)
The Assemblies of 15th May Movement in Cáceres: An Example of Democracy School, a Road to Dialogic Society
· Romanos, Eduardo (Universidad Pública de Navarra)
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Movement · Nez, Héloïse (Université Paris 13)
Among Militants and Deliberative Laboratories: The Indignados · Calvo, Kerman (Universidad de Salamanca)
Fighting for a Voice: the 15M Movement in Spain
13:30-15:30 Lunch
15:30-17:00 Session 7A
MEDIA AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
Chair: Emanuele Toscano
· Hyun, Jeong-Im (Sogang University)
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· Vicari, Stefania (University of Leicester) 7ZLWWHUDQG3XEOLF5HDVRQLQJDURXQG6RFLDO&RQWHQWLRQ7KH&DVHRIRWWLQ,WDO\
· Del Amo, Ion Andoni, Diaux, Jason & Letamendía, Arkaitz (UPV-EHU) 3URWHVW3ROLWLFV7KURXJK0XVLFLQWKH%DVTXH&RXQWU\7KH6SUHDGRIWKH/LS'XEDVD1HZ
Form of Collective Action
· Del Val, Fernán (Universidad Complutense) 7KH6RXQGRIWKH7UDQVLWLRQ<RXWK3ROLWLFVDQG3RSXODU0XVLFLQ6SDLQ
Session 7B IDENTITY AND PERFORMATIVITY
Chair: Tova Benski · Tominaga, Kyoko (University of Tokyo) A Study of Movement Identity on Protest Events: The case of The Protest Against the 2008 Hokkaido Toyako G8 Summit
· Everhart, Katherine (Vanderbilt University) Ocup(arte)!: Cultural Engagement in The University of Puerto Rico Student Movement, 2010 · Martínez, Miguel A. (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) &XPXODWLYH&KDLQVRI$FWLYLVW([FKDQJHVWKH2FFXSDWLRQRI6TXDUHV
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17:30-19:00 Session 8A
NEOLIBERALISM AND GLOBALIZATION Chair: Simone Maddanu · Xambó Olmos, Rafael & Ginés Sánchez, Xavier (Universitat de València)
From the Save Movements to the Live Ones. An Analytical Approach WRWKH(YROXWLRQRI6RFLDO0RYHPHQWVLQ9DOHQFLDLQWKH/DVW7ZR'HFDGHV
· Rosenhek, Zeev & Shalev, Michael 2SHQ8QLYHUVLW\RI,VUDHO+HEUHZ8QLYHUVLW\RI-HUXVDOHP Class, Generation and Social Protest. The Summer of Discontent in Israel · Bizberg, Ilan (El Colegio de México) Social Movements, Civic Society and Globalization in Latin America · Le Bot, Yvon (CADIS) The Emergence of the Migrant Subject. A Sociological Interpretation of the Latino Movement in the United States
19:00-19:30 Closing ceremony
ARAB SPRING
14
Mobilizing during the Arab Revolutions: Palestinian Youth speak for themselves
ABEER MUSLEH
Heller School for Social Policy and Management, Brandeis University
Abstract
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did not succeed in mobilizing despite the emergence of a political opportunity. 7KHREMHFWLYHRIWKLVSDSHULVWRXQGHUVWDQGWDNLQJLQWRFRQVLGHUDWLRQ\RXWKUHÀHFWLRQ
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culture of engagement, gender, youth identity and culture of mobilization, Mobilization VWUXFWXUHV)UDPHZRUNVDQGWKHVRFLRSROLWLFDOFRQWH[W
To achieve this understanding the research utilizes in depth case study analysis of the \RXWKJURXSVZKRDFWHGRQWKHJURXQGLQ5DPDOODKGXULQJ'HFHPEHUWLOO-XQH
2011. The researcher conducted participant observation for events taking place on the JURXQGLQWHUYLHZVZLWK\RXWKOHDGHUVRIWKHYDULRXV\RXWKJURXSVHQJDJHGLQ5DPDOODK
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cation style, leadership style, and the structures they decide to establish. Keywords
Activism, Arab Revolutions, Forms of Engagement, Identity, Palestine.
Literature Review
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WKHUHYROXWLRQPDLQO\WKHHGXFDWHGPLGGOHFODVVQRQDI¿OLDWHG\RXWKDQGWKHSROLWLFDOSDUWLHV7KHUHODWLRQ
15
ARAB SPRING
EHWZHHQWKHSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OLDWHGDQGQRQSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OLDWHG\RXWKLQ(J\SWZDVRQHRIWKHDVSHFWVXQGHU
VWXG\+DQD¿)XUWKHUWKH<RXWKDELOLW\WRRYHUFRPHWKHSHUVRQDOLGHRORJ\DQGWKHLUVHQVHRIDJHQF\
WRWDNHGLIIHUHQWVWDQGVRWKHUWKDQWKHLUSROLWLFDOSDUWLHV+DQD¿LQDGGLWLRQWRWKHLUDELOLW\WRFRQQHFW
EHWZHHQWKHSROLWLFDOFLYLFDQGHFRQRPLFDODVSHFWVZDVFOHDULQWKHVORJDQVRIMXVWLFHUDLVHGPDLQO\E\ERWK
the revolutions of Tunisia and Egypt. 7KHLPSRUWDQFHRIVWXG\LQJWKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQVLVWKDWLWFDPHDWDWLPHZKHQDOOWKHDQDO\VLVIRUWKH
$UDEZRUOGZDVDVVXPLQJWKDWWKHSHRSOHDUHQRWJRLQJWRUHEHODJDLQVWWKHLQMXVWLFHDQGGLFWDWRUVKLSWKH\
OLYH,WZDVDUHYROXWLRQWKDWVXUSULVHGPRVWDFWRU$OVKZHLU\0RVWRIWKHVWXGLHVDERXWWKH$UDE
UHYROXWLRQVWULHGWRXQGHUVWDQGZKDWKDSSHQHGIURPDVRFLRHFRQRPLFDOSHUFHSWLRQ/HDYLQJPRVWO\WKHIUHH
VSDFHVLQZKLFKWKHUHYROXWLRQVEXLOWLWVFXOWXUHDQGWKHQHZVSDFHVXWLOL]HGWRQXUWXUHWKLVFXOWXUHPDLQO\
VRFLDOPHGLDVWUHHWVDQGPRVTXHVDVSXEOLFVSDFHVZKHUHFXOWXUHRIPRYHPHQWVDUHGHYHORSHG(O6DNND
2QHRWKHUDVSHFWRIWKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQVLVWKDWLWUHLQIRUFHGWKHFRQFHSWRISRZHURIRUJDQL]HGQRQ-
YLROHQFHUHYROWVIRUVRFLDOFKDQJH(O(NHUDQGSUHVHQWHGDVSDFHLQZKLFKHDFKFLWL]HQGHVSLWHWKHLU
JHQGHUFODVVHGXFDWLRQFDQHTXDOO\SDUWLFLSDWHDQGFRQWULEXWHWRWKHFKDQJH
7KHGHEDWHDERXW3DOHVWLQLDQPRELOL]DWLRQGXULQJWKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQVPRVWRIWKHWLPHVWDUWHGZLWKWKH
TXHVWLRQZK\WKH3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKIDLOHGWRPRELOL]HRUZK\WKHLUVRFLDOPRELOL]DWLRQZDVQRWH[LVWHQW
5DLVLQJVXFKTXHVWLRQVLVDSUREOHPDVLWDVVXPHVWKDWDPRYHPHQWVKRXOGWDNHSODFHDQGWKHIDFWWKDWLW
did not happen is considered the abnormal (Al-Azzeh, 2011), and it limits the ability to analyze the context. Nevertheless, both the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions had the largest impact on the Palestinian youth and LQVSLUHGWKHPWRDFWDVFDWDO\VWVIRUWKHLUFRPPXQLW\5HYLHZLQJWKHVORJDQVUDLVHGE\WKH3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWK
LWLVQRWLFHGWKDWWKHVORJDQVWKHVDPHVWUXFWXUHWKDWVWDUWVZLWK³7KH3HRSOHZDQWV´WKH\WULHGWRKDYHWKH
VDPHZD\IRUSDUWLFLSDWRU\OHDGHUVKLSDQGSUHVHQWWKHPVHOYHVDVLQGHSHQGHQW<DWHV%URZQ
+RZHYHURQHLPSRUWDQWDVSHFWRIWKHLPSDFWRI$UDEUHYROXWLRQVRQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKLVWKHLQFUHDVHRI
sense of agency and ability to change.
When studying youth mobilization in Palestine during the period of Arab revolutions, It is hard not to ORRNDWWKHFKDQJLQJUHODWLRQEHWZHHQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQVDQGWKH$UDE:RUOG$FFRUGLQJWR$OD$]]HK
WKH3DOHVWLQLDQVWXUQHGWREHZDWFKHUVIRUWKH$UDEVFHQHLQVWHDGRIEHLQJWKHVFHQH,WZDVDWLPHLQZKLFK
WKH\ZLOOGHPRQVWUDWHLQVROLGDULW\ZLWK$UDEVDQGQRWWKHRSSRVLWH,WZDVDWLPHLQZKLFKWKH\KDGWRVWHS
EDFNDQGOHDUQQHZPHWKRGVDQGIRUPVRIPRELOL]DWLRQ2QHH[DPSOHLVZKHQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKDW4D-
ODQGLDFKHFNSRLQWRQWKH1DNEDGHPRQVWUDWLRQXVHGVLPLODU7DFWLFVWKDWZHUHXVHGE\WKH(J\SWLDQDWWKH
7DKULU6TXDUHWRRYHUFRPHWKHLPSDFWRIWHDUJDV+63HUVRQDOFRPPXQLFDWLRQ
)XUWKHU\RXWKPRELOL]DWLRQLVGLIIHUHQWIURPRQHFRXQWU\WRDQRWKHUGHSHQGLQJRQWKHFRQWH[WLQZKLFK
\RXWKOLYHLQ<DWHV:LWKLQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQFRQWH[WWKHLQWHUQDOFRQÀLFWEHWZHHQWKHWZRELJJHVW
SDUWLHVOHGWRWZRGLVSXWHGJRYHUQPHQWVZKLFKZDVQRWZHOOUHFHLYHGE\SHRSOHDQG\RXWKLQSDUWLFXODU
HVSHFLDOO\WKH:HVW%DQN:%DQG*D]D6WULS*6ZHUHDQGVWLOODUHXQGHURFFXSDWLRQDGGHGWRWKLVWKH
escalation violence and repression by the Israeli occupation. All of this led to bad economic situation, and OHIWRWKHUSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVDQGWKH3DOHVWLQLDQFLYLOVRFLHW\WKDWLVLQODUJHO\GHSHQGHQWRQGRQRUVZLWKPLQL-
PDOSRZHU7KLVVLWXDWLRQDIIHFWHGWKHGHPRFUDWLFSURFHVVWKDWKDVEHHQSXWRQKROGDVDUHVXOWRIWKHLQWHUQDO
FRQÀLFWEHWZHHQWKHPDLQ3DOHVWLQLDQ)DFWLRQV
16
Scope of study
7KLVDUWLFOHWULHVWRDQDO\]HZKDWKDSSHQHGLQ3DOHVWLQHGXULQJWKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQV7RGRVRLWWDFNOHV
RQRQHVLGHWKHVRFLRSROLWLFDOFRQWH[WDQGWKHSROLWLFDORSSRUWXQLW\VWUXFWXUHWKDWH[LVWHGLQ3DOHVWLQHRQWKH
RWKHUVLGHLWWDNHVLQWRFRQVLGHUDWLRQWKH\RXWKSHUFHSWLRQRIWKHLUH[SHULHQFHZKLFKZLOODOORZWRXQGHU-
VWDQGEHWWHUZKDWWRRNSODFHLQUHJDUGWR\RXWKSROLWLFDOPRELOL]DWLRQVXFKDVWKHFKDOOHQJHVWKDWKLQGHUHG
mobilization in the Palestinian context. The study is based on both literature of youth engagement and social movements. The importance of this research lies in the fact that it not only provides hands on experience that took SODFHLQ3DOHVWLQHGXULQJWKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQVEXWDOVREHFDXVHLWUHÀHFWVRQWKH\RXWKH[SHULHQFHWKURXJK
reading their narratives. Research question and objectives
7KHREMHFWLYHRIWKLVSDSHULVWRXQGHUVWDQGWKHGLIIHUHQWHOHPHQWVWKDWPDGHLWGLI¿FXOWIRUWKHFXUUHQW
JHQHUDWLRQRI\RXWKWRPRELOL]HRQWKHJURXQGWKURXJKFRQVLGHULQJ\RXWKUHÀHFWLRQRQWKHLUH[SHULHQFH,Q
GRLQJVRWKHIROORZLQJIDFWRUVZLOOEHWDNHQLQWRFRQVLGHUDWLRQFRQWH[WJHQGHULGHQWLW\IUDPLQJOHDGHU-
ship styles, and forms of engagement. Methodology
0RVW RI WKH ¿QGLQJV GLVFXVVHG LQ WKLV DUWLFOH VWHP IURP WKH UHVHDUFK FRQGXFWHG EHWZHHQ 'HFHPEHU
DQG-XQHLQ5DPDOODK3DOHVWLQH7KHUHVHDUFKHUXVHGFDVHVWXG\DSSURDFKLQZKLFKWKHWKUHH
PDLQ\RXWKJURXSVDFWLYHLQWKHDUHDRI5DPDOODKZHUHVHOHFWHG7RFROOHFWGDWDWKHUHVHDUFKHUFRQGXFWHG
SDUWLFLSDQWREVHUYDWLRQIRUHYHQWVDQGJURXSVPHHWLQJVLQWHUYLHZVZLWKOHDGHUVRIWKHWKUHHPDLQ\RXWK
groups, and content analysis for articles and responses to the events taking place. :LWKLQWKHLQWHUYLHZVTXHVWLRQVWR\RXWKFRYHUHGWKHLULQYROYHPHQWLQWKHPRELOL]DWLRQLQUHJDUGWR
WKHLUPRWLYHWRPRELOL]HOHYHORILQYROYHPHQWJURXS¶VOHDGHUVKLSVWUXFWXUHUROHWKH\SOD\HGWKHLUSHUFHS-
WLRQRIRWKHUPDLQ\RXWKJURXSVDFWLQJRQWKHJURXQGWKHLULGHQWLW\VSHFL¿FZD\VRIHQJDJHPHQWQHWZRUNV
XWLOL]HGZD\VXVHGWRIDFHUHSUHVVLRQUROHRI\RXQJZRPHQDQG¿QDOO\WKHLUIXWXUHSHUVSHFWLYHV
$OOLQWHUYLHZVZHUHFRQGXFWHGLQ$UDELFVRPHRIWKHLQWHUYLHZVZHUHFRQGXFWHGGXULQJWKHPRELOL]D-
WLRQSURFHVVDQGDVWKHHYHQWVZHUHWDNLQJSODFHDQGSDUWRIWKHLQWHUYLHZVZHUHFRQGXFWHGDIWHUWKHZKROH
PRELOL]DWLRQSURFHVVHQGHG,QWHUYLHZVZHUHWUDQVFULEHGDQGFRGHGDQGDQDO\]HGXVLQJ$WODV7,VRIWZDUH7R
SURWHFWWKHSULYDF\RI5HVHDUFKVXEMHFWSVHXGRQDPHVZLOOEHXVHGLQVWHDGRIUHVHDUFKVXEMHFW¶VQDPHV,WLV
LPSRUWDQWWRQRWHWKDWWKHUHVHDUFKHUHQVXUHGWKH\RXWKWRVKDUHWKHUHVXOWVDQGDQDO\VLVRIWKHUHVHDUFKZLWK
WKHP7KHUHVXOWVVKDUHGZLOOEHDZD\RIHYDOXDWLQJWKHH[SHULHQFHWKH\SDVVHGWKURXJK7KH\RXWKFRQVLG-
HUHGWKHUHVHDUFKHUDQLQVLGHULQWKHJURXSVHVSHFLDOO\WKDWWKHUHVHDUFKHUZDVDPHPEHURIRQHRIWKHJURXSV
and considered her task as documentation and as part of the effort needed to enhance the group experience.
17
ARAB SPRING
The Palestinian context and political mobilization
The nature of youth political mobilization in Palestine has been changing over time. The nature of po-
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positions, and the impact they can make in the Palestinian society in general. Historically the Palestinian youth played an important role in community mobilization for national causes. The 1st Palestinian youth FRQIHUHQFHWRRNSODFHLQWKH\HDULQZKLFK3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKORRNHGLQWRZD\VWRFRPPXQLW\PRELOL]H
WRUHVLVWWKH=LRQLVWPRYHPHQWWKUHDWVWRWKH3DOHVWLQLDQVRFLHW\ণǌWLQWKH¶VWKH3DOHVWLQLDQ
youth through the student movement formed and led the PLO and mobilized the Palestinian community DURXQGWKH0LOLWDQWUHVLVWDQWRIRFFXSDWLRQৡƗ\LJKDQG6LUKDQ,QWKH\SURYLGHGDPRGHORI
non-violent popular resistance through the 1st,QWLIDGD6LQFHVLJQLQJRI2VOR$FFRUGWLOOQRZ3DOHVWLQLDQ
SROLWLFDO\RXWKHQJDJHPHQWVKRZHGYDULRXVIRUPVRIDFWLYLVPWKDWYDULHGEDVHGRQWKHDI¿OLDWLRQDQGFRQ-
WH[WZLWKLQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQFRPPXQLW\
Studies about the Palestinian youth, indicated a decrease in the level of youth political activism and mobilization since the signature of the Oslo agreement (Bailey and Murray, 2009) compared to their sig-
QL¿FDQWUROHGXULQJWKH¿UVW,QWLIDGD6LQFHWKHQPDLQFKDQJHVWRRNSODFHUHJDUGLQJWKH3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWK
LGHQWLW\IRUPVRIHQJDJHPHQWSRVLWLRQDQGUROHRI\RXWKZLWKLQWKH3ROLWLFDO)DFWLRQV
<RXWKHQJDJHPHQWGRHVQRWKDSSHQLQDYDFXXPLWLVDIIHFWHGE\WKHFRQWH[WLQZKLFK\RXWKOLYHLQ7KLV
FRQWH[WLQFOXGHVVWUXFWXUHVDQGYDOXHVORJLFVDQGSUDFWLFHVWKDWSURYLGH\RXQJSHRSOHZLWKRSSRUWXQLWLHV
FRQVWUDLQVIRUGHYHORSPHQWDQGSDUWLFLSDWLRQ<DWHV%HLQJXQGHURFFXSDWLRQWKHFOHDUV\VWHPWR
UHEHODJDLQVWGXHWRFRQWLQXHGLQFUHDVHGRSSUHVVLYHPHDVXUHVSUHVHQWHGE\WKH$SDUWKHLGZDOOWKHVHWWOH-
PHQWVFRQ¿VFDWLRQRIODQGFKHFNSRLQWVGHPROLWLRQRIKRXVHVDQGDSDUWKHLGODZVDJDLQVW3DOHVWLQLDQV
ZKHWKHUWKH\OLYHLQ,VUDHORULQWKH:HVW%DQNLQFOXGLQJ-HUXVDOHPDQG*D]D6WULSWKHVWDWHGLGQRWH[-
LVWZLWKLQWKHSROLWLFDOFRQWH[W$O$]]HK'HVSLWHWKHLUGLVDSSRLQWPHQWIURPWKH3DOHVWLQLDQV\VWHP
DQGVWUXFWXUHVZKLFKLVIHHGLQJWKHGLYLVLRQWKH\RXWKFRXOGQRWUHDFKDSRVLWLRQZKHUHWKH\FDQVWDQG
completely against it. This limited the forms of engagement they adopted.
7KHVLWXDWLRQEHFRPHVZRUVHFRQVLGHULQJWKHGLYLVLRQEHWZHHQ)DWHKDQG+DPDVLQZKLFKWKH\RXWK
ZHUHGLYLGHGEHWZHHQWKHWZRELJSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVUHVXOWLQJLQKDYLQJ\RXWK¿JKWLQJDJDLQVWHDFKRWKHU
LQVWHDGRIXQLWLQJWRJHWKHUIRUGHYHORSLQJWKHVRFLHW\DQGUHVLVWLQJRFFXSDWLRQ%DLOH\DQG0XUUD\
5DKDO(QGLQJGLYLVLRQEHWZHHQWKHPDLQWZRIDFWLRQVEHFDPHWKHPDLQFRQFHUQRIWKH3DOHVWLQLDQ
VRFLHW\LQJHQHUDODQGWKH\RXWKLQSDUWLFXODU%DLOH\DQG0XUUD\$VWKH3/2ZHDNHQHGDIWHUWKH
2VOR$FFRUGLWFRXOGQRWSOD\DUROHLQVROYLQJWKHLQWHUQDOFRQÀLFW9DULRXVDWWHPSWWRRNSODFHVLQFH
WRHQGWKHGLVSXWHKRZHYHUDOOWKHVHDWWHPSWVIDLOHGDQGDV\VWHPUXOHGE\VHFXULW\IRUFHVZDVUHLQIRUFHG
in both WB and GS that year. $WWKHOHYHORIWKH3DOHVWLQLDQRUJDQL]DWLRQVDQGSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVZKLFKDUHLPSRUWDQWLQQXUWXULQJ\RXWK
LQWRSROLWLFDOHQJDJHPHQWDVWKH\DUHWKHSODFHZKHUHSROLWLFDOVRFLDOL]DWLRQXVXDOO\WDNHVSODFHGLGQRW
SOD\WKLVUROH%RWK0FDGDPDQG&KHFNRZD\DQG*XWLHUUH]GHVFULEHGWKHLPSRUWDQFHRI
community organization and indicated the importance of institutions in creating the opportunity for young SHRSOHWRHQWHUWKHSROLWLFDOSURFHVV+RZHYHULQWKHFDVHRIWKH3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKPRVWRIWKHPKDYHEHHQ
IDFLQJPDQ\FKDOOHQJHVVXFKDVEHLQJVWXFNZLWKLQROGHUVWUXFWXUHVOHGE\ROGHUJHQHUDWLRQVZKLFKGLG
QRWDOORZ\RXWKWRKDYHDUROHLQGHFLVLRQPDNLQJZLWKLQWKHRUJDQL]DWLRQVDQGSDUWLHV¶VWUXFWXUHV,QDGGL-
18
WLRQWKHQRQJRYHUQPHQWDORUJDQL]DWLRQV1*2VEHLQJGHSHQGHQWRQ'RQRUVORVWWKHLUFRQQHFWLRQZLWK
WKHJUDVVURRWVDQGFRXOGQRWEHWKHSODFHVZKHUH\RXWKYDOXHVFRPPXQLFDWLRQVW\OHDQGLGHQWLWLHVDUH
GHYHORSHGDQGVKDSHGDQGZKHUHQHJRWLDWLRQVEHWZHHQROGDQGQHZZRUOG¶VYLVLRQVDQGFRPPXQLFDWLRQ
VW\OHVFDQWDNHSODFH3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKDFWLYLVWVUHÀHFWHGWKDWWRDFHUWDLQH[WHQWWKDWWKH\GRQ¶W¿QGD
SODFHZLWKLQWKHVHVWUXFWXUHVSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OLDWHG\RXWKDQG\RXWKLQYROYHGLQRUJDQL]DWLRQVFRXOGQRWJHW
RXWRIWKHDXWKRULW\RIWKHVHVWUXFWXUHVWRKDYHWKHLURZQZD\RIWKLQNLQJDQGGHYHORSWKHLU¿HOGRILQWHU-
est. Therefore, it is clear that the existing structures of the various institutions and political parties did not HQFRXUDJH\RXWKSDUWLFLSDWLRQZKLFKUHVXOWHGLQWKH\RXWK¶VPLVWUXVWLQWKHVHLQVWLWXWLRQV,WJRHVZLWKRXW
VD\LQJWKDWZLWKLQWKHVHVWUXFWXUHVXVXDOO\WKHSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OLDWHG\RXWKFRXOGQRWUHPRYHWKHKDWRIWKHLU
SROLWLFDOSDUW\DQGZHDUWKHKDWRID\RXWKDFWLYLVWWKDWKDVDGLIIHUHQWYLVLRQ
7KHRSSRUWXQLW\IRUWKHSROLWLFDOSDUWLFLSDWLRQFKDQJHFDPHDVDUHVXOWRIWKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQVZKHQ3DO-
HVWLQLDQ\RXWKIRXQGDQHZPRGHOWRLGHQWLI\ZLWK7KH)LUVW3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKPRELOL]LQJDWWHPSWGXULQJ
WKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQVZDVDQDFWRIVROLGDULW\ZLWKWKH7XQLVLDQSHRSOH7KHGHPRQVWUDWLRQZDVLQLWLDWHGE\
\RXWKJURXSVZKRLGHQWL¿HGWKHPVHOYHVDVLQGHSHQGHQW7KLVLVQRWVXUSULVLQJDVWKH\RXWKLQWKHSROLWLFDO
SDUWLHVZHUHWLHGE\WKHLUSDUWLHV¶SROLFLHVDQGWKLVH[SODLQVZK\\RXWKZKRZHUHQRWSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OLDWHGWR
SDUWLHVPDGHWKH¿UVWPRYH7KHVH\RXWKZHUHPHPEHUVRILQGHSHQGHQWDFWLYLVWVJURXSVDQGZHUHUHDFKHG
WKURXJKIDFHERRNSHUVRQDOQHWZRUNV7KH¿UVWGHPRQVWUDWLRQVWRVXSSRUWERWKWKH7XQLVLDQDQG(J\SWLDQ
SHRSOHZHUHIDFHGZLWKUHSUHVVLRQE\WKH3DOHVWLQLDQVHFXULW\IRUFHV7KHVROLGDULW\GHPRQVWUDWLRQVZLWK
WKH7XQLVLDQDQG(J\SWLDQSHRSOHKRZHYHUVWDUWHGWRUDLVHVORJDQVRIHQGLQJGLYLVLRQDQGRFFXSDWLRQE\
February 7th, 2011 <RXWKJURXSVVWDUWHGWRHPHUJHDQGRUJDQL]HPDLQO\HLWKHUWKURXJKIDFHERRNRUIDFHWRIDFHWKURXJK
FORVHGPHHWLQJV0HPEHUVRIWKHJURXSVZHUHWU\LQJWRDYRLGWKHVHFXULW\IRUFHVLQWHUYHQWLRQDQGLQWHUUR-
JDWLRQ+RZHYHUWKHUHZDVDVHULRXVSUREOHPWKDWIDFHGWKHVHJURXSV7KHDFWLYLVW\RXWKJURXSVFRXOGQRW
UHDFKDFRQVHQVXVRQRQHPDLQREMHFWLYHRIWKHLUPRELOL]DWLRQ7KH\ZHUHPDLQO\GLYLGHGEHWZHHQ³(QG
'LYLVLRQ´DQG³(QG2FFXSDWLRQ´+XQGUHGVRIJURXSVHPHUJHGRQIDFHERRNXQGHUWKHDERYHWZRREMHF-
WLYHV,QDGGLWLRQWKHUHZDVQRFOHDUDJHQGDRUDJUHHGXSRQSODQWRKRZWRJRDERXWLWDQGFRXOGQRWHYHQ
agree on one date.
Taking into consideration that the Palestinian society is highly politicized , political parties had a high FRQWURODQGDFFHVVWRQHWZRUNVRILQGLYLGXDOVDQGLQVWLWXWLRQVGHVSLWHWKHKLJKGLVDSSRLQWPHQWRIWKHLUSHU-
IRUPDQFH%URZQ3ROLWLFDOIDFWLRQVFRQWURORYHUWKHDI¿OLDWHG\RXWKZDVDQGVWLOOLVYHU\VWURQJ
2QHPDLQLQFLGHQWWKDWVKRZHGWKLVFRQWUROZDVEXUQLQJWKHVLWLQWHQW:KLOHWKHSXEOLFZDVZDLWLQJIRU
WKH\RXWKWRPDNHDFKDQJH\HWDQGLWZDVQRWZLOOLQJWREHSDUWRIWKLVFKDQJH%XLOGLQJRQWKH$UDEH[SH-
ULHQFHVWKHSXEOLFZDVDQWLFLSDWLQJIRUFKDQJHWRKDSSHQ:LWKLQSROLWLFDOVRFLDOL]DWLRQSUHYLRXVH[SHUL-
HQFHUHODWLRQWRLQVWLWXWLRQVDQGFURVVDJHUHODWLRQVDUHDOODVSHFWVWKDWVKDSH\RXWKIRUPVDQGZLOOLQJQHVV
of engagement (boyte,2004).
As the Palestinian society is politicized, the creation of security controlled authority, is one of the chal-
lenges that limited youth and community participation. Within this context, freedom of expression and SROLWLFDOULJKWVZHUHWKUHDWHQHG
Both of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions created a change in the Palestinian morale, and gave \RXWKVRPHKRSHWRPDNHDGLIIHUHQFHZLWKLQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQSROLWLFDOVWUXFWXUH
19
ARAB SPRING
Research Results and Discussion
7KLVVHFWLRQZLOOUHÀHFWRQWKHPDLQLVVXHVPHQWLRQHGE\\RXWKDQGSRVLWLWLQWKHIUDPHRI\RXWKSROLWLFDO
engagement through considering mainly identity, framing, leadership styles, and forms of engagement taking LQWRFRQVLGHUDWLRQFRQWH[WDQGJHQGHUDVVLJQL¿FDQWYDULDEOHV
Identity Identity gets its meaning from being part of collectiveness. Gender, race, class, and education are ele-
PHQWVWKDWDIIHFWLGHQWLW\IRUPDWLRQ.ODWFK$OWKRXJK\RXWKDFWLYLVWVIURPDOOJURXSVLGHQWL¿HGWKHP-
selves as independent, they still had different identities and perspectives based on their previous and current DI¿OLDWLRQV$FFRUGLQJWR0LFKHHYHU\LQGLYLGXDOKDVPXOWLSOHLGHQWLWLHVDVDUHVXOWRIEHORQJLQJWR
various collectives. Individuals negotiate the dominant identity at a time given depending on the setting and the various collectivities existing and the public they are trying to create. Groups and individuals are SHUFHLYHGE\LGHQWL¿HGE\WKHLUDI¿OLDWLRQVDQGEHORQJLQJWRYDULRXVFROOHFWLYLWLHV:LWKLQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQ
FRQWH[WSROLWLFDODI¿OLDWLRQLVRQHRIWKHPDMRULGHQWLWLHVWKDWGH¿QHLQGLYLGXDOVDQGJURXSV'HVSLWHWKHVHOI
GH¿QLWLRQDVµLQGHSHQGHQW¶WKHPHPEHUVRIWKHJURXSVZHUHVWLOOSHUFHLYHGE\WKHLUSUHYLRXVDI¿OLDWLRQV7KH
WKUHHJURXSVZHUHPDLQO\GLYLGHGLQWRLQGHSHQGHQW\RXWKQRSUHYLRXVSROLWLFDODI¿OLDWLRQSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OL-
DWHG\RXWKSUHYLRXVO\DI¿OLDWHGZLWKOHIWLVWIDFWLRQVDQGDJURXSDI¿OLDWHGZLWK)DWHKDQG1*2V
0LFKH PHQWLRQ WKH LPSRUWDQFH RI LGHQWLW\ LQ EXLOGLQJ DOOLDQFH DFURVV JURXSV ZKLOH EXLOGLQJ
DOOLDQFHVDQGQHWZRUNV7KHJURXSVFRXOGQRWDJUHHRQRQHXPEUHOODWRZRUNEHQHDWK7KHGLVFRPIRUW
DFURVVWKHJURXSVZDVQRWLFHGRQWKHJURXQGLQWKUHHIRUPVVORJDQVUDLVHGE\WKHJURXSVGLYLGLQJGD\V
RIDFWLYLWLHVDFURVVWKHJURXSVLHHDFKJURXSFRQGXFWHGLWVDFWLYLW\DWWKH0DQDUDKVTXDUHPDLQVTXDUH
LQ5DPDOODKRQDGLIIHUHQWGD\DQG¿QDOO\FRQGXFWLQJGLIIHUHQWDFWLYLWLHVRQWKHVDPHGD\ZKHQXQLWLQJ
HIIRUWVZDVQHHGHG7KLVZDVFOHDURQWKH/DQG'D\RQ0DUFKZKHQRQHJURXSSHUFHLYHGWRKDYHOHIW-
LVWDI¿OLDWLRQVOHGDGHPRQVWUDWLRQWRZDUG%HLW(LO,VUDHOLVHWWOHPHQWZKHUHWKH\JRWLQWRFRQIURQWDWLRQ
ZLWKWKH3DOHVWLQLDQ1DWLRQDO$XWKRULW\31$WKH31$SROLFHGHFODUHGWKDWWKH\ZLOOVWDQGDJDLQVWDQ\
DWWHPSWVWRUHDFKWRWKHSRLQWVRIFRQIURQWDWLRQZLWKWKH,VUDHOL$UPH\ZKLOHWKHJURXSZLWKQRSUHYLRXV
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Apartheid and Separation Wall (MM, personal communication). ,WLVLPSRUWDQWWRQRWHWKDWWKHFRQÀLFWEHWZHHQJURXSVDQGLQGLYLGXDOLGHQWLWLHVPDLQO\H[LVWHGZLWKLQ
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and status ( Miche, 2008). )XUWKHUWKHIHDUWKDWWKH\RXWKKDGIURPEHLQJFRRSWHGE\RWKHUSROLWLFDOIDFWLRQVPDGHWKHPGUDZD
ERDUGHUWKDWLVRODWHGWKHPIURPRWKHUV(YHQZKHQWKH\ZHUHDSSURDFKHGE\\RXWKIURPYDULRXVSROLWLFDO
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every attempt to support them from political factions is meant to co-opt their mobilization and eventually UHIXVHGLW7KLVPHDQWWKDWWKH\RXWKORVWDODUJHSRVVLEOHQHWZRUNRIVXSSRUWWKDWWKH\FRXOGKDYHGHYHORSHG
20
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circle aimed at protecting the activists from being physically and sexually harassed, it created eventually WZRVSDFHVLQVLGHDQGRXWVLGHWKHFLUFOHLQZKLFKHYHQWVWDNHSODFHWKLVOLPLWHGFRPPXQLFDWLRQEHWZHHQ
the activists and the rest of the community. The connotation of the circle is important not only in regard to the identity of the youth activists and the RWKHU\RXWKJURXSVQRWRQO\ZKRDUHSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OLDWHGWREXWLWVLVDOVRVLJQL¿FDQWLQLGHQWLI\LQJZKR
FRPHIURPDZKDWVRFLRHFRQRPLFEDFNJURXQG$FFRUGLQJWR+=³LWZDVLPSRUWDQWIRUXVLQRUGHUWRSUR-
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The youth tried hardly to identify themselves as non-factional, and tried to present themselves as com-
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litical parties to reach approximately 60 percent (Hilal, 2011). As a result political parties tried to limit and co-opt the youth mobilization directly or indirectly. *HQGHUZDVDQRWKHUFRPSRQHQWRILGHQWLW\IRU\RXWKPRELOL]DWLRQ6WDUWLQJth of March gender iden-
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perception, type of repression by security forces, forms of engagement. Starting the demonstrations of 15th RI0DUFKLWZDVQRWLFHGWKDWWUDGLWLRQDOSHUFHSWLRQVRIZRPHQUROHVDQGVSDFHVWDUWHGWRVKRZXSHVSH-
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IRUPVRIHQJDJHPHQWKRZHYHULWZDVQRWDOZD\VDOORZHGE\PDOHDFWLYLVWVIURPWKHLURZQJURXSV
Framing ,QWKHFDVHRI3DOHVWLQHWKUHHGLVFRXUVHVXVHGZHUHµHQGLQJ2FFXSDWLRQ¶µHQGLQJGLYLVLRQ¶DQGµ1HZ
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tried at some points to raise all the slogans at the same time mainly in the demonstration of the 15th of 0DUFK\RXWKZHUHQRWDEOHWRKDYHRQHIUDPLQJWKDWDOOJURXSVZLOODGRSW)XUWKHUWKH¿UVWIUDPLQJ
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21
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onstration started calling the same slogan. At the same demonstration people also started calling for ending the occupation. 7KHQH[WGD\KXQGUHGVRIIDFHERRNJURXSVDSSHDUHG7KHVHJURXSVZHUHGLYLGHGEHWZHHQWKHWZRVORJDQVDQGRQO\IHZ
combined both” ( HAH, Personal communication). $IWHUWKLVWKHJURXSVVWDUWHGWRZRUNRQWKHLUYLVLRQDQGLGHQWLI\SULRULWLHVIRUWKH3DOHVWLQLDQFRPPX-
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different living situations across the various Palestinian places of existence. For example, the interest of WKH\RXWKLQ*D]DPDGHHQGLQJGLYLVLRQWKHLUSULRULW\KRZHYHULQUHJDUGWR3DOHVWLQLDQVZLWKLQWKH:HVW
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the West Bank and Gaza impacted the interpretation to priorities. The geographical division also impacted the level of communication across youth groups during the framing process. Most of the discussions took SODFHRYHUIDFHERRNSDJHV)4SHUVRQDO&RPPXQLFDWLRQ=63HUVRQDO&RPPXQLFDWLRQH[FHSWIRUIHZ
meetings that took place across some youth leaders, and lectures conducted by youth groups at various locations before 15th of march, 2011. 6HFRQGWKHLGHQWLW\RIWKHSROLWLFDOIDFWLRQZDVVWURQJHUDPRQJPRVWRIWKHSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OLDWHG\RXWK
WKH\FRXOGQRWVHSDUDWHWKHPVHOYHVDZD\IURPWKHLUSDUWLHVDQGZRUNRQDGLIIHUHQWIUDPLQJDQGWKHLQGH-
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vide a place for young people to be part of decision making (Rahal, 2009), and considering the existence of ruling political party structure and culture in both the WB and GS and the high levels of disappointments IURPSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVVLQFH2VORDFFRUGGHYHORSLQJDQDOOLDQFHEHWZHHQLQGHSHQGHQWDQGSROLWLFDOO\DI¿OL-
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22
Further, taking into consideration both the context and the characteristics of youth activists, the fram-
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Palestinian youth could not raise slogans that could mobilize people around them and this is due to the VWURQJOLQNEHWZHHQGHPRFUDF\DQGQDWLRQDOVWUXJJOH,QDGGLWLRQWRWKHVORJDQVWKDWGLGQRWSUHVHQWDQ\UHDO
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process to encourage people join them.
Falling short from unifying the objectives meant that the youth could not build a strategy, and an ap-
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Leadership and communication style
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media, and reaching a joint demand and discourse. Not having a clear structure and channels of commu-
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it impossible for young activists to keep their stands, and instead of acting, most of their action became a reaction to the repression they faced from the security forces and the attempt of the Main political parties to coop their Political Mobilization. <RXWKJURXSV¶OHDGHUVKLSZDVGHPRQVWUDWHGRQWKHJURXQGLQIRUPVRIHQJDJHPHQWVWKHOHDGHUVKLS
of youth participating in the sit-in, leadership of youth participating in the hunger strike, and leadership of \RXWKJURXSVFRQGXFWLQJDFWLYLWLHVDWWKH0DQDUDK6TXDUHDQGUHVLVWDQFHRIRFFXSDWLRQDFWLRQV,WLVLPSRU-
tant to notice that until the 18thRI0DUFKWKHOHDGHUVKLSIRUWKHWKUHHIRUPVRIHQJDJHPHQWZDVRQH
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increase in the level of risk taken, the leadership for the those forms of engagement became more apparent, keeping into consideration the need to coordinate efforts. In one of the meetings to evaluate the events of 23
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pated in the sit-in and hunger strike said: “ We cannot decide on the demands of the people participating in WKHKXQJHUVWULNHLW¶VWKHLUGHFLVLRQZKHQWRKDOWWKHLUVWULNHWKH\KDYHWRGHFLGHWKHULVNWKH\ZDQWWRWDNH´
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members, and, eventually it ended in some members halting their participation, or moving to other groups )43HUVRQDO&RPPXQLFDWLRQ+63HUVRQDO&RPPXQLFDWLRQ163HUVRQDO&RPPXQLFDWLRQ
,WLVZRUWKPHQWLRQLQJWKDWWKHSDUWLFLSDWRU\OHDGHUVKLSZDVRQO\VXFFHVVIXOXQWLOWKH\RXWKVWDUWHGWKH
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made it easier to drop participatory leadership. *HQGHUZDVDQLPSRUWDQWIDFWRUWKDWLPSDFWHGWKHOHDGHUVKLSRIWKHJURXSDQGLPSDFWHGWKHFRQÀLFWV
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Forms of engagement/ type of activities Forms of engagement adopted by youth are a result of a combination of different factors, such as politi-
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24
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revolutions. Social media activism
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centralization and hierarchy from other structures. yet trying to escape the intrusion of security forces, JURXSVVWULHGWRFRQWUROPHPEHUVDFFHVVWRLWVIDFHERRNVLWHV6RFLDOPHGLD¶VVXFFHVVLQPRELOL]LQJ\RXWK
YDULHGIURPRQHHYHQWWRDQRWKHUIRUH[DPSOHLWZDVYHU\VXFFHVVIXOLQWKH1DNEDPDUFKRQWKHth of May, EXWLWZDVOHVVVXFFHVVIXOGXULQJGDLO\DFWLYLWLHVDWWKH0DQDUDKVTXDUH7UDQVIHUULQJDFWLYLVPIURPWKHYLUWXDO
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DFWLYLVPZDVPXFKKLJKHUWKDQWKHRQHZKRDFWXDOO\VKRZHGXSGXULQJWKHHYHQWV0RYLQJIURPEHOLHYLQJ
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In addition to the mobilization role of social media, it played a role as observers for both occupation DQGDXWKRULW\SUDFWLFHVSHUVRQDOFDPHUDVDQGPRELOHVOLYHVWUHDPLQJDUHDOOQHZPHDQVWKDW\RXWKXVHGWR
VSUHDGWKHLUSHUFHSWLRQVDQGZKDWLVKDSSHQLQJRQWKHJURXQG
6RFLDOPHGLDZDVDWRRORIFRPPXQLFDWLRQDFURVV3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKDWSODFHVRIH[LVWHQFH<RXWKLQ
'LDVSRUDDQGDZD\RIFRQQHFWLQJZLWKDFWLYLVWVDURXQGWKHZRUOGDQGWKH$UDEZRUOG
Demonstrations
'HPRQVWUDWLRQVZHUHXVHGE\YDULRXV\RXWKJURXSVLQDMRLQWHIIRUWWRFRQWHVWWKHH[LVWLQJVLWXDWLRQ
+RZHYHUWKHPDLQGHPRQVWUDWLRQVFRQGXFWHGZHUHPDLQO\FRRSWHGE\SROLWLFDOIDFWLRQVWKDWDUHUHVSRQ-
VLEOHIRUWKHFXUUHQWVLWXDWLRQ'HPRQVWUDWLRQVZHUHDSODFHWRFKDOOHQJHWKHVORJDQVRIWKHUXOLQJSDUW\WKH\
ZHUHDSODFHZKHUH\RXWKWULHGWRUDLVHWKHLUIUDPLQJDQGEHYLVLEOHWRWKHFRPPXQLW\$VGHPRQVWUDWLRQV
ZHUHFRRSWHGE\SROLWLFDOSDUWLHVDQGFRQVLGHULQJWKHYLRODWLRQVRIWKHVHFXULW\IRUFHVWRWKHULJKWVRI
expression of the demonstrators in public, failed the expectations of the public that built expectations on \RXWKHQJDJHPHQWDQGOHGWRWKHZLWKGUDZDORIYDULRXVFRPPXQLW\JURXSVIURPGHPRQVWUDWLRQVRUHYHQ
refusing to participate at all.
Hunger strike, Sit-in
<RXWKGHFLGHGWRVWDUWZLWKWKHVLWLQDQGKXQJHUVWULNHWZRGD\VEHIRUHWKHDVVLJQHGGDWHIRUWKHPDLQ
demonstration (15thRI0DUFKGHPRQVWUDWLRQ7KHSXUSRVHRILQLWLDWLQJWKHKXQJHUVWULNHDQG6LWLQZDV
to ensure that political factions cannot co-opt the initiative of youth. One of the aspects that affected the LPSDFWRIWKHVHWZRIRUPVRIHQJDJHPHQWLVWKHODFNRIH[SHULHQFHRI\RXWK)RUPRVW\RXWKWKLVZDVWKHLU
¿UVWSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQVXFKDQHYHQWDVDUHVXOWWKH¿UVWFKDOOHQJHZDVVHWWLQJWKHLUREMHFWLYHVVRKLJKLQVWHDG
of building gradually their demands. Second the hunger strike and sit-in needed more proper preparation, HVSHFLDOO\LQWHUPVRIORJLVWLFVGHPDQGVDQGPDQDJHPHQWRIWKHVLWLQDQGKXQJHUVWULNH)43HUVRQDO
&RPPXQLFDWLRQ+$+3HUVRQDO&RPPXQLFDWLRQ
+RZHYHUWKHWHQWDVDSODFHIRUWKHVLWLQDQGKXQJHUVWULNHEHFDPHDVSDFHZKHUHGLVFXVVLRQWRRNSODFH
educating process about the Palestinian history, structures of the PLO, and other issues of concern. Ensur-
LQJWKDWWKHWHQWVWD\VDWWKH0DQDUDK6TXDUHKDGDQLPSRUWDQWVLJQL¿FDQFHIRUDOOJURXSVZKRDUHSDUWLFLSDW-
ing in sit-in in the various locations of WB and GS.
25
ARAB SPRING
6HWWLQJWKHWHQWDWWKH0DQDUDK6TXDUHGLGQRWWDNHSODFHZLWKRXWVRPHGLI¿FXOWLHV7KH31$UHIXVHG
WRDOORZVHWWLQJWKHWHQWWLOODIWHURQHZHHNRIVWDUWLQJWKHVLWLQDQGKXQJHUVWULNH6HFXULW\IRUFHVHQVXUHG
WRKDYHVRPHRILWVLQIRUPDQWVDVSDUWRIWKHSDUWLFLSDQWVLQWKHVLWLQDQG¿QDOO\WKHWHQWZDVDWWDFNHGDQG
EXUQHGE\)DWHKDI¿OLDWHG\RXWKRQWKHth of March. Daily activities at the Manarah
$FWLYLWLHVDWWKH0DQDUDK6TXDUHVWDUWHGDVDZD\RIPRELOL]DWLRQDQGUHFUXLWPHQWRIWKHFRPPXQLW\
WKHVTXDUHZDVDOVRDSODFHWRUDLVHGHPDQGVIURPWKH$XWKRULW\7KLVSHULRGZDVFKDUDFWHUL]HGE\WHQVLRQ
ZLWKVHFXULW\IRUFHVSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVZKRZHUHWU\LQJWRFRRSWWKH\RXWKPRELOL]DWLRQDQGFRQÀLFWVZLWK
WKH)DWHKDI¿OLDWHG\RXWKDQGVHFXULW\IRUFHVDVWKH\ZHUHWU\LQJWRUHSUHVVWKHHYHQWVWDNLQJSODFH
$QRWKHUFKDOOHQJHZDVFRRUGLQDWLQJZLWKRWKHUJURXSVDERXWDFWLYLWLHVWRWDNHSODFHWU\LQJWRGHFUHDVH
WKHOHYHORIWHQVLRQDFURVVWKH\RXWKJURXSVWKHJURXSVGHFLGHGWKDWHDFKJURXSZLOOEHUHVSRQVLEOHIRU
DFWLYLWLHVRQDGLIIHUHQWGD\)XUWKHUDIWHUDZKLOHWKHDFWLYLWLHVFRQGXFWHGE\\RXWKJURXSVEHFDPHUHSHWL-
tive, and became a burden on the youth instead of a tool to reach for people. According to youth activists, WKHGHFODUDWLRQRIUHFRQFLOLDWLRQZDVDJRRGRSSRUWXQLW\WRVDYHWKHLUIDFH
,WKLQNRQHRIWKHFKDOOHQJHVIRUWKHDFWLYLWLHVWDNLQJSODFHDWWKH0DQDUDK6TXDUHVWKDW\RXWKZHUHWU\-
LQJWRGXSOLFDWHZKDWLVWDNLQJSODFHDW7DKULU6TXDUHLQVWHDGRIDGDSWLQJIRUPVWKDW¿WZLWKWKHLUFRQWH[W
and situation. Resisting occupation form of engagement
7U\LQJWRHVWDEOLVKDEHWWHUFRQQHFWLRQZLWKZKDWWDNHVSODFHLQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQFRPPXQLW\WKH\RXWK
started to participate in resistance of occupation activities. Not all members of the groups participated in WKHVHDFWLYLWLHVEXWLWEHFDPHRQHRIWKHPDLQDFWLYLWLHVWKDWWKH\PRELOL]HDURXQG7KLVZDVFOHDULQWKH
PRELOL]DWLRQIRUWKH1DNEDPDUFKDQGWKHZHHNO\GHPRQVWUDWLRQVDJDLQVWWKHZDOO
<RXWKVWDUWHGWRMRLQRWKHUPRYHPHQWVZRUNLQJLQWKH3DOHVWLQLDQVRFLHW\VXFKDVWKH%R\FRWWDQGGLYHVW-
PHQWDQGVDQFWLRQVPRYHPHQW%'6SULVRQHUV¶PRYHPHQWDQGSRSXODUUHVLVWDQFHPRYHPHQW
Conclusions
$OWKRXJKWKHDERYHUHVXOWVVKRZWKDW3DOHVWLQLDQ\RXWKSROLWLFDOPRELOL]DWLRQIDLOHGWREHDWWKHOHYHORI
\RXWKSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQWKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQVLWLVZRUWKQRWLQJWKDWWKLVH[SHULHQFHZDVWKHEHJLQQLQJRID
QHZWUDMHFWRU\RI\RXWKSROLWLFDOPRELOL]DWLRQ
)LUVW<RXWKSROLWLFDOHQJDJHPHQWLVPHDVXUHGE\LWVFRQWLQXLW\DQGVXVWDLQDELOLW\7KHVH\RXWKKDYHQRW
RQO\FRQWLQXHGWRPRELOL]HEXWFRXOGDOVRLQYHQWQHZIRUPVRIHQJDJHPHQWVWKDWZHUHQRWSUHVHQWLQWKHLU
¿UVWPRELOL]LQJH[SHULHQFHWKHSHULRGFRYHUHGE\WKHVWXG\7KHVHQHZIRUPVRIHQJDJHPHQWDUHDGDSWHG
from Arab and international social movement experience. Examples are the latest Freedom Riders initia-
WLYHZKHUHWKH\RXWKWRJHWKHUZLWKQRQYLROHQFHDFWLYLVWVZHQWRQDQ,VUDHOLVHWWOHUV¶EXVDVDSURWHVWDJDLQVW
Israeli Apartheid. $WDQRWKHUOHYHOWKHVH\RXWKEHFDPHPRUHÀH[LEOHWRMRLQGLIIHUHQWPRYHPHQWVDQGJURXSV7KH\GHYHO-
26
RSHGWKHDELOLW\WRZRUNZLWKHDFKRWKHUZLWKRWKHUJURXSVDQGFRXOGEXLOGDOOLDQFHVZKLFKKDYHUHVXOWHGLQ
FRQWLQXRXVDFWLRQVRIDFWLYLVPDJDLQVWRFFXSDWLRQDQGWKHGLIIHUHQW3DOHVWLQLDQSROLWLFDOLVVXHVRIFRQFHUQ
VXFKDVWKHLQWHUQDOGLYLVLRQQRUPDOL]DWLRQZLWKWKHRFFXSDWLRQVWDWHGHFODUDWLRQ
7KHLGHQWLW\LVVXHLVRQHRIWKHPDMRUFRQFHUQRIWKH\RXWKZDVUHVXUUHFWHGWRFRQVLGHU3DOHVWLQLDQVLQ
3DOHVWLQHDQG'LDVSRUD7KLVZDVUHÀHFWHGLQWKHFRPPRQDFWLYLWLHVWKDWWRRNSODFHDWWKHVDPHWLPHDQG
YLUWXDOQHWZRUNVGHYHORSHGLQWKHGLIIHUHQWPDMRUDUHDVRI3DOHVWLQLDQV¶UHVLGH$WDQRWKHUOHYHOWKH\RXWK
DUHVWLOOGHPDQGLQJFRQGXFWLQJHOHFWLRQVIRUWKH31&ZKLFKUHSUHVHQWV3DOHVWLQLDQVHYHU\ZKHUH
As for framing, although the youth conducted various actions, their efforts do not build on one other. 7KH\VWLOOQHHGWRGHYHORSWKHLUGLVFRXUVHDFFRUGLQJO\WKH\QHHGWRGH¿QHWKHLUIXWXUHDFWLRQZKLOHFRQ-
WLQXHGHYHORSLQJWKHLULQGLYLGXDODQGJURXSQHWZRUNVDQGDOOLDQFHV7RGRVRWKH\QHHGWRRSHQXSWR
RWKHU\RXWKZKRDUHDI¿OLDWHGWRSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVWRGLIIHUHQWVRFLDOFODVVHVDQGWRFURVVWKHJHRJUDSKLFDO
boundaries to learn more about the different realities of the Palestinian people. 7DNLQJLQWRFRQVLGHUDWLRQWKDWSDUWLFLSDWRU\OHDGHUVKLSLVDSURFHVVLWJRHVZLWKRXWVD\LQJWKDWLWQHHGV
WLPHWRPDWXUH+RZHYHUOHDGHUVKLSVW\OHLVGH¿QHGE\H[SHULHQFHLGHQWLW\DQGGLVFRXUVH
Abbreviations
PLO: Palestinian Liberation Organization
PNC : Palestinian National Council, Which is the highest council in the PLO
NGOs: Non Governmental Organizations
PNA: Palestinian National Authority. 3DOHVWLQH3DUWRI+LVWRULFDO3DOHVWLQHZKLFKZDVRFFXSLHGLQWKH\HDUDQGWKHVWDWHRI,VUDHOL
is established over it.
Palestine 1976: It represent the Palestinian land occupied by Israel in the year 1976 and it includes the West Bank ( Including east Jerusalem) and Gaza Strip. WB: The West Bank
GS: Gaza Strip
BDS: Boycott and Divestment and Sanctions of Occupation
27
ARAB SPRING
References
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FKDOOHQJHVFRQIHUHQFH0XZDWLQ3DOHVWLQLDQ,QVWLWXWHIRU'HPRFUDWLF6WXGLHV5DPDOODK
$OVKZHLU\<µ$O7DKDZRODW$O$UDELDZ0RIDMDDW$OWKDZUDW¶-RXUQDORI$OPRVWDTEDO$ODUDEL-XO\
%DLOH\6DQG'0XUUD\7KH6WDWXVRI<RXWKLQ3DOHVWLQH3URPLVHRU3HULO"6KDUHN<RXWK)RUXP5DPDOODK
%URZQ1µ3DOHVWLQH7KH)LUH1H[W7LPH¶5HWULHYHG-XO\IURPKWWSFDUQHJLHHQGRZPHQWRUJSDOHVWLQH¿UH
next-time/2sh8.
&KHFNRZD\%DQG0/*XWLHUUH]<RXWKSDUWLFLSDWLRQDQG&RPPXQLW\&KDQJH+DZRUWK3UHVV1HZ<RUN
(O(NHU0µ,QWURGXFWLRQ¶-RXUQDORI$IDT%DUODPDQLD
(O6DNND$µ$O+DUDNDW$O,KWLMDMLDK$ODUDELD$OMDGLGD,DGDW$O,¶WLEDU/LOIDGD$O,MWLPD¶L¶-RXUQDORI$IDT%DUODPDQLD
+DQD¿6µ7KDZUDW$O\DVDPLQZ$OPLGDQ¶-RXUQDORI,GDIDWZLQWHU
+LODO-µ:DT¶$O,QWLIDGDWDOVKDEL\HK$GLPRTUDWH\HK$OD$O+DUDND$OVL\DVH\HK$O)DODVWLQL\HK¶-RXUQDORI3DOHVWLQLDQ6WXGLHV
Special volume: Arab Revolutions. ণǌW%QDO4L\ƗGƗWZDDOPX‫ތ‬DVVDVƗWDOVL\ƗVƯ\DKIƯ)LODV৬ƯQ,QVWLWXWHIRU3DOHVWLQLDQ6WXGLHV%HLUXW
.ODWFK5$JHQHUDWLRQGLYLGHGWKHQHZOHIWWKHQHZULJKWDQGWKHV8QLYHUVLW\RI&DOLIRUQLD3UHVV%HUNHOH\
0F$GDP'µ5HFUXLWPHQWWR+LJK5LVN$FWLYLVP7KH&DVHRI)UHHGRP6XPPHU¶-RXUQDORI7KH$PHULFDQ-RXUQDORI6RFLRORJ\
92(1), 64-90.
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Pnrinceton).
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ৡƗ\LJK<GDQG%6LUKDQDO.LIƗতDOPXVDOODতZDDOEDতWK‫ދ‬DQDOGDZODKDOতDUDNDKDOZD৬DQƯ\DKDO)LODV৬ƯQƯ\DK
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3UHVV&DPEULGJH1HZ<RUN
28
ġDZUDFRQWHVWDWRU\ODQJXDJHDQGLFRQRJUDSK\ in the Arab revolution
MOISÉS GARDUÑO
National Autonomous University of Mexico/Autonomous University of Madrid
Abstract
7KLVSDSHUZLOODQDO\]HWKHSDUWLFXODULWLHVRIWKH$UDE3URWHVWWKURXJKYLVXDODQGYHU-
bal expressions in its resistance language. Lexical expressions like LU‫ۊ‬DOJRDZD\RU
DOãDµE\XUƯGLVTƗ‫ڲ‬DOQLܲƗPSHRSOHZDQWWRGLVPDQWOHWKHV\VWHPDUHHPERGLHGLQD
language that, on one hand, has to organize and to coordinate the protest itself in the PLGƗQQHLJKERUKRRGPRVTXHDQGKRVSLWDOVDQGRQWKHRWKHUWRH[SUHVVWKHOHJLWLPDWH
FODLPVWKURXJKHOHFWURQLFDQGPDVVPHGLDQHZVSDSHUVDQGRWKHUVWRWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDO
public opinion. Time after time, language shines as an important identity element that, in the case of Arab people, grammatical rules of IX‫ۊ܈‬j, DPL\D and ZXVWD play a crucial role to the incorporation of existing concepts as ‫ۊ‬XUUL\DOWDµEƯU (freedom of speech) or ‫ۊ‬XUUL\DDO‫܈‬D‫ۊ‬ƗID (freedom of the press) to the protest in the street and as a tool of self determination against corruption, censorship and persecution of the governments.
Keywords
Arab civil society, contestatory language, creative resistance, lexical and visual expres-
sions, revolution
Introduction
$O±PDNWǌEƯXTUƗXPLQµXQZƗQLKL (the content of a book must be read it from its title) is a famous Arabic proverb that people use not only to analyze a visual/verbal piece but also to understand it. In Arabic, “title” comes from the verbal root ‘DQƗωϥϯ³WRVLJQLI\´DQGUHIHUVVRPHWKLQJRUVRPHRQHWKDWPDWWHUVWRDSHU-
VRQDVZHOODVWKHFRLQFLGHQFHRIDOOHOHPHQWVWKDWFRQVWLWXWHWKHIXOOHVWLQWHOOHFWXDOZRUNRIDSLHFH7KHYHUE
‘DQƗLVDOVRGHURRWRIWKH$UDELFZRUG³VLJQ´ZKLFKHPERGLHVVORJDQL]DWLRQDOOHJRULHVV\PEROVLFRQVDQG
LPDJLQDWLRQZKLFKLVWUDQVPLWWHGIURPWKHUDWLRQDOKHDUWRIDZULWHUWRWKHVHQVLWLYHPLQGRIDUHDGHU
7KH$UDE6SULQJKDVLWVRZQWLWOHVPHVVDJHVV\PEROVDQGVORJDQVWRLQWURGXFHSHRSOHWRWKHHPHUJHQFH
RID³1HZ$UDE(UD´DQGWRH[SODLQZK\DQGKRZ\RXQJVWXGHQWVDFWLYLVWVZRUNHUVGRFWRUVDQGPXFK
PRUHSHRSOHDUHLQWKH³$UDE6WUHHWVÚLJKWQRZ'HVSLWHRIWKHPRVWRISHRSOHFDOOWKLV³VSULQJ´DV³$UDE´
WKHUHDGHUVKRXOGQRWHWKDW$UDELFLQWKHVWDQGDUGDQGFROORTXLDOUHJLVWHUVLVQRWWKHRQO\ODQJXDJHXVHG
by people in the demonstrations and by contrast English, Amazigh, Kurdish, French and Persian, among RWKHUVDUHLQFOXGHGWRVKDSHPHVVDJHVVWURQJHUZLGHUDQGPRUHUHFHSWLYHWRSXEOLFRSLQLRQDEURDG,QIDFW
WKH¿UVWZRUGXVHGDVFRQWHVWDWRU\ODQJXDJHLQWKHVRFDOOHG³7XQLVLDQ5HYROXWLRQ´ZDVWKH)UHQFKZRUG
GHJDJHJRDZD\WKDWJDYHULVHWRWKHYHU\SRSXODU$UDELFWUDQVODWLRQLU‫ۊ‬DOZKLFKTXLFNO\ZDVH[SDQGHG
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29
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But to talk about signs, it is necessary to be able not only to translate messages but also to transfer them WRSUHVHQWWLPHV)RUWKDWZHZLOOWDNHDORRNDWWKHSULQFLSOHVRIVLJQVWKHRU\LQRUGHUWRUHFRJQL]HWKH
SOHWKRUDRIVLJQL¿HGVDQGVLJQL¿HUVWKDWUHVXOWLQWKHOH[LFDODQGYHUEDOH[SUHVVLRQVRI$UDE5HYROXWLRQV
and, at the same time, to provide textual and contextual readings of slogans stressing on the difference be-
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PHVVDJHVE\$UDESHRSOHDYRLGLQJFRQIXVLRQLQGLIIHUHQFHDQGPLVLQIRUPDWLRQWKURXJKDFORVHUVLJQL¿FD-
WLRQRIZKDWSHRSOHIHHODQGSHUFHLYHIRUWKHIXWXUHRIWKHLUFRXQWULHV
6LJQL¿HG6LJQL¿HU0HDQLQJDQG6LJQL¿FDQFHLQWKH0DNLQJRI6ORJDQ
Slogans are used in political, commercial, religious and others social contexts as a repetitive expression RIRQHLGHDRUIHHOLQJEXWLWPXVWEHFOHDUWKDWWKH\DUHQRWRQO\PHPRUDEOHPRWWRVZDLWLQJWREHWUDQVODWHG
but also series of verbal, visual and gestural signs providing a dynamic “UHSUHVHQWDPHQ” for a fact during LQDEVHQWLD (or LQSUDHVHQWLD) of something or someone (Kristeva, 1981: 13). $Q\VSHDNHULVPRUHRUOHVVDZDUHWKDWODQJXDJH³V\PEROL]HV´³UHSUHVHQWV´DQG³QDPHVÍDFWVEHFDXVH
RI³WKHVLJQLVWKHFRUHRIWKHODQJXDJH´,QZRUGVRI3LHUFHWKHVLJQLVDWULDGLFUHODWLRQVKLSGHYHO-
RSHGEHWZHHQDQREMHFWLWVUHSUHVHQWDWLYHDQGWKHLQWHUSUHWHUDVORQJDVWKHVLJQGRHVQRWUHSUHVHQWWKHZKROH
REMHFWEXWRQO\DYHU\FOHDULGHDRIWKDW$FFRUGLQJWRWKLV3LHUFHKDVFODVVL¿HGVLJQVLQWRWKUHHFDWHJRULHV
a) The icon. 6LJQWKDWUHIHUVWRWKHREMHFWE\LWVUHVHPEODQFHWRKLPIRUH[DPSOHWKHGUDZLQJRIDWUHH
WKDWUHSUHVHQWVWKH³UHDOWUHH´ZKLFKORRNVOLNHLWLVDQLFRQ
b) The index.6LJQWKDWGRHVQRWVHHPQHFHVVDULO\WRWKHREMHFWEXWUHFHLYHVDQLQÀXHQFHRIWKHIRUPHU
DQGIRUWKDWPDWWHUKDVVRPHWKLQJLQFRPPRQZLWKWKHREMHFWIRUH[DPSOHVPRNHFRPLQJIURPD
EXLOGLQJFDQEHDUHDJHQWLQGH[RI¿UH
c) The symbol.6LJQWKDWUHIHUVWRDQREMHFWE\DNLQGRIODZRUFRQYHQWLRQWKURXJKDQLGHDIRUH[DPSOH
the linguistic signs.
6LQFH3LHUFHGHYHORSHGDJHQHUDOWKHRU\RIVLJQV6DXVVXUHZDVWKH¿UVWVFKRODUZKRPDGHHPSKDVLVRQ
OLQJXLVWLFVLJQV6DXVVXUHDEQRWHVWKDWLWLVLOOXVRU\WREHOLHYHWKDWWKHOLQJXLVWLFVLJQLVMXVW
DVVRFLDWHGZLWKWKHUHODWLRQVKLSQDPHWKLQJDQGSURSRVHVWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQFRQFHSWVLJQL¿HGVRXQGLPDJH
VLJQL¿HU. This latter is not the sound itself but “the psychological imprint of the sound or the representa-
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WHUP³UHYROXWLRQ´WKHQLWVOLQJXLVWLFVLJQZRXOGFRQVLVWRIWKHPHQWDOLGHDRI³UHYROXWLRQ´VLJQL¿HGDQG
WKHVRXQGLPDJH³UHYROXWLRQ´VLJQL¿HUERWKRIZKLFKZLOOJLYHXVWKHSV\FKRORJLFDOVHQVHRIWKH
fundamental change in organizational VWUXFWXUHVWKDWWDNHVSODFHLQDUHODWLYHO\VKRUWSHULRGRIWLPH (Tilly, 7KXVUHYROXWLRQDVDVLJQZLOOKDYHDQHTXLYDOHQWLQWKHSV\FKLFUHDOLW\RID6SDQLVKVLJQL¿HU
³UHYROXFLyQ´WKH3HUVLDQ³HQTHOƗE´WKH3RUWXJXHVH³UHYROXomR´WKH$UDELF³ĢDZUD” among others.
$FFRUGLQJWR6DXVVXUHDVLJQL¿HGPD\KDYHVHYHUDOVLJQL¿HUVDQGYLFHYHUVD:HFDQFDOO³WRPDWR´³WR-
PDWH´DQG³WDPƗWLP´WRWKHWUDGLWLRQDOO\HGLEOHUHGIUXLWWKDW(QJOLVK6SDQLVKDQG$UDELFVSHDNHULPDJLQH
LQKLVPLQGUHVSHFWLYHO\DQGRQWKHRWKHUKDQGZHFDQVD\WKHLGHD³DSSOH´WRUHIHUWRHLWKHUDFRPSXWHU
30
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$UDELFZHFDQH[SODLQLWZLWKWKHSURWRW\SH³IDLO´DQG³PDIXO´WDNLQJWKHYHUEµDQƗZKHUHWKHVLJQL¿HU
LVWKH³VXEMHFW´RUWKHUHVSRQVLEOHIRUVLJQLI\µƗLQDQGWKHODWWHULVMXVWZKDWLVVLJQL¿HGE\WKHUHVSRQVLEOH
PDµQDZƯZKLFKFDQH[LVWMXVWWKURXJKWKHVXEMHFW&RUWpV
,QVKRUWZKHQZHWUDQVODWHVLJQVZHWUDQVODWHVLJQL¿HUVFXOWXUHPHDQLQJWLPHDQGFRQWH[WLQRUGHUWR
H[SODLQ³WKHDXWKRU¶VYHUEDOPHDQLQJDVXQGHUVWRRGE\WKHFRPPHQWDWRU´/DIUDLH7KHZKROH
SUREOHPLVQRWRQO\WKHPHDQLQJRIZRUGVOLQJXLVWLFVLJQLWVHOIEXWDOVRWKHVHQVHRIODQJXDJH7KDWVZK\
ZHDUHFRQFHUQHGQRWVRPXFKZLWKVORJDQVSXUH³PHDQLQJÉXWUDWKHUZLWKLWV³VLJQL¿FDQFH´7KHGLVWLQF-
WLRQEHWZHHQ³PHDQLQJ´DQG³VLJQL¿FDQFH´KDVEHHQSDUWLFXODUO\GHYHORSHGE\('+LUVFK-U
ZKRSRLQWVRXWWKDWWKHWHUP³PHDQLQJÚHIHUVWRWKHZKROHYHUEDOPHDQLQJRIDWH[WDQG³VLJQL¿FDQFH´WR
WH[WXDOPHDQLQJLQUHODWLRQWRDODUJHUFRQWH[W7KHQVLJQL¿FDQFHRIĢDZUD (revolution) must be elucidated E\³FULWLFLVP´ZKLFKLVQRWLGHQWLFDOZLWKVLJQL¿FDQFHEXWUDWKHUUHIHUVWRLWWDONVDERXWLWDQGGHVFULEHVLW
+LUVFK,QWKHVHUHJDUGVRQHPLJKWDOVRVD\WKDWWRH[SODLQWKHSRZHURIODQJXDJHLQSROLWLFDO
life the context is everything. It gives meaning to events and creates an aura of understanding. It is a basis RIFRPSHWLQJYLHZV,QVKRUWFRQWH[WIUDPHVPHDQLQJDQGPHDQLQJFUHDWHVFRQWH[W&KDQJHWKHRQHDQG
you change the other (Apter, 2006: 780).
ġDZUD
$IWHUUHFHQWIDFWVDW7DKULU6TXDUH+RPV6DQDDQG0DQDPDLWPXVWEHVDLGWKDW³$UDEFRXQWULHV´DUH
HIIHFWLYHO\IDFLQJDQRWKHUFRQWH[WDQRWKHUHUDDQGDQRWKHUV\VWHPRIYDOXHVZKLFKVXJJHVWDOLWWOHRI³WUDQV-
ODWLRQ´DQGDOLWWOHPRUHRI³LQWHUSUHWDWLRQ´:KHQ0RKDPHG%RXD]L]LVHWKLPVHOIRQ¿UHRQ'HFHPEHU
QRERG\NQHZKHZRXOGHOHFWULI\WKHHQWLUHUHJLRQDQGVHQGWKHH[LVWLQJSROLWLFDORUGHULQWKH0LGGOH
(DVWLQWRDORQJSHULRGRIWXUPRLO9HU\TXLFNO\KRZHYHUWKHUHZHUHVLJQVWKDWWKHVXFFHVVRI7XQLVLDQ
demonstrators in toppling their long-ruling dictator had sparked something important and one label derived IURP&]HFKRVORYDNLD¶VEULHI&ROG:DUHUDXSULVLQJDJDLQVW6RYLHWUXOHTXLFNO\HQJUDYHGLWVHOILQWKH:HVW-
HUQOH[LFRQ7RGD\WKHXSULVLQJVWKDWKDYHHQJXOIHGDGR]HQ$UDEFRXQWULHVDUHFROOHFWLYHO\NQRZQLQWKH
West as the “Arab Spring” (Ghitis, 2011: 1).
7KHODEHODSWRUQRWKDVWDNHQKROGIRUQRZ%XWDFFRUGLQJZKDWZHKDYHVHHQKHDUGDQGSHUFHLYHGLQ
$UDE6TXDUHVPLGƗQ) the title of “Arab Spring” is by far eclipsed by the Arabic term “revolution” (ĢDZUD) ZKLFKKDVEHHQSURFODLPHGE\WKHDXWKRU³WKHSHRSOH´DOVKDµEDGGUHVVHGWRRQHFRPPHQWDWRUZKLFK
has been by far the “public opinion” (UDƯDOµDƗPPLQWKHPLGGOHRIDIUDPHZRUNUHSUHVHQWHGE\WKHHDUO\
21st century.
ġDZUDKDVEHHQDZLGHO\XVHGWHUPFRLQHGE\SHRSOHLQWKHPLGƗQ as an effort to change the domestic 31
ARAB SPRING
tyranny that has emerged in the aftermath of European colonialism in the form of post-colonial societies. From Western Sahara to Syria young people believe that dictators represent fake and phony post-colonial VWDWHVWKDWKDYHSRVLWHGWKHPVHOYHVDV³DQWLFRORQLDO´DQGWKHQIRUIRUW\RU¿IW\\HDUVKDYHORRWHGWKHLU
FRXQWULHVZLWKRXWDQ\VHPEODQFHRIGHPRFUDWLFLQVWLWXWLRQVRUFKDQJH$\RXQJDXGLHQFHWKDWKDVQRIXWXUH
in their country, is sick and tired of being denigrated and denied any kind of participation in the global VRFLHW\7KH\GRQ¶WZDQWWRHPLJUDWHWREHVXEMHFWVRIHYHQPRUHKDUDVVPHQWDQGUDFLVPLQ(XURSHDQGWKH
8QLWHG6WDWHVDQ\PRUHDQGLQVWHDGWKH\ZDQWWRUHFODLPWKHLUVRFLHW\WKHLUFXOWXUHDQGWKHLUSROLWLFVDQG
other civil rights through peaceful means. ,QWKLVTXHVWWKH\KDYHFDOOHGWKLVSURFHVVDĢDZUDDUHYROXWLRQDFKDQJH+RZHYHURQHRIWKH¿UVW
WUDQVODWLRQVDQGPLVLQWHUSUHWDWLRQVGRQHE\WKHPHGLDDQGVRPHVFKRODUV.KRXULZDVWKHWHUP
³DZDNHQLQJ´ZKLFKUHIHUVWR$UDEVDVLIWKH\KDGEHHQLQDVWDWHRIOHWKDUJ\DOOWKHVH\HDUVMXVWWRZDNH
XSRQ'HFHPEHUDQGWR¿JKWDJDLQVWGLFWDWRUV%XWLQIDFW$UDESHRSOHZHOFRPHGWKHFXUUHQWFHQWXU\
ZLWKWKHVHFRQG,QWLIDGDLQ3DOHVWLQHDQGZLWKDPDVVPRELOL]DWLRQDJDLQVWWKHLQYDVLRQRI,UDTFRQGXFWHG
socio economic demonstrations against dictatorial regimes like Berber uprisings in Algeria, textile strikes DQGSURWHVWVE\.HID\DPRYHPHQWLQ(J\SWDQGPLQLQJZRUNHUVGHPRQVWUDWLRQVLQ7XQLVLD$UDESHRSOH
also denied any legitimacy to jihadist solutions refuting ideas of Bin-Laden and radicalism, and last but not OHDVWUHLQYHQWHGFLYLFSDUWLFLSDWLRQEDVHGRQQRQHFRQRPLFSXEOLFVSDFHVDVFLYLFDVVRFLDWLRQVDQG1*2V
(Gómez, 2011). For Arabs, the 21st century began as the 20thH[DFWO\GLGZLWKUHSUHVVLRQZDUVDQGSRVWFR-
ORQLDOGLFWDWRUVKLSVEXWQHYHUZLWKWKHFORVHGH\HVDQGLPPHUVHGLQWRDGHHSVOHHS
$IWHUWKHWHUP³DZDNHQLQJ´PDQ\RWKHUWUDQVODWLRQVRIĢDZUDZHUHSUHVHQWHGWRSXEOLFRSLQLRQVXFKDV
³GHPRQVWUDWLRQV´³LQVXUUHFWLRQV´³¿JKWLQJ´³PRELOL]DWLRQV´³SURWHVWV´³XSULVLQJV´DPRQJRWKHUVZKLFK
KDYHSHUSOH[HGWKHFRPPHQWDWRU:KHQWKHYLHZHUFDQ¿QGDZRUGWUDQVFULEHGDQGWUDQVODWHGLQIRXURU
¿YHGLIIHUHQWZD\VKHFDQQRWUHFRJQL]HWKHVLJQL¿FDQFHRIZRUGMXVWVHYHUDODQGGLIIHUHQWPHDQLQJVDQG
FRQVHTXHQWO\LWOHDGVKLPWRDQHVWUDQJHPHQWWKDWDJJUDYDWHVWKHLJQRUDQFHWRZDUGVWKHSKHQRPHQRQ$VDQ
example, it is enough to remember the misunderstanding of Islam in general and Arab People in particular since 9/11 events and even before since the beginning of French and British orientalist approaches to the 0LGGOH(DVW6DLGZKHUHUHOLJLRQWKH¿JXUHRI3URSKHW0XKDPPDGDQG,VODPLFFXOWXUHZHUH
UHGXFHGWRV\QRQ\PVRIYLROHQFHIDQDWLFLVPDQGWHUURULVPLQWKHOH[LFDOH[SUHVVLRQVRIZHVWHUQ/LWHUDWXUH
3ROLWLFVDQGPHGLD/HZLV6RLIFRPPHQWDWRUWUDQVODWHVĢDZUD for any other concept that is QRW³UHYROXWLRQ´QRWRQO\PLVXVHVWKHWHUPEXWDOVREHWUD\VLWVVLJQL¿HGFKDQJHDQGLWVVLJQL¿HUĢDZUD) DQGWKHUHIRUHZKDWSHRSOHZDQWWRPHDQLVWRWDOO\PLVUHSUHVHQWHG
Even, the term ĢDZUDPXVWEHDFFRPSDQLHGZLWKWKHDGMHFWLYHWKDWFKDUDFWHUL]HVWKHFXUUHQWIRUPRIPR-
bilization in modern social movements at the PLGƗQ, this is, “peaceful”. We say this because the current sig-
QL¿HU³UHYROXWLRQ´LVQRWWKHVDPHVLJQL¿HURI³UHYROXWLRQ´WZRKXQGUHG\HDUVDJRZKHUHWKHVRFLDOFKDQJH
KDGEHHQGRQHPRUHE\YLROHQWWKDQE\SHDFHIXOPHDQV7LOO\,QQRZDGD\V³UHYROXWLRQ´RU
ĢDZUD is a concept that must be taken in the media simply by the fact that comes from its author, DOVKDµE, and because involves stated support for (or opposition to) actual or proposed actions by the objects of PRYHPHQWFODLPVXQGHUQHZSDUDGLJPRIFROOHFWLYHDFWLRQZKHUHSHRSOHGRQRWXVHUD]RUVNQLYHVRUJXQV
EXWFDPHUDVPLFURSKRQHVDQGPRELOHVDQGGRQRWVHW¿UHDQGYLROHQFHLQWKHPLGƗQEXWMXVWVKRZWKHVROH
RIWKHLUVKRHVDVRQO\ZHDSRQWKH\XVHDORQJZLWKWKHLURZQYRLFHWKHYR[SRSXOL “the voice of people”. The Arab ĢDZUD LV E\ IDU WKH ¿UVW VRFLDO UHYROXWLRQ RI FXUUHQW FHQWXU\ ,W UHSUHVHQWV WKH HQG RI SRVW
32
FRORQLDOLVPDQGXQOLNHIURPWKHLUSUHFXUVRUVVXFKDVWKHODERUPRYHPHQWDQGRWKHUPRYHPHQWVZKLFK
KDGEHHQVHHQSUHYLRXVO\DVIRFXVHGRQHFRQRPLFFRQFHUQV$UDEUHYROXWLRQORRNIRUVSHFL¿FFKDQJHVLQ
SXEOLFSROLF\LGHQWLW\OLIHVW\OHDQGFXOWXUH0RUHRYHUWKLVQHZHUDLQ$UDE:RUOGLVFOHDUO\LQVHUWHGLQWKH
DJHRIWKHVRFDOOHG1HZ6RFLDO0RYHPHQWVZKHUHDJUHDWHPSKDVLVRQWKHUROHRISRVWPDWHULDOYDOXHVLQ
FRQWHPSRUDU\DQGSRVWLQGXVWULDOVRFLHW\LVJLYHQDVRSSRVHGWRFRQÀLFWVRYHUPDWHULDOUHVRXUFHVGHVSLWH
of contra-revolutionary strategies taken by some Arab States that believe that this revolution is just for the money. According to Melucci, these movements arise not from relations of production and distribution of UHVRXUFHVEXWZLWKLQWKHVSKHUHRIUHSURGXFWLRQDQGWKHOLIHZRUOGDVDUHVXOWRIZKLFKWKHFRQFHUQKDV
shifted from the sole production of economic resources directly connected to the needs for survival or for reproduction to cultural production of social relations, symbols and identities (Melucci, 1999: 21). In other ZRUGVWKHFRQWHPSRUDU\VRFLDOPRYHPHQWVDUHUHMHFWLRQVRIWKHPDWHULDOLVWLFRULHQWDWLRQRIFRQVXPHULVP
LQFDSLWDOLVWVRFLHWLHVE\TXHVWLRQLQJWKHPRGHUQLGHDWKDWOLQNVWKHSXUVXLWRIKDSSLQHVVDQGVXFFHVVFORVHO\
WRJURZWKSURJUHVVDQGLQFUHDVHGSURGXFWLYLW\DQGE\SURPRWLQJDOWHUQDWLYHYDOXHVDQGXQGHUVWDQGLQJVLQ
UHODWLRQWRWKHVRFLDOZRUOG7KH/\ELD6\ULD$UDELD6DXGLDQG%DKUHLQFDVHVFDQEHJRRGH[DPSOHVRI
these realities.
ġDZUDVFODLPVFRQVLVWRIDVVHUWLRQVWKDW³ZH´WKHFODLPDQWVFRQVWLWXWHDXQL¿HGIRUFHWREHUHFNRQHG
ZLWKDEOHWRDVVHUWWLHVDQGVLPLODULWLHVWRRWKHUSROLWLFDODFWRUVOLNHH[FOXGHGPLQRULWLHVUHOLJLRXVJURXSV
RUOR\DOVXSSRUWHUVRIWKHUHJLPHIRUH[DPSOHWKHDUP\LQWKH(J\SWLDQFDVHDQGDWOHDVWLQWKH¿UVWGD\V
RIWKHPDQLIHVWDWLRQVDQGIXUWKHUPRUHRIWHQUHMHFWZKROHFDWHJRULHVRIWKHORFDOSRSXODWLRQDVXQZRUWK\
of belonging to “the people.” ,UতDO
,U‫ۊ‬DOJRDZD\LVDQ$UDELFYHUELQLPSHUDWLYHIRUPSHUIHFWO\DGDSWHGE\$UDESHRSOHLQWKHFODLPV
against dictators and particularly expressed in Egypt against Mubarak. In the ĢDZUDWKHVLJQL¿HU³LU‫ۊ‬DO” KDVKDGPDQ\RWKHUVVLJQL¿HUVIRUWKHVDPHVLJQL¿HGJRDZD\LQYLVXDOH[SUHVVLRQVPRUHWKDQLQYHUEDO
RQHV6LQFHWKH3UHVLGHQWLVWKHV\PERORIWKHQLĪƗPUHJLPHDVZHOODVWKHDUP\DQGVWDWHEXUHDXFUDF\
SLFWXUHVLPDJHVDQGFDUWRRQVRI0XEDUDN6DOHK4DGD¿DQG$O$VVDGKDYHEHHQWKHEHVWLFRQVIRUWKH
VLJQL¿HG³ZHGRQ¶WZDQW\RXZHZDQWFKDQJH´DVWKHDJHQWVRISRVWFRORQLDOLVPDQGW\UDQQ\LQWKHLUUH-
VSHFWLYHFRXQWULHV$FFRUGLQJ1VDVUDWKLVVORJDQSDUWRIFUHDWLYH³(J\SWLDQVZHDSRQVRIWKHZHDN´
DQG*HQH6KDUS¶VPHWKRGVRIQRQYLROHQWUHVLVWDQFHFRQWULEXWHGDORWLQWRSSOLQJGRZQ0XEDUDN¶VUHJLPH
DQGQRZLVFDXVLQJHIIHFWLQRWKHUVFHQDULRVOLNH<HPHQDQG6\ULDZKDWVXJJHVWLQJWKDW(J\SWLDQVDOVRKDYH
FUHDWHGDQHZHQF\FORSHGLDRIQRQYLROHQWDFWLRQWRROVDQGWKDW*HQH6KDUSPLJKWKDYHDGGHGWKHPWRKLV
list of 198 methods of non-violent actions. ,U‫ۊ‬DO comes from the Arab root UD‫ۊ‬DOD³WRJR´&RUWpVDQGLVDYHU\JRRGVLJQL¿HUWRGH-
mand “the exit” not only of dictator but also the removal of all their supporters abroad, mainly the United States and Israel. As popular, the street-based LU‫ۊ‬DO term has tried to force domestic reforms through the $UDEFRXQWULHVDQGWKHRQO\¿[HGFULWHULDLQWKLVZLGHVSUHDGVRFLDO³H[SHULPHQW´KDVEHHQWKHGRJJHGLQWHU-
YHQWLRQVRIWKH8QLWHG6WDWHVDQGLWVDOOLHV)URP7XQLVLDWR%DKUDLQWR6\ULDWR<HPHQWR(J\SWWR/LE\D
³$PHULFDIRRWSULQWV´PDUNWKHRWKHUZLVHLQGLJHQRXV$UDESROLWLFDOVDQGVWRUPVKXUOLQJWKURXJKWKHUHJLRQ
1REOHLQLWLDWLYHVWRKDVWHQPXFKQHHGHGSROLWLFDOUHIRUPVDQGHFRQRPLFVWLPXOXVZRXOGEHZHOFRPHGZLWK
RSHQDUPVE\PRVW$UDEV%XWWKH8QLWHG6WDWHVKDVVKRZQOLWWOHLQWHUHVWLQWKHVHGHYHORSPHQWDOHVVHQWLDOV
33
ARAB SPRING
instead focusing entirely on a strategic holy trinity: 1) unfettered access to cheap oil, 2) advancing Israeli hegemony over its Arab neighbors and 3) regime-change in the Islamic Republic of Iran (Nasra, 2011).
There is not one thing on this list that seeks to promote a better life for Arabs. In fact, in order to achieve LWVJRDOVFRVWHIIHFWLYHO\DQGHI¿FLHQWO\:DVKLQJWRQKDVGRJJHGLQWRWKHEDJRIROGFRORQLDOGLUW\WULFNVOLNH
QXUWXULQJDQGHVWDEOLVKLQJDQHOLWHFODVVUHJLPHWRDGPLQLVWHULWVLQWHUHVWVDVZHKDYHVHHQZLWKWKH´0RGHU-
DWH$UDE6WDWHV´RI6DXGL$UDELDDQG-RUGDQZKLFKDUHVWLOOVWXFNUHSHDWLQJWKH:DVKLQJWRQERUQQDUUDWLYHV
WKDWFKDUDFWHUL]HVWKH0LGGOH(DVWDVWKH³ZRUOGÓLNHRQHZRUOGDSDUWLQWKHZRUOGWKDWLVRIWHQWRUQEH-
WZHHQ³,VODPLVPYHUVXVVHFXODULVP´³6KLDYHUVXV6XQQL´DQG$UDEVYHUVXV,UDQLDQVDQGRWKHULGHRORJLFDO
DQGVWXSLGDUWL¿FLDOGLYLVLRQV
,U‫ۊ‬DO LV DJDLQVW WKH KLJKO\ F\QLFDO DSSURSULDWLRQ RI UHYROXWLRQDU\ LGHDOV E\ 3RZHUV ³,U‫ۊ‬DO America, LU‫ۊ‬DO Iran, LU‫ۊ‬DO Israel” are very blunt slogans against a “pressure cooker” effect. The United States sug-
gests not repression but the opposite: the creation of spaces for people to speak. “Sell them hope, the hope of change”. But Arab people see this as contra slogans describing them as “the magic ingredient for Arabs these days.” Arabs are shouting “LU‫ۊ‬DO$PUHHND´VKRZEXOOHWV³PDGHLQ$PHULFD´LQIURQWRIWKHPDUW\UV
DQGFDPHUDVDQGVWURQJO\FULWLFL]HWKH³$PHULFDQPLOLWDU\VXSSRUW´WRWKHUHYROWLQ6\ULDDQG/LE\DZKLOH
this support is keeping a suspicious silence in Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Bahrain (this latest home of the 5th Naval American Fleet in the Gulf). Religious terms social concerns
$JDLQZHVD\³UHOLJLRXVWHUPVDQGQRW³VDFUHGWHUPV´
From ODLODKDKLOD$OODK, (no god except God) to $OODKXDNEDU, “God is great”, the diffusion of this term throughout Arabic language expresses lots of feelings in the ĢDZUD, but it does not mean that WDZUD is taking VKDSHRID.KRPHLQL,VODPLFUHYROXWLRQDV,UDQH[SODLQHG0DQWKRUSH:HIRFXVRQMXVWRQHZRUG
*RGWKH¿UVWQDPHRIWKH¿UVWYHUVHRIWKH¿UVWTXUDQLFVXUD³%LVPLOODKHUUD¶KPDQHUUD¶KLP´LQWKHQDPHRI
*RGWKHPHUFLIXOIXOORIJUDFHZKLFKJLYHVWKHELJJHVWVHQVHRIFROOHFWLYHRUDOLW\LQWKH$UDEVWUHHW*RGLV
WKHPDLQGHIHQGHURISHRSOHQRWRQO\IRU0XVOLPVEXWDOVRIRU&KULVWLDQDQG-HZVDQGUHSHDWLQJDOPRVWKLV
QDPHRQHKXQGUHGWKRXVDQGWLPHVDGD\EHFRPHVDXGLEOHDQGDVWURQJVLJQL¿HUIRUWKHRQO\RQHZKRQHYHU
let ĢDZUD be abandoned. A better example of this can be found in the latest slogans pronounced by Syrian 3HRSOHLQ+RPVODVW-DQXDU\ZKHUHSKUDVHVOLNH³YLFWRU\LVIURP*RGRQO\QRW2EDPDQRW(UGRJDQ´³ZH
VZHDUE\*RGWKH0DJQL¿FHQWZHZLOOQRWEHVLOHQWRYHUWKHEORRGRIRXUPDUW\UV´³*RGZHKDYHQRQH
RWKHUWKDQ\RX´DPRQJRWKHUVZHUHSOHGJHGZLWKUHDOGHYRWLRQDVDV\PERORISHDFHIXODQGFLYLOUHVLVWDQFH
Of course young people respect God and reject his misuse by corrupt regimes to justify their actions and false politics. Today, the WDZUDLVVHHQDVDQHZYHUVLRQRIWKH,EQ.KDOGXQV$VDEL\DZKHUHSHRSOHKROGWKH
SRZHUWRRYHUWKURZWKHLUUXOHUVDQGWRHVWDEOLVKDPRUHMXVWHTXLWDEOHDQGGHPRFUDWLFV\VWHP1ROHDGHUVQR
ideology, neither Arabism nor Islamism, it just people using religious terms and chanting the right to do it.
%LVPLOODKHUUD¶KPDQHUUD¶KLPKDVVRPHVLJQL¿HUVOLNHLQWKHQDPHRI*RG more “the clement et mi-
VHULFRUGLHX[´³FOHPHQWDQGPHUFLIXO´³OHWUHVPLVHULFRUGLHX[OH&RPSDWLVVDQW´DPRQJPDQ\RWKHUVZKDW
GUDZVDWWHQWLRQQRWRQO\IRUWKHXVHRIDOOWKHVHVYDULDQWVDWWKHHQGRIWKHSKUDVHEXWIRUWKHOLWWOHLQWHUHVWLQ
34
WUDQVODWLQJWKHZRUG³$OODK´,QRWKHUZRUGVWKHPRVWRIZHVWHUQPHGLDGRQRWWUDQVODWHLWWKHQDPHE\WKH
VLJQL¿HU³*RG´7KH\OHIWWKHQDPHLQ$UDELF$OODK$QGWKLVLPPHGLDWHO\UHYHDOVDWKHRORJLFDOLVVXHWKDW
LVWRVD\DFRQVLGHUDEOHDQGGUDPDWLFWKHRORJLFRSROLWLFDOLVVXHYHU\PXFKRIFXUUHQWFRQFHUQ,IZHVD\
³*RG´LQWUDQVODWLRQLQZKLFKHYHUODQJXDJHZHSODFHRXUVHOYHVLQDXQLYHUVDOSHUVSHFWLYHZLWKWKHVDPH
VLJQL¿HG0HVFKLQQLF³*RG´PHDQVWKDWWKHUHLVRQH*RGZKRLVWKH³ORUGRIWKHZRUOGV´
ZKLFKE\GH¿QLWLRQKDUERXUVERWKWKHZKROHZRUOGDQGHYHU\RQH:KDWHYHUWKHWUDQVODWLQJODQJXDJHLIZH
WUDQVODWH$OODKE\*RGZHPDNHRI,VODPDXQLYHUVDO7KHUHIRUHWKHQRQWUDQVODWLRQZKLFKLVWKHPRVWDF-
FXUDWHIURPWKHWKHRORJLFRSROLWLFDOSRLQWRIYLHZRIVXQQD,VODPZLWKWKHFRQVHTXHQFHVLWLPSOLHVEULQJV
DNLQGRIGHQHJDWLRQ7KHQ³*RG´³'LHX´³*RWWDUHDGLVDYRZDORI$OODKDQGYLFHYHUVD:KDWZHWU\
WRVD\LVWKDWERWK:HVWHUQDQGFRQVHUYDWLVP,VODPYLHZVRI*RGDUHQRWLQFOXVLYHDQGFRQQHFWHGZLWKWKH
UHOLJLRXVFXOWXUHRIHDFKRWKHUDQGWKHUHIRUHDUHWRWDOO\LQFRKHUHQWZLWKWKHFXUUHQWXVHRISHRSOHFROOHFWLYH
DFWLRQZKLFKKDVVKRZQXVKRZHDV\LVWRLQFOXGHSHRSOHZKHQRQO\DFFHSW*RGODQJXDJHDQGFXOWXUHDV
VXFK7KLVKDVEHHQDOVRH[SUHVVHGE\KXQGUHGVRI&RSWVDQG0XVOLPVSHRSOHZRUNLQJWRJHWKHULQWKHSUR-
WHVWVRI7DKULU6TXDUHZKHUHWKH&RSWVFDUULHGPHGLFLQHVWRPRVTXHVWKDWZHUHIXQFWLRQLQJDVWHPSRUDU\
hospitals for the protesters.
7KDWVZK\ZHKDYHWRWUDQVODWH$OODKE\³*RG´³'LRV´³*RWW´DQGVRRQLQWKHUHVSHFWLYHVLJQL¿HUV
of our psychic reality. Allah is not a strange and particular God of Arabs and much less a “singular be-
LQJ´DSDUWIURPWKHPRQRWKHLVWLFZRUOGYLHZDQGE\FRQWUDVWLVZKDWPDNHV,VODPVWURQJ
$UDESHRSOHTXLFNO\DGDSWHG*RGLQWRĢDZUD in both verbal and visual expressions. We are talking about the slogan NXQPD¶DOODKZKLFKPHDQV³EHZLWK*RG´ZKLFKZDVDGDSWHGWRNXQPD¶ĢDZUEHZLWKUHYR-
lution). .XQPD¶DOODKLVYHU\IDPLOLDUSURYHUEWRSHRSOH,Q(J\SWZKLFKLVDUHOLJLRXVVRFLHW\ ZKHQ
VORJDQZDVUHSODFHGZLWKĢDZUDZDVVRPHWKLQJELJ.XQPDWDZUD has had a multiple plastic interven-
tions in the PLGƗQWKHPRVTXHWKHFKXUFKWKHKRVSLWDOVDQGRWKHUVWUDWHJLFSODFHVIRUSHDFHIXOFROOHFWLYH
DFWLRQLQVHYHUDOFLWLHVRI$UDEFRXQWULHV7KLVFDOOLJUDSK\DUWZRUNZDVSUHVHQWHGLQ$SULOZKHQWKH
DFWLYLVWVLQ(J\SWFDOOHGIRUDJHQHUDOVWULNHDOORYHU(J\SWLWZDVMXVWDQDUWZRUNE\0RKDPHG*DEHUV
SURMHFW³*UDSKLF$JDLQVW6\VWHP´DQGE\WKDWWLPHLWZDVXVHGRQOLQHRYHUVRPHRIWKHSKRWRJUDSKVWDNHQ
IRUWKHULRWVKDSSHQHGWKDWWLPHDQGZDVJHQHUDOO\VSUHDGRQOLQHRQDOOWKHVRFLDOQHWZRUNDV)DFHERRN
DQG7ZLWWHU%\'HFHPEHU*DEHUPDGHDQRWKHUYHUVLRQFDOOHGNXQPDµIDQ or “be part of art” used LWLQDVWUHHWDUWSURMHFWZLWKVWUHHWDUWLVWVIURP$OH[DQGULD%\-DQXDU\DQGWKHPRELOL]LQJIRUth January revolution in Egypt, the activists online re-used it, spread it online, and printed it out into posters DQGEDQQHUVWRKROGLQ7DKULUVTXDUH7KHQWKHDXWKRUGLGDFRZRUNZLWKWKH%UD]LOLDQFDUWRRQLVW&DUORV
/DWXIIZKLFKIRXQGDJUHDWIHHGEDFNE\SHRSOHLQWKHVWUHHWV*DEHUEHFRPLQJDJUHDWLFRQIRUWKH
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Revolutionary Arabic in the creative resistance
7KHXUJHQWQHHGIRUKXPRUWDNHVDYHU\ZHOOHVWDEOLVKHGSRVLWLRQLQWKHĢDZUD. To rediscover the comical RIWKRXJKWSHRSOHKDYHFUHDWHGORWVRIZRUNVIRUSXEOLFLW\DQGSXEOLFXWLOLW\PLQGVHWZKLFKKDYHWDNHQDQ
active role in the struggle against the repressive regimes, especially against the Syrian one and the violent FUDFNGRZQLWKDVODXQFKHG
User-generated creativity has been a distinctive mark of the Syrian revolution. Syrian artist have dared 35
ARAB SPRING
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the people have braved the streets despite daily violence. Top Goon: Diaries of a Little Dictator, a series of HSLVRGHVZKLFKSUHPLHUHVHYHU\ZHHNRQ<RX7XEHZLWK(QJOLVKVXEWLWOHVFRPELQHVWKH6\ULDQVLQFOLQD-
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in the Palestine issue. Since its launch, Top Goon has received lavish praise and occasional furious out-
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D¿QJHUSXSSHWQDPHG%HHVKRXZKRFOHDUO\UHVHPEOHV3UHVLGHQW%DVKDUDO$VVDGHYHQLQKLVIDPRXVOLVS
ZKHQSURQRXQFLQJWKH³V´,QWKH¿UVWHSLVRGH%HHVKRXLVKDXQWHGE\QLJKWPDUHVKHIHDUVWKDWKLVSHRSOH
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dark humor that Top Goon is so provocative and innovative (Della Ratta, 2011).
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VLWH NKDUDEHHVK KWWSWRRQVNKDUDEHHVKFRP"KO HQ ZKHUH DXWKRUV VKRZ WKURXJK FKDQQHOV EORJV DQG
<RX7XEHYLGHRVGLIIHUHQWDQGVSRQWDQHRXVH[SHULPHQWVDERXWVRFLDODQGSROLWLFDOOLIHWKURXJKFRPPHQ-
tary cartoon pieces that sarcastically tackles some of the burning issues in Arab societies. One of them is ³7KH%X.KDVKLPV´KWWSZZZEXNKDVKLPVFRPZKLFKLVDQDQLPDWHGFRPHG\VKRZLQ$UDELFDERXW
D%HGRXLQIDPLO\WKDWUHFHQWO\PRYHGWRWKHFLW\(YHU\GD\WKH\OHDUQPRUHDERXWFLW\OLIHZKHUHWKHLU
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riety of music styles from the rap and rock to acoustic and regional music. Among the most famous songs ZKLFKFDQEHIRXQGLQWKHVLWHKWWSZZZ\RXWXEHFRPSOD\OLVW"OLVW 3/('%&&&%ZHKDYH
³/HDYHÉ\5DP\(VVDPZLWKO\ULFVFRPSULVLQJDOOWKHPRVWSRSXODUFKDQWVDQGVORJDQVRIWKHUHYROXWLRQ
KHDUGRQWKHVWUHHWV7KLVVRQJEHFDPHWKHKLWRIWKHUHYROXWLRQJRLQJYLUDORQ<RX7XEH(VVDPOLYHGLQ7DKULU
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PDQ\VWDJHVWKDWVSURXWHGWKHUH:HDOVRKDYHWKHWZHQW\RQH\HDUROG+DPDGD%HQ$PRUDOVRNQRZQDV³(O
*HQHUDOÚHOHDVHGDQLQFHQGLDU\UDSVRQJFDOOHG³+HDGRI6WDWH´DURXQGWKHVDPHWLPHDV%RXD]L]L¶VVXLFLGDO
DFW7KHVRQJZKLFKGLUHFWO\DGGUHVVHVQRZIRUPHU3UHVLGHQW%HQ$OLFDXJKWRQOLNHZLOG¿UHRQ)DFHERRN
inspiring thousands of young Tunisians to take to the streets, and landing “El General” in jail. El General took WRWKHVWDJHRQFHPRUHLQ7XQLVLDWRJLYHDQHPRWLRQDOSHUIRUPDQFHLQIURQWRIDFURZGRIVWXGHQWV
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Negm, sung by Sheik Imam. Egyptian folk act “al- tanbura” and others from the El Mastaba Centre for (J\SWLDQ)RON0XVLF¿OPHGLQWKHVWUHHWVRI&DLURZLWKDFXWWLWOHG³7DKULU6TXDUH-DP´´5HEHOÉ\(J\S-
WLDQUDSSHUV$UDELDQ.QLJKW]VXQJLQ(QJOLVKLWVO\ULFVUHZULWWHQE\WKHJURXS¶V.DULP$GHO(LVVDDND$
Rush, on the night of Thursday January 27. Cairo rock luminaries, Amir Eid, Hany Adel and Sherif Mosta-
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7KH,UDTLUDSSHU1DUFLF\VWZLWKRWKHU0&VIURPWKH$UDELFUDSGLDVSRUDLQ1RUWK$PHULFDLQFOXGLQJ2PDU
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JDQLQ(J\SWDQGLWVSURPLQHQFHDVDWUHQGLQJWRSLFRQ7ZLWWHU0DVWHU0LP]³%DFNGRZQ0XEDUDN´DQG
PDQ\RWKHUVH[LVWLQJWKDWZHUHDGGHGWRWKRVHSURGXFWLRQVOLNH³NRIH\\H$UDEH\\HÉ\6KDGLD0DQVRXU
36
:LWKUHJDUGWRRWKHUYLVXDOZRUNVKDQGELOOVSRVWHUVVWLFNHUVDQ\WKLQJWKDWFDQKROGDQLGHDZDVEH-
LQJSODVWHUHGRQWKHJUDI¿WLVWUHZQZDOOVRIWKH0LGGOH(DVW¶VQHZHVWGHPRFUDF\LQZDLWLQJ$ORQJVLGHDOO
of the earnest portraits, optimistic slogans and anachronistic symbols, an enigmatic series has been pop-
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0DW¶DGLQHHVKGRQ¶WPDNHPH\RXUHQHP\PDWLVWDJKUDEQHHVKGRQ¶WFRQVLGHUPHVWUDQJHPDWNDIDUQ
HHVKGRQ¶WFDOOPHDQLQ¿GHODPRQJRWKHUVORJDQVKDYHFDUHIXOO\FKRVHQZRUGE\ZRUGRQDSRVWHUWR
communicate more than grandiose proclamations of patriotism and morality.
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RIWKH$UDEUHYROXWLRQZKLFKKDYHHPHUJHGLQ(J\SWDVDZD\WRPDNHIHHOQRZPRUHWKDQHYHUWKHSRSX-
lar language of the VKDµEDJDLQVWWKHW\UDQQ\WKDWKDVVKRZQWKH6&$)LQUHFHQWGD\V7KHVLJQL¿FDQFHRI
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UHDOPDQGFHUWDLQO\ZDVQRWXWLOL]HGIRUDQ\RIWKHFDPSDLJQSRVWHUVDGYRFDWLQJFDQGLGDWHVRYHUWKHSDVW
IHZZHHNV7KHGLDOHFWLPSOLHVDGLIIHUHQWNLQGRIWRQHDQGIDPLOLDULW\ZKLFKVHUYHVWRVWULNHDUHVRQDQW
FKRUGE\DPSOLI\LQJWKHPHDQLQJRIWKHZRUGV%\XVLQJ(J\SW¶VGLVWLQFWVWUHHWSDWRLVWKHFDPSDLJQVXE-
YHUVLYHO\FULWLTXHVWKHODQJXDJHRISROLWLFDOGLVFRXUVHDQGFRPPXQLFDWHVLWVSDUWLFXODUVORJDQVWR(J\S-
tians from Egyptians.
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commonplace party-led campaigns. He calls it “Hamlit Matikhsarneesh,” (Spread a Word). The campaign ZDVLQVSLUHGE\WKHERPELQJWKDWWRRNSODFHRXWVLGHWKH6DLQW¶V&KXUFKLQWKHHDUO\PRUQLQJRI-DQX-
ary 2011 (killing 21 people and injuring hundreds) and had the intention of making political posters to avoid sectarian divisions in the revolution emphasizing that those attacks had been made by the govern-
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,QWHUPVRIYRFDEXODU\LWLVQHFHVVDU\WRVD\WKDWERWKFROORTXLDODQGHORTXHQW$UDELFKDYHEHHQH[SRVHG
together in the sticks, posters, songs, slogans and other kind of visual and verbal demonstrations in Arab revolutions, making of DOOXJDWKH$UDELFODQJXDJHDVRQHFRUSXVD³UHIHUHQFHODQJXDJH´ZKLFK,FDOO
³0LGGOH&RQWHPSRUDU\$UDELF´*DUGXxRZKLFKLVWDXJKWLQPRVW$UDEDQGQR$UDEXQL-
YHUVLWLHVDQGDVQRZKDSSHQVZLWK$UDEUHYROXWLRQKDVEHHQWKHUHVXOWRIWKHQHHGWRGHDOZLWKSROLWLFDODQG
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,QWKHFDVHRI$UDEUHYROXWLRQZHKDYHFROOHFWHGVRPHLFRQLFDQGXVHIXOZRUGVIRUWKHĢDZUD based in WKHZRUNRIVRPHSLFWXUHVEORJJHUVDQG\RXWXEHYLGHRVDVIROORZV
37
ARAB SPRING
Egypt
maSr
ϡ˪ ιέ
Tomorrow
Bokrah
Ώ
˪ ϙέϩ
Real Education
ta3leem begad
Ε
˪ ωϝϱϡΏΝΩ
Freedom of opinión
Horeyyet er ra`y
Ρ
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System
niZaam
ϥ
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Parity
takafoo`
Ε
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Dignity
karaama
ϙ
˪ έ΍ϡΓ
Hope
amal
΃˪ ϡϝ
Poverty Eradication
maHo el-fa`r
ϡ˪ Ρϭ΍ϝϑϕέ
Retirement
el-ma3aash
΍˪ ϝϡω΍ε
The change
et-taghyyer
΍˪ ϝΕύϱϱέ
Democracy
eddimoqraTayya
΍˪ ϝΩϱϡϕέ΍ρϱΓ
Abolition of Emergency law
ilgaa` qanoon eT-Tawaaree`
΍˪ ϝύ΍˯ϕ΍ϥϭϥ΍ϝρϭ΍έϱ˯
Conscience
eD-Dameer
΍˪ ϝνϡϱέ
New president
ra`-ees gedeed
έ˪ ΉϱαΝΩϱΩ
Social Responsibility
masòolayya eg-tima3aaya
ϡ˪ αΉϭϝϱΓ΍ΝΕϡ΍ωϱΓ
Social Justice
3adaala eg-tima3ayya
ω
˪ Ω΍ϝΓ΍ΝΕϡ΍ωϱΓ
Dialogue=
el-Hiwaar
Ρ
˪ ϭ΍έ
Fair Salaries
mortabaat 3aadila
ϡ˪ έΕΏ΍Εω΍ΩϝΓ
Sincerity
el-ikhlaaS
΍˪ ϝ΍Υϝ΍ι
-RERSSRUWXQLW\MREWKDWEHQH¿WVPH
shoghl yenfa3ni
ε
˪ ύϝϱϥϑωϥϱ
Elimination of ignorance
al-qadaa` 3ala el-gahl
ϡ˪ Ρϭ΍ϝΝϩϝ
Better living
ma3eesha afDal
ϡ˪ ωϱεΓ΍ϑνϝ
Appreciation
et-taQdeer
΍˪ ϝΕϕΩϱέ
Secure life
Hayaah amna
Ρ
˪ ϱ΍Γ΍ϡϥΓ
Political Freedom
Horeyya seyasay-ya
Ρ
˪ έϱΓαϱ΍αϱΓ
Honest ,virtuous people
shorfaa
C˪ εέϑ΍˯
Citizen ship
mowaTanah
ϡ˪ ϭ΍ρϥΓ
KFC*(This is a sort of a joke because there were rumors during demonstration that some demonstrators are paid 50LE+KFC daily To protest )
kentaaki
ϙ
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Zamalek champion * Another wish as Zamalek football team used to be one of the best of teams in the Egypt but they couldn’t win any real champion chip in years )
ed-dawri lil zamalik
΍˪ ϝΩϭέϱϝϝίϡ΍ϝϙ
Cleanliness
naDaafa
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38
Our right
Haq-qina
Ρ
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Health care
re3aaya SeH-Heyya
έ˪ ω΍ϱΓιΡϱΓ
Fresh air
hawaa` naqi
ϩ˪ ϭ΍˯ϥϕϱ
Domestic Industry
Sinaa3a maHalayya
ι
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Security for my children
amn awlaadi
΍˪ ϡϥ΍ϭϝ΍Ωϱ
Honest media
i3laam SareeH
΍˪ ωϝ΍ϡιέϱΡ
Accept the other
taqbo l al-aakhar
Ε
˪ ϕΏϝ΍ϝ΍Υέ
Homeless care
re3ayet el-moshardeen
έ˪ ω΍ϱΓ΍ϝϡεέΩϱϥ
State of institutions=
dawlit mo`sasaat
Ω˪ ϭϝΓϡ΅αα΍Ε
Food (ak l is the word for food but (lo`met 3ayesh) which is an expression that means ” a piece of bread” , Minimum of poor Egyptians food ,basic sustenance, and it refers her to the minimum wages people)
lo`met 3ayesh
ϝ˪ ϕϡΓ΍ϝωϱε
Bride
3aroosa
ω
˪ έϭαΓ
Master ship of public
syaada sha3baya
α
˪ ϱ΍ΩΓεωΏϱΓ
public
sha3b,sha3bayya
ε
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National Unity (This expression is usually used to refer to the unity between Muslims and Christians )
wiHda waTanayya
ϭ˪ ΡΩΓϭρϥϱΓ
A look to upper Egypt (The word ‘’naZra’’ here means ‘’attention’’ as Sa3eed is a poor part of Egypt
naZra lil-Sa3eed maSr
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Dignity of teachers (Colloquial word for teacher karaamat al-mo3lem
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teachers of local schools feel because of their low salaries )
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Human rights
Hoqooq el-insaan
Ρ
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Change taghy-yeer Ε
˪ ύϱϱέ
Youth housing iskaan esh-shbaab ΍˪ αϙ΍ϥ΍ϝεΏ΍Ώ
Literacy maHo el om-mayya ϡ˪ Ρϭ΍ϝ΍ϡϱΓ
Culture thaqaafa Ι
˪ ϕ΍ϑΓ
Renaissance nah-Da ϥ
˪ ϩνΓ
Humanity insanay-ya ΍˪ ϥα΍ϥϱΓ
Disability rights
hoqooq el-mo3aqeen Ρ
˪ ϕϭϕ΍ϝϡω΍ϕϱϥ
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entimaa`
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Fair Representative councils magaales nyabayya Haqeqayya ϡ˪ Ν΍ϝαϥϱ΍ΏϱΓΡϕϱϕϱΓ
Azhar rights(this refers to the low wages that Azhr employs are struggling with )
hoqooq al-azhreen Ρ
˪ ϕϭϕ΍ϝ΍ίϩέϱϱϥ
Implementation of Judicial Decision tanfeez aHkaam qadaàyya Ε
˪ ϥϑϱΫ΍ϝ΃Ρϙ΍ϡ΍ϝϕν΍ΉϱΓ
39
ARAB SPRING
Free voting
Soutee yawSal ι
˪ ϭΕϱϱϭιϝ
Better future mostaqbal afDal ˪ ϡαΕϕΏϝ΍ϑνϝ
Ethics akhlaaq
˪ ΍Υϝ΍ϕ
Freedom
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A look at Suez naZra lel-swees ϥ
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Physiotherapy 3elaag Tabee3i ω
˪ ϝ΍ΝρΏϱωϱ
Easy exams
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Childhood
Tofoola ρ
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Egyptians agenda
agendet el-maSreen
΍˪ ΝϥΩΓ΍ϝϡιέϱϱϥ
)LQDOFRPPHQWVDOãDµE\XUƯGLVTƗঌDOQL਌ƗP DQGWKHFKDOOHQJHVIRUĢDZUD
Studying Arab Protest through visual and verbal expressions in its resistance language is a very impor-
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on one hand, has to organize and to coordinate the protest itself in the PLGƗQQHLJKERUKRRGPRVTXHDQG
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and others to the international public opinion.
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WRLQFRUSRUDWHVRPHH[LVWLQJFRQFHSWVDVতXUUL\DOWDµEƯUIUHHGRPRIVSHHFKRUতXUUL\DDOৢDতƗIDIUHH-
dom of the press) to introduce the meaning of the ĢDZUD as a tool of self determination against corruption, FHQVRUVKLSDQGSHUVHFXWLRQRIVHYHUDOJRYHUQPHQWV7KHPDLQZHDSRQRI$UDESURWHVWDIWHUWKHPRGHO
of peaceful mobilization, is the language, not only in grammatical rules of IX‫ۊ܈‬jEXWDOVRLQWKHZLVGRPRI
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UDU\$UDELFODQJXDJHWKDWLVFUHDWHGIURPDPL[EHWZHHQHORTXHQWDQGFROORTXLDORQH
7KURXJKRXWWKHWZHQWLHWKFHQWXU\$UDELF3HRSOHXQGHUZHQWDPRGHUQL]DWLRQUHIRUPDQGLQWHOOHFWXDO
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QRZDGD\VLQWKHPLGGOHRIĢDZUD, Arab People have incorporated several Arabic and no Arabic terms in DQHORTXHQWDQGFOHDUZD\WRH[SUHVVZKDWSHRSOHLVFRQFHUQHGLQPRGHUQWLPHVDQGZKDWZK\DQGKRZ
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tions, songs and pamphlets not only in Arabic language but also in English, Farsi and other languages that appeared in the streets since the so called “Tunisia revolution”.
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phrase they are not only referring to their corrupt governments but they also mean the old regime that has SUHYDLOHGIRUGHFDGHVLQWKHHQWLUH$UDEZRUOGIURPWKH$WODQWLFWRWKH*XOI5DVKLG
In post-Mubarak Egypt, given the fact that the military government only partially met the demands of WKHUHYROXWLRQDULHVZLWKWKHGUHDGHGVWDWHRIHPHUJHQF\UHPDLQLQJLQSODFHVRPHSURWHVWHUVVWDUWHGXVLQJ
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that people, the author of WDZUDDUH¿QDOO\VSHDNLQJDQGDUHEHLQJKHDUGDOWKRXJKPRUHLQVRPHSODFHV
than others). But major challenges lie ahead. We are living an important moment in the Middle East that covers sensitive topics like the jure achievement of the Palestinian state in the United Nations, the future of GHPRFUDF\LQ(J\SWDQGDVHULHVRISHQGLQJGHPDQGVLQVHYHUDOSHRSOHVIURP<HPHQ6\ULD%DKUDLQ,UDT
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the political, economical and military elite, the Pasdaran.
Once again, those interested in opening this rhetorical political marketing, primarily AIPAC leaders, VHHPGHWHUPLQHGWRVSUHDGDVHULHVRILGHDVWKDWPDNHQRVHQVHDQGMXVWGHÀHFWLQWHUQDWLRQDOSXEOLFRSLQLRQ
from real interest issues in the Arab region, this is, envisioning democratic governments in the Middle East DVZHKDYHVHHQKRZ(J\SWLDQSHRSOHLVWU\LQJWRGRLQ7DKULUULJKWQRZHQGLQJFRUUXSWLRQDQGUHSUHV-
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American, Russian, Iranian or Israeli interference in internal affairs of Arab Countries.
In this sense, the only thing in the mind of Israel government is to remain as the only “democratic state RI7KH0LGGOH(DVW´ZLWKEDVHRQLWV³HWKQRFUDF\´VRPHWKLQJDVDEVXUGDQGLPSRVVLEOHDQGDWWKHVDPH
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Arabs called: Iran and Islamism.
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sion of Khamenei or Saudi Islam), is ready to enter into the democratic game and to replace authoritarian UHJLPHVDVZHFRXOGVHHLQWKH7XQLVLDQDQG0RURFFRHOHFWLRQVFDVHV7KLVZDYHLVFRQFHLYHGDVDWKUHDWE\
,VUDHODQGRWKHUSROLWLFDODFWRUVOLNHWKH86DQG6DXGL$UDELDWKDWZLOOVHHNDW\SHRIUHLVODPL]DWLRQLQ$UDE
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of authoritarian governments is at the same time the end of the guarantors of stability and security people DJDLQVWUDGLFDOV´6RDQHZZDYHRILQVHFXULW\EDUEDULVPDQGWHUURULVPZRXOGEHFRPLQJEDFNWRVWUHHWV
41
ARAB SPRING
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persuade people to make no more changes, protest and revolts.
This re islamization attempts to connect “distortion of Islam” and Islamist parties in coming months. 7KLVVWUDWHJ\ZLWK,VUDHODQG6DXGL$UDELD¿QDQFLDOVXSSRUWZRXOGEHDVSHDUKHDGIRUGLVFUHGLWWKHFXUUHQW
$UDE6SULQJSURFHVVPDNLQJDVWURQJHUGHWHUPLQLVPDJDLQVWQHZ,VODPLVWFDQGLGDWHVDVZHOODVJHQHUDW-
LQJIHDUEHWZHHQUHOLJLRXVPLQRULWLHVLQWKHFDVHWKDWWKH\VXSSRUWWKHUHYROWVDQGGHPRFUDWLFSURFHVV7KLV
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States. The fact is that the perpetrator can be any of them.
Moreover, there is another and more complicated strategy in this game called Iran. The current rhetoric LQ,VUDHOLVUHODWHGZLWKDSRVVLEOHPLOLWDU\LQWHUYHQWLRQDJDLQVW,UDQQXFOHDUIDFLOLWLHVWKDWZRXOGLJQLWHWKH
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UHQFHSROLF\,UDQLVQRW,UDTDQGWKH86DUHQRWWKH86RI7KLVLVVDLGEHFDXVH,VUDHOFDQQRWODXQFK
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DQ,VUDHOLDWWDFNZRXOGKDYHVWUDWHJ\HIIHFWVLQWKH,UDTVVFHQDULRZKHUH$PHULFDQWURRSVZRXOGQHHGWR
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Although the Syrian regime is disable to provide logistical and intelligence support to Iranian regime as he had promised some years ago, the current situation indicates that Israel cannot attack Iran unilater-
ally and automatically because an attack in the coming months has to involucrate, at least, some Arab Gulf FRXQWULHVZKLFKZLWKDSDUWLFXODUVW\OHLQWKHFDVHRI³6DXGL$UDELDV3DVGDUDQ0H[LFDQJDQJVWHUV3ORW´
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ments in the Gulf zone mainly Saudi Arabia and Bahrain and to rebuild, if that is possible, the U.S image LQWKH0LGGOH(DVWWKURXJKRIWZRIDVKLRQIUHDNV,VODPLVPDQG,UDQ
References
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42
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43
ARAB SPRING
Social media and new technologies in Egypt and Tunisia: two examples of innovative forms of democratization
STEFANIA PERNA
University of Reading
Abstract
In 2011 Web 2.0 has emerged as a crucial tool in organizing demonstrations and mo-
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SDSHUDLPVDWXQGHUOLQLQJWKDWQHZPHGLDDQGQHZWHFKQRORJLHVWRJHWKHUZLWKRSHQ
VRXUFHVVRIWZDUHVXFKDV8VKDKLGLDQG)URQWOLQH606KDYHDOVREHHQXVHGDVLPSRUWDQW
WRROVIRUGHPRFUDWL]DWLRQ7KHSDSHUKDVEHHQGLYLGHGLQWKUHHSDUWV7KH¿UVWSDUDJUDSK
UHYROYHVDURXQGWKHGLIIHUHQFHVEHWZHHQ:HEDQG:HE7KHVHFRQGLOOXVWUDWHV
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LQWRFRQVLGHUDWLRQWZRFDVHVWXGLHV(J\SWDQG7XQLVLDZKLFKFOHDUO\VKRZWKHLPSDFW
on democratization that such approach has had. Keywords
,&7V&URZGVRXUFLQJ(OHFWLRQV'HPRFUDWL]DWLRQ:HE
Introduction 7KHVKLIWIURPWKH:HEWRKDVSURYLGHGDZLGHUDQJHRIQHZRSSRUWXQLWLHVIRU,QWHUQHWXVHUV
7KURXJKWKHLQWURGXFWLRQRI566DQGWKHFRQVHTXHQWFUHDWLRQRIVRFLDOPHGLDWKH,QWHUQHWKDVEHHQWUDQV-
IRUPHGLQDIRUXPIRULQWHUDFWLRQZKHUHXVHUVDUHQRPRUHERXQGWRWKHOLPLWDWLRQVLPSRVHGE\WKHLQWHUHVWV
RIWKHELJZHE¿UPVEXWKDYHEHFRPHWKHPDLQFUHDWRUVRIWKHFRQWHQWVRIWKHZHELWVHOI7KHVHQHZIRUPV
RIFRPPXQLFDWLRQZKLFKKDYHOLQNHGSHRSOHLQDPDQ\WRPDQ\IRUPRIFRQQHFWLRQKDYHDOVRRSHQHG
WKHZD\IRUWKHLQWURGXFWLRQRIDQHZPHWKRGRIGDWDJDWKHULQJFURZGVRXUFLQJ%\FRXQWLQJRQSHRSOHLQ
RUGHUWRJHWSULPDU\LQIRUPDWLRQWKHZHEDQGQHZWHFKQRORJLHVRWKHUZLVHNQRZQDV,&7VKDYHEHFRPH
tools to expand political, social and economic freedom of people and for this reason have been named ‘lib-
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of opportunities for common citizens to mobilize and to regain the control of their social and political life. :KDWWKHVHWRROVKDYHDOORZHGKDVEHHQWKHELUWKRIDQHZIRUPRIDFWLYLVPZKLFKLVWZRIROGLWLVIXQF-
WLRQDOWRWKHGHYHORSPHQWRIQHZIRUPVRIHQJDJHPHQWRISHRSOHLQWKHVRFLHW\EXWLWLVDOVRIXQGDPHQWDO
LQGHQRXQFLQJZKDWKDSSHQHGLQDFRXQWU\RQWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOVWDJH,QWKHPRPHQWLQZKLFKVXFKWRROV
KDVEHHQRUJDQL]HGLQWZRRSHQVRXUFHVRIWZDUHVXFKDV8VKDKLGLDQG)URQWOLQH606WKHLPSDFWRIWKHVH
QHZWHFKQRORJLHVKDVEHHQDVWRQLVKLQJDVWKHH[SHULHQFHLQ(J\SWLQDQGLQ7XQLVLDLQVKRZ
,QWKHVHWZRFDVHVWKHGHSOR\PHQWRIRQOLQHSODWIRUPVWKDWPHUJHGWKHXVHRIQHZWHFKQRORJLHVZLWKWKH
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44
gaging citizens in the process of democratization.
From Web 1.0 to Web 2.0: the electronic democracy
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merce. Web 2.0 is people”2. What happened in 2005 can be considered a revolution that changed not only XVHUV¶DSSURDFKWRZDUGWKH:RUOG:LGH:HEEXWDOVRZKDWSHRSOHFRXOGGRZLWKWKH,QWHUQHWLQWKHLUVRFLDO
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µDUFKLWHFWXUHRISDUWLFLSDWLRQ¶>«@EDVHGRQVRFLDOVRIWZDUHZKHUHXVHUVJHQHUDWHFRQWHQWUDWKHUWKDQVLP
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,WLVDQDUHQDZKHUHWKHZHEUDWKHUWKDQWKHGHVNWRSLVWKHGRPLQDQWSODWIRUPDQGRUJDQL]DWLRQDSSHDUV
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system itself. The author listed seven main principles that differentiate Web 2.0 from Web 1.0: the Internet DVDSODWIRUPIRUSROLWLFDOGLVFRXUVHWKHFROOHFWLYHLQWHOOLJHQFHHPHUJHQWIURPSROLWLFDOZHEXVHWKHLPSRU-
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SROLWLFDOFRQWHQWRYHUPXOWLSOHDSSOLFDWLRQVDQGULFKXVHUH[SHULHQFHVRQSROLWLFDOZHEVLWHV6. Although not DOOWKHVHSULQFLSOHVDUHHTXDOO\IXQGDPHQWDODWWKHSRLQWRIH[SODLQLQJWKHUHDVRQVZK\DQGKRZ:HEKDV
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as the use of the Internet as a platform for political confrontation, the propagation of political content over PXOWLSOHDSSOLFDWLRQVDQGXVHUV¶H[SHULHQFHVRQSROLWLFDOZHEVLWHVDUHLQGHHGXVHIXOIRUKLJKOLJKWLQJWKHELJ
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5\DQ6LQJHO$UH<RX5HDG\IRU:HE"DYDLODEOHDWKWWSZZZZLUHGFRPVFLHQFHGLVFRYHULHVQHZVDFFHVVHGRQ
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puter technology topics.
5 Ryan Singel, cit.
$QGUHZ&KDGZLFN:HE1HZ&KDOOHQJHVIRUWKH6WXG\RI('HPRFUDF\LQDQ(UDRI,QIRUPDWLRQDO([XEHUDQFHLQ,6$-RXUQDORI/DZDQG3ROLF\
for the Information Society, Vol. 5:1, 2009. 45
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become the main features of a system that through the Nineties has presented itself as a one-to-many tool RIFRPPXQLFDWLRQZKHUHDVZKDW:HEKDVFUHDWHGKDVEHHQDPDQ\WRPDQ\IRUPRIFRQQHFWLRQ7KH
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:LWKWKLVIUDPHZRUNLQPLQGLWLVLQWHUHVWLQJWRORRNDWWKHHYROXWLRQWKDWWKH:HEH[SHULHQFHGDIWHU
in terms of the Froomkin approach. In his trenchant examination of online democracy, Michael Froomkin GUHZDSDUDOOHOEHWZHHQWKHLQWURGXFWLRQRIWKHQHZW\SHVRIFRQQHFWLYLW\GHULYHGE\WKHQHZ,QWHU-
QHWV\VWHPDQGWKHSRVVLELOLW\RIHQKDQFLQJWKHTXDOLW\RIWKHSDUWLFLSDWLRQRIPDVVHVLQWRWKHSROLWLFDOOLIH
$FFRUGLQJWR)URRPNLQWKHQHZ,QWHUQHWV\VWHPHQKDQFHV³WKHTXDQWLW\DQGHVSHFLDOO\WKHTXDOLW\RIPDVV
participation in a representative democracy7´DVLWXDWLRQWKDWFDQEHFRQVLGHUHGDQDQVZHUWRWKHUHTXHVWRI
PDMRUSDUWLFLSDWLRQDQGGHFHQWUDOL]DWLRQSXWIRUZDUGE\-UJHQ+DEHUPDVLQKLVSKLORVRSKLFDOWKHRU\8. The philosopher argued that engaging people in political debates and encouraging them to associate in order to exchange opinions can improve inherently the political process itself, as it enables the masses to disenfran-
FKLVHIURPWKHFRQWUROWKDWLQVWLWXWLRQVDQGSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVSOD\XSRQWKHP:KDWLVZRUWKHPSKDVL]LQJLV
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LQGHHGEHFRQVLGHUHGDQHZYLUWXDOIRUXPWKDWKDVEURXJKWSHRSOHFORVHUDJDLQWRSROLWLFDOSURFHVVHV:KDW
recent experiences, such as the on-going political uprisings in the Arab World, or the demonstrations in Lon-
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YHUVDWLRQVPRELOL]HDQGEHFDPHVRFLDODFWLYLVWV,QRWKHUZRUGVZKDWKDSSHQHGGXULQJQRWRQO\KDV
SXVKHGWRUHFRQVLGHUWKHUHOLDELOLW\RIWKHLQIRUPDWLRQVSUHDGE\RI¿FLDOPHGLDEXWKDVDOVRKDGDQLPSRUWDQW
HGXFDWLYHHIIHFWDERXWWKHPDLQSULQFLSOHVRQZKLFKGHPRFUDF\LVEDVHGRQ:HEKDVPDGHSRVVLEOHWKH
emerging of the so-called “electronic democracy”9ZKRVHHIIHFWVKDVEHHQKHUHWRIRUHH[WUDRUGLQDU\
The web 2.0 as “Liberation Technology”: the power of crowdsourcing
7KHPDLQFKDUDFWHULVWLFVRIWKHQHZ,QWHUQHWLWVGHFHQWUDOL]DWLRQLWVLQWHUFRQQHFWLRQDQGLWVDELOLW\WRSXWLQ
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WKDWKDYHEHHQFUHDWHGWKURXJKWKHHYROXWLRQRI:HEVXFKDV7ZLWWHU)DFHERRNDQG<RX7XEHDORQJ
ZLWKWKHDSSOLFDWLRQVWKDWQHZWHFKQRORJLHVKDYHPDGHSRVVLEOHDVPRELOHSKRQHZLWKFDPHUDDQGYLGHR
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to express opinions on a broader amount of issues, to mobilize and monitoring and to spread information in real time on the international stage only by connecting to the Internet. Web 2.0 has enhanced the freedom of SHRSOHDQGLQWKLVVHQVHZHZHOFRPHWKHGH¿QLWLRQWKDW/DUU\'LDPRQG10KDVJLYHQWRWKHQHZ,QIRUPDWLRQ
0LFKDHO)URRPNLQ7HFKQRORJLHVIRU'HPRFUDF\LQ'HPRFUDF\2QOLQH±7KH3URVSHFWRI3ROLWLFDO5HQHZDO7KURXJKWKH,QWHUQHW3HWHU06KDQHHWDO
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(OHFWURQLF'HPRFUDF\LVDQHZ(QJOLVKWHUPFRLQHGLQWKH1LQHWLHVWKDWUHIHUVWRWKHSDUWLFLSDWLRQRISHRSOHLQWKHSROLWLFDOOLIHWKURXJKQHZPHGLDDQGQHZ
technologies. For a deeper analysis see Maurizio Bolognini, Democrazia Elettronica, Carocci Editore, Roma, 2001.
10 /DUU\'LDPRQGLVVHQLRUIHOORZDWWKH+RRYHU,QVWLWXWLRQDQG)UHHPDQ6SRJOL,QVWLWXWHIRU,QWHUQDWLRQDO6WXGLHVGLUHFWRURI6WDQIRUG8QLYHUVLW\¶V&HQWUH
46
and Communication Technologies11. According to Diamond (2010) “liberation technology is any form of in-
formation and communication technology (ICT) that can expand political, social and economic freedom”12. :KDWFKDQJHGFRPSDUHGWRWKHSDVWLVWKDW,QWHUQHWXVHUVDUHQRPRUHSDVVLYHUHFLSLHQWVRIZKDWWUDGLWLRQDO
PHGLDSURYLGHEXWLQPRVWRIWKHFDVHVWKH\DUHWKHPDLQDFWRUVRIZKDWPHGLDODWHO\UHSRUWV3DWULFN0HLHU13 KDVJLYHQDQRXWVWDQGLQJH[DPSOHRIWKHFRQVHTXHQFHWKDWWKHQHZXVHUV¶DSSURDFKWRZDUGWKHZHEKDVFUH-
DWHG0HLHUUHFDOOHGZKDWDQ(J\SWLDQDFWLYLVWWROGGXULQJWKHXSULVLQJDJDLQVWWKHUHJLPHRI+RVQL
0XEDUDNLQ&DLURDWWKHEHJLQQLQJRI+HVDLG³:HXVH)DFHERRNWRVFKHGXOHRXUSURWHVWV7ZLWWHUWR
FRRUGLQDWHDQG<RX7XEHWRWHOOWKHZRUOG´147KHIURQWSDJHRIWKH1HZ<RUN7LPHVRI7KHth June 2009 FDQRIIHUDQRWKHUYLVXDOH[DPSOHRIWKHLPSRUWDQFHWKDW,&7VKDVDFTXLUHGLQWKHODVW\HDUV'XULQJWKHUH-
YROWVWKDWIROORZHGWKHDOOHJHGHSLVRGHVRIIUDXGLQWKHDIWHUPDWKRI,UDQLDQSUHVLGHQWLDOHOHFWLRQVLQ
mobile phones and the Internet have played a fundamental role in circumventing the censorship imposed by WKHJRYHUQPHQWDQGLQVSUHDGLQJWKHLQIRUPDWLRQRQWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOVWDJHDERXWZKDWZDVKDSSHQLQJLQWKH
FRXQWU\7KHIROORZLQJSLFWXUHLQHPEOHPDWLFRIWKHPDVVLYHSUHVHQFHRIPRELOHSKRQHVDQGKRZWKH\KDYH
been used to document the revolt and the push for change embodied by the Green Movement15.
Picture 1: Picture of the front page of the New York Times, 22 June 2009. Source: Meier 2011.
Although their primary use is not related to political activities, ICTs have proved to play a fundamental role at the point of supporting citizens and protesters in organizing demonstrations and revolts. For this rea-
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11 ,QIRUPDWLRQDQG&RPPXQLFDWLRQ7HFKQRORJLHVLVDWHUPWKDWGH¿QHVDJURXSRIWRROVIRUFRPPXQLFDWLRQVXFKDVSKRQHVDQGFRPSXWHUVWKDWHQDEOHXVHUV
to create, change, spread and manipulate information on a large scale.
12 /DUU\'LDPRQG/LEHUDWLRQ7HFKQRORJLHVLQ-RXUQDORI'HPRFUDF\9ROSJ1DWLRQDO(QGRZPHQWIRU'HPRFUDF\DQG7KH-RKQV+RSNLQV8QL-
versity Press, 2010.
13 3DWULFN0HLHULVWKH'LUHFWRURI&ULVLV0DSSLQJDW8VKDKLGLFRIRXQGHURIWKH,QWHUQDWLRQDO1HWZRUNRI&ULVLV0DSSHUVDQGSUHYLRXVO\FRGLUHFWRURI+DU-
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14 3DWULFN0HLHU'R/LEHUDWLRQ7HFKQRORJLHVFKDQJHWKHEDODQFHRISRZHUEHWZHHQUHSUHVVLYHVWDWHVDQGFLYLOVRFLHW\"$7KHVLV3UHVHQWHGWRWKH)DFXOW\2I
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15 The Green Movement is a pro-reform movement born in the aftermaths of the presidential elections in Iran in 2009. Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Kar-
roubi are considered the leader of the movement.
47
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ing people, a phenomenon he called “smart mob”16$V'LDPRQGZULWHVUHFDOOLQJWKHGH¿QLWLRQRI
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hierarchy or central direction in order to gather at certain location for the sake of protest”17.
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purposes. &URZGVRXUFLQJ LV DQ DFWLYLW\ DOUHDG\ LPSOHPHQWHG GXULQJ WKH 1LQHWLHV PDLQO\ LQ WKH HFRQRPLF VHF-
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LVWRWUHDWWKHFURZGDVDWRROWRUHDFKDVSHFL¿FREMHFWLYHZKLFKLQKXPDQLWDULDQRUGHPRFUDWLFSURPRWLRQ
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LQJSHRSOHDUHQRZJLYHQDPHDQE\ZKLFKWKH\FDQSDUWLFLSDWHDQGEHLQJSDUWRIDFHUWDLQSURMHFWVXFK
as rescue programs, monitoring or information activities. Although can be a very general phenomenon, FURZGVRXUFLQJZLOOEHDGGUHVVHGLQWKLVSDSHUE\JLYLQJH[DPSOHVRILWVLPSOHPHQWDWLRQLQWKHFDVHVRI
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processes and about possible episodes of frauds violence or misconduct during the electoral confrontations. 5HJDUGLQJWKHFURZGVRXUFLQJLQLWLDWLYHLQ(J\SWLWKDVEHHQODXQFKHGE\DORFDO1*2ZLWKWKHDLPQRW
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but also to overcome the censorship and denounce the episodes of frauds and corruption of the regime of Hosni Mubarak on the international stage. On the other hand, in Tunisia, the initiative has been launched RQWKHUHTXHVWRIORFDODXWKRULWLHVZKRVHDLPZDVWRHQJDJHSHRSOHLQRUGHUWRJUDQWWUDQVSDUHQF\GXULQJ
ZKDWKDVEHHQFRQVLGHUHGDQGKLVWRULFDOPRPHQWLQWKHVRFLDODQGSROLWLFDOOLIHRIWKHFRXQWU\IUHHGIURP
the Abdulaziz Ben Ali regime, the election of the Constituent Assembly. ,QWKHVHH[SHULHQFHVDVZHOODVLQHYHU\VLWXDWLRQLQZKLFKFURZGVRXUFLQJLVLPSOHPHQWHGRQHRIWKH
PRVWGLI¿FXOWFKDOOHQJHVLVWRYHULI\LQIRUPDWLRQJDWKHUHGIURPWKHFURZG$WWKHSRLQWLQZKLFKFRPPX-
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mation, but also the possibility of manipulating or falsifying them. A clear example of manipulation and GLIIXVLRQRIIDOVHLQIRUPDWLRQWKURXJKPRELOHSKRQHVDQGQHZWHFKQRORJLHVFDQEHJLYHQE\ZKDWKDSSHQHG
16 +RZDUG5KHLQJROG6PDUW0REV7KH1H[W6RFLDO5HYROXWLRQ&DPEULGJH%DVLF%RRNV
17 Larry Diamond, cit., pg. 11.
18 -HII+RZHLVDFRQWULEXWLQJHGLWRUDW:LUHG0DJD]LQHDXWKRURIWKHEORJFURZGVRXUFLQJFRPDQGWKHDXWKRURIWKHERRN&URZGVRXUFLQJ:K\WKH3RZHU
RIWKH&URZGLV'ULYLQJWKHIXWXUHRI%XVLQHVVSXEOLVKHGLQE\&URZQ%RRNV
19 -HII+RZH&URZGVRXUFLQJ:K\WKHSRZHURIWKHFURZGLVGULYLQJWKHIXWXUHRIEXVLQHVV1HZ<RUN&URZQ%XVLQHVVSJ
48
in Kenya in the aftermath of 2007 elections. Once violence erupted, after the communication of the results, some groups mobilized and started sending text messages to prevent violence and to inform people about ZKDWZDVUHDOO\JRLQJRQLQWKHFRXQWU\+RZHYHULQWKHPHDQWLPHPRELOHSKRQHVKDYHDOVREHHQXVHGWR
spread hate speeches, further igniting an already tense and violent situation.
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refer both to the information coming from mobile phones or the Internet and social media. Depending on WKHVRXUFHRIWKHLQIRUPDWLRQWKHSURFHVVRIYHUL¿FDWLRQFKDQJHVRQO\VOLJKWO\,QWKHFDVHRIGDWDJDWKHUHG
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ing the processes of interrogating the source and/or triangulating the information. If an information is taken E\WKH,QWHUQHWIRUH[DPSOHIURPVRFLDOPHGLDVXFKDV7ZLWWHUDZD\RIYHULI\LQJLWVWUXWKIXOQHVVLVDQDO\]-
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has been given in occasion of the violence erupted in South Kyrgyzstan in 201020. $WWKHVDPHWLPHWKHTXDQWLW\RILQIRUPDWLRQUHFHLYHGLVDOVRDIDFWRUWKDWPDWWHUGXULQJWKHYHUL¿FD-
tion process. Once several different pictures or video, or messages, are submitted to the organizers of the FURZGVRXUFLQJLQLWLDWLYHDQGDOOFRQ¿UPWKHRFFXUUHQFHRIDQHSLVRGHWKHUHLVDVRUWRIµDXWRYDOLGDWLRQ¶21. ,QWKLVFDVHWKHPRUHLQIRUPDWLRQUHFHLYHGWKHPRUHUHOLDEOHWKHLQIRUPDWLRQLVFRQ¿UPLQJWKHSULQFLSOH
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20 During the months of May and June the turmoil in the country have been fuelled by misinformation and disinformation, especially through mobile phones. ,QRUGHUWRYHULI\LQIRUPDWLRQVRPHFLYLOVRFLHW\RUJDQL]DWLRQVRQWKH¿HOGRSHQHGD6N\SHFKDWZKHUHWRDVNHDFKRWKHULQUHDOWLPHLQIRUPDWLRQZKHQD
UXPRUFDPHXS2QO\WUXVWHGSHRSOHKDYHEHHQDGGHGWRWKHFKDWFUDWLQJDWUXVWHGDQGJHRJUDSKLFDOO\GLVWULEXWHGQHWZRUNZKHUHWRDVNIRUWKHWUXWKIXO-
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available at http://irevolution.net/publications/, accessed on the 3/01/2012.
21 'LDQH&R\OHDQG3DWULFN0HLHU1HZ7HFKQRORJLHVLQ(PHUJHQFLHVDQG&RQÀLFWV7KH5ROHRI,QIRUPDWLRQDQG6RFLDO1HWZRUNV:DVKLQJWRQ'&DQG
London, UK: UN Foundation-Vodafone Foundation Partnership, 2009
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vided by Web 2.0 are Ushahidi and FrontlineSMS. Whilst the latter counts on the improved communication SURYLGHGE\PRELOHSKRQHVWKHIRUPHUPHUJHVPRELOHWHFKQRORJ\ZLWKWKHQHZRSSRUWXQLW\SURYLGHGE\
the Internet and goes a step further, introducing real time mapping activities.
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16,000 times and is being used in over 70 countries and in every case users have adapted this toll to local needs. 1*2VKDYHHVSHFLDOO\EHQH¿WWHGIURPLWVLQFHLWKDVEHFRPHDPHDQE\ZKLFKFXWWLQJFRVWVDQGVLPSOLI\LQJ
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report by International Telecommunication Union, in 2011 the mobile-cellular subscriptions have reached the 5.9 ELOOLRQZLWKDSHQHWUDWLRQWKDWJRHVIURPWKHLQWKHGHYHORSHGZRUOGWRWKHLQWKHGHYHORSLQJZRUOG
22 Ibidem.
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50
Picture 3: Mobile-cellular subscriptions by level of development;; Source: ITU *Estimates
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Picture 4: Mobile-cellular subscriptions 2006-2011;; Source: ITU
Many FrontlineSMS deployments have been made especially in the health, agricultural or human devel-
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SURFHVV7KLVLQIRUPDWLRQKDYHEHHQODWHO\IRUZDUGHGRQWRWKHHOHFWRUDOERG\DQGSODFHGRQDPDSZKHUH
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WKHKDQGVRIWKHYRWHUVWKHUHIRUHHPSRZHULQJWKHPDQGPDNLQJWKHPSOD\DQLPSRUWDQWUROHLQWKHVRFLHW\
24 ITU, ICT Facts and Figures, The World in 2011, ICT Data and Statistics Division Telecommunication Development Bureau International Telecommunica-
tion Union, Geneva, 2011.
51
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Picture 5: How FrontlineSMS works;; Source: FrontlineSMS Ushahidi
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of putting together the functionalities of different ICTs (the Internet and mobile phones), Ushahidi created DQRSHQVRXUFHVRIWZDUHDEOHQRWRQO\WRJDWKHULQIRUPDWLRQWKURXJKFURZGVRXUFLQJEXWDOVRWRPDSWKHP
on a visual interactive map. Picture 6: Screenshot of the Ushahidi website;; Source: http://blog.ushahidi.com/
7KHVHLPSURYHPHQWVKDYHSURYLGHGDQHZWRROWKDWKDVEHHQXVHGLQGLIIHUHQWGHSOR\PHQWVIRUGLIIHUHQW
goals, from natural disasters rescuing operations to election monitoring activities, therefore contributing to HOHFWLRQUHODWHGYLROHQFHULVNDVVHVVPHQWVRUHDUO\ZDUQLQJSURMHFWV%\DOORZLQJWKHSDUWLFLSDWLRQRISHR-
ple, Ushahidi represents the kind of tool that has succeeded in using the advances of technology in order to prompt local population to take part in their political life. From 2008 to March 2011, there have beenmore From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
52
than 11,000 Ushahidi deployments and the Ushahidi platform25ZKLFKFDQEHGH¿QHGDVD³IUHHDQGRSHQ
VRXUFHSODWIRUPWKDWFRPELQHV6067ZLWWHUDQG*RRJOH0DSVWRFURZGVRXUFHFULVLVLQIRUPDWLRQ´26, has proved to be a useful support to traditional methods of analysis and data gathering. ,WVPDLQVWUHQJWKLVWKHIDFWWKDW8VKDKLGLLVDQRSHQVRXUFHIUHHO\GRZQORDGDEOHDQGWKDWLWLVHDVLO\
DGDSWDEOHWRWKHQHHGVRQWKHJURXQG2QFHLQVWDOOHGRQDODSWRSRUSFWKH8VKDKLGLVRIWZDUHLVDEOHWR
UHFHLYHLQIRUPDWLRQFRPLQJIURPPRELOHSKRQHVHPDLOVDQGVRFLDOPHGLDVXFKDV7ZLWWHUWKDWDUHSUR-
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WKHVRIWZDUHEXWLQWKHFDVHRISDUWLFXODUO\UHOHYDQWGHSOR\PHQWVVXFKDVWKHRQHLQRFFDVLRQRIWKH+DLWL
HDUWKTXDNHLQZKLFKDVEHHQWKHWXUQLQJSRLQWLQWKHKLVWRU\RI8VKDKLGLRUDJDLQGXULQJWKH/LE\DQ
crisis, an entire online community has taken part to the projects, putting together individual skills that have PDGHSRVVLEOHWRUHDFKREMHFWLYHRWKHUZLVHXQDFKLHYDEOH
7KHPHWKRGRISURFHVVLQJWKHLQIRUPDWLRQWKDWDUULYHRQWKHSODWIRUPLVVWUDLJKWIRUZDUGDQGHYHU\VLQJOH
step is designed to get the most out of the information received and to ease the process of drafting reports and VWDWLVWLFVRQZKDWKDSSHQVRQWKHJURXQG(YHU\PHVVDJHLVDQDO\]HGLQRUGHUWRPDNHLW¿WLQRQHRUPRUHFDW-
egories, useful at the point of identifying the different types of problems that appear in a given situation. In the case of deployments aimed at monitoring an electoral process, the categories can refer to episodes of violence against polling stations, harassments of candidates, hate-speeches or frauds committed during the voting day. 7KHPHVVDJHVDUHODWHO\ORFDWHGRQDPDSJLYLQJWKHFRRUGLQDWHVRIZKHUHWKHHYHQWKDVWDNHQSODFHDQGWKHQ
video or photos, if present, are uploaded. Once completed the processing procedures, the information pass to WKHYHUL¿FDWLRQWHDPDQGRQO\DIWHULWKDVEHHQFRQVLGHUHGUHOLDEOHLWDSSHDUVRQWKHPDLQSDJH
The impact of the use of Ushahidi has been huge, especially in supporting organizations on the ground and its use has demonstrated that people can be the most ready and reliable source of information in situ-
ations of crisis. )URQWOLQH606DQG8VKDKLGLDUHMXVWWZRH[DPSOHVRIWRROVWKDWKDYHEHQH¿WWHGIURPWKHODWHVWWHFKQR-
logical advances and that have been designed to bring people back to the central stage of their political and VRFLDOOLIH7KLVLVSDUWLFXODUO\HYLGHQWLQWKHFDVHVLQZKLFKWKHVHWRROVKDYHEHHQXVHGWRPRQLWRUHOHFWRUDO
processes. Elections are an essential part of any democratic system and only by granting the development RIUHJXODUDQGWUDQVSDUHQWHOHFWRUDOSURFHVVHVLWLVSRVVLEOHWREXLOGDQHIIHFWLYHDQGHI¿FLHQWGHPRFUDF\
&RQYHUWLQJSHRSOHLQHOHFWRUDOPRQLWRUVPHDQVQRWRQO\JLYLQJWKHPWKHSRZHUWRFRQWURODQGWRGHQRXQFH
possible irregularities during the polls, but it also translates into the possibility of spreading democratic SULQFLSOHVDQGJRRGSUDFWLFH2QFHSHRSOHOHDUQZKDWLVULJKWDQGZURQJLWLVHDVLHUIRUWKHPWRUHFRJQL]H
a good or a bad social or political behavior and not to be manipulated by political or governmental actors. ,QWKLVVHQVHQHZWHFKQRORJLHVDQGFURZGVRXUFLQJKDYHEHHQSDUWLFXODUO\XVHIXOWRWKHJRDORIGHPRF-
UDWL]DWLRQDVWKHGHSOR\PHQWVRIWZRFURZGVRXUFLQJSODWIRUPVLQ(J\SWDQG7XQLVLDVKRZ
,QWKHODVW\HDUV(J\SWLDQDQG7XQLVLDQSHRSOHKDYHEHQH¿WWHGIURPWKHRSSRUWXQLWLHVJLYHQE\ZHE
DQGKDYHULGGHQWKHZDYHRIFKDQJHSOD\LQJDQHZUROHLQWKHLURZQFRXQWULHV
25 Sarah George, Ushahidi Key Deployment Report – March 2011, available at http://blog.ushahidi.com/index.php/2011/03/21/key-deployments-and-les-
sons-learned-part-1/, accessed on 8/01/2012.
26 Diane Coyle and Patrick Meier, cit., pg. 23.
53
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Egypt and Tunisia: two examples of innovative forms of democratization
,QRUGHUWRXQGHUVWDQGZK\WKHWZRFURZGVRXUFLQJH[SHULHQFHVWKDWZLOOEHDQDO\]HGLQWKLVSDSHUKDYH
been so important in mobilizing Egyptian and Tunisian people and in democratizing their social processes, LWLVIXQGDPHQWDOWRGUDZDSLFWXUHRIWKHVRFLOEDFNJURXQGVLWXDWLRQVLQERWKWKHVHFRXQWULHV$OWKRXJK
different, Egypt and Tunisia share some common features, especially if related to freedom of expression, movement, press and speech. ,Q ERWK7XQLVLD DQG (J\SW VXFFHHGHG LQ WRSSOLQJ WZR RI WKH PRVW ORQJVWDQGLQJ GLFWDWRUVKLSV
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SDUWRI7XQLVLDQDQG(J\SWVRFLHWLHVWKDWZDQWHGWR¿QGDZD\WRH[SUHVVWKHLUGLVFRQWHQWDJDLQVWWKHUH-
gimes. These tools became instruments in the hands not only of social and political activists, but also of WKRVHSDUWVRIWKHVRFLHW\HVSHFLDOO\WKH\RXQJDQGHGXFDWHGSHRSOHWKDWVDZLQWKH,QWHUQHWDQGLQWKHQHZ
technologies an opportunity of getting again possession of their political life. By canalizing the dissent and SURYLGLQJDQHZµYLUWXDO¶VSDFHIRULQWHUDFWLRQWKHVHGHYHORSPHQWVKDYHFRQWULEXWHGWRWKHUHVKDSHRIWKH
VRFLDODQGSROLWLFDOVFHQDULRERWKLQ7XQLVLDDQG(J\SW$QHZVRFLDOFODVVKDVHPHUJHGIURPWKHQHWZRUNHG
DUHQDRIWKHZHELQZKLFKRUGLQDU\FLWL]HQVDQGKLJKO\,7OLWHUDWHLQGLYLGXDOVZLWKDVWUXFWXUHGSROLWLFDO
consciousness, emerged as leading actors of the protests and then as primary monitors of the democratic SURFHVVHV7KLVVRFLDODQGSROLWLFDOHQJDJHPHQWUHVKDSHGLQLWVIRUPDQGPRGDOLWLHVKDVSURGXFHGDQHZ
NLQGRIDFWLYLVPWKDWFDQEHGH¿QHGDVµ$FWLYLVP¶7KHIDFWWKDWQHZPHGLDDQGQHZWHFKQRORJLHV
have been considered crucial elements during the uprising that led to the fall of the regime both of Hosni 0XEDUDNDQG$EGXOD]L]%HQ$OLUHVROYHVDURXQGWKHVHFRQGLWLRQV+RZHYHULWLVLPSRUWDQWWREHDULQPLQG
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RUJDQL]LQJSHRSOH,QRWKHUZRUGV³1HZPHGLDHQDEOHGLQGLYLGXDOVWRE\SDVVWKHWUDGLWLRQDOJDWHNHHSHUV
to, and sources of, information”27.
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experience in Egypt in occasion of the parliamentary elections in November 2010. 7KHLGHDRIXVLQJDFURZGVRXUFLQJSODWIRUPGXULQJWKHHOHFWRUDOSURFHVVLQ(J\SWKDVEHHQDQDWWHPSW
WREULQJEDFNWKHHOHFWRUDOSURFHVVWRSHRSOHE\SURYLGLQJDPHFKDQLVPRIFRQWUROWKDWZDVLQWKHKDQGRI
WKRVHZKRZHUHFDVWLQJWKHLUYRWHV%\SXVKLQJ(J\SWLDQVWRPRQLWRUWKHLURZQHOHFWRUDOSURFHVV86KDKLG
ZDQWHGWRPDNHSHRSOHUHDOL]HWKDWE\DFWLYHO\SDUWLFLSDWLQJLQWKHFRQIURQWDWLRQWKHSURFHVVLWVHOIZRXOG
have become more authentic and less corrupted. By observing and judging the regularity of the electoral process, Egyptian have been pushed to look at the electoral process no more as tool in the hand of the au-
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27 (OLVDEHWK,VNDQGHU&RQQHFWLQJWKH1DWLRQDODQGWKH9LUWXDO&DQ)DFHERRN$FWLYLVP5HPDLQ5HOHYDQW$IWHU(J\SW¶V-DQXDU\8SULVLQJ",QWHUQDWLRQDO
Journal of Communication 5, London School of Economics, 2011.
54
role and to take back the control over the democratic practices of the country. For such a long time elec-
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registered during the last 30 years.
Year
Turnout
Year
Turnout
1976
1995
1984
2000
1987
2005
1990
Picture 7: Voter Turnout in Previous Egyptian Parliamentary Elections, Source: Al-Ahram Press Institute
Under the Mubarak regime, taking part to the electoral process has been a privilege limited to people FORVHG WR WKH *RYHUQPHQW RU WKH 0LOLWDU\ HVWDEOLVKPHQW ZKHUHDV VWULFW ODZV WKDW KDYH FRQVWUDLQHG WKH
SROLWLFDODQGVRFLDOULJKWVRIRSSRVLWLRQPRYHPHQWVKDYHLQÀXHQFHGWKHSROLWLFDOFDPSDLJQWRWKHSRLQW
WKDWWKHUHZDVQRGRXEWRQZKRZRXOGKDYHHPHUJHGDVWKHZLQQHURIWKH(J\SWLDQHOHFWRUDOFRQIURQWD-
WLRQV7KLVVLWXDWLRQKDVLQFUHDVLQJO\SXVKHGSHRSOHDZD\IURPSROOLQJVWDWLRQV0RUHRYHUVLQFHWKH
HOHFWRUDOSURFHVVHVKDYHDOZD\VEHHQSROOXWHGE\IUHTXHQWHSLVRGHVRIIUDXGVWKDWKDYHQHYHUIRXQGMXVWLFH
WKURXJKDSSHDOSURFHGXUHVGXHWRWKHKLJKOHYHOVRIFRUUXSWLRQ+RZHYHULQWKHHYHRISDUOLDPHQWDU\HOHF-
WLRQVLQWKHSROLWLFDOVLWXDWLRQLQWKHFRXQWU\ZDVVOLJKWO\GLIIHUHQW$VRUWRISROLWLFDOYDFXXPZDV
YLVLEOHVLQFH0XEDUDNVXIIHUHGIURPVHULRXVKHDOWKSUREOHPVEXWKDGQRWQDPHGDVXFFHVVRUDQGWKHUHZHUH
GRXEWVRQWKHDELOLW\RIKLVVRQ*DPDORIJDLQLQJWKHWUXVWRIWKH$UP\ZKLFKZDVDIXQGDPHQWDOFRQGL-
tion to rule the country. In this context the opposition gained space and capitalized this opportunity through WKHRSSRUWXQLWLHVRIIHUHGE\QHZWHFKQRORJLHVDQGPHGLD
7KLVZDVWKHFRQWH[WLQZKLFKWKH86KDKLGSODWIRUPKDVEHHQODXQFKHG7KHGHFLVLRQWRJLYHELUWKWR
this experiment has been taken by the DISC (Development and Institutionalization Support Center)28, an (J\SWLDQJURXSEDVHGLQ&DLURZKRVHDLPZDVWRPRQLWRUWKHSDUOLDPHQWDU\HOHFWLRQVWKURXJKUHSRUWVVXE-
PLWWHGE\ORFDOSHRSOHWKURXJK606HPDLODQGWZLWWHUDQGWRSURFHVVWKHPWRDUHDOWLPHPDS7KH',6&
GRZQORDGHGWKH8VKDKLGLSODWIRUPDQGFXVWRPL]HGLWDFFRUGLQJWRWKHQHHGVRQWKHJURXQG
28 The Development and Institutionalization Support Center, DISC, is an Egyptian organization promoting political, economic, and social change throughout WKH0LGGOH(DVWDQG1RUWK$IULFDZKRVHDLPLV³WREXLOGWKHFDSDFLWLHVRI1*2¶VDQGFLYLOVRFLHW\HQFRXUDJH\RXWKSDUWLFLSDWLRQDQGVXSSRUWWUDQVSDU-
HQF\DQGDFFRXQWDELOLW\WKURXJKWKHXVHRIQHZPHGLD´KWWSGLVFHQWHUFRP"SDJHBLG DFFHVVHGRQWKH
55
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Picture 8: Screenshot of the U-Shahid home page;; Source: www.u-shahid.org
7KHSULQFLSOHDWWKHEDVHRIWKLVGHSOR\PHQWZDVWKHEHOLHIWKDWE\SURYLGLQJDFFHVVWRSHUWLQHQWDQG
WLPHO\LQIRUPDWLRQDERXWWKHHOHFWRUDOSURFHVVWKLVZRXOGKDYHDFTXLUHGWUDQVSDUHQF\DQGLWZRXOGKDYH
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be dependent on foreign help. Through the U-Shahid platform, deployed by a local NGO, common citizens have become activists, creating a circle of trust that has strengthened the initiative. For this reason the call to take part to the project has been opened to “candidates, election observers, a range of commentators, and ordinary Egyptian citizens”29DQGLQVWUXPHQWDOWRWKLVDLPKDVEHHQWKHWUDQVODWLRQRIWKHZKROHZHEVLWHLQ
$UDELF+RZHYHUIURPWKHYHU\EHJLQQLQJWKHLGHDZDVWKDWWKHLPSDFWRIWKHSODWIRUPVKRXOGQRWKDYH
been limited to the country itself, at least in terms of communication. On the contrary, one of the main aim ZDVWRRYHUWDNHWKHFHQVRUVKLSVDQGWKHOLPLWDWLRQVLPSRVHGE\WKH0XEDUDNUHJLPHZKRGLGQRWRSHQHG
the country to international observers, and therefore to spread to the international stage the information related to the electoral process, denouncing the frauds, the constrains and the corruption in the country. The LQLWLDWLYHKDVWKHUHIRUHEHHQWZRIROGPDNLQJDZDUHSHRSOHLQWKHFRXQWU\EXWDOVRPDNHWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDO
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Another interesting feature of the U-Shahid platform is the fact that its deployment has not been limited to the days of the election, but it has run for an extended period of time, a characteristic that has given the SRVVLELOLW\RIORRNLQJQRWRQO\DWWKHYRWLQJGD\EXWWKDWKDVDOVRDOORZHGWRJLYHDJHQHUDOLQVLJKWRIZKDW
have been the entire electoral process, from the starting of the electoral campaign to the communication of results. This is an interesting aspect of the deployment because it proved the validity of the platform also in terms of risk assessment tool since it monitored the situation of the ground on the medium and short term. +RZHYHUWKLVKDVQRWEHHQWKHRQO\DGYDQWDJH%\SXVKLQJSHRSOHWRUHSRUWIURPWKHLQLWLDOVWDJHRIWKHHOHF-
WRUDOSURFHVVWKH86KDKLGGHSOR\PHQWKDVFRQWULEXWHGWRUDLVHSRSXODUDZDUHQHVVWRZDUGHOHFWLRQVZLWKRXW
IRFXVLQJWKHDWWHQWLRQRQO\RQWKHYRWLQJGD\2QWKHFRQWUDU\LWKDVFRQWULEXWHGWRLOOXVWUDWHWRSHRSOHZKDW
is the correct code of conduct during electoral confrontations, playing as a tool for voting education. 7KHSHULRGLQZKLFK86KDKLGKDVPRQLWRUHGWKHHOHFWRUDOSURFHVVLQ(J\SWFDQEHGLYLGHGLQWKUHH
parts: the registration of candidates, the political campaign and the voting day. 29 KWWSGLVFHQWHUFRP"SDJHBLG DFFHVVHGRQWKH
56
'XULQJWKH¿UVWSKDVHZKLFKFRYHUHGWKHSHULRGEHWZHHQWKH3rd of November, the start of candidate reg-
istration, and the 15thRI1RYHPEHUWKHGD\EHIRUHWKHDQQRXQFHPHQWRIWKH¿QDOFDQGLGDWHV¶OLVWV
UHSRUWVZHUHVXEPLWWHGDQGWKHELJJHVWSDUWRIWKHPUHIHUUHGWRHSLVRGHVRILOOHJDOFDPSDLJQLQJLH
campaigns that started before the set time, or that used public facilities). All the reports have been divided DFFRUGLQJWRGLIIHUHQWFDWHJRULHVZKLFKUHPDLQHGDOPRVWWKHVDPHGXULQJWKHZKROHREVHUYDWLRQSHULRG
violation and frauds, illegal campaign, harassment of candidates, violation of political rights and violence. Picture 9: Testimonies categorization on Ushahid platform on the stage of candidates’ registration for the Egyptian Parliamentary Election 2010;; Source: U-Shahid 7KHVHFRQGSHULRGWKDWZHQWIURPWKHth of November until the 27th of November 2010, the day before WKHYRWLQJGD\UHSRUWVZHUHVXEPLWWHGPRVWRIWKHPUHODWHGDJDLQWRLOOHJDOFDPSDLJQDQGYLROHQFH
Picture 10: Categories of campaigning reports, Source: U-Shahid
'XULQJWKHYRWLQJGD\WKHUHZDVDERRPRIUHSRUWVLQWRWDORIZKLFKZHUHFRUUHODWHGE\YLGHR
and 111 by images. The majority of these reports (265) highlighted again violations related to the continu-
DWLRQRILOOHJDOFDPSDLJQLQJZKLOHGRFXPHQWHGIUHTXHQWDQGVSUHDGHSLVRGHVRIYLROHQFH
57
ARAB SPRING
Picture 11: U-Shahid reports on election day;; Source: U-Shahid According to the administrator of the platform, one of the most curious features highlighted by the UHSRUWVVXEPLWWHGRQWKHHGD\ZDVWKDW³WKHUHZDVDSSDUHQWSDWWHUQVRIYLRODWLRQVUHSHDWLQJWKURXJKRXW
(J\SWDWWKHVDPHWLPHZKLFKJDYHFOHDULPSUHVVLRQWKDWWKRVHYLRODWLRQVDUHV\VWHPDWLF´30
7KHLPSDFWWKDWWKHSODWIRUPKDGRQWKHSROLWLFDOVFHQHLVGLI¿FXOWWRDVVHVVEHFDXVHHYHQLIWKHQXPEHUV
ZHUHLPSUHVVLYHIRUVXFKDQH[SHULPHQWWKH\ZHUHTXLWHVPDOOLIFRPSDUHGWRWKHQDWLRQDOYRWHUWXUQRXW
1HYHUWKHOHVVZKDWLVLPSRUWDQWWRKLJKOLJKWLVWKHSRWHQWLDOLPSDFWWKDW86KDKLGKDVKDGRQORFDOSRSXOD-
WLRQDQGWKDWKDVEHHQFRQ¿UPHGE\WKRVHZKRUXQWKHSODWIRUP$V0HLHUUHSRUWVLQKLVZRUNWKH
DGPLQLVWUDWRUVRIWKHZHEVLWHDJUHHGRQWKHIDFWWKDWWKHSRVVLELOLW\RIUHSRUWLQJDQRQ\PRXVO\IURPWKH
polling station, surely encouraged people in taking part to the project and the details that emerged from ev-
HU\UHSRUWVXEPLWWHGSURYHWKDWWKHSROLWLFDODZDUHQHVVWKDWRQWKHth of January 2011 pushed Egyptians to WDNHWKHVWUHHWVDQGWKDWOHGWRWKHRXVWLQJRI+RVQL0XEDUDNZDVDOUHDG\WKHUHLQDQGWKDWSHRSOHZHUH
UHDG\WRXVH,&7VLQRUGHUWRPDNHKHDUWKHLUYRLFH0RUHRYHUZKDWWKH86KDKLGSODWIRUPKDVSURYLGHG
KDVEHHQDQDOWHUQDWLYHVRXUFHRILQIRUPDWLRQWRWKRVHZKRZHUHORRNLQJIRUUHDOHYLGHQFHVDERXWZKDWZDV
happening in the country. A similar experiment has been also developed in Tunisia during the last polls for the elections of the Constitutional Assembly last 23rd2FWREHU$OWKRXJKWKHEDFNJURXQGFRQGLWLRQVUHODWHGWRWKHZLOORI
WKHSRSXODWLRQRIJHWWLQJEDFNWRWKHFHQWUDOVWDJHRIWKHLUSROLWLFDOOLIHZHUHFRPSDUDEOHWRWKRVHGHVFULEHG
for U-Shahid in 2010, in the case of the Carte de Controle du Processus Electorale, the Tunisian deploy-
PHQWKDVZRUNHGLQDFRPSOHWHO\GLIIHUHQWSROLWLFDOHQYLURQPHQW7KLVHOHFWRUDOSURFHVVKDVWDNHQSODFHLQ
a country already free from its dictatorship and the electoral process represented an historic opportunity for WKH7XQLVLDQWRVKRZWRWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOFRPPXQLW\WKDWSHRSOHZHUHUHDG\WRUHVSHFWGHPRFUDWLFUXOHVDQG
to actively contribute to the construction of a democratic country.
30 KWWSZZZXVKDKLGFRPHQ"S DFFHVVHGRQWKH
58
Picture 12: Screenshot of the home page of the Carte de Controle du Processus Electorale web site, Source: http://carte.isie.tn/fr/?l=fr_FR The Carte de Controle du Processus Electorale has been organized by the Higher Independent Election Committee, or ISIE31WRJHWKHUZLWKWKH,&73HDFH)RXQGDWLRQRI6ZLW]HUODQG32 and Ushahidi, and funded by DCAF33ZLWKWKHDLPRIDQVZHULQJWRWKHQXPHURXVFDOOVFRPLQJIURPWKHSHDFHEXLOGLQJDQGWKHKX-
manitarian assistance community for a more integrated communication among the electoral stakeholders. ,QIDFWWKHUHTXHVWWRODXQFKVXFKSODWIRUPKDVEHHQPDGHE\WKH(OHFWLRQ&RPPLVVLRQDQGWKH7XQLVLDQ
0LQLVWU\ RI ,QWHULRU ZLWK WKH DLP RI XVLQJ WKLV WRRO DV D FRQ¿GHQFHEXLOGLQJ LQVWUXPHQW EHWZHHQ ORFDO
DXWKRULWLHVDQG7XQLVLDQV7KHJRDOZDVWRSURYLGHDWRRODEOHWRJUDQWWUDQVSDUHQF\GXULQJWKHHOHFWRUDO
SURFHVVWKH¿UVWVLQFHGHFDGHVWKDWIRUWKHELJJHVWSDUWRIWKHSRSXODWLRQUHSUHVHQWDWHVWRIWUXVW
$GHHSHUDQDO\VLVRIWKH7XQLVLDQLQLWLDWLYHVKRZVWKDWWKLVFURZGVRXUFLQJH[SHULHQFHKDVEHHQVOLJKWO\
GLIIHUHQWIURPWKHRQHGHYHORSHGLQ(J\SWEXWDOVRLQWKLVFDVHZKDWHPHUJHVLVWKDWHYHQLQDGLIIHUHQW
FRQWH[WDQGZLWKGLIIHUHQWPRGDOLWLHV,&7VDUHLQFUHDVLQJO\EHFRPLQJDQLPSRUWDQWWRROIRUGHPRFUDWL]D-
tion and mobilization. :KDWGLIIHUHQWLDWHVWKH&DUWHGX&RQWUROHGX3URFHVVXV(OHFWRUDOH¶VSODWIRUPLVWKHIDFWWKDWWKHFURZG-
sourcing has been made mainly by SMS and that in this case the authorities chose to implement a bounded-
FURZGVRXUFLQJ³$QHWZRUNRIWUDLQHGUHSRUWHUVUHSUHVHQWLQJ,6,(DUHGHSOR\HGRQ¿HOGDOORYHU7XQL
VLDVHQGLQJUHSRUWVDQGREVHUYDWLRQVYLD606WRWKHSRUWDOZKHUHLWZLOOEHYDOLGDWHGE\WKHPDSSLQJDQG
31 Instance Supérieure Indépendante pour les Elections
32 ICT4Peace is a policy and action-oriented international Foundation that explores and champions the use of Information Communications Technology ,&7IRUFULVLVPDQDJHPHQWKXPDQLWDULDQDLGDQGSHDFHEXLOGLQJ,&73HDFH)RXQGDWLRQ:RUNRYHUDYDLODEOHRQWKHZHEVLWHKWWSLFWSHDFHRUJ
accessed on the 12/1/2012. 33 '&$)LVDQLQWHUQDWLRQDOIRXQGDWLRQHVWDEOLVKHGLQRQWKHLQLWLDWLYHRIWKH6ZLVV&RQIHGHUDWLRQDVWKHµ*HQHYD&HQWUHIRUWKH'HPRFUDWLF&RQWURORI
$UPHG)RUFHV¶'&$)FRQWULEXWHVWRHQKDQFLQJVHFXULW\VHFWRUJRYHUQDQFH66*WKURXJKVHFXULW\VHFWRUUHIRUP6650RUHLQIRUPDWLRQFDQEHIRXQG
RQWKHZHEVLWHKWWSZZZGFDIFK
59
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YHUL¿FDWLRQFHQWUHEHIRUHLWPDNHVLWWRWKHRQOLQHIURQWHQGRIWKHSRUWDO´34. Also in this case the Ushahidi SODWIRUPKDVEHHQDGDSWHGWRWKHJURXQGQHHGVWKHZHEVLWHKDVEHHQRSHUDWLQJLQ)UHQFKDQG$UDELFDQG
LQWKLVRFFDVLRQWKHRUJDQL]DWLRQODXQFKHGWKHDGYDQFHGYHUVLRQRILWVWUDGLWLRQDOVRIWZDUH8VKDKLGL
ZKLFKLVPRUHHDVLO\FXVWRPL]HGDQGPRUHSUHFLVHLQWHUPVRIJHRORFDWLRQ7KHSODWIRUPKDVUXQIURPWKH
1st of October 2011 to the 23rd of the same month and during this period more that 800 reports have been VXEPLWWHGDQGYHUL¿HG
Picture 13: Carte de Controle du Processus Electorale’s reports;; Source: http://carte.isie.tn/fr/reports 7KHPDMRULW\RIWKHUHSRUWVUHIHUUHGWRHSLVRGHVRIZURQJSXEOLFLW\WKDWLVWKHSRVWLQJRISROLWLFDOSRVWHUV
RXWVLGHWKHDXWKRUL]HGDUHDVWKHXVHRIÀDJVWKHSRVVLELOLW\WRKDYHDFFHVVWRSODFHVZKHUHWKHHQWUDQFHZDV
restricted and the violation of the electoral silence. $QRWKHULQWHUHVWLQJIHDWXUHRIWKHSODWIRUPZDVWKHSRVVLELOLW\RIDFWLYDWLQJWKHFURZGIHHGLQJIXQFWLRQ
WKDWLVUHJLVWHULQJRQH¶VSRVLWLRQJLYLQJWKHHPDLODGGUHVVHGDQGEHDGYLVHGLQWKHFDVHHSLVRGHVRIYLR-
OHQFHRURWKHUVFDWHJRULHVZRXOGKDYHKDSSHQHGLQDQDUHDRINLORPHWUHVDURXQGWKHVXEVFULEHU
7KH¿QDORI¿FLDOUHSRUWVRIWKHSODWIRUPKDYHVWLOOWREHUHOHDVHGEXWIURPWKHDOUHDG\DYDLODEOHLQIRU-
mation it is evident that this experience has had an enormous impact in such an historic moment as the Constitutional Assembly Elections in Tunisia has been.
Conclusions 7KHDGYHQWRIWKH:HEKDVUDGLFDOO\FKDQJHGWKHDSSURDFKWKDWXVHUVKDGWRZDUGWKH,QWHUQHWDQGWKH
LQFUHDVHGFRQQHFWLYLW\WKDWWKHQHZV\VWHPKDVSURYLGHGFRQWULEXWHGWRWKHULVLQJRIDQHZIRUPRIVRFLDO
and political involvement, especially in Egypt and Tunisia. Not just bloggers and activists, but normal citi-
zens have become the main actors and monitors of their social and political life. Through innovations, they H[SORLWHGWKHQHZRSSRUWXQLWLHVSURYLGHGE\WKH,QWHUQHWZKLFKEHFRPHDYLUWXDOIRUXPZKHUHWRH[FKDQJH
RSLQLRQVVSUHDGLQIRUPDWLRQDQGEHKLQGZKLFKVKLHOGLQJLQRUGHUWRE\SDVVWKHFHQVRUVKLSDQGWKHFRQWURO
34 0RQLWRULQJ7XQLVLD¶V¿UVWHOHFWLRQ,&73HDFH)RXQGDWLRQDQG,QVWDQFH6XSpULHXUH,QGpSHQGDQWHSRXUOHV(OHFWLRQVKWWSLFWSHDFHRUJXSGDWHVPRQLWRU-
LQJWXQLVLDV¿UVWHOHFWLRQLFWSHDFHIRXQGDWLRQLQVWDQFHVXSHULHXUHLQGHSHQGDQWHSRXUOHVHOHFWLRQVDFFHVVHGRQWKH
60
LPSRVHGE\DXWKRULWLHVRQWUDGLWLRQDOPHGLD7KLVQHZZD\RIXVLQJ,&7VKDVEHHQGH¿QHG$FWLYLVPD
WHUPWKDWXQGHUOLQHVWKHLQFUHDVHGSROLWLFDODZDUHQHVVRISHRSOHDQGWKHLUSUHGLVSRVLWLRQDWXVLQJWKHZHE
DVDWRROIRUPRELOL]DWLRQ(J\SWDQG7XQLVLDKDYHZLWQHVVHGLQDQGLQUHVSHFWLYHO\WKHLPSDFW
WKDWWKHXVHRIDQRQOLQHRSHQVRXUFHSODWIRUPWKDWPHUJHVQHZWHFKQRORJLHVZLWKWKHWHFKQLTXHVRIFURZG-
sourcing, Ushahidi, has had on the processes of democratizing and mobilizing people. In order to analyse its LPSDFWLWKDVEHHQFKRVHQWRVWXG\LWVLPSOHPHQWDWLRQLQRFFDVLRQRIWZRUHOHYDQWHOHFWRUDOFRQIURQWDWLRQV
the Egyptian parliamentary election of 2010 and the Constituent Assembly election on 2011 in Tunisia. 7KHSROLWLFDOEDFNJURXQGFRQGLWLRQLQZKLFKWKHSODWIRUPKDVEHHQLPSOHPHQWHGDUHYHU\GLIIHUHQWVLQFH
LQ(J\SWZDVVWLOOXQGHUWKH+RVQL0XEDUDNUHJLPHZKLOVWLQ7XQLVLDZDVDOUHDG\IUHHIURPWKH
GLFWDWRUVKLSRI$EGHOD]L]%HQ$OL7KHPRGDOLWLHVLQZKLFKWKHSODWIRUPKDVEHHQXVHGFKDQJHGIURPRQH
FRXQWU\WRWKHRWKHUDVZHOO,Q(J\SWWKHLQLWLDWLYHKDVEHHQODXQFKHGE\DORFDO1*2ZLWKWKHWZRIROGDLP
of re-engaging people in the electoral process, after decades of ridded elections and corruption that caused a dramatic drop in voter turnout, and of denouncing on the international media the lack of democracy in the FRXQWU\,QWKHFDVHRI7XQLVLDORFDORI¿FLDODXWKRULWLHVVXFKDVWKH(OHFWRUDO&RPPLVVLRQUHTXHVWHGWKH
XVHRIWKHSODWIRUPEHFDXVHOHWWLQJSHRSOHPRQLWRULQJWKHHOHFWRUDOSURFHVVKDVEHHQFRQVLGHUHGDZD\RI
JUDQWLQJWUDQVSDUHQF\DQGSXWWLQJSHRSOHDWWKHFHQWUHRIWKHSROLWLFDOOLIHRIWKHFRXQWU\WKDWZDVHPHUJLQJ
DVDQHZGHPRFUDWLFHQWLW\RQWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOVWDJH%\EHFRPLQJµRI¿FLDO¶PRQLWRUVSHRSOHKDYHFRQWLQ-
ued to play the role of actors that they began to develop at the starting of the uprisings that ousted Ben Ali. +RZHYHUGLIIHUHQWZKDWHPHUJHVLQERWKWKHVHGHSOR\PHQWVLVWKHDVWRQLVKLQJUROHWKDW,&7VKDYHSOD\HGDW
the point of not only mobilizing people but also engaging them in the democratic process. The Internet and PRELOHSKRQHVKDYHEHHQWKHPDLQWRROVE\ZKLFKVSUHDGLQJLQIRUPDWLRQRQKRZWKHHOHFWRUDOSURFHVVHV
ZHUHGHYHORSLQJUHSODFLQJLQWKHFDVHRI(J\SWRUMRLQLQJLQ7XQLVLDWUDGLWLRQDOPHGLD
61
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References
Bolognini, M., 2001, Democrazia Elettronica, Carocci Editore, Roma.
&KDGZLFN$:HE1HZ&KDOOHQJHVIRUWKH6WXG\RI('HPRFUDF\LQDQ(UDRI,QIRUPDWLRQDO([XEHUDQFHLQ,6$-RXUQDORI
/DZDQG3ROLF\IRUWKH,QIRUPDWLRQ6RFLHW\9RO
&R\OH'DQG0HLHU31HZ7HFKQRORJLHVLQ(PHUJHQFLHVDQG&RQÀLFWV7KH5ROHRI,QIRUPDWLRQDQG6RFLDO1HWZRUNV:DVKLQJWRQ
D.C. and London, UK: UN Foundation-Vodafone Foundation Partnership.
'LDPRQG//LEHUDWLRQ7HFKQRORJLHVLQ-RXUQDORI'HPRFUDF\9RO1DWLRQDO(QGRZPHQWIRU'HPRFUDF\DQG7KH-RKQV
Hopkins University Press.
)URRPNLQ07HFKQRORJLHVIRU'HPRFUDF\LQ'HPRFUDF\2QOLQH±7KH3URVSHFWRI3ROLWLFDO5HQHZDO7KURXJKWKH,QWHUQHW3HWHU0
6KDQHHWDO5RXWOHGJH1HZ<RUN
George, S., Ushahidi Key Deployment Report – March 2011, available at http://blog.ushahidi.com/index.php/2011/03/21/key-deployments-and-lessons-learned-part-1/, accessed on 8/01/2012.
+DEHUPDV-7KH6WUXFWXUDO7UDQVIRUPDWLRQRIWKH3XEOLF6SKHUHDQ,QTXLU\LQWRD&DWHJRU\RI%RXUJHRLV6RFLHW\&DPEULGJH0,73UHVV
+RZH-&URZGVRXUFLQJ:K\WKHSRZHURIWKHFURZGLVGULYLQJWKHIXWXUHRIEXVLQHVV1HZ<RUN&URZQ%XVLQHVV
,VNDQGHU(&RQQHFWLQJWKH1DWLRQDODQGWKH9LUWXDO&DQ)DFHERRN$FWLYLVP5HPDLQ5HOHYDQW$IWHU(J\SW¶V-DQXDU\8SULVLQJ"
International Journal of Communication 5, London School of Economics.
ITU, 2011, ICT Facts and Figures, The World in 2011, ICT Data and Statistics Division Telecommunication Development Bureau International Telecommunication Union, Geneva.
0HLHU3'R/LEHUDWLRQ7HFKQRORJLHVFKDQJHWKHEDODQFHRISRZHUEHWZHHQUHSUHVVLYHVWDWHVDQGFLYLOVRFLHW\"$7KHVLV3UHVHQWHGWR
WKH)DFXOW\2I7KH)OHWFKHU6FKRRORI/DZDQG'LSORPDF\
0HLHU39HULI\LQJ&URZGVRXUFHG6RFLDO0HGLD5HSRUWVIRU/LYH&ULVLV0DSSLQJ$Q,QWURGXFWLRQWR,QIRUPDWLRQ)RUHQVLFVDYDLODEOHDW
http://irevolution.net/publications/, accessed on the 3/01/2012. 0HLHU3:K\&URZGVRXUFLQJDQG&URZGIHHGLQJPD\EHWKHDQVZHUWR6QRZPDJHGGRQ DYDLODEOHRQKWWSLUHYROXWLRQQHWFURZGVRXUFLQJFURZGIHHGLQJVQRZPDJHGGRQDFFHVVHGRQWKH
Rheingold, H., 2003, Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution. Cambridge: Basic Books.
6KDUPD$&URZGVRXUFLQJ&ULWLFDO6XFFHVV)DFWRU0RGHO6WUDWHJLHVWRKDUQHVVWKHFROOHFWLYHLQWHOOLJHQFHRIWKHFURZGDYDLODEOHRQKWWS
ZZZFURZGVRXUFLQJRUJGRFXPHQWFURZGVRXUFLQJFULWLFDOVXFFHVVIDFWRUPRGHOVWUDWHJLHVWRKDUQHVVWKHFROOHFWLYHLQWHOOLJHQFHRIWKH
FURZGDFFHVVHGRQWKHth December 2011.
6LQJHO5$UH<RX5HDG\IRU:HE"DYDLODEOHDWKWWSZZZZLUHGFRPVFLHQFHGLVFRYHULHVQHZVDFFHVVHGRQ
http://discenter.com/
http://ict4peace.org/
KWWSLFWSHDFHRUJXSGDWHVPRQLWRULQJWXQLVLDV¿UVWHOHFWLRQLFWSHDFHIRXQGDWLRQLQVWDQFHVXSHULHXUHLQGHSHQGDQWHSRXUOHVHOHFWLRQV
KWWSZZZGFDIFK
62
Gdeim Izik: a change in the struggle strategies of the Sahrawi population
CARMEN GÓMEZ MARTÍN
EHESS
Abstract
7KLV FRPPXQLFDWLRQ ZLOO FRQWULEXWH WR FODULI\ IDFWRUV LQYROYHG WKH ¿UVW DQG WKH OHVV
NQRZQ RI WKH$UDE UHYROXWLRQV :H ZLOO DOVR VKRZ WKH GLIIHUHQFHV EHWZHHQ WKLV UH-
volt and other events taking place in neighbour countries some moths later: above all, WKHFDSDELOLW\RIWKH6DKUDZLSHRSOHIRUFRPELQLQJVRFLDODQGHFRQRPLFGHPDQGVWKH
struggle for identitary recognition and classical claims of independence. Finally, these HOHPHQWVZLOODOORZXVWRWU\WRSUHGLFWWKHHIIHFWVWKDWWKHQHZVFHQDULRHPHUJHGIURP
*GHLP,]LNZLOOKDYHLQWKHVKRUWPHGLXPWHUPLQ:HVWHUQ6DKDUD,QWKLVVHQVHZH
IRUHVHHDQLQFUHDVHGSROLWLFDOFRPPLWPHQWRI6DKUDZLSHRSOHLQWKHRFFXSLHGWHUULWR-
ULHVWKHWUDQVLWLRQIURPSHDFHIXODFWLRQVWRZDUGVPRUHUDGLFDODQGYLROHQWUHDFWLRQV
DQGDGLUHFWDQGGDLO\FRQIURQWDWLRQZLWK0RURFFDQVHWWOHUVDIIHFWLQJUHODWLRQVKLSVEH-
WZHHQERWKSRSXODWLRQVDQGVWRSSLQJDQ\SRVVLELOLW\RIFRH[LVWHQFH
Keywords
:HVWHUQ6DKDUD*GHLP,]LNSHDFHIXOFDPSUHYROWV6DKUDZL0RURFFDQ
Introduction
,QDXWXPQDVDSUHOXGHWRWKHSRSXODUSURWHVWVLQWKH0DJKUHEDQG0DFKUHNWKH6DKUDZLSRSXOD-
tion living inside the occupied territories performed a totally unexpected action: more than 20.000 people VHWWKHSHDFHIXOFDPS*GHLP,]LNWRGHQRXQFHWKHLUSROLWLFDOHFRQRPLFDQGVRFLDOVLWXDWLRQ6HYHUDOZHHNV
DIWHULWVHVWDEOLVKPHQWWKHFDPSZDVYLROHQWO\GLVPDQWOHGE\0RURFFDQVHFXULW\IRUFHV7KLVLQWHUYHQWLRQ
triggered bloody riots in some cities of Western Sahara, causing 13 dead among Moroccan policemen and 6DKUDZLFLWL]HQVDQGKXQGUHGVRIZRXQGHGDQGDUUHVWHG
Gdeim Izik is considered by some authors1DVWKH¿UVWUHYROXWLRQRIWKHµ$UDEVSULQJ¶$FFRUGLQJWR
3URIHVVRU/ySH]*DUFtD*GHLP,]LNPXVWEHOLQNHGWRDµQHZ$UDEWLPH¶EHFDXVHDVLQWKHIROORZ-
LQJSURWHVWVLWZDVWKH\RXWKZKRIRUFHGDQDXWKRULWDULDQSRZHUWRQHJRWLDWHXVLQJLQQRYDWLYHZD\VRIFDOO
DQGRUJDQLVDWLRQ7KLVDXWKRUFRQVLGHUVDVZHOOWKDWWKHFDPSDVSURWHVWVWUDWHJ\ZDVH[SRUWHGIURP*GHLP
,]LNWRWKH.DVEDKRI7XQLVDQG7DKLU6TXDUHDW(O&DLUR7KHVRFDOOHGµ'LJQLW\¶FDPSLQWURGXFHGLPSRU-
WDQWFKDQJHVDERYHDOODUDGLFDOL]DWLRQRISROLWLFDOSRVLWLRQVDQGDQLQFUHDVHRIYLROHQFHDPRQJ6DKUDZL
and Moroccan population. One year after the appearance of the camp, the dynamics of this action and its FRQVHTXHQFHVFDQEHEHWWHUXQGHUVWRRGE\FDUU\LQJRXWDQH[KDXVWLYHDQDO\VLVRIWKHVLWXDWLRQLQ:HVWHUQ
6DKDUDEHIRUHGXULQJDQGDIWHU*GHLP,]LN%HVLGHVZHFDQREVHUYHWKDWWKHVSLULWHPHUJHGLQ*GHLP,]LN
2QHRIWKH¿UVWDXWKRUVSRLQWLQJRXWWKLVIDFWZDVWKHQRUWK$PHULFDQSROLWLFDOVFLHQWLVW1RDP&KRPVN\KWWSZZZGHPRFUDF\QRZRUJWKHBJH-
QLHVBDUHBRXWBRIBWKH
63
ARAB SPRING
remains, and that it fed the riots happened in other Arab countries. Despite the initial failure of their revolt, 6DKUDZLSHRSOHGLGQRWORVWKRSHUHJDUGLQJWKHLUFDXVHEHFDXVHWKH\YHUL¿HGWKHSRVVLELOLW\WREUHDNWKH
dynamics of impunity characteristic of some Arab regimes. 7DNLQJLQWRDFFRXQWWKHVHIDFWVDQGWKHLULPPHGLDWHFRQVHTXHQFHVWKLVFRPPXQLFDWLRQ2VHHNVWRDQVZHU
WKHIROORZLQJTXHVWLRQV+RZZDVWKHSROLWLFDOVRFLDOL]DWLRQRIWKHDFWRUVLQYROYHGLQWKHUHYROW":KDW
KDYHEHHQWKHPDMRUFKDQJHVLQVWUXJJOHREMHFWLYHVDQGPHWKRGVFRPSDUHGWRSUHYLRXV\HDUV"&DQZHWDON
DERXWWKHHPHUJHQFHRIQHZSROLWLFDODQGVRFLDO6DKUDZLRUJDQL]DWLRQV"5ROHSOD\HGE\+XPDQ5LJKWDF-
WLYLVWV3ROLVDULR¶VSRVLWLRQZLWKLQWKHUHVLVWDQFHLQWKHRFFXSLHGWHUULWRULHV:KDWUROHSOD\HGWKHWUDGLWLRQDO
PDVVPHGLDDQGWKHQHZLQIRUPDWLRQWHFKQRORJLHVLQWKHGHYHORSPHQWRIWKLVSURWHVW"
Chronology
Gdeim Izik resulted from several unfruitful attempts of setting protest camps in the outskirts of a num-
EHURIFLWLHVRI:HVWHUQ6DKDUD(O$DL~Q6PDUD'DMOD%RMDGRUDQGWKHSRUWRI$O0DUVD:LWKWKLVQHZ
VWUXJJOHVWUDWHJ\WKH6DKDUDZLSHRSOHWULHGWRGHQRXQFHWKHKDUVKVRFLDODQGHFRQRPLFVLWXDWLRQLQWKHRF-
cupied territories, specially their marginalisation regarding access to jobs and housing, the corruption of ORFDODXWKRULWLHVEH0RURFFDQRU6DKDUDZLWKHVWDWHZHOIDUHSROLFLHVJXLGHGE\FOLHQWHOLVPUDWKHUWKDQ
by socio-economic criteria, and the traditional denounce of the plundering of natural resources of Western 6DKDUDWRZKLFKWKHRULJLQDOSRSXODWLRQRIWKHUHJLRQGRQRWKDYHDFFHVV
7KHLGHDRIEXLOGLQJDQHZFDPSLQWKH*GHLP,]LNDUHDDERXWNPDZD\IURP(O$DL~QZDVFRQFHLYHG
DWWKHEHJLQQLQJRI2FWREHU$VLQSUHYLRXVDWWHPSWVWKHVSDUNZDVLJQLWHGE\WKHTXHVWLRQDEOHPDQ-
DJHPHQWRIGHYHORSPHQWIXQGVDQGVRFLDOVXEVLGLHVE\WKH0RURFFDQDXWKRULWLHV7KH¿UVWGHPRQVWUDWRUV
JDWKHUHGRQ2FWREHUPRVWRIWKHPZRPHQDQGXQHPSOR\HG\RXQJPHQ2QWKLVRFFDVLRQWKH0RURFFDQ
security forces did not ban the rally, encouraging more people to join the protest3. Such massive attendance PDGHWKHPDQDJHPHQWRIWKHFDPSDFRPSOH[WDVN$OWKRXJKHDFKIDPLO\FDUHGIRUWKHLURZQVXSSOLHVDIWHUD
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ning, basic services and negotiation47KHFDPSZDVGLYLGHGLQVL[TXDUWHUVHDFKRQHXQGHUUHVSRQVLELOLW\RID
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64
country5. This happened also to some international observers and MEPs such as the Spaniard Willy Meyer DQGWKH)UHQFK-HDQ3DXO/HFRT2QWKHRWKHUKDQGWKHDWPRVSKHUHLQVLGHWKHFDPSEHFDPHWHQVH,QYLHZ
RIWKHOLNHO\LPPLQHQWGLVPDQWOLQJRIWKHFDPSSURLQGHSHQGHQFHVSHHFKHVZHUHPRUHDQGPRUHIUHTXHQW
among the displaced population.
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LPDJHWKH0RURFFDQDXWKRULWLHVDJUHHGWRQHJRWLDWHZLWKDFRPPLWWHHRIUHSUHVHQWDWLYHVRIWKHFDPSFRP-
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had been to that date the :DOLJRYHUQRURI(O$DL~QDQGODWHUZLWKDFRPPLVVLRQRIWKH+RPH0LQLVWU\
integrated by three :DOLVRIWKHFHQWUDODGPLQLVWUDWLRQ)LQDOO\WKHODVWSKDVHRIWKHQHJRWLDWLRQVZDVOHGE\
WKH+RPH0LQLVWHULQSHUVRQ7DwHE&KHUNDRXL2Q1RYHPEHUDEDVLFDJUHHPHQWZDVUHDFKHGE\ZKLFK
the Moroccan State pledged to address progressively the housing and employment demands of the protest-
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a census of impoverished people. In principle, such measures should have been in force from November 8, EXWQRQHRIWKHFRPPLWPHQWVZHUHIXO¿OOHGVLQFHWKHFDPSZDVGLVPDQWOHGWKDWYHU\VDPHGD\6.
7KHRSHUDWLRQWRRNSODFHHDUO\LQWKHPRUQLQJDQGZLWKRXWDFKDQFHIRUWKHGLVSODFHGSRSXODWLRQWRRU-
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and those trying to organise resistance against the State security forces. According to Moroccan authorities, WKHLQWHUYHQWLRQFRXOGQRWEHGHOD\HGEHFDXVHWKHFDPSZDVXQGHUFRQWURORIFULPLQDOVDQGWUDI¿FNHUVZKR
KHOGSDUWRIWKHSRSXODWLRQDJDLQVWWKHLUZLOO7+RZHYHU6DKDUDZLDQG0RURFFDQ+XPDQ5LJKWVRUJDQLVD-
WLRQVTXHVWLRQWKLVYHUVLRQ8$FFRUGLQJWRWKHPLWLVGLI¿FXOWWRXQGHUVWDQGKRZIRXU:DOLV from the Home 2I¿FHDQGWKH0LQLVWHUKLPVHOIKDGEHHQQHJRWLDWLQJZLWKWKHVSRNHVSHUVRQVRIWKHFDPSLIWKH\FRQVLGHUHG
WKDWLWZDVKLMDFNHGE\GDQJHURXVLQGLYLGXDOV$QRWKHUIDFWGLVSURYLQJWKHRI¿FLDOGLVFRXUVHLVWKHUHSRUW
SXEOLVKHGE\$PQHVW\,QWHUQDWLRQDODERXW*GHLP,]LNZKHUHLWLVKLJKOLJKWHGWKDWWKHQXPEHURISDUWLFL-
SDQWVLQWKHSURWHVWZDVRVFLOODWLQJDORQJWKHZHHNLPSO\LQJWKDW6DKDUDZLSHRSOHFRXOGWUDYHOEHWZHHQWKH
FDPSDQG(O$DL~QZLWKRXWRYHUZKHOPLQJSUREOHPVGHVSLWHWKHFKHFNSRLQWV9. The breaking of the security forces into the camp generated an extremely violent response among many of the displaced young people109LROHQFHVSUHDGVKRUWO\ODWHUWR(O$DL~QZKHUHWKHODFNRILQIRUPDWLRQ
and rumours induced people to believe that a massacre had happened during the eviction. The confuse LQIRUPDWLRQDQGWKHODFNRISROLFHEURXJKWFKDRVWRWKHFLW\FHQWUHZKHUHEDUULFDGHVZHUHHUHFWHGDQG
SXEOLFEXLOGLQJVVKRSVEDQNRI¿FHVDQGFDUVRI0RURFFDQFLWL]HQVZKHUHSOXQGHUHGDQGEXUQHG11. During WKHULRWVD6DKDUDZL\RXQJPDQZLWK6SDQLVKQDWLRQDOLW\GLHGDIWHUEHLQJUXQRYHUE\DSROLFHFDUZKLFK
DPSOL¿HGWKHVWULNHVDJDLQVWVKRSVDQGSXEOLFDQGSULYDWHSURSHUWLHV7KHDUULYDORIWKHEXONRIWKH0RURF-
FDQVHFXULW\IRUFHVEDFNIURP*GHLP,]LNVWRSSHGWKHYLROHQFHXQOHDVKHGE\WKH6DKDUDZLSRSXODWLRQDW
El Aaiún, but during the evening Moroccan civilians under police protection launched into plundering and 7KH6SDQLVKMRXUQDOLVWVZHUHWKHZRUVWKLWE\WKLVGHFLVLRQ5DEDWDFFXVHGWKHPRIFRQGXFWLQJDFDPSDLJQWRGDPDJHWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOLPDJHRI0RURFFR
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2011, p.10.
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8 E.g. CODESA, ASVDH and AMDH.
9 A.I. report: “Morocco/Western Sahara Rights trampled amidst protests, violence and repression”, p. 4.
10 6HYHUDOSROLFHRI¿FHUVDUHNLOOHGLQWKHFDPSDQGGXULQJWKHIROORZLQJULRWVDPRQJWKHPDWOHDVWRQHKDGKLVWKURDWFXW
11 $PRQJWKHEXLOGLQJVZRUVWGDPDJHGLQWKHULRWVDUHWKH&RXUWRIDSSHDOWKH(QHUJ\DQG0HWDOV2I¿FHWKUHHVFKRROVDFOLQLFDQGWKH,QYHVWPHQWV&HQWUH
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against the management of the crisis by the Moroccan government. 7KHKXPDQFRVWRIWKHRSHUDWLRQRIGLVPDQWOLQJWKHFDPSDQGWKHVXEVHTXHQWULRWVDW(O$DL~QLVFOHDUO\
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the other hand, the search of the instigators of the revolt engulfed El Aaiún in a non-declared emergency VWDWH$VVDXOWVRQKRXVHVZLWKRXWFRXUWRUGHUEHDWLQJVDQGPLVWUHDWPHQWVLQSROLFHVWDWLRQVH[WUDMXGLFLDO
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ODWHUDURXQGSHUVRQVZHUHWUDQVIHUUHGWRWKH%ODFN3ULVRQDW(O$DL~Q12 and another group of 24 persons WRWKHPLOLWDU\SULVRQRI6DOH0RURFFR$OOSHRSOHEHORQJLQJWRWKH¿UVWJURXSZHUHUHOHDVHGRQSDUROH
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Consequences of the 2010 revolt *GHLP,]LNFDQEHFRQVLGHUHGDVDUXSWXUHZLWKWKHSUHYLRXVVLWXDWLRQHVSHFLDOO\FRQFHUQLQJWKHRU-
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authorities had prided themselves in the past.
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changes that this action triggered DSRVWHULRULLQWKH6DKDUDZLSRSXODWLRQDQGLQJHQHUDOLQWKH:HVWHUQ
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traditional political claims.
2. The inrush in the public scene of a generation of young people suffering alarmingly high unemploy-
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together and carry increasingly radical actions. %UHDNRIWKHIUDJLOHFRH[LVWHQFHEHWZHHQ'DNKLOLVDQG6DKDUDZLVDVGHPRQVWUDWHGE\WKHVXFFHVVLYH
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contexts.
Revitalisation of the struggle in Western Sahara
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forces under command of Briss Basri, Home Minister and strongman of the late Hasan II. The claims of the population focussed mainly on economic issues. In fact, at that point, problems such as unemployment, ODFNRIKRXVLQJDQGFRQFHQWUDWLRQRIZHDOWKLQDIHZKDQGVVSDUNHGRIIWKHVRFLDOFRQÀLFW6REHUR
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Hassan II.
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nation right an if independence for Western Sahara) and a larger international impact. The crushing of a GHPRQVWUDWLRQDJDLQVWWKHWUDQVIHUWRWKH$JDGLUSULVRQRID6DKDUDZLSULVRQHUDFFXVHGRIGUXJGHDOLQJDQG
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turn severely repressed at El Aaiún, Smara and Dajla. The unrests extended to several Moroccan cities such DV$JDGLU&DVDEODQFD5DEDWRU)H]ZKHUHWKHSROLFHFODVKHGYLROHQWO\ZLWK6DKDUDZLVWXGHQWV14. )LQDOO\GHPRQVWUDWRUVDQGDPRQJWKHPVRPHZHOONQRZQ+XPDQ5LJKWVDQGDFWLYLVWVOLNH$OL6D-
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sentenced to 6 months in prison, although the intense campaign of political pressure from abroad forced their release in early 200615. During this period, the imprisoned activists and several Human Rights organ-
isations denounced the practice of torture in police stations and prisons, arbitrary transfers of prisoners, inhuman arrest conditions and systematic mistreatment16.
After the 2005 events, Western Sahara disappeared again from the headlines of the international media. +RZHYHUWKHGHFUHDVHRIWKHLQWHQVLW\RIWKHSURWHVWVGRHVQRWPHDQLWVHQGPDLQO\EHFDXVHWKHVHULRXV
political, social and economic problems persist, and the only measures undertaken by the Moroccan admin-
istration consist on reinforcing security and repression machinery. The Western Sahara did not come back WRWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOKHDGOLQHVXQWLOZKHQWKH+XPDQ5LJKWVDFWLYLVW$PLQHWRX+DLGDUEHJDQDKXQJHU
strike at the Lanzarote airport17VKRZLQJDJDLQWKDWGHVSLWHRIWKHH[WHUQDOLQYLVLELOLW\WKHFRQÀLFWFRQWLQXHV
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of oblivion, causing a reactivation of the struggle in Western Sahara. In fact, during 2010 and thanks to the PRPHQWXPJHQHUDWHGE\WKH+DLGDUFDVHWKHSURWHVWVUHVXPHGZLWKUHQHZHGLQWHQVLW\6XFKLVWKHFDVHIRU
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October 8, 2009, at the airport of Casablanca after visiting the Tinduf refugee camps, accused of “attempt-
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QXPHURXVFODVKHVEHWZHHQ6DKDUDZLVDQG'DNKLOLV during the hearings, Gomez Martín (2011: 159).
The hunger strike of Haidar caused an acceleration of events. The intense social unrest originated by VRFLRHFRQRPLFDO GLVFULPLQDWLRQ DQG WKH GHDGORFNHG SROLWLFDO FRQÀLFW EHVLGHV FODVVLFDO GHPRQVWUDWLRQV
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the construction of camp-cities in the outskirts of the large urban centres of the Western Sahara managed WRHIIHFWLYHO\DWWUDFWWKHDWWHQWLRQRIWKHZRUOGTXHVWLRQ5DEDW¶VµGHYHORSPHQW¶SROLFLHVDQGVKHGOLJKWRQ
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Right groups denounced police brutality during the arrest as the cause of death.
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Role of the Saharawi youth in the new wave of protests One of the most relevant characteristics of the democratic revolutions across the Magreb and Machrek from the beginning of 2011 is the massive participation of young people, acting as the driving engine of the protests and spreading the unrest among other sectors of the population. The major role played by the PLGGOHDQGORZFODVV\RXWKLVQRWUDQGRP$VSRLQWHGRXWE\.KDGHUWRJHWKHUZLWKWKHGHPRJUDSKLF
IDFWRUVLPSRUWDQWGHFUHDVHRIWKHELUWKUDWHIURPWKH¶VDQGDQH[WUHPHO\\RXQJSRSXODWLRQ19), there has EHHQDQLQFUHDVHLQWKHHGXFDWLRQDOOHYHOVOHDGLQJWRWKHIRUPDWLRQRIDODUJHZRUNLQJIRUFHZLWKDQLPSRU-
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the approval of the West. Thus, the current situation in the Arab countries cannot be disconnected from the context of global economic crisis, nor from the social contradictions generated by the neo-liberal system, ZKLFKLQWKHFDVHRIWKH$UDEFRXQWULHVKDVDOORZHGDPRQJRWKHUFRQVHTXHQFHVWKHSOXQGHULQJRIQDWXUDO
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fer from the same problems than the youths of other countries of the region: a not very promising outlook, KLJKXQHPSOR\PHQWUDWHVSRYHUW\SROLWLFDOUHSUHVVLRQHWF$OOWKHVHLVVXHVDGGWRWKH6DKDUDZLQDWLRQDO
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traditional sectors of the dissidence such as opposition parties or trade unions.
The marginal presence of the Polisario Front in the occupied territories and the ban of political parties ZLWKGLVFRXUVHVRSSRVHGWRWKHLQWHUHVWVRIWKH0RURFFDQVWDWHUHJDUGLQJWKHWHUULWRULDOGLVSXWHIRUFHGWKH
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capability and external support, Veguilla (2009: 106-107). The current important social support for Human Rights associations and the transformation of its most charismatic members into icons of the resistance DJDLQVWRFFXSDWLRQKDV¿QDOO\JLYHQWKHPDSROLWLFDOVSHFL¿FZHLJKWWKXVRSHQLQJWKHSROLWLFDOUHSUHVHQWD-
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bidden and a tolerated protest, that is, susceptible of not causing a repressive response from the Moroccan DXWKRULWLHV7KLVLVZKHUHWKHFRQWULEXWLRQRIWKH6DKDUDZL\RXWKWRWKHUHFRQ¿JXUDWLRQRIWKHUHVLVWDQFH
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by others linked to the territory and the right to economic and social development of the region, Veguilla 7KXVGXULQJWKHODVWIHZ\HDUVDQXPEHURIDVVRFLDWLRQVKDYHEHHQFUHDWHGE\6DKDUDZL
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as legitimate, although carrying an underlying political component evident both to the participants and to the Moroccan authorities, thus causing that many actions ended up in riots and repression. As pointed out by the Organisation marocaine des Droits Humains: ‘It is not possible to speak about social claims of citizens ignoring their political claims. Indeed, the social issue in the background is political, because is a GLUHFWFRQVHTXHQFHRIWKHGDPDJHFDXVHGLQWKHUHJLRQE\VRFLDOGLVFULPLQDWLRQDQGSOXQGHULQJRIQDWXUDO
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The rupture of the coexistence myth: ethnic tensions and racism
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over again.
The breach in the population goes beyond the Western Sahara independence issue and its total annexa-
tion by Morocco. From the occupation of the territory in 1975, the Moroccan State implemented a series of HFRQRPLFDQGVRFLDOSROLFLHVZKLFKRQWKHORQJWHUPKDYHJHQHUDWHGDQXPEHURISHUYHUVHHIIHFWV,QWKLV
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state subsidies or basic services completely depends on the ethnic origin or opinion about the Sahara con-
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of resources have been joined in the last year by ethic and tribal tensions promoting dangerous racist atti-
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As stated by the Moroccan journalist Driss Bennani (2011), “the total absence of mutual understand-
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prejudices promoted during three decades, and from the policies implemented in the Western Sahara by the 0RURFFDQDXWKRULWLHVH[SORLWDWLRQRIQDWXUDOUHVRXUFHVZLWKRXWSUR¿WIRUWKHQDWLYHSRSXODWLRQLQWURGXF-
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contribute to destabilise the region permanently.
Effects of Gdeim Izik in the refugee camps
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events sparked off the indignation among the population of the refugee camps, leading to more and more FULWLFDOVWDQFHVDJDLQVWWKHDFWLRQRIWKH6DKDUDZLDXWKRULWLHV7KHVHHYHQWVFDQEHFRQVLGHUHGDVPRPHQWV
of rupture or loss of hope.
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RZQFDOOFRLQFLGLQJZLWKWKHFROODSVHRIWKHst Baker plan. Thus, the freezing of the belligerent actions and WKHQHZIDLOXUHRIWKHGLSORPDF\FDXVHGDGHHSIUXVWUDWLRQDQGXQUHVWDPRQJWKHSRSXODWLRQ
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sector of the refugees, the conditions imposed by the 2nd Baker plan22+RZHYHULWZDVWKLVWLPHWKH0RURF-
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about the need of rising in arms again, Gómez Martín and Omet (2009: 210). %HWZHHQDQGWKHWHQVLRQLQWKHFDPSVHVFDODWHGFRQVLGHUDEO\7KHODFNRIIXWXUHSHUVSHFWLYHV
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desertions of former cadres of the Polisario and external and internal discrediting campaigns orchestrated from Morocco. Thus, the suspicion of betrayal impregnates any criticism exerted against the actions of the government or the direction of the Polisario. Gdeim Izik and the revolutionary context in the Magreb DQG0DFKUHNHQFRXUDJHGVRPHVK\FULWLFLVPZLWKLQWKHFDPSV:LWKWKHUHYROXWLRQVLQ7XQLVLDDQG(J\SW
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GHPRQVWUDWLRQZDVRUJDQLVHGDW5DEXQLSROLWLFDODQGDGPLQLVWUDWLYHFHQWUHRIWKHUHIXJHHFDPSV7KHFDOO
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the prime minister Mohamed Abdelaziz, but asked for a stronger support of the Polisario Front to the Sa-
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ZHUHFKDQJHVLQWKHDGPLQLVWUDWLRQRIWKH6WDWHDQGWKH-XGLFLDU\SXWWLQJDQGHQGWRWKHFRUUXSWLRQLQWKH
JRYHUQPHQWLQVWLWXWLRQV¿JKWLQJPLVXVHRISXEOLFIXQGVSDUWLFLSDWLRQRIWKH\RXWKLQWKHSROLWLFDODFWLYLW\
DQGDUHIRUPRIWKHHOHFWRUDOODZDOORZLQJYRWHUVWRKDYHDVWURQJHULQÀXHQFHLQWKHHOHFWLRQRIWKH03VDQG
the president of the Republic24.
$OWKRXJKWKH6DKDUDZLDXWKRULWLHVGLGQRWIRUELGWKHGHPRQVWUDWLRQWKHRI¿FLDOSURSDJDQGDDJDLQVWLW
and the suspicion of manipulation by Morocco to create internal disputes, discouraged the participation of young people in the event256LPXOWDQHRXVO\WKHGHPRQVWUDWLRQFDOOZDVHQGRUVHGE\WKH-DW$FKDKLG
PRYHPHQWIRUPHGE\DJURXSRIGLVVLGHQW6DKDUDZLVEDVHGRXWVLGHWKHFDPSV7KHLUVXSSRUWLQFUHDVHG
WKHVXVSLFLRQVDQGHYHQPRUHZKHQWKH\VHQWDOHWWHUWRWKH$OJHULDQJRYHUQPHQWDVNLQJIRUDXWKRULVDWLRQ
to access the camps accompanied by independent journalists and members of Human Rights groups to SUHYHQWDSRWHQWLDOUHSUHVVLRQE\WKH6DKDUDZLDXWKRULWLHV±DUHSUHVVLRQWKDWKRZHYHUQHYHUKDSSHQHG26. ,QYLHZRIVRPXFKSUHVVXUHLWFRXOGEHH[SHFWHGWKDWWKRVHVHFRQGLQJWKHFDOOFDUULHGZLWKWKHPDOOVRUWV
23 7KHVSRNHVSHUVRQRIWKH3ROLVDULRIURQWLQ6SDLQ%XFKDUD\D%H\RXQFRQ¿UPHGLQDQLQWHUYLHZLQ0DGULGRQ6HSWHPEHUWKHGLI¿FXOWLHVRIWKH
6DKDUDZLDXWKRULWLHVWRFRQYH\WKHUHDVRQVIRUVXFKVWDQFHWRWKHSRSXODWLRQ7KH3ROLVDULR)URQWFRQVLGHUHGWKDWQRWDWWHQGLQJWRDQHJRWLDWLRQURXQGSUR-
JUDPPHGPXFKLQDGYDQFHZRXOGEHQH¿W0RURFFRLQDPRPHQWZKHQLWVLQWHUQDWLRQDODOOLHVZHUHFULWLFLVLQJLWVDSSURDFKWRWKH6DKDUDLVVXHDQGLWVTXHV-
WLRQDEOH+XPDQ5LJKWVUHFRUG$FFRUGLQJO\WKH3ROLVDULR)URQWXQGHUVWRRGWKHPHHWLQJDW0DQKDVVHWDVDSROLWLFDOPDQRHXYUHZLWKWZRREMHFWLYHVFHUWL-
I\LQJWKHFRPSURPLVHRI6DKDUDZLVZLWKWKHQHJRWLDWLRQSURFHVVDQGVHFRQGIRUFLQJ0RURFFRWRH[SODLQWRWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOFRPPXQLW\ZKDWKDSSHQHGDW
*GHLP,]LN,QKLVRZQZRUGV³,QSROLWLFV\RXKDYHWZRNQRZKRZWRZRUN,WKLQNWKDWZKDWWKH3ROLVDULR)URQWGLGZDVZHOOVWXGLHGZHOOPHDVXUHGDQG
ZDVULJKWIRUWKHIXWXUH7KDWLVQRWEUHDNLQJZLWKWKHQHJRWLDWLRQSURFHVVDV0RURFFRZDQWHGXVWRGRDQGIRUFHWKHPWRIDFHLQWKH8QLWHG1DWLRQVWKH
FRQVHTXHQFHVRIZKDWKDSSHQHGDW*GHLP,]LN´
24 ZZZDIUROFRPHVDUWtFXORV
25 The most optimist attendance estimations are of 150-200 people.
26 Ibíd.
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of nationalist paraphernalia and pro-Polisario symbols. Such behaviour looks like a clear attempt to reject DQ\DWWHPSWE\0RURFFRRIPDQLSXODWLQJWKHUDOO\EXWDWWKHVDPHWLPHZDVDZD\WRUHEXWWKHRI¿FLDODF-
cusations of being pro-Morocco or trying to support the Moroccan discourse about the existence of internal GLVVHQWDPRQJWKH6DKDUDZLUHIXJHHV
7KLVVHUYHVDVDQH[DPSOHRIWKHGLI¿FXOWLHVRIRUJDQLVLQJDSURWHVWPRYHPHQWLQVLGHWKHUHIXJHHFDPSV
In this sense, the democratic character and the importance given by this society and its government to IUHHGRPRIVSHHFKKDYHEHHQGDPDJHGE\WKHSUHVHQFHRIWKHELWWHUHQHP\0RURFFRZKRVHRPQLSUHVHQFH
KDV¿QDOO\IDYRXUHGWKHSHUSHWXDWLRQRIWKHROGHOLWHVLQSRZHU'HVSLWHWKHIDLOXUHRIWKHGHPRQVWUDWLRQRQ
0DUFKWKHKLVWRU\OHDGLQJWRWKLVHYHQWVKRXOGQRWEHPLVVHGQRULWVIXWXUHFRQVHTXHQFHVXQGHUHVWLPDWHG
7KLVLVLQGHHGDSURRIRIWKHWHQVLRQVDQGLQWHUQDOGHEDWHVZLWKLQWKH6DKDUDZLVRFLHW\ERWKLQWKHUHIXJHH
FDPSVDQGWKHRFFXSLHGWHUULWRULHVDVZHOODVZLWKLQWKHPLJUDWLRQPDLQO\LQ6SDLQ7KHYRLFHVFODLPLQJ
ORXGHUWKHQHHGRIDGDSWLQJWRQHZWLPHVDQGJLYLQJDGHPRFUDWLFLPSXOVHWRWKH6DKDUDZL6WDWHFODVKZLWK
WKHHYLGHQWH[LVWHQFHRIGHVWDELOLVLQJJURXSVEXWPDLQO\ZLWKWKHIHDURIDFULWLFDOLQWHUSUHWDWLRQRIWKHRI-
¿FLDOGLVFRXUVHIDYRXULQJ5DEDW¶VLQWHUHVWRUVLPSO\RIDEUHDNGRZQRIWKHVWDWXVTXRPDLQWDLQHGGXULQJ
PRUHWKDQ\HDUVLQWKHSRZHUFLUFOHVRIWKH6DKDUDZLPRYHPHQW
Conclusion After a detailed analysis of the events and the aftermath of Gdeim Izik in the occupied territories and LQWKH6DKDUDZLVRFLHW\DVDZKROHLWFDQEHREVHUYHGWKDWWKLVZD\RISURWHVWDOWKRXJKLQQRYDWLYHLVWKH
ORJLFDOSURGXFWRIDSURFHVVRISROLWLFDODQGVRFLDOWUDQVIRUPDWLRQZKLFKZDVRQLWVZD\IURPWKHEHJLQQLQJ
RIWKHGHFDGH,QRWKHUZRUGVLQVWHDGRIDUXSWXUHZLWKWKHSUHYLRXVVLWXDWLRQLWZRXOGEHPRUHDS-
SURSULDWHWRVSHDNDERXWDQHYROXWLRQWRDQHZVFHQDULRFXOPLQDWLQJLQWKHµ'LJQLW\¶FDPSDQGPDUNLQJWKH
approach for the next years in Western Sahara. 7KHFDPSLQWURGXFHGWKUHHPDMRULQQRYDWLYHHOHPHQWV5HJDUGLQJWKHSDUWLFLSDQWVXEMHFWVLWFRQ¿UPHG
WKHLUUXSWLRQRIQHZDFWRUVOHGE\WKHXQHPSOR\HG\RXWKVDQGWKH+XPDQ5LJKWVDFWLYLVWVZKRHQULFKHG
WKH6DKDUDZLQRQFRQIRUPLW\5HJDUGLQJWKHVWUXJJOHLQVWUXPHQWVWKHMDLPDWHQWHPHUJHVDVWKHSULQFLSDO
HOHPHQWRIWKHSDFL¿FSURWHVWV277KHMDLPDWXUQVWKLVZD\LQWRWKHV\PERORIWKH6DKDUDZLFXOWXUHDQHOH-
PHQWDQFKRUHGWRWKHODQGLWVPRVWYLVLEOHDQGH[SRUWDEOHLGHQWLW\VLJQ,QQRYDWLRQDOVRVKRZVXSLQWKH
methodology of the protests: camps are placed in spaces close enough to cities to facilitate the supply of essentials, but, on the other hand, free and outside the urban orbit and the control of the local and even the VWDWHDXWKRULWLHV%HURQD&DVWDxHGD6XFKVWUDWHJ\DOORZVODUJHSHRSOHJDWKHULQJVFUHDWHVDFWLRQV
ZLWKVLJQL¿FDQWLQWHUQDODQGH[WHUQDOLPSDFWDQGPRVWLPSRUWDQWO\LPSOLHVDWDV\PEROLFOHYHOWKHXVHRID
IXQGDPHQWDOVSDFHZKLFKGH¿QHVWKH6DKDUDZLLGHQWLW\DQGFXOWXUHWKHGHVHUW
7KHPDUJLQDOLVDWLRQLQZHDOWKGLVWULEXWLRQWKHFRUUXSWLRQRIDORFDOHOLWHHPHUJHGIURPQRQWUDQVSDUHQW
HOHFWLRQVDQGFRQWUROOLQJDOOWKHVRXUFHVRIIXQGLQJZKLFKLPSHGHVDUHDOSDUWLFLSDWLRQRIWKH6DKDUDZL
society in the decision making processes and the distribution of resources, are key elements to understand Gdeim Izik. But another key factor is the displacement of the nonconformist actions from the political to WKHVRFLRHFRQRPLFVSKHUHZKHUHYHUWKH\DUHPRUHWROHUDWHGDQGHYHQOHJLWLPDWH7KLVGRHVQRWPHDQWKDW
27 $OUHDG\LQWKHFULVLVDFDPSKDGEHHQEXLOWDWWKH(FKGHLUD6TXDUHRI(O$DL~Q
74
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the same time the basic problem persists. A proof of this is that the Moroccan regime has made the same mistake of imposing stability in the region by only reinforcing the security and repression machinery. But WKHGHDGORFNRIWKHFRQÀLFWDOVRVKRZVLQWKHODFNRIFRQYHUJHQFHEHWZHHQWKH0RURFFDQDQG6DKDUDZL
QRQFRQIRUPLW\ZKLFKZRXOGKDYHKDGLPSRUWDQWFRQVHTXHQFHV:KDWZRXOGKDYHKDSSHQHGLIWKH 6D-
KDUDZL\RXWKZRXOGKDYHMRLQHGWKH0RURFFDQSURWHVWVOHGE\WKH¶)HEUXDU\¶PRYHPHQW"7KLV
PRYHPHQWWRJHWKHUZLWKWKHH[SHULHQFHDW*GHLP,]LNFRXOGKDYHPDGHWKHFRPPRQLQWHUHVWVRIWKH6D-
KDUDZLDQG0RURFFDQ\RXWKVFRQYHUJHIDFLOLWDWLQJDQDSSURDFKRIWKHWZRSRSXODWLRQV+RZHYHUWKLVGLG
QRWKDSSHQDQGLWLVQRWHYHQFRQVLGHUHGDVDSRVVLELOLW\1HLWKHUWKH6DKDUDZLSRSXODWLRQIHOWFRQFHUQHG
E\WKH\RXWKVGHPRQVWUDWLQJLQ0RURFFRQRUDQ\RIWKHUHIRUPVFODLPHGE\WKH¶)HEUXDU\¶PRYHPHQW
PHQWLRQHGWKHVROXWLRQRIWKH6DKDUDZLFRQÀLFW±VLQFHDVDPDWWHURIIDFWWKH0RURFFDQ\RXWKFRQVLGHUV
6DKDUDDSDUWRI0RURFFR1HYHUWKHOHVVWKHWRWDOODFNRIFRQQHFWLRQEHWZHHQERWKPRYHPHQWVLVUHPDUN-
DEOHVLQFHWRJHWKHUZLWKWKHDXWRFUDF\FRUUXSWLRQVRFLDOLQHTXDOLW\DQGODFNRIIUHHGRPGHQRXQFHGE\WKH
Moroccan youth, the heaviest burden compromising the future of Morocco both at economic and political OHYHOVWLOOLVWKHXQGH¿QHGGHOD\RIWKHUHVROXWLRQRIWKH:HVWHUQ6DKDUDFRQÀLFW
Abbreviations
$69'+$VVRFLDWLRQVDKUDRXLHGHVYLFWLPHVGHVYLRODWLRQVJUDYHVGHV'URLWVGHO¶+RPPH
$0'+$VVRFLDWLRQPDURFDLQHGHV'URLWVGHO¶+RPPH
&2'(6$&ROOHFWLIGHGpIHQVHXUV6DKUDRXLVGHV'URLWVGHO¶+RPPH
CORCAS: Conseil royal consultatif des affaires sahariennes
FRENTE POLISARIO: Frente de liberación nacional de Saguia El Hamra y Rio de Oro
MINURSO: United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara
75
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References
$,UHSRUWµ5LJKWWUDPSOHGSURWHVWVYLROHQFHDQGUHSUHVVLRQLQ:HVWHUQ6DKDUD¶
$0'+UHSRUW©5DSSRUWUHODWLIDX[pYpQHPHQWVTX¶DFRQQXVODYLOOHGH/Dk\RXQHjOD¿QGXPRLVGHPDLª
$69'+UHSRUW©5DSSRUWVXUOHFDPSHPHQWGH*GHLP,]LNHWOHVpYpQHPHQWVTXLRQWVXLYLVRQGpPDQWqOHPHQWª/Dk\RXQH6DKDUD
Occidental.
Barona Castañeda, C.: 2011, « Memoria histórica y resistencia cultural, de Zemla a Gdeim Izik, XXIII Simposio Electrónico Internacional. Medio Oriente y Norte de África. Estados alterados y la geopolítica de la transformación. Universidad Externado de Colombia and Centro de Estudios Internacionales para el Desarrollo. %HQQDQL'QRYHPEUH©6DKDUD&RPPHQWWRXWDEDVFXOpª7HOTXHO
%HQQDQL'QRYHPEUH©6DKDUD/DERPEHjUHWDUGHPHQWª7HOTXHO
&DUDWLQL6©/D3ULVRQGXWHPSVOHVPXWDWLRQVVRFLDOHVjO¶°XYUHGDQVOHVFDPSVGHUpIXJLpVVDKUDRXLVª$IULTXHFRQWHPSRUDLQH
222, 181-197.
),'+UHSRUW©6DKDUD2FFLGHQWDO/HVDIIURQWHPHQWVGXQRYHPEUHj/Dk\RXQH(VFDODGHGDQVXQFRQÀLWTXLV¶pWHUQLVHª
*yPH]0DUWtQ&DQG2PHW&©/HVFKHPLQHPHQWVGHODSROLWLVDWLRQGHVMHXQHVGDQVOHFKDPSSROLWLTXH6DKUDRXL(WXGH
FRPSDUDWLYHHQWUHODGLDVSRUDHWOHVFDPSVGHUpIXJLpVª/¶$QQpHGX0DJKUHE9
Gómez Martín, C.: 2011, La migración saharaui en España. Estrategias de visibilidad en el tercer tiempo del exilio, (Editorial Académica Española,), p.159.
+XPDQ5LJKW:DWFKUHSRUW³6DKDUD2FFLGHQWDO3DOL]DV\PDOWUDWRSRUSDUWHGHODVIXHU]DVGHVHJXULGDGPDUURTXtHV´
.KDGHU%©/DMHXQHVVHPRWHXUGHVVRXOqYHPHQWVGpPRFUDWLTXHVDUDEHVª,QVWLWXWHXURSpHQGHUHFKHUFKHVXUODFRRSpUDWLRQHXUR
arabe (Medea).
/ySH]*DUFtD%©(O6iKDUD2FFLGHQWDOHQHOQXHYRWLHPSRiUDEHª7ULEXQD'LDULRHO3DtV
0DVVLDK*©/HVLQVXUUHFWLRQVUpYROXWLRQQDLUHVFLQTSUHPLqUHVOHoRQVª&HQWUHWULFRQWLQHQWDO
©5pYROXWLRQVOHUpYHLOGXPRQGHDUDEHª0R\HQ2ULHQW, nº10, Avril-Juin 2011.
Ruíz Miguel, C.:1995, Sahara Occidental y España: historia, política y derecho. Análisis crítico de la política exterior española, (Editorial Dykinson, Madrid).
6REHUR<6iKDUD0HPRULD\ROYLGR(GLWRULDO$ULHO0DGULG
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of North African Studies, Vol. 15, 4, 423-438.
15M AND “INDIGNADO” MOBILIZATIONS
78
Antecedents, Achievements and Challenges of the Spanish 15M Movement
TOMÁS ALBERICH NISTAL
Universidad de Jaén
Abstract
Historical antecedents of the sociopolitical participative movements in Spain since the HDUO\VHYHQWLHVRIODVWFHQWXU\7KRXJKZLWKRXWWU\LQJWREHYHU\H[KDXVWLYHZHZLOO
SUHVHQWVRPHRIWKHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVZKLFKKDYHXVHGPHWKRGVDQGDFWLRQVWUDWHJLHV
WKDWE\WKHLUIRUPRUFRQWHQWVZHFDQFRQVLGHUHUDVDSUHFHGHQWRIWKHRQHVXVHGE\WKH
SUHVHQWSURWHVWPRYHPHQWVWKDWZHGHQRPLQDWHFROOHFWLYHO\DV³LQGLJQDGRV´LQGLJQH]
vous movement”, indignant movement, or “15M movement” (the plural-international and restrictive-national versions respectively). Emergence of the 15M movement: dif-
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DQG IDLOXUHV RI WKH 0RYHPHQW 6RPH RI WKH FRQVHTXHQFHV WKDW KDYH DIIHFWHG WKH
GHPRFUDWLFSROLWLFDOV\VWHPDQGPRUHVSHFL¿FDOO\WKHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVWUDGHXQLRQV
DQGOHIWZLQJHGSDUWLHV)XWXUHVFHQDULRVDQGFKDOOHQJHV
Keywords
0PRYHPHQWFLWL]HQLQYROYHPHQWQRQSUR¿WVDVVRFLDWLRQVVRFLDOPRYHPHQWV
Immediate causes
0\LQWHQWLRQLVQRWWRFDUU\RXWDSURIRXQGDQDO\VLVRIWKHFDXVHVRIWKHELUWKRIWKH0PRYHPHQWZK\
it came up just in a particular moment – in the middle of the campaign for the municipal and autonomic HOHFWLRQVLQ0D\EXW,GRZDQWWRIRFXVRQWKHFRQÀXHQFHRISDUWLFXODUIDFWRUVDQGVLWXDWLRQVWKDW
PDGHLWVDSSHDUDQFHLQ6SDLQSRVVLEOH+HUHDUHVRPHRIWKHPRVWVLJQL¿FDQWRQHV
1. The feeling of “having enough”, of bearing an almost four year lasting crisis that is causing ever big-
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home mortgage and debt). 2. The general perception that the crisis has been caused by sectors and economic groups (Bank Entities DQGLQWHUQDWLRQDOVSHFXODWRUV«WKDWDUHVWLOOOHDGLQJWKHHFRQRP\DQGJHWWLQJULFKHU$OOWKLVDOORZHG
if not fostered by, governments and main political parties. By the political HVWDEOLVKPHQW.
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also have its antecedents in historical anarchism, libertarian communist, or revolutionary traditions. 7KLV³SROLWLFDOFODVV´KDVEHFRPHDFFRUGLQJWRWKH&,62I¿FLDO6RFLRORJLFDO,QYHVWLJDWLRQV&HQWUH
VXUYH\VWKHWKLUGPRVWLPSRUWDQWSUREOHPIRUWKH6SDQLVKSRSXODWLRQIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHDIWHUWKHGHPR-
79
cratic transition. This bad reputation of the political class has also been favoured by the emergence of QXPHURXVLQVWDQFHVRIFRUUXSWLRQIDYRULWLVPDQGZDVWHRISXEOLFVSHQGLQJ«DQLPDJHWKDWKDVEHHQ
GLVWRUWHGDQGPDJQL¿HGE\WKHPDVVPHGLDRULHQWHGWRDQHROLEHUDOGLVFRXUVHRUE\H[WUHPHULJKWSRVL-
WLRQV:KHQWKHHFRQRP\LVJURZLQJDQGWKHJHQHUDOSHUFHSWLRQLVWKDWLWLVJRLQJZHOOWKHVHDVSHFWV
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6RPHVHFWRUVZHUHREVHUYLQJZLWKDGPLUDWLRQRUHQY\WKHPDVVPRELOL]DWLRQVLQ$UDEFRXQWULHVWKH
changes in Iceland, the general strikes against social policies reductions in France and Greece. 7KHQHZWHFKQRORJLHV,7&VDQGYLUWXDOVRFLDOQHWZRUNVKDYHHYHQWXDOO\HQDEOHGWKHYLVXDOL]DWLRQRI
XQIDLUHYHQWVDQGVLWXDWLRQVDTXLFNHUDQGVRPHWLPHVDOVREHWWHUFRPPXQLFDWLRQVSHFLDOO\LQWKHFDVH
RI³DLULQJWKHGLUW\ODXQGU\´VXFKDVWKHXQFRYHULQJRIFRQ¿GHQWLDOSDSHUVE\:LNLOHDNV7KH\DOVR
KDYHSURYLGHGDEHWWHUDFFHVVWRWKHNQRZOHGJHRIDOWHUQDWLYHVSURSRVDOVDQGFDOOVIRUPRELOLVDWLRQ«
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and the immediate precedents 15 M movement in Spain: Social Movements of the Madrid Social Fo-
rum (2005-11), 9GH9LYLHQGD+RXVLQJ0RYHPHQWV$QWL%RXORJQHVWXGHQWV¶0RYHPHQW
<RXWKZLWKRXWIXWXUHZLWKRXWIHDU0HVDVGH&RQYHUJHQFLD&LXGDGDQD (Citizen Convergence Board, 2010), 'HPRFUDFLD5HDO<D'5<5HDO'HPRFUDF\1RZ
7KH0PRYHPHQWJRHVEH\RQGLWV¿UVWRUJDQL]HUVRIWKHth of May demonstration. There is a before and after in the political and social movements since the 15th of May, 2011, in Spain at least. The m15M LQDXJXUDWHVDQHZF\FOHLQWKHKLVWRU\RISURWHVWPRYHPHQWV,QWHUQDWLRQDOO\LWZLOOSUREDEO\ZULWHDSDJH
LQWKHKLVWRU\RIRU³WKH$UDE6SULQJ´MXVWDV³0D\´ZDVLGHQWL¿HGZLWKWKHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVRI
that year.
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JHQHUDWLRQRI\RXQJSHRSOHWKHPRVWTXDOL¿HGDQGWHFKQRORJLFDOO\VNLOOHGRI6SDQLVKKLVWRU\EXWZLWKWKH
IHZHVWUHVRXUFHVWKHIHZHVWSURIHVVLRQDODQGIXWXUHSHUVSHFWLYHVDQGWKHIHZHVWSRVVLELOLWLHVWRFDUU\RXW
their independent life projects.
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WKH6SDQLVKSRSXODWLRQ:K\"LWZDVDOOHYLDWHGE\IDPLO\VXSSRUWVDYLQJVPXWXDOVXSSRUWVXEVLGLHVDQG
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situation remains a long time these resources are diploid and unemployment becomes structural, massive DQGSHUPDQHQWZLWKRXWDQ\YLVLEOHIXWXUHH[LWWKHVXSSRUWQHWZRUNVEHJLQWREUHDNDQGWKHVLWXDWLRQJHWV
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80
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Good ideas and virtues of the 15M Movement
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PRYHPHQWVZKLFKKDYHXVHGPHWKRGVDQGDFWLRQVWUDWHJLHVWKDWE\WKHLUIRUPRUFRQWHQWVZHFDQFRQ-
VLGHUDVDSUHFHGHQWRIWKHRQHVXVHGE\WKHSUHVHQWSURWHVWPRYHPHQWVWKDWZHGHQRPLQDWHFROOHFWLYHO\DV
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all its differences, particularities and similarities from Occupy Wall Street to all the occupations of public VTXDUHVWKURXJKRXWWKHZRUOG7KHLQWHUQDWLRQDOPRELOLVDWLRQRQWKHth of October, 2011 constituted their FRPPRQQH[XV$QGZHXVHWKHWHUP0WRUHIHUWRWKHUHVWULFWLYHQDWLRQDOYHUVLRQ7KHVRFDOOHG$UDE
Spring, despite of being a clear precedent of the 15M and sharing some common characteristics, like the RFFXSDWLRQ RI SXEOLF VTXDUHV PRELOLVDWLRQV ZLWK D SDFL¿F LQWHQWLRQ FDQQRW LQ P\ RSLQLRQ EH LQFOXGHG
LQWKH³,QGLJQDGRV´PRYHPHQWVZLWKRXWDQ\FODUL¿FDWLRQGXHWRWKHLUGLIIHUHQWFRQWH[WVDQGREMHFWLYHV
DVLQWKHVHFRXQWULHVWKHDFWLYLVWVDQGGHPRQVWUDWRUVDUH¿JKWLQJIRUDPLQLPXPIRUPDOGHPRFUDF\7KH
HYROXWLRQRIWKHVH$UDEPRYHPHQWVZKLFKKDYHFDXVHGKXQGUHGVRIYLFWLPVNLOOHGE\WKHLURZQJRYHUQ-
PHQWVHFXULW\IRUFHVDQGZKLFKLQPDQ\FDVHVDUHVWLOOEHDULQJDEUXWDOFULPLQDOUHSUHVVLRQGLIIHUHQWLDWHV
WKHPIURPWKHPRYHPHQWVLQWKHZHVWHUQFRXQWULHVRUWKRVHFRXQWULHVZLWKIRUPDOGHPRFUDFLHVZKHUH
WKH\KDYHIRFXVHGRQWKH¿JKWDJDLQVWWKHFULVLVDQGWKHFRPSODLQWVDERXWWKHFULVLVPDQDJHPHQWZLWKWKH
FKDUDFWHULVWLFVWKDWZLOOEHODWHUGHVFULEHGDORWRIWKHPFRPPRQWRWKHGLIIHUHQWLQGLJQDQW movements and FRSLHGIURPWKH6SDQLVK0:HFDQDI¿UPWKRXJKWKDWDOOWKHVHPRYHPHQWVIURPWKH$UDEPRYHPHQWV
to the 15M, coincide not only in formal aspects but also in their vindication of a more extensive and better democracy.
%HIRUHFRPSDULQJLWZLWKRWKHUVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVRIWKH6SDQLVKUHFHQWKLVWRU\ZHDUHJRLQJWRKDYHD
look at some of the “good ideas” and virtues of the m15M:
7RGUDZWKHSHRSOHGLVDSSRLQWHGZLWKWKHV\VWHPWRZDUGVLGHDVDQGYDOXHVIURPWKHOHIWRUSURJUHVVLVW
DQGGHPRFUDWLFLGHRORJLHV7KHSRSXODWLRQLVWLUHGRIVHHLQJKRZWKHVRFLDODQGHFRQRPLFLQHTXDOLWLHV
XQHPSOR\PHQWHYLFWLRQVDUHLQFUHDVLQJZKLOHWKRVHZKRSURYRNHGWKHFULVLVDUHQRWSXQLVKHGDQGWKH
ZHDOWK\JHWULFKHU8QWLOWKHHPHUJHQFHRIWKH0WKHLQFUHDVHRIUHDFWLRQDU\LGHDVDQG[HQRSKREHDF-
WLRQVZDVHYLGHQW7KLVWUHQGZDVDWWKHSHDNH[WUHPHSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVLQGHSHQGHQW electoral platforms RUDVVRFLDWLRQVSRVLWLRQVVKDUHGE\VRPHVHFWLRQVRIWKH3DUWLGR3RSXODUDQG&L8«
7KH0KDVGUDZQDJUHDWSDUWRIDQWLV\VWHPJURXSVWRPRUHSDFL¿VWSRVLWLRQVVKRZLQJWKHHIIHF-
WLYHQHVVRIWKHMRLQHGDFWLRQRIDFWLYHDQGSDFL¿FFLYLOUHVLVWDQFH
7KH VXFFHVVIXO VSUHDG RI WKH PRYHPHQW WR QHLJKERXUKRRGV YLOODJHV DQG WRZQV H[SDQGLQJ LW DQG
HQDEOLQJDUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKH¿UVW0DFWLRQWKH6RORFFXSDWLRQFDPSVLWHLQWKHRXWVNLUWVDQG
suburbs.
81
4. As a unitary movement, the camp sites and the assemblies in Sol and the neighbourhood communi-
WLHVKDYHFRQWULEXWHGWRLPSURYHWKHUHODWLRQVKLSVEHWZHHQWKHGLIIHUHQWSURJUHVVLVWVRFLDOPRYHPHQWV
IHPLQLVW HFRORJLVW QHLJKERXUV DQWLHYLFWLRQV7KHVH DFWLRQV DQG SHUIRUPDQFHV KDYH VKRZQ WKHP
WKDWLWLVPRUHZKDWMRLQVWKHPWRJHWKHUWKDWZKDWPRYHVWKHPDSDUW
5. Joined action and political, social and generational pluralism “fostering the joined action over ideo-
logical debates” (Naredo and Villasante, 2011). The never-ending ideological debate so popular in the OHIWZLQJHGHQYLURQPHQWVLVDSDUDO\]LQJKDQGLFDS7KHLGHRORJLFDOSOXUDOLW\LVHVVHQWLDOWRWKHOHIW
7KHGHPDQGIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHRID3DUWLFLSDWLYH'HPRFUDF\DVRQHRIWKHPDLQFODLPVRIWKHPRYH-
PHQWIURPWKHLQLWLDOFODLPVDQGZKDWLVPRVWLPSRUWDQWLWVLPSOHPHQWDWLRQWKURXJKUHDOSUDFWLFHV
VKRZLQJWKDWWKHLUFODLPVRWKHUIRUPVRIGRLQJSROLWLFVZHUHGLUHFWO\UHODWHGZLWKKRZWKHVHSUDFWLFHV
are implemented. Organization in assemblies, direct participation and internal participative democracy KDYHEHHQWKHLGHQWLW\VLJQVRIWKHQHZPRYHPHQWIURPLWVRULJLQV7KLVKDVEHHQRQHRIWKHPDMRU
DFKLHYHPHQWVRIWKH0PRYHPHQWDOWKRXJKLWDOVRKDVLWVSURVDQGFRQVRSHUDWLYHGLI¿FXOWLHVDQG
VORZGHFLVLRQWDNLQJ
7. The successful use of Information and Communications Technology (ICT), even the development of QHZ³PDVVVHOIFRPPXQLFDWLRQ´DFFRUGLQJWR&DVWHOO¶VWHUPLQRORJ\
7KHFUHDWLRQRIDQHZVLJQODQJXDJHEDVHGRQWKHVLJQODQJXDJHVXVHGE\GHDIFRPPXQLWLHVZKLFK
PDNHVGLDORJXHDQGSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQDVVHPEOLHVHDVLHUSURYLGLQJDPRUHSDFL¿FIRUPRISXEOLFH[SUHVVLRQ
7KHFDSDFLW\RIWKHPRYHPHQWWRRUJDQL]HELJPRELOLVDWLRQVIRUH[DPSOHWKHMDQG2ZLWK
KXQGUHGWKRXVDQGVRIGHPRQVWUDWRUVZLWKIHZHFRQRPLFUHVRXUFHVDQGZLWKRXWWUDGHXQLRQVGHOHJDWHV
ZLWKWLPHRIIULJKWV,WKDVVXFFHHGHGLQEULQJLQJDVPDQ\LIQRWPRUHSHRSOHWRGHPRQVWUDWHLQWKH
VWUHHWVWKDQDQ\*HQHUDO6WULNHHYHQWKRXJKZKHQWKHVHDUHRUJDQL]HGZLWKWKHSDUWLFLSDWLRQRIWKRX-
VDQGVRIZRUNHUV¶UHSUHVHQWDWLYHVPHPEHUVRISROLWLFDOSDUWLHVFRXQFLOORUVHWFZLWKWLPHRIIULJKWV
10. The origins of the movement, DSDUWLGLVWHYHQDSROLWLFDODFFRUGLQJWR¿UVWVWDWHPHQWFDVWDJRRGLP-
DJHLQWKHPDVVPHGLD7KHPRYHPHQWDSSHDUVDVVRPHWKLQJQHZIUHVKDQGZKDWLVPRUHDWWUDFWLYH
³XQH[SHFWHG´DQG³VSRQWDQHRXV´LQWKHPLGGOHRIDQHOHFWLRQVFDPSDLJQSUHGLFWDEO\ERULQJDQGÀDW
Its appearance on the front covers of the main mass media has also its pros and cons, as in other move-
PHQWVZHZLOODQDO\]HODWHUDSROLWLFDOXQH[SHFWHGDQGVSRQWDQHRXVUHVSHFWLYHO\
7KHHPHUJHQFHRI0PRYHPHQWZRXOGPHDQDQHZGDZQRIWKHVSULQJZKHUHQHZLGHDVDOWHU-
QDWLYHVFUHDWLYLW\DQGDUWZRXOGEORRP«$VVRPHRQHVDLG³WKHUHZHUHPRUHLGHDVDQGGHEDWHVLQD
VLQJOHWHQWLQ6ROFDPSVLWHWKDQLQWKHZKROHHOHFWLRQFDPSDLJQ´
82
Antecedents, differences and similarities with other movements
The citizenship movement of the 70s. Assembly organization, participation and positions on institutions in the residents associations.
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KRPRJHQHRXVVRFLDODQGDVVRFLDWLRQQHWZRUNLQHDFKWRZQRUWHUULWRULDOVSDFHYLOODJHQHLJKERXUKRRG
HWFRUJDQL]HGDURXQGDXQLWDU\IRUPDODVVRFLDWLRQLQHDFKQHLJKERXUKRRGFUHDWHGLQWKDWGHFDGHZKLFK
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,QPRVWFDVHVWKHFRKHVLYHDFWRURIWKHFLWL]HQV¶PRYHPHQWZDVDQHLJKERUV¶DVVRFLDWLRQ$VRFLDFLyQ
GH9HFLQRV$$99ZKLFKZDVDZDUHRILWVSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQWKHPRYHPHQW:LWKLQWKHQHLJKERUV¶DVVRFLD-
WLRQLWZDVFRPPRQWR¿QGZRUNWHDPVDQG\RXWKZRPHQDQGFXOWXUDOJURXSVWKHDWHUPXVLF«ZLWKDQ
RQJRLQJUHODWLRQVKLSZLWKWKHIHZRUJDQL]DWLRQVH[LVWLQJLQHDFKQHLJKERXUKRRGPDLQO\WKHDVVRFLDWLRQVRI
VWXGHQW¶VSDUHQWVODWHUFDOOHG$03$6VRPHLQGHSHQGHQWFXOWXUDORU\RXWKDVVRFLDWLRQVKRXVHZLYHVDQG
IDPLO\DVVRFLDWLRQVVRPHRIWKHROG³KHDGRIWKHIDPLO\´DVVRFLDWLRQVZHUHFKDQJHGLQWRQHLJKERXUVDV-
VRFLDWLRQV7KHVHKDGDOVRJRRGDOWKRXJKVFDUFHUHODWLRQVKLSVZLWKDVVRFLDWLRQVLQRWKHUQHLJKERXUKRRGV
,QPDQ\FDVHVWKH$VVRFLDWLRQSURYLGHGWKHQHLJKERXUKRRGZLWKDQLGHQWLW\8QWLOWKHVWKH\ZHUHQHLJK-
ERXUKRRGVZLWKRXWKLVWRU\DVWKH\ZHUHFUHDWHGE\HPLJUDQWVIURPWKHYLOODJHVZHXVHWKHGHQRPLQDWLRQ
most commonly used “barrios” – neighbourhoods- for the territorial unit in general. Thus the term in these VHQVHDOVRLQFOXGHVGLVWULFWVWRZQVYLOODJHVHWF7KHDVVRFLDWLRQV³FUHDWHGKLVWRU\´LQHDFKQHLJKERXU-
KRRGRUJDQL]LQJFXOWXUDOVRFLDOVSRUWVHYHQWVFUHDWLQJQHZIHVWLYLWLHVDQGSDWURQVDQGLQWHUQDOHGXFDWLYH
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7KHUHZDVDFOHDUGLYLVLRQEHWZHHQWKHDXWRFUDWLFSRZHUWKHSROLWLFDOFODVVRIWKDWWLPHDQGWKHFLWL-
]HQV7KHVRFLDODQGDVVRFLDWLYHQHWZRUNZDVLQWHUPLQJOHGDVPRVWDVVRFLDWLRQVZHUHFUHDWHGIURPDORFDO
VRFLDO QHWZRUN DQG ZHUH DW WKH VDPH WLPH VRFLDO PRYHPHQWV7KH QHLJKERXUV¶ DVVRFLDWLRQV $$99
ZHUHVHWXSWRLPSURYHWKHFRQGLWLRQVRIWKHVHQHZQHLJKERXUKRRGVZKLFKKDGVFDUFHDQGSRRUIDFLOLWLHV
DQGVHUYLFHVEDGXUEDQL]DWLRQODFNRISXEOLFWUDQVSRUWVFKRROVVRFLDOPHGLFDODQGFXOWXUDOFHQWUHV«,WV
HPHUJHQFHZDVUHODWLYHO\VSRQWDQHRXVDQGDSDUWLGLVW (not associated to any political party), as many other social movements that have succeeded. 6SRQWDQHRXV because neighbours joined to solve real problems and DSDUWLGLVWEHFDXVHWKH\JDWKHUHGPLOLWDQWVIURPGLIIHUHQWSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVLOOHJDOXQWLOZLWKRXWEHLQJ
XVHGE\DQ\RIWKHP5HODWLYHO\EHFDXVHLWZDVHYLGHQWWKDWPLOLWDQWVDQGDI¿OLDWHVRIWKHOHIWSROLWLFDOSDU-
WLHVKDGDQLQWHUHVWLQWKHFUHDWLRQRIWKRVHDVVRFLDWLRQV$OWKRXJKWKHUHZHUHIHZRIWKHPWKHLUSUHVHQFH
ZDVVLJQL¿FDWLYHDQGJURZLQJ7KH\NQHZWKDWDVLWHYHQWXDOO\KDSSHQHGLQDGLFWDWRULDOUHJLPHWKHVHDV-
VRFLDWLRQVZLOOHQGXSFRQIURQWLQJWKHSRZHUGXHWRWKHQDWXUHRIWKHLUUHLYLQGLFDWLRQVRUWKHLUUHSUHVVLRQ
SURKLELWHGLQVRPHFDVHVWROHUDWHGEXWFRQWUROOHGIRURWKHUVDVVHPEOLHVGLVPDQWOHG«7KHSROLFHUHSUHV-
VLRQZRXOGFDXVHLQGLJQDWLRQDPRQJWKHQHLJKERXUVDQGDQLQFUHDVHLQWKHQXPEHURIVXSSRUWHUVQRWRQO\
RIWKHDVVRFLDWLRQVEXWDOVRRIWKHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVWKHPVHOYHVDQGWKHSROLWLFDOSDUWLHV¿JKWLQJDJDLQVWWKH
dictatorship. The transition from micro-changes (improvements in my neighbourhood) to macro-changes DWDSROLWLFDOOHYHOWRDFKLHYHDGHPRFUDWLFV\VWHPZRXOGEHERXQGWRFRPHQDWXUDOO\
7KH$$99VWULYHGWRKDYHWKHKLJKHVWQXPEHURIDVVRFLDWHVSRVVLEOHEXWWKHPRVWVLJQL¿FDWLYHDVSHFW
LQPRVWRIWKHPZDVWKHFDOOIRUDVVHPEOLHV,QWKHQHLJKERXUKRRGDVVHPEOLHVDQ\QHLJKERXUFRXOGSDU-
WLFLSDWHZLWKRXWGLVWLQFWLRQIURPWKHDVVRFLDWHV7KHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWZHQWEH\RQGWKHQDUURZIUDPHRI
83
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municated on the 05.22.2011)
The social movements of these years succeeded in identifying themselves as part of a global movement, a citizenship social movement, and in stablishing a solid relationship, even in articulating those movements ZLWKWKHWHFKQLFDOH[SHUWV¶WHDPVWKHOHIWSDUWLHVDQGWKHPDVVPHGLDDQDUWLFXODWLRQWKDWLVQRWDOZD\VHDV\
6RPHWKLQJVLPLODUWRZKDWKDVRFFXUUHGZLWKWKHDOWHUJOREDOL]DWLRQPRYHPHQWVDJDLQVWWKH,UDNZDUDQG
WKHPRYHPHQWVRIWKH³LQGLJQDGRV´8VLQJWKHWHUPLQRORJ\RI0DQXHO&DVWHOOVZHFDQUHVXPHLWV
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Second and third scenario: from the crisis of the citizen movements of the 80s to the new generation of the association movements of the 90s
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The neighbours associations lose their role as a main agent against institutions. The change in these is also YLVLEOHDWDOOOHYHOVVWDWHORFDOQHZDXWRQRPLHV$WWKHVDPHWLPHWKHLQVWLWXWLRQVKDYHWDNHQRYHUSDUW
RIWKHPDQDJHPHQWRIWKHVRFLDOLGHQWLWLHVZKLFKKDYHEHFRPHPD\RUVFRXQFLORUVIXOOWLPHGHOHJDWHVRI
SROLWLFDOSDUWLHVRULQVWLWXWLRQV7KHGHFDGHRIWKHVLVLGHQWL¿HGZLWKWKHVHFKDQJHVZKLFKSURYRNHDQ
LUUHYHUVLEOHFULVLVLQWKHFLWL]HQVKLSPRYHPHQWVWKDWZHFDQVXPPDUL]HQRWLQMXVWRQHRUWZRRIWKHSRLQWV
already mentioned but at least in fourteen (see full description in Alberich, 1994, 2007a: 199-201): socio-
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FLDWLRQVSROLWLFDOVHFWDULVPFRPSHWHQFHVRIWKHQHZ&LW\&RXQFLOVWKDWVHHWKHDVVRFLDWLRQVDVFRPSHWLWRUV
DQGGLVSHQVDEOHVWUXFWXUHVFULVLVLQWKHOHIWSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVIHDUIURPWKRVHHQWLWLHVWREHFRQWUROOHGDQG
GLVWUXVWWRZDUGVSROLWLFDOSDUWLHVODFNRIQHZSROLWLFDODQGJOREDOKRUL]RQVEHOLHYLQJWKDWIRUPDOGHPRF-
UDF\ZRXOGUHVROYHHYHU\WKLQJFDXVHVRIWKHVRFDOOHG³GLVFRQWHQW´RIWKHVRUJDQL]DWLRQZHDNQHVVHVLQ
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tive structures create restricted, burocratic channels to lead the eager need of participation of the citizens. ,QWKHVHVWUXFWXUHVFRSLHGIURPWKHSROLWLFDODGPLQLVWUDWLYHORJLFZLWKQXPHURXVFORVHGVHFWRULDOFRXQFLOV
RIDFRQVXOWLQJQDWXUHZLWKRXWFDSDFLW\RIDFWLRQOHVVRIGHFLVLRQWDNLQJLQHI¿FLHQWPRVWRIWKHFLWL]HQV
give up participation.
,QWKLVFRQWH[WRQO\VRPHQHLJKERXUVDVVXPHWKHQHZDGPLQLVWUDWLYHDQGEXURFUDF\UXOHVDQGNHHSWKHLU
DFWLYLVPLQRUJDQL]DWLRQVGXULQJWKHV7KHVHFWRULDOGLYLVLRQIRVWHUHGE\WKHQHZDGPLQLVWUDWLYHLQVWLWX-
WLRQVZKLFKGLGQRWXQGHUVWDQGRIJOREDODVVRFLDWLRQVRQHFRXQFLORUIRUHDFKVHFWRUXUEDQLVPHGXFDWLRQ
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lose their identity as “the association of the neighbourhood” and turn into just another association more. 7KHUHLVDSURJUHVVLYHLQFUHDVHLQWKHDVVRFLDWLYHIUDJPHQWDWLRQGXULQJWKHV0RUHRYHUWKHQHLJKERXUV¶
DVVRFLDWLRQVDUHLQFUHDVLQJO\VHHQDOPRVWDVDQRWKHULQVWLWXWLRQE\WKH\RXQJSHRSOHIURPWKHZRUNLQJGLV-
WULFWVERWKWKHPXQLFLSDOGLVWULFWERDUGVDQGWKHQHLJKERXUV¶DVVRFLDWLRQVUXQDQGPDQDJHFHQWUHVVHUYLFHV
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84
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DFKLHYHVSHFL¿FREMHFWLYHVLQWKHVKRUWWHUPDQGIRUDFRQFUHWHSODFHDUHFUHDWHGIROORZLQJWKHQHZPRGHO
RIYROXQWHHUV¶1*2VZKRVHPHPEHUVZDQWWRSHUIRUPYLVLEOHDQGGLUHFWDFWLRQVWR³KHOS´RWKHUSHRSOH
The distrust in the ideological debate and in politics is ever more evident. +RZHYHUWKHVZLOOVHHRWKHUFKDQJHV6SDLQKDVJUDGXDOO\WXUQHGIURPDFRXQWU\UHFHLYLQJGHYHORS-
ing aids into a state that creates programs of international aid cooperation. This increases the development RI WKH LQWHUQDWLRQDO FRRSHUDWLRQ DVVRFLDWLRQV SURPRWHG DOVR E\ VRPH FRQVHUYDWLYH VROLGDU\ JURXSV ZH
KDYHWR³KHOS´WKHWKLUGZRUOGQRWWRDQDO\VHWKHLQHTXDOLWLHVKHUHRUDVNRXUVHOYHVDERXWWKHUHDVRQZK\
WKH\DUHFDXVHGWKHUH7KHFRPELQDWLRQRIWKHVHIDFWRUVLPSURYHPHQWRILQWHUQDOHFRQRP\DZDUHQHVVRI
WKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOSRYHUW\«SURYRNHVVRPHPRELOLVDWLRQPRYHPHQWVVRPHWLPHVHYHQ³VSRQWDQHRXV´DQG
“explosive”, not bound to any political party and gathering people from different ideologies in the solidar-
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8QLWHG1DWLRQV¶DJUHHPHQWERXQGLQJWKHGHYHORSLQJFRXQWULHVWRSURYLGHWKHDQGRIWKH*%3WRLQWHU-
QDWLRQDOFRRSHUDWLRQSURJUDPV7KLVZLOOEHODWHUNQRZQDVWKH³DQG´DGGLQJRWKHUFODLPVVXFKDV
the condemn of debt to the poorer countries and the improvement of social justice, although these remained DOZD\VLQWKHEDFNJURXQG'XULQJDQGSDFL¿FDQGGLUHFWDFWLRQVRIQRQYLROHQWFLYLOGLVREHGL-
HQFHLQFOXGLQJFDPSVLWHVDQGRFFXSDWLRQRISXEOLFVSDFHVFODLPHGVLPSOHDQGPLQLPXPUHTXLUHPHQWV
until they achieved a state commitment to increase gradually the budget provisions for the cooperation programs. As in the 15M, the camp sites began in Madrid, in Paseo de la Castellana, and from there they VSUHDGWRRWKHUWRZQVDQGFLWLHV
6LQFHWKHPRYHPHQWORVHVJUDGXDOO\LWVJOREDOPRELOLVLQJSRZHUDQGWXUQVLQWRQHZFRRSHUD-
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To sum up, the associative tendencies of the 90s in Spain are generally bound to very different factors such as (from Alberich, 2007b:81):
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GHQFLHV3HQHWUDWHGE\SROLWLFDOSDUWLHVWKH\KDYHDOZD\VEHHQEXWZLWKOHVVSROLWLFDOPDQDJHPHQW
than in the former decades. 7KHFRPELQDWLRQRIROGDQGQHZUDGLFDODQGVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVRNXSDVDQWLIDVFLVWJD\VDQG/*7%
IUHHDQGFRPPXQLWDU\UDGLRV«
7KHVXSSO\RIQHZVHUYLFHVIURPWKHDVVRFLDWLRQVWRJHWKHUZLWKQHZPLQRULWDU\DQGDGPLQLVWUDWLYH
³DVVRFLDWLRQVRIVHUYLFHV´ZKLFKOHDGVWRWKHHPHUJHQFHRIDQHZ³DVVRFLDWLRQEXVLQHVV´PRGHOUHJ-
LVWHUHGDVDQDVVRFLDWLRQEXWZRUNLQJDVDWUDGLQJFRPSDQ\DFRRSHUDWLYHRUDVVHWFRPPXQLWLHV7KH
public administration starts to outsource some services using social organizations.
&UHDWLRQRIQHZ0DQDJHPHQW%RDUGV$KLJKHUSURIHVVLRQDOL]DWLRQLQWKHDVVRFLDWLRQV,QFUHDVHLQWKH
QXPEHURIDI¿OLDWHVZLWKGLIIHUHQWPRWLYDWLRQV
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give an independent but more institutional image 85
6. Volunteering: After their successful participation in the organization of Barcelona 1992 Olympics, WKHSXEOLFDGPLQLVWUDWLRQFUHDWHVQHZGHSDUWPHQWVWRUHFUXLWPHQWIRUFXOWXUDODQGVRFLDOSURMHFWV,WKDV
WREHVDLGWKDWYROXQWHHUSDUWLFLSDWLRQHYHQZKHQLWWXUQVLQWRDIDVKLRQRULQDZD\WRLQLWLDWHDSURIHV-
VLRQDOFDUHHULVDFRPSOH[DQGGLYHUVHVRFLDOSKHQRPHQRQZKLFKFDQQRWEHDFFHSWHGRUUHMHFWHGLQ
general terms. 3HQHWUDWLRQRIXQVROLGDU\YDOXHVLQVRPHROGDQGQHZPRYHPHQWVDQLOOXVHRI1RWLQ0\%DFN<DUG±
1,0%<PRYHPHQWVZKLFKEHFRPHDQWLVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVUHSUHVHQWLQJWKHQHZPLGGOHFODVVZKLFK
ZDQWWRPRYHDZD\IURPWKHVRFLDOO\H[FOXGHGDQGPDUJLQDOSRSXODWLRQLQWKHVRFLHW\RIWKHWKUHH
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phenomena developing at the same time:
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QDWLRQDOUHJLVWHURI¿FHVDQGWKH$XWRQRPRXV&RPPXQLWLHVVKRZVDSHUVLVWHQFHRID³VPDOOKROGLQJ´
WHQGHQF\LQWKHDVVRFLDWLYLVP,QWKHUHZHUHDOUHDG\DVVRFLDWLRQVUHJLVWHUHGDFFRUGLQJWR
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EHIRUH1*26³QRQOXFUDWLYHDVVRFLDWLRQV´RU³YROXQWHHUV¶DVVRFLDWLRQ´ZKHQLQIDFWDOODVVRFLDWLRQV
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social problems cannot come only from the local action. The idea is spread that even the most particu-
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HPHUJH7KHQHZSURSRVDOVDQGDSSURDFKHVVHWGXULQJ5tR6XPPLWWKH¿UVWZRUOGFRQIHUHQFH
RQGHYHORSPHQWDQGHQYLURQPHQWDOLVVXHVDUHJRLQJWREHLQWURGXFHGDWDYHU\ORZSDFHDQGLWLVQRW
until the 2000 decade that “sustainable development” approach becomes predominant - although it LVLQPDQ\FDVHVDIDOVHHWLTXHWWH,QWKHVDPHOLQHZH¿QGWKHPRYHPHQWRWKHUVROLGDU\PRYH-
ments and mobilisations for the condemn of the debt, the anti-Maastricht movement and the natural PHUJLQJRIDOOWKHPZLWKWKHDQWLJOREDOL]DWLRQPRYHPHQWVDWWKHHQGRIWKHV$OOWKHVHFRQVWLWXWH
not only global resistance movements, but also alternative movements or movements calling an “alter-
globalization”
86
Since the end of the century a more global, and thus political, approach is adopted by many associations and movements, due to the global nature of the main problems affecting the population directly: on the one KDQGWKHHQHUJHWLFFULVLVDQGJOREDOFRQWDPLQDWLRQZLWKGDPDJHWKHHQYLURQPHQWDQGWKHOLIHTXDOLW\DQG
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DVDFRQVHTXHQFHDQLQFUHDVHLQWKHLQWHUQDODQGH[WHUQDOLQHTXDOLWLHVIRUFLQJPDQ\HPLJUDQWVRXWRIWKHLU
countries. 'LYHUVLW\DQGSOXUDOLW\KDVEHHQDFRQVWDQWIHDWXUHLQWKHDVVRFLDWLYHPRYHPHQWV+RZHYHUWKHUHLVDOVR
DJUDGXDODZDUHQHVVRIEHORQJLQJWRDFRPPRQFXOWXUHRIDOWUXLVWYDOXHVDQGWKDWDFKLHYHPHQWVZLOORQO\
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referendum and anti-NATO movements emerged, during the 90s, the antecedents of the alter-globalization PRYHPHQWVZHUHDPRQJRWKHUVWKH$QWL0DDVWULFKWPRYHPHQWZKRVHIXOOQDPHZDVSUHFLVHO\0RYHPHQW
against the Europe of Maastricht and the Economic Globalization. With an assambleary and participative QDWXUHLWODVWHGORQJHUWKDQWKHDQWL27$1PRYHPHQWVLQFHLWRQO\KDGDVSHFL¿FREMHFWLYHDQGD¿[HG
FDGXFLW\WRDFKLHYHWKHFHOHEUDWLRQRIDUHIHUHQGXPDQG³ZLQLW´$IWHUPDQDJLQJWRDFKLHYHWKHUHIHUHQ-
GXPZKLFKWKH\ORVWWKHPRYHPHQWZDVGLVVROYHGLQWRVPDOOSODWIRUPVZKLFKJDYHFRQWLQXLW\WRWKHROG
reivindications of the retirement of the North American troops and the elimination of the military bases ZLWKWKHVORJDQ³27$1QR%DVHVIXHUD´1$721R%DVHVRXW7KHVHPRYHPHQWVORVWLQWHQVLW\ZKHQ
WKHHOLPLQDWLRQRIWKHPLOLWDU\EDVHVLQ6SDQLVKWHUULWRU\ZDVLQFOXGHGDVSDUWRIWKHJRYHUQPHQWDJHQGD
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Some associations and anti-NATO organizations participated in the creation of the Anti-Maastricht PRYHPHQWZKLFKLQWURGXFHGDQHZVLJQL¿FDQWGHEDWHLQWKH6SDQLVKVRFLHW\
:KDWNLQGRI(XURSHDQFRPPXQLW\GRZHZDQWWREXLOG"7KH(XURSHRIWKHWUDGHUVOHGE\WKHFDSL-
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assembleary meetings in different European countries.
%XWWKH(XURSHDQJRYHUQPHQWVQHJRWLDWHGWKHFUHDWLRQRIDQHZ³(XURSHDQ8QLRQ´XQWLOWKHQ³(XUR-
pean Community) and signed their Maastricht Agreement on the 7th of February, 1992. The main political SDUWLHVFRLQFLGHGLQGHIHQGLQJWKHDJUHHPHQWDVDQHFHVVDU\FRQGLWLRQWRWKHGHYHORSPHQWRIDQHZ(XUR-
SHDQ8QLRQDQGWKHDQWL0DDVWULFKWPRYHPHQWZDVSUHVHQWHGWRWKHH\HVRIWKHSXEOLFRSLQLRQDVDQDQWL
(XURSHDQPRYHPHQWVRPHWKLQJVLPLODUZRXOGRFFXUODWHUZLWKWKHSURMHFWRIWKH(XURSHDQ&RQVWLWXWLRQLQ
Spain, although not in other countries such as France).
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signed in Maastricht and in other summits: increasing de-regulation of the markets, freedom for the inter-
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DWWKHUHGXFWLRQRIXQHPSOR\PHQWWKHFUHDWLRQRIDQHZPRQHWDU\XQLRQZLWKRXWDFRPPRQ¿VFDOSROLF\
87
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participations of the main Trade Unions, cooperative unions, cultural and families federations, etc.. These constituted an antecedent, in its form and content, of the alter-globalization movements and other social IRUXPV,WLVLPSRVVLEOHWROLVWLQWKLVSDSHUDOOWKHPHHWLQJVDQGQHZPRYHPHQWVWKDWHPHUJHGZLWKGLIIHU-
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JOREDOL]DWLRQPRGH«,ZLOORQO\PHQWLRQWZRVLJQL¿FDWLYHH[DPSOHVWKH,QWHUQDWLRQDO=DSDWLVWD0RYH-
ment (starting from the proposals of the Mexican movement led by VXEFRPDQGDQWH0DUFRVZKLFKHYROYHG
IURPWKH*XHUULOODWRPRUHSDFL¿FDOWHUQDWLYHVDQGWKHPHHWLQJKHOGLQ0DGULGLQZLWKWKHVLJQL¿FD-
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NGOs on the occasion of the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the creation of the IMF, WB and GATT.
Fourth scenario. From 2000 until now. Alter world movements and social forums $WWKHEHJLQQLQJRIWKLVFHQWXU\VRPHRIWKHFKDUDFWHULVWLFVRIWKHIRUPHUGHFDGHDUHUHSURGXFHGZLWK
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renovation of the management boards of some traditional associations (part of the AA.VV.),a lack of trans-
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though minoritary and more or less restricted to foundations, bring certain discredit upon the associative sector. Luckily enough most entities react on time, specially the bigger associations and the federations, improving their internal control procedures, implementing ethic statement policies and management trans-
SDUHQF\1RQHWKHOHVVVRPHRIWKHSUREOHPVSUHYDLOSUHFDULRXVHPSOR\PHQWZLWKFRQWUDFWVGHSHQGHQWRQ
SXEOLFVXEVLGLHVDPDQDJHPHQWEDVHGRQSDWHUQDOLVPKLHUDUFKL]DWLRQ«7KHLQFUHDVHRISULYDWH¿QDQF-
LQJZLWKWKHGHYHORSPHQWRIWKH&RUSRUDWLYH6RFLDO5HVSRQVLELOLW\DQGWKHXVHRIDVVRFLDWLRQVIRUWKH
SULYDWL]DWLRQRISXEOLFVHUYLFHVKDYHFRQWULEXWHGWRPDNHVRPHSUREOHPVZRUVHDOWKRXJKWKH\KDYHDOVR
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a living” and that they have abandoned the ideals of a social change. 4XLWHDQRSSRVLWHFDVHLVWKDWRIWKHUHLYLQGLFDWLYHVRFLRSROLWLFDOPRYHPHQWVZKLFKKDYHHPHUJHGDURXQG
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Possible, and the Trade Unions, main NGOs and political parties of the traditional left, has been repre-
sented by the VRFLDOIRUXPVVSHFLDOO\E\WKH6RFLDO)RUXPVRI3RUWR$OHJUHLQDQG7KHVHQHZ
forums have been developed from annual meetings into long term organizations, operating at different OHYHOVQDWLRQDOORFDODQGZLWKGLIIHUHQWIRUPVVRPHRIWKHPDUHDOPRVWH[FOXVLYHO\DFRPELQDWLRQRI
the acronyms of the organizations recognized by the institutions and others have succeeded in creating a PRYHPHQWIRUXPZLWKDORWRISHRSOHDQGFROOHFWLYHVSDUWLFLSDWLQJGLUHFWO\
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counter-summits (as it occurred before), they are constituted by themselves as a nexus for the setting of local and global alternatives. One of these World Alternative Meetings is the Forum of Local and Regional Authorities in Porto Alegre, that since 2001 holds annual meetings at the same time that the Social Forum DQGVLPLODUO\LQGLIIHUHQWFLWLHV7KLVLVDPHHWLQJSRLQWEHWZHHQORFDOUHSUHVHQWDWLYHVWKDWLQWHUFKDQJH
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The success of meetings such as the counter-summit of Seattle (1999), Prague or Geneve (2001) has IDYRXUHGWKHUHSHWLWLRQRIFHUWDLQFRPPRQFKDUDFWHULVWLFVDPRQJWKHSDUWLFLSDWLQJDOWHUZRUOGJURXSV7KHLU
reivindications and operating procedures clearly remind us to those used by the 15M and other “indignates” PRYHPHQWV0DQ\RIWKHLQQRYDWLRQVDQGQHZLGHDVDWWULEXWHGWRWKH0ZHUHDOUHDG\SUHVHQWLQWKHVH
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LVDFRPPRQDJUHHPHQWRQWKHPDLQREMHFWLYHV$QHZHWKLFIRUWKHJURXSVLQPRYHPHQW is created. 1HZIRUPVRILQWHUQDORUJDQL]DWLRQPRUHÀH[LEOHQRQKLHUDUFKLFDORSHQDQGDVVHPEOHDU\VSDFHVLQ
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external participative democracy )RUPORFDODFWLRQJOREDOWKLQNLQJ´DQGWKHDFWLRQDWDPLFUROHYHOWRWKHJOREDODFWLRQZLWKDORFDOWKLQNLQJ
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6. To pay more attention to the analysis of the reality. Critical acceptance of the technological innova-
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PDQ\FDVHVWKHUROHVDUHGLVWULEXWHGDVIROORZVWKHELJ1*2VFDUU\RXWµUHOLDEOH¶VWXGLHVDQGSURSRVDOV
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the mobilisations, changing and overcoming to a great extent their bad social image”.
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current “indignates” movements: ³7KHPDQLSXODWLRQRUWKHSHUPDQHQWDWWHPSWWRPDQLSXODWHLQIRUPDWLRQE\WKHPDVVPHGLDPDVVIRU-
PDWLRQPHGLDDFFRUGLQJWR$JXVWtQ*DUFtD&DOYRZKLFKDPSOLI\FHUWDLQPRYHPHQWVDQGVLWXDWLRQV
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and leaves out others. 89
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Internet.
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mulation of global, alternative and concrete proposals (such as the “Tobin Tax” proposal)” (Alberich, 2007a:208).
Most of these features, either positive or not, are present in the current movements. For instance the easy GLVSRVLWLRQWRWKHFULWLTXHWRGLVDJUHHZLWKWKHFXUUHQWVLWXDWLRQEXWWKHGLI¿FXOW\WRVHHNDOWHUQDWLYHVDQG
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18th of May: “The negative side of this program is clear (NOT to the existing situation) but the positive VLGHWKHDOWHUQDWLYHVWRVXEVWLWXWHZKDWLVRXWGDWHGLVQRW,WLVQHFHVVDU\WRHODERUDWHQHZSURSRVDOVDQGD
devise to measure their possible social support. It is not easy to elaborate a program, but it is the only thing that can give cohesion to the movement” (Cotarelo, 2011:47).
The 15M and the differences with former movements. 2QHRIWKHGLIIHUHQFHVUHVSHFWIRUPHUPRYHPHQWVLVWKDWWKH0LVERUQZLWKWKHLQWHQWLRQWREHDVLQJOH
XQLWDU\PRYHPHQWZLWKFDSDFLW\RIDFWLRQ7KHDOWHUZRUOGPRYHPHQWVKDGEHHQWKHVXPRIPRYHPHQWV
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these platforms, including collective and individual participants.
The 15M is not simply a sum of Spanish organizations such as “Democracia Real”, “Juventud sin Fu-
turo”, No le votes, etc (movements that constituted at the same time unitary platforms and called for the 15thRI0D\GHPRQVWUDWLRQV7KH0VLQFHWKHVDPHGD\RILWVRI¿FLDOELUWK±ZLWKWKH¿UVWPDVVLYHDV-
semblies and the camp sites of May 17thLVFUHDWHGDVDXQLWDU\PRYHPHQWLQZKLFKHDFKLQGLYLGXDOPXVW
SDUWLFLSDWHLQLWVRZQQDPHDQGRQO\LQKLVKHURZQUHSUHVHQWDWLRQRQHSHUVRQRQHYRWHDQGLISRVVLEOHQR
YRWLQJDWDOO7KLVRSHUDWLRQSURFHGXUHVZHUHSUHVHQWEHIRUHRQO\LQVRPHVPDOOHUHQWLWLHVVXFKDVVRPH
social forums (for instance the )RUR6RFLDOGHOD6LHUUDGH*XDGDUUDPD) or in the recently created 0HVDV
GH&RQYHUJHQFLD&LXGDGDQD (in 2010).
Also from the beginning it is clear the intention to blend in the leading organizations calling for the mo-
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E\VRPHSDUWLFLSDQWVZKLFKUHMHFWVWDWHPHQWVVXFKDV³ZHDUHDSROLWLFDO´DQGRWKHUVWDWHPHQWVLPSO\LQJ
that WKLVLVVRPHWKLQJQHZWKDWKDVEHHQERUQRQWKHWKRI0D\IRUPHUPRYHPHQWVDUHXVHOHVV. Some of them publicly criticize the intention to forget or delete the history of a great number of alternative social RUPRYHPHQWVRIUHVLVWDQFHDJDLQVWWKHV\VWHP7KHDQVZHUVJLYHQOLWWOHE\OLWWOHZHUHFODULI\LQJWKHSUR-
cess: the 15M is DSDUWLGLVW (not associated to any political party), but it is not apolitical, and it is something From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
90
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people and had the public sympathy during a lot of years. But the violent incidents in Italy, performed by the block black and police force repression against the Social Forum of Geneve, 2001 (one victim killed E\JXQVKRWVWKHYLROHQWSROLFHUHSUHVVLRQLQ%DUFHORQDDQGWKHYLROHQWUHVSRQVHRIVRPHGHPRQVWUDWRUV
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conservative mass media that have labeled them as violent).
As other former movements the 15M emerges as a response to a negative situation (in this case the cri-
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cannot be “only” against the crisis. We could say “not to the NATO”, “not to Maastricht (not to the signing RUMRLQLQJWKHRUJDQL]DWLRQRU³QRWWRWKH,UDNZDUQRWWRWKH6SDQLVKSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQWKH,UDNZDURU\HV
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crisis”. The socioeconomic crisis is a complex and diffuse phenomenon and the systemic and “cascade” QDWXUHRIWKLVFULVLVPDNHVLWVDQDO\VLVDQGWKHFRQFUHWLRQRIDOWHUQDWLYHVROXWLRQVPRUHGLI¿FXOW
Some consequences and future scenarios
The 15M movement is set up and organized as a social and political movement since it recognizes itself as a transforming agent. It must be taken into account that: ,WKDVEHHQDEOHWRHVWDEOLVKJXLGHOLQHVLQWKHSROLWLFDJHQGDVGHEDWHVDERXWWKHFKDQJHRIWKHHOHFWRUDO
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them to include internal referendums, primary elections, to increase their democracy and reduce their party machine. 2QWKHRWKHUKDQGLWFODLPVIRUD³UHPRELOL]DWLRQ´LQWKHQDWLRQDOSROLF\PRUHDFWLRQDQGOHVVRIIWKH
record negotiations and SDFWLVP
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PLQLPXPHOHFWRUDOTXRWDLQWKHVKRUWWHUPRULIQHZDOWHUQDWLYHSDUWLHVZLOOFDSWXUHDJUHDWSDUWRIWKH
91
votes in the future (see changes that took place in Italy in the 90s. We have had in Spain a bipartidist DQGVWDEOHHOHFWRUDOPDSXQWLOQRZ
The Future
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platform, although some may attempt it.
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LVWVZDQWWRFRQVWLWXWHWKH0DVDVRFLRSROLWLF±DQGHFRQRPLFSUHVVXUHJURXSSHUPDQHQWO\DFWLYH
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Challenges 7KH0LVD³ORQJZDYH´PRYHPHQWLWLVQRWMXVWDSDUWLFXODUPRELOL]DWLRQ,WLVQRWJRLQJWRGLVDS-
SHDUVLQFHWKHUHDUHDORWRISHRSOHLQWHUHVWHGLQLWVFRQWLQXDWLRQ%XWZHVKRXOGEHDULQPLQGWKDW
$VVHPEOLHVDQGSHUPDQHQWGHEDWHDUHWLUHVRPH7KHVHKDYHGLVFRXUDJHGDORWRISDUWLFLSDQWV,WLVQHF-
HVVDU\WRVHHNPRUHHI¿FLHQWIRUPXODVRIZRUNDQGDFWLRQ7KLVFDQOHDGWRLQWHUQDOVSOLWVDQGUXSWXUHV
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a participative and democratic self-organization, essentially horizontal and consolidated as a unitary platform. 7KHVSHDNHUVRIWKHPRYHPHQWVKRXOGKDYHFRQWLQXLW\DOWKRXJKWKH\KDYHWREHSOXUDODQGHOHFWHGLQD
URWDV\VWHPLQRUGHUWRNHHSDÀXHQWUHODWLRQVKLSZLWKWKHPDVVPHGLDIURPGLIIHUHQWWHQGHQFLHV
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The 15M has gradually changed from a “social movement” integrating all the activists, to be “another VRFLDOPRYHPHQW´7KLVGHPDQGVPRGHUDWLRQDQGWRNHHSUHODWLRQVZLWKRWKHUVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVDWWKH
same level. The 15M movement has already supported other mobilizations such as “the green tide” WHDFKHUVDQGVWXGHQWVSURWHVWVDJDLQVWVZHHSLQJEXGJHWFXWVLQHGXFDWLRQZKLFKUHSUHVHQWVDVWHS
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92
References
15M Gabinete de prensa: 2011, “Propuestas Acampada Sol 22.05.2011”. En £,QGLJQDGRV0. Selección de materiales recopilados por Fernando Cabal. España, Mandala Ediciones. Alberich, Tomás: 1994, Política Local, Participación y Asociacionismo. Tesis Doctoral. Universidad Complutense de Madrid. BD³&RQWUDGLFFLRQHV\HYROXFLyQGHPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVHQ(VSDxD´(Q'RFXPHQWDFLyQ6RFLDOQ0DGULG&iULWDV(VSDxROD
Ed.
BE³$VRFLDFLRQHV\0RYLPLHQWRV6RFLDOHVHQ(VSDxDFXDWURGpFDGDVGHFDPELRV´(Q³-yYHQHVJOREDOL]DFLyQ\PRYLPLHQWRV
DOWHUPXQGLVWDV´PRQRJUi¿FRGH5HYLVWDGH(VWXGLRVGH-XYHQWXGQ0DGULG,1-89(
Castells, Manuel: 1986, /DFLXGDG\ODVPDVDV, Alianza Universidad, Madrid.
B&RPXQLFDFLyQ\3RGHU. Madrid, Alianza Editorial.
&RWDUHOR5DPyQ³(VWRHVVRORHOFRPLHQ]R«GHPD\R(Q£,QGLJQDGRV0. Selección de materiales recopilados por Fernando Cabal. España, Mandala Ediciones. Bauman, Zygmunt: 2006, &RPXQLGDG(QEXVFDGHVHJXULGDGHQXQPXQGRKRVWLO. Madrid, Siglo XXI de España Editores. )HUQiQGH]6DYDWHU$PDGRUHQKWWSEORJVSXEOLFRHVIXHUDGHOXJDU&%)FRPRVHRUJDQL]DXQFOLPD
Tezanos, José Felix: 2011, conferencia en la Universidad Popular de Jaén (25.10.11, no publicado).
93
Continuities and Discontinuities in Recent Social Mobilizations. From New Social Movements to the Alter-Global Mobilizations and the 15M
BENJAMÍN TEJERINA and IGNACIA PERUGORRÍA UPV-EHU and Rutgers University
Abstract
Our paper seeks to analyze the novel and long-term characteristics of the recent mobi-
OL]DWLRQVLQ6SDLQ2XUPDLQREMHFWLYHLVWRLGHQWLI\WKHGH¿QLQJWUDLWVRIFROOHFWLYHDF-
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LQ:HZLOOIRFXVRQWKUHHPDLQDQDO\WLFDOD[HVDJHQWVLGHQWLW\DQGVSDFHWU\-
ing to establish their historicity, that is, their presence or absence in both former social movements and current mobilizations.
The spatial dimension refers to the local versus global and co-presential versus virtual FKDUDFWHULVWLFVRIFROOHFWLYHDFWLRQ7KLVDQDO\VLVLPSOLHVDIRFXVRQWKHPRELOL]DWLRQV¶
demands, the repertoire of actions, and the display of emotions. Emotions are also inter-
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give special attention to activists and social movement organizations, decision-making processes and adaptability and resilience of organizational forms.
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graphic material collected during ethnographic observations in camps (DFDPSDGDV) and DVVHPEOLHV'DWDZDVJDWKHUHGIROORZLQJWKHSULQFLSOHVRIWKHRUHWLFDOVDPSOLQJ2XU
analysis of these data is in exploratory phase, and is constructed in order to develop a preliminary analytical understanding of the phenomenon.
Keywords
social movements, 15M, identity, space.
Introduction
The global scenario of social mobilization is rapidly mutating. Periods of relative continuity and stabil-
ity are being altered in an abrupt fashion by moments of effervescence that seem to be marking a point of IUDFWXUHZLWKWKHSDVW7KHVHUHFHQWFKDQJHVLQWKHG\QDPLFVRIFRQWHQWLRXVSROLWLFVDUHSDUWO\FDSWXUHGE\
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OHYHOVRIXQHPSOR\PHQWDQGWKHH[SDQVLRQRIVRFLDOLQHTXDOLWLHV$QGVHFRQGZLWKWKHPDQDJHPHQWRI
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94
deepening or expanding democratic procedures, as fossilized by the rising bureaucratization of political OLIHDQGDVFULSSOHGDQGFRUUXSWE\ZRUOGPDUNHWV
Given its multiple sources and diverse manifestations, the task of assessing and diagnosing the current state of affairs is especially arduous. The realities of countries in Northern Africa such as Egypt, Tunisia, /\ELD0RUURFFR$UJHORULQWKH0LGGOH(DVWVXFKDV,VUDHODQG6\ULDVKRZLPSRUWDQWQXDQFHVDPRQJ
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,WDO\RU6SDLQ7KH6SDQLVKFDVHLVSDUWLFXODUO\VLJQL¿FDQWGXHWRERWKWKHGUDVWLFFRQVHTXHQFHVRIWKHHFR-
nomic crisis on social life and the labor market, and to the progressive erosion of the maneuver capacity of governments and politicians. Moreover, the 15M movement has served as beacon for mobilizations in RWKHU(XURSHDQDQG$PHULFDQFRXQWULHV7KHVHUHDVRQVDORQHZRXOGHQFRXUDJHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVFKRODUV
to pay special attention to the characteristics and peculiarities of 15M. ,IZHKRZHYHUEURDGHQRXUIRFXVWRWKHHYROXWLRQRI6SDQLVKVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVLQWKHODVWIHZGHFDGHV
ZH¿QGDGGLWLRQDOHOHPHQWVWKDWJLYHDSDWLQDRIH[FHSWLRQDOVFLHQWL¿FDWWUDFWLYHQHVVWRWKH0$PRQJ
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5LJKWLQDIDLOHGDWWHPSWWRFORVHKLVWRULFDOKHDUWIHOWZRXQGVWKHSURFHVVRILQVWLWXWLRQDOGHFHQWUDOL]D-
WLRQGHULYHGIURPWKHULVLQJWHQVLRQVEHWZHHQ0DGULGDQGWKHQDWLRQDOLVWSHULSKHU\%DVTXH&RXQWU\DQG
&DWDORQLDPDLQO\WKHSUDFWLFHRIDUPHGVWUXJJOHRUWHUURULVPIRUSROLWLFDOSXUSRVHVDQGWKHDFWLYDWLRQRI
D³VRFLDOEDVH´DQGD³SROLWLFDODUP´WRVXSSRUWFRPSOHPHQWDQGOHJLWLPL]HWKDWXQGHUJURXQGDFWLYLW\DQG
¿QDOO\WKHHPHUJHQFHRIDQDOWHUJOREDOPRYHPHQWWKDWDVLQRWKHUFRXQWULHVFKDQJHGWKHUXOHVRIWKHVR-
FLDOPRYHPHQWGRPHVWLFJDPH:HZLOODQDO\]HWKLVFRPSOH[DQGIDVFLQDWLQJHYROXWLRQLQWKH¿UVWVHFWLRQ
of our paper. %HIRUHGHOYLQJLQWRWKHDQDO\VLVRIWKH0ZHZLOORIIHUDGHVFULSWLRQRIWKHVRFLRKLVWRULFDOFRQWH[W
DQGWKHF\FOHRISURWHVWDPLGVWZKLFKLWHPHUJHG$VZHZLOOVKRZWKLVFRQWH[WSUHVHQWVQRWDEOHVSHFL¿FL-
WLHV2XUVWXG\RIWKH0ZLOOFRQFHQWUDWHLQWZRGLPHQVLRQV)LUVWWKHFRJQLWLYHDQGHPRWLRQDOSURFHVVHV
IHHGLQJWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIDVRFLDOPRYHPHQWLGHQWLW\WKHHVWDEOLVKPHQWRILGHQWLW\ERXQGDULHVEHWZHHQ
D³ZH´DQGD³WKHP´DJDLQVWZKLFKFROOHFWLYHDFWLRQKDVEHHQGLUHFWHGDQGWKHV\PEROLFDQGXWRSLDQHOH-
PHQWVFRQGHQVHGLQ0VORJDQVDQGPRWWRV6HFRQGZHZLOOIRFXVRQWKHVSDWLDOGLPHQVLRQRI0PR-
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bottom-up through the (re-)occupation of the public space, and a “disembodied” political praxis mediated E\WKHSRVVLELOLWLHVDQGFRQVWUDLQWVRIIHUHGE\WKH,QWHUQHWDQGRQOLQHVRFLDOQHWZRUNV
Recent Evolution of Social Movements in Spain
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mobilizations. In this regard, Spain has not been an exception. The democratization of political institu-
tions, the fall of the Soviet block, the ensuing socioeconomic crises, the process of globalization, and the GLVVHPLQDWLRQRIQHZWHFKQRORJLHVKDYHJHQHUDWHGSURIRXQGUHFRQ¿JXUDWLRQVLQWKHVRFLDOPRYHPHQW¿HOG
In trying to grasp these transformations, international scholars have distinguished three types of social PRYHPHQWVWKHODERUPRYHPHQWQHZVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVHJIHPLQLVWHQYLURQPHQWDOLVWDQGSDFL¿VWPRYH-
ments), and the alter-global mobilizations (Calle 2005). 95
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identities to plural and multi-dimensional ones, no longer interpreted as mutually exclusive but as comple-
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6ROLGKLHUDUFKLFDORUJDQL]DWLRQVZLWKFOHDUO\GHPDUFDWHGUXOHVRIEHORQJLQJKDYHDOVREHHQUHSODFHG
E\QHWZRUNVZLWKOD[HQWU\UHTXLUHPHQWVDQGQRGHVZLWKPXOWLSOHDQGRIWHQRYHUODSSLQJDI¿OLDWLRQV$G-
GLWLRQDOO\WKHIURQWLHUVHVWDEOLVKHGEHWZHHQVRFLDOPRYHPHQWRUJDQL]DWLRQVDUHQRORQJHUXQGHUVWRRGDV
LQVXSHUDEOHDQWDJRQLVPVEXWDVOLQHVGHPDUFDWLQJKLJKO\VSHFLDOL]HG¿HOGVRIDFWLRQ7KHVHERUGHUVDUH
QRQHWKHOHVVSHUPHDEOHDQGWKH\DUHWUHVSDVVHGZKHQHYHUWKHGLDJQRVWLFDQGSURJQRVWLFDQDO\VLVHODERUDWHG
by militants deems it necessary.
Public discourse is, in turn, no longer inspired by a stiff and self-contained system of ideas focusing on PDWHULDOZHOIDUHEXWE\DQRSHQDQGÀRZLQJDPDOJDPRILGHRORJLFDOSRVWXODWHVLQFUHDVLQJO\FHQWHUHGRQ
the deepening of democracy in daily life and everyday practices (Tejerina 2010a). Revolutionary goals in-
scribed in trans-historical narratives have been replaced by reformist and, lately, rebellious, reactive, short-
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ments are perhaps the clearest example of the latter. 6WUDWHJLHVDQGWDFWLFVKDYHEHHQWRQHGGRZQDQGOLPLWHGWRDQDUUD\RIIRFDOWKRXJKKLJKO\VSHFWDFXODU
interventions characterized by episodic actions of civil disobedience and the short-term occupation of the SXEOLFVSDFH,IZHFRXQWRXWWKHLQFRUSRUDWLRQRIQHZWHFKQRORJLHVHJPRELOHSKRQHVHOHFWURQLFPDLO
DQGVRFLDOPHGLDVXFKDV)DFHERRNDQG7ZLWWHUWKHUHSHUWRLUHRIFROOHFWLYHDFWLRQKDVQRWREVHUYHGPDMRU
LQQRYDWLRQV0DVVLYHGHPRQVWUDWLRQVDUHQRZFRPSOHPHQWHGE\GLJLWDOO\GULYHQDQGWKXVOHVVYLVLEOH³VRIW
actions”, but the format of pedagogical, denunciatory or pressure-exerting actions has been inherited from previous militant generations. 7KHSUR¿OHRIDFWLYLVWVKDVDOVRVXIIHUHGLPSRUWDQWWUDQVIRUPDWLRQVRYHUWKHODVWIHZGHFDGHVWKH\FXU-
rently have higher levels of formal education, come from middle class households, have a tardier entrance WRSROLWLFDOPLOLWDQF\DQGFRPSOHPHQWWKLVW\SHRIHQJDJHPHQWZLWKYDULRXVRWKHUV,QDGGLWLRQ\RXQJHU
PLOLWDQWVLQWKHODVWIHZ\HDUVKDYHWHQGHGWRJLYHDSROLWLFDOVHQVHWRWKHLUYLWDOSURMHFWV&RQYHUVHO\SDVW
DFWLYLVWVXVHGWRJLYHDYLWDOPHDQLQJWRWKHLUSROLWLFDOHQJDJHPHQWSROLWLFVZDVDWWKHQXFOHXVRIWKHLUOLYHV
7KLVLQYHUVLRQEHWZHHQ³OLIH´DQGSROLWLFVFRXOGEHVLJQDOLQJDFKDQJHLQWKHSURFHVVHVRISROLWLFDOVRFLDO-
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Additionally, the generational relief of militants has been marked by a steep decline in their gross num-
bers. This is probably explained by the shrinking of organizational structures and spaces of interaction that XVHGWRIDFLOLWDWHWKHUHFUXLWPHQWRIV\PSDWKLVHUV.H\SHULRGVRIVRFLDOFRQÀLFWDQGHIIHUYHUVFHQFHVXFK
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as punctual oases cropping up in long-term mobilizational deserts. This discontinuity could be partially accounted for by the gradual institutionalization of social protest and the proggressive normalization of political life.
96
Context of Emergence of 15M
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mestic facts: the bursting of a decade-long real estate bubble, and the implosion of the associated lending PDUNHW)ROORZLQJWKHOHDGRIRWKHUGHYHORSHGFRXQWULHVWKHJRYHUQPHQWUDSLGO\FUHDWHGDELOOLRQHXUR
bail-out fund and began to rescue vulnerable banks. In addition, it urged the merger of savings banks that KDGOHQWKHDYLO\GXULQJWKHSURSHUW\ERRPLQOHVVWKDQRQH\HDUWKHQXPEHURIWKHVHEDQNVZDVFXWGRZQ
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also adopted an economic stimulus plan. The pack included an 8 billion-euro investment in infrastructure, WKHH[WHQVLRQRIMREOHVVVXEVLGLHVWRWKHORQJWHUPXQHPSOR\HGDQGDHXURµ%DE\&KHFN¶IRUHDFK
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The recession ravaged most Spaniards, but had a particularly severe impact on the young. Unemploy-
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LQDV\VWHPRIWHPSRUDU\FRQWUDFWVDQGSRRUO\SDLGORZVWDWXVMREVFRPSOHWHO\XQUHODWHGWRZKDWWKH\
ZHUHWUDLQHGIRU$VVXFKWKH6SDQLVK\RXQJZDVIRUFHGWRUHVLJQWRDNH\WUDLWRIDGXOWKRRGLQODWH
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$IWHU LQLWLDOO\ GHQ\LQJ WKH 6SDQLVK HFRQRP\ ZDV LQ WURXEOH LQ 0D\ SUHVLGHQW =DSDWHUR DQ-
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³%DE\&KHFN´DQGWKHIUHH]LQJRISHQVLRQLQFUHDVHV$VWDONVDERXW*UHHFH¶VSRWHQWLDOHFRQRPLFEDLORXW
EHJDQWRLQWHQVLI\DWWHQWLRQWXUQHGRQ6SDLQDPLGZRUULHVRYHULWVSXEOLFGH¿FLWSHUFHQWRILWV*'3
$VDUHVXOWWKHJRYHUQPHQWFRQWLQXHGWRSDVVDXVWHULW\PHDVXUHVFRPELQLQJWKHPZLWKDFRQVLGHUDEOH
ULVHLQWKH9DOXH$GGHG7D[,QDGGLWLRQDODERUPDUNHWUHIRUPZDVDSSURYHGLQ6HSWHPEHUSUHVHQWHG
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HPSOR\HUVWRKLUHDQG¿UHZRUNHUV,QODWH6HSWHPEHUWUDGHXQLRQVFDOOHGIRUWKH¿UVWJHQHUDOVWULNHLQDGH-
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negligible. In January 2011, the government passed a pension reform raising the retirement age from 65 WRWKXVKLQGHULQJWKH³UHSOHQHVKLQJ´RIODERUSRVWV7KLVWLPHVXUSULVLQJO\WKHXQLRQVZHUHRQERDUG
In March 2011 university students called for a general strike. Thousands of students marched through-
out the country in protest against the unemployment rate, labor precariousness, the rise in tuition fees, the %RORJQD3ODQDQGEXGJHWFXWVLQHGXFDWLRQ$IHZGD\VODWHUWKHSODWIRUP<RXWK:LWKRXW)XWXUH-XYHQ-
tud Sin Futuro) organized a demonstration against the economic crisis and the bipartisan “PPSOE parti-
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Figure 1. Youth Without Future Demonstration on April 6, 2011. Note: The placard reads: “Homeless – Jobless – Pensionless;; Fearless Youth;; Recovering Our Future!;; This is just the Beginning”. The photograph is available online. %XW6SDLQ¶VLQWHUQDOUHVWOHVVQHVVGLGQRW³DFW´DORQHLWZDVERRVWHGE\DFKDLQRILQWHUQDWLRQDOIDFWRUV
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revolution” against neoliberal adjustment policies, and the mobilizations of the Portuguese “Generation in Trouble” or “Desperate Generation” (*HUDomRj5DVFD), again, the young. The disclosure of WikiLeaks GRFXPHQWVVKRZLQJ6SDQLVKJRYHUQPHQWRI¿FLDOVWREHOHVVWKDQIRUWKULJKWDQG6WpSKDQH+HVVHO¶VERRN
Time for Outrage! (,QGLJQH]YRXVDOVRFROODERUDWHGLQLQÀDPLQJ6SDQLVKSDVVLRQV7KHUHZDVQ¶WDVLQJOH
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FRQWH[WWKHFDOOLVVXHGE\WKHGLJLWDOSODWIRUP5HDO'HPRFUDF\1RZ'5<'HPRFUDFLD5HDO<D) to take WKHVWUHHWVZDV³MXVW´WKHVSDUNWKDWLJQLWHGWKHVRFDOOHG³LQGLJQDGRV” mobilizations. 8VLQJ7ZLWWHUDQG)DFHERRN'5<FDOOHG³WKHXQHPSOR\HGWKHSRRUO\SDLGWKHVXEFRQWUDFWRUVWKHSUH-
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DQGEDQNHUV”. Despite being silenced by the corporate media channels, hundreds of thousands of people WRRNWRWKHVWUHHWVLQ¿IW\6SDQLVKFLWLHVVPDOOVXSSRUWLQJGHPRQVWUDWLRQVZHUHDOVRRUJDQLVHGLQ'XEOLQ
$PVWHUGDP,VWDQEXO%RORJQD3DULV/RQGRQDQG/LVERQ&RKHUHQWO\ZLWKWKH³WKH\GRQ¶WUHSUHVHQWXV´
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or trade union acronyms. From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
98
Figure 2. Real Democracy Now! Demonstration on May 15, 2011. Note: The placard reads: “Read Democracy Now! We are not commodities in the hands of politicians and bankers”. The photograph is available online. 7ULJJHUHGE\WKHSROLWLFDODQGSROLFHPLVPDQDJHPHQWRIWKH0PRELOL]DWLRQLQWKHIROORZLQJHYH-
QLQJVWKHFDOOLQJIRU³5HDO'HPRFUDF\1RZ´TXLFNO\JDYHZD\WRDQ³2FFXS\WKH6TXDUH´³7RPDOD
SOD]D”) movement. Despite the explicit restrictions made by the electoral bodies and the constant threat of evictions, the DFDPSDGDVKHOGWKHVTXDUHVLQVHYHUDO6SDQLVKFLWLHVXQWLOPLG-XO\WKHVHRFFXSDWLRQV
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day-to-day functioning of the DFDPSDGDV WKH\ FRQFHQWUDWHG RQ LVVXHV VXFK DV FOHDQLQJ LQIUDVWUXFWXUH
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sustainability, short-term and long-term politics, international liasons, etc. Finally, the DFDPSDGDVKHOGWKHLURZQDVVHPEOLHVDQGDOVRJHQHUDODVVHPEOLHVIRUQRQFDPSLQJSDU-
ticipants. When the camps could no longer be held in mid-June, they gave rise and passed the torch to GHFHQWUDOLVHGDVVHPEOLHVLQVPDOOYLOODJHVDQGQHLJKERXUKRRGVRIODUJHFLWLHV7KLVPRYHPHQWWRZDUGV³WKH
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of the Spanish “LQGLJQDGRV´DVWKH\ZHUHWULYLDOO\ODEHOOHGE\WKHPDVVPHGLDZDVUDSLGO\FRS\FDWWHGLQ
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99
Figure 3. Banners Utilized in the “Occupy” Demonstrations that Took Place all over the World on October 15, 2011. Note: The placard on the left reads: “Let’s stop the cuts. Let’s rescue persons NOW!!! United for global change. Take the street”. The placard on the right reads: “#WorldRevolution. We need an ethical revolution, a change of course. This system treats human beings as numbers and not as persons. Together we can change it”.
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Forging a 15M Identity
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lective identities amidst social movements composed of “publics” (Mische 2005), that is, of interstitial DFWLYLVWIRUXPVZKHUHSDUWLFLSDQWVEXLOGUHODWLRQVDQGSXUVXHMRLQWDFWLRQVWKURXJKWKHHTXDOL]DWLRQDQG
synchronization of multiple identities1)LJXUHVKRZVD³FRQFHSWXDOPDSRI$FDPSDGD6RO” ellaborated E\WKHKDFNHUDQG0PHPEHU0DUJD3DGLOOD$OWKRXJKWKHPDSLVLQWHQGHGWR³GHSLFW´6RO¶VDFDPSDGD, ZHZLOOXVHLWWRGHOYHLQWRWKHSURFHVVRIFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\FRQVWUXFWLRQWKDWLVEHLQJSHUIRUPHGZLWKLQWKH
15M. As Padilla puts it, “7KLVFRQFHSWXDOPDSLVRQO\DKHOSWRGHSLFWZKDWFDQQRWEHUHSUHVHQWHG,WLV
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bership in a movement” (Polletta and Jaspers 2001:289).
100
Figure 4. Conceptual Map of Acampada Sol, elaborated by Marga Padilla. :HXQGHUVWDQGFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\DVDQLQWHUDFWLYHDQGVKDUHGGH¿QLWLRQSURGXFHGE\DQXPEHURILQ-
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of the problematic situation and an attribution of blame (diagnostic framing), the articulation of a solution to the problem and devising strategies to achieve that end (prognostic framing), and a “call to arms” or a fundamental rationale to engage in collective actions tending to remediate the situation (motivational fram-
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of a 15M member, “7KH0KDVWXUQHGLQWRDFROOHFWLYHVXSHUKHURHWKDWJRHVZKHUHYHUWKHUHLVDQLQMXV
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common ground.
Figure 5. Real Democracy Now! Placards for the May 15, 2011 Demonstration.. From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
102
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slogans read “take the street” (“WRPDODFDOOH”), and “be outraged” (“£,QGtJQDWH´%RUURZLQJIURP6WH-
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involves cognitive agreements and negotiations –such as those entailed in the framing tasks mentioned above– but also demands affective or emotional investments. Passion and emotions, as much as ideology DQGLQWHUHVWVSXVKSHRSOHWRPRELOL]HDQGDFWWRJHWKHU*RRGZLQ-DVSHUDQG3ROOHWWD6HYHUDO0
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lective enthusiasm and joy. As a 15M member put it, “7KHIHHOLQJGXULQJWKH0GHPRQVWUDWLRQZDVRI
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Despite this strong emotional component, the 15M did not emerge to accomplish a “cathartic” mission. Social movements spring up to alleviate or alter situations that activists identify as problematic. Their GLUHFWDFWLRQWKHUHIRUHGHSHQGVRQWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIWKHVRXUFHVRIWKHSUREOHPDQGUHOLHVRQERXQG-
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of a community of “persons”.
103
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Amador Fernández-Savater).
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issued by Occupy Wall Street activists synthesized this principle of “inclusiveness” in a brilliant fashion. So did the “united by common sense” (“XQLGRVSRUHOVHQWLGRFRP~Q”) motto that could be seen in banners all across Spain..
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to Amador Fernández-Savater)
Having “problems” instead of “ideologies” or “identities” as a point of departure marked a path of “in-
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individual experiences that “KDYHWRGRZLWK” the emergence of Acampada Sol and the 15M. $WWKHFROOHFWLYHOHYHOZH¿QGWUDGLWLRQDOVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVHJODERURUJDQL]DWLRQVQHZVRFLDOPRYH-
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and even books or manifestos (eg. Indignez-vous!, Reacciona). This “WKLQJVWKDWKDSSHQHGEHIRUH”-section RI3DGLOOD¶VPDSFDQEHLQWHUSUHWHGDVDVRFLDOPRYHPHQWJHQHDORJ\FRPSRVHGRIERWKLQWHUQDWLRQDODQG
domestic progenitors, of remote, more recent and even contemporary ancestry. It is, according to Polletta (1998), a “narrative of becoming”.
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104
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LQDQGVXVWDLQWKHLUHQJDJHPHQWZLWKWKLVW\SHRIPRYHPHQWEHLQJWRJHWKHUKDVJLYHQWKHPDVHQVHRI
HPSRZHUPHQWHI¿FDF\DQGMR\)UHLGLQDQG3HUXJRUUtD
³>:LWKWKH0@:HKDYHPRYHGIURPSRZHUOHVVQHVVWRSRZHUIURPLVRODWLRQDQGFRPSHWLWLRQWREHLQJWRJHWKHUWR
GLVFRYHULQJWKHRWKHUDVDQDFFRPSOLFHDQGQRORQJHUDVDQREVWDFOHIURPF\QLFLVPWRµZHFDQFKDQJHWKLQJV¶DQGZH
FDQEHSURWDJRQLVWVRIWKDWFKDQJH7KDWJHQHUDWHVDYHU\VWURQJHPRWLRQ´,QWHUYLHZWR$PDGRU)HUQiQGH]6DYDWHU
0PHPEHUVGRQRW³MXVW´ZDQWWREHWRJHWKHUWKLVLVQRWD³SOD\GDWH´7KH\VHHWKHPVHOYHVDV³VHOI
FRQYHQHG” persons that “RFFXS\WKHVTXDUH” “WRGRUHDOGHPRFUDF\QRZ´%XWZKDWGRHV³UHDOGHPRFUDF\´
UHDOO\PHDQ",Q3DGLOOD¶VSHUVSHFWLYHGHPRFUDF\LVDVVRFLDWHGWR³XVLQJZRUGVQRWYLROHQFH”, and to a “IULHQGO\DWPRVSKHUH” promoted by the act of “OLVWHQLQJDQGUHVSHFW”. It is also tied to “HQJDJLQJZLWKFRP
PRQPDWWHUV´ZLWKSUREOHPVWKDWDIIHFWVRFLHW\DVDZKROH5HDOGHPRFUDF\LVDFKLHYHGZLWK³FROOHFWLYH
LQWHOOLJHQFH”, described as “KHWHURJHQHRXV DQG LQFOXVLYH”, “LQWHUJHQHUDWLRQDO”, and “XQUHSUHVHQWDEOH” -that is, avoiding “DFURQ\PVDQGÀDJVEHFDXVHWKH\GLYLGH”-. As mentioned before, one of the outcomes of this from-the-bottom-up democratic praxis is collective enthusiasm. So is “JURZLQJVXSSRUW” in other cities DQGFRXQWULHVZKLFKLQWXUQ³JLYHVVWUHQJWKWR” Acampada Sol.
15M’s Social Space, Beyond Alter-Global Mobilizations
The participation of groups, collectives and organisations in multiple levels of action and more than one ORFDOH¿UVWHPHUJHGDVDFDUGLQDOWHQVLRQZLWKLQWKHDOWHUJOREDOPRYHPHQWDVLPLODUWHQVLRQLVSUHVHQWLQ
WKH02QWKHRQHKDQGSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQJOREDODFWLRQVKDVDOORZHGDOWHUJOREDOPLOLWDQWVWRH[SHULHQFH
VRPHWLPHVYLUWXDOO\VRPHWLPHV³SUHVHQWLDOO\´PRPHQWVWKDWZHUHH[FHSWLRQDODQGVSHFWDFXODUDQGWR
HVWDEOLVKLQVSLULQJFRPSDULVRQVEHWZHHQWKHP2QWKHRWKHUSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQORFDODFWLRQVKDVJLYHQWKHPD
stronger sense of coherence and unanimity. The local ambit is immediate, accessible, visible, and therefore DSSUHKHQVLEOHLWLVWKHVSDFHLQZKLFKGHPDQGVDUHGLVSOD\HGDQGZKHUHWKH³ZH´JHWVFU\VWDOOL]HGWKURXJK
face-to-face encounters and relationships. ,QWU\LQJWRUHVROYHWKLVWHQVLRQEHWZHHQ³WKHJOREDO´DQG³WKHORFDO´WKHDOWHUJOREDOPRYHPHQWKDV
RSWHGIRUSXUVXLQJ³JORFDO´DFWLRQV$VDFRQVHTXHQFHLWKDVEHHQLQSHUPDQHQWRVFLOODWLRQEHWZHHQWKH
¿[HGKHUHDQGQRZDQGWKHPRELOHWKHUHDQGEHIRUHDIWHU7KLVRSWLRQKDVGH¿QHGWKHDOWHUJOREDOPRYH-
PHQWDQGJLYHQLWVSHFL¿FLW\ZKHQFRPSDUHGWRSUHYLRXVSURFHVVHVRIPRELOL]DWLRQ0DQ\0PLOLWDQWV
SDUWLFXODUO\ WKH \RXQJHVW RQHV KDYH VKRZQ D JOREDO RU ³LQWHUQDWLRQDO YRFDWLRQ´ WKH\ DUH DZDUH RI WKH
importance of raising support in other countries, have participated in global actions such as the October GHPRQVWUDWLRQDQGDUHLQFRQVWDQWFRQWDFWZLWKWKHLUIRUHLJQFRXQWHUSDUWVWKURXJKLQWHUQDWLRQDO
commissions. They stress the “LPSRUWDQFHRIWKLQNLQJDQGDFWLQJJOREDOO\´,QWHUYLHZWR0LJXHO$UDQD
+RZHYHUWKHPRYHPHQWDVDZKROHVHHPVWRKDYHVWUHQJWKHQHGWKHEHWIRU³WKHORFDO´LQGHWULPHQWRI³WKH
global” after its “move to the neighborhoods”. The construction of this local space as a place of physical SUR[LPLW\KDVSURYLGHGDQRSHQ¿HOGIRUWKHLQWHUDFWLRQH[FKDQJHDQGFUHDWLRQRIRUJDQL]DWLRQDOWRROVDQG
symbolic challenges. 105
7KHVSDFHRIVRFLDOPRELOL]DWLRQLVWKHUHIRUHDWRQHWLPHVRFLDODQGV\PEROLF,WLVDSUDFWLFDO¿HOGD
VSDFHIRUVRFLDOH[SHULPHQWDWLRQLQZKLFKSURSRVDOVDUHGLVFXVVHGQHJRWLDWHGDQGUHKHDUVHG,QWKHFDVHRI
0LWLVWKHORFDOHZKHUHUHDOGHPRFUDF\³LVGRQH´$V3DGLOOD¶VFRQFHSWXDOPDSVKRZVUHDOGHPRFUDF\
LVDFFRPSOLVKHGLQWZRGLIIHUHQWZD\V³SUHVHQWLDOO\”, in DFDPSDGDVDVVHPEOLHVWKHPDWLFZRUNLQJJURXSV
and commissions, and in a disembodied and deterritoriazed fashion through the use of online media (see DOVR)LJXUH7KH0PDQLIHVWR+RZWR&RRND1RQ9LROHQW5HYROXWLRQDOOXGHVWRWKLVGRXEOH
embeddedness of collective action: ³:HUHFRYHUHGDQGXWLOL]HWKHSXEOLFVSDFHZHRFFXSLHGWKHVTXDUHVDQGWKHVWUHHWVRIRXUFLWLHVWRPHHWDQGZRUNLQ
DFROOHFWLYHRSHQDQGYLVLEOHZD\:HLQIRUPDQGLQYLWHHYHU\FLWL]HQWRSDUWLFLSDWH:HGHEDWHDERXWSUREOHPVORRN
IRUVROXWLRQVDQGRUJDQL]HDFWLRQVDQGPRELOL]DWLRQV2XUGLJLWDOQHWZRUNVDQGWRROVDUHRSHQDOOWKHLQIRUPDWLRQLV
DYDLODEOHRQWKH,QWHUQHWLQWKHVWUHHWVDQGLQWKHVTXDUHV´
7KH0WKXVFRPELQHVRQOLQHDFWLYLVPZLWKPRUH³WUDGLWLRQDOÍRUPVRIPLOLWDQF\2QWKHRQHKDQG
LWHPEUDFHVWKHGLJLWDODJHVRFLDELOLW\ZKHUH³HYHU\ERG\LVJHWWLQJWRJHWKHU´LQVRFLDOPHGLDDQGZKHUH
JURXSVFDQ³RSHUDWHZLWKDPXOWLQDWLRQDO¶VVFRSHDQGDELUWKGD\SDUW\¶VLQIRUPDOLW\´6KLUN\DQG
FDQ ³RUJDQL]H ZLWKRXW RUJDQL]DWLRQV´ LQ RUGHU WR ³FKDQJH WKH ZRUOG ZLWKRXW WDNLQJ SRZHU´ +ROORZD\
2002). This form of activism is inspired by the idea that grassroots organizing no longer needs an organizer, DPHGLDWRULWIROORZVWKH³GRLW\RXUVHOIZLWKRWKHUV´VSLULW2QWKHRWKHUWKH0LVEDVHGRQWUDGLWLRQDO
repertoires: DFDPSDGDV, assemblies and demonstrations are characterized by the physicality of bodies be-
LQJSUHVHQWLQDVSDWLDOPHHWLQJSODFH*ODGZHOO0PHPEHUVFUHDWHJURXSFRPPRQDOLW\WKURXJK
IDFHWRIDFH³VWURQJWLH´RIÀLQHDFWLYLVPEXWDOVRWKURXJKRQOLQH³ZHDNWLH´DVVRFLDWLRQ7KHWZRÀDQNV
VWUHQJWKHQRQHDQRWKHUDGGLQJVSHHGDQHZGLPHQVLRQ0HUUL¿HOG7KLVPXWXDOUHLQIRUFHPHQWLV
SUREDEO\IDFLOLWDWHGE\WKHDI¿QLW\RIPHWKRGVDVVHPEOLHVDQGRQOLQHQHWZRUNVDUHERWKFKDUDFWHUL]HGE\
direct participation, horizontality, and open deliberation. From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
106
Figure 6. “Puerta del Sol, Madrid: A Space for Indignation”, Infography published by El País, on May 20, 2011.
0HUUL¿HOGKDVDGYDQFHGWKHQRWLRQRI³HQFRXQWHU´WRUHIHUWRWKLVQHZGXDOW\SHRISROLWLFDOHQ-
JDJHPHQW7KH³SROLWLFVRIWKHHQFRXQWHU´LVD³SURFHVVZLWKRXWDVXEMHFWVSUHDGLQJOLNHZLOG¿UHLQZKLFK
FURZGVEHFRPHVSHHG\HQVHPEOHVRIERGLHVFUHDWHGYLDVSRQWDQHRXVRQOLQHDQGRIÀLQHRUGHULQJ´,QWKH
EHJLQQLQJVRIWKHPRELOL]DWLRQVDORWRIWKHDFWLYLVPDQGRUJDQL]LQJZDVGRQHGHWHUULWRULDOO\WKURXJK
7ZLWWHUDQG)DFHERRN+RZHYHUSURWHVWVHQFRXQWHUVXQIROGHGLQWKHKHDUWRI6SDQLVKFLWLHV¿UVWLQWKH
DFDPSDGDVDQGODWHURQLQWRZQDQGQHLJKERUKRRGVTXDUHVDQGRFFXSLHGVRFLDOFHQWHUVZKHUHPLOLWDQWV
KROGWKHLUDVVHPEO\PHHWLQJV'HVSLWHWKHLQFRUSRUDWLRQRIGLJLWDOFKDQQHOV³HQFRXQWHUSROLWLFV´LVDQGZLOO
107
continue to be, based on an encounter VRPHZKHUH, for physical space is still a major battleground for politi-
FDOVWUXJJOH0HUUL¿HOG0PHPEHUVVHHPWREHDZDUHRIWKHLPSRUWDQFHRIWKHVSDWLDOGLPHQVLRQ
RIWKHLUSUD[LVWKLVLVHYLGHQFHGE\WKH³FDUWRJUDSKLFFRQVFLRXVQHVV´$QGHUVRQWKH\KDYHGLVSOD\HG
LQWKHDOPRVWFRPSXOVRU\GHVLJQUHGHVLJQDQGUHIUHVKPHQWLQWKHFRPSXWHUVFLHQFHVHQVHRIWZRGLIIHUHQW
types of maps: of the internal organization of DFDPSDGDV (see Figure 7), and of the difussion of camps all DURXQGWKHJOREHVHH)LJXUH7KHVHPDSVKDYHD³FRPSDVVWRWKHZRUOGHOHPHQWÉXWDOVRIXQFWLRQDV
³ORJRPDSV´WKDWLVLQVWDQWO\UHFRJQL]DEOHHYHU\ZKHUHYLVLEOHHPEOHPVWKDWSHQHWUDWHGHHSLQWRWKHSRSX-
ODULPDJLQDWLRQDQGDUHDYDLODEOHIRUWUDQVIHUWRSROLWLFDOEDQQHUVZHESDJHVHWF$QGHUVRQ
Figure 7. Maps of Acampada Sol and Acampada Plaça Catalunya. Note: On the left, a map of Acampada Sol, and on the right, a hand-made map of Acampada Plaça Catalunya. The photographs are available online. 7KHVSDFHRIVRFLDOPRELOL]DWLRQLVDOVRDV\PEROLF¿HOGZKHUHWKHXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHSXEOLFDQG
private spheres is transformed and recreated. In a normative sense, the “poli tics of the encounter” can me-
GLDWHEHWZHHQ³WKHKLVWRULFDO´DQGOLYHGH[SHULHQFH$VSHRSOH¿QGRQHDQRWKHUWKH\VWDUWWRSLHFHWRJHWKHU
FRPPRQQRWLRQVDQGFRPPRQSUREOHPVWKH\XQLYHUVDOL]HZKDWRQWKHIDFHRILWVHHPVRQO\SULYDWHVSH-
FL¿F7KHVHQVHRIDI¿QLW\WKDWHPHUJHVIURPWKLV³EHLQJWRJHWKHU´LQZRUGVRIRQHLQWHUYLHZHHEHFRPHV
the cement that bonds -perhaps only for a moment, but a moment that lingers-, people across barriers and IURQWLHUV0HUUL¿HG7KHHPHUJHQW³DI¿QLW\JURXS´%RRNFKLQDVTXRWHGLQ0HUUL¿HGLVFKDU-
acterized by “deeply empathetic human relationships-relationships nourished by common revolutionary practice and ideas”. The aim of 15M DFDPSDGDVDQGGHPRQVWUDWLRQVZDVHVVHQWLDOO\V\PEROLFWKH\ZHUHUHKHDUVDOVIRU
UHYROXWLRQEXWQRWLQDVWUDWHJLFRUWDFWLFDOVHQVHWKH\ZHUHUDWKHUUHKHDUVDOVRIUHYROXWLRQDU\RUSHUKDSV
UHEHOOLRXVDZDUHQHVV0HUUL¿HG0PHPEHUVZHUHUHMHFWLQJDOOWKDWWKH\KDELWXDOO\DQGGHVSLWH
themselves, accept, and beginning to form a “cosmovision” that gave sense to the crisis and their gener-
DOL]HG PDOFRQWHQW7KH\ ZHUH LGHQWLI\LQJ PHFKDQLVPV RI LQFOXVLRQH[FOXVLRQ HJ ODFN RI HPSOR\PHQW
FRQGLWLRQVRIH[SORLWDWLRQGRPLQDWLRQDQGLQHTXDOLW\PHFKDQLVPVRILPSRVLWLRQUHSUHVVLRQHJFRQFHQ-
WUDWLRQRISRZHUSULYDWLVDWLRQSROLFLHVXQFHUWDLQW\DQGODFNRIFRQWURORYHULPSRUWDQWDVSHFWVRIRQH¶VRZQ
OLIHDQGUHSUHVVLRQRIDOWHUQDWLYHOLIHVW\OHVDQGWKHSUDFWLFHVDJHQWVDQGLQVWLWXWLRQVWKDWZHUHVKDSLQJWKH
FRQÀLFWDWVWDNHHJWKHXQHPSOR\HGPXOWLQDWLRQDOVDQG¿QDQFLDOJURXSVPXOWLODWHUDORUJDQLVPVVWDWHV
DQGQDWLRQDOLQVWLWXWLRQV7HMHULQDE,QWKHVHHQFRXQWHUV0SDUWLFLSDQWVZHUHDOVRGLVFRYHULQJ
108
WKHLURZQFUHDWLYLW\DQGSRZHUWRFKDQJHWKHSUREOHPDWLFVWDWHRIDIIDLUV7KH\ZHUHH[SUHVVLQJSROLWLFDO
ambitions before having formalized them, and before having created the necessary tools -like structures or organizations- to make them real.
Figure 8. World Map of $FDPSDGDV, and Photograph of the World Map as Seen in Acampada Granada. Note: The photo on the right is available in KWWSZZZÀLFNUFRPSKRWRVJRUHIDFLRLQVHW
Conclusions
TThe 15M movement counts on different organizational precursors in the process of social mobiliza-
WLRQ <RXWK :LWKRXW )XWXUH DQG LQ WKH DUWLFXODWLRQ RI IRUPV RI RQOLQH GRQRWYRWHIRUWKHP RU K\EULG
RQOLQHRIÀLQHSURWHVWV0DOHVWDURUJ$VZHKDYHSRLQWHGRXWLQWKLVSUHVHQWDWLRQWKHPRYHPHQWKDVLWV
LPPHGLDWHRULJLQLQWKHGRXEOHGLVFRQWHQWIHOWE\QXPHURXV6SDQLVKVHFWRUVZLWKWKHVRFLRHFRQRPLFFULVLV
DQGZLWKWKHSROLWLFDOPDQDJHPHQWRIFROOHFWLYHOLIHE\WKHPDMRUSROLWLFDOSDUWLHV+RZHYHUWKHUHDVRQWKDW
WULJJHUHGWKHSURFHVVRIRFFXSDWLRQRI3XHUWDGHO6RODQGODWHURQRIQXPHURXVVTXDUHVLQGLIIHUHQW6SDQLVK
cities, has its origin in the political and police mismanagement of the 15M mobilization.
The plural composition of the “LQGLJQDGRVÚHÀHFWVWKHUHMHFWLRQRIWKHPRVWQHJDWLYHFRQVHTXHQFHV
RIWKHSURFHVVRIJOREDOL]DWLRQWKHLQFUHDVHGOHYHOVRIVRFLDOLQHTXDOLW\DQGWKHSUHFDULRXVQHVVRIWKHOLIH
conditions of broad social sectors, especially, but not exclusively, the young. In addition, the 15M move-
PHQWWUDQVIHUVWRWKHSXEOLFVSKHUHDORQJWHUPGLVFRQWHQWZLWKWKHIXQFWLRQLQJRIWKH6SDQLVKGHPRFUDF\
and persistent demands for deeper democratization and transparency in the administration of public affairs. ,QWKHSHUFHSWLRQRI0PHPEHUVWKLVVLWXDWLRQDQGWKLVDXWKRULW\V\VWHPDUHGH¿QHGDV³XQMXVW´DQGLWLV
SUHFLVHO\WKLV³LQMXVWLFHIUDPH´ZKDWKDVOHJLWLPDWHGLWVGLVREHGLHQFH
6HYHUDOPHPEHUVKDYHDJUHHGZLWKWKHVWDWHPHQWWKDWWKH0LVDQHPRWLRQDOPRYHPHQW7KHHPRWLRQ
109
of outrage, or indignation, constituted a central stepping stone for the construction of a collective identity in WKHEHJLQQLQJVRIWKHPRYHPHQW+RZHYHURQFHWKHXSULVLQJZDVLQPRWLRQLQGLJQDWLRQZDVUHSODFHGRU
at least complemented, by collective enthusiasm and joy derived from the experience of “EHLQJWRJHWKHU”. $VRQHLQWHUYLHZHHSXWLW³>WKH0@LVDFU\FRPLQJIURPDVRFLHW\WKDWLVWLUHGIHGXS,W¶VEHHQDFU\EXW
DVPLOLQJRQH”.
Although 15M members have tried to build on “common problems” in lieu of available “identities”, they have nonetheless performed prognostic, diagnostic and motivational framing tasks that have begun WRFUDIWDQGVKDSHWKHLURZQQRYHOFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\7KHLUERXQGDU\DQGDGYHUVDULDOIUDPLQJKDVGHPDU-
FDWHGD³WKHP´DJDLQVWZKLFKFROOHFWLYHDFWLRQKDVEHHQGLUHFWHGPDLQO\WKLHYLQJDQGVZLQGOHUEDQNHUV
DQGFRUUXSWSROLWLFLDQV,WKDVDOVRIRUJHGD³ZH´FRPSRVHGRI³SHUVRQV´QRWSHRSOHQRWPLOLWDQWVXQLWHG
E\WKHLU³GLVFRPIRUW´WRZDUGVWKHVHDFWRUVEXWDOVRWRZDUGVWKHODEHOVDQGPHWKRGVFRPLQJIURP³ROG
time politics” (“ODYLHMDSROtWLFD´7DONLQJDERXW³SHUVRQV´DOORZHGERWKSHRSOHZLWKQRSUHYLRXVSROLWLFDO
SDUWLFLSDWLRQDQGZLWKGLIIHUHQWPLOLWDQWWUDMHFWRULHVWRIHHOSDUWRIWKH0LW³V\QFKURQL]HG´GLIIHUHQWDQG
probably opposing political ideologies and blurred other potentially alienating axes of dissent.
0PHPEHUVKDYHDOVRFUDIWHGDQDUUDWLYHRIEHFRPLQJWKDW³ZH´KDVDSUHVHQWDQGDIXWXUHEXWDOVR
has a traceable past. Participants have elaborated a social movement genealogy composed of both interna-
tional and domestic progenitors, of recent and also far-removed ascent. This “family tree” brings together WUDGLWLRQDODQGQHZVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVDQGHYHQ³VRFLDOPRYHPHQWVWKDWDUHQRWPRYHPHQWV´WRXVHDQ
LQWHUYLHZHH¶VH[SUHVVLRQWKDWEHORQJWRWKH³SURJUHVVLYH¿HOG´0PHPEHUVKDYHDOVRSURYLGHGWKHLU
QDUUDWLYHRIEHFRPLQJZLWKDQLQGLYLGXDOGLPHQVLRQ0PHPEHUVDUHSHUVRQVZKRXVHGWRIHHODGLV-
FRPIRUWZLWKWKHLULQGLYLGXDOOLYHVDQGZKRQRZZDQWWR³EHDQGOLYHWRJHWKHU´LQDIULHQGO\DWPRVSKHUH
³%HLQJWRJHWKHU´³VKDULQJ´KDVDOORZHGWKHPWRXQLYHUVDOL]HWKHLUSHUVRQDOH[SHULHQFHVXQGHUVWDQG-
LQJVDQGHPRWLRQVDQGKDVJLYHQWKHPDVHQVHRIMR\HPSRZHUPHQWDQGHI¿FDF\,WLVWKXVDWWKHFRUHRI
WKHSURJQRVWLFIUDPLQJSHUIRUPHGE\0PHPEHUVDQGRIWKHPRWLYDWLRQGUDZLQJWKHPWRJHWLQYROYHG
and sustain their participation. This “politics of the encounter” has been facilitated and boosted by a mu-
WXDOO\UHLQIRUFLQJRIÀLQH³VWURQJWLH´DFWLYLVPDQGRQOLQH³ZHDNWLH´DVVRFLDWLRQERWKEDVHGRQDQRSHQ
KRUL]RQWDO DQG SDUWLFLSDWRU\ SKLORVRSK\ ,Q ZRUGV RI 0HUUL¿HOG VTXDUHV DQG GLJLWDO PHGLD KDYH
provided a scenario for an illicit rendezvous of human bonding and solidarity, a material, virtual, and emo-
WLRQDOWRSRJUDSK\LQZKLFKVRPHWKLQJGLVUXSWVDQGLQWHUYHQHVLQWKHSUHYLRXVSDUDO\VLV%XW0PHPEHUV
GRQRW³MXVW´ZDQWWREHWRJHWKHUWKH\JDWKHUWR³GRUHDOGHPRFUDF\´5HDOGHPRFUDF\LVLQWHUSUHWHGDVDQ
engagement in “common matters”, an involvement thought of as inclusive, non-violent, and necessarily GLUHFWRU³XQUHSUHVHQWDEOH´7KLVODVWHOHPHQWLVSUREDEO\GULYLQJWKH³PRYHWRZDUGVWKHORFDO´LQGHWULPHQW
of “the global”.
15M participants may have expressed political ambitions before creating the necessary means to make WKHPUHDO,QWKHODVWIHZPRQWKVWKH\KDYHGLVFRYHUHGWKHLURZQFUHDWLYLW\DQGSRZHUDQGDOVRWKHLURZQ
limitations to generate the global and local change they demand. They have also begun to craft a cosmovi-
VLRQWKDWJDYHVHQVHWRWKHFULVLVWKHLUJHQHUDOL]HGPDOFRQWHQWDQGWKHLURZQSXUSRVHVDFWLRQVDQGRUJD-
QL]DWLRQ0PHPEHUVDSSHDUWREHFRQVFLRXVWKDWDWKURXJKWKHLUDFWLRQWKH\ZDQWWREXLOGWKHZLGHVW
SRVVLEOHPRYHPHQWEWKDWWKH\SHUVRQDOO\PRELOL]HWRRSSRVHHFRQRPLFGRPLQDWLRQWRDI¿UPPRUDOSULQ-
FLSOHVRIHTXDOLW\DQGMXVWLFHDQGWRWUDQVIRUPWKHSROLWLFDOVWUXFWXUHVDQGGHPRFUDF\FWKDWWKHLULQWHUHVW
LQXQLWLQJZLWKRWKHUVUHVWVRQWKHSRVVLELOLW\RIDOWHULQJDQXQZDQWHGVRFLDOUHDOLW\JHQHUDWLQJVROLGDULW\
110
FRQVWUXFWLQJ FRPPRQ LQWHUHVWV DQG VKDULQJ GHPDQGV G WKDW WKH PRELOL]DWLRQ LV HIIHFWLYH EHFDXVH LW LV
FRQWULEXWLQJWRUDLVHDZDUHQHVVRIWKHULVNVRIJOREDOL]DWLRQDQGWRFKDQJHWKHSHUFHSWLRQVKHOGRILWDQGH
WKDWWKHPRVWSUREOHPDWLFDVSHFWVRIRUJDQL]LQJWKLVW\SHRIPRYHPHQWDUHSUHFLVHO\ZKDWPDNHLWPRVWDW-
tractive: diversity and plurality of its components, its horizontal and democratic character, and the fact that LWGHDOVZLWK³FRPPRQSUREOHPV´WKDWLVZLWKTXHVWLRQVWKDWWUDQVFHQGVRFLDOIURQWLHUV
Abbreviations
362(6SDQLVK6RFLDOLVW:RUNHUV¶3DUW\3DUWLGR6RFLDOLVWD2EUHURGH(VSDxDFHQWHUOHIWZLQJSROLWLFDO
party in Spain. 333HRSOH¶V3DUW\3DUWLGR3RSXODUULJKWZLQJSROLWLFDOSDUW\LQ6SDLQ
&L8&RQYHUJHQFHDQG8QLRQ&RQYHUJqQFLDL8QLyFHQWHUULJKWZLQJHOHFWRUDOFRDOLWLRQLQ&DWDORQLD
6SDLQ,WLVWHFKQLFDOO\DIHGHUDWLRQRIWZRFRQVWLWXHQWSDUWLHVWKHODUJHU'HPRFUDWLF&RQYHUJHQFHRI
Catalonia (CDC) and its smaller counterpart, the Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). It is currently OHGE\$UWXU0DVZKRLVWKHFXUUHQW3UHVLGHQWRIWKH&DWDODQ*RYHUQPHQW
'5<5HDO'HPRFUDF\1RZ'HPRFUDFLD5HDO<D
Data Sources
,QWHUYLHZVWR-XOLR$OEDUUiQ0LJXHO$UDQD-DYLHUGHOD&XHYD$PDGRU)HUQiQGH]6DYDWHU&DUROLQD*DUFtD/HLOD1DFKDZDWLDQG=XOR
conducted by Stéphane M. Grueso, Patricia Horrillo and Pablo Soto during 2011 and 2012 for the project 15M.cc, available in http://15M.cc. ³&RQFHSWXDOPDSDFDPSDGDVROY´HODERUDWHGE\0DUJD3DGLOODDYDLODEOHLQKWWSZZZPFFPHWRGRORJLDGHWUDEDMRKWPO
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es/2011/08/18/como-cocinar-una-revolucion-no-violenta/, accessed on 01/20/2012. 7H[WXDODQGJUDSKLFPDWHULDODYDLODEOHLQWKHIROORZLQJZHEVLWHV
KWWSWDNHWKHVTXDUHQHW
http://tomalaplaza.net/
http://madrid.tomalaplaza.net/
KWWSDFDPSDGDEFQZRUGSUHVVFRP
http://15october.net/
References
$PLQ]DGH5DQG0F$GDP'³(PRWLRQVDQG&RQWHQWLRXV3ROLWLFV´LQ$PLQ]DGH5*ROGVWRQH-0F$GDP'3HUU\(6HZHOO
:7DUURZ6DQG7LOO\&K(GV6LOHQFHDQG9RLFHLQWKH6WXG\RI&RQWHQWLRXV3ROLWLFV&DPEULGJH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV&DPEULGJH
Anderson, B.: 2006, Imagined Communities (Verso, London). %HQIRUG5DQG6QRZ'³)UDPLQJ3URFHVVHVDQG6RFLDO0RYHPHQWV$Q2YHUYLHZDQG$VVHVVPHQW´LQ$QQXDO5HYLHZRI
Sociology 26:611-639.
Calle, Á.: 2005, Nuevos Movimientos Globales. Hacia la radicalidad democrática, (Editorial Popular, Madrid).
'LDQL0³1HWZRUNVDQG6RFLDO0RYHPHQWV$5HVHDUFK3URJUDPPH´LQ'LDQL0DQG0F$GDP'(GV6RFLDO0RYHPHQWVDQG
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)UHLGLQ%DQG3HUXJRUUtD,³8Q(QIRTXH0XOWL1DUUDWLYRSDUDHO(VWXGLRGHO0RYLPLHQWR$VDPEOHDULRHQ$UJHQWLQD´LQ6DXWX
111
R. (Ed.) Práctica de la Investigación Cuantitativa y Cualitativa. Articulación entre la Teoría, los Métodos y las Técnicas, (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Lumiére), pp. 209-246.
Gamson, W. A.: 1995, “Constructing Social Protest”, in Johnston, H. and Klandermans, B. (Eds.), Social Movements and Culture, (University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis).
*ODGZHOO0µ:K\WKHUHYROXWLRQZLOOQRWEHWZHHWHG¶LQ1HZ<RUNHU2FWREHU
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Emotions and Social Movements, (The University of Chicago Press, Chicago).
+ROORZD\-&KDQJHWKH:RUOG:LWKRXW7DNLQJ3RZHU7KH0HDQLQJRI5HYROXWLRQ7RGD\3OXWR3UHVV/RQGRQ
Melucci, A.: 1995, “The Process of Collective Identity”, in Johnston, H. and Klandermans, B. (Eds.), Social Movements and Culture, (University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis).
Melucci, A.: 1996, Challenging Codes. Collective Action in the Information Age, (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge).
0HUUL¿HOG$³&URZG3ROLWLFVRUµ+HUHFRPHV(YHU\EXGG\¶´LQ1HZ/HIW5HYLHZ
Mische, A.: 2005, “Partisan performance: stylistic enactment and suppression in contentious publics”, paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Philadelphia (U.S.A.), August.
3ROOHWWD)³µ,W:DV/LNH$)HYHU¶1DUUDWLYHDQG,GHQWLW\LQ6RFLDO3URWHVW´6RFLDO3UREOHPV
3ROOHWWD)DQG-DVSHUV-³&ROOHFWLYH,GHQWLW\LQ&RQWHQWLRXV3ROLWLFV´LQ$QQXDO5HYLHZRI6RFLRORJ\
6KLUN\&+HUH&RPHV(YHU\ERG\7KH3RZHURI2UJDQL]LQJZLWKRXW2UJDQL]DWLRQV3HQJXLQ%RRNV1HZ<RUN
6QRZ'%XUNH5RFKIRUG(:RUGHQ6DQG%HQIRUG5³)UDPH$OLJQPHQW3URFHVVHV0LFURPRELOL]DWLRQDQG0RYHPHQW
3DUWLFLSDWLRQ´LQ0F$GDP'DQG6QRZ'(GV6RFLDO0RYHPHQWV5HDGLQJRQ7KHLU(PHUJHQFH0RELOL]DWLRQDQG'\QDPLFV
(Roxbury Press, Los Angeles).
7DUURZ63RZHULQ0RYHPHQW&DPEULGJH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV&DPEULGJH
Tejerina, B.: 2010a, La sociedad imaginada. Movimientos sociales y cambio cultural en España, (Trotta, Madrid).
Tejerina, B.: 2010b, “The logic of the Alterglobal Movement”, in SinghaRoy, D. K. (Ed.), Dissenting Voices and Transformative Actions: 6RFLDO0RYHPHQWVLQD*OREDOL]LQJ:RUOG0DQRKDU1HZ'HOKLSS
7HMHULQD%0DUWtQH]GH$OEpQL],&DYLD%*6HJXHO$DQG$,]DROD³2PRYLPHQWRSRU-XVWLoD*OREDOQD(VSDQKDDWLYLVWDV
LGHQWLGDGHHFDUWRJUD¿DSROtWLFDGDDOWHUJOREDOL]DoDR´6RFLHGDGHH(VWDGRSS
7HMHULQD%0DUWtQH]GH$OEpQL],&DYLD%*6HJXHO$DQG$,]DROD³6SDJQD,GHQWLWjHFDUWRJUD¿DSROLWLFDGHOPRYLPHQWR´
in Farro, A. L. and Rebughini, P. (Eds.), Europa alterglobal: Componenti e culture del “movimento dei movimenti” in Europa, (Franco Angeli, Milan), pp. 149-175.
112
The Assemblies of 15Th May Movement in Cáceres: An Example of Democracy School, a Road to Dialogic Society
BORJA RIVERO JIMÉNEZ
University of Extremadura
Abstract
This paper attempts to give a vision of democracy from dialogical perspective. From WKH¶VQHZWUHQGVSDUWLFLSDWLYHGHOLEHUDWLYHRUUDGLFDOGHPRFUDF\KDYHDWWHPSWWR
RIIHUDUHQHZDODQGWRFUHDWHDGHPRFUDF\WKDWLQFUHDVLQJO\VHHPOHVVUHSUHVHQWDWLYHRI
WKHFLWLQ]HQVKLS,QDVRFLDOFRQWH[WZKHUHSHRSOHWHQGWRDGDSWWRWKHGLIIHUHQWDVSHFWV
RIUHDOLW\ORYHIDPLO\RUHGXFDWLRQWKURXJKGLDORJXHZHZRXOGOLNHWRVD\WKDWWKH
GLDORJLFWUHQGWKLVWLPHDSSOLHGWRSROLWLFVLVUHÀHFWHGLQWKHIRUPRIWKHOLQNVHVWDE-
lished in the 15th0D\DVVHPEOLHV7KLVVWXG\DLPVDWSURYLGLQJDQRYHUYLHZRIVRPH
important features of the 15th0D\DVVHPEOLHVLQ&iFHUHVDQGDVZHOOHPSKDVL]LQJWKH
dialogical component that supported their proposals and discussions. .H\ZRUGV
15th May Movement, assemblies, citizenship education, democratic renovation, dia-
logic democracy.
Introduction
On 15th May 2011, thousands of people took to the streets to demonstrate under the slogan ‘We are not PHUFKDQGLVHLQWKHKDQGVRISROLWLFLDQVDQGEDQNHUV¶7KLVHYHQWDQGWKHPRYHPHQWWKDWHPHUJHGDIWHUIDOOV
ZLWKLQDFRQWH[WRIHFRQRPLFSROLWLFDODQGVRFLDOQDWLRQDODQGJOREDOUHVSRQVHLQDVHULHVRISURWHVWVPRVW
RIWKHPRQPHGLWHUUDQHDQDUHD7KHPDLQUHDVRQSHRSOHKLWWKHVWUHHWVLVUHÀHFWHGLQWKHVWDWHPHQWWKDWKDV
EHHQKHDUGDWDQ\SRLQWZKHUHDJURXSRIµTXLQFHPD\LVWDV¶PHWWRWDONµGRQRWUHSUHVHQWXV¶7KLVVORJDQ
SRLQWVWRSROLWLFLDQVDQGWKHLUZD\RIGRLQJSROLWLFVDVRQHRIWKHPDLQSUREOHPVDIIHFWLQJ6SDQLVKVRFLHW\
WRGD\7KLVVRFLHW\LVQRWUHSUHVHQWHGE\SROLWLFLDQVZKRGRQ¶WWDNHLQWRDFFRXQWWKHYLHZVRISHRSOHPDLQO\
EHFDXVH SXEOLF RSLQLRQ WKH GHEDWH RQ WKH µUHV SXEOLFD¶ DPRQJ FLWL]HQV LV DOPRVW QRQH[LVWHQW %DXPDQ
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GLVFHUQLQJLQWKHSULYDWHZRUULHVWRSLFVRISXEOLFZRUU\´
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WRRFFXS\WKHPRWKHUZLVH7KHVHVTXDUHVPRYHIURPEHLQJSODFHVRIHQWHUWDLQPHQWWREHFRPHSODFHVRI
SROLWLFDOFRQWHQWZKHUHHYHU\RQHFDQGLVFXVVWKDWDSSURDFKDVDQHTXDORQWKHGLIIHUHQWWRSLFVFRYHUHG
Bauman (ibid: 11) notes that one of the possibilities of change for our democratic society and improvement OLHVLQWKHUHFRYHU\RIµDJRUD¶)RU%DXPDQWKHµDJRUD¶LV
113
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WKHSULYDWHSUREOHPVPHHWLQDVLJQL¿FDQWZD\«WRORRNIRUOHYHUVWKDWMRLQWO\DSSOLHGWXUQRXWWREHVXI¿FLHQWO\
SRZHUIXODVWRUDLVHWKHLQGLYLGXDOVRIKLVLQGLYLGXDOPLVHULHV«ZKHUHWKH\FDQEHERUQDQGUHFHLYHIRUPLGHDOVXFK
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DEOHGXULQJWKHUHÀHFWLRQ¶VGD\DGHIHQVHDJDLQVWWKHLQFUHDVLQJO\REYLRXVODFNRIFLWL]HQVKLSSDUWLFLSD-
WLRQLQSXEOLFGHEDWHRQWKHRWKHUEHFRPHVDNLQGRIµDJRUD¶DµEULGJH¶WKDWFRQQHFWVSULYDWHWURXEOHVWKDW
PDQ\ZHUHVXIIHULQJDQGPDNHVWKHPSXEOLFZLWKWKHUHVWRIWKHSRSXODWLRQSUHVHQWLQJWKHPIRUSXEOLF
GLVFXVVLRQ,Q&iFHUHVFDQSRLQWWRWKHµ3OD]D0D\RU¶DVWKHPRVWLPSRUWDQWSODFHRIth May movement, DVLWVPDLQµDJRUD¶7KHUHWKH\FRQGXFWHGWKH¿UVWFRQFHQWUDWLRQVRISURWHVWVDQGODWHUVHWWOHGWKHFDPS,Q
addition, all assemblies have been developed there.
Work’s main issue
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ZLWKWKH¿QDOREMHFWLYHRIJHWWLQJFORVHUWRWKHUHDOLW\RIWKLVSKHQRPHQRQDQGWDNHQLQWRDFFRXQWRIGLIIHU-
ent theories, trying to provide the insight observed.
Kind of work/methodology
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and further analysis through data dump cards observed, and videotapes about assemblies of the 15th May PRYHPHQWLQ&iFHUHV7KHUHVHDUFKZLOOEHIROORZHGE\DQH[KLELWLRQDQGGLVFXVVRIWKHUHVXOWVZLWKWKH
participant group in these assemblies in order to compare data an assess the opinion of the study for acting OHDGHUV$WWKLVPRPHQWZHDQDO\]HGWKHYLGHRVRIWKLUWHHQDVVHPEOLHVZKLFKODVWDSSUR[LPDWHO\VL[WHHQ
KRXUV,QDGGLWLRQZHKDYHSDUWLFLSDWHGLQPRVWDVVHPEOLHVRUJDQL]HGNHHSLQJWUDFNRIZKDWLVREVHUYHG
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it directly involves research and acting leaders. We chose ethnography as methodology and results of the LQYHVWLJDWLRQ,IWKHZRUGVPDNHWKHVSHHFKRIth May movement and one of its objectives is to regener-
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LWLVWKHPHWKRGRORJLFDOWRROZHXVHGWRDQDO\]HWKHUHDOLW\RIWKLVVRFLDOJURXSDQGDOVRWKH¿QDOSURGXFW
WKDWJLYHVXVWKLVDQDO\VLV7KHGDWDRQZKLFKHWKQRJUDSK\LVEDVHGDUHGUDZQIURPVRFLDOLQWHUDFWLRQVZLWK
members of that social group through dialogue.
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date. For example, the 18th0D\DVVHPEO\KDVWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQQDPH
114
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Participants number: The participants number is very interesting to analyze the different stages and also WRNQRZWKHLQÀXHQFHLQGHEDWHVGHYHORSPHQW
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Descriptive data:
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the citizenship type.
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to participate in the assemblies.
Assemblies structure and dynamics:
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this and if in fact they are related or unrelated to the topic at that time being treated.
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pology and if there are recurring themes.
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degree of execution they have. 5HTXHVWVDQGTXHVWLRQV:KLFKDUHWKHWRSLFVWKDWWUHDWHDFKRWKHULQWKHODVWSRLQWRIWKHDJHQGDHYHU\
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115
Content and symbols of the assemblies:
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not, if groups appear, if solitary persons exist. Capture of agreements. The typology of the different agreements, if there are agreements appellants ZKLFKDUHRIWHQURXWLQHO\JHW
Debates and speeches. Which are the main supportive elements of the debates, if these elements belong to the popular culture, to the political theory or if they are simply occurrences or stereotypes it brings over of the topics that treat each other. What contradictions and coherences appear in the debates. The individual thing, the collective thing. If the individual interests appear over the group or if it gives priority to the common interest. µ*RGVGHPRQVDQGJKRVWV¶7RZKRPRUZKRWKHUHDUHDVVLJQHGWKHSRVLWLYHDQGQHJDWLYHYDOXHVWKDW
group of people or person turns out to be made responsible for the problems.
Analysis and discussion
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of 22th0D\:HPLJKWQDPHKHUDVµVWDJHRIH[SORVLRQ¶'XULQJWKLV¿UVWVWDJHWKH\EHJLQWRWDNHWKH¿UVW
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VWDJHZLOOEHYHU\QXPHURXVLQKRZPXFKWRDVVLVWDQWVLWUHFRXQWVEXWWKHSHUVRQVZKRWKHUHFRPHVWLOOGRQRW
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During this stage, there is a great abundance of people (up to 1000 in some acts like the organized one the day RIUHÀHFWLRQSUREDEO\PRYHGDOVRRQWKHQDWLRQDOOHYHOIRUWKHERULQJHOHFWRUDOHQYLURQPHQWDQGIRUWKH
media coverage that they all begin to have the encamped ones in Spain (Taibo, 2011). We believe that during this stage it takes priority over a clear feeling of necessary immediate change in the collective conscience, LWSUREDEO\PRYHGE\WKHIHHOLQJVIRXQGLQWKHVTXDUHVLQDPRPHQWRIµH[SORVLRQRIIHHOLQJV¶7KHVHFRQG
VWDJHZKLFKZHZLOOQDPHDVµVWDJHRIVXPPLW¶IURPWKHFKRLFHVLVDVWDJHRISXEOLF¶VPLQRUDEXQGDQFH
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DEO\E\WKLVSXEOLF¶VGHFUHDVH7KLVVWDJHZRXOGGHYHORSIURP2th May, until 8th June, day in the one that gets XSWKHHQFDPSHGRQHRIµ3OD]D0D\RU¶$QRUJDQL]DWLRQDSSHDUVFRQFHUQLQJFRPPLVVLRQVDQGZRUNJURXSV
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One starts leaving of side the initial spontaneity and the assemblies begin to be summoned in a more formal ZD\ZLWKRQHFRQFUHWHUHJXODUUHFXUUHQFHVXEMHFWWRDQRUGHURIWKHGD\,QWKLVVHFRQGVWDJHWKHSDUWLFLSD-
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116
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mobilizations and to develop actions of recovery in relation to the offers of change arisen. Finally, a third VWDJHZKLFKZHZLOOEHFDOODµVWDJHRIULSHQHVV¶ZKLFKZRXOGEHJLQDIWHUWKHUDLVLQJRIWKHHQFDPSHGRQHRQ
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until 15th2FWREHUGD\RIWKHZRUOGPDQLIHVWDWLRQµ*OREDO8QLWHGIRU&KDQJH¶VXPPRQHGIURP6SDLQ7KH
abundance to the assemblies meets diminished in number up to the half (30 or 40 persons maximum). The WRSLFVWREHGLVFXVVHGLQWKHDVVHPEOLHVDQGGHFLVLRQPDNLQJZLOOEHIRFXVHGRQDFWLRQVRIDQHDUIXWXUHIRO-
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assemblies of 15th0D\PRYHPHQWLQ([WUHPDGXUD7KLVVWDJHPDUNVDQHQGRIGLVWDQFHDVZHWKRXJKWIURP
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types of assemblies: informative, deliberative and of groups or commissions. In the informative assemblies, it give any information about issues that are of interest to those attending. It is not taken decisions, rather they FRPHWRGRWKHIXQFWLRQRIVSDFHRIUHÀHFWLRQ
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think the assemblies of groups and commissions, they try to give response to the different topics that concern HYHU\JURXSDQGWKDWVHUYHWRIRUPXODWHRIIHUVWKDWZLOOEHODWHUGHEDWHGLQWKHJHQHUDODVVHPEO\E\WKHUHVWRI
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more opportune, or for those civil offers that, shyly, began to appear. An agenda did not exist and the topics ZHUHQRWFOHDUO\PDUNHGDQ\WKLQJWKDWZDVGRLQJWKDWWKHG\QDPLFVRIWKHDVVHPEOLHVVDZREVWUXFWHGDS-
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in these moments the debate and that it could lead to the desperation and boredom of any of the persons as-
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the different meetings at the level of national, or only organizational as the modals to the creation of a regional FRRUGLQDWRURIDVVHPEOLHV$VRFLDOPRYHPHQWWKDWFRPHVVSRQWDQHRXVO\FDQEHIRXQGDQGKHKDVEHHQZLWK
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tive form of creation. It is not this regulation designed by a group of persons in order that to him a major JURXSDGMXVWVEXWLWLVDJURXSRISHUVRQVWKDWLWDJUHHVRQDIHZEDVLFSURFHGXUHRIFRQYLYLDOLW\LQVLGHDVRFLDO
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semblies, and during his evolution, these leaders have been appearing and disappearing: there is no a person RUFRQFUHWHJURXSWKDWH[HUFLVHVWKHSDSHURIµWRWDOOHDGHU¶EXWOHDGHUV¶GLIIHUHQWW\SRORJ\DSSHDUVZKLFKDFWV
depending on the moment. In the beginning, the leaders form a part of the group of persons that it organized the manifestation of 15th0D\EHORQJLQJWRWKHSODWIRUPµ'HPRFUDFLD5HDO<D¶:HPLJKWQDPHRUFDWDORJXH
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offers of consensus that basically gather everything controversial and look for an agreement that does not leave dissatisfaction anybody. These people are recognized by the rest of participants, since some phrases ex-
tracted from the videos demonstrate it as “Tomás, for the consensuses Tomás” (assembly of 2th June) or “If it ZDVQRWIRU7RPiVZHDUHGLVFXVVLQJXQWLODP´DVVHPEO\RIth October). Similar to this kind of leader it WXUQVRXWWREHGLIIHUHQWWKHµSHDFHOHDGHU¶,QVRPHRFFDVLRQVVRPHGHEDWHVWDNHWRSHUVRQDOFODVKHVEH\RQG
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contributions are valued and estimated by the rest of the group. They are even asked to take charge organizing GLIIHUHQWLQIRUPDWLYHDVVHPEOLHVLQRUGHUWRSXWMRLQWO\WKLVNQRZOHGJHWKDWWKH\KRDUGXVHIXOLQPRPHQWVLQ
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DQRWKHUVTXDUHDQGFDSWXUHRILQIRUPDWLRQRQth June. Another example of this type of leadership is the fact WKDWWKH\H[HUFLVHGDSDUWLFLSDQWV¶FRXSOHLQVRPHDVVHPEOLHVGXULQJWKHVXPPHU7KHIDFWRIFRPLQJIURP
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try, gave his proposals and speeches more attention and approval by the participants. Marshall Ganz (2009), one of the most recognized and valued theoretical leadership in the last decade, PDNHVDFOHDUGHVFULSWLRQRIZKDWIURPWKHLUSRLQWRIYLHZKDVWREHOHDGHUVKLSZLWKLQVRFLDOPRYHPHQWV
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to come to the concrete aims that the group has marked. It eliminates hereby the former conception of WKHOHDGHUDWWKHKHDGRIWKHJURXSWKLVOHDGHUVKLSPDNHVLQYLVLEOHZLWKRXWGLVDSSHDULQJEXWWRFRQIRUP
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to organize the mobilization of 15th0D\,WLVQRWXQWLOPLGGOHRI-XQHLWZDVDOUHDG\GHYHORSHGQHDUWZHQW\
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rotary post or function of moderation: they are, in relation to the number of participants in the assemblies, YHU\VPDOOWKRVHWKDWWKH\KDYHEHHQEXV\LQVRPHPRPHQWZLWKPRGHUDWLQJ6RPHWKLQJVLPLODUKDSSHQVDW
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as the family or friends, but the outbreak of 15th May also meant an “explosion out of the humiliated ones DQGRIIHQGHGE\WKHQHZVRFLDOH[FOXVLRQ´,IZHKDYHWRORRNIRUDORJLFWRWKHFRQÀXHQFHRIVRPDQ\
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of every time for major precarious of the company.
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individually they could be discussed, neither it had still hit the headlines of the public thing they had not HYHQEHHQGLVFXVVHGLQDZD\MRLQWDQGRSHQHGE\WKHSRSXODWLRQ)URPWKH¿UVWGD\RIFDPSLQJLWFRXOG
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ing step (“it is necessary to take our recoveries to the party that gains “ in assembly of 19th0D\WKH\ZHUH
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to have form so much national as place. And these debates and this organization took a common element as DEDVHWKHZRUG/HW¶VWDNHDVH[DPSOHWKHRQHWKDW(OERMHWDOWRLQGLFDWHVLQFHFKDQJHVDSSHDULQ
our social relations across the dialog. Before, in the families, the main armchair of the house and the control RIWHOHYLVLRQZHUHUHVHUYHGWRWKHIDWKHUZKRZDVWKHRQHZKRZDVGHFLGLQJZKDWRQHVDZLQHYHU\PRPHQW
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draft comes to underline the importance that takes the dialog in our company at the moment of taking agree-
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this draft dialogic is the fact that one expresses across the 15th0D\PRYHPHQWZKLFKWKHUHFRPHVWRTXHVWLRQ
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governments and political groups that, though, they are legitimized by voting every four years, enter neither GLDORJVQRUDJUHHPHQWVZLWKWKHWKLFNQHVVRIWKHSRSXODWLRQ,WLVLQRSSRVLWLRQWRWKHWUDGLWLRQDOGHPRFUDF\
RSSRVLWHWRZKDWth May movement are positioned, not in opposition to the democracy. And this movement in turn, it presents the characteristic of looking for the dialog in his relations, of coming to agreements and FRQVHQVXVHVWKURXJKVRFLDOLQWHUDFWLRQVLQWKHSXEOLFVTXDUHV)URPWKHth0D\PRYHPHQWWKHVTXDUHVKDYH
tried to turn into public spaces of debate and civil interaction. Habermas sets out one of the main constituent parts of the human experience is the communicative action, “that bases on last instance on the central experi-
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the discussion and the dissent as the social assembled actors they can come to that one that joins them, since ³WKH\H[FHHGWKHLULQLWLDOO\VXEMHFWLYHYLHZVDQGHQVXUHWKURXJKEHOLHIUDWLRQDOO\PRWLYDWHGEHKDYLRXUDWWKH
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the communicative competition creates consensus through the dissent. Habermas (2001) raises a discursive WKHRU\RIWKHSURFHVVRIIRUPDWLRQRIWKHSRSXODUZLOOWKDWWKURXJKWKHGHPRFUDWLFLQVWLWXWLRQVLWLVIHGRQWKH
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spirit. We are not talking about a group of people that it meets to discuss it brings over of political expositions RIELJWKLQNHUV:HDUHWDONLQJDERXWSHRSOHZKREULQJWRWKHVHDVVHPEOLHVWKHLUYLWDOH[SHULHQFHDQGLWLVRQ
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from there developing different actions that lead to the improvement of the company. These speeches look for DQDFWLRQDIWHUWKHUHÀHFWLRQ)ROORZLQJDJDLQ)UHLUHH[SRVHVXVLQKLVµ3HGDJRJ\RIWKHRSSUHVVHG¶
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in the 15th0D\PRYHPHQW,IDWWKHEHJLQQLQJWKHGHEDWHVDSSHDUHGDVIRUPRIH[SUHVVLRQDQGRIUHÀHFWLRQ
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121
the transverse axis that crosses the process, so though it splits of the discussion of a series of problems, the majority of the offers of solution of the same ones are directed to a major democratization of all the aspects RIWKHFRPSDQ\ZKHUHLWWDNHVLQLWFRXQWVPXFKPRUHWKHZRUGRIWKHFLWL]HQVKLS
7KH\KDYHWXUQHGRXWWREHJUHDWDQGGLIIHUHQWRIIHUVWKDWZHPLJKWW\SLI\DVRIIHUVRIDFWLRQWKDWKDYH
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different sources of information that the participants have, and promote, on the other hand, the possibility RIIDFLQJGLIIHUHQWLGHDVDQGRIFUHDWLQJDFRPPRQFRQVHQVXVRIEHWZHHQDOORIWKHP7KHFDSWXUHRIDJUHH-
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is in the capture of agreements that from 15th May movement in Caceres and for extension, on the national OHYHOZKHUHKLVPRUHLPSRUWDQWSDUWLFXODULW\DSSHDUV7KHDVVHPEO\LVPWKDWWDNHVWKLVPRYHPHQWDVDIRUP
RIRUJDQL]DWLRQGULQNVEHWZHHQRWKHUVIURPWKHDQDUFKLVWLFODERUPRYHPHQWV5RPDQRV,WLVXQ-
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What if it is necessary to stand out and the really important of this type of capture of agreements is the diver-
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LGHRORJ\WKDWZDVDVVHPEOLQJDOOZLWKDOOWKHGLIIHUHQFHVWKDWFRXOGVWLOOGLVWLQJXLVKZDVWKHDQDUFKLVWLQWKHDV-
semblies of the 15th0D\PRYHPHQWWKHUHWDNHSDUWSHRSOHZKRKDYHDQLGHRORJ\WKDWFURVVHVWKHZKROHVSHFWUXP
of possibilities, enclosed the absence of her. Hereby, the capture of agreements on the basis of consensuses that RQHSURGXFHVLVPXFKULFKHUDVIRUGHEDWHDQGHVSHFLDOO\ZHEHOLHYHWKDWLWLVYHU\GLIIHUHQWDVIRUGHPRFUDWLFFRQ-
WHQW7KRXJKDERXWWKH¿UVWRQHVWKRVHRIDQDUFKLVWLFXQLRQVZRXOGKDYHWREHGHFLGHGRQDVSHFWVWKDWFRQFHUQ
RQO\DOLQHRIWKRXJKWZHGRQRWEHOLHYHWKDWWKLVRQHLVQRWULFKLQVKDGHVLQWKHDVVHPEOLHVRIth May move-
PHQWWKHUHGHYHORSVDGHPRFUDWLFH[HUFLVHWKDWLWKDVWRVHHHYHQZLWKWKHYLVLRQWKDWLQDEHJLQQLQJFDQWXUQRXW
WREHVOLJKWO\UHFRQFLODEOHEXWWKDWDFURVVWKHWUDQVIHURIFHUWDLQLQGLYLGXDOWUHQGVFDQFRPHWRDFRPPRQFRQÀX-
HQFHRIWKRXJKWDQGDFWLRQ,QWKHFDSWXUHRIDJUHHPHQWVYLWDOFREUDLPSRUWDQFHWKHLGHDRIZKDWZHKDYHFRPHWR
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together the different ideas that treat each other in the debate. We can observe as one of these people, in different assemblies, he is kept silent after expressing his opinion and in attitude of scout, as compiling the different voices WKDWH[SUHVV$IWHUWKLVLWWKURZVDQRIIHURIFRQVHQVXVWKDWJDWKHUVWKHGLIIHUHQWVKDGHVWKDWKDYHEHHQOLVWHQHG
PRGLI\LQJWKHLQLWLDORIIHU7KLVZD\ZHFDQUHODWHWKHVHFDSWXUHVRIDJUHHPHQWWRGLDORJLFVRFLDOWKHRULHV$XEHUW
HWDOLQGLFDWHVLQFHLQFUHDVLQJO\ZHWHQGWR¿QGFRQVHQVXVHVLQRXUUHODWLRQVDFURVVWKHGLDORJLQDOO
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institutional levels (as the international politics or the labor relations). The same authoresses and authors highlight like from the social sciences, across the theories of Beck (1998), Giddens (1995), Habermas (2001) or Flecha.
HWDOWKHUHLVGLVFXVVHGLQFUHDVLQJO\WKDWWKHIRUPHUDXWKRULWDULDQUHODWLRQVRISRZHUGRQRWVHUYHLQVLGHD
VRFLDOFRQWH[WLQZKLFKWKHGLDORJDWWKHPRPHQWRIWKHFDSWXUHRIGHFLVLRQVLVHYHU\WLPHPDMRUWHQGLQJWRSRVL-
WLRQVDQGFRPPXQLFDWLYHUHODWLRQVZKHUHWKHODQJXDJHUHFHLYHVDIXQGDPHQWDOLPSRUWDQFH
122
Conclusions 'HVSLWHQRWKDYLQJFRPSOHWHGWKHUHVHDUFKZRUNZHFDQDQWLFLSDWHVRPHRIWKHFRQFOXVLRQVZKLFKZH
reached after the analysis of the data. The 15th0D\PRYHPHQWLQ&iFHUHVDQGZHEHOLHYHWKDWIRUH[WHQ-
sion, on the national level) comes to raise a series of needs and changes that the citizenship believes neces-
sary to have a better coexistence and to solve certain problems of the current importance. These offers of FKDQJHFRPHJLYHQIURPWKHMRLQWGLDORJRIWKHFLWL]HQVKLSLQWKHSXEOLFVTXDUHVZKLFKIURPth May have ¿OOHGZLWKDPDMRUSROLWLFDOFRQWHQW7KHVHPDQLIHVWDWLRQVDQGSXEOLFGHEDWHVIRUPDSDUWRIDQHZIRUPRI
VRFLDOUHODWLRQVEHWZHHQWKHLQGLYLGXDOVDQGWKHUHH[LVWVLQWKHPDQLQWHQWLRQRIGHPRFUDWLFLPSURYHPHQW
DQGDQLPSRUWDQWVWHSWRZDUGVDFRPSDQ\LQFUHDVLQJO\GLDORJLF
The assemblies of 15th0D\PRYHPHQWWXUQWKLVZD\LQWRVSDFHVZKHUHWKHFLWL]HQVKLSEHVLGHH[SUHVV-
ing, learns and develops these forms of interaction, it comes to consensuses and realizes offers of change. :HFDQDI¿UPWKDWWKHVHDVVHPEOLHVDUHDOVRHGXFDWLRQDOVSDFHVZKHUHWKHPHHWLQJRIWKHSHUVRQVDQGWKH
SXEOLFGHEDWHKHOSVWRXQGHUVWDQGLQWXUQWKDWWKHFRQVHQVXVEHWZHHQWKHGLIIHUHQWSRVLWLRQVDQG\RXGHVLJQ
RQO\LWLVSRVVLEOHLIDOOWKHSHUVRQVZKRRIWKHPWDNHSDUWFDQH[SUHVVLQDIUHHDQGHTXDOVSDFH,IWKHDX-
WKRULWDULDQUHODWLRQVRISRZHUWKDWZHUHJLYHQGXULQJWKHIRUPHULQGXVWULDOFRPSDQ\DUHEHOLHYHGE\XVWKDW
WKH\DUHDOUHDG\REVROHWHWKDWWKH\GRQRWKHOSWRWKHLPSURYHPHQWRISHRSOH¶VOLIHDQGWKDWWKH\FDQQRW
FRQWLQXHH[LVWLQJLQDFRPSDQ\LQFUHDVLQJO\SOXUDODQGFRPSOH[ZHPXVWRSHQRXUVHOYHVWRZDUGVWKLVW\SH
RIGLDORJLFUHODWLRQVZKHUHWKHSRZHURIWKHDUJXPHQWVLVRYHUWKHDUJXPHQWVRIWKHSRZHU
References
Aubert, A., Flecha, A., García, C, Flecha, R., Racionero, S.: 2010, Aprendizaje dialógico en la sociedad de la información. (Hipatia: Barcelona.)
Bauman, Z.: 1999, En busca de la política, (Fondo de Cultura Económico Argentino, Buenos Aires) Beck, U.: 1998, La sociedad del riesgo: hacia una nueva modernidad, (Paidós: Barcelona)
'tD]6DOD]DU5µ0\0¢4XpIXWXURSROtWLFRSRGHPRVFRQVWUXLU"¶(O9LHMR7RSR0DJD]LQH
Elboj, C., Puigdellívol, I., Soler, M. y Valls, R.: 2009, Comunidades de aprendizaje. Trasnformando la educación, (Graó: Barcelona.)
Flecha, R., Gómez, J., Puigvert, L.: 2001, Teoría sociológica contemporánea. (Paidós: Barcelona)
Freire, P.:1995, Pedagogía del oprimido. (Siglo XXI: Madrid).
Ganz, M. (2009) “Leading change. Leadership, Organization and Social Movements”. Harvard Business Press Chapters.
Giddens, A.: 1995, Modernidad e identidad del yo. (Península, Barcelona).
Habermas, J: 2001, Teoría de la Acción Comunicativa. (Taurus, Madrid)
5DGO3KLOLSS5µ/DWHRUtDGHODFWXDUFRPXQLFDWLYRGH-UJHQ+DEHUPDVXQPDUFRSDUDHODQiOLVLVGHODVFRQGLFLRQHVVRFLDOL]DGRUDV
HQODVVRFLHGDGHVPRGHUQDV¶3DSHUV0DJD]LQHQS
5RPDQRV(GXDUGRµ(O0\ODGHPRFUDFLDGHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHV¶%RRNVDQG,GHDV1RYHPEHU,661;
85/KWWSZZZERRNVDQGLGHDVQHW(O0\ODGHPRFUDFLDGHORVKWPO
Taibo, C.: 2011, El 15M en sesenta preguntas, (Catarata, Madrid)
Webber, M.: 1977, Economía y sociedad. (Fondo de Cultura Económica, México)
123
Entre los militantes y los laboratorios deliberativos: el 15-M
HÉLOÏSE NEZ
Université Paris 13
Resumen
Con la emergencia de “nuevos movimientos sociales” en los años 1970, luego del mo-
YLPLHQWRSRUODMXVWLFLDJOREDOD¿QDOHVGHORVDxRVODGHPRFUDFLDSDUWLFLSDWLYD
VHKDFHXQSULQFLSLRVXSHULRUGHODDFFLyQFROHFWLYDTXHTXHGDQRREVWDQWHUHVWULQJLGR
DXQDSUiFWLFDPLOLWDQWH(OGHPD\RGHHPHUJHHQ(VSDxDXQPRYLPLHQWRTXH
no sale directamente de los movimientos sociales y pone la deliberación al centro de todas sus acciones, en relación con el “giro deliberativo” en la acción pública local y el creciente uso deliberativo de Internet y las redes sociales. Nuestro artículo trata de este pasaje de la deliberación de las microesferas de los movimientos sociales a la esfera pú-
EOLFDFLXGDGDQDFXHVWLRQDQGRORVRUtJHQHVODVHVSHFL¿FLGDGHV\HOLPSDFWRGHODVSUiF-
ticas deliberativas experimentadas en las asambleas populares del 15-M. Con relación a otras movilizaciones, tres elementos diferencian el 15-M: la participación individual, la ausencia de un programa y de líderes, y el lugar central dado a la deliberación. Si otros movimientos ya reinvendicaban los principios de horizontalidad, de inclusión y de transparencia, el 15-M se distingue tanto por el lugar de la deliberación como por la LQVWDXUDFLyQGHWpFQLFDVGLVFLSOLQDULDVTXHJDUDQWL]DQVXDSOLFDFLyQ0LHQWUDVTXHORV
modos tradicionales de movilización estan declinando, los indignados podrían aportar un nuevo soplo a la acción colectiva en España, renovando a los militantes y poniendo la cuestión de la deliberación en el centro del repertorio de acción.
Palabras clave
Democracia deliberativa, espacio público, España, movimientos sociales, 15-M.
Introducción
La organización y las formas de democracia interna son centrales en la sociología de los movimientos VRFLDOHV3ODQWHDQXQUHWRQDGDGHVSUHFLDEOH&XDOTXLHUPRYLPLHQWRVRFLDOTXHSURFXUDLQVFULELUVHHQHO
WLHPSRSDUDDOFDQ]DUVXVREMHWLYRVWLHQHTXHGRWDUVHGHXQDRUJDQL]DFLyQSURSLDFRQHO¿QGHFRRUGLQDUVXV
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pocos profesionales y convierte a los socios en agentes pasivos. Al analizar el fenómeno de la delegación SROtWLFD3LHUUH%RXUGLHXLGHQWL¿FDEDXQ³HIHFWRR¿FLQD´VHJ~QHOFXDOORVSURIHVLRQDOHV monopoli-
]DEDQSURJUHVLYDPHQWHHOSRGHUGHQWURGHODVRUJDQL]DFLRQHV<VHJ~QORVHVWXGLRVVREUHORVPRYLPLHQWRV
sociales, esta formalización suele además empujar las organizaciones a la utilización creciente de formas From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
124
convencionales de presión política, así como una moderación de las demandas del movimiento (Meyer y 7DUURZFLWDGRHQ-LPpQH] /RVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVQRVRQVRUGRVDHVWHGLOHPD3RUHOORPXFKRVWUDWDQGHEXVFDUDOWHUQDWLYDVTXH
permitan conjugar la consecución de objetivos estratégicos con un grado de organización más participati-
YR(OUHFXUVRDOFRQVHQVRPiVELHQTXHDOYRWRPD\RULWDULRODLPSRUWDQFLDFRQFHGLGDDODGHOLEHUDFLyQR
ODDXVHQFLDGHSRUWDYR]VRQSUiFWLFDVDQWLJXDVTXHPDUFDURQORVPRYLPLHQWRVGHSURWHVWDGHVGHORVJUXSRV
DQDUTXLVWDVHXURSHRVD¿QDOHVGHOVLJOR;,;KDVWDODVFRRUGLQDFLRQHVTXHVHPXOWLSOLFDURQHQ)UDQFLDD
¿QDOHVGHORVDxRVRFKHQWDSDVDQGRSRUORVPRYLPLHQWRVDPHULFDQRVGHORVGHUHFKRVFLYLOHVHQORVDxRV
cincuenta (Agrikoliansky, 2007). Sin embargo, no es hasta la emergencia de “nuevos movimientos socia-
les” en los años setenta (ecologistas y feministas principalmente) y el movimiento por la justicia global a ¿QDOHVGHORVDxRVQRYHQWDTXHODGHPRFUDFLDSDUWLFLSDWLYDVHFRQYLHUWHHQXQSULQFLSLRFHQWUDOGHODDFFLyQ
colectiva y el discurso de los movimientos sociales. /RVWHyULFRVGHORV³QXHYRVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHV´PXHVWUDQTXHXQDGHODVHVSHFL¿FLGDGHVGHODVPR-
vilizaciones sociales de los años setenta residía en la promoción de estructuras de funcionamiento autóno-
mas y descentralizadas, denunciando con ello la organización centralizada y representativa del movimiento REUHUR\HOVLQGLFDOLVPR7RXUDLQH2IIH0HOXFFL/DGHVFRQ¿DQ]DFRQUHVSHFWRDOD
delegación de autoridad a representantes lejanos se hacía en provecho de asambleas generales y de una valorización fuerte de la democracia interna. Los trabajos sobre el movimiento por una justicia global (o PRYLPLHQWRVDOWHUJOREDOL]DFLyQPXHVWUDQTXHODVOyJLFDVSDUWLFLSDWLYDVUHVSRQGtDQQRVyORDODDGKHVLyQD
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6RPPLHU$OUHYpVGHORTXHSHQVDED0LFKHOVSDUDDOJXQRVODVOyJLFDVROLJiUTXLFDV\EXURFUiWLFDV
QRVHUHYHODQVLHPSUHPiVH¿FDFHVTXHORVSURFHGLPLHQWRVSDUWLFLSDWLYRVTXHSUHVHQWDQWDPELpQLQWHUHVHV
prácticos para los actores (Polletta, 2002). Si la deliberación se vuelve, por razones en parte estratégicas, un principio de la acción colectiva de los movimientos sociales, ésta ha estado, no obstante, restringida siempre a una práctica militante.
/DLPSRUWDQFLDTXHKDDGTXLULGRODSDUWLFLSDFLyQ\ODGHOLEHUDFLyQHQORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVQRHVGH
todas formas una cuestión aislada. En las esferas institucionales se multiplican los dispositivos de participa-
ción basados en principios deliberativos. Con ellos muchas administraciones intentan ampliar el sujeto polí-
tico de la participación, contando con los ciudadanos “ordinarios” (ni elegidos, ni expertos, ni asociados) en la elaboración de las políticas públicas. Estos procesos se difunden desde los años noventa bajo formas muy diversas (consejos de barrio, presupuestos participativos, jurados ciudadanos, etc.) a escala local en todo el mundo1. No obstante, la idea no viene de ahora. La importancia de implicar los ciudadanos en las decisiones TXHOHVDIHFWDQPiVDOOiGHODVHOHFFLRQHVVXUJHHQORVDxRVVHVHQWD\VHWHQWD.DXIPDQ3DWHPDQ
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ODGHPRFUDFLDGLUHFWD&DVWHOOV%RUMD&KHUNL\0HKO
$OLJXDOTXHRFXUUHHQORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVHVWRVQXHYRVGLVSRVLWLYRVDGPLQLVWUDWLYRVSXHVWRVHQPDU-
cha desde los años noventa, tienen como objetivo la conciliación de la toma de decisiones con una organización más participativa de la sociedad civil. Esto supone introducir una lógica deliberativa en el espacio de relaciones 6REUHHVWRVGLVSRVLWLYRVSDUWLFLSDWLYRVYHUSDUWLFXODUPHQWH)RQWE6DQWRV)XQJ\:ULJKW%DFTXpHWDO%ORQGLDX[
6LQWRPHUHWDO6PLWK%DFTXpHWDO
125
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ampliando el sujeto político hacia la globalidad de la ciudadanía. La mayoría de estos procesos procura movili-
]DUHO³VDEHUGHXVR´GHORVKDELWDQWHVRHO³VHQWLGRFRP~Q´GHORVFLXGDGDQRVRUGLQDULRV6LQWRPHU1H]
GHWDOPRGRTXHODVDVRFLDFLRQHVWUDGLFLRQDOHVODVSHUFLEHQFRPRXQHVSDFLRFRQFXUUHQWHRVHDXQPHGLR
GHURGHDUVXSHULWDMHFROHFWLYR\VXFDSDFLGDGGHFRQWUDSRGHU5XL\9LOOHFKDLVH'XSRQW+HQGULNV
Ganuza y Nez 2012). En general, estos dispositivos participativos, puestos en marcha por los poderes públicos locales, se encuentran hoy ampliamente desconectados de la dinámica de los movimientos sociales y no son ob-
MHWRGHPRYLOL]DFLRQHVIXHUWHV%ORQGLDX[DXQTXHHVWpQYROFDGRVHQODGHOLEHUDFLyQ\XQDRUJDQL]DFLyQ
PiVKRUL]RQWDOGHORVHVSDFLRVS~EOLFRV*DQX]D\)UDQFpV7DOSLQ
En este contexto, marcado por una creciente consideración de la deliberación tanto en los movimientos VRFLDOHVFRPRHQODDFFLyQS~EOLFDORFDOVXUJHHO0TXHVLW~DODGHOLEHUDFLyQHQHOFHQWURGHVXVDFFLRQHV
con una organización basada en asambleas abiertas a todos. El análisis del 15-M representa una contribución interesante a la literatura de los movimientos sociales, como a la democracia participativa y deliberativa, por la capacidad singular del movimiento en articular ambas dimensiones. Con relación a los procesos partici-
pativos institucionales, los indignados presentan un fuerte carácter ERWWRPXS (desde abajo hacía arriba) – al revés de los dispositivos WRSGRZQGHODVDGPLQLVWUDFLRQHV±\XQDGLPHQVLyQGHPRYLPLHQWRVRFLDOTXH
se encuentra desconectada de los dispositivos de participación en Europa (Sintomer y Ganuza, 2011). Con respecto a los movimientos sociales, los indignados parecen distinguirse por la importancia central de la deliberación en el proceso de elaboración y de toma de decisiones, así como su capacidad para sobrepasar la barrera de la militancia sin perder los rasgos participativos de su organización. El 15-M permite analizar bajo XQQXHYRSULVPDODFXHVWLyQGHODGHOLEHUDFLyQHQXQPRYLPLHQWRVRFLDOGDGRTXHODGHOLEHUDFLyQQRVHOLPLWD
a una organización o a un conjunto de organizaciones (como en el caso de los foros sociales en el movimiento SRUODMXVWLFLDJOREDOVLQRTXHVHGHVSOLHJDDPSOLDPHQWHHQODHVIHUDGHOHVSDFLRS~EOLFRORTXHLQFOX\HD
los no-militantes. Como subraya Eduardo Romanos “el 15-M ha impulsado el traslado de las prácticas de democracia deliberativa desde recintos más o menos limitados (e.g., campamentos, foros sociales o centros autogestionados) a las plazas, y esa parece ser una diferencia importante” (Romanos, 2011: 9). Nuestro artículo analiza este paso de la deliberación de las microesferas de los movimientos sociales a la HVIHUDS~EOLFDFLXGDGDQDDQDOL]DQGRORVRUtJHQHVODVHVSHFL¿FLGDGHV\HOLPSDFWRGHODVSUiFWLFDVGHOLEHUD-
tivas experimentadas en las asambleas populares del 15-M. ¿De donde vienen los métodos de deliberación SXHVWRVHQHMHFXFLyQSRUORVLQGLJQDGRV"¢6HSXHGHQQRWDU¿OLDFLRQHVFRQPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVSUHFHGHQWHV
RGLVSRVLWLYRVSDUWLFLSDWLYRVLQVWLWXFLRQDOHV"¢(QFXiOPHGLGDVHGLVWLQJXHHO0GHRWURVPRYLPLHQWRV
VRFLDOHV\GHVXVSUiFWLFDVGHOLEHUDWLYDV"¢&yPRVHSHUFLEHHVWHPRYLPLHQWRHQODVHVIHUDVPLOLWDQWHV\TXp
LPSDFWRWLHQHVREUHODDFFLyQFROHFWLYDHQ(VSDxD"
3DUDUHVSRQGHUDHVWDVSUHJXQWDVQXHVWURDQiOLVLVVHDSR\DHQXQDLQYHVWLJDFLyQHWQRJUi¿FDUHDOL]DGD
GHVGH¿QDOHVGHPD\RGHHQ0DGULG+HPRVREVHUYDGRODGLQiPLFDGHODDFDPSDGDODVDVDPEOHDV
generales y las reuniones de comisiones y de grupos de trabajo llevadas por los indignados en Puerta del 6ROFRPRHQYDULRVEDUULRVGHODFDSLWDODVtTXHPDQLIHVWDFLRQHV\PDUFKDV(QODySWLFDGHDQDOL]DUODV
interacciones entre este movimiento y las organizaciones sociales y políticas existentes (partidos políticos, sindicatos, asociaciones de vecinos), hemos seguido en particular las actividades del 15-M en Carabanchel y Vallekas, dos barrios populares al Sur de Madrid caracterizados por una tradición política fuerte enrai-
zada en el movimiento obrero. Hemos realizado entrevistas semi-directivas con diferentes actores impli-
FDGRVHQHO0SDUWLFLSDQWHVDFWLYRVGHXQDGHODVSODWDIRUPDVTXHODQ]DURQHO0'HPRFUDFLDUHDO
126
\DPLHPEURVDFWLYRVGHRWUDVRUJDQL]DFLRQHV\SDUWLFLSDQWHVTXHQRSHUWHQHFHQDQLQJ~QPRYLPLHQWR
)LQDOPHQWHKHPRVVHJXLGRUHJXODUPHQWHODFRPXQLFDFLyQTXHVHHIHFWXyHQ,QWHUQHWDWUDYpVGHODVUHGHV
VRFLDOHVSULQFLSDOPHQWH7ZLWWHU\)DFHERRNSHULyGLFRVHQOtQHD\EORJVSROtWLFRV
Los orígenes de las prácticas deliberativas del 15-M
/DVSUiFWLFDVGHOLEHUDWLYDVGHO0QRVRQHVSRQWiQHDVSHURWDPSRFRSHQVDPRVTXHKD\DTXHUHPRQ-
WDUVHDODWUDGLFLyQKLVWyULFDGHORVFRQFHMRVDELHUWRVTXHGDWDQGHOD(GDGPHGLD%RWHOODHWDOSDUD
GDUXQDH[SOLFDFLyQSODXVLEOHGHVXHPHUJHQFLD$GHPiVGHXQHQWRUQRHFRQyPLFRTXHKDFDWDOL]DGRODV
protestas y un movimiento similar en los países árabes meses antes, la desafección ciudadana hacia la polí-
WLFDHVXQHOHPHQWRWUDQVYHUVDODOPRYLPLHQWRSHURTXHOOHYDSUHVHQWHHQODVRFLHGDGPXFKRVDxRV/DFULVLV
económica y política no es patrimonio de la sociedad española, sino algo muy presente en las democracias contemporáneas. Los movimientos similares al 15-M en Europa (Inglaterra, Portugal, Grecia o Francia), HQ((88R,VUDHOFRPSDUWHQHVWDVPRWLYDFLRQHV3RUHVRODVLQJXODULGDGGHORVLQGLJQDGRVSHQVDPRVTXH
GHVFDQVDHQRWUDVODWLWXGHVSXHVQRHVXQVLPSOHPRYLPLHQWRGHSURWHVWDPiVVLQRTXHKDSODQWHDGRXQD
forma diferente de entender la protesta y con ello una manera distinta de concebir las relaciones políticas 1) entre los poderes públicos y la sociedad civil y 2) dentro de la sociedad civil. Esta singularidad descan-
sa sobre todo en su propuesta de plantear un movimiento deliberativo estructurado en el espacio público, cuando gran parte de la teoría política contemporánea aboga por un espacio público desestructurado, solo articulado mediante la acción estratégica de las organizaciones sociales y los partidos políticos (Habermas, /DSURSXHVWDGHO0SODQWHDSRUHOORXQPRGRGLVWLQWRGHSURWHVWDTXHSUHVXSRQHXQDVRFLHGDG
FLYLOGLIHUHQWHDODTXHKDVLGRKDELWXDOKDVWDDKRUD6HUHFKD]DODLPDJHQGHXQDVRFLHGDGFLYLOOLEHUDO
DLVODGDGHOGHYHQLUGHODSROtWLFDSHURWDPELpQVHQLHJDODSRVLELOLGDGGHXQDVRFLHGDGFLYLOUHSXEOLFDQD
EDVDGDHQYDORUHVFRPXQHV/DLQGLYLGXDOLGDGHQHO0PiVELHQODSOXUDOLGDGHVXQSUHUUHTXLVLWR6H
piensa la sociedad civil desde el individuo, pero, al contrario de los planteamientos del giro deliberativo de la teoría política, los intereses y las estrategias son pensados de forma colectiva en un medio público, fuera GHODVRUJDQL]DFLRQHV'HVGHHOSXQWRGHYLVWDGHOJLURGHOLEHUDWLYRGHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVDO¿QDOGHO
VLJORSDVDGRHO0KDIUDFWXUDGRODVIURQWHUDVHQODVTXHVHLQVHUWDEDODGHOLEHUDFLyQHQORVPRYLPLHQWRV
y ha sido capaz de empujarlas hacia fuera para implicar a la ciudadanía en la deliberación.
(VWRKDKHFKRTXHODGHOLEHUDFLyQVHDXQHOHPHQWRPHGXODUGHOPRYLPLHQWRTXHKDJHQHUDGRUHDFFLRQHV
contrarias en otras organizaciones y a su vez ha disciplinado todos los actos públicos desde una perspectiva concreta. En el 15-M, hay reglas claras de comportamiento político y de diálogo. La presencia de técnicas y procedimientos deliberativos es tan dominante en el movimiento (sus informes, sus actas, sus reuniones, VXRUJDQL]DFLyQVXVHVWUDWHJLDVVXVFRQYHUVDFLRQHVHWFTXHODSUHJXQWDSRUVXVRUtJHQHVSUHWHQGHGLEXMDU
DOJXQDVKLSyWHVLVYLDEOHVTXHQRVSHUPLWDQFRPSUHQGHUPHMRUHOGHVDUUROORGHOLEHUDWLYRGHOPRYLPLHQWR
6LQRVDWHQHPRVDODVWpFQLFDVGHOLEHUDWLYDVXWLOL]DGDVGHQWURGHODVDVDPEOHDVGHO0TXHVRQTXL]iODV
PiVHPEOHPiWLFDVSRUODVLPSOLFDFLRQHVTXHWLHQHDVDPEOHDVPXOWLWXGLQDULDVOH\GHOFRQVHQVRFRRUGLQD-
ción entre asambleas, etc), proponemos rastrearlas desde cuatro recorridos distintos: 1) la cultura política de los centros sociales autogestionados, 2) una generación de profesionales formados en cursos universita-
ULRVHVSHFLDOL]DGRVHQODSDUWLFLSDFLyQORVPRGRVGHGLVFXVLyQHQ,QWHUQHWDWUDYpVGHODVUHGHVVRFLDOHV
digitales y 4) una cultura política de la ciudadanía abierta al diálogo.
1) Si no ha sido impulsado por los movimientos sociales tradicionales, las asociaciones o los sin-
127
dicatos, ni tampoco por el movimiento alterglobalización, el 15-M está impregnado de una fuerte FXOWXUD SROtWLFD DXWyQRPD TXH VH GHVDUUROOD SDUWLFXODUPHQWH HQ ORV FHQWURV VRFLDOHV DXWRJHVWLRQD-
dos, multiplicándose desde los años ochenta con el impulso del movimiento okupa (Adell y Mar-
WtQH] 0DUWtQH] 6HJ~Q XQD GH ODV SHUVRQDV TXH LQLFLDURQ OD WRPD GH OD SOD]D OD QR-
che del 15 de mayo, las dinámicas deliberativas de los centros sociales se convirtieron en una referencia en la organización desde el principio. “La gente de los centros sociales” no acudió hasta el jueves, cuatro días más tarde, cuando ya había cientos de personas en la plaza y una organiza-
FLyQ LQFLSLHQWH HQ FRPLVLRQHV \ JUXSRV GH WUDEDMR<D VH KDEtDQ RUJDQL]DGR DVDPEOHDV \ VH KDEtD
DGTXLULGR HO FRQVHQVR \ OD QR YLROHQFLD FRPR SULQFLSLRV RUJDQL]DWLYRV 3HUR HV DOOt HQ ORV FHQWURV
sociales autogestionados, donde se aprenden tales técnicas. El apoyo directo de los centros sociales QR VH KL]R SUHVHQWH KDVWD TXH DSDUHFLHURQ ORV SUREOHPDV ORJtVWLFRV GHO PRYLPLHQWR HQ VXV LQLFLRV (O0QRVHLQYHQWDODGHOLEHUDFLyQPiVELHQYLYHLQPHUVRHQXQFRQWH[WRHQHOTXHHVWiFRQVWDQ-
temente a debate. Tanto los movimientos sociales como las administraciones llevan tiempo hablando de regenerar la política, de incrementar la participación y el debate público. Los movimientos alterg-
lobalización la han teorizado y pretenden infundir a sus prácticas organizativas una lógica tanto deli-
EHUDWLYDFRPRSDUWLFLSDWLYDSRUORTXHVHUtDIiFLOPHQWHWUD]DEOHVXLQÀXHQFLDHQHOPRYLPLHQWRGHORV
LQGLJQDGRV,JXDOPHQWHQRKD\TXHROYLGDUODVPRYLOL]DFLRQHVVRFLDOHVUHFLHQWHVHQ(VSDxDFRPROD
movilización estudiantil contra el plan de Bolonia, el movimiento por una Vivienda digna o Juventud 6,1)XWXURTXHWDPELpQSUDFWLFDURQHOIXQFLRQDPLHQWRHQDVDPEOHDV3HURHVHQORVHVSDFLRVDXWyQR-
mos y autogestionados donde se experimenta con WpFQLFDV deliberativas dentro de las asambleas con HO¿QGHJDUDQWL]DUHOEXHQIXQFLRQDPLHQWRGHXQGHEDWHVLQSHUGHUVXOyJLFDSDUWLFLSDWLYD6LYHPRVOD
organización de un centro social autogestionado como el de la Tabacalera en Madrid, es muy similar al de la acampadasol, con asambleas generales, comisiones y grupos de trabajo (Botella, 2011). El apoyo ORJtVWLFRGHORVFHQWURVVRFLDOHVIXHHOTXHDGHPiVD\XGDUtDDWUDVODGDUODGHOLEHUDFLyQGHORVPLFURHV-
pacios militantes al espacio público.
2WUDIXHQWHGHLQÀXHQFLDYLHQHGHMyYHQHVSURIHVLRQDOHVIRUPDGRVHQFXUVRVXQLYHUVLWDULRVHVSHFLDOL-
zados en participación. El primero aparece en 1996 en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid dirigido por el sociólogo Tomas R. Villasante (1995). Su objetivo era enseñar a estudiantes y a profesionales de los municipios nuevas metodologías de trabajo sobre la participación, basadas en la pedagogía de Paulo Freire (1974) y la investigación-acción participativa desarrollada en los años 1970 y 1980 en América /DWLQDSDUDTXHORVSURSLRVFLXGDGDQRVGHFLGLHUDQODVDOWHUQDWLYDVSRVLEOHVDORVSUREOHPDVTXHFRP-
partían. Si los cursos universitarios puestos en marcha en Madrid, luego en Barcelona, en Sevilla y en Bilbao, tuvieron una importancia considerable sobre el desarrollo de los presupuestos participativos en España (Ganuza y Francés, 2012), también desempeñan un papel no despreciable en la organización y ODPRGHUDFLyQGHODVDVDPEOHDVGHO0(VWDLQÀXHQFLDSDVDSRUODLPSOLFDFLyQGHDQWLJXRVHVWXGLDQ-
WHVHQODVDVDPEOHDVSRSXODUHVTXHD\XGDQHQODVGLQiPLFDVDVDPEOHDULDVVHLPSOLFDQHQODVFRPLVLR-
QHVGH³GLQDPL]DFLyQ´\QRGXGDQHQDIURQWDUDVDPEOHDVPXOWLWXGLQDULDV3HURVXLQÀXHQFLDWDPELpQ
SDVDSRUODGLIXVLyQTXHVHKDKHFKRGHODSDUWLFLSDFLyQFRQOLEURVDUWtFXORVVHPLQDULRVFRQIHUHQFLDV
congresos y la confección, por ejemplo, de manuales gratuitos sobre métodos participativos (Lorenza-
QDHWDOTXHFLUFXODQKDELWXDOPHQWHHQWUHRUJDQL]DFLRQHV\SURIHVLRQDOHVRGHJXtDVSUiFWLFDV
VREUHODGHOLEHUDFLyQTXHFLUFXODURQDPSOLDPHQWHSRUORVPHGLRVDXWyQRPRVGXUDQWHORV~OWLPRVDxRV
/RUHQ]R\0DUWtQH]/DSHUVSHFWLYDGHHVWRVFXUVRVVXDYL]DHOGLOHPDFRQHOTXHHPSH]iEDPRV
HVWHWUDEDMR6HSODQWHDQWpFQLFDVSDUWLFLSDWLYDVVR¿VWLFDGDVTXHWLHQHQHOREMHWLYRGHJDUDQWL]DUGHEDWHV
128
y toma de decisiones cruciales para las organizaciones sin por ello perder las dinámicas deliberativas, TXHLPSOLFDQODLQFOXVLyQGHWRGRVORVDIHFWDGRV\ODFRQVHFXFLyQGHDOWHUQDWLYDVUD]RQDGDV
(OSDSHOTXHWXYLHURQ,QWHUQHW\ODVUHGHVVRFLDOHVHVFUXFLDO/DVSODWDIRUPDVTXHODQ]DURQODFRQYR-
catoria para la manifestación del 15 de mayo (Democracia real ya!, Juventud SIN futuro, Nolesvotes, $QRQ\PRXV0DOHVWDUHWFVHFRQVWLWX\HURQSRUHVWHPHGLR1XPHURVDVSHUVRQDVTXHSDUWLFLSDQHQ
las asambleas del 15-M están acostumbradas al espacio cibernético, cuyo modo de funcionamiento DELHUWR\SDUWLFLSDWLYRHQHOFDVRGHORVZLNLORVIRURVORVEORJVODVUHGHVVRFLDOHVHWFIDFLOLWDFRQ-
FHELUXQDRUJDQL]DFLyQRIÀLQHSDUWLFLSDWLYD0XFKRVSDUWLFLSDQWHVVXHOHQLURQL]DUFRQHVWR\KDEODQ
GHODFUHDFLyQGHXQHVSDFLRRIÀLQHDLPDJHQGHODVUHGHVRQOLQH³(OHVStULWXGHLQWHUQHW´TXHDSXQWD
como los espacios autónomos, a experimentar sin tomar el poder (Cardon, 2010), pudo estimular una QXHYDIRUPDGHSHQVDU\GHDFWXDUHQODSURWHVWD(Op[LWRVHUHÀHMDHQODFDSDFLGDGGHPRYLOL]DFLyQ
del movimiento. Joan Subirats (2011: 67) subraya este papel de internet en la emergencia del 15-M: “El movimiento generado por la posibilidad de compartir, de construir en común, de colaborar para generar bienes y conocimientos basados en la agregación y cooperación entre personas”. Más allá del DSUHQGL]DMHGHWpFQLFDVUHODFLRQDOHVGHGHEDWH\GHFLVLyQTXHIDFLOLWDURQODFRRUGLQDFLyQGHODDFFLyQ
entre los participantes y la moderación de las asambleas, la utilización de las redes sociales fue esen-
cial en la evolución de los modos de organización de las asambleas. La retransmisión de asambleas en Internet con millares de espectadores facilitó la adopción de innovaciones, amplió la audiencia y permitió la transferencia de técnicas deliberativas de una asamblea a otra de forma sencilla y rápida.
3RU~OWLPRKD\TXHPHQFLRQDUODFXOWXUDSROtWLFDGHODFLXGDGDQtD6HUtDLPSRVLEOHSHQVDUODJORED-
lización de un procedimiento tan exigente como la deliberación sin la existencia previa de una cultura SROtWLFDVHQVLEOHDHVWRVPHFDQLVPRV(QWpUPLQRVUDFLRQDOHVFXHVWDSHQVDUTXHXQDDVDPEOHDGHPiV
GHPLOSHUVRQDVFRPRODVTXHWXYLHURQOXJDUUHLWHUDGDPHQWHHQ6ROODVSULPHUDVVHPDQDVVHSXHGDOOH-
YDUDFDERGHOLEHUDWLYDPHQWH&RPRUHVXOWDLQJHQXRSHQVDUTXHXQPRYLPLHQWRSXHGHDOFDQ]DUXQDDX-
GLHQFLDItVLFDFHUFDQDDORVPLOORQHVGHSHUVRQDVVLPSOHPHQWHSRUTXHKDDFHUWDGRHQVXVHVWUDWHJLDV
Lo crucial de este desarrollo fue la aceptación inmediata de la organización deliberativa por todos los SUHVHQWHV\ODFDSDFLGDGTXHWXYRSDUDHQURODUDQXHYRVSDUWLFLSDQWHV(VWRFRQVLJXLyURPSHUODEDUUHUD
de la militancia y plantear un movimiento conformado mayoritariamente por no-militantes. Al princi-
pio, la deliberación generó reticencias entre los militantes tradicionales, pues implicaba un civismo y XQDFXOWXUDGHOUHVSHWRSRFRXVXDOHQWUHORVPRYLPLHQWRVGHL]TXLHUGD6LQHPEDUJRORVFRQÀLFWRVDO-
rededor de la disciplina deliberativa nunca supusieron un debate serio dentro del movimiento. Incluso cuando se retiró una pancarta feminista de la asamblea de Sol al principio, el problema nunca fue más DOOiGHXQGHEDWHHQODVUHGHVVRFLDOHVGLJLWDOHV/DGHOLEHUDFLyQ\WRGRORTXHHOODVXSRQHVHDFHSWy
tal cual: respeto al otro y a sus propuestas, no levantar la voz, siempre argumentar, lenguaje de signos SDUDH[SUHVDUGHVDFXHUGR\WRPDGHGHFLVLRQHVFROHFWLYD6HDFHSWyHOKHFKRGHTXHQRKXELHUDOtGHUHV
\TXHWRGDODHVWUDWHJLDVHUHDOL]DUDGHIRUPDFRQVHQVXDGD/DSRVLELOLGDGGHODGHOLEHUDFLyQVHOHYDQWD
en el imaginario de la ciudadanía frente a las actitudes no deliberativas de los partidos políticos o el VLVWHPDSROtWLFRHQJHQHUDO8QDLPDJHQTXHHVWiEDVWDQWHH[WHQGLGDHQWUHODSREODFLyQHVSDxRODVLYH-
mos estudios de opinión pública del CIS a lo largo de los años2. Frente a un medio caracterizado como (QORVEDUyPHWURVGHRSLQLyQS~EOLFDGHO&,6ODFLXGDGDQtDGHVFRQItDPXFKRGHORVSROtWLFRVSLHQVDTXHQRH[SOLFDQVXVGHFLVLRQHV\TXHQRVHWLHQHHQ
cuenta a la ciudadanía para tomarlas. En un estudio reciente con grupos de discusión en toda España sobre la calidad de la democracia, realizado justo DQWHVGHO0HQPDU]RGHOODPD\RUtDGHORVJUXSRVFULWLFDQHOHVFDVRFDUiFWHUGHOLEHUDWLYRGHOVLVWHPDSROtWLFR\ORVSDUWLGRV(VWRHVORTXHQRV
KDFHSHQVDUTXHHO0KD\DDOFDQ]DGRXQJUDGRGHDSUREDFLyQGHPiVGHOGHODFLXGDGDQtDHVSDxRODEDUyPHWUR&,6MXOLR\H[SOLFDHQSDUWH
el éxito de la movilización, así como los resortes de ese éxito.
129
HOLWLVWD\ROLJiUTXLFRDMHQRDOGHEDWHS~EOLFR\SUHRFXSDGRSRUVDFDUDGHODQWHVXVGHFLVLRQHVDQWHV
TXHGHEDWLUODVHQHOHVSDFLRS~EOLFRHO0UHLYLQGLFDHOHVSDFLRS~EOLFRHOEHQH¿FLRGHGHEDWLUDOOt
ODVGHFLVLRQHVTXHDIHFWDQDWRGRHOPXQGRSURSRQLHQGRXQDRUJDQL]DFLyQSOHQDPHQWHGHOLEHUDWLYD
0XFKDVRUJDQL]DFLRQHVGHL]TXLHUGDVQRWDUGDURQHQDSHODUHOPRYLPLHQWRGHUHIRUPLVWD6LQHPEDUJR
su capacidad de movilización, así como su presencia en casi todas las capitales de provincia y multitud GHPXQLFLSLRVKL]RTXHPXFKRVRWURVGHIHQGLHUDQHVHFLYLVPRGHOLEHUDWLYR
De las organizaciones militantes a la esfera pública ciudadana
Si las prácticas deliberativas de los indignados vienen en parte de medios militantes (en general de los PRYLPLHQWRVSRUODMXVWLFLDJOREDOHQSDUWLFXODUGHORVFHQWURVVRFLDOHVDXWRJHVWLRQDGRVDTXpOODVQRVH
restringen a ese mundo y sobrepasan rápidamente sus círculos. El movimiento se distingue por su capaci-
dad de crear un espacio deliberativo estructurado en el espacio público, pero además de los militantes, hay TXHFRQVLGHUDUODSUHVHQFLDGHXQDFXOWXUDSURIHVLRQDOYLQFXODGDDODVPHWRGRORJtDVSDUWLFLSDWLYDV\XQXVR
FRODERUDWLYRHQODVUHGHVVRFLDOHVPX\H[WHQGLGRHQWUHORVLQGLJQDGRV(QHVWHVHQWLGRHO0GH¿QHXQ
WHUULWRULRQXHYRDSDUWLUGHHVDFRQÀXHQFLDTXHSHUPLWLyODFRRUGLQDFLyQGHSHU¿OHVGHSHUVRQDVPX\GLIH-
rentes (profesionales, mileuristas, estudiantes y precarios). Con relación a otras movilizaciones sociales, KD\WUHVHOHPHQWRVTXHGLIHUHQFLDQHO0\TXHORGRWDQGHXQD¿VRQRPtDUHFRQRFLEOHHQWUHORVSURSLRV
indignados: la participación individual YV la de los colectivos instituidos, la ausencia de un programa y de líderes, y el lugar central dado a la deliberación.
Se puede vincular la valorización del individuo en detrimiento de los grupos organizados con la indivi-
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ciudadanos a privilegiar modos de compromiso más individuales, distanciados y autónomos (Ion, 1997). /RVSDUWLFLSDQWHVGHODDFDPSDGDVROVHSUHVHQWDQHQVXPDQL¿HVWRFRPR³SHUVRQDVTXHKHPRVYHQLGR
OLEUH\YROXQWDULDPHQWH>«@1RUHSUHVHQWDPRVDQLQJ~QSDUWLGRQLDVRFLDFLyQ1RVXQHXQDYRFDFLyQGH
cambio3”. La toma de palabra es individual en las asambleas del 15-M, como lo explica esta participante: ³&XDOTXLHUSHUVRQDSXHGHKDFHUXQDSURSXHVWDDWtWXORLQGLYLGXDOODDVDPEOHDHVODYR]GHORVLQGLYLGXRV
no organizados4”. Los indignados retiraban sistemáticamente las pancartas partidarias en la acampada, GRQGHVHH[SUHVDXQDFUHDWLYLGDGLQGLYLGXDODWUDYpVGHODSURIXVLyQGHSHTXHxRVFDUWHOHVLPSURYLVDGRV\
HVFULWRVGHSXxR\OHWUD/RVSDUWLFLSDQWHVGHQXQFLDQLQPHGLDWDPHQWHFXDOTXLHUVLJQRLGHQWLWDULRFRPRHVWD
pancarta instalada en la plaza para la primera asamblea del barrio de Carabanchel, el 27 de mayo de 2011: ³+D\TXHTXLWDUODSDQFDUWD'HPRFUDFLDUHDO\DHVHOPRYLPLHQWRGHWRGRVHVRHVHOQRPEUHGHXQDRU-
ganización!” Las personas encargadas del “respeto” en las manifestaciones son invitadas a evitar toda pro-
paganda política, como lo explica el animador de un taller de respeto antes de la marcha del 23 de julio en HOEDUULRGH9DOOHNDV³6LVHUHSDUWHQSDQÀHWRVQRKD\TXHLPSHGLUORVSRUTXHQRVRPRVQLQJXQDDXWRULGDG
SDUDKDFHUORSHURKD\TXHGHFLUOHVDTXLHQHVORKDFHQODVUD]RQHVGHSRUTXpHOPRYLPLHQWRHVWiHQFRQWUD´
En las manifestaciones, también dominan los carteles escritos de puño y letra, preparados individualmente RHQJUXSR/RVVtPERORVGHSDUWLGRVRGHVLQGLFDWRVHVWiQFDVLDXVHQWHVPLHQWUDVTXHODVSRFDVEDQGHUDV
son las republicanas y palestinas. Si el movimiento se apoya así en las individualidades y no en los colec-
WLYRVSUHFRQVWLWXLGRVHVWRV~OWLPRVQRVHTXHGDQFRPSOHWDPHQWHDIXHUD1RVyORDOJXQRVGHVXVPLHPEURV
KWWSPDGULGWRPDODSOD]DQHWPDQL¿HVWRFRQVXOWDGRHO
4 Observación en la asamblea general de Puerta del Sol, el 17 de julio de 2011.
130
VHLPSOLFDQHQODVDVDPEOHDVVLQRTXHSXHGHQWDPELpQHFKDUXQDPDQRSDUDFXHVWLRQHVRUJDQL]DWLYDV3RU
HMHPSORHVHO$WHQHR5HSXEOLFDQRGH9DOOHNDVXQDDVRFLDFLyQUHSXEOLFDQDDFWLYDORFDOPHQWHODTXHVH
encarga de la sonorización para la asamblea general del barrio y para varios eventos en Puerta del Sol.
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objetivos a alcanzar y de un adversario común (Neveu, 2002), los indignados se niegan a elaborar un pro-
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OtWLFRV\ORVVLQGLFDWRVTXH³QRQRVUHSUHVHQWDQ´VLQRWDPELpQORVEDQTXHURVODVLQVWLWXFLRQHV¿QDQFLHUDV
internacionales y el sistema capitalista. La necesidad de adoptar o no un “consenso de mínimos” se convir-
WLyHQREMHWRGHQXPHURVRVGHEDWHVHQODVDVDPEOHDVGHODVSULPHUDVVHPDQDVGHODDFDPSDGDVRO¢+D\TXH
SRQHUVHGHDFXHUGRRQRVREUHXQDVHULHGHSURSXHVWDVTXHKDJDFRQVHQVRHQHOPRYLPLHQWR\GH¿QLUDVtXQ
SURJUDPDFRP~QGHDFFLRQHV"(OJUXSRGHWUDEDMRGHSROtWLFDDFRUWRSOD]RGH¿HQGHHVWDHVWUDWHJLD³1HFH-
VLWDPRVXQPDQL¿HVWRTXHQRVUHSUHVHQWHQHFHVLWDPRVXQRVSLODUHVEiVLFRVSUHVHQWDQGRORTXHVRPRVKD\
TXHHODERUDUORV5´3RFRGHVSXpVHVWHJUXSRGH¿QLyFXDWURSURSXHVWDV³GHPtQLPRV´HQIRFDGDVDUHIRUPDU
el sistema político actual: reforma de la ley electoral, lucha contra la corrupción, separación efectiva de los tres poderes, creación de mecanismos de control ciudadano. No obstante, esta posición estuvo lejos de causar consenso en el movimiento. Incluso la adopción de un “consenso de mínimos” no alcanzó nunca el UHVSDOGRGHODDVDPEOHDJHQHUDOGH6ROHQSDUWHSRUHOUHFKD]RTXHJHQHUDEDMHUDUTXL]DUODVSURSXHVWDV³(V
PX\GL¿FLOHQFRQWUDUXQDPHWRGRORJtDSDUDSULRUL]DUQRVRPRVFDSDFHVGHGHVHFKDUSURSXHVWDVTXHRWURV
encontramos justas6´(VWDVGL¿FXOWDGHVSDUDDOFDQ]DUFRQVHQVRVVRQVLQHPEDUJRDFHSWDGDV,PSOLFDQ
DSUHQGL]DMH\UHVSHWRDXQTXHOOHYHDSDUHMDGRFLHUWRLQPRYLOLVPR(QHOIRQGRSDUDPXFKRVHVODOtQHDLPD-
JLQDULDTXHVHSDUDHOPRYLPLHQWRGHXQDRUJDQL]DFLyQORTXHVXSRQGUtDFDHUHQODIRUPDOL]DFLyQLQWHUQD
3RUHVRPXFKRVSLHQVDQTXHDKtUHVLGHODIXHU]DGHO0&RPRGHFtDXQSDUWLFLSDQWHHQHOSULPHUIRUR
VRFLDOLQGLJQDGRHOGHMXOLRGH³HO0HVWDQSOXUDOTXHQXQFDSRGUtDVHUXQPRYLPLHQWRSROtWLFR
FRQXQSURJUDPDSROtWLFRSHURSRGUtDPRVWHQHUDOLDGRVSROtWLFRVTXHGHQWURGHODVLQVWLWXFLRQHVGHIHQGLH-
UDQORTXHHVHO0´1RREVWDQWHFXDQGRVHDFHUFDURQODVHOHFFLRQHVJHQHUDOHVGHOGHQRYLHPEUHGH
2011, los indignados no sólo se negaron a adoptar un programa y a designar líderes, sino también a apoyar FXDOTXLHUFDQGLGDWRXRUJDQL]DFLyQSROtWLFD
/DLGHDGHFRQVHQVRHVFRQGHODV¿EUDVGHO0SXHVHVSUHFLVDPHQWHDTXpOODODTXHSHUPLWHVLWXDUOD
deliberación como base de su organización interna. En Madrid, todas las asambleas respetan una serie de reglas comunes, resumidas en la propuesta metodológica transmitida por la asamblea general de Puerta del Sol a los barrios y los pueblos cuando se descentralizó el movimiento a partir del 28 de mayo de 2011: “El objetivo será promover en todas las asambleas del movimiento un funcionamiento transparente, horizontal, \TXHSHUPLWDDWRGDVODVSHUVRQDVSDUWLFLSDUHQLJXDOGDGGHFRQGLFLRQHV7”. Se ponen por delante cuatro SULQFLSLRVIXQGDPHQWDOHVHQODySWLFDGHGH¿QLUXQDQXHYDOHJLWLPLGDGGHPRFUiWLFDODKRUL]RQWDOLGDGOD
LQFOXVLyQHOUHVSHWR\HOSHQVDPLHQWRFROHFWLYR)UHQWHDXQDGHPRFUDFLDUHSUHVHQWDWLYDTXH³QRQRVUHSUH-
VHQWDÓRVLQGLJQDGRVSURFXUDQDVtFRQVWUXLUXQDYR]FROHFWLYDTXHVHDSR\HHQODGLYHUVLGDGGHODVRSLQLR-
nes de la población. Se pone rápidamente en marcha un sistema de democracia directa, desde el primer día GHODDFDPSDGDODQRFKHGHOGHPD\R/DVGLYHUVDVFRPLVLRQHVTXHVHRUJDQL]DQGHLQIUDHVWUXFWXUDVGH
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5 Intervención en la reunión de los portavoces de las comisiones y grupos de trabajo de la asamblea general de Sol, el 27 de mayo de 2011.
6 Intervención del portavoz del grupo de trabajo sobre los derechos animales en la reunión del 27 de mayo de 2011.
7 http://madrid.tomalosbarrios.net/metodologia-asamblearia/ (consultado el 06.01.2012).
131
los grupos de trabajo (economía, política, educación, medio ambiente, etc.) se enfocan más hacia la acción en la perspectiva de un cambio de sociedad. Se reúnen en asamblea pública, una o varias veces a la semana, HQODVSOD]DVFHUFDQDVSDUDSUHSDUDUORVSXQWRVTXHGLVFXWLU\ODVGHFLVLRQHVTXHWRPDUHQDVDPEOHDJHQHUDO
(VWDHVWUXFWXUDKRUL]RQWDOTXHVHPDQWLHQHHQ3XHUWDGHO6ROGHVSXpVGHOOHYDQWDPLHQWRGHODDFDPSDGDHO
GHMXQLRGHFRQHYROXFLRQHVHQHOULWPRGHODVDVDPEOHDVTXHGHGLDULRVHYXHOYHVHPDQDO\HQ
las temáticas de ciertos grupos), es también adoptada en cada barrio y pueblo de la comunidad autónoma con la descentralización del movimiento (Nez, 2011). Si movimientos sociales precedentes ya reinvendi-
caban los principios de horizontalidad, de inclusión y de transparencia, el 15-M se distingue tanto por el OXJDUFHQWUDOTXHFRQFHGHDODGHOLEHUDFLyQFRPRSRUODLQVWDXUDFLyQGHWpFQLFDVGLVFLSOLQDULDVGHVWLQDGDV
a garantizar su aplicación.
Deliberar en el espacio público
El paso de la deliberación de las microesferas de las organizaciones militantes hacia la esfera pública FLXGDGDQDVHWUDGXFHHQSULPHUOXJDUHQXQDRFXSDFLyQGHOHVSDFLRS~EOLFRORTXHWLHQHXQLPSDFWRQR
despreciable sobre las prácticas deliberativas puestas en ejecución. A pesar de la escasez de investigaciones empíricas sobre la dimensión espacial de las movilizaciones sociales, el espacio y el lugar se perciben cada vez más como esencial en el análisis de la contestación (Auyero, 2005). Más allá de la ocupación de la FDOOHTXHFRQVWLWX\HXQPRGRFOiVLFRGHSURWHVWDHQODVPDQLIHVWDFLRQHV\EDUULFDGDV7LOO\*RXOG
)LOOLHXOHGLIHUHQWHVWUDEDMRVPRVWUDURQFyPRHOHVSDFLRSXHGHWDPELpQFRQVWLWXLUXQUHFXUVR
RXQDFRDFFLyQHQODVPRYLOL]DFLRQHVFROHFWLYDV=KDR+PHG(ODQiOLVLVGHO0QRVLQYLWD
a establecer vínculos entre la inscripción espacial de un movimiento social y sus prácticas deliberativas. Los trabajos sobre los procesos participativos se interesaron relativamente poco por su dimensión espacial ±VyORPRVWUDQGRTXHODHOHFFLyQGHORVOXJDUHVGHUHXQLyQ\ODFRQ¿JXUDFLyQGHODVDXODVSXHGHQHVWLPXODU
RQRODSDUWLFLSDFLyQHQHOFDVRSRUHMHPSORGHORVFRQVHMRVGHEDUULRHQ)UDQFLD%ORQGLDX[\/pYrTXH
1999). No obstante, la guía metodológica sobre las reuniones y asambleas de Ana Rosa Lorenzo y Miguel Martínez (2001: 30) dedica un apartado especial sobre la organización del espacio: “No atender a la dis-
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VLUYHFXDOTXLHUOXJDUQLVLTXLHUDHOPLVPROXJDUSXHGHVHUDSURSULDGRSDUDUHXQLRQHVFRQGLVWLQWRQ~PHUR
de participantes”. En el caso del 15-M, la elección deliberada de la calle y de las plazas para organizar las acampadas y las asambleas aparece central en la promoción de prácticas participativas y deliberativas, SRUODDSHUWXUDODSXEOLFLGDG\ODWUDQVSDUHQFLDGHORVGHEDWHVTXHHVWRVOXJDUHVLPSOLFDQ6HHVWLPXODDVt
ODSDUWLFLSDFLyQSRUTXHFLHUWDVEDUUHUDVYLQFXODGDVDORVHVSDFLRVFHUUDGRVGHVDSDUHFHQ±HVSRVLEOHSRU
ejemplo, asistir a una asamblea con los niños o los animales de compañía. Se reducen en este sentido los FRVWHVGHODSDUWLFLSDFLyQ(OHVSDFLRS~EOLFRDSDUHFHSXHVFRPRXQOXJDUPHQRVUHJODPHQWDGRTXHORV
JHQHUDOPHQWHXWLOL]DGRVHQORVSURFHVRVLQVWLWXFLRQDOHVGHSDUWLFLSDFLyQFRPRODVDXODVGHHVFXHODORTXH
atrae a nuevos públicos como los jóvenes, menos propensos a venir a lugares institucionales. El espacio público constituye pues un recurso para la acción colectiva, favoreciendo una diversidad de participantes, eliminando fronteras a la participación y dando una visibilidad al movimiento. Favorece también la efecti-
YLGDGGHOSULQFLSLRGHLJXDOGDG\DTXHWRGDVODVSHUVRQDVVHQWDGDVHQHOVXHORVHHQFXHQWUDQDOPLVPRQLYHO
VLQTXHVHHVWDEOH]FDQMHUDUTXtDV
Además del argumento de la autonomía con respecto a los colectivos ya constituidos, los indignados VHRSRQHQUHJXODUPHQWHDRWUDVSURSXHVWDVGHOXJDUHVGHUHXQLyQTXHQRWHQJDQHVWDGLPHQVLyQS~EOLFD
132
como locales de asociaciones de vecinos, centros sociales autogestionados o instalaciones culturales de EDUULR/RVHVSDFLRVS~EOLFRVSUHVHQWDQQRREVWDQWHFRDFFLRQHVYLQFXODGDVDORVSRWHQFLDOHVFRQÀLFWRVGH
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en primer lugar, compartir el territorio con otras personas (comerciantes, vendedores o artistas ambulan-
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FRQVWLWXLGD/RUHQ]R\0DUWtQH]SRUHMHPSORDGYLHUWHQTXHODVUHXQLRQHVGHEHUtDQ³KDFHUVHHQ
HVSDFLRVGRQGHQRVHHVWpUHDOL]DQGRDOPLVPRWLHPSRQLQJXQDRWUDDFWLYLGDGTXHSXHGDHQWRUSHFHU´/DV
asambleas públicas en las plazas se confrontan así con otros usos, particularmente comerciales y lúdicos. Las limitaciones de estos lugares públicos dependen también de las condiciones meteorológicas, por ejem-
plo, la lluvia o el sol puede hacer difícil o imposible el desarrollo de los debates. La llegada del invierno a 0DGULGIRU]yDORVLQGLJQDGRVDFDPELDUVXVOXJDUHVGHUHXQLyQORTXHWXYRXQLPSDFWRVREUHODDPSOLWXG
de la participación y las prácticas de deliberación. Por ejemplo, el desplazamiento de varias asambleas de ORVJUXSRVGHWUDEDMRGH3XHUWDGHO6RODFDVDVRNXSDFRPRHO+RWHO0DGULGRFXSDGRDO¿QDOGHODPD-
QLIHVWDFLyQGHOGHRFWXEUHGHGHVDQLPyODSDUWLFLSDFLyQGHORVTXHQRHVWDEDQDFRVWXPEUDGRVD
pasar la puerta de tales lugares ilegales. Esta evolución espacial de los lugares de asamblea tiene también XQLPSDFWRVREUHODVSUiFWLFDVGHOLEHUDWLYDVODFRQ¿JXUDFLyQGHFLHUWRVOXJDUHVFHUUDGRVRSULYDGRVLQFLWDQ
PHQRVHOGHEDWH\ODGLVFXVLyQTXHORVHVSDFLRVS~EOLFRVGRQGHVHSXHGHVLVWHPiWLFDPHQWHRUJDQL]DUXQD
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La instauración de técnicas disciplinarias
Además de la ocupación del espacio público, el 15-M se distingue de otros movimientos sociales por el JUDGRGHIRUPDOL]DFLyQGHODGHOLEHUDFLyQFRQHO¿QGHHYLWDUODVWHQWDWLYDVGHFRQFHQWUDFLyQGHOSRGHU\OD
SURGXFFLyQGHMHUDUTXtDVGHQWURGHOPRYLPLHQWR(OSULPHUHOHPHQWRHVODURWDFLyQGHWRGDVODVIXQFLRQHV
instituida en oposición a las lógicas de representación y de delegación política. Una comisión de dinamiza-
ción asegura la preparación y la organización de las asambleas generales Puerta del Sol. En asambleas públi-
FDVDELHUWDVDWRGRVGH¿QHHORUGHQGHOGtD\GHVLJQDDODVSHUVRQDVHQFDUJDGDVGHPRGHUDUODDVDPEOHDGH
WRPDUORVWXUQRVGHSDODEUDGHUHGDFWDUODVDFWDV\GHIDFLOLWDUODPRGHUDFLyQ(QODVDVDPEOHDVPiVSHTXH-
xDVFXDOTXLHUSDUWLFLSDQWHSXHGHVHUYROXQWDULRDOLQLFLRGHODUHXQLyQSDUDDVXPLUHVWDVIXQFLRQHVTXHVRQ
WRGDVURWDWLYDV/DURWDFLyQGHOPRGHUDGRUHVSDUWLFXODUPHQWHLPSRUWDQWHSRUTXHHMHUFHXQDLQÀXHQFLDQR
despreciable sobre el desarrollo de las asambleas, decidiendo por ejemplo abrir o no un turno de palabra. Por otra parte, no hay representantes sino un sistema de portavocía rotativo, únicamente habilitados para trans-
mitir las decisiones de la asamblea en otros espacios, particularmente mediático. Se organizan así rotaciones para responder a las preguntas de la prensa y representar el movimiento afuera. Este sistema de portavocía rotativo funciona también internamente, para constituir por ejemplo la asamblea popular de Madrid (APM) TXHSUHWHQGHGH¿QLUHVWUDWHJLDVGHDFFLyQFRP~QHQWUHORVEDUULRV\SXHEORVGHODFRPXQLGDGDXWyQRPD
$GHPiVHOGHVDUUROORGHODVDVDPEOHDVGHVFDQVDHQUHJODVFODUDVORTXHHYLWDTXHHOHTXLSRGHGLQD-
mización tenga un peso desmesurado. Antes de empezar, los moderadores siempre exponen las reglas cívicas de un debate: respetar a la pluralidad, a los turnos de palabra, nunca elevar el tono de voz, siempre argumentar y evitar discursos autocomplacientes. Una vez iniciada la sesión, todos los participantes se con-
vierten en vigilantes de la deliberación a través del lenguaje de signos creado para ello. En cuanto alguien levanta la voz, además del moderador, otros participantes suelen expresar directamente con sus manos el descontento con dicha actitud. La deliberación en el 15-M no es por ello un ideal de relación política, sino 133
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dose cada participante en un vigilante del civismo deliberativo. Una de las principales características de las asambleas madrileñas es su funcionamiento por consenso y no según la lógica del voto mayoritario. Este modo de toma de decisiones ha sido objeto de debates amplios y reiterados en el 15-M desde su nacimiento. Aún hoy sigue siendo una línea de debate abierta y el movimiento en Madrid todavía no ha alcanzado un consenso a este respecto. A pesar de las situaciones GH EORTXHR TXH SURYRFD VXV GHIHQVRUHV VHxDODQ DUGLHQWHPHQWH HO ³HVStULWX GHO PRYLPLHQWR´ FRQWUD ³HO
VLVWHPDGHVLHPSUHGHOTXHQRTXHUHPRVPiV8”. Antes de validar una propuesta sondeando el conjunto de ORVSDUWLFLSDQWHVHOPRGHUDGRUSLGHVLVWHPiWLFDPHQWHVLKD\XQDSHUVRQD³UDGLFDOPHQWHHQFRQWUD´RTXH
desea “aportar matices”. Si la propuesta genera oposición, se abren turnos de palabra (limitados en número \HQGXUDFLyQSDUDHVFXFKDUORVDUJXPHQWRVDIDYRU\HQFRQWUD3DUDWRPDUXQDGHFLVLyQKDFHIDOWDTXH
VHDDFHSWDGDSRUHOFRQMXQWRGHORVSDUWLFLSDQWHVHVGHFLUTXHQLQJ~QGLVHQVRDUJXPHQWDGRVHH[SUHVHHQ
la asamblea. Este método implica “intentar convencer al otro, y si no está de acuerdo, de presentarlo de manera constructiva”, como lo expresa un participante en una asamblea de barrio. Se trata pues de inter-
cambiar argumentos y contra-argumentos con el objetivo de formular y de reformular las propuestas, hasta HQFRQWUDU¿QDOPHQWHXQDFXHUGRORTXHH[LJHWLHPSRFRPRORVXJLHUHODGLYLVDGHOPRYLPLHQWR³9DPRV
OHQWRVSRUTXHYDPRVOHMRV´(OREMHWLYRVLHPSUHSODQWHDGRDOLQLFLRGHODVDVDPEOHDVHVFRQVWUXLUSURJUH-
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\TXHEXVTXHHOELHQFRP~Q(OOHQJXDMHJHVWXDOD\XGDDODLQFOXVLyQSXHVSHUPLWHPDQLIHVWDUXQDSRVLFLyQ
sin perturbar la toma de palabra: levantando las manos en el aire, cruzándolas o haciendo el signo de una rodadura, todo el mundo puede manifestar su acuerdo, su desacuerdo o su cansancio con respecto a una intervención. Se invitan también a los participantes a utilizar un “lenguaje inclusivo”, sistematizando por HMHPSORHOJpQHURIHPHQLQR³WRGDV>ODVSHUVRQDV@´PiVELHQTXH³WRGRV´PLHQWUDVTXHVHJHQHUDOL]DOD
traducción en lengua de signos en las grandes asambleas.
(VWDIRUPDOL]DFLyQGHODVUHJODVGHSDUWLFLSDFLyQ\GHGHOLEHUDFLyQHQODVDVDPEOHDVORJUDHYLWDUTXH
unos grupos organizados monopolicen la palabra, como pudo ser el caso en otros episodios históricos9. Los miembros de organizaciones políticas, sociales o sindicales no llegan a imponer su punto de vista en ODVDVDPEOHDVJHQHUDOHVSRUTXHODUHJODPHQWDFLyQGHORVWXUQRVGHSDODEUD\ODWRPDGHGHFLVLRQHVSRU
FRQVHQVRQROHVGDPiVSHVRHQODGLVFXVLyQTXHDFXDOTXLHURWURLQGLYLGXR3RUHMHPSORORVPLHPEURVGHO
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un consenso en la asamblea general. Si los debates son a menudo largos y agitados entre los miembros de este grupo de trabajo y los demás participantes, las reglas de la deliberación no les permiten imponerse en este espacio. Además, el principio de rotación de las funciones, particularmente las de moderador y de SRUWDYR]HYLWDTXHHPHUMDQ³FDEH]DVYLVLEOHV´GHOPRYLPLHQWRTXHSRGUtDQRWRUJDUVHHOGHUHFKRDKDEODU
HQVXQRPEUH(QODDVDPEOHDJHQHUDOGH3XHUWDGHO6RODH[FHSFLyQGHO³DEXHORGHODUHYROXFLyQ´TXH
buscan a menudo los medios de comunicación por su implicación diaria con más de ochenta años, nadie se LGHQWL¿FDFODUDPHQWHFRPRUHSUHVHQWDQWHGHO0$XQTXHODDXVHQFLDGHUHJODVFODUDVVREUHODIXQFLyQ
GHSRUWDYR]LQWURGX]FDOyJLFDVGHUHSUHVHQWDFLyQ\GHGHOHJDFLyQSROtWLFDHQRUJDQL]DFLRQHVTXHSRQHQHQ
YDORUVLQHPEDUJRODGHOLEHUDFLyQHQVXIXQFLRQDPLHQWRLQWHUQR0RXFKDUGODFODUL¿FDFLyQGHODV
8 Intervenciones de un grupo de jóvenes a favor del consenso en la asamblea general de Sol, el 3 de julio, dedicada al debate sobre el funcionamiento por FRQVHQVRRSRUPD\RUtDGHFXDWURTXLQWRV
9 Ver particularmente, sobre la burocratización de los sovietes en el momento de la revolución rusa, Ferro (1980).
134
reglas de juego por los indignados garantiza el respeto de los principios de horizontalidad, de transparencia y de inclusión. Los militantes frente al 15-M
La deliberación así formalizada crea un punto de divergencia entre los indignados y los colectivos ins-
tituidos. Los representantes políticos, sindicales y asociativos sienten la concurrencia por la emergencia de otras fuentes de legitimidad en las asambleas populares, como ya es el caso en los dispositivos participati-
YRVIXQGDGRVVREUHXQDSDUWLFLSDFLyQLQGLYLGXDO\XQLYHUVDO*DQX]D\1H]/RVFRQÀLFWRVUHFXUUHQ-
WHVTXHRSRQHQORVPLHPEURVGHOJUXSRGHWUDEDMRODERUDODRWURVSDUWLFLSDQWHVGHODDVDPEOHDJHQHUDOGH
Puente de Vallekas revelan las tensiones entre el 15-M y las organizaciones tradicionales. La oposición es VLVWHPiWLFDHQODVDVDPEOHDVGHHVWHEDUULRHQWUHDOJXQRVKRPEUHVGHVHVHQWDDxRVTXHVHLPSOLFDQHQHVWH
JUXSRGHWUDEDMRDSDUWLUGHXQDH[SHULHQFLDGHOVLQGLFDOLVPRREUHUR\HOUHVWRGHODDVDPEOHDTXHGH¿HQGH
una identidad más amplia, como lo expresa este participante: ³/RTXHKHHQWHQGLGRHVTXHQRVHVLHQWHUHSUHVHQWDGR>HOSRUWDYR]HOJUXSRGHWUDEDMRGHQXQFLDODVDFWDVGHODDVDPEOHD
DQWHULRU@SHUR\RQRPHVLHQWRUHSUHVHQWDGRSRUYRVRWURV(O³PRYLPLHQWRREUHUR´HVWiELHQSHURKD\JHQWHQRREUHUDDTXt
somos artistas, autónomos, etc. Estoy harto de siempre los obreros, no me siento representado por vosotros, lo siento10!” /RVFRQÀLFWRVVHUH¿HUHQQRVyORDORVPHGLRVGHDFFLyQODKXHOJDJHQHUDO\ODLGHQWLGDGHOPRYLPLHQWR
obrero) propuestos por este grupo de trabajo, sino también sobre el método deliberativo en sí. Los miembros GHHVWHJUXSRSRQHQHQWHODGHMXLFLRHOKHFKRGHWHQHUTXHLQVFULELUVHSDUDWRPDUODSDODEUD\UHVSHWDUODUHJOD
GHORVWXUQRVGHSDODEUDOLPLWDGRV±DORTXHORVMyYHQHVSDUWLFLSDQWHVGHODDVDPEOHDOHVUHVSRQGHQTXH³SXH-
GHQWRPDUODSDODEUDSHURQRHQFXDOTXLHUPRPHQWR\VLHPSUHVHJ~QODVUHJODVGH¿QLGDVSUHYLDPHQWH´11. (VWDVWHQVLRQHVHQWUHGRVJHQHUDFLRQHVGHPLOLWDQWHVWUDGXFHQFRQÀLFWRVGHOHJLWLPLGDGHQWUHORVPRGH-
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la historia del movimiento social en el barrio. Pero las encontramos también en otras asambleas de barrio del 15-M o en las asambleas generales en Puerta del Sol. Además, el civismo deliberativo de los indignados ha sobrepasado sus propias fronteras, contaminando otros movimientos como el de los profesores de la en-
señanza secundaria. Estos se organizan desde el mes de julio de 2011 en contra de los recortes en el presu-
puesto de la educación de la comunidad autónoma de Madrid, inspirándose en el modo de funcionamiento de los indignados. Los intercambios entre una profesora de unos treinta años y dos responsables sindicales treinta años mayores, en una reunión de profesores en la corona metropolitana del Sur de Madrid, el 13 de RFWXEUHGHUHYHODQORVFRQÀLFWRVGHOHJLWLPLGDG\GHSRGHUYLQFXODGRVDODDGRSFLyQGHXQPRGRGH
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/DSURIHVRUD³/RVVLQGLFDWRVPD\RULWDULRVKDQGHFLGLGR>HOQ~PHURGHGtDVGHKXHOJDV@VLQFRQVXOWDUDORVSURIHVRUHV
6HQRVQLQJXQHDDORVSURIHVRUHV(VWiQORVVLQGLFDWRVSHURORVSURIHVRUHVTXHUHPRVXQVLVWHPDDVDPEOHDULRQRWRGRV
estamos en sindicatos pero tenemos derecho a opinar”.
10 Intervención en la asamblea general de Puente de Vallekas, el 16 de julio de 2011.
11 2EVHUYDFLyQGHXQDDOWHUFDFLyQHQWUHORVPLHPEURVGHOJUXSRGHWUDEDMRODERUDO\MyYHQHVSDUWLFLSDQWHVDO¿QDOGHODDVDPEOHDJHQHUDOGHOGHMXOLRGH
2011.
135
La dirigente sindical: “Hablamos de mayorías cuando en Comisiones Obreras nos han votado 11.000 personas en las ~OWLPDVHOHFFLRQHVUHSUHVHQWDPRVDPiVGHD¿OLDGRV/DVPD\RUtDVVRQPX\UHODWLYDV>«@6RPRVORVTXHTXH
tienen más representación en la primaria para impulsar un movimiento fuerte. Tenemos la experiencia, sin nosotros, QRWHQpLVIXHU]DVX¿FLHQWH´
(OGLULJHQWHVLQGLFDO³<RUHFLERPXFKDVFUtWLFDVFRQWUDORVVLQGLFDWRV\ORVSDUWLGRVSHURKDQYRWDGRHOGHORV
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los indignados y las técnicas deliberativas utilizadas en las asambleas populares comenzaron a difundirse HQRWURVVHFWRUHVVRFLDOHV1RVyORHVHOOHQJXDMHJHVWXDOGHO0TXHVHDGRSWDUiSLGDPHQWHHQDVDP-
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SUHVXSXHVWDULRVVLQRWDPELpQHOPRGRGHODDVDPEOHDDGLIHUHQWHVHVFDODVLQVWLWXWRVVHFWRUHVJHRJUi¿FRV
FRPXQLGDGDXWyQRPDGH0DGULG\ODVSUiFWLFDVGHOLEHUDWLYDVTXHORDFRPSDxDQPRGHUDFLyQH[WHULRUD
los sindicatos, rotación de las funciones, igualdad en las tomas de palabra, etc.). En esta movilización de la enseñanza secundaria, se pone progresivamente en marcha un sistema de democracia directa, en paralelo GHODFOiVLFDUHSUHVHQWDFLyQVLQGLFDO3HQVDPRVTXHHO0HVDVtVXVFHSWLEOHGHDEULUXQQXHYRFLFORGH
PRYLOL]DFLyQWDOFRPRORGH¿QH6LGQH\7DUURZXQD³RODFUHFLHQWHOXHJRGHFUHFLHQWHGHDFFLR-
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GHOFRQÀLFWRVXGLIXVLyQJHRJUi¿FD\VRFLDOODDSDULFLyQGHDFFLRQHVHVSRQWiQHDV\GHQXHYDVRUJDQL]DFLR-
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modos tradicionales de movilización, como los sindicatos y las asociaciones de vecinos, estan declinando 1DYDUUR)RQWD6XELUDWVORVLQGLJQDGRVSRGUtDQDVtDSRUWDUXQQXHYRVRSORDODDFFLyQ
colectiva en España, renovando a los militantes y poniendo la cuestión de la deliberación en el centro del repertorio de acción.
Conclusión
La extensión de la deliberación más allá de las esferas militantes se explica por la originalidad del 15-
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VRFLDOHVVLQRWDPELpQHQODDFFLyQS~EOLFDORFDOFRQODVIRUPDFLRQHVSURIHVLRQDOHVTXHOHDFRPSDxDQ\
PiVDPSOLDPHQWHHQHOXVRFRODERUDWLYRGH,QWHUQHW\GHODVUHGHVVRFLDOHV/DJHQHDORJtDPX\HVSHFt¿FD
GHHVWDPRYLOL]DFLyQTXHQRKDVLGRFRQYRFDGDSRUODVRUJDQL]DFLRQHVWUDGLFLRQDOHVVLQRSRUSODWDIRUPDV
recientemente constituidas en Internet, explica sus principales características: la valorización del individuo FRQWUDWRGDIRUPDGHFROHFWLYRLQVWLWXLGRHOUHFKD]RGHGH¿QLUXQSURJUDPD\GHHVFRJHUDOtGHUHV\HO
lugar central concedido a la deliberación para toda acción y toma de decisiones. De este modo los indig-
nados han hecho posible construir un espacio público amplio, incluyendo al conjunto de la ciudadanía, y un espacio deliberativo, es decir, atravesado por procedimientos disciplinarios orientados a proteger la GHOLEHUDFLyQ(VWRKDVLGRSRVLEOHSRUTXHORUHDOPHQWHGLVWLQWLYRGHVXVSODQWHDPLHQWRVFtYLFRVKDVLGROD
ocupación del espacio público para transformarlo en espacio político y la fuerza disciplinaria, en términos From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
136
GHOLEHUDWLYRVFRQODTXHHOPRYLPLHQWRORVKDOOHYDGRDFDER(O0SRQHDVtHQHYLGHQFLDODLPSRUWDQ-
cia de formalizar las técnicas deliberativas para hacer efectiva la deliberación en un movimiento social y RSRQHUVHDODOH\GHKLHUURGHODROLJDUTXtDDXQTXHVHQRWDQWDPELpQIRUPDVGHLQVWLWXFLRQDOL]DFLyQGHO
movimiento al paso del tiempo.
La permanencia en el tiempo de este sistema de democracia directa provoca inevitablemente formas de rutinización de las prácticas participativas y deliberativas, como lo hemos observado siguiendo durante más de ocho meses las asambleas madrileñas. La multiplicación de las asambleas, de las comisiones y de los grupos de trabajo, a todas las escalas, pone a prueba el principio de horizontalidad. Poco a poco se di-
IXQGHODLPSUHVLyQHQORVEDUULRV\SXHEORVTXHODDVDPEOHDJHQHUDOGH3XHUWDGHO6ROVHLQVFULEHDUULEDGH
las demás asambleas, por su visibilidad popular: “Introducimos una centralización dentro de la toma de de-
cisión cuando ponemos la asamblea de Sol como un elemento central en comparación con los barrios. Es el primer paso hacia una estructura vertical del poder12”. La disminución regular del número de participantes HQODVDVDPEOHDVHQ3XHUWDGHO6ROFRPRHQORVEDUULRVGL¿FXOWDWDPELpQHOUHVSHWRGHODUHJODGHURWDFLyQ
GHORVSRUWDYRFHV\GHORVHTXLSRVGHPRGHUDFLyQSRUIDOWDGHYROXQWDULRV/RVPLHPEURVGHODVFRPLVLR-
nes de dinamización de las asambleas, conscientes de esta deriva, hacen convocatorias regulares para una URWDFLyQGHVXVHTXLSRV³4XHYHQJDJHQWHDGLQDPL]DFLyQ+R\WXYLPRVSRUSULPHUDYH]TXHUHSHWLUXQ
PRGHUDGRUQRHVEXHQRYHUVLHPSUHODVPLVPDVFDUDVODGLQDPL]DFLyQWLHQHTXHURWDUSDUDTXHQRSDUH]-
camos como los dirigentes de la asamblea131RREVWDQWHQRVSDUHFHTXHODGLVPLQXFLyQGHOQ~PHURGH
participantes en las comisiones y los grupos de trabajo no está sin relación con el modo de decisión por con-
senso, cuya lentitud aumenta los costes de la participación y penaliza a los participantes menos politizados. (QORVEDUULRV\ORVSXHEORVODVKRUDVGHGHEDWHGHGLFDGDVDODGH¿QLFLyQGHODRUJDQL]DFLyQSUiFWLFDGHOD
asamblea, luego las discusiones interminables sobre tal o tal punto al orden del día, desanima a las personas menos acostumbradas a la acción colectiva. Paradójicamente, contra la identidad misma del movimiento, las asambleas del 15-M corren el peligro de transformarse en “asambleas de activistas” (Castells, 2012), PLHQWUDVTXHVXVWpFQLFDVGHOLEHUDWLYDVHVWiQGLIXGLpQGRVHHQODVPRYLOL]DFLRQHVGHRWURVVHFWRUHVVRFLDOHV
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13 Observación en la asamblea general de Carabanchel, el 2 de julio de 2011.
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139
INTERNATIONALIZATION OF PROTESTS
142
The notion of the Multitude and lessons from the present cycle of struggles: the case of Greece
NIKOS SOTIRAKOPOULOS
University of Kent
Abstract
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post-Fordist capitalism. In addition, it can be understood as the unmediated biopoliti-
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constituted capital a parasitic relationship, useless in all parts of the productive schema DQGDVRRQWRGLVDSSHDUGHJHQHUDWHGDQWLTXH%RWKDVDFODVVGHVFULSWLRQDQGDVDSROLWL-
cal project, the Multitude seems to be based on an overly optimistic and incomplete DQDO\VLV7KHUHFHQWF\FOHRIVWUXJJOHVKHUHH[SORULQJWKHFDVHRI*UHHFHKDVVKRZQ
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abandonment of some traditional forms of political organization, such as the party or DIURQWFODLPLQJSRZHUVHULRXVO\KLQGHUVWKHSURVSHFWRIUHDOUDGLFDOFKDQJHDQGRQO\
ensures defeat. Keywords
Greece, Hardt, Multitude, Negri, Syntagma 7KHQRWLRQRIWKH0XOWLWXGHDVDVRFLDOVXEMHFWXQLI\LQJWKRVHOLYLQJDQGZRUNLQJXQGHUFDSLWDOZKLFK
has the potential to become the bearer of social change in the globalized era of the 21st century, has been TXLWHLQÀXHQWLDOLQDFDGHPLFDQGUDGLFDOFLUFOHVIRUWKHSDVWWHQ\HDUV$SSHDULQJDVSDUWRIDFKDLQLQDORQJ
SKLORVRSKLFDODQGSROLWLFDOWUDGLWLRQZKLFKKDVLWVURRWVLQ,WDOLDQDXWRQRPLVW0DU[LVPLWLVVXSSRVHGWR
NHHSWKHPRPHQWXPRIUDGLFDOWKHRU\DOLYHZKLOHDWWKHVDPHWLPHDYRLGLQJWKHGRJPDVRIWKHSDVWZKLFK
are considered outdated and passé. The aim of this paper is to examine these assumptions through the prism RIWKHF\FOHRIVWUXJJOHVWKDWWKHZRUOGKDVH[SHULHQFHGRYHUWKHODVW\HDUV
From the large protests of the anti-globalization movement to the revolt in Greece in December 2008, DQGIURP7DKULU6TXDUHWRWKH2FFXS\PRYHPHQWVLQWKHPHWURSROHLVRIWKHZHVWHUQZRUOGLWKDVEHHQ
DUJXHGE\YDULRXVVFKRODUVWKDWZKDWZHDUHREVHUYLQJLVWKHPDWHULDOL]DWLRQHYHQLQDQHPEU\RQLFIRUP
RIWKHUDGLFDOSRWHQWLDORIWKH0XOWLWXGH+RZHYHUZKDWVHHPVWREHPLVVLQJLVDSUDJPDWLFHYDOXDWLRQRI
WKHVHVWUXJJOHV:KDWFRQFOXVLRQVFDQEHGUDZQIURPVXFKDULFKH[SHULHQFH"$UHWKHVHPRYHPHQWVWREH
celebrated as an explosion of energy and resistance from the grassroots level, or should their lack of tan-
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ZLWKWKHWKHRUHWLFDOIUDPHZRUNVWKDWXQGHUSLQWKHP"
143
,ZLOOEHJLQP\DQDO\VLVE\SUHVHQWLQJDVKRUWUHYLHZRIWKHQRWLRQRIWKH0XOWLWXGHLWVKLVWRULFDOURRWV
DQGKRZLWKDVEHHQDUWLFXODWHGDQGSUHVHQWHGDVWKHUDGLFDOFRQFHSWSDUH[FHOOHQFH for the struggles of the early 21stFHQWXU\7KHQLWVDSSOLFDWLRQZLOOEHWHVWHGLQWKHFDVHVWXG\RI*UHHFH7KHDQDO\VLVZLOOIRFXV
RQWKHF\FOHRIVWUXJJOHVRIWKHODVWWKUHH\HDUVLQ*UHHFHEHJLQQLQJZLWKWKHWXUEXOHQWGD\VZKLFKIRO-
ORZHGWKHSROLFHVKRRWLQJRIDVWXGHQWLQ'HFHPEHUDQGFRQWLQXLQJZLWKWKHPXOWLIDULRXVVWUXJJOHV
against the imposition of extreme-austerity measures by the International Monetary Fund, the European 8QLRQDQGWKH(XURSHDQ&HQWUDO%DQNRUWKHµWURLND¶DVLWKDVEHFRPHFRPPRQO\NQRZQDQGWKH*UHHN
JRYHUQPHQWV0RUHHPSKDVLVZLOOEHJLYHQWRWKHSHDNRIWKLVVWUXJJOHZKLFKWRRNSODFHLQWKHVXPPHURI
ZLWKWKHPRYHPHQWRIWKHµ)UXVWUDWHG¶WKHHTXLYDOHQWRIWKH6SDQLVKµLQGLJQDGRV¶DQGWKHEXLOGLQJ
RIDPRYHPHQWFHQWUHGLQWKHRFFXSLHG6\QWDJPD6TXDUH
,WZLOOEHVKRZQWKDWZKLOHWKHQRWLRQRIWKH0XOWLWXGHFDQEHDTXLWHXVHIXODQDO\WLFDOWRROIRUWKHXQGHU-
VWDQGLQJRIWKHPRGHUQWHFKQLFDOFRPSRVLWLRQRIODERXUDQGWRZDUGVGUDZLQJDPRGHUQPDSRIUHVLVWDQFH
QHWZRUNVLWLVDWOHDVWIRUWKHPRPHQWLQDGHTXDWHDVDEHDUHURIUDGLFDOVRFLRSROLWLFDOFKDQJH7KXVTXHV-
WLRQVDULVHDVWRZKHWKHUSROLWLFDOFRQFHSWVWKDWKDYHEHHQORQJGHFODUHGLQHIIHFWLYHRUHYHQXQZHOFRPH
such as the party or the political front, should be re-evaluated in light of the current capitalist crisis and the LQDELOLW\RIWKHVRFLDOVWUDWDDIIHFWHGE\LWWREXLOGVXI¿FLHQWIRUPVRIUHVLVWDQFHDQGFRXQWHUDWWDFN
On the notion of the Multitude
Multitude as a class concept and as a political potentiality
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)RU+REEHVDOORIWKHDERYHWHUPVVLJQLI\DQDSROLWLFDOVLWXDWLRQRIGHFDGHQFHWKHRQO\ZD\
RXWRIZKLFKZRXOGEHWKHXQL¿FDWLRQRIWKHDPRUSKRXVPDVVLQWRDXQLW\LQWRWKHRQHRIWKHµSHRSOH¶7KH
¿UVWRQHWRVHHWKHFUHDWLYHDQGSRVVLEO\UDGLFDOSRWHQWLDORIWKH0XOWLWXGH1ZDV%DUXFK6SLQR]DIRUZKRP
LWZDVWKHRQO\VXEMHFWFDSDEOHRIUHDOL]LQJWKHGHPRFUDWLFLGHDO+DUGWDQG1HJULS
,QUHFHQW\HDUVDVHULHVRIWKLQNHUVVRPHRIZKRPKDGWKHLURULJLQVLQWKH,WDOLDQUDGLFDOWUDGLWLRQVRI
ZRUNHULVPDQGDXWRQRPLVPKDYHPDQDJHGWRUHLQYHQWWKHQRWLRQRIWKHµ0XOWLWXGH¶DQGWREULQJLWEDFNWR
WKHIRUHIURQWRIFRQWHQWLRXVSROLWLFV$SLRQHHULQWKLVSURFHGXUHKDVEHHQ3DROR9LUQRPDLQO\ZLWKKLVZRUN$
*UDPPDURIWKH0XOWLWXGH+RZHYHUWKRVHWRZKRPWKHQRWLRQRI0XOWLWXGHRZHVPRVWRILWVSRSXODU-
LW\DUH$QWRQLR1HJULDQG0LFKDHO+DUGWZKRVHWULORJ\(PSLUH (2000), 0XOWLWXGH (2006) and &RPPRQZHDOWK KDYHEHHQDPRQJWKHPRVWLQÀXHQWLDOWKHRUHWLFDOUHIHUHQFHVLQPRGHUQUDGLFDOPRYHPHQWV7KLVSDSHU
ZLOOPDLQO\IRFXVRQKRZWKHQRWLRQRIWKH0XOWLWXGHLVFRQFHLYHGLQWKHZRUNRI+DUGWDQG1HJUL7KLVLVEH-
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having as the main characteristic that links its subjects the symbolic common code that language offers. Virno DOVRIRFXVHVKLVDWWHQWLRQPRUHXSRQWKHVXSHUVWUXFWXUHDQGWKHVSKHUHRIFLUFXODWLRQUDWKHUWKDQWKHZRUOGRI
SURGXFWLRQ9LUQR$XIKHEHQ7KHVHUHDVRQVLQDGGLWLRQWRKLVVFHSWLFLVPUHJDUGLQJWKHYLDELOLW\
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144
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KDYHIROORZHGWKHLQWHOOHFWXDOZRUNRIWKH,WDOLDQWKLQNHULWLVSRVVLEOHWRXQGHUVWDQGWKH0XOWLWXGHDVWKH
FRPSOHWLRQRIKLVWKHRUHWLFDODWWHPSWVWRJUDVSWKHHVVHQFHRIWKHQHZKHJHPRQLFVXEMHFWRIFDSLWDOLVWSUR-
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RXWWKDWWKHPDLQ¿JXUHLQDFDSLWDOLVPWKDWZDVUHRUJDQL]LQJLQUHVSRQVHWRDORVVRIFRQWUROIROORZLQJWKH
VWUXJJOHVRIWKHVDQGVZDVQRORQJHUWKHLQGXVWULDOSUROHWDULDWRUDV1HJULFDOOHGLWWKHµPDVV
ZRUNHU¶$VFDSLWDOLVPZDVVWUHQJWKHQLQJLWVFRQWURORYHUDOODVSHFWVRIOLIHH[SDQGLQJWKHVSKHUHRISUR-
GXFWLRQDQGH[SORLWDWLRQIURPWKHZDOOVRIWKHIDFWRULHVWRWKHEURDGHUFDSLWDOLVWPHWURSROLVWKHDUFKHW\SL-
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With the intellectual companionship of Michael Hardt, over the last decade Negri has developed the QRWLRQRIWKHVRFLDOZRUNHUWRZDUGVWKHPRUHPXOWLGLPHQVLRQDOFRQFHSWRIWKH0XOWLWXGH$JDLQLQLWLDOO\
WKH0XOWLWXGHPXVWEHUHDOL]HGLQFODVVWHUPV7KHGH¿QLWLRQRIWKH0XOWLWXGHFDQEHVWUDLJKWIRUZDUGO\XQ-
GHUVWRRGVLPSO\DV³DOOWKRVHZKRZRUNXQGHUWKHUXOHRIFDSLWDODQGWKXVSRWHQWLDOO\DVWKHFODVVRIWKRVH
ZKRUHIXVHWKHUXOHRIFDSLWDO7KH0XOWLWXGHJLYHVWKHFRQFHSWRIWKHSUROHWDULDWLWVIXOOHVWGH¿QLWLRQ
DVDOOWKRVHZKRODERXUDQGSURGXFHXQGHUWKHUXOHRIFDSLWDO´+DUGWDQG1HJUL7KXVWKH
0XOWLWXGHDVDFODVVFRQFHSWLVDEURDGHQHGQRWLRQRIWKHSUROHWDULDWWKDWVSHFL¿FDOO\UHODWHVWRWKHHUDRI
immaterial labour and biopolitical production. %\UHIHUULQJWRDQHUDZKHUHLPPDWHULDOSURGXFWLRQLVKHJHPRQLF+DUGWDQG1HJULWDNHDGDULQJVWHS
For them, labour has undergone an important transformation in the post-Fordist paradigm. The major char-
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PHQWV ZDV WR VHH WKDW ZKLOH LQ KLV RZQ WLPH WKH LQGXVWULDO SUROHWDULDW FRQVWLWXWHG RQO\ D WLQ\ PLQRULW\
compared to the peasants or the small craftsmanship, this class and its accompanying mode of production ZRXOGEHFRPHWKHGRPLQDQWSDUDGLJPRIFDSLWDOLVP7KLVPHDQVWKDWDZKROHVHULHVRISLYRWDOFDSLWDOLVW
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ZRXOGGLVFLSOLQHWKHLUVXEMHFWVXVLQJWKHPRGHORIWKHIDFWRU\,QGXVWU\ZRXOGLQRWKHUZRUGVWUDQVIRUP
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These very same characteristics seem to engulf social areas beyond the sphere of immaterial production, WKHPLOLWDU\DQGLWVQHZQHWZRUNOLNHDQGÀH[LEOHRUJDQL]DWLRQDOPRGHOEHLQJDJRRGH[DPSOH,WVHHPV
though that immaterial production is becoming the prevailing paradigm in the present stage of capitalism, WUDQVIRUPLQJVRFLHW\DFFRUGLQJWRLWVRZQLQKHUHQWFKDUDFWHULVWLFV+DUGWDQG1HJUL
%HVLGHVLPPDWHULDOODERXUZKDWLVUHDOO\LPSRUWDQWWRXQGHUVWDQGDERXWWKH0XOWLWXGHLVKRZLWLVHQ-
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EDFNDQGVHHKRZ)RXFDXOWGHVFULEHGWKHDELOLW\RIVWDWHDQGFDSLWDOWRGLVFLSOLQHWKHLUVXEMHFWVQRWRQO\
145
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the ability of the state and capital to produce social life itself, besides controlling material production (Hardt DQG1HJUL7KLVEULQJVXVEDFNWRWKH,WDOLDQZRUNHULVWVDQGWKHLGHDWKDWFDSLWDOLQWKHPHWURSROLV
penetrates every aspect of everyday life and transforms it according to its needs (Curcio and Franceschini, 2007). :HDUHKHUHGHDOLQJZLWKWKHUHDOVXEVXPSWLRQQRWRQO\RIODERXUEXWRIOLIHLWVHOIXQGHUFDSLWDO. The IXQFWLRQRIELRSRZHULVVLPLODU7KURXJKELRSRZHUWKHUXOLQJHOLWHVRIVWDWHDQGFDSLWDORUWKHµ(PSLUH¶DV
+DUGWDQG1HJULKDYHSXWLWDUHWU\LQJWRVKDSHWKHLQGLYLGXDOWKH0XOWLWXGHDQGWKHZKROHZRUOGDFFRUG-
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laboration, the Multitude creates, besides commodities, forms of subjectivity and even social life itself. %LRSROLWLFDOSURGXFWLRQLVWKXV³WKHSRZHURIOLIHWRUHVLVW´DVRSSRVHGWRELRSRZHUZKLFKLVWKHDWWHPSWRI
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µSURGXFWV¶VXFKDVUHODWLRQVKLSVDQGFRGHVRIFRPPXQLFDWLRQFRXOGEHFKDUDFWHULVHGDVELRSROLWLFDOSURGXF-
tion at its purest.
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hards of Marxian sociology. Most importantly, for its advocates, it is also a political concept. It has to be XQGHUVWRRGWKDWLWLVQRWDSROLWLFDOFRQFHSWLQWKHZD\WKDWµFODVVRUµWKHSHRSOH¶RQFHZHUH7KLVLVEHFDXVH
according to Hardt and Negri, one preserves his individuality by participating in the biopolitical production of the Multitude. Instead of a homogenous mass, the Multitude in its potential as a political actor is better XQGHUVWRRGDVDµVZDUP¶ZKRVHPHPEHUVDUHVFDWWHUHGEXWZKRDUHHIIHFWLYHO\XQLWHGLQDIXQFWLRQDOO\
ODUJHUHQWLW\DWWKHWLPHRIWKHDWWDFN.LRXSNLROLV)ROORZLQJ1HJUL¶VUHDGLQJVRI/HQLQLQWKH
1970s (see his Books for Burning, 2005), he and Hardt argue that since the form of the political subject LVLQGLDOHFWLFDOUHODWLRQVKLSZLWKWKHWHFKQLFDOFRPSRVLWLRQRIODERXUIRUPVVXFKDVWKHSDUW\RUWKHWUDGH
union belong to the past. According to Hardt and Negri, in the era of the free and unmediated biopolitical SURGXFWLRQRIWKH0XOWLWXGHLWVDFWLRQPXVWDOVREHIUHHDQGXQPHGLDWHG+RZXVHIXOFDQDWUDGHXQLRQEH
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idea of representation is objected to, since “...it eclipses or homogenizes singularities in the construction of identity, restricts the production of the common by undermining the necessary freedom and plurality” (Hardt and Negri, 2011a, p. 305). Accordingly, the Multitude is indifferent to the taking of the state, as its PHFKDQLVPVFDQRQO\KLQGHUWKHIUHHÀRZRILWVELRSROLWLFDOSURGXFWLRQ7KXVZKLOHDIRUPRIFRPPXQLVP
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of capitalist domination have changed. Hardt and Negri claim that the direct extraction of surplus value, From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
146
although it still takes place2LVQRWWKHVROHVRXUFHRISUR¿WIRUWKHFDSLWDO:KDWLVDOVRLPSRUWDQWLVWKHH[-
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appropriate the value of the product. The importance of this shift is enormous for Hardt and Negri. Since LQ0DU[LDQWHUPVWKHGHJUHHRIWKHVRFLDOL]DWLRQRISURGXFWLRQLVVRKLJKLWVLJQL¿HVWKDW³WKHSRVVLELOLW\RI
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Theoretical problems with the concept of the Multitude
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$¿HUFHFULWLFLVPE\PDQ\UDGLFDOWKLQNHUVDQGVHJPHQWVRIWKH/HIWGLUHFWHGDW1HJULDQG+DUGWKDVWRGR
ZLWKWKHLULPSOLFDWLRQWKDWDWUDQVLWLRQPLJKWDULVHVRPHKRZDXWRPDWLFDOO\WKDWLVWKDWWKHFDSLWDOXQGHUWKH
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DSROLWLFDOGHWHUPLQLVPWKDWFRXOGFUHDWHSDVVLYLW\$IWHUDOOZKDWLVWKHUHDVRQWRHQJDJHLQULVN\UDGLFDOVWUXJ-
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is not a subject that is already existing. It is a procedure under never-ending realization. As the authors ZULWH³WKHTXHVWLRQWRDVNLVQRWµ:KDWLVWKH0XOWLWXGH¶EXWUDWKHUµ:KDWFDQWKH0XOWLWXGHEHFRPH"¶´
+DUGWDQG1HJUL2QWKHFULWLFLVPVIRUGHWHUPLQLVPLQWKHLUZRUN+DUGW¶VDQG1HJUL¶VDQVZHU
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its demise or, moreover, create an alternative to capitalist rule. (...) We can bet on the rupture of the relation of capital and build politically on the emerging autonomy of biopolitical labour. The open social relation presented by capital +RZHYHUWKHUHLVVRPHGHEDWHRQ0DU[LDQFLUFOHVRQKRZDQGLIWKLVVXUSOXVYDOXHFDQEHVWLOOFRXQWHGLQTXDQWLWLHVRIWLPHVLQFHODERXUWLPHLVGLI¿FXOW
to be distinguished from non-labour time (Hardt and Negri, 2006:145)
147
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izing their actually existing perceptions of political action as extremely problematic. Having rejected the WUDGLWLRQDOLQVWLWXWLRQVRIUDGLFDOSROLWLFVDQGRUJDQL]DWLRQWKH3DUW\DQGWKH8QLRQWKH\IROORZ9LUQRLQ
DGYRFDWLQJWKHQRWLRQRIµ([RGXV¶)RU9LUQR
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FOLQHFRQVWUXFWLQJQHZLQVWLWXWLRQVDQGDSXEOLFVSKHUHRXWVLGHRILW)URPWKLVSRLQWRIYLHZWKHUHLVDQHQHP\EXWLW¶V
PRUHOLNHWKH3KDUDRKLQWKHERRNRI([RGXVLQWKH%LEOHZKRSXUVXHVDQH[RGXVDÀLJKW,WLVQRWDPDWWHURIDÀLJKW
LQVSDFH,WLVDÀLJKWLQWKHVHQVHRIH[LWLQJIURPWKHFDWHJRULHVRIVWDWHLQVWLWXWLRQV3HUKDSVZHFRXOGGRZLWKRXW
WKHZRUGUHYROXWLRQEHFDXVHWKLVPRGHOZDVWKDWRIWDNLQJSRZHUDQGFRQVWUXFWLQJDQHZ6WDWH,WPD\EHEHWWHUWR
speak of exodus” (2004). )RU+DUGWDQG1HJULH[RGXVLVWKHFODVVVWUXJJOHLQWKHHUDRIELRSROLWLFDOSURGXFWLRQLWLV³DSURFHVV
RIVXEWUDFWLRQIURPWKHUHODWLRQVKLSZLWKFDSLWDOE\PHDQVRIDFWXDOL]LQJWKHSRWHQWLDODXWRQRP\RIODERXU
SRZHU´D'UDZLQJRQWKH%LEOHWKH\GHVFULEHKRZWKH3KDUDRKJDYHDGHVSHUDWHODVW¿JKWLQ
RUGHUWRSUHYHQWWKHH[RGXVRI0RVHVDQGKLVSHRSOH7KLVDOVRVLJQL¿HVWKDWYLROHQFHZLOOOLNHO\DOVRRF-
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explanations of the exodus concept are far from persuading. 7KH¿UVWTXHVWLRQDULVLQJLVWKHREYLRXVRQHH[RGXVIURPZKHUHDQGWRZDUGVZKHUH"6KRXOGZHXQ-
GHUVWDQGWKLVH[RGXVLQVSDWLDOWHUPV"7KLVFRXOGEHTXLWHSUREOHPDWLFDV+DUGWDQG1HJULDUHUHVROXWH
LQWKHLUFODLPWKDWWKURXJKWKHUHDOVXEVXPSWLRQRIOLIHWRFDSLWDOWKHUHLVQRSODFHWKDWFDQEHGH¿QHGDV
³RXWVLGH´WKH(PSLUH+RZHYHULIWKHWDNLQJRYHURIWKHVWDWHLVQRWDQRSWLRQIRU1HJULDQG
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PDQDJLQJWRHVFDSHFDSLWDO¶VUXOHOHDYLQJEHKLQGWKRVHZKRFDQQRWDIIRUGOLYLQJLQWKHPDUJLQVRIFDSLWDO"
This brings to mind the exhausted notion of the Temporary Autonomous Zone, popular in countercultural DQDUFKLVWFLUFOHVVLQFHWKHVIROORZLQJWKHLGHDVRI+DNLP%H\7KLVLGHDDOVRFRPHVFORVHWR
WKHSRVWDXWRQRPLVWPLOLHXDQGWKHDQDO\VLVRI-RKQ+ROORZD\ZKRLQKLV&KDQJHWKH:RUOG:LWKRXW7DN
LQJ3RZHUWKH0HDQLQJRI5HYROXWLRQ7RGD\ (2005) and &UDFN&DSLWDOLVP (2010), argues that the radical SRWHQWLDOWRGD\OLHVLQWKHFUHDWLRQRIµFDSLWDOIUHH]RQHV¶WKDWZLOOJUDGXDOO\H[SDQGDQGHYHQWXDOO\SXVK
FDSLWDODZD\)RU+ROORZD\WKHH[DPSOHRIDVTXDWRURIDQRFFXSLHGVTXDUHVLJQL¿HVFRPPXQLVPLQWKH
KHUHDQGQRZ,WLVDSSDUHQWKRZQDLYHVXFKDQDSSURDFKLV7KHJXOIEHWZHHQRFFXS\LQJDVTXDUHDQGWKH
FUHDWLRQRIDQHQWLUHDOWHUQDWLYHVRFLDOQHWZRUNLQFRUSRUDWLQJPLOOLRQVLVKXJH,QDGGLWLRQ+ROORZD\KDVQR
DQVZHURQZK\WKHVWDWHDQGFDSLWDOZRXOGHYHUDOORZWKHHYHQHYROXWLRQDU\DVRSSRVHGWRUHYROXWLRQDU\
FUHDWLRQRIVXFKFRXQWHUVRFLDOLQVWLWXWLRQV$QGWKHUHDUHDOZD\VWKHELJTXHVWLRQVRIZKHWKHURUQRWWKHVH
SURMHFWVDFWXDOO\DLPWRFRPSOHWHO\RYHUWKURZWKHFDSLWDOUHODWLRQZLWKDOOLWVFKDUDFWHULVWLFVRUZKHWKHU
EHKLQGDIDQF\ZUDSSLQJWKHUHLVRQO\DQLPDJLQHGFDSLWDOLVPZLWKDPRUHKXPDQIDFH
Besides the problematic detachment of the Multitude to any practical political project, criticisms of +DUGWDQG1HJULJRIXUWKHUWRPRUHWKHRUHWLFDODVSHFWV+RZPXFKLVLPPDWHULDOODERXUZLWKDOOWKHFKDU-
DFWHULVWLFVDWWULEXWHGWRLWDFWXDOO\GRPLQDQWLQUHDOOLIH"7UXHVRPHRQHZRUNLQJLQDXQLYHUVLW\RUDODZ\HU
PLJKWH[SHULHQFHWKHORVVRIGLVWLQFWLRQEHWZHHQODERXUDQGQRQODERXUWLPHRUKDVLQGHHGDFHUWDLQGHJUHH
148
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RWKHUPHPEHUVRIWKHZRUNLQJFODVVVXFKDVWKHSUHFDULRXVZRUNHUVLQFDOOFHQWUHV"$XIKHEHQ",Q-
GHHGWKHSURGXFWRIWKHLUODERXULVLPPDWHULDOEXWEHVLGHVWKHREYLRXVTXDQWLWDWLYHVKLIWDUDSLGULVHLQWKH
FUHDWLRQRILPPDWHULDOSURGXFWVLVWKHUHDQ\UHDOTXDOLWDWLYHSDUDGLJPVKLIW",WKDVWREHDGGHGWKRXJK
WKDW+DUGWDQG1HJULKDYHPDGHH[SOLFLWWKURXJKRXWWKHLUZRUNWKDWWKH\DUHGHVFULELQJPRUHRIDWHQGHQF\
and a procedure, rather than a settled reality. In addition, it appears that Hardt and Negri are overly optimistic in their analysis. By considering the WUDQVLWLRQIURP)RUGLVPWRSRVW)RUGLVPDYHUL¿FDWLRQRIZRUNLQJFODVV¶YLFWRU\LQWKHFODVVVWUXJJOHVGXU-
LQJWKHSUHYLRXVFDSLWDO¶VF\FOHRIDFFXPXODWLRQWKH\DUHKLQWLQJDWDSRVVLEOHYLFWRU\DOVRLQWKHSUHVHQW
WLPHZKHUHWKHVRFLDOL]DWLRQRIODERXULVXQSUHFHGHQWHGZLWKRXWKRZHYHUIXUWKHUH[SODLQLQJKRZVXFK
DQRXWFRPHZRXOGEHFRPHSRVVLEOH6RWLULVLVULJKWWRSRLQWRXWKRZWKHWZRWKLQNHUVRPLWWKHGDUN
VLGHRIWKLVUHDOLW\WKDWLVKRZWKHSUROHWDULDWLVQRZPRUHÀXLGPRUHLVRODWHGZLWKRXWDVHQVHRILGHQWLW\
DQGLQDSHULRGRIFULVLVVWUXJJOLQJIRULWVPDWHULDOVXUYLYDO,QDGGLWLRQ6RWLULVVD\VWKHGRZQJUDGLQJRI
WKHSROLWLFDOXQGHUWKHHFRQRPLFDQGSURGXFWLYHSURFHVVFRPELQHGZLWKDQDEVWUDFWGHVFULSWLRQRIWKH0XO-
titude, detached from any national or cultural reality, actually distances even further the prospects of any radical rupture in the body of capital (Sotiris, 2005).
/DVWEXWQRWOHDVW+DUGW¶VDQG1HJUL¶VRYHURSWLPLVPLVHYLGHQWLQWKHLUFODLPWKDWFDSLWDOQHHGVWKHWRWDO-
LW\RI0XOWLWXGHDVSURGXFHUVDQGDVFRQVXPHUV+RZHYHUWKLVVHHPVWREHHYLGHQWO\IDUIURP
true. Due to many factors, ranging from structural tendencies such as the organic composition of capital to WKHGHFOLQHLQWKHZHOIDUHVWDWHDQGWKHUDSLGERRVWLQFDSLWDO¶V¿QDQFLDOL]DWLRQZHH[SHULHQFHJOREDOO\WKH
FUHDWLRQRIDµVXUSOXVSRSXODWLRQ¶WKDWLVRIOLWWOHXVHWRWKHFDSLWDODVLWQHHGVOHVVZRUNHUVDQGDOVRZRUNLQJ
FODVVFRQVXPSWLRQLVDFWXDOO\UDWKHUOLPLWHGDVDVRXUFHIRUFDSLWDO¶VSUR¿WPDNLQJ%ODXPDFKHQD
7RVXPXSIHZFDQGHQ\WKDW+DUGWDQG1HJUL¶VQRWLRQRIWKH0XOWLWXGHDVZHOODVWKHLUDQDO\VLVLQJHQ-
HUDOKDVKDGDUHYLWDOLVLQJHIIHFWRQUDGLFDOWKRXJKWHVSHFLDOO\LQDSHULRGRIUHODWLYHWKHRUHWLFDOµGURXJKW¶
DWWKHWXUQRIWKHPLOOHQQLXP'UDZLQJLQVSLUDWLRQIURP1HJUL¶V0DU[LDQEDFNJURXQGWKH\DWWHPSWHGDKR-
listic systemic analysis based on historic trends. The Multitude as a class notion is an attempt to understand WKHFXUUHQWFRPSRVLWLRQRIODERXUDQGDOVRWKHFXUUHQWVWDJHRIFDSLWDO¶VF\FOHRIDFFXPXODWLRQUXQQLQJ
IURPWKHVXQWLOSUHVHQW+RZHYHUTXHVWLRQVDUHUDLVHGDVWRKRZDFFXUDWHWKH0XOWLWXGHDVDFODVV
GHVFULSWLRQFDQEHZKHQLWFRXOGLQFOXGHHYHU\RQHIURPDVDQVSDSLHUV and an immigrant proletarian, to a ORZUDQNPDQDJHULQDPXOWLQDWLRQDOFRUSRUDWLRQDVORQJDVWKHODWWHUDOVROLYHVDQGZRUNVXQGHUWKHUXOH
RIFDSLWDOFUHDWLQJGLUHFWO\RULQGLUHFWO\VXUSOXVYDOXH6LWXDWLRQEHFRPHVHYHQPRUHSUREOHPDWLFZKHQ
the Multitude turns from a class concept into a political subject. But if things are unclear at the theoretical level, then perhaps the historical experience of the present cycle of struggles on the eve of and during the FDSLWDOLVWFULVLVFRXOGVKHGOLJKWRQWKH0XOWLWXGH¶VSRWHQWLDODVDQDXWRQRPRXVVXEMHFWDQGDVWKHSRWHQWLDO
bearer of post-capitalist emancipation. The case of Greece: the cycle of struggles around the capitalist crisis
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struggles at the centre of the current crisis of capitalism. Greece is very useful as a case study for a number of reasons. 149
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at the forefront, in 2010 the social-democratic government of PASOK has asked for the intervention of WKH,0)WKH(8DQGWKH(&%WKHWURLND7KHWURLNDVXEVHTXHQWO\SURYLGHGPDVVLYHORDQVWRWKH*UHHN
government, mainly for the repayment of older loans, and demanded the imposition of strict economic measures, high taxation, severe cuts and general deregulation that threatens to seriously change the class composition of Greece, that has for the last decades been a nation of an enlarged petite bourgeoisie, mainly occupied in the service sector. In addition, Greece has a long tradition of radical and contentious politics. From the communist-led resistance in the Second World War to the student uprising in 1973 against the military dictatorship and WKHSUHVHQFHRIWKHODUJHVWµRUWKRGR[¶&RPPXQLVW3DUW\DQGDQDUFKLVWPLOLHXLQ(XURSHLQWKHODVWGHFDGHV
*UHHFHLVFRQVLGHUHGRQHRIWKHODVWSODFHVZKHUHUDGLFDOSROLWLFVDQGJUDQGQDUUDWLYHVRIVRFLDOWUDQVIRUPD-
tion are still on the agenda. As Kouvelakis (2011) has pointed out, revolting is deeply part of the Greek national psyche. 7KH WKLUG UHDVRQ WKDW *UHHFH ZDV FKRVHQ DV DQ H[DPSOH RI WHVWLQJ WKH SUHVHQFH RI WKH 0XOWLWXGH LQ
WRGD\¶VUDGLFDOPRYHPHQWVLVKRZSRO\PRUSKRXVWKHVWUXJJOHKDVEHHQWKHUHZLWKDULFKUHSHUWRLUHRIDF-
WLRQDQGWKHDSSOLFDWLRQRIDOPRVWDOOSRVVLEOHPHDQV6LQFHZKHQWKH¿QDQFLDOUHFHVVLRQEHJDQWR
PDWHULDOL]HWRWKHSUHVHQWZKHQLWLVDWWKHFHQWUHRIDPDVVLYHVRFLRHFRQRPLFFULVLV*UHHFHKDVH[SHUL-
HQFHGDKXJHDQGVXFFHVVIXOVWXGHQWPRYHPHQWRSSRVLQJDUHIRUPDWLRQLQKLJKHUHGXFDWLRQWKUHHZHHNV
of riots in December 2008 (considered by some commentators as a revolt), more than 20 general strikes, some accompanied by major violence and even the death of a protester in one case (October 2011), the UHDSSHDUDQFHRIXUEDQJXHUULOODJURXSVYLROHQW1,0%<ORFDOVWUXJJOHVDQGDPXOWLIRUPPRYHPHQWDJDLQVW
WKHWURLNDDQGWKHJRYHUQPHQWLPSRVHGDXVWHULW\KDYLQJDVLWVFHQWUHWKHRFFXSDWLRQRI6\QWDJPD6TXDUH
)URPWKLVULFKUHSHUWRLUH,ZLOOIRFXVRQ'HFHPEHUUHYROWDQGWKHPRYHPHQWRIWKH*UHHNµ)UXVWUDWHG¶
DURXQG6\QWDJPD6TXDUHLQWKHVXPPHURI7KHUHDVRQLVWKDWWKHVHWZRSKHQRPHQDVHHPWRFRPSO\
PRUHZLWKWKHFKDUDFWHULVWLFVRIWKHSROLWLFDODFWLRQWKDWWKH0XOWLWXGHLVDEOHWRXQGHUWDNH,WZLOOEHVKRZQ
WKDWWKHWKHRUHWLFDOOLPLWVRIWKH0XOWLWXGHVHHPWRFRUUHODWHWRWKHOLPLWVRIWKHVWUXJJOHVZKLFKKDYHWDNHQ
its characteristic form. The days and nights of Alexis
The December 2008 uprising started on the evening of December 6thZKHQD\HDUROGVWXGHQW$OH[LV
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150
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France, President Sarkozy postponed his scheduled reform of the education system, fearing that the Greek SKHQRPHQRQPLJKWH[WHQGWR)UDQFHZKHUHWKHPHPRULHVRIWKHJKHWWRULRWVDQGWKHDQWL&3(
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RIWKH*UHHNUHEHOOLRQZLWKDVLJQL¿FDQWDUWLFOHHQWLWOHG³:HDUHDOO*UHHNV´+RZHYHUDVWKHGD\VSDVVHG
WKHUHWXUQWRQRUPDOLW\ZDVPRUHDQGPRUHLUUHYHUVLEOH$IWHUWKUHHZHHNVWKHUHZHUHIHZUHPLQGHUVOHIWRI
WKHWXUEXOHQW³GD\VDQGQLJKWVRI$OH[LV´DVWKHHYHQWVZHUHSRSXODUO\UHIHUUHGWRWKHUHDIWHU
'HFHPEHU ZDV D FKDUDFWHULVWLF PRPHQW RI ZKDW WKH UHVLVWDQFH RI D WKUHDWHQHG DQG GHVSHUDWH SDUW RI
WKH0XOWLWXGHORRNVOLNH)RUVRPHVFKRODUVOLNH.LRXSNLROLVWKH¿UVWDSSHDUDQFHRIWKH0XOWLWXGHRQWKH
SXEOLFVFHQHRFFXUUHGRQH\HDUHDUOLHULQWKHVXPPHURI)ROORZLQJDKXJHHQYLURQPHQWDODQGVRFLDO
FDWDVWURSKHWKDWWRRNWKHIRUPRIZLGHVSUHDG¿UHVVZHHSLQJDFURVV*UHHFHZKLFKFRVWWKHOLYHVRIPRUH
WKDQSHRSOHEORJJHUVDQGRWKHUSDUWVRIµFLYLOVRFLHW\¶VXFKDV1*2VFDOOHGIRUDQGRUJDQL]HGJDWKHU-
ings in the centre of Athens (Kioupkiolis, 2011:55-60). There, a multitude in the traditional sense of the WHUPJDWKHUHGLQVLOHQFHWRH[SUHVVLWVJULHIDQGDQJHULQDQDWPRVSKHUHZKLFKZDVLQWHQWLRQDOO\DSROLWL-
FDODQGIRUEDGHDQ\WKLQJRWKHUWKDQGHFODUDWLRQVRIVHQWLPHQW+RZHYHU,FODLPWKDWWKHPHUHIDFWWKDWD
JURXSRISHRSOHLVJDWKHUHGLQDSODFHZLWKRXWPHGLDWLRQE\WUDGLWLRQDODFWRUVOLNHDSROLWLFDOSDUW\GRHVQRW
FRQVWLWXWHDQDSSHDUDQFHRIWKH0XOWLWXGHLQ+DUGWDQG1HJUL¶VVHQVHDVHOHPHQWVO\LQJLQWKHFRUHRIWKHLU
QRWLRQVXFKDVWKHFODVVGLPHQVLRQDQGWKHFUHDWLYHSURFHGXUHVRIELRSROLWLFDOSURGXFWLRQZHUHPLVVLQJ
%XWZK\FRXOGWKH'HFHPEHUUHYROWEHFRQVLGHUHGDQDSSHDUDQFHRIDWOHDVWSDUWVRIWKH0XOWLWXGHLQ
WKHFHQWUDOVFHQH"7KH¿UVWHOHPHQWKDVWRGRZLWKWKHFODVVIRUPDWLRQRIWKRVHSDUWLFLSDWLQJLQWKHHYHQWV
7KHSURWDJRQLVWRI'HFHPEHUZHUHWKRVHDWWKHIRUHIURQWRIWKHQHZIRUPRISUROHWDULDWWKRVHZKRDUHWKH
ZHDNOLQNRIWKH0XOWLWXGHEXWZKRDUHIRUWKHVDPHUHDVRQDOVRLWVKHDY\DUWLOOHU\\RXQJSUHFDULRXV
ZRUNHUVDQGWKHXQHPSOR\HG\RXQJLPPLJUDQWVVWXGHQWVDQGRQO\DPDUJLQDOSDUWRIWKHWUDGLWLRQDOZRUN-
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and attacks on shops in the centre of Athens), the state (the police as an obvious target) and capital in gen-
eral (various arsons of banks) (Blaumachen, 2009). $OWKRXJKWKH¿QDQFLDOFULVLVZDVQRWVWLOOLQLWVIXOOH[SUHVVLRQWKHVHSDUWVRIWKHZLGHQHGSUROHWDULDWKDG
DOUHDG\VHQVHGLW<RXQJVWXGHQWVDQGSUHFDULRXVZRUNHUVFRXOGVHQVHWKDWWKHUHZDVQRWPXFKIXWXUHIRU
WKHPLQDFDSLWDOLVPIDFLQJDKXJHFULVLVDQGUHFRQVWLWXWLQJLWVHOILQVXFKDZD\DVWRPDNHWKHSUROHWDULDW¶V
RZQUHSURGXFWLRQPRUHDQGPRUHGLI¿FXOW3HUKDSVWKLVLVDUHDVRQZK\PRUHWUDGLWLRQDOSDUWVRIWKHZRUN-
LQJFODVVDQGµVWDEOH¶ZRUNHUVGLGQRWSOD\VXFKDODUJHUROHLQ'HFHPEHUDVWKH\VHQVHGWKDWWKH\VWLOOKDG
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almost complete lack of demands in the December revolt. The Multitude does not have many expectations IURPDVWDWHZKRVHUROHLVEHFRPLQJPRUHDQGPRUHSXUHO\VXSSUHVVLYH'HFHPEHUPDLQO\GHQLHGDOVRWKH
notion of political mediation. Groups and parties of the Left played only a peripheral role in trying to give DQDUUDWLYHDQGOHJLWLPDF\WRWKHHYHQWVZKLOHIURPHDUO\RQWKH*UHHN&RPPXQLVW3DUW\GLVWDQFHGLWVHOI
from the events, considering them degenerative.
:KDWDERXWWKHDFWLYLW\RIWKH0XOWLWXGH"7KHPDLQFKDUDFWHULVWLFRIWKH'HFHPEHUUHYROWZDVLWVDQDU-
FKLVWLFQDWXUHDQGWKHIDFWWKDWLWZDVEDVHGPDLQO\LQWKHDFWLRQVRIVPDOOJURXSV7KHVHJURXSVKRZHYHU
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151
Hardt and Negri have introduced in explaining the combative marching of the Multitude. Douzinas also HPSKDVL]HVKRZWKH0XOWLWXGHLQ'HFHPEHURUJDQL]HGLWVRZQWHPSRUDOGLPHQVLRQLQDQDSRWKHRVLVRILWV
FDSDFLW\IRUELRSROLWLFDOSURGXFWLRQ'HFHPEHUZDVQRORQJHUDERXWSUHSDUDWLRQVIRU&KULVW-
PDVWKHUHZDVDIHVWLYHDQGRUJ\OLNHDWPRVSKHUHLQWKHFHQWUHRI$WKHQVEXWQRZLWZDVWKHXSULVLQJWKDW
ZDVFHOHEUDWHG+HQFHRQHRIWKHPRVWSRSXODUVORJDQVRIWKHVHGD\VSURFODLPHG³&KULVWPDVLVSRVWSRQHG
±ZHDUHRQUHYROW´7KHDUVRQRIWKH&KULVWPDVWUHHLQWKHFHQWUHRI$WKHQVEHFDPHWKHPRVWIDPRXVLPDJH
RIWKH'HFHPEHUXSULVLQJGHFODULQJKRZWKH0XOWLWXGHLVVHWWLQJLWVRZQV\PEROVDQGUXOHV
'HVSLWHLWVLPDJLQDWLRQDQGGHWHUPLQDWLRQKRZHYHUWKHSROLWLFDODFWLYLW\RIWKH0XOWLWXGHLVFRQFHUQHG
SUREOHPDWLFDWERWKWKHSUDFWLFDODQGWKHRUHWLFDOOHYHOV%HVLGHVWKHIUHQ]LHGSDVVLRQRIWKHVHGD\VZKDW
GLG'HFHPEHUOHDYHEHKLQG":DVWKHVLWXDWLRQDQ\EHWWHULQWKH³PRUQLQJDIWHU´DV=L]HNOLNHVWRUHIHUWR
the situation concerning “the imaginary explosion of freedom in sublime enthusiasm, the magic moment of XQLYHUVDOVROLGDULW\ZKHQµHYHU\WKLQJVHHPVSRVVLEOH¶DQGWKHKDUGZRUNRIVRFLDOUHFRQVWUXFWLRQZKLFKLV
WREHSHUIRUPHGLIWKLVHQWKXVLDVWLFH[SORVLRQLVWROHDYHLWVWUDFHVLQWKHLQHUWLDRIWKHVRFLDOHGL¿FHLWVHOI´
"%HVLGHVSHUKDSVWKHV\PEROLVPRIWKH¿UVWUHYROWLQWKH:HVWHUQZRUOGDVDSUHPDWXUHUHVSRQVH
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times taking the form of small-scale guerrilla battles, of the citizens of the village of Keratea for months DJDLQVWWKHULRWSROLFHJXDUGLQJDQLOOHJDOZDVWHFHQWUHWKHKXQJHUVWULNHRIKXQGUHGVRILOOHJDOLPPLJUDQWV
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to circulate in social media and the blogosphere that one of the placards of the Spaniards in Puerta del Sol PHQWLRQHG³VKKEHTXLHWZHPLJKWZDNHXSWKH*UHHNV´7KLVSODFDUGZDVSURYHQQHYHUWRKDYHH[LVWHG
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opposite from the Greek Parliament, for the 25thRI0D\7KHHVWLPDWHGSHRSOHZKRJDWKHUHGWKDW
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in a situation of imminent proletarization. It is not a coincidence that many direct-action struggles in Greece DURXQGWKDWWLPHZHUHIRFXVHGRQWKHLVVXHRIWKHKLJKFRVWRIWKHODERXUIRUFHUHSURGXFLQJLWVHOIVXFKDV
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damaging ticket control devices on the Athens tube. As the theoretical journal %ODXPDFKHQ mentioned in LWVDQDO\VLVRIWKHµ)UXVWUDWHG¶PRYHPHQWWKH6\QWDJPD6TXDUHSKHQRPHQRQZDVDOVRDV\PSWRPRIWKH
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dominant role attributed to it for the last several decades (Blaumachen, 2011b). Class diversity had also a VSDWLDOHOHPHQWLQWKHSURWHVWVLQ6\QWDJPD7KHXSSHUSDUWRIWKH6TXDUHZDVPDLQO\RFFXSLHGE\WKHVH
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national sovereignty (the imposition of an unelected banker as Prime Minister in late 2011 being only the symbolic completion). The procedure has been so holistic, grasping all aspects of social, economic and even SHUVRQDOOLIHWKDWLWEULQJVWRPLQGWKHSURFHGXUHRIµQDWLRQEXLOGLQJ¶LQFDVHVVXFKDV,UDTDVWKHSHDNRIWKH
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tude and a demos, in the old Athenian sense, but not because different people in the apolitical upper or in WKHPRUHPDWXUHORZHUVHFWLRQRIWKHVTXDUHZHUHHPERG\LQJWKHVHFKDUDFWHULVWLFV$FFRUGLQJWRKLVDQDO\-
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by their interactions (idem: 221).
It is true that the Multitude in Syntagma not only managed to produce a turbulent socio-political situ-
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Genoa in 2001) that ended in more than 500 injured people, attacks on the ad hoc medical centres of the protesters and the hunting of protesters by policemen on motorcycles in all the neighbourhoods surround-
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the Multitude is capable of producing inspiring events, to give determinate struggles and to make its pres-
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pillars of capital.
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spontaneous rage and their attempt at grassroots organization, at the level of civil disobedience movements HVSHFLDOO\WKH³&DQ¶W3D\:RQ¶W3D\´PRYHPHQWPXWXDOKHOSVWUXJJOHVLQWKHOHYHORIWKHQHLJKERXU-
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political narrative, besides verbalisms for “direct democracy” and a full political catharsis. This should give rise to much critical thought and re-evaluation of existing practices.
Some general conclusions from the global present cycle of struggles
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although different in character, massiveness and importance, from Egypt to Syria and from Greece to the RFFXSLHGVTXDUHVRI6SDLQDQGRIWKH8QLWHG6WDWHVVHHPWREHEDVHGLQVLPLODUSULQFLSOHVRIVSRQWDQHLW\
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Ali and Mubarak in Tunisia and Egypt, threaten the rule of Assad in Syria and put pressure on the Greek JRYHUQPHQWZLWKZKLFKLWSURYHGLPSRVVLEOHWRFRSHOHDGLQJLWWRDQHPEDUUDVVLQJWUDQVIRUPDWLRQ<HWWKH
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beyond capitalism. 7KLVPDNHVFOHDUWKHQHHGIRUDSROLWLFDOVXEMHFWWKDWZLOOPDWHULDOL]HDQGHVWDEOLVKDWD
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setting of such a socio-political alliance. Needless to say, the Left can and should play a hegemonic role in this procedure. +RZHYHUWKHSROLWLFDOLQVWLWXWLRQZKLFKZLOOFRPHRXWRIVXFKDSURFHGXUHFRXOGEHLQFRQVWDQWDQGGLD-
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by a progressive and in a socialist direction government, as in cases of Venezuela and Bolivia (Douzinas, ,IWKH0XOWLWXGHH[SUHVVHVDSXUHQHJDWLRQZLWKLWVSUHVHQFHLQWKHVWUHHWVDQGVTXDUHVRIWKH
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coming its limits and dialectically producing an unprecedented potential for radical social change.
156
Epilogue
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to be”. We could argue that their attempt for a theoretical and practical guide for the struggles of the 21st FHQWXU\LVDOVR³\HWWREH´DQGQHHGVPRUHDQGGLI¿FXOWWKHRUHWLFDOZRUNOLQNHGZLWKUDGLFDOSROLWLFDODFWLY-
ity. Because as it currently stands, Zizek is right to point out that the limits of the concept of the Multitude seem also to be the limits of existing radical movements (Zizek, 2005).
Abbreviations
ECB: European Central Bank
EU: European Union
IMF: International Monetary Fund
1,0%< not in my backyard (commonly referred to local protests against the imposition of an unpleasant project)
References
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Bey, H.: 2004, T.A.Z.: The Temporal Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Second Edition, Autonomedia
%ODXPDFKHQ'HFHPEHU*UHHFHDQ$WWHPSWWR'HWHFWWKH3RZHUDQGWKH/LPLWVRIRXU6WUXJJOH KWWSZZZEODXPDFKHQJUGHFHPEHUJUHHFHDQDWWHPSWWRGHWHFWWKHSRZHUDQGWKHOLPLWVRIRXUVWUXJJOH >DFFHVVHGDW@
%ODXPDFKHQDǾǼʌȠȤȒĲȦȞȉĮȡĮȤȫȞ7KH(UDRI5LRWV6XPPHU$WKHQV
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&XU]LR5DQG)UDQFHVFKLQL$ȈĲĮȖȩȞİȢǳȜȚȠȣıĲȘȈĲȠȚȤİȚȦȝȑȞȘȆȩȜȘ'URSVRI6XQLQWKH&XUVHG&LW\(SDQLNLRSLLVL
Publications, Athens
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Politics, Ethics and Syntagma Stop),Alexandreia Publications, Athens
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)UDQW]LV3ǼȝİȓȢȠȁĮȩȢ:HWKH3HRSOHǹȡȚıĲİȡȩǺȒȝĮ$ULVWHUR9LPDKWWSDULVWHURYLPDJUEORJSKS"LG >DFFHVVHGDW
Hardt, M. and Negri, T.: 2000, Empire, Cambridge, Massachusetts, London, England: Harvard University Press
Hardt, M. and Negri, A.: 2006, Multitude, Penguin Books
+DUGW0DQG1HJUL$D&RPPRQZHDOWK&DPEULGJH0DVVDFKXVHWWV/RQGRQ(QJODQG7KH%HONQDS3UHVVRI+DUYDUG8QLYHUVLW\
Press
Hardt,M. and Negri, A.: 2011b, The Fight for real Democracy at the Heart of Occupy Wall Street, Foreign Affairs, KWWSZZZIRUHLJQDIIDLUVFRPDUWLFOHVPLFKDHOKDUGWDQGDQWRQLRQHJULWKH¿JKWIRUUHDOGHPRFUDF\DWWKHKHDUWRIRFFXS\
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Pluto Press
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of Freedom: Militant Democracy, Post-Anarchist Utopias and the Rising of the Multitude), Ekkremes Publications, Athens
.RXYHODNLV6ǲȟȚĬȑıİȚȢȖȚĮĲȘȞǼȟȑȖİȡıȘ6L[3RLQWVRQWKH5HYROW-XQHǻȡȩȝȠȢĲȘȢǹȡȚıĲİȡȐȢ'URPRVWLV$ULVWHUDV
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Negri, A.: 2009, Goodbye Mr Socialism, Eleftheriaki Koultoura Publications, Athens
6RWLULV3ǹȞĲȚĳȐıİȚȢȝȚĮȢǻȘȝȠțȡĮĲȚțȒȢȅȣĲȠʌȓĮȢȈȘȝİȚȫıİȚȢȆȐȞȦıĲȠȆȜȒșȠȢĲȦȞ1HJULțĮȚ+DUGW&RQWUDGLFWLRQVRID
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Virno, P.: 2004, A grammar of the Multitude, Semiotexte
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Zizek, S.: 2005, Objet a as Inherent Limit to Capitalism: On Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, KWWSZZZODFDQFRP]L]PXOWLWXGHKWP>DFFHVVHGDW@
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158
Occupy: A New “New Social Movement”
LAUREN LANGMAN
Department of Sociology, Loyola University
Introduction
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computer access and savvy, have acted as catalysts igniting but not really “leading” protests and mobili-
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protest given the combination of declining mobility and greater disparities of rich and poor, governments WKDWDUHLQGLIIHUHQWDWEHVWGXSOLFLWRXVDWZRUVWDQGFORVHGWRSRSXODUFRQFHUQVRUSUHVVXUHV)RUWKHVRFLDO
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VH5DWKHUDVZLOOEHDUJXHG these movements, of the excluded, if the indignant, as contestations over cultural meanings and recognition of new lifestyles and identities seek cultural transformations of identity-informed by participatory, democratic dialogues and with visions of alternative possibili-
ties of subjectivity for the society.7KXVIHPLQLVPRUJD\ULJKWVPRYHPHQWVZHUHQRWRYHUGLVFULPLQDWRU\
legislation, but granting the heretofore “subordinates” and indeed often marginalized if not scapegoated, UHFRJQLWLRQDVGLJQL¿HGKXPDQEHLQJVHTXDOWRDOORWKHUV
Part I: explaining social movements
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159
of mobilization, 1) legitimation crises, 2) identity, 3) emotions, 4) morality, and 5) vision-all of are located within spatial, interactional information and matrices.
Legitimation Crises
For Habermas (1975) a crisis has objective aspect, the system, and subjective moments, the life world ZKHUHPRWLYDWHGLGHQWLWLHVDUHH[SHULHQFHGDQGSHUIRUPHG7KXVDSROLWLFDOHFRQRPLFOHJLWLPDWLRQFULVLV
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response to the economic conditions, these conditions do not lead to social movements per se. Crises need to arouse collective emotions, they must be interpreted, alternative understandings and visions must be QHJRWLDWHGDQGLIJURXSVRISHRSOHFKRRVHWRDFWVWUDWHJLHVPXVWEHFKRVHQ$VZLOOEHDUJXHGWKHFRQFHSW
of” moral shock” (Jaspers, 1997) can apply as much to political economic crises as human/animal rights. Economic crises as structural problems such as contradictions and implosions of the economy that cre-
ate unemployment or underemployment, sudden price hikes-especially of basic commodities (food, oil, utilities), retrenchments of entitlements etc, that threaten survival or maintenance of living standards, or social status, undermines the legitimacy of political leadership and legitimating ideologies. But at the same WLPHWKHVHPDFURFRQGLWLRQVLPSDFWWKH³OLIHZRUOG´WKHPLFUROHYHORIIHHOLQJVLGHQWLWLHVDQGYDOXHV$V
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tion crises and either social mobilizations (left or right), or retreatist escapism. 7LPHVRIFULVLVWKHUHDUHPRPHQWVZKHQQHZLGHQWLWLHVFDQEHUHQHJRWLDWHG7RSDUDSKUDVH0DU[WKHUH
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seek social change or transformations that may be reactionary or progressive. But the key factor here is that ZKHQWKHFXOWXUDOV\VWHPTXDIUDPHZRUNVRIPHDQLQJDQGLGHQWLW\WKDWW\SLFDOO\VXSSRUWVDQGUHSURGXFHV
the system are undermined or challenged by crises in the system and becomes dysfunctional, there are often LQWHQVHHPRWLRQDOUHDFWLRQVWKDWDUHPHGLDWHGE\LQWHUSUHWHGWKURXJKDQGUHDFWHGWRRQWKHEDVHVRIRQH¶V
identity . Moreover, that identity is located at particular social locations and nodules of interaction chains (Collins, 2005) Identity
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Given the limitations of RM theory, social movement theory began a move from class and interests to WKHVDOLHQFHRIFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\WRFRQVLGHUZK\DFWRUVFRPHLQWREHLQJZKDWPRWLYDWHGWKHPWRDFW
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legislation (Cf. Polleta and Jaspers, 2001). Emotions
One of the great shortcomings of the rational choice/resource mobilization theories of motivation and mobilization has been the valorization of Reason as basis for social organization and social behavior. While WKHFULWLTXHRIWKHIUDLOW\³LUUDWLRQDOLW\RI5HDVRQ´FDQEHVHHQLQ1LHW]VFKH)UHXGDQG:HEHUQRWWRVSHDN
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ZD\ WR RUJDQL]H DQ HFRQRP\ It offers a clear, simple and wrong understanding of motivation for sociologists and psychologists. Rather, one could argue that understanding emotions is far more salient. (PRWLRQVDUHURRWHGLQRXUYHU\'1$ZHDUHERUQZLWKDQ³LQKHUHQWDIIHFWV\VWHP´WKDWRQFHVHUYHGORZHU
species as a means of communication. But given human consciousness, and in turn our socialization and internalization of collective norms, our cues or “releasers” to use the term ethologists like, are more likely WREHV\PEROLFWKDQFRQFUHWHDQGWKXVHPRWLRQVDUHVRFLDO6RWRRGRHVHYHU\VRFLHW\VRFLDOL]HWKHZD\V
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turn actions. Gaining an identity, individually or collectively, is an interpersonal process and thus involves HPRWLRQV,QHDUO\)UHXGLDQWKHRU\LGHQWL¿FDWLRQZDVEDVHG¿UVWRQVHSDUDWLRQDQ[LHW\WKHQLWZDVEDVHG
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Collective identities are also the result of similar processes. Moreover, collective identities mediate events that evoke many of the same emotions and individuals feel. For Durkheim, religion provided a collective HIÀRUHVFHQFH7KHZRUNRI-DVSHUV-DVSHUVDQG3ROOHQWDLQUHFODLPLQJVDOLHQWUROHVIRUHPR-
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is especially visible, people experience a “moral shock”. a transgression of all the sentiments, values, beliefs, feelings, emotions and ideas that people hold about themselves, WKHLUOHDGHUVDQGWKHLUVRFLHW\$EUHDFKLI\RXZLOOLQWKHERXQGDULHVRIZKDWLVFROOHFWLYHO\FRQVLGHUHGGHFHQWDQG
courteous and an irreparable break in the routines of social relations (Jaspers, 1997) .
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161
ger at those believed responsible-and often scapegoated targets to blame. :KHQSHRSOH¿QGWKHPVHOYHV
facing sudden economic reversals (job loss, foreclosure, bankruptcy), when they feel marginalized as either workers without work or underemployed and/or politically powerless, they are likely to be angry, frustrated, anxious about the future and impelled to seek amelioration. In most cases, in late modern societies, people are likely to feel indignant, humiliated over the lack of recognition and in many FDVHVWKLVLVH[SHULHQFHGDVEORZWRRQH¶VVHOIHVWHHP7KLVLVHVSHFLDOO\WKHFDVHLQVRFLHWLHVLQZKLFKWKHUH
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While the cumulative effects of neo liberal globalization have been ever more evident for the last several GHFDGHVWHQVRIPLOOLRQVRISHRSOHKDYHEHHQOLIWHGIURPDEMHFWSRYHUW\LWKDVVWLOOSURGXFHGDQH[SRQHQWLDO
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evoked a great deal of frustration, anger and resentment at those elites deemed responsible. Moreover, the H[WHQWWRZKLFKWKHHFRQRPLFHOLWHVFRQWUROWKHSROLWLFDOV\VWHPVKDVEHHQUHQGHUHGWUDQVSDUHQWEHWZHHQWKH
US government bailouts of its banks (and some European ones) and the austerity measures of the Eurozone that attempt to save the bankers. To paraphrase Marx, global capital has laid bare the domination of society by the capitalist class, it has VWULSSHGDZD\DQ\PDVNVKLGLQJWKHIDFWWKDWUHODWLRQVKLSVEHWZHHQSHRSOHDUHEDVHGRQWKHFDVKQH[XV$V
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carnivals to assuage the people (Wolin, 2008) and fragment the society that might offer resistance.
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Morality While little addressed by social movement scholars, contemporary social movements are less guided by particular interests than by moral claims. These movements do not attempts to establish minimum ZDJHVEHQH¿WVHQWLWOHPHQWVRUMRESURJUDPV5DWKHUWKH\GRQRWMXGJHWKHFRQWHPSRUDU\VRFLDO
arrangements simply on interests of even fairness, but on the fundamental morality of the concentra-
tion of wealth and power that is so evident-and equally evident is the growth of poverty and degrada-
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temple and preached an elementary socialism-or at least a message of sharing. 2YHUDQGDERYHWKHVHFROOHFWLYHHPRWLRQVRIVKRFNDQGUDJHLVDOVRD³PRUDOYLVLRQ´ZKLFKJRHVEH\RQGFRQVLVWHQW
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bodies a different utopian politics that delivers a nation from degradation, serves as a barometer of future progress DQGFDOOVIRUGHPRFUDWLFSROLWLFVFLWL]HQSDUWLFLSDWLRQGHPDQGVDQHQGWRFRUUXSWLRQDQGVHHNVDQHZEHJLQQLQJ«
:KHUHYHUFLWL]HQVKDYHEHHQJULSSHGE\WKHIHUYRURISHDFHIXOSHRSOHSRZHULWZDVDOZD\VWKHSXUVXLWRIDQLPDJLQ-
DEOHVRFLDOXWRSLDWKDWGURYHSURWHVWRUVZKRKDUERUHGQRIHDUDQGZHUHFRQYLQFHGWKDWDQHZXQLYHUVHRIVRFLDOUHOD-
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ance of ambiguity, vs. being autonomous, creative, open to experience and self-realization. In contemporary VRFLDOSV\FKRORJLFDOUHVHDUFKZHPLJKWQRWHWKDWWKLVSRODULW\LVDVVRFLDWHGZLWKFRQWUDVWLQJPRUDOYLVLRQV
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is a basic polarity of the “strict father” vs. “nurturant parent” moralities. The former stresses self-discipline, VWUHQJWKDQGLQGHSHQGHQFHZKLFKDULVHIURP³VWULFW´SDUHQWLQJ7KDWODWHULVPRUHFRQFHUQHGZLWKIRVWHULQJ
empathy, sharing, compassion and creativity. In a similar vein, Haidt ((2012) has argued that people have IXQGDPHQWDOGLIIHUHQWFKDUDFWHUSDWWHUQVDQGPRUDOZRUOGYLHZVWKDWGLIIHUHQWLDWHOLEHUDOVDQGFRQVHUYDWLYHV
People differ over care/compassion, liberty/fairness and loyalty authority and sanctity.1)RURXUSXUSRVHVZH
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is an important moral stance and that there is far too little compassion in either the corporate. Vision-that are located within spatial and interactional matrices. Social movement research has considered “framing” an essential aspect of mobilization and claim stak-
ing and the goals of social movements. Movements depend on the shared interpretations of events and FRQGLWLRQVDQGLQWXUQJRDOVWREHDWWDLQHGDQGVWUDWHJLHVWRDWWDLQWKHP,QRUGHUWRDI¿UPWKHERQGVRI
VROLGDULW\EHWZHHQPHPEHUVDQGDWWUDFWQHZPHPEHUVLWLVQHFHVVDU\WRIUDPHUHDOLW\LQZD\VWKDWDSSHDO
WRWKHHPRWLRQDOQHHGVRIPHPEHUVDQGSRWHQWLDOPHPEHUVDVZHOOWKHLUPRUDORXWORRNVBut that said, we would then argue the fundamental question raised by the contemporary social movements is the nature of vision-indeed hope and the good life. Sociology, rooted in the Enlightenment valorization of 5HDVRQKDVW\SLFDOO\HVFKHZHGWKHQRWLRQRIYLVLRQUHOHJDWLQJLWWRWKHQRUPDWLYHFRQFHUQVRISKLORVRSK\
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163
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ing infrastructure and devastating environmental degradation. A ruthless, market oriented individualism has pervaded the entire society and undermined any shared purpose, public spirit or concerns for the unfortunate-
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military consumes almost half of our income taxes and has been used to support imperialist interventions in RYHUFRXQWULHVDQGVXSSRUWDQHWZRUNRISHUKDSVPLOLWDU\EDVHVLQWKHZRUOG%XWIRUPRVW$PHULFDQV
the “good life” has been seen in terms of freedom to pursue personal satisfactions and achievements apart IURPRWKHUVDQGUHWUHDWWRRQH¶VRZQFLUFOHRIIULHQGVDQGIDPLO\,QGHHGIRUPDQ\SROLWLFLDQVDQGHYHQFOHUJ\
this “freedom” from social concerns and indifference to less fortunate others is itself a virtue to be celebrated. %XWWKHFRQGLWLRQVRIRXUWLPHVDVWKH2FFXSLHUVVKRZUHTXLUHQRWQHZSROLFLHVEXWKRSHQHZYLVLRQV
and a resurrection of utopian thinking. As Shostak (2001) put it :
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appear to promote utopian gains include the cultivation of artistry, caring, creativity, curiosity, empathy, faith, honor, hu-
mor, love, sensitivity, and other virtues celebrated by healthy, life-appreciating people everywhere2. (emphasis mine).
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myths, dreams, religions and utopian thought often dismissed as ideology by some Marxists. But for Bloch, this hope for a better life LVURRWHGLQDKXPDQLVWDQWKURSRORJ\ZKLFKJURXQGVKLVFULWLTXHRIRSSUHVVLRQDQGHPDQFLSDWRU\SHUVSHFWLYHV%ORFK
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tory and socio-economic developments point to socialism as the realization of humanities deepest dreams and hopes, and that encourages us to look for the progressive and emancipatory content of cultural artifacts” (Kellner, p.2). For %ORFKWKHFXOWXUDOVXUSOXVSUHVHUYHVXQVDWLV¿HGGHVLUHVDQGKXPDQZLVKHVIRUDEHWWHUZRUOGDQGEHFDXVHWKHVHZLVKHV
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used to criticize failures to satisfy these needs and to realize these desires in the current society. (Kellner) $VZLOOEHHYLGHQWWKLVNLQGRI8WRSLDQWKRXJKWDVHPERGLHGLQWKH2FFXS\PRYHPHQWVLVQRWHDVLO\
understood in the dominant perspectives of either social movement analysis, or main stream politics. With-
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morality, social movement theory is as empty and vacuous as the one dimensional society that has given rise to the great refusals. Similarly, pundits and politicians fail to see that the messages and demands, and Utopian visions are expressed in the very existence-not formal petitions or attempts to engage in partisan SROLWLFVZKLFKLVWKHJUDYH\DUGRIVRFLDOPRYHPHQWV
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ism”. The mass media focused on the bizarre constumes and silly slogans of the Tea Party. But neverthe-
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and the 18 days of Tahir. 7KHRQO\WKLQJWKDW³VDYHGWKHEDQNLQJ¿QDQFHV\VWHPZDVDYDVWJRYHUQPHQWEDLORXWWKH7$53SUR-
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and society (Standing, 2012)
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election of an African American president and his “socialist” plans to provide health care to everyone and subsidize the parasitic classes (Langman, 2011). %XWZKDWWRRNVRORQJIRUDSURJUHVVLYHUHDFWLRQWRWDNHSODFH:HZRXOGDUJXHKRZHYHUWKDWZKLOHWKH
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prescient, Frances Fox Piven noted that Obama needed a social movement to insure a progressive agenda ZRXOGEHUHDOL]HGPXFKDVLWWRRNSURJUHVVLYHRUJDQL]DWLRQVWRPRYH5RRVHYHOWWRWKHOHIWLQWKHV,QWKH
summer of 2011, the irreverent Canadian $GEXVWHU magazine called for an occupation of Wall Street on Sept DQGWKHUHVWLVKLVWRU\=XFFRWWL3DUNDVPDOOSULYDWHSDUNQHDU:DOO6WZDVVXGGHQO\¿OOHGZLWKDFDPS
ZLWKODUJHQXPEHURI³RFFXSLHUV´$VZLOOEHVHHQDQHZDQGXQH[SHFWHGVRFLDOPRYHPHQWEXUVWIRUWK
7KH RFFXSLHUV HVWDEOLVKHG D GHPRFUDWLFDOO\ RUJDQL]HG HJDOLWDULDQ FRPPXQLW\ ZKRVH YHU\ H[LVWHQFH
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$QGPRVWVWDUWOLQJWKLVPRYHPHQWH[SORGHGZLWKYHU\OLWWOHLQWKHZD\RIIRUPDOOHDGHUVKLSDQGRULVVXLQJ
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VWRRGE\DFDGHPLFVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVFKRODUV$QGZKLOHFRQVHUYDWLYHVGLVPLVVHGWKHPRYHPHQWDV³ZKLQ-
HUV´ZKRMXVWZDQWHGDJRYHUQPHQWKDQGRXWWKH\KDGQRPRUHXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHPRYHPHQWWKDQGLG
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most of the Occupiers clearly see that the Democratic Party had been just as complicit in sustaining Wall St, if not more so, than the Republic party6. ,Q2EDPDUHFHLYHGPRUHFDPSDLJQPRQH\IURP:DOO6WWKDQGLG0F&DLQDQGIURPDOOLQGLFDWLRQVWKLVZLOOEHWKHFDVHIRUWKHHOHFWLRQV
166
Identity
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and marginalized, but their fundamental sense of self has been assaulted. In American society, for many SHRSOHZRUNKDVEHHQRQHRIWKHNH\HOHPHQWVRIRQH¶VLGHQWLW\HVSHFLDOO\DPRQJKLJKO\VNLOOHGLQGXVWULDO
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ZLWKRXWMREVRUZRUNLQJDWPLQLPXPVNLOOHGPLQLPXPZDJHVHUYLFH0F-REVVXFKDVLQIDVWIRRGUHWDLO
VDOHVVHFXULW\HWF$QGHYHQWKHVHMREVZHUHKDUGWR¿QG$ORQJWUDGLWLRQRIVRFLRORJLFDOUHVHDUFKJRLQJ
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of self-esteem and in some cases, aggression to self or others. Such conditions of prolonged joblessness humiliate people rob people of their dignity, of their humanity. 7KHSUHFDULDWFRPLQJIURPVHJPHQWVRIVNLOOHGZRUNHUVKLJKO\RYHUHGXFDWHGDQGPLJUDQWFULPLQDO
HOHPHQWVKDYHQRRFFXSDWLRQDOWLHVRUHQGXULQJWLHVWRZRUNRUJDQL]DWLRQVH[SHULHQFHWKHPVHOYHVDVPDU-
JLQDOL]HGH[FOXGHGIURPVRFLDORUGHU7KLVLVHVSHFLDOO\WKHFDVHIRUSHRSOHZKR³SOD\HGE\WKHUXOHV´GLG
ZKDWWKH\QHHGHGWRGRDQGIRXQGLQVWHDGUHMHFWLRQDQGGLVGDLQ%XWIRUPDQ\DVZLOOEHQRWHG³PRYH-
PHQWLGHQWLWLHV´SURYLGHDYDULHW\RIDOWHUQDWLYHLIQRWVHHPLQJO\PRUHPRUDONLQGVRIHPRWLRQDOJUDWL¿-
cations. Participation in identity granting/recognizing communities of meaning from Churches to gangs, SURYLGHSHRSOHZLWKWKHIXQGDPHQWDOEDVLVIRUDJRRGOLIH
3HUKDSVWKHPRVWEULOOLDQWWDFWLFRI2FFXS\KDVEHHQWRFDOOLWVHOIWKHDQGVHHPWKHPVHOYHVDVYLF-
WLPVRIDDQXQIDLUXQMXVWHFRQRPLFV\VWHPZKRVHHOLWHVWKHKDYHJDPHGWKHV\VWHPWRDVVXPHWRWDO
FRQWURORIWKHSROLWLFDOLQVWLWXWLRQVDQGWKHPDVVPHGLDLQVXFKZD\WKDWWKH\FRXOGHQMR\XQSUHFHGHQWHG
OX[XU\DQGRSXOHQFHZKLOHWKHSUHFDULDWEHDUWKHFRVWVRIWKHLUDGYHUVHSROLFLHV
Emotions
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JHUDQ[LHW\DQGUHVHQWPHQW%XWIRU2FFXSLHUVWKHPRYHPHQWUHSODFHVGHVSDLUZLWKKRSHSURYLGHVZD\V
RIRYHUFRPLQJDOLHQDWLRQDQGFKDQQHOLQJZKDWWKH\VHHDVOHJLWLPDWHDQJHUWRZDUGSURGXFWLYHHQGVWKH
transformation of society. 0RUHRYHUDVZHDOVRNQRZSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVSURYLGHVPDQ\SHRSOHZLWKDYDULHW\RI
HPRWLRQDOJUDWL¿FDWLRQVHVSHFLDOO\IHHOLQJVRIFRPPXQLW\ZLWKRWKHUVIHHOLQJRIDJHQF\DQGHPSRZHU-
PHQWWKDWRQHLVGRLQJVRPHDFWLQJRQWKHZRUOGLQVWHDGRISDVVLYHUHVLJQDWLRQIHHOLQJVRIUHFRJQLWLRQ
DQGGLJQLW\DQG¿QDOO\IHHOLQJWKDWRQH¶VLGHQWLW\HYHQLIRUHVSHFLDOO\LILWLVUHFRJQL]HGDVD³PRYHPHQW
LGHQWLW\´SURYLGHVDVHQVHRIGLJQL¿HGVHOIKRRGQRWSURYLGHGE\WKHODUJHUVRFLHW\
Morality
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WLRQVRI,QWKH86ZHFRXOGDUJXHWKDWWKHUHH[LVWEDVLFPRUDOYLVLRQVRIIDLUQHVV7KH/RFNHDQSXUVXLWRI
XQIHWWHUHGVHOILQWHUHVWLQDGDQJHURXVFRPSHWLWLYHZRUOGRIZLQQHUVDQGORVHUVGHPDQGIDLUQHVVRIRSSRU-
WXQLWLHVVRWKDWDOOPD\FRPSHWHHTXDOO\$QGPDQ\RIWKHZLQQHUVZLQELJDQGLIRQHGRHVQRWZRUNKDUG
HQRXJKRUGRHVQRWPDLQWDLQFHUWDLQNLQGVRIPRUDOVVKHZLOOORVHRXWDQGQRWKDYHDQ\RQHHOVHWREODPH
167
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ZLOOWKHQFUHDWHDQDWLRQRILPPRUDOSDUDVLWHVOLYLQJRIIWKHODERUVRIRWKHUV
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DQGPXWXDOVXSSRUW)DLUQHVVLVDERXWVHHLQJWKDWLQDZRUOGRISOHQW\DOOVKRXOGEHQH¿WIn deed and word, the Occupiers have embraced and articulated the sharing and caring morality-as not simply desirable-but the very survival of the world depends on changing life styles, identities and values. It ZDVQRWE\DFFLGHQWWKDWWKHLQLWLDOWDUJHWZDV:DOO6WUHHWWKH8UV\PERORIWKHJUHHGSRZHUDQGZHDOWKRI
a small number of people that is grossly unfair. . As Lakoff (2011) put it:
'HPRFUDF\VWDUWVZLWKFLWL]HQVFDULQJDERXWRQHDQRWKHUDQGDFWLQJUHVSRQVLEO\RQWKDWVHQVHRIFDUHWDNLQJUHVSRQVL-
ELOLW\ERWKIRURQHVHOIDQGIRURQH¶VIDPLO\FRPPXQLW\FRXQWU\SHRSOHLQJHQHUDODQGWKHSODQHW7KHUROHRIJRYHUQ-
PHQWLVWRSURWHFWDQGHPSRZHUDOOFLWL]HQVHTXDOO\YLD7KH3XEOLFSXEOLFLQIUDVWUXFWXUHODZVDQGHQIRUFHPHQWKHDOWK
HGXFDWLRQVFLHQWL¿FUHVHDUFKSURWHFWLRQSXEOLFODQGVWUDQVSRUWDWLRQUHVRXUFHVDUWDQGFXOWXUHWUDGHSROLFLHVVDIHW\
QHWVDQGRQDQGRQ1RERG\PDNHVLWRQHWKHLURZQ,I\RXJRWZHDOWK\\RXGHSHQGHGRQ7KH3XEOLFDQG\RXKDYHD
UHVSRQVLELOLW\WRFRQWULEXWHVLJQL¿FDQWO\WR7KH3XEOLFVRWKDWRWKHUVFDQEHQH¿WLQWKHIXWXUH0RUHRYHUWKHZHDOWK\
GHSHQGRQWKRVHZKRZRUNDQGZKRGHVHUYHDIDLUUHWXUQIRUWKHLUFRQWULEXWLRQWRRXUQDWLRQDOOLIH
,WKLQNLWLVDJRRGWKLQJWKDWWKHRFFXSDWLRQPRYHPHQWLVQRWPDNLQJVSHFL¿FSROLF\GHPDQGV,ILWGLGWKHPRYHPHQW
ZRXOGEHFRPHDERXWWKRVHGHPDQGV,IWKHGHPDQGVZHUHQRWPHWWKHPRYHPHQWZRXOGEHVHHQDVKDYLQJIDLOHG,W
VHHPVWRPHWKDWWKH2:6PRYHPHQWLVPRUDOLQQDWXUHWKDWRFFXSLHUVZDQWWKHFRXQWU\WRFKDQJHLWVPRUDOIRFXV,WLV
HDV\WR¿QGXVHIXOSROLFLHVKXQGUHGVKDYHEHHQVXJJHVWHG,WLVKDUGHUWR¿QGDPRUDOIRFXVDQGVWLFNWRLW,IWKHPRYH-
ment is to frame itself, it should be on the basis of its moral focus, not a particular agenda or list of policy demands. If WKHPRUDOIRFXVRI$PHULFDFKDQJHVQHZSHRSOHZLOOEHHOHFWHGDQGWKHSROLFLHVZLOOIROORZ
,WLVHYLGHQWWKDWZKLOHWKLVYLHZLVKLJKO\FRQWHVWHGHYHQYHKHPHQWO\UHSXGLDWHGE\VRPHLWUHVWVRQ
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greed-and let others be damned, has not only fostered the decline of the United States economy and its LQIUDVWUXFWXUHEXWWKUHDWHQVLQWHQVHUHVRXUFHZDUVDQGDGYHUVHO\LPSDFWVWKHHQYLURQPHQWLQZD\VWKDWSRU-
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locusts or frogs-they, like many other species are becoming extinct. Vision
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various religious communities and communes such as the Shakers, political experiments such as kibbutzim and of course the Marxist revolutions of 1917 and 1949. But most Utopian communities either faded or turned into brutal dictatorships that betrayed the hopes and promises of their visionaries. But that said, the Occupy movements ask us to rethink the role of vision in social movements, and indeed, bring Utopia in. :KLOH8WRSLDQWKRXJKWKDVOLWWOHLPSDFWHGVRFLDOUHVHDUFKZHPXVWUHFDOOIROORZLQJ7RXUDLQHWKDW160V
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the very nature of the society in the long term by challenging meanings and values and changing identity LQWKHIXWXUH,QIROORZLQJXSRQWKHHQGRILGHRORJ\GHEDWHV5XVVHOO-DFRE\SURQRXQFHGWKH
demise of Utopian thought- “that the future could fundamentally surpass the present.” Politics had become From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
168
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Conclusion: social movements in the 21st Century
At the end of the 20th&LWZDVHYLGHQWKRZWKH,QWHUQHWKDGEHFRPHWKHEDVLVRI³YLUWXDOSXEOLFVSKHUHV´
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locales around shared functions and meanings on the basis of electronic circuits and fast transportation FRUULGRUVZKLOHLVRODWLQJDQGVXEGXLQJWKHORJLFRIH[SHULHQFHHPERGLHGLQWKHVSDFHRISODFHV´&DVWHOOV
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(2011) has put it:
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,WLVQRWOLNHDERRNLWLVOLNHWKH,QWHUQHW2FFXS\:DOO6WUHHWLVPHDQWPRUHDVDZD\RIOLIHWKDWVSUHDGVWKURXJK
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From all that has been said, the movements of the 21st&DUHQRW\RXUIDWKHU¶VVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVRUIRU
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event or single adversity, they are not episodic gatherings, but enduring as testaments to the enduring nature of the contemporary economic system. We cannot analyze these movements using the tools and concepts of the 20th C-although as I argued, a number of traditions in critical theory, NSM theory and sociology of emo-
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some very useful starting points. This essay has attempted to continue that discussion. 169
Epilogue
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portance of job creation. And the recent positive, if anemic, economic picture has tended to support those ZKRVHHWKHJRYHUQPHQWDVKDYLQJDUROHWRSOD\LQIRVWHULQJPRUHMXVWWD[DWLRQDQGDUROHLQHFRQRPLF
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government support, economic investment, and that the that the rich pay higher taxes. Despite inclement ZHDWKHUSROLFHEUXWDOLW\DQGWKHGLVSHUVDORI2FFXSDWLRQVLWHVWKHPRYHPHQWVDUHQRWOLNHO\WRGLVDSSHDU
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occupy social movement theory.
YOUTH AND STUDENT MOBILIZATIONS
172
The New Wave of Student Mobilizations in Europe Explained as a Fordist-Posfordist Transition
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Abstract
The transformation of the historical functions and goals of the European university LV SURGXFLQJ WKH WUDQVLWLRQ IURP PDVV XQLYHUVLW\ WR ZKDW KDV EHHQ FDOOHG ³FRUSRUDWH
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acteristics of the Fordist model that still applies to the European university. This model of university in extinction has facilitated a student response that can be characterized in terms of the classical Fordist patterns of collective action. At the same time, these patterns of action are being adapted to the emergence of the post-Fordist corporate-
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Keywords
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ment.
Introduction
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cycles of mobilization (mainly the one of 1968). ,QWKLVSDSHU,ZLOODQDO\]HKRZWKHWUDQVIRUPDWLRQRIWKHKLVWRULFDOIXQFWLRQVDQGJRDOVRIWKH(XURSHDQXQL-
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directed against the mercantilist orientation of the university, but also against the assimilation of the university as GHYLFHRINQRZOHGJHSURGXFWLRQLQWKHHUDRI³ÀH[LEOHSURGXFWLRQ´+DUYH\7KLVQHZPRELOL]DWLRQF\FOH
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facilitated a student response that can be characterized in terms of classical Fordist patterns of collective action. At the same time, these patterns of action are being adapted to the emergence of the Post-Fordist corporate-university.
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The transformation of University: towards a University in service of postfordism
Since the “oil crisis” of 1973 and the later neoliberal reorientation of economy, capitalism has experi-
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have developed the idea of FRJQLWLYHFDSLWDOLVP1WRH[SODLQWKHQHZHUDRIFDSLWDOLVPDQGWKHLQFUHDVLQJ
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productive ability is one of the main subjects of exploitation, including the collective cognitive capability ±ZKDW0DU[UHIHUUHGWRDVWKH³*HQHUDO,QWHOOHFW´LQWKH*UXQGULVVH fragment on machines. This idea leads WKHSRVWZRUNHULVWWKHRULVWVWRVXJJHVWWKDWVLQFHFDSLWDOLVPLVEDVHGLQWKHXVHRIVFLHQWL¿FNQRZOHGJHLW
FDQEHFRQVLGHUHGDVDFRJQLWLYHSURFHVV$FFRUGLQJWRWKHVHLGHDVWKHSURGXFWLRQRINQRZOHGJHSOD\VD
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On the other hand, the deregulation of the labor market has led to a degradation of labor, specially for \RXQJSHRSOHZKRGXHWRWKHFXUUHQWHFRQRPLFDOFULVLVVHHKRZSUHFDULRXVQHVVLVWKHSUHVHQWDQGWKHIX-
ture context for their lives.
Because of this transformation of labor, the transition from Fordism to Post-Fordism (from material to LQPDWHULDOFRJQLWLYHFDSLWDOLVPKDVQRWEHHQLPPXQHWRWKH8QLYHUVLW\,QWKHFRQWH[WRIHQKDQFLQJNQRZO-
edge as a basic strategy for accumulation, the University has become a central institution in this transforma-
tion. In this sense, the deep transformation of the labor market and the changes produced inside the industrial RUJDQL]DWLRQWZRRIWKHPDLQFKDUDFWHULVWLFVRI3RVW)RUGLPKDYHDOVRUHDFKHGWKH8QLYHUVLW\0RUHRYHU
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174
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the University has also had to face the tensions derived from the general transition from Fordism to Post-
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How university adapts to Post-fordism: the importance of neoliberalism
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restructuring of the labor market, the implementation of neoliberal policies oriented to reduce the public VHUYLFHVDQGWKHLPSOHPHQWDWLRQRIFRQFHSWVIURPWKH³QHZPDQDJHPHQWLQSXEOLFDGPLQLVWUDWLRQ´PDGH
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scribed by de Sousa Santos (2005:20): (1) a high reduction of public investment in universities, and (2) the GHYHORSPHQWRIDJOREDOPDUNHWRINQRZOHGJHDQGRIWKHXQLYHUVLW\VHFWRU
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necessary to be in competence.
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3.- A institutional crisis, because of the increasing pressure to subjecting university to the criteria of SURGXFWLYLW\DQGHI¿FLHQF\
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racy, the project of university is under struggle. As Sotiris (2011) claims: WKHWXUQWRZDUGVWKHHQWUHSUHQHXULDO8QLYHUVLW\VKRXOGQRWEHVHHQµRQHGLPHQVLRQDOO\¶DVWKHUHVXOWRI8QLYHUVLWLHV
being turned into private businesses, but as the condensation of class strategies related to the imperatives of hegemony LQDSHULRGRIFDSLWDOLVWUHVWUXFWXULQJDQGGHWHULRUDWLRQRIWKHEDODQFHRIIRUFHVEHWZHHQFDSLWDODQGODERU,WGRHVQRW
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175
How mass-university becomes corporate-university
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capitalism (namely, factory, school and family) (Zizek 2011: 166). In the case of education, lifelong learn-
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glorious years” after the II World War) as both the product and the site of the real subsumption of labor that KDGFKDUDFWHUL]HGDQH[SDQVLYH)RUGLVPWKURXJKD³SDVVLYHUHYROXWLRQ´LQ*UDPVFL¶VZRUGV0RUHRYHU
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the mass university is functional to the designs of both the state and private managers of this real subsumption, but DWWKHVDPHWLPHLWYHU\UDSLGO\JHQHUDWHVDSRZHUIXOFULWLFLVPRIWKRVHGHVLJQVWKHPVHOYHVQRWMXVWLQWHUPVRIWKH
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as a post-Fordist device. In this sense, there are some nuclear elements of the corporate-university that con-
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cilitate the use of trained technicians.
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to shift job very easily.
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student (or educational) debt42QHRIWKHPDLQFKDUDFWHULVWLFRIWKHQHZHUDRIFDSLWDOLVPLVLWV¿QDQ]LDOL]D-
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DVZHFDQVHHWKHVHGD\VLQVHYHUDOXQLYHUVLWLHVRIWKH865). Moreover, the problem of the educational GHEWDOORZVWROLQNWKHVWXGHQWVWUXJJOHVZLWKDEURDGHUVRFLDOXQUHVW,QGHHGWKHVWXGHQWGHEWDV:LOOLDPV
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The new wave of student movement and the fordist-postfordist transition
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the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) during nine months. Since that time, several stu-
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had the common goal of facing the neoliberal model applied to higher education. And also in clear harmony ZLWKWKUHHDVSHFWVRIWKHDQWLJOREDOL]DWLRQPRYHPHQW´WKHFULWLFLVPWRQHROLEHUDOFDSLWDOLVPWKHHPHUJLQJ
transnational coordination (in this case, European) and the contentious repertoire of protest.
The transition from the mass university to the corporate-university has caused a cycle of transnational student mobilization6,QWKLVQHZVWXGHQWPRYHPHQWZDYHWKHIDFWRUVIDFLOLWDWLQJWKHHPHUJHQFHRIPR-
bilizations have varied -inevitably- from one context to another, and in terms of intensity, objectives and PRWLYDWLRQV+RZHYHU,EHOLHYHWKDWWKHUHLVDFHUWDLQVKDUHGFRUSXV and heritage among all the protests of UHFHQW\HDUVZKLFKLVOLQNHGWRWKHVRFLDOFRQGLWLRQDQGSRVLWLRQRISUHFDULRXVZRUNHUVLQIRUPDWLRQ. Looking for a possible genealogy of the new wave of student mobilizations
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177
the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) during nine months. Since that time, several stu-
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had the common goal of facing the neoliberal model applied to higher education. And also in clear harmony ZLWKWKUHHDVSHFWVRIWKHDQWLJOREDOL]DWLRQPRYHPHQW´WKHFULWLFLVPWRQHROLEHUDOFDSLWDOLVPWKHHPHUJLQJ
transnational coordination (in this case, European) and the contentious repertoire of protest.
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movement start to be developed. Indeed, the process of the European Social Forum (ESF), becomes for WKHVWXGHQWPRYHPHQWDIUDPHZRUNRIH[FKDQJHRIH[SHULHQFHVDQGDOVRDQHWZRUNWRDUWLFXODWHVWUXJJOHV
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spondents claimed to belong to student groups. This process created the conditions for a “Europeanization RISURWHVW´'HOOD3RUWDDQGWRHVWDEOLVKWKH³%RORJQDSURFHVV´DVWKHXQL¿HURIWKHUHVLVWDQFH
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On the other hand, the dynamics of sectionalism ESF (health, education, migrants, climate change, pub-
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ence 2002, Paris 2003, London 2004, Athens 2006, Malmö 2008), and the development of the European )RUXPIRU(GXFDWLRQ%HUOLQ%HUJHQOHGWRDUDGLFDOL]DWLRQRIWKHOHIWZLQJRIWKHVWXGHQW
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“Bologna process” and the birth of a European coordination of the movement beyond the traditional stu-
dent union structured in the ESU.
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of free public university in Greece and the “focus” of resistance to the implementation of the “Bologna process” in the Spanish State.
178
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movement after the murder of the teenager Alexander Grigoropoulos by the police in December 2008, led WKRXVDQGVVWXGHQWVWRRFFXS\XQLYHUVLWLHVDQGHYHQWKHWHOHYLVLRQVWXGLRVIRUZHHNV7KLVUHYROWDSSHDUVDV
KH¿UVWRXWEUHDNRIGLVFRQWHQW³V\VWHP´DURXQGSUHFDULW\VWDWHGLQWHUPVRIPDVVLYHDQGVXVWDLQHGFRQIURQWD-
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Last year, mainly England but also Italy and other peripheral countries of EU (such as Serbia) led the protests against the educations cuts of the austerity measures dictated by the governments. In both cases, a QHZV\PEROLFUHSHUWRLUHRIWKHPRYHPHQWZDVFUHDWHGWKH³ERRNEORFN´7ZKLFKDVZHZLOOVHHLVDSHUIHFW
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)LQDOO\GXULQJWKLVDFDGHPLF\HDUWKHVWXGHQWZDYHKDVFRPHEDFNWR/DWLQRDPHULFD7KHVWXGHQWVWUXJ-
gle in Chile8KDVEHHQRQHRIWKHPRVWLQWHQVLYHSURWHVWVLQWKHFRXQWU\VLQFHWKHEUHDNGRZQRI3LQRFKHW¶V
dictatorship. Also in Colombia there has been a huge mobilization against the marketization of higher edu-
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JOREDOUHEHOF\FOH´ZLWKPRELOL]DWLRQVLQVHYHUDOFRXQWULHVDQGFRQWH[WV,QWKHVHGLIIHUHQWPRYHPHQWVZH
FDQVHHWKHNH\UROHSOD\HGE\VWXGHQWDFWLYLVPDQGLQJHQHUDOE\DQHZJHQHUDWLRQRIVRFLDODFWLYLVWVXQ-
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and the huge problem of the student debt in the public debate.
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of the student movement in each country, Roggero9DUJXHVWKDWLWLVSRVVLEOHWR¿QGFRPPRQHOHPHQWVWRDOO
WKHVHVWXGHQWSURWHVWVQDPHO\LWKHDVVHUWLRQRIDQHZK\EULG¿JXUHRIVWXGHQWZKRPRYHVSHUPDQHQWO\
EHWZHHQOLIHORQJOHDUQLQJDQGWKHODERUPDUNHWLLWKHSUHFDULRXVQHVVDVWKHFRQWH[WXDOIUDPHZRUNDQG
DOVRDVDIDFWRUIRUDQHZVWXGHQWVXEMHFWLYLW\LLLWKHGRZQJUDGLQJSURFHVVHVDQGWKHVHYHUDOPHFKDQLVPV
RIGLIIHUHQWLDOLQFOXVLRQZKHUHWKHGLVWLQFWLYHIDFWRULVQRORQJHUZKDWLWKDVEHHQVWXGLHGEXWSULPDULO\
ZKHUHLYDQG¿QDOO\WKHUHFRQ¿JXUDWLRQRIWKHVSDFHWLPHLQWKHSURGXFWLRQRIDXWRQRPRXVNQRZOHGJH
WKURXJKPHDVXUHVRULHQWHGWRFRQWURODQGTXDQWLI\WKHSURGXFWLRQRINQRZOHGJH
+RZHYHURYHUDQGDERYHGHVFULELQJWKHVHPRELOL]DWLRQVDQGWKHLUFRPPRQHOHPHQWVZKDWLVUHDOO\
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during the 1968 cycle), the student/youth mobilizations have acted as a “tactical vanguard” and as a catalyst for social antagonisms in very different demographic contexts and political situations (such as Arab coun-
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changes have turned into mobilizing factors: On the one hand, the rise of “cultural capital” of youth, that LVWKHVNLOOVDQGDELOLWLHVDFTXLUHGDQGGHULYHGIURPWKHIRUFHGYHUVDWLOLW\RIOLYLQJODERUDQGRQWKHRWKHU
KDQGWKHDSSOLHGWHFKQRSROLWLFDOGLJLWDOPHGLDQHWZRUNVDQGYLUWXDORUJDQL]DWLRQDOIRUPWKDWK\EULGL]HV
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6HHKWWSZZZIXQGDFLRQEHWLNRRUJLQGH[SKSHVDQRVPRYLOL]DFLRQHVHVWXGLDQWLOHVHQFKLOH
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179
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becoming a legitimizer for contentious mobilization. For instance, in the Spanish case, the appeal to the WHUP³\RXWK´ZDVXVHGVXFFHVVIXOO\LQWKHGHPRQVWUDWLRQVWKDWSUHFHGHGWKH0E\WKH³-XYHQWXG6LQ
)XWXUR´³<RXWKZLWKRXWIXWXUH´VWXGHQWSODWIRUP10 on April the 7th. In this case, the term “youth”, acting DVDQ³HPSW\VLJQL¿HU´HQFDSVXODWHGPXFKRIWKHVRFLDOUHDOLW\DQGWKHFROOHFWLYHLPDJLQDWLRQWKDWDOORZHG
WRMXVWLI\VXFKDPRELOL]DWLRQ7KLVXVHZDVDOVRDSSOLHGLQ3RUWXJDOE\WKH³*HUDFDRD5DVFD” movement. 7KHVHH[DPSOHVVKRZWKDWLQWKHEDWWOHIRUOHJLWLPDF\DQGVRFLDOKHJHPRQ\WKHUROHRIWKHVWXGHQWPRYH-
ment and youth in general is still key. In the last months, the appeal to the condition of youth has been instrumental in articulating broad movements that undermine the dominant discourse on the economical crisis and the austerity measures.
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The chances of the mass university for student activism
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and the individualization of relationships is total. Thus, some structural and inherent elements of University UHPDLQLWDVDQLQVWLWXWLRQZLWKFHUWDLQSHFXOLDULWLHV3HFXOLDULWLHVWKDWPDNHHDVLHUWKHVRFLDODFWLYLVP
,QWKLVVHQVHWKHQHZHPHUJHQFHRIWKHVWXGHQWPRYHPHQWFDQEHH[SODLQHGE\VHYHUDOUHDVRQV$PRQJ
the different approaches existing for the social movements study, the resource mobilization perspective RQVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVVHHPVWREHWKHPRVWDSSURSULDWHWRH[SODLQWKLVQHZZDYHRIVWXGHQWPRYHPHQWV
Thus, the persistent mass university offers tangible and intangible resources (Freeman: 1979:170) for the VHOIRUJDQL]DWLRQRIWKHVWXGHQWPRYHPHQW,QFRQWUDVWWKHVHUHVRXUFHVDUHQRWDYDLODEOHIRUZRUNHUVLQWKH
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taken by student movements, in the last years, as a “tactical vanguard” (Mandel, 1973: 33) in the mobiliza-
tion process in Europe or in other regional areas.
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interests shared by the students inside the faculties. This fact is really interesting because as Toscano claims (2011: 83): “$WRQFHUHÀHFWLQJDQGDWWLPHVH[DFHUEDWLQJWKHGLYLVLRQVDQGFRQWUDGLFWLRQVLQVRFLHW\DW
ODUJHWKHXQLYHUVLW\FDQDOVRXQLI\VWXGHQWVLQZD\VWKDWFRUSRUDWLYLVWRUIUDJPHQWHGLQWHUHVWFDQQRW”.
Obviously, as Bourdieu (2004) claimed, the education is a central institution for the social reproduction RIVRFLDOGLYLVLRQVZKHUHWKHVWXGHQWPDLQO\DFFXPXODWHD³V\PEROLFDQGUHODWLRQDOFDSLWDO´%XWWKLVLVQRW
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enormous political impulse in country after country.
10 6HH(UUHMyQLQKWWSZZZUHEHOLRQRUJQRWLFLDSKS"LG From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
180
On the other hand, the tangible resources available for the student movements are directly linked to the ³VWXGHQWHQYLURQPHQW´,QWKLVFDVHWKHWZRPDLQUHVRXUFHVDUHWKHDYDLODEOHWLPHDQGWKHVKDUHGSK\VLFDO
space. Both of them imply a great chance to achieve the goal of organizing and mobilizing students. Regarding WLPHWKHSDUWLFXODUVWXGHQWFRQGLWLRQDOORZVPDQ\VWXGHQWVWRKDYHWKHLURZQWLPHUHOHDVHG
IURPZRUNQRWDOLHQDWHGWLPHZKLFKEHFRPHVDQRSSRUWXQLW\IRUFROOHFWLYHVHOIRUJDQL]DWLRQWRGHYHORSD
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of actions to be displayed in order to defense these common interests. Indeed, the introduction of ECTS FUHGLWVWKURXJKWKH³%RORJQDSURFHVV´DVWKHXQLWRIWLPHWRPHDVXUHWKHVWXGHQWZRUNVHHNVWRLPSRVH
UDWHVRIVWXG\WKDWDUHLQIDFWUK\WKPVRIZRUN7KHDSSOLFDWLRQRI(&76FUHGLWVLVOHDGLQJWRWKHVXFFHVVLRQ
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LQWLPH assembly line.
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PHQWVRIFRUSRUDWLRQVZKDWPHDQVWKDWVSHFL¿FVNLOOVVKRXOGEHGHYHORSHGE\WKHZRUNIRUFHWREHPDUNHW-
DEOH6HFRQGO\WKHFHQWUDOHOHPHQWLQSUDFWLFHLVWRGLVFLSOLQHWKHIXWXUHZRUNIRUFHDQGWKHHOLPLQDWLRQRI
WKHULJKWWRRUJDQL]HWKHRZQOLIH,QJHQHUDOWHUPVZHFDQVD\WKDWVWXGLHVDUHRULHQWDWHGWROHDUQKRZWREH
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2QWKHRWKHUKDQGZH¿QGWKHDYDLODELOLW\RID FRPPRQSK\VLFDOVSDFH. located in universities and faculties. This shared space makes easier for students to be in touch, to establish relationships and bonds ZLWKLQWKHPRYHPHQWDQGWRGHYHORSIRUPDODQGLQIRUPDOQHWZRUNVRIDFWLYLVWV,QWXUQWKLVPDNHVHDVLHU
ZKDW.ODQGHUPDQVGH¿QHVDVWKH³IRUPDWLRQRIFRQVHQVXV´11ZKLFKLVRQHRIWKHFHQWUDOHOHPHQWV
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of consensus seems to be elaborated easier than in the individualization of labor relations.
This individual disconnection and fragmentation caused by neoliberalism and post-Fordism has had a GLUHFWLPSDFWRQWKHSRVVLELOLWLHVIRUZRUNHUV¶RUJDQL]DWLRQ,QJHQHUDOLWKDVPHDQWDQH[SURSULDWLRQRIWKH
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from the social origins or the common uncertain future. Rather, the “mass student” shares a social space ZKLFKLVWKHIDFXOW\ZKLFKPDNHVLWDVRFLDOVXEMHFWRUJDQL]DEOHDQGDOORZLQJWRGHYHORSDG\QDPLFVRI
self-organization. In the fragmentation of society caused by instability and precariousness, this is a com-
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FLDOO\IRUSUHFDULRXVDQGZRUNLQJSRRUV,FODLPWKDWZHFDQXQGHUVWDQGWKHVHUHVRXUFHVDVWKHUHPLQLVFHQF-
es of the Fordism still alive in University. According to this thesis, it might be said that the late transition of 11 7KDWLVWKHFROOHFWLYHIRUPDWLRQZLWKLQFHUWDLQVRFLDOQHWZRUNVRIDFRPPRQGH¿QLWLRQRQDSDUWLFXODUVXSSRVHGO\XQIDLUVLWXDWLRQ
181
the University to the post-Fordist labor market means, through the evolution of the university into a model RIFRUSRUDWHXQLYHUVLW\DFKDQJHRIWKLVSDWWHUQPRGLI\LQJWKHZD\VLQZKLFKWKHVWXGHQWPRYHPHQWVDUH
XVHGWRRUJDQL]HWKHPVHOYHV+RZHYHUWKHVXUYLYDORIVKDUHGVXEFXOWXUHVDQGRIWKHSK\VLFDOVSDFHVVWLOO
PDLQWDLQVWKHFKDQFHVWRGH¿QHFRPPRQLGHQWLWLHVDQGLQWHUHVWVZKLFKDUHNH\WRHQVXULQJWKHRUJDQL]D-
tional forms of the student response.
Facing the knowledge factory: precarious in training
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sistance undertaken by student movements against the deep mutations of the functions of the University. 7KXVLILQWKHF\FOHRIWKHSURWHVWZDVDJDLQVWWKHODFNRIGHPRFUDF\LQVLGHWKH8QLYHUVLW\QRZWKH
student movement is oriented against the precariousness offered in and after the years at the University12.
In fact, as claimed by Kouvelakis (2006), during the student struggle against the First Employee Con-
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demands, to create forms of solidarity. Student movements are not just a reaction to the devaluation of degrees but are a part of greater social mobilization against the neoliberal restructuring of the totality of capital – labor relations. ,QWKLVVHQVH.RXYHODNLVDUJXHVWKDWWKHUHKDVEHHQD³UHGXFWLRQRIWKHJDSEHWZHHQ\RXWKLQVFKRRO
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university students”. Because of that, differently to the 1968 movement, this transformation has not only IDFLOLWDWHGWKHFROODERUDWLRQZLWKZRUNHUVEXWLWKDVPDGHLWDFRPPRQVWUXJJOH
,QIDFWZKDWLVUHDOO\QHZKHUHLVWKHDUWLFXODWLRQRIDGLVFRXUVHFDSDEOHRIFRPELQLQJWKLVGRXEOHFRQGL-
WLRQRIVWXGHQWDQGZRUNLQJSRRU$GLVFRXUVHDEOHWREHWWHUXQGHUVWDQGWKHQHZFRQGLWLRQRIVWXGHQWVDQG
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in training) through the old lens of Fordism: that is, thinking in the student as an inactive and unproductive ¿JXUHZKLFKQRWGHVHUYHVWREHSDLG7KH¿JXUHRIWKHVWXGHQWDVWKHHPSOR\HHRUWKHZRUNLQJSRRUDUH
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OHVVRIWKHFRQFUHWHH[LVWHQFHRIDZRUNLQJUHODWLRQVKLS³7RGD\WKHVWXGHQWLVLPPHGLDWHO\SUHFDULRXVDVD
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have been constrained. But above all, they are a good of production, a particular commodity.
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12 1HHGOHVVWRVD\WKDWZKDWLVUHDOO\GLIIHUHQWDPRQJWKHWZRF\FOHVLVWKHPDWHULDOVLWXDWLRQRIWKHWZRJHQHUDWLRQV$V%HQVDLGH[SODLQHGZHFDQ¿QG
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182
high-school degree”13. Thus, University is becoming a factory of precariousness for most of the students ZKRVHHKRZGHJUHHVORVHLWVFRQWUDFWXDOFDSDFLW\DQG³H[FKDQJHYDOXH´
1RZDGD\VWKHGHWHULRUDWLRQRIVWXGHQWVOLIHFRQGLWLRQVKDVPHDQWDFRPPRQVHOILGHQWL¿FDWLRQDV³SUH-
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The repertoire of action of the new student mobilizations
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displays a non-institutionalized political action, and, on the other hand, “because student movement devel-
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academic regularities, development of several forms of counter-information, and so on” (González Calleja, 2009:53). In the last period of mobilization of the student movement, these repertoires have evolved and DGMXVWHGWRWKHGLIIHUHQWFRQWH[WVLQZKLFKWKH\KDYHEHHQGHYHORSHG6LPLODUO\WKHUHKDYHEHHQVLJQL¿FDQW
LQQRYDWLRQVLQWKHIRUPVRIDFWLRQ7KLVVKRZVWKHRUJDQL]DWLRQDOÀH[LELOLW\RIWKHPRYHPHQWDQGWKHDELOLW\
WRLQWHUSUHWWKHVRFLDODQGSROLWLFDOFRQWH[WDVZHOODVWKHRSSRUWXQLWLHVLWSURYLGHV
7KLVF\FOHKDVDOVRGHYHORSHGDVSHFL¿FUHSHUWRLUHRIDFWLRQRIWKHPRYHPHQW'XHWRWKHLUV\PEROLFLPSDFW
DQGWKHKLJKGLIIXVLRQWKH\KDYHKDG,ZLOODWWHQGWRWZRRIWKHUHSHUWRLUHVWKDWKDYHEHHQUHSHDWHGLQGLIIHUHQW
contexts: (1) the faculty occupations and blockades, and (2) the development of the initiative of the “book block”.
Faculty occupations and blockades
The occupation of faculties have been a symbol of the movement and, in the case of Europe, they have had DVSHFL¿FSROLWLFDOPHDQLQJ7KHUHKDYHEHHQRFFXSDWLRQVRIIDFXOWLHVLQ(QJODQG*HUPDQ\$XVWULD*UHHFH
Spain etc.14,QHYHU\FRXQWU\ZKHUHWKHUHKDVEHHQDVWXGHQWPRELOL]DWLRQWKLVKDVEHHQWKHPRVWUHSHDWHG
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precarious) condition. Through the occupations, the student movements tried to free time for themselves and for social activism. As activists recognize, in the case of the protests against the Bolonia Process, occupations ZHUHDOVRWKHZD\WRKDYHHQRXJKWLPHWRVWXG\WKHHGXFDWLRQUHIRUPVZLWKDYHU\WHFKQLFDOFRQWHQWDQGDV
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Spanish case), these occupations had the goal to achieve the social time necessary to articulate the protest DQGDWWKHVDPHWLPHWREUHDNZLWKWKHIDFXOW\GDLO\URXWLQHDQGYLVXDOL]HWKHFRQÀLFWLQVLGHWKHLQVWLWXWLRQ
Furthermore, occupations acted as a mechanism to build up the movement and the opposition discourse. ,QWKHVDPHZD\WKHWDFWLFDORIEORFNDGHVRIIDFXOWLHVGHYHORSHGPDLQO\LQ)UDQFHZDVDUHSHUWRLUH
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183
The “book block”
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meaning of this repertoire:
is a nod to the various student struggles and precarious youth that have developed around Europe and that have also XVHGWKLVV\PERO<RXQJSHRSOHDOVRUHDG$QGWKHUHLVDFRQQHFWLRQEHWZHHQWKHFRQVFLRXVQHVVWKDWJLYHVXVVRPH-
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of the book block and its sense also means that the contradictions involved in the University cannot be solved, exclusively, inside the university itself. And this is because the subsumption of university inside the JOREDOPDUNHWRINQRZOHGJHPDNHVLWLPSRVVLEOHDQGEHFDXVHWKHFRQGLWLRQRISUHFDULRXVGHYHORSVLQVLGH
and, even more, outside university.
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expressed and organized because of the resources available for students, specially the time and the common SK\VLFDOVSDFHZKLFKDUHVWLOOSUHVHQWGHVSLWHERWKDUHGHFUHDVLQJLQWKHFRUSRUDWHXQLYHUVLW\LQWKHVWXGHQW
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student movements objective chances to organize social protest. In fact, the mass university associated to )RUGLVPLVVWLOODOORZLQJWKHGHYHORSPHQWRIVRPHVRFLDOPRELOL]DWLRQUHSHUWRLUHVWKDWRQWKHRWKHUKDQG
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tious social mobilization. In fact, the student protests have acted as a “catalyst movement” for a broader processes of social mobilization. At the same time, the construction of a common identity (“precarious LQWUDLQLQJ´KDVDOVRDOORZHGWKLVHPHUJHQFHRIDQHZVWXGHQWFROOHFWLYHVXEMHFWDQHZLGHQWLW\IRUQHZ
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corporate-university.
References
Bensaid, D: 2008, 1968. El mundo pudo cambiar de base. (Ed. Viento Sur y Libros de la Catarata. Madrid)
Bourdieu, P. and Passeron, J.C : 2004: Los herederos. Los estudiantes y la cultura. )Siglo XX editores. Buenos Aires), %RXVTXHW0+RZWKH8QLYHUVLW\ZRUNV+LJKHUHGXFDWLRQDQGWKHORZZDJHQDWLRQ1HZ<RUN8QLYHUVLW\3UHVVS
&DOHOOD*8QLYHUVLWjIDEEULFDHVWXGHQWLPHUFHLQ&DOHOODHWDOHGV/¶RQGDDQRPDOD$OODULFHUFDGHOO¶DXWRSROLWLFD(GL]LRQL
Alegre, Roma), p.75.
&RKQ%HQGLW''XWHXLO-3*pUDUG%DQG*UDQDXWLHU%:K\VRFLRORJLVWV"LQ&RFNEXUQ$%ODFNEXUQ5HGV6WXGHQW
SRZHU3UREOHPV'LDJQRVLV$FWLRQ3HQJXLQ1HZ/HIW5HYLHZ/RQGRQS
'HOOD3RUWD'³¢6XUJLPLHQWRGHPRYLPLHQWRVHXURSHRV"6RFLHGDGFLYLO\8QLyQ(XURSHD´$JRUD5HYLVWDGH&LHQFLDV6RFLDOHVQ
118, (Fundación CEPS, Valencia), p.33.
(6&DWHOLHURFFXSDWR³7HVLVXOO¶XQLYHUVLWiULIRUPDWD´ZZZHVFDWHOLHUQHW
Fernández, J., Sevilla, C., Urbán, M.: 2009, “Un nuevo sujeto estudiantil: surfeando contra la precariedad y la mercantilización de la universidad” in Anuario de Movimientos sociales 2009: Jóvenes en la red. Pedro Ibarra y Elena Grau (coords). (Fundación Betiko. Barcelona)
Field, J. y Laraña, E. (coords.): 1994, Los movimientos sociales: de la ideología a la identidad. (CIS. Madrid)
Freeman, J.: 1979, “Resource mobilization and strategy: a model for analyzing social movement organization actions” in Zald, M.N. And McCarthy J.D., The dynamics of social movements. (Winthrop Publishers Cambridge, Massachusetts).
González Calleja, E.: 2009, Rebelión en las aulas. Movilización y protesta estudiantil en la España contemporánea: 1865-2008. (Alianza Editorial. Madrid), p.53.
+DUYH\'7KHFRQGLWLRQRISRVPRGHUQLW\(G%ODFNZHOO2[IRUG
.RXYHODNLV6³)UDQFHIURPUHYROWWRDOWHUQDWLYH´,QWHUQDWLRQDO6RFLDOLVW7HQGHQF\'LVFXVVLRQ%XOOHWLQQRZZZLVWHQGHQF\QHWS
Laclau, E.:1996, Emancipation(s). (Verso Books, London)
Mandel, E.: 1973, La proletarización del trabajo intelectual y la crisis de la producción capitalista en la Rebelión estudiantil y la sociedad contemporánea. 0F$GDP'0FFDUWK\-'=DOG0HG0RYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVSHUVSHFWLYDVFRPSDUDGDV(G,VWPR0DGULG
0F$GDP'7DUURZ67LOO\&K'LQiPLFDGHODFRQWLHQGDSROtWLFD(G+DFHU%DUFHORQD
6HYLOOD&/DIiEULFDGHOFRQRFLPLHQWR/DXQLYHUVLGDGHPSUHVDHQODSURGXFFLyQÀH[LEOH(GLWRULDO(O9LHMR7RSR%DUFHORQD
Sevilla, C. y Urbán, M.: 2008,“ Tesis sobre la universidad y el movimiento estudiantil”, in Asamblea Ciencias Sociales Críticas, Movimientos estudiantiles: resistir, imaginar, crear en la universidad, (Ed. Gakoa, Hondarribia), pp.61-101.
6ODXJKWHU6DQG5KRDGHV*$FDGHPLFFDSLWDOLVPDQGWKHQHZHFRQRP\0DUNHWV6WDWHDQG+LJKHU(GXFDWLRQ7KH-RKQ+RSNLQV
University Press, Baltimore).
6RWLULV37KHRUL]LQJWKH(QWUHSUHQHXULDO8QLYHUVLW\2SHQTXHVWLRQVDQGSRVVLEOHDQVZHUV3DSHUSUHVHQWHGDWWKH,QWHUQDWLRQDO
Conference on Critical Education, Athens 12-16 July 2011)
de Sousa Santos, B.: 2005, La universidad en el siglo XXI. Para una reforma democrática y emancipadora de la universidad. (Ed. Laboratorio de Políticas Públicas. Buenos Aires),p.20.
7DUURZ6(OSRGHUHQPRYLPLHQWR/RVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVODDFFLyQFROHFWLYD\ODSROtWLFD(G$OLDQ]D0DGULG
7DUURZ61XHYRDFWLYLVPRWUDVQDFLRQDO(G+DFHU%DUFHORQD
Tilly, Ch.: 2009, Los movimientos sociales, 1768-2008. Desde sus orígenes a Facebook. (Ed. Crítica.,Barcelona)
Toscano, A.: 2011, The university as a Political Space in The Assault on Universities: A manifesto for Resistance (edited by Michael Bailey 185
and Des Freedman)( Ed. Pluto Press, London),
Toscano, A.: 2011, The Limits of Autonomy: Cognitive capitalism and university struggles in Peters, M.A., Bulut, E. (editors), Cognitive FDSLWDOLVPHGXFDWLRQDQGGLJLWDOODERU3HWHU/DQJ3XEOLVKLQJ,QF1HZ<RUN
Vercellone, C.: 2007, From formal subsumption to general intellect: elements for a marxist reading of the thesis of cognitive capitalism”, in Historical Materialism , 15, 1: 13-36.
:LOOLDPV-³/DSHGDJRJtDGHODGHXGD´LQ(GX)DFWRU\DQG8QLYHUVLGDG1yPDGDFRPSV/D8QLYHUVLGDGHQ&RQÀLFWRFDSWXUDV\
IXJDVHQHOPHUFDGRJOREDOGHOVDEHU(G7UD¿FDQWHVGH6XHxRV0DGULG
Zizek, S.: 2011, Primero como farsa, después como tragedia. (Ed. Akal. Madrid), p.166.
186
Precarious present, uncertain future: multiples dimensions of precarity as a symbolic tool and resource in the Italian university mobilisation
LORENZO ZAMPONI
European University Institute
Introduction
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The idea of going out of my comfort zone and approaching this topic came to me and my friend and col-
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In the third section, I analyse the main contents of the precarity discourse in the context of the university PRELOLVDWLRQRIZLWKDTXDOLWDWLYHGLVFRXUVHDQDO\VLVRIWKHPHGLDFRYHUDJHRIWKDWPRELOLVDWLRQ
and in the fourth I try to individuate the most useful theoretical lenses for the further research on the role of WKHSUHFDULW\GLVFRXUVHLQWKHSXEOLFVSKHUHVWDUWLQJIURPWKHUHVXOWVRIWKLV¿UVWHPSLULFDODQDO\VLV
Epistemological and ethical aspects
Doing research on social movements involves various kind of ethical, methodological and epistemo-
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Furthermore, I address the object of study both as a researcher and as an activist. I have been engaged in the student movement since 2001 and I am actually a member of the national executive committee of Rete della Conoscenza, the largest Italian student union.
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187
concerns data gathering, data analysis and capacity of comprehension of the internal dynamics of the PRYHPHQW+RZHYHULQWKLVZRUN,SULPDULO\IRFXVRQPHGLDGLVFRXUVHDQDO\VLVQRWLQYROYLQJDQ\GLUHFW
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are the references to the events that characterised the university mobilisation of 2009-2010: in those cases, ,TXRWHWKHFKDSWHU,ZURWHIRUDFROOHFWLYHZRUN,¿QGWKLVVHOITXRWLQJTXLWHHPEDUUDVVLQJEXWIRUQRZLW
LVWKHRQO\ZULWWHQDFFRXQWRIWKDWZDYHRIVWXGHQWSURWHVWVR,KDYHQRRWKHUFKRLFH
The symbolic dimension of collective action
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collective identity) in the making of a social movement (Touraine 1981, Melucci 1996).
Collective identity is considered a strategic device for both the setting of borders for the group member-
ship and the motivation of individuals to action. It links the actors to each other, it grants patterns to go over WKHLQGLYLGXDOUHDVRQVIRUMRLQLQJWKHPRYHPHQWDQGWRGHYHORSDFROOHFWLYHFRQVFLRXVQHVVZKLFKRIWHQ
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bedded. Social agency is indeed at the same time oriented on the reproduction of its constraining structures, and the FUHDWLRQRIQHZRQHV7KLVGXSOLFLW\FDQEHIRXQGHYHQLQWKHH[SHULHQFHRIVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVZKLFKE\GH¿QLWLRQ
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188
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In that debate and in other occasions, Francesca Polletta called for a different conceptualization of cul-
ture, as «the symbolic dimension of all structures, institutions, and practices (political, economic, educa-
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building process (Polletta and Jasper 2001, Tilly 2002, della Porta and Diani 2006).
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2008).
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of capitalism. (CSALE 2010)
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bank Mario Draghi1 and then-premier Silvio Berlusconi2. In fact, the change in the terms of the debate is $QRQ\PRXV'UDJKL©6LWXD]LRQHSUHRFFXSDQWH%LVRJQDVWDELOL]]DUHLSUHFDULª@'UDJKL©6LWXD]LRQHSUHRFFXSDQWH%LVRJQDVWDELOL]]DUHLSUHFDULª,O
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189
shared by different social actors and does not seem directly related to their position in the topic. A clear H[DPSOHLVWKHOH[LFRQXVHGE\WZRSURWDJRQLVWVRIWKHLQWHOOHFWXDOGHEDWHLQ/XFLDQR*DOOLQRRSSRV-
LQJWKHODERXUUHIRUPVXVHGWKHZRUG©ÀH[LELOLW\ª*DOOLQRZKLOHLQ3LHWUR,FKLQRVXSSRUWLQJ
WKHPXVHG©SUHFDULDWª3.
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*DPVRQ)RUWKLVSDUWRIP\ZRUN,ZLOOUHIHUWRWKHPRVWUHFHQWGHEDWHRQWKHPHGLDLQÀXHQFH
on social action (Couldry 2008), using the set of instruments typical of critical discourse analysis usually DSSOLHGWRPHGLDVWXGLHV:RGDNDQG.U]\]DQRZVNL
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trality, excessive rationalism, exclusion of household and economy and monism (Garnham 1992), others have denounced the fragmentation of the contemporary public sphere (Gitlin 1998), others have described KRZWKHSXEOLFRULHQWDWLRQRIWKHLQGLYLGXDOLQWHUDFWVZLWKWKHPHGLDFRQVXPSWLRQ&RXOGU\DQG0DUNKDP
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the precarity discourse, that is clearly visible and analysable in the mainstream public sphere, probably as a result of more complex and articulated processes that happened out of it or in its margins. Others have LQYHVWLJDWHGKRZVRFLDODFWRUVSURPRWHGWKHSUHFDULW\GLVFRXUVHLQGLVVHQWLQJPHGLDHQYLURQPHQWV0DWWRQL
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develop in the arena of the mainstream media, that is the mediatised public sphere.
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level of public legitimacy they have and they can give (Cavallari 1990).
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traits that constitute one of these packages and to elaborate some hypotheses for further research on the role of these symbolic elements in the processes of mobilisation in the university.
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190
7DEOH2FFXUUHQFHVSHU\HDURIWKHZRUGV©ÀHVVLELOLWjªDQG©SUHFDULHWjªRU©SUHFDULDWRª in /D5HSXEEOLFD, from 1992 to 2011
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191
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This chart gives the best possible image of the evolution of the public discourse in the mainstream PHGLDWKHUDWLRLVHTXDOO\ORZLQERWKWKHQHZVSDSHUVLQWKHµVDQGWKHQLWVWDUWVLQFUHDVLQJWKHWUHQG
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mobilisation on precarity (Mattoni 2009), during the period of the center-left government led by Romano 3URGLZKHQWKHDWWLWXGHWRZDUGVODERXUZDVDQLQWHQVHWRSLFRIGHEDWHLQWKHPDMRULW\FRDOLWLRQWKHGH-
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liberal turn imposed by Walter Veltroni to the center-left coalition, the disappearance from the parliament RIWKHUDGLFDOOHIWDQGWKHVWDUWRIDQHZULJKWJRYHUQPHQWOHGE\6LOYLR%HUOXVFRQLEXWDUHOHYDQWUROHPLJKW
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RIWKH,WDOLDQODERXUPDUNHWDQGWKHFKDQJLQJJOREDOHFRQRPLFSKDVH7KHOLWHUDWXUHVKRZVKRZSUHFDU-
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EUROSTAT 2010), etc.
But there is a symbolic side of this phenomenon that cannot be overlooked. The literature on social movements has already underlined the role of narratives, identities, frames and ideologies in collective ac-
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192
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GLIIHUHQWZD\VWRPRELOLVHDQGDFKLHYHWKHLUJRDOV0XUJLDDQG6HOPL,WORRNVOLNHSUHFDULRXVZRUN-
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points at the symbolic level. Precarity, this is my hypothesis, has not yet succeeded in producing massive forms of organisation of social struggles, but it has succeeded in imposing itself in the public discourse, LQYROYLQJDZLGHVHWRIDFWRUVDQGLQGLYLGXDOV
:HDOUHDG\NQRZVRPHWKLQJDERXWWKHGLVFRXUVHRQSUHFDULW\GHYHORSHGLQWKHPRYHPHQWV0DWWRQL
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lic sphere in a particular case: the university mobilisation of 2009-2010. The precarity discourse in action: the case of the mobilisation against the university reform
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mobilisation against the university reform proposed by the cabinet lead by Silvio Berlusconi (the so-called ©*HOPLQLODZªIURPWKHQDPHRIWKHPLQLVWHURIHGXFDWLRQ7KHELOOZDVSURSRVHGE\WKHJRYHUQPHQWRQ
October 28thDQG¿QDOO\DSSURYHGE\WKHSDUOLDPHQWRQ'HFHPEHU3th, 2010. ,QWKH¿UVWPRQWKVWKHJHQHUDOUHDFWLRQRIWKHPHGLDWRWKHUHIRUPZDVSUHWW\IDYRXUDEOHDQGVWXGHQWV
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supported by the mainstream media (Zamponi 2011).
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VHQVHWKDQEHIRUHEHFRPLQJDXVHIXOUHVRXUFHDQGWRROIRUWKHPRYHPHQWLQDZD\WKDWFDQEHDQDO\VHG
WKURXJKGLIIHUHQWFRQFHSWXDOOHQVHV,QWKHQH[WVHFWLRQ,ZLOOWU\DQGOLVWVRPHRIWKHVHOHQVHVZKLOHLQWKLV
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the university, during the 14 months of the anti-Gelmini mobilisation. The dataset I use is constituted by the DUWLFOHVFRQWDLQLQJWKHZRUGV©SUHFDULHWjªRU©SUHFDULDWRªDQG©XQLYHUVLWjªLQ/D5HSXEEOLFD from October 28th, 2009 to December 24th, 2010.
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ments and media in the construction of a public discourse about precarity (for an analysis of that process, see Mattoni 2009), but to examine the result of this process, to reconstruct the symbolic bricks of the precarity GLVFRXUVHZKHQLWLVDOUHDG\HVWDEOLVKHGLQDSXEOLFGLVFRXUVH:KDW,DQDO\VHLVQRWWKHPRYHPHQWGLVFRXUVH
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193
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,QWKH¿UVWIRXUVXEVHFWLRQV,GHVFULEHWKHUHIHUHQFHVWRSUHFDULW\LQWKHDUWLFOHVUHJDUGLQJWKHPRELOLVD-
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that the public discourse on university constitutes the symbolic environment for the mobilisation and it is FRQVWUXFWHGZLWKFRQWLQXLQJLQWHUDFWLRQVEHWZHHQGLIIHUHQWIUDPHVQDUUDWLYHVDQGVRFLDODFWRUV
The mobilisation of precarious researchers
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the actors that participate in the movement, succeeding in gaining some representation in the press. In the ¿UVWKDOIRIHVSHFLDOO\GXULQJWKH6SULQJWKDWLVWKHSHULRGLQZKLFKWKHPRELOLVDWLRQRIUHVHDUFKHUV
VWDUWVFKDQJLQJWKHSXEOLFGLVFRXUVHRQWKHXQLYHUVLW\UHIRUPWKHDUWLFOHVJHQHUDOO\GHDOZLWKWKHFRQGL-
WLRQRISUHFDULRXVUHVHDUFKHUVDQGHPSOR\HHVLQWKH,WDOLDQXQLYHUVLWLHV7KH\GHVFULEHWKHGLI¿FXOWZRUN
VDODU\DQGOLIHFRQGLWLRQVRISUHFDULRXVXQLYHUVLW\ZRUNHUVLQUHODWLRQVKLSZLWKWKHLUFRPSODLQVDERXWWKH
university reform and their actions of protest40RVWRIWKHPDUHSXEOLVKHGLQWKHORFDOQHZVVHFWLRQRIWKH
QHZVSDSHU5ZKLOHRQO\DIHZRIWKHPJHWWRWKHQDWLRQDOVHFWLRQV6. In the second half of the year, especially from October, they tend to focus more on protest events and on the evolution of the mobilisation.7
The precarity frame in the mobilisation of students
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VDWLRQRIE\0DWWRQL:KDWLQZDVDWKHRUHWLFDODVVXPSWLRQLQWKHSROLWLFDOGLVFRXUVHRI
student activists, in 2010 is a concept commonly reported in the public discourse by the mainstream media.
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ma si sollevano giusti problemi, /D5HSXEEOLFD0DUS7RULQR$QRQ\PRXV5LFHUFDWRULO¶XQLFDYLDqDQGDUVHQHGDOO¶,WDOLD/D5HSXEEOLFD, $SUS$QRQ\PRXV/DULIRUPD*HOPLQLDOOXQJDLOQRVWUROLPER/D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS$QRQ\PRXV,SUHFDULXQLYHUVLWDULXQHV-
ercito di riserva, /D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS9HQWXUL,ODULD/DSURWHVWDJHQWLOHDQWL*HOPLQLLQUHWWRUDWRGRFHQWLHSUHFDUL/D5HSXEEOLFD, 19 May S%RORJQD5DX*DLD$WHQHLODSURWHVWDVLDOODUJD/D5HSXEEOLFD0D\S)LUHQ]H5DX*DLD,OSLDQWRGHOVXSHUFHUYHOORQHµ/DPLD
ULFHUFDPRULUjFRQPH¶/D5HSXEEOLFD0D\S)LUHQ]H9DOIUq(QULFD3LRWWR,JRU/DPDQRYUDFROSLVFHPLODWRULQHVL/D5HSXEEOLFD, 6 -XQS7RULQR)XJQROL/DXUD3UHFDULHWjHWXUQLPDVVDFUDQWLLFDPLFLELDQFKLQRQVRJQDQRSL/D5HSXEEOLFD-XQS0LODQR0RQWDQDUL
/DXUD,OJULGRG¶DOODUPHGHOOD&UXVFD/D5HSXEEOLFD, 24 Jun. p.39
5 Longhin Diego 2010. Temo il blocco delle lezioni ma si sollevano giusti problemi, /D5HSXEEOLFD0DUS7RULQR9HQWXUL,ODULD/DSURWHVWD
gentile anti-Gelmini in rettorato docenti e precari, /D5HSXEEOLFD0D\S%RORJQD5DX*DLD$WHQHLODSURWHVWDVLDOODUJD/D5HSXEEOLFD, 19 0D\S)LUHQ]H5DX*DLD,OSLDQWRGHOVXSHUFHUYHOORQHµ/DPLDULFHUFDPRULUjFRQPH¶/D5HSXEEOLFD0D\S)LUHQ]H9DOIUq(QULFD
Piotto, Igor 2010. La manovra colpisce 90mila torinesi, /D5HSXEEOLFD-XQS7RULQR)XJQROL/DXUD3UHFDULHWjHWXUQLPDVVDFUDQWLLFDPLFL
ELDQFKLQRQVRJQDQRSL/D5HSXEEOLFD, 18 Jun. p.3 (Milano)
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DQGDUVHQHGDOO¶,WDOLD/D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS$QRQ\PRXV/DULIRUPD*HOPLQLDOOXQJDLOQRVWUROLPER/D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS$QRQ\-
mous 2010. I precari universitari un esercito di riserva, /D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS0RQWDQDUL/DXUD,OJULGRG¶DOODUPHGHOOD&UXVFD/D5HSXE
EOLFD, 24 Jun. p.39
9HQWXUL,ODULD$JUDULDO¶DODGXUDGHOODSURWHVWD/D5HSXEEOLFD6HSS%RORJQD6SLQHOOD&ULVWRIRUR8QLYHUVLWjQHOEXLRO¶DYYLRGHOOH
OH]LRQL6HLULFHUFDWRULVXGLHFLµ1RQLQVHJQHUHPR¶/D5HSXEEOLFD2FWS3DOHUPR&DSXD3DWUL]LD6FRQWULLOULFHUFDWRUHWRUQDOLEHUR/D
5HSXEEOLFD2FWS1DSROL0DQQD(ULFD%OLW]GHLSUHFDULDOO¶LQDXJXUD]LRQHµ3HUQRLO¶RUL]]RQWHqXQPLUDJJLR¶/D5HSXEEOLFD, 30 Oct. p.9 *HQRYD3DUPHJJLDQQL6WHIDQLD6FXRODXQOXQJRPHUFROHGuGLSURWHVWD/D5HSXEEOLFD, 17 Nov. p.5 (Bologna), G., V., G., S. 2010. Sapienza, vita senza futuro niente soldi per gli stipendi, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 25 Nov. p.3 (Roma)
194
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ised by students87KLVFRQFHSWLVXVHGLQGLIIHUHQWZD\VPRVWO\DVDODEHOWRGH¿QHDJHQHUDOFRQGLWLRQRI
distress in the university9LQUHODWLRQVKLSZLWKWKHFRQFHSWRI©IXWXUHª10DQGZLWKWKHLGHDRIDVRFLDOFRDOL-
WLRQEHWZHHQVWXGHQWVDQGZRUNHUV117KHUHLVDOVRWKHIUHTXHQWUHIHUHQFHWRDVHWRIWRSLFVXVXDOO\OLQNHGWR
the precarity discourse in general, out of the university context, such as the need for a generational change, WKHLQHTXDOLWLHVEHWZHHQRSHQHQGHGDQGSUHFDULRXVZRUNHUVWKHODFNRIZHOIDUHSURWHFWLRQ12
The precarity frame in the mobilisation of tenured researchers
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ZKLOHUHSUHVHQWLQJWKHPRELOLVDWLRQRIWHQXUHGUHVHDUFKHUV7HQXUHGUHVHDUFKHUVUHSUHVHQWHGE\5HWH
$SULOHIDUIURPEHLQJWKHPRVWUHOHYDQWSDUWRIWKHPRYHPHQWIURPDTXDQWLWDWLYHSRLQWRIYLHZKDYHEHHQ
fundamental for the development of the mobilisation.
7KHHPHUJHQFHRIWKHUHVHDUFKHUVPRYHPHQWLQWKH6SULQJWRZKLFKZDVDGGHGWKHVSUHDGLQJRIVWXGHQWVSURWHVWLQWKH)DOOKDV
UHSUHVHQWHGXQGRXEWHGO\DQRYHOW\IRUWKH,WDOLDQDFDGHPLDEHFDXVHWKHVWXGHQWVDQGWKHSUHFDULRXVRQO\ZHUHSUHYLRXVO\PR-
ELOL]HG>@,QIDFWUHVHDUFKHUVDVVRFLDOFDWHJRU\UHSUHVHQWIHZZRUNHUVNQRZOHGJHRQO\ZKRZHUHQRWXVHGWRXQLRQDFWLYLW\
RUSURWHVWEHIRUHWKHUHFHQWPRELOL]DWLRQ1HYHUWKHOHVVPRVWRIWKHPZHUHDEOHWRJLYHULVHDQGWROHDGDPRYHPHQWDJJUHJDW-
LQJRWKHUXQLYHUVLW\FDWHJRULHVQRWMRLQLQJWKHH[LVWHQWXQLRQVRUFDWHJRU\DVVRFLDWLRQEXWFUHDWLQJDQHZQHWZRUNHGRUJDQL]D-
WLRQDQGLQYHQWLQJQHZIRUPVRISURWHVWRUDGDSWLQJWKRVHXVHGE\RWKHUZRUNHUVFDWHJRULHV,IWKHUHVHDUFKHUVIDLOHGWRSUHYHQW
WKHDSSURYDORIWKH%LOOWKH\ZHUHKRZHYHUDEOHWRDWWUDFWPHGLDDWWHQWLRQDQGLQÀXHQFHSXEOLFDQGSROLWLFDODJHQGDFDUU\LQJ
RQWKHPRELOL]DWLRQWKRXJKDWORZHULQWHQVLW\HYHQGXULQJWKHFXUUHQWSKDVHRILPSOHPHQWDWLRQRIWKHUHIRUP3LD]]D
The role of tenured researchers has been fundamental for three main reasons: on the public discourse level, WKHLUOHJLWLPDF\RI©VFLHQWLVWVªRISRWHQWLDO©EUDLQVRQWKHUXQªJDYHWKHSURWHVWDFUHGLELOLW\WKDWWKHVWXGHQWV
FDQQRWKDYHRQWKHVWUDWHJLFOHYHOWKHLUGHFLVLRQWRVWRSDOOWHDFKLQJDFWLYLWLHVSURGXFHGDWRWDOEORFNRIXQL-
YHUVLWLHVWKDWJDYHWKHVWDUWWRWKHJHQHUDOPRELOLVDWLRQRQHDUO\2FWREHU=DPSRQLRQWKHFROOHF-
WLYHLGHQWLW\OHYHOWKHLUSURWHVW©KDGLWVDGGHGYDOXHLQWKHDELOLW\WREXLOGSURMHFWVDQGFRQFUHWHDFWLRQVZLWK
WKHVWXGHQWPRYHPHQWDQGWKHJDOD[\RISUHFDULRXVUHVHDUFKHUVª0DLGD[LWUDQVODWHGE\3LD]]D
8 Anonymous 2009. Poli, prove di fusione con Milano, /D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS7RULQR$QRQ\PRXV6RWWR3DOD]]R9HFFKLROHXUODGHLSUHFDUL
QHKDQQRGLULWWRPDO¶DVVXQ]LRQHQRQDUULYD/D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS)LUHQ]H'L*LXVHSSH)XOYLR6WXGHQWLHGLVRFFXSDWLV¿ODODUDEELD/D
5HSXEEOLFD0DUS%DUL'L*LDFRPR$QWRQLRµ4XLSRVVRQRULQDVFHUHLQRVWULVRJQL¶/D5HSXEEOLFD-XQS%DUL*LDQQROL9LROD
1RDWDJOLDOORVWXGLRHSUHFDULDWRHFFRLOÀDVKPREGLVWXGHQWLHSURI/D5HSXEEOLFDS5RPD%UXQHWWR&ODXGLD%OLW]HVWULVFLRQLVWXGHQWLLQ
rivolta, /D5HSXEEOLFD2FWS3DOHUPR*LX20HORQLHYLWDLOFRQIURQWRFRQO¶8QLYHUVLWj/D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS7RULQR6WXGHQWL
/LQNH&ROOHWWLYR/HWWHUH,WDJOLDOO¶XQLYHUVLWjSUHVLGHQWHLQWHUYHQJD/D5HSXEEOLFD)HES%DUL%UXQHWWR&ODXGLD6WXGHQWLLQFRUWHR
a scuola è autunno caldo, /D5HSXEEOLFD2FWS3DOHUPR*LXVWHWWL2WWDYLD$UULYD6DFFRQLXQLYHUVLWjEOLQGDWD/D5HSXEEOLFD, 9 Nov. p.9 7RULQR)RUJQRQH9DOHULD*UDWWRJJL6DUD8QLYHUVLWDULHOLFHDOLV¿ODQRLQPLOD/D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS5RPD9HWWRUL(PLOLR
3DOD]]R&DPSDQDV¿GDOD*HOPLQL'RPDQLRFFXSLDPRVWUDGHHXQLYHUVLWj/D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS7RULQR*LDQQROL9LROD*UDWWRJJL6DUD/¶
assemblea degli studenti Contro la riforma Gelmini in piazza il 22 dicembre, /D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS5RPD3'µ'RWWRUDQGRVXLFLGDFRQWURL
EDURQL¶*HORVXOO¶LQWHUYHQWRGHOOD*HOPLQL/D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS3DOHUPR6RIUL$GULDQR,UDJD]]LFRQLSHQVLRQDWL/D5HSXEEOLFD, 30 Nov. S'H)D]LR%LDQFD/¶XQLYHUVLWjWUDOHPDFHULHGL3RPSHL/D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS1DSROL$QRQ\PRXV1XRYDRQGDWDGLVFXROHRF-
cupate, /D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS3DOHUPR0DOWHVH&XU]LR/DSURWHVWDGHOOHFKLWDUUH³ULGDWHFLLOIXWXUR´/D5HSXEEOLFD, 23 Dec. p.1.
9 Anonymous 2009. Poli, prove di fusione con Milano, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 12 Nov. p.8 (Torino).
10 *LDQQROL9LROD*UDWWRJJL6DUD/¶DVVHPEOHDGHJOLVWXGHQWL&RQWURODULIRUPD*HOPLQLLQSLD]]DLOGLFHPEUH/D5HSXEEOLFD, 17 Dec. p.2 (Roma).
11 *LDQQROL9LROD1RDWDJOLDOORVWXGLRHSUHFDULDWRHFFRLOÀDVKPREGLVWXGHQWLHSURI/D5HSXEEOLFDS5RPD6RIUL$GULDQR,UDJD]]LFRQ
i pensionati, /D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS'H)D]LR%LDQFD/¶XQLYHUVLWjWUDOHPDFHULHGL3RPSHL/D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS1DSROL$QRQ\-
mous 2010. Nuova ondata di scuole occupate, /D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS3DOHUPR0DOWHVH&XU]LR/DSURWHVWDGHOOHFKLWDUUH³ULGDWHFLLOIXWXUR´
/D5HSXEEOLFD, 23 Dec. p.1.
12 $QRQ\PRXV6RWWR3DOD]]R9HFFKLROHXUODGHLSUHFDULQHKDQQRGLULWWRPDO¶DVVXQ]LRQHQRQDUULYD/D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS)LUHQ]H
195
For a reconstruction of the mobilisation of tenured researchers in the Italian university movement of 2010, see Ferretti (2011), Maida (2011) and Piazza (2011). What is relevant in the context of this paper is WKHIUHTXHQF\RIDUWLFOHVLQZKLFKWHQXUHGUHVHDUFKHUVHYHQLIWKH\DUHQRW©SUHFDULRXVªVWULFWRVHQVX, use ©SUHFDULW\ªDVDIUDPHWRSUHVHQWWKHLUFRQGLWLRQVFRPSODLQVDQGSURSRVDOVLQWKHSXEOLF¿HOG
These articles are mainly concentrated in the Spring13ZKHQWKHUHVHDUFKHUVVWDUWRUJDQLVLQJDQGIRUP
WKHLUQDWLRQDOQHWZRUNDQGLQWKH)DOODWWKHDSH[RIWKHSURWHVW14.
5HVHDUFKHUVXVH©SUHFDULW\ªDVDFRQFHSWDEOHWRGHVFULEHWKHLUFRQGLWLRQLQDVHQVHWKDWLVZLGHUWKDQ
WKHVWULFWGH¿QLWLRQRIWKHFRQWUDFW7KHSKHQRPHQRQLVTXLWHVLPLODUWRWKHRQHGHVFULEHGLQWKHSUHYLRXV
VXEVHFWLRQUHIHUULQJWRWKHVWXGHQWVWKHIUDPHLVH[WHQGHGERWKKRUL]RQWDOO\FRPSUHKHQGLQJDZLGHVHWRI
meaning related to different aspects of the labour conditions of researchers (that in other times might have EHHQLQWHUSUHWHGZLWKRWKHUZRUGVVXFKDV©H[SORLWDWLRQªDQGYHUWLFDOO\GHVFULELQJSUHFDULW\VWULFWRVHQVX DVDSDVWWKDWWHQXUHGUHVHDUFKHUVNQRZDQGZDQWWRUHPHPEHUDQGUHGHHP0RVWRIWKHPKDGSUHFDULRXV
contracts for year, before the tenure, and the representation of that condition is still part of the collective identity they are building15.
Precarity as a frame to address the movement from outside
7KHKHJHPRQLFIXQFWLRQRIWKHSUHFDULW\IUDPHWKHXVHRIZKLFKKDVWDQJLEOHUHVXOWVLQWKHSXEOLFGLV-
course, is proved by the fact that, from a certain moment on, different social actors start to use it to refer to the university movement.
This phenomenon, a part from one case16 that anticipates all the others, happens in the Fall of 2010, at WKHDSH[RIWKHPRELOLVDWLRQZKHQDV,VKRZHGLQWKHSUHYLRXVVXEVHFWLRQVWKHUHLVDOUHDG\DSUHFDULW\
GLVFRXUVHGHYHORSHGDQGVKDUHGE\GLIIHUHQWDFWRUVLQWKH¿HOG
Politicians from different parties address the issue of the university mobilisation, referring mainly to VWXGHQWVDQGXVLQJWKHZRUGV©SUHFDULHWjªRU©SUHFDULDWRª7KH¿UVWLV1LFKL9HQGROD17, leader of the eco-
socialist party 6LQLVWUD(FRORJLDH/LEHUWjWKHQWKHVDPHZRUGVDUHXVHGIURPGLIIHUHQWSRLQWRIYLHZVE\
Giorgia Meloni18, minister of youth and member of the conservative party 3RSRORGHOOD/LEHUWj, Maurizio 13 Bompani, Michela 2010. Ricercatori pronti allo sciopero delle lezioni, /D5HSXEEOLFD0DUS*HQRYD%RPSDQL0LFKHOD5LFHUFDWRULVLDO-
ODUJDODSURWHVWDO¶XQLYHUVLWjYHUVRLOEORFFR/D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS*HQRYD$QRQ\PRXV,SUHFDULXQLYHUVLWDULXQHVHUFLWRGLULVHUYD/D5HSXE
EOLFD$SUS5DX*DLD,ULFHUFDWRULULWLUDQRODGLVSRQLELOLWjDLQVHJQDUH/D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS)LUHQ]H5XVVL)UDQFHVFD$WHQHR
e Politecnico, rischio paralisi da domani si fermano 900 ricercatori, /D5HSXEEOLFD0D\S%DUL5DX*DLD$WHQHLODSURWHVWDVLDOODUJD/D
5HSXEEOLFD0D\S)LUHQ]H$OWLHUL/HRQDUGR7DVVLQDUL*LRUJLR9HFFKL5REHUWR=DSSROL6HUJLR/HXQLYHUVLWjQRQIDFFLDQROD¿QHGHOOH
aziende sanitarie, /D5HSXEEOLFD0D\S%RORJQD$QRQ\PRXV/¶8QLYHUVLWjGL3DUPDLQGLIHVDGHOOD&RVWLWX]LRQH/D5HSXEEOLFD, 25 May p.11.
14 Venturi, Ilaria 2010. Ateneo, la mobilitazione al potere, /D5HSXEEOLFD6HSS%RORJQD&RLQ)UDQFHVFD&DUD*HOPLQLQRQFLIDFFLDIXJJLUH
dalle Università, /D5HSXEEOLFDS9HQWXUL,ODULD*OLXQLYHUVLWDULGDQQRODVYHJOLDDOODFLWWj/D5HSXEEOLFD, 30 Nov. p.7 (Bologna).
15 9HQWXUL,ODULD$JUDULDO¶DODGXUDGHOODSURWHVWD/D5HSXEEOLFD6HSS%RORJQD
16 $QRQ\PRXV,OVDFUL¿FLRGHLSLPDWXUL/D5HSXEEOLFD, 16 Jun. p.1 (Firenze)
17 $QRQ\PRXV/DYLGHROHWWHUDGL9HQGRODµ3UHFDULqRUDGLULYROWDUVL¶/D5HSXEEOLFD, 16 Oct. p.4 (Bari)
18 *LX20HORQLHYLWDLOFRQIURQWRFRQO¶8QLYHUVLWj/D5HSXEEOLFD, 6 Nov. p.13 (Torino)
196
Sacconi19, minister of labour and member of the same party, Vendola again20, the center-left 3DUWLWR'HPR
FUDWLFR, the president of the republic Giorgio Napolitano22 and then-major of Turin Sergio Chiamparino23 (3DUWLWR'HPRFUDWLFR).
A similar attitude is adopted, at the beginning of December, 2010, that is the moment of highest popu-
larity of the movement (Zamponi 2011), by pundits, that start identifying precarity as one of the main and most legitimate reasons of the protest. In /D5HSXEEOLFD this happens four times24LQRQHZHHNWKH¿UVW
ZHHNRI'HFHPEHU7KH)ORUHQWLQHHGLWLRQRI/D5HSXEEOLFDLQFOXGHVDQDQRQ\PRXV©XQLYHUVLW\VWXGHQWª
DVDSRVVLEOH©SHUVRQRIWKH\HDUªEHFDXVHRILWV©XQFHUWDLQIXWXUHPDGHRIFXWVDQGSUHFDULW\ª25
Brains on the run
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of the private university Luiss, advises his son to go abroad26.
7KHFRQGLWLRQVRIWKHSHRSOHZKRGHFLGHWRHPLJUDWHLVGHVFULEHGDVFKDUDFWHULVHGE\©SUHFDULW\DQG
ZRUU\ª27DVVRFLDWLQJSUHFDULW\ZLWKDYHU\JHQHUDOGH¿QLWLRQRIGLVWUHVV$VWKHSUHYLRXVVXEVHFWLRQVKDYH
VKRZQWKHZRUG©SUHFDULW\ªLVJUDGXDOO\LQFUHDVLQJLWVSRO\VHPLFQDWXUHLWLVWKHDFWXDOSUHFDULW\RIODERXU
of researchers, it is the precarity of labour that the students expect from their future, it is also the uncertainty on the future of university for tenured researchers. The concept becomes larger than itself, and becomes a SRZHUIXOV\PEROFKDUJHGZLWKDPHDQLQJWKDWJRHVEH\RQGDQ\SXQFWXDOGH¿QLWLRQDEOHWRUHSUHVHQWWKH
general condition of a generation.
The lost generation
$QRWKHUJURXSRIDUWLFOHVUHIHUVPRUHJHQHUDOO\ZLWKSUHFDULW\DVDFRQGLWLRQRIGLVWUHVVWKDWFKDUDFWHU-
LVHV\RXQJSHRSOHVRPHWLPHVGHVFULELQJWKHDFWXDOVRFLDOSUREOHPVFRQQHFWHGZLWKODERXUDQGZHOIDUH
VRPHWLPHVIRFXVLQJPRUHVXSHU¿FLDOO\RQGLIIHUHQWVWHUHRW\SHVUHJDUGLQJWKH,WDOLDQ\RXWK
19 Giustetti, Ottavia 2010. Arriva Sacconi, università blindata, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 9 Nov. p.9 (Torino)
20 Casadio, Giovanna 2010. Giusto ribellarsi, sono senza futuro ma la guerriglia è un vicolo cieco, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 17 Dec. p.14
21 6DQQLQR&RQFKLWD%LQGLFRQ%HUVDQLµ3ULPDOHDOOHDQ]H¶/D5HSXEEOLFD, 19 Dec. p.1 (Napoli)
22 Zunino, Corrado 2010. Napolitano riceve gli studenti Solo lui ci ha ascoltato davvero, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 23 Dec. p.2
23 Griseri, Paolo 2010. Se il movimento vuole un futuro dica basta a violenza e vecchi slogan, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 23 Dec p.7
24 *DOOL&DUOR/¶LVWUX]LRQHSUHFDULD/D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS&ROHWWL9LWWRULR/DOHJJHGHOO¶LJQRUDQ]D/D5HSXEEOLFD, 5 Dec. p.1 (Geno-
YD&HFFDULQL/XLJL3RFKLIRQGLHSUHFDULDWROHUDJLRQLGHOODSURWHVWD/D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS'LDPDQWL,OYR5DJD]]LULEHOOL/DPDUFLD
GHLSLJLRYDQL/D5HSXEEOLFD, 6 Dec. pp-27-28-29
25 5DX*DLD3HUVRQDJJLRGHOO¶DQQR/D5HSXEEOLFD, 28 Dec. p.10 (Firenze)
26 $QRQ\PRXV/DIXJDGLFHUYHOOLULJXDUGDDQFKHJOLH[WUDFRPXQLWDUL1RXUHGLQQHVSLHJD7DKDLOPDURFFKLQRµ4XLPLODXUHRSHUO¶LPSLHJRGRYUz
ODVFLDUHO¶,WDOLD¶/D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS7RULQR&HOOL3LHUOXLJLµ,RPLR¿JOLRHO¶DUWHGHOODIXJD¶/D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS$QRQ\PRXV
1DSROLWDQRJLRYDQLQRQODVFLDWHO¶,WDOLD/D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS$XJLDV&RUUDGR/DWHQWD]LRQHGLIXJJLUHGDXQSDHVHSHUYHFFKL/D5H
SXEEOLFD, 10 Feb. p.44.
27 $QRQ\PRXV/DIXJDGLFHUYHOOLULJXDUGDDQFKHJOLH[WUDFRPXQLWDUL1RXUHGLQQHVSLHJD7DKDLOPDURFFKLQRµ4XLPLODXUHRSHUO¶LPSLHJRGRYUz
ODVFLDUHO¶,WDOLD¶/D5HSXEEOLFD, 24 Nov. p.3 (Torino)
197
$FRPPRQWRSLFLQWKHVHDUWLFOHVLVWKHUHIHUHQFHWRWKHLQVXI¿FLHQF\RIWKH,WDOLDQZHOIDUHV\VWHPQRW
DEOHWRGHDOZLWKVRFLDOFRQGLWLRQVWKDWDUHGLIIHUHQWIURPWKHWUDGLWLRQDORSHQHQGHGFRQWUDFW28. There are DOVRIUHTXHQWFRPSDULVRQVZLWKRWKHU(XURSHDQFRXQWULHV29DQGUHIHUHQFHVWRWKHZRUG©EDPERFFLRQLª30, ZLWKZKLFKWKHQPLQLVWHURIHFRQRP\7RPPDVR3DGRD6FKLRSSDLQGH¿QHG\RXQJ,WDOLDQVZKROLYH
ZLWKWKHLUSDUHQWV)XUWKHUPRUHVRPHDUWLFOHVIRFXVRQWKHGLI¿FXOWLHVRIIRUPLQJDIDPLO\31 and on the use-
lessness of higher education in the job market32([SUHVVLRQVOLNH©SUHFDULHWjHVLVWHQ]LDOHª33 and «precarietà GLYLWDª34 are used, and it is generally conveyed the idea of a common condition of distress and hopeless-
QHVVVKDUHGE\DZKROHJHQHUDWLRQWKHERUGHUVRIZKLFKDUHXQGH¿QHGDQGZKLFKLVFDOOHGZLWKGLIIHUHQW
ODEHOV©JHQHUD]LRQHVHQ]DSRVWR¿VVRª35©JHQHUDWLRQZLWKRXWDVWDEOHMREª©JHQHUD]LRQHGHLSUHFDULª36 ©JHQHUDWLRQRISUHFDULRXVª©JHQHUD]LRQHµª37©JHQHUD]LRQHVDQGZLFKª38. This shared condition is so JHQHUDOO\DFNQRZOHGJHGWKDWLWEHFRPHVSDUWRIWKHSRSXODUFXOWXUHWRZKLFKWKHPHGLDUHIHUHYHQZKHQ
GHDOLQJZLWKWRSLFVIDUIURPFRQQHFWHGZLWKODERXU39.
From the lips of the enemy
7KHODVWJURXSRIDUWLFOHVLQFOXGHVWKHFDVHVLQZKLFKWKHZRUGV©SUHFDULW\ªRU©SUHFDULDWªDUHXVHGE\
social and political actors that are on the opposite side of the struggle fought by the university movement. ,WLVLQWHUHVWLQJWRQRWLFHKRZWKHVHDUWLFOHVDUHFRQFHQWUDWHGDURXQGWKHHQGRI$SULOZKHQWKHUHVHDUFKHUV¶
PRELOLVDWLRQJHWVIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHPHGLDDWWHQWLRQDQG1RYHPEHUGXULQJWKHPRVWLQWHQVHVWXGHQWSURWHVW
7KHJDOOHU\RIFKDUDFWHUVLVTXLWHYDULRXV3LHU/XLJL&HOOL40, general director of the private university /8,66SUDLVHVWKH©*HOPLQLODZªEXWUHIHUWR©SUHFDULW\ªDVZHOODVSXQGLW0DULR3LUDQL41*LDQIUDQFR
Fini, co-founder of the conservative party 3RSRORGHOOD/LEHUWjFLWHVWKH©VWUXJJOHDJDLQVWSUHFDULW\ªDV
one of the priorities that the government he supports must assume42/XFD&RUGHURGL0RQWH]HPRORSUHVL-
28 6FKLDYD]]L9HUD)LJOLG¶(XURSD/D5HSXEEOLFD-DQS'H/XFD0DULD1RYHOOD/HIDPLJOLHGHOZHHNHQG,IRU]DWLGHOOHFRSSLHD
distanza, /D5HSXEEOLFD0DUSS$QRQ\PRXV5LFHUFDWRULO¶XQLFDYLDqDQGDUVHQHGDOO¶,WDOLD/D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS6DVVR&LQ-
]LD&RVuVLVDOYHUjODJHQHUD]LRQHµ/D5HSXEEOLFDSS$QRQ\PRXV'LDPDQWLVWXGLDODJHQHUD]LRQHGHLSUHFDUL/D5HSXEEOLFD, 8 0D\S'H5LFFDUGLV6DQGUR6HVWXGLDUHGLSLGLYHQWDXQKDQGLFDS/D5HSXEEOLFD,, 15 Sep. p.1.
29 $QRQ\PRXV5LFHUFDWRULO¶XQLFDYLDqDQGDUVHQHGDOO¶,WDOLD/D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS6DVVR&LQ]LD&RVuVLVDOYHUjODJHQHUD]LRQHµ/D
5HSXEEOLFDSS'H5LFFDUGLV6DQGUR6HVWXGLDUHGLSLGLYHQWDXQKDQGLFDS/D5HSXEEOLFD,, 15 Sep. p.1.
30 6FKLDYD]]L9HUD)LJOLG¶(XURSD/D5HSXEEOLFD-DQS$QRQ\PRXV'LDPDQWLVWXGLDODJHQHUD]LRQHGHLSUHFDUL/D5HSXEEOLFD, 8 May p.10.
31 $QRQ\PRXV9RFLGDOODJHQHUD]LRQHVHQ]DSRVWR¿VVR/D5HSXEEOLFD'HFS)LUHQ]H'H/XFD0DULD1RYHOOD/HIDPLJOLHGHOZHHNHQG
I forzati delle coppie a distanza, /D5HSXEEOLFD0DUSS
32 Visitilli, Giancarlo 2009. In cattedra la resa dei genitori, /D5HSXEEOLFD1RYS%DUL'H5LFFDUGLV6DQGUR6HVWXGLDUHGLSLGLYHQWDXQKDQGL-
cap, /D5HSXEEOLFD,, 15 Sep. p.1.
33 'H/XFD0DULD1RYHOOD/HIDPLJOLHGHOZHHNHQG,IRU]DWLGHOOHFRSSLHDGLVWDQ]D/D5HSXEEOLFD0DUSS
34 6DVVR&LQ]LD&RVuVLVDOYHUjODJHQHUD]LRQHµ/D5HSXEEOLFD, pp.29-30-31
35 $QRQ\PRXV9RFLGDOODJHQHUD]LRQHVHQ]DSRVWR¿VVR/D5HSXEEOLFD, 15 Dec. p.3 (Firenze)
36 Anonymous 2010. Diamanti studia la generazione dei precari, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 8 May p.10
37 6DVVR&LQ]LD&RVuVLVDOYHUjODJHQHUD]LRQHµ/D5HSXEEOLFD, pp.29-30-31
38 *DOLPEHUWL*HQHUD]LRQHVDQGZLFK/D5HSXEEOLFD, 27 Jan. p.49.
39 5DPSLQL)HGHULFR+RPRIDEHULOULWRUQRDOODPDQXDOLWjSHUFKpRJJLqGLPRGDO¶XRPRDUWLJLDQR/D5HSXEEOLFD, 6 Mar. p.49.
40 &HOOL3LHU/XLJL,OULVFDWWRGHOPDGHLQ,WDO\GHYHSDUWLUHGDOO¶XQLYHUVLWj/D5HSXEEOLFD$SUS$IIDULH¿QDQ]D
41 Pirani, Mario 2010. Liberare la ricerca dalle mani dei boiardi, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 19 Apr. p.22.
42 %HL)UDQFHVFR/¶XOWLPDWXPGL*LDQIUDQFR³%HUOXVFRQLVLGHYHGLPHWWHUH´/D5HSXEEOLFD, 7 Nov. p.3.
198
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)LQDOO\ FORVLQJ WKH F\FOH D ERRN RQ ÀH[LELOLW\ LV WLWOHG ©(ORJLR GHOOD SUHFDULHWjª ©7KH SUDLVH RI
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is easier to assume than to deny it.
Multiples conceptual lenses to interpret the multiples dimensions of a phenomenon
7KHV\PEROLFVXFFHVVRIWKHSUHFDULW\GLVFRXUVHHPHUJHVTXLWHYLVLEO\IURPWKHSUHYLRXVVHFWLRQV%XW
WKHUHDVRQVRIWKLVVXFFHVVWKHPHFKDQLVPVZKLFKPDGHSUHFDULW\DV\PEROLFWRRODQGUHVRXUFHLQWKHPR-
bilisation of Italian university students and researchers and the potential implications of this process in the future of Italian contentious politics need further analysis.
$OLFH0DWWRQL¶VZRUNWKDW,KDYHFLWHGPDQ\WLPHVSRLQWVRXWWKHUROHRIWKHPHGLDLQWKLVSURFHVV
DQGLQSDUWLFXODUWKHLQWHUDFWLRQEHWZHHQDFWLYLVWVDQGPHGLDLQVRFLDOO\FRQVWUXFWLQJWKHPHDQLQJRIWKH
VWUXJJOHVRISUHFDULRXVZRUNHUV7KLVLVZK\,GRQRWGH¿QHSUHFDULW\RQO\DVDV\PEROLFUHVRXUFHIRUVRFLDO
actors, but also as a symbolic tool, in order to underline the active role of social movements in the construc-
WLRQRIWKHSXEOLFGLVFRXUVHRQSUHFDULW\DOUHDG\DFNQRZOHGJHGE\WKHOLWHUDWXUH
Different conceptual lenses can be useful to interpret this phenomenon. Each of them enlightens some aspects of it, and at the same points out obscure ares that need further investigation.
3UHFDULW\ZRUNVDVDGLDJQRVWLFIUDPH6QRZDQG%HQIRUG6RFLDODFWRUVKDYHEHHQDEOHWRUHFRJQLVH
WKHPDWWHUDSSURSULDWHLWDQGSXEOLFLVHLWDVDVRFLDOSUREOHP:KDWLQWKHVZDVDFRQFHSWJHQHUDOO\XQ-
NQRZQDV,KDYHVKRZHGLQWKHVHFRQGVHFWLRQKDVEHFRPHDFRPPRQZD\WRLQWHUSUHWWKHDFWXDOFRQGLWLRQ
of labour. Social and political actors have played a fundamental role in this process, developing and spreading WKLVIUDPHDVDQH[SODQDWRU\WRROIRUDFRQGLWLRQVKDUHGE\DQLQFUHDVLQJQXPEHURISHRSOH$V,KDYHVKRZHG
in the third section, this frame, in the context of the university mobilisation, has been extended from precari-
RXVZRUNHUVWRVWXGHQWVDQGWHQXUHGUHVHDUFKHUV%XWWKLVSURFHVVLVQRWZLWKRXWFRQVHTXHQFHVIRUWKHIUDPH
itself: extending it to different actors, its meaning has been stretched horizontally and vertically, in time and VSDFH:KLFKDUHWKHLPSOLFDWLRQVRIWKHVHSURFHVVRQWKHUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQGLIIHUHQWVRFLDODFWRUVWKDW
PLJKWXVHWKHVDPHIUDPHZLWKYHU\GLIIHUHQWPHDQLQJV":KHUHDUHWKHOLPLWVRIWKLVH[WHQVLRQ":KLFKDUHWKH
FRQVHTXHQFHVRIWKLVFKDQJHVLQWKHHI¿FDF\RIWKLVIUDPHDVDV\PEROLFUHVRXUFHIRUPRELOLVDWLRQ"
At the same time, precarity has become a FROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\ (Polletta and Jasper 2001), able to activate PHFKDQLVPVRIUHFRJQLWLRQDQGEHORQJLQJLQDZLGHVSHFWUXPRIVRFLDODFWRUV6WXGHQWVDQGUHVHDUFKHUV
ZKRSDUWLFLSDWHGLQWKHPRELOLVDWLRQKDYHGLIIHUHQWSRVLWLRQVDQGRIWHQGLIIHUHQWLQWHUHVWVLQVLGHWKHXQLYHU-
sity, but they feel part of a collective entity, and, in our hypothesis, the main common trait they recognise LVSUHFDULW\ZLWKERWKVRFLDODQGJHQHUDWLRQDOFRQQRWDWLRQV,KDYHH[DPLQHGWKHVRFLDOFRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKLV
43 Mania, Roberto 2010. Tagliamo le tasse ai giovani lavoratori il patto generazionale di Montezemolo, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 24 Nov. p.25.
44 Anonymous 2010. Appuntamenti, /D5HSXEEOLFD, 21 Dec. p.18 (Napoli)
199
FROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\LQWKHPDLQVWUHDPPHGLDEXWKRZGRHVWKLVSURFHVVZRUNDWWKHPLFUROHYHO"+RZGRHV
WKHSUHFDULRXVLGHQWLW\HYROYHLQGLIIHUHQWWLPHVDQGGLIIHUHQWFRQWH[WV"$QGZKRLVRXWRIWKHERUGHUVRI
WKLVFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\"
This process has brought up a QDUUDWLYH (Polletta 2006) of precarity, that is a common set of stories that DUHWROGLQWKHSXEOLFVSKHUHGHVFULELQJWKHODERXUPDUNHWIURPWKHSRLQWRIYLHZRI\RXQJZRUNHUVDQG
SRLQWLQJRXWWKHGLI¿FXOWLHVRIWKHLUOLYHVDOOJDWKHUHGDURXQGWKHFHQWUDOFRQFHSWXDOQRGHRISUHFDULW\7KLV
QDUUDWLYHFRPSHWHVLQWKHSXEOLFGLVFRXUVHZLWKWKHQDUUDWLYHRIÀH[LELOLW\DQGWKLVFRPSHWLWLRQLVDERXW
VWRU\WHOOLQJIDFWRUVDVPXFKDVIDFWXDOIDFWRUV$V,KDYHVKRZHGLQWKHWKLUGVHFWLRQLQGLYLGXDOVWRULHVUH-
IHUULQJWR©EUDLQVRQWKHUXQªWR©VFLHQWLVWVªDQGWRIDPLOLHVWKDWQHHGZHOIDUHSURWHFWLRQDUHIXQGDPHQWDO
SDUWVRIWKHSUHFDULW\GLVFRXUVHLQWKHPHGLDWLVHGSXEOLFVSKHUH%XWKRZGRHVWKHQDUUDWLYHIRUPDWLQWHUDFW
ZLWKWKHVRFLDODQGSROLWLFDOPDWWHURISUHFDULW\"+RZGRHVWKHVWRU\WHOOLQJSURFHVVLQWKHPHGLDWUDQVIRUP
WKHFRQFHSWRISUHFDULW\LQWKHSXEOLFVSKHUH"+RZGRGLIIHUHQWVRFLDODFWRUVLQWHUSUHWWKHVDPHVWRU\"
7KHZLGWKRIWKHGLIIHUHQWVRFLDOSKHQRPHQRQVWKDWDUHLQWHUSUHWHGDQGQDUUDWHGXQGHUWKHODEHORISUH-
carity suggests that precarity might also be analysed as a PDVWHUIUDPH (della Porta and Diani 2006: 79-81), DJHQHUDOSDUDGLJPRIFRQWHPSRUDU\,WDO\DNH\WRWKHUHDGLQJRIWKHVRFLHW\LQZKLFKZHOLYH7KHODVW
VXEVHFWLRQRIWKHWKLUGVHFWLRQKLQWVDWWKHLGHDRISUHFDULW\DVVRPHWKLQJWKDWLVHYHU\ZKHUHDPRQJ\RXQJ
SHRSOH6RPHVRFLDODQGSROLWLFDODFWRUVXVHWRVD\WKDW©ZHDOODUHSUHFDULRXVªIURPWKHZRUNLQJSRLQWRI
YLHZDQGIURPWKHH[LVWHQWLDORQHEXWWKLVKDVRQO\SDUWLDOO\HPHUJHGLQP\DQDO\VLV,QWKHFRQWH[W,KDYH
H[DPLQHGSUHFDULW\VWLOOKDVVWURQJVRFLDODQGJHQHUDWLRQDOFKDUDFWHULVDWLRQVZLWKXQGH¿QHGEXWH[LVWLQJ
OLPLWVWRWKHVRFLDODFWRUVDEOHWRDVVXPHWKLVIUDPH,VLWDPDWWHURIWLPH",VWKHH[WHQVLRQRIWKLVIUDPHWKH
QH[WVWHSLQLWVHYROXWLRQLQWKHSXEOLFVSKHUH"7KLVLVQRWDVLPSOHVWHSVSUHDGLQJLQGXOJHQWVWHUHRW\SHV
DERXWWKHGLI¿FXOWOLIHRI\RXQJSHRSOHLVPXFKHDVLHUWKDWDVVXPHDSUHFDULW\EDVHGDQGWKHUHIRUHODERXU
EDVHGJHQHUDOLQWHUSUHWDWLRQRIRXUVRFLHW\7KLVSURFHVVLVDOOEXWQHXWUDOIURPDSROLWLFDOSRLQWRIYLHZ
DQGLWPLJKWEHLQWHUHVWLQJWRDQDO\VHWKHDWWLWXGHRIVRFLDODFWRUVDQGWKHPHGLDWRZDUGVLW)XUWKHUPRUHLW
PLJKWEHLQWHUHVWLQJWRLQYHVWLJDWHZKHWKHUWKHXVHRISUHFDULW\DVDPDVWHUIUDPHLVDQHIIHFWRUDFDXVHRI
the frame extension process I have already described.
These characteristics make precarity a useful resource and tool in the struggle for KHJHPRQ\VRFLDODQG
SROLWLFDODFWRUVFDQSUR¿WIURPWKHFHQWUDOLW\LWUHDFKHVLQWKHSXEOLFGLVFRXUVHLQRUGHUWRJDLQFXOWXUDODQG
political relevance and to create the conditions for social change. Some recent literature has already tried to use hegemony and other Gramscian concept to analyse the university movement (Caruso 2010). But ZKHUHVKRXOGZHVHWWKHERUGHURIKHJHPRQ\LQDFRPSOH[DQGSOXUDOVRFLHW\"&DQWKHUHEHRQHKHJHPRQ\
LIWKHUHDUHPXOWLSOHVSXEOLFVSKHUH"
'LIIHUHQWWKHRUHWLFDOODEHOVVKRZLQGLIIHUHQWZD\VKRZSUHFDULW\KDVEHHQDV\PEROLFUHVRXUFHIRUVRFLDO
DFWRUVDQGEULQJWRGLIIHUHQWTXHVWLRQVIRUWKHHYROXWLRQRIUHVHDUFKRQWKLVWRSLF
:KDWLVYLVLEOHHYHQIURPWKLV¿UVWVWHSRQWKLVSDWKLVWKDWSUHFDULW\KDVEHHQDV\PEROLFHOHPHQWDEOH
to transcend the matters merely related to the duration of a job contract, and to become a factor of common LGHQWL¿FDWLRQDQGEHORQJLQJZKLFKNHHSVWRJHWKHUGLIIHUHQWDFWRUVLQWKHXQLYHUVLW\DQGDOORZVWKHPWRSUR-
PRWHDJHQHUDOPHVVDJHWREXLOGFRQQHFWLRQVZLWKZRUNHUVWRRSHQDJHQHUDOGHEDWHDERXWWKHIXWXUH7KH
label of SUHFDULRXVKDVEHFRPHUHOHYDQWDQGFKDUJHGZLWKDVWURQJXQLI\LQJSRZHUDOVRRXWVLGHWKHVWULFWO\
ODERXUUHODWHG¿HOGLWKDVEHFRPHDJHQHUDWLRQDOODEHOFKDUJHGZLWKVRFLDODQGSROLWLFDOFRQQRWDWLRQV
200
,QWKHPRQWKVLPPHGLDWHO\IROORZLQJWKHXQLYHUVLW\PRELOLVDWLRQ,WDO\KDVVHHQVRPHVLJQDOVWKDWSRLQWWR-
ZDUGVWKHHPHUJHQFHRIDQHZPRELOLVDWLRQRQSUHFDULW\LQYROYLQJVWXGHQWVDQGZRUNHUVEH\RQGWKHERUGHUV
of the university. This mobilisation might become one of the protagonists of the traditionally contentious Ital-
LDQSXEOLF¿HOGDQGUHVHDUFKVKRXOGEHSUHSDUHGZLWKWKHULJKWDQDO\WLFDOWRROVWRXQGHUVWDQGZKDWKDSSHQV
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6QRZ'$DQG0F$GDP',GHQWLW\ZRUNSURFHVVHVLQWKHFRQWH[WRIVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVFODULI\LQJWKHLGHQWLW\PRYHPHQWQH[XV. In 6WU\NHU6DQG2ZHQV7-DQG:KLWH5:HGV6HOILGHQWLW\DQGVRFLDOPRYHPHQWV8QLYHUVLW\RI0LQQHVRWD3UHVV0LQQHDSROLV
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=DQHWWL0$/DVRJJHWWLYLWjGHOODYRUDWRUHÀHVVLELOHHLOSUREOHPDGHOFRQVHQVRDOOHQXRYHIRUPHGLODYRUR6RFLRORJLDGHO/DYRUR 97 (1):122–40.
EMOTIONS AND AFFECTS IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
204
Transforming the Ominous into Happiness: How Antinuclear Drive Was Tamed in the Post-war Japan?1
DAISHIRO NOMIYA
Sophia University, Japan
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pets and livestock remained to be found.
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2 Atomic Bomb Victim Memorial Stone. Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park.
EMOTIONS AND AFFECTS
205
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fering and moreover the horror that is brought by the use of the atom and by its malfunction. Perhaps they SUHWHQGHGQRWWRVHH:KLOHFDOOLQJIRUWKHHOLPLQDWLRQRIQXFOHDUZHDSRQVLWVHHPVWKDWEHIRUHZHNQHZLW
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Toward the use of nuclear energy
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nuclear energy policy. The international situation Japan faced at that time, domestic political trends, and IXUWKHUWKHSRZHURIWKHPHGLDDOOSOD\HGVWURQJUROHVLQWKLVFRXUVHFKDQJH
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the US and the Soviet Union. This appeared as a contest of military strength. The dropping of the atomic ERPEVRQ+LURVKLPDDQG1DJDVDNLZDVWKH¿UVWVWHSLQWKHQXFOHDUDUPVUDFH%\WKLVGURSSLQJRIDWRPLF
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stricted the military use of nuclear technologies by other countries and moreover took measures to prevent QHZHQWUDQWVLQWKHUDFHIRUQXFOHDUDUPVGHYHORSPHQW7KHVHPHDVXUHVZHUH³$WRPVIRU3HDFH´,Q'H-
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aimed at cooperative international control of nuclear technology.
Though it may have referred to the peaceful use of nuclear technology, the US had no intention to dis-
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present have not been applied to American military facilities. In fact, several months after its address to the UN, the US carried out a test of the hydrogen bomb on the Bikini Atoll.
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allocated uranium from a country like the US. Japan joined nations such as West Germany, Italy, and South .RUHDXQGHUWKH$PHULFDQQXFOHDUXPEUHOOD7KXV-DSDQDGYDQFHGXSRQWKHSDWKWRZDUGWKHSHDFHIXOXVHRI
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all over Japan, speaking of peaceful utilization.
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same year, the nuclear energy research budget passed the House of Representatives, and the Special Com-
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that actively backed the nuclear energy development system. The visit to Japan of the above-mentioned “mis-
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207
IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS The conversion of civil society
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it have entered into our daily lives.
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trace the footprints left by this change.
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ety divided into three parts. Namely, these are the intellectuals, the people of learning and experience, and UHJXODUSHRSOH7KHIRFXVRIWKHGHEDWHLQWKLVGLVFXVVLRQLVWKHZD\SHRSOHXQGHUVWDQGQXFOHDUWHFKQRORJ\
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Japanese civil society in the three domains mentioned above.
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of the 1940s. The scientists at that time in occupied Japan had a naïve, utopian understanding of nuclear SRZHU7RWKHPWKHHUDRIQXFOHDUSRZHUZDVWREHDQHUDLQZKLFKQXFOHDUHQHUJ\ZRXOGUHSODFHWKHOD-
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(1949)4 dreamed of creating large-scale canals and lakes, changing ocean currents, moving great mountains ZLWKSXEOLFZRUNVDQGDOWHULQJWKHFRXUVHRIW\SKRRQVWKURXJKWKHXVHRIWKHPDVVLYHH[SORVLYHSRZHURI
nuclear energy. Further, Watanabe (1949)5SUHGLFWHGWKHDUULYDORIDQHUDLQZKLFKPDFKLQHVFRXOGSURGXFH
anything and advocated that nuclear fuel be used as an energy source instead of fossil fuels.
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misgivings about nuclear energy research and development rose. For example, at the 13th General Meeting of the Science Council of Japan, Mimura argued, “Until the use for peaceful purposes is settled upon, until 866RYLHWWHQVLRQLVFOHDUHGXSUHVHDUFKDQGGHYHORSPHQWPXVWQRWJRIRUZDUG´0LPXUDZDVDYLFWLPRI
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ment should be advanced at the hands of the Japanese people “also for the sake of the spirits of those killed E\WKHERPEV´7KDWLVKHIHOWWKDWUHVHDUFKLQWRQXFOHDUGHYHORSPHQWZDVDOVRIRUWKHVDNHRIWKRVHZKR
lost their lives by nuclear technology.6
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5 Satoshi Watanabe. “The atomic age and morality.” Shisou no Kagaku Kenkyuukai. Gendaibunmei no hihan. Academia Press (Japan) (1949), p. 67.
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model nuclear reactor, the ground under Tokai village, the countermeasures against accidents and disaster damage, and the maximum permissible amounts of radiation. But it seems that the logic of, “The homeland EHLQJERPEHGLVDOOWKHPRUHUHDVRQWRVXSSRUWSHDFHIXOXWLOL]DWLRQ´DVVHHQLQ7DNHWDQL¶VZRUGVDOZD\V
put a lid on the voices raising such doubts.7
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efforts. Both Takeda and Oe gathered information at Tokai.9+RZHYHUWKH\GLGQRWWRXFKWKHSURVDQGFRQV
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voting themselves to a noble mission and the vitality of young people gambling their lives as researchers. 7KH³QXFOHDU´RI+LURVKLPDKDGEHHQGHIHDWHG)RUGHFDGHVDIWHUWKDW³WKHQXFOHDU´VHHQDW+LURVKLPDZDV
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als. In a process of extraordinary naiveté, nuclear energy has been removed from the context of Hiroshima, VHJUHJDWHGDV³KLVWRU\´DQGEHFRPHORVWLQREOLYLRQ0RUHRYHUZKHQWKDWVHJUHJDWLRQZDVLQMHRSDUG\
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mourning the victims of Hiroshima by supporting the peaceful use of nuclear technology. The active use of Hiroshima, a source of agony, as the basis for nuclear technology amounted to a reversal in meaning WKDWVHDPOHVVO\MRLQHGSRVWZDUQXFOHDUGHYHORSPHQWZLWK+LURVKLPD$VLPLODUSURFHVVRFFXUUHGDPRQJ
,QWHUHVWLQJO\WKLVORJLFFDQDOVREHIRXQGLQSUHVHQWPRPHQWDVZHJRWKURXJK)XNXVKLPD³>7KH-DSDQHVH@DUHWKHQDWLRQWKDWEHVWNQRZVWKHKRUURURI
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8 Taijun Takeda. “Tokai Observation Record.” Chuuoukouron. Chuuoukouron Company, July 9, 1957, pp.182-90.
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10 Taijun Takeda. Work mentioned above, p. 190.
210
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QHXWUDOL]DWLRQDQGPHDQLQJUHYHUVDO%\PHDQVRIWKHVHWKUHHUKHWRULFDOGHYLFHVSRVWZDUQXFOHDUGHYHORS-
ment became legitimized among intellectuals and researchers.
***
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signature-collecting campaign. It is said that the National Conference Signature Campaign for an Atomic and Hydrogen Bomb Ban that formed in August, 1954 collected 20 million signatures by the end of that \HDU%DVHGRQVXFKDODUJHQXPEHURIVLJQDWXUHVFROOHFWHGLQWKHVKRUWWLPHRIMXVWDIHZPRQWKVZHFDQ
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campaign seemed to indicate a clear recognition by large numbers of people that the atom-hydrogen bomb issue had an impact on their daily lives.
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RIWKHSUHYLRXV\HDU<DVXKLUR1DNDVRQHKDGSURSRVHGWKHGUDIWEXGJHWIRUQXFOHDUUHDFWRUFRQVWUXF-
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of insecurity in everyday life. Of course I am not suggesting this to be negative. But a movement touched RIIE\LQVHFXULWLHVLQHYHU\GD\OLIHVXFKDVIRRGLQVHFXULW\LIWKHVHLQVHFXULWLHVDUHUHPRYHGZRXOGPRYH
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ODFNHGPRPHQWXPWRH[SDQGLQWRDQDQWLQXFOHDUSRZHUPRYHPHQW11 The discussion on the “peaceful use RIQXFOHDUSRZHU´PD\KDYHEHHQDOLWWOHIDUIURPSHRSOH¶VPLQGVDWWKDWWLPH+RZHYHUWKHUHPRWHQHVV
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11 $NLKLUR<DPDPRWR³$IWHUWKHDWRPLFERPELQJEHIRUHDQWLQXFOHDUSRZHU´*HQGDL6KLVRXYRO6HLGRVKDSS
211
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the core mentality of the atom-hydrogen bomb opposition movement. More than that, it is reasonable to FRQMHFWXUHWKDWWKHWUDQVLWLRQZRXOGKDYHRFFXUUHGHYHQZLWKRXWDQ\UHPDUNVRIFRQVHTXHQFHLQUHODWLRQWR
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to business damage from negative publicity. Because of that, an opposition movement arose. In response, the city council of Uji, in June, 1957, declared its opposition to receiving the nuclear reactor. After that and XQWLOQDPHVVXFKDV7DNDWVXNL6KLMRXQDZDWH.LWDNDZDFKLZHUHUDLVHGDVFDQGLGDWHVLWHVEXWDOORI
them met local opposition and failed to materialize. 2QH¿QGVLQWKHVHFDPSDLJQVVXFKHOHPHQWVDVIHDURIHFRQRPLFGDPDJHDQGKHDOWKKD]DUGVDVZHOODV
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ORRVHQDQGGLVVROYH(DFKWLPHWKHFDQGLGDWHVLWHIRU.\RWR8QLYHUVLW\¶VH[SHULPHQWDOQXFOHDUUHVHDUFK
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gained strength in the context of a common enemy that stirred up extreme insecurity in everyday life. On WKHRWKHUKDQGZKHQWKHURRWRIWKDWLQVHFXULW\ZRXOGJRWKHFDPSDLJQVZRXOGZLWKHUDZD\LQWKHVDPH
manner.
Differing from the atom-hydrogen bomb opposition movement several years before, the opposition movement to the establishment of an experimental nuclear research reactor actually advocated an anti-
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nation damage sites.
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their fears is removed.
212
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reason, moreover, neither the opposition movement to atomic and hydrogen bombs nor that to the establish-
ment of an experimental nuclear research reactor actively made an issue out of nuclear energy and the ac-
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***
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dreamed of discovering a vein of uranium ore and making a fortune selling it to the nation. Walking around WKHPRXQWDLQVLQ:HVWHUQ-DSDQ2OG0DQ8UDQLXP¿QDOO\FRQ¿UPHGWKHSUHVHQFHRIDXUDQLXPYHLQDWWKH
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posit bigger than that of the Ogamo mine. Then, Old Man Uranium set up a uranium mining company that KHOGPLQLQJULJKWVDQGFRQFOXGHGDQDJUHHPHQWZLWK$WRPLF)XHO3XEOLF&RUSRUDWLRQODWHU3RZHU5HDFWRU
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and development.
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became decontextualized. “The nuclear” escaped the connotation assigned to it by its connection to 1945, DFTXLULQJLQVWHDGDQHZFRQQRWDWLRQHQFRPSDVVLQJWKHSURPRWLRQRISHUVRQDOHFRQRPLFZHOOEHLQJDQG
contribution to personal health.
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kind of thing occurred in the social domain. The discourse on using the energy from atomic bombs for SHDFHIXOJRDOVVSUHDGDQGWKH³$WRPVIRU3HDFH´([KLELWLRQZDVKHOGDOORYHUWKHFRXQWU\8QGHUWKHVH
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/DERUDWRU\ZDVVRSRSXODUWKDWLWKDGRYHUYLVLWRUVSHUPRQWKUHDFKLQJLWVPD[LPXPDGPLVVLRQV
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,QWKLVZD\³WKHQXFOHDU´ZDVFRQQHFWHGGLUHFWO\ZLWKDEULJKWVRFLHW\RIWKHIXWXUH1XFOHDUHQHUJ\
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emony. The electric scoreboard inside the convention area displayed the message, “This is electricity from QXFOHDUSRZHU´
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could easily be connected to the national policies of that time. Namely, riding a series of policy measures VXSSRUWLQJQXFOHDUSRZHUDQGPRUHRYHUSURSHOOHGE\DJLWDWLRQIURPWKHPHGLD³WKHQXFOHDU´ZDVHDVLO\
PDQLSXODWHG³7KHQXFOHDU´DVVHHQE\UHJXODUSHRSOHKDG¿QDOO\EHFRPHDVRXUFHRIZHOOEHLQJDQGD
symbol of societal progress.
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214
The road to Fukushima: How did we come to accept “the nuclear”?
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insecurity on a global scale due to radioactive pollution to the environment and food supply. In this regard, Fukushima is no different from Hiroshima. Only in one regard does Fukushima differ from Hiroshima. +LURVKLPDZDVDWUDJHG\EURXJKWRQE\WKHGURSSLQJRIDWRPLFERPEVWKDWZHGLGQRWGLUHFWO\FKRRVH%XW
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+LURVKLPDWRZDUG)XNXVKLPD%XWLQMXVWZKDWZD\GLGWKHVNLGGLQJRFFXU"+RZGLGWKHFLWL]HQVZKRVXS-
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EURXJKWDERXWDFRQYHUVLRQLQWKHPHDQLQJRI³WKHQXFOHDU´1DPHO\ZHVZLWFKHG³QXFOHDUÍURPFRQ-
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from “Hiroshima.” The very existence of the “nuclear” to exclude necessitated a process to legitimize the FRQYHUVLRQWRD³QXFOHDU´WKDWZRXOGUHFHLYHDQHZYDOXH7RWKLVHQGZLWKRXWIHHOLQJDQ\JXLOWSHRSOH
WRRNXS³WKHQXFOHDU´PDGHLWDWRSLFRIGLVFXVVLRQDQGZHUHDEOHWRVWXG\LW7KHODVWPDQLSXODWLRQZDV
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Japanese society, and as a support for the bright future of Japanese society.
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215
IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS RETHINKING SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
218
Aproximación a los Movimientos Sociales como Sujetos de Emancipación
ZESAR MARTÍNEZ, BEATRIZ CASADO and PEDRO IBARRA
UPV-EHU
Abstract
(VWHSDSHUIRUPDSDUWHGHXQWUDEDMRPiVDPSOLRTXHWLHQHSRUREMHWLYRUHDOL]DUXQHQ-
PDUTXHWHyULFRGHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVFRPRVXMHWRVGHHPDQFLSDFLyQDQDOL]DQGR
ODVDSRUWDFLRQHVFRJQLWLYDVUHODFLRQDOHV\PDWHULDOHVTXHFRQVWUX\HQORVPRYLPLHQWRV
HQVXVSURFHVRVGHE~VTXHGDGHHVWUDWHJLDVSDUDVXSHUDUODVUHDOLGDGHVGHVXERUGLQD-
ción. El proyecto aspira también a cuestionar y replantear el papel de la producción de conocimiento académico en esos procesos de emancipación. En este paper realizamos XQEUHYHUHFRUULGRFUtWLFRSRUORVGLIHUHQWHVHQIRTXHV\SHUVSHFWLYDVDQDOtWLFDVTXHVH
han desarrollado en las últimas décadas en el estudio de los movimientos sociales, e iniciamos una apertura a los necesarios debates epistemológicos en los estudios-acción sobre movimientos sociales.
Keywords
sujetos colectivos, emancipación, pensamiento crítico, colonialidad, conocimiento si-
tuado.
Introducción
/DFRPSOHMLGDG\SOXUDOLGDGGHORVFDPELRVVRFLDOHVDORVTXHHVWDPRVDVLVWLHQGRHQODV~OWLPDVGpFDGDV
HVWiQKDFLHQGRHPHUJHUGLIHUHQWHVFRQYXOVLRQHVFULVLV\PRYLOL]DFLRQHVVRFLDOHV\DOPLVPRWLHPSRHVWiQ
PRGL¿FDQGRVXVWDQFLDOPHQWHORVHVTXHPDV\ODVFDWHJRUtDVGHSHQVDPLHQWRFRQODVTXHLQWHUSUHWiEDPRVODV
luchas y prácticas emancipadoras.
$VLVWLPRVDFRQYXOVLRQHVRFULVLVGHGLIHUHQWHWLSR¿QDQFLHUDVHQHUJpWLFDVFOLPiWLFDVODERUDOHVDOL-
PHQWDULDVFULVLVGHFXLGDGRVHQORVKRJDUHVHWF<FRPRQRSRGtDVHUGHRWURPRGRDVLVWLPRVWDPELpQD
FRQYXOVLRQHVVRFLRSROtWLFDVSURWHVWDVPRYLOL]DFLRQHV\GLIHUHQWHVPRGRVGHH[SUHVLyQGHOGHVFRQFLHUWR\
ODLQGLJQDFLyQTXHSURYRFDODSUHYDOHQFLDGHORVSRGHUHVHFRQyPLFRV\VXVHOLWHVVREUHORVSRGHUHVSROtWL-
cos de un sistema de democracia formal en evidente crisis de representatividad y credibilidad. /DHXIRULDPHUFDQWLOLVWD\FDSLWDOLVWDTXHVXSXVRODFDtGDGHOPXURGH%HUOtQHQWUDMRFRQVLJRXQFLHUUH
GHORVGHEDWHVSROtWLFRVEDMRODIXHUWHKHJHPRQtDGHODLGHRORJtDXOWUDOLEHUDOTXHHQWURQDEDDORVPHUFDGRV\
sus lógicas especulativas como mecanismo fundamental de regulación social. De este modo, con el creciente protagonismo de instituciones supra-estatales y su afán des-regulador de lo económico y minimizador/priva-
WL]DGRUGHOVHFWRUS~EOLFRVHDFUHFLHQWDHOSRGHUGHODVHPSUHVDVWUDQVQDFLRQDOHV\ODVHOLWHV¿QDQFLHUDV2WURV
fenómenos globales como el proceso de expansión de las tecnologías de la comunicación, la densidad de los ÀXMRVPLJUDWRULRVRODHPHUJHQFLDGHRWURVSRORVGHSRGHUHFRQyPLFRHQ$VLD\$PpULFD/DWLQDKDQYHQLGR
219
RETHINKING SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
WUDQVIRUPDQGRWDPELpQGHIRUPDVLJQL¿FDWLYDODVFRRUGHQDGDVGHXQVLVWHPDPXQGRTXHDJLWDGRSRUFRQYXO-
siones de escala global comienza a plantearse las crisis como síntomas de una crisis sistémica y civilizatoria.
El poder creciente de élites económicas y tecnócratas globales, y el consiguiente descentramiento del es-
WDGR\ODDGPLQLVWUDFLyQS~EOLFDFRPRFHQWURGHGHFLVLyQGHODVSROtWLFDVTXHUHJXODQ\WUDQVIRUPDQODYLGD
VRFLDOKDJHQHUDGRPD\RUFRPSOHMLGDGHQORVGHEDWHVVREUHHOSRGHUSROtWLFRODLGHQWL¿FDFLyQGHDQWDJR-
nistas y las estrategias de lucha de los movimientos sociales. Desde principios de la década pasada venimos DVLVWLHQGRDHVFDODJOREDODSURFHVRVGHLQWHQVL¿FDFLyQGHODVOXFKDVVRFLDOHVHQIUHQWDQGRGLUHFWDPHQWHOD
concentración de poder de algunos de esos agentes transnacionales. Las protestas contra la OMC, el FMI, HO %DQFR 0XQGLDO R HO * R ODV PRYLOL]DFLRQHV FRQWUD JUDQGHV HPSUHVDV WUDQVQDFLRQDOHV \ VXV PHJD
SUR\HFWRVRFRQWUD:DOO6WUHHWFRPRH[SRQHQWHPi[LPRGHODHVSHFXODFLyQ¿QDQFLHUDYLHQHQFXHVWLRQDQGR
ODKHJHPRQtDTXHHOFDSLWDOLVPRQHROLEHUDOH[SDQGHDQLYHOPXQGLDOGHVGHHO¿QGHORUGHQPXQGLDOELSRODU
En este contexto, especialmente reseñables serán las luchas y prácticas emancipadoras de los movimien-
WRVVRFLDOHVHQHOFRQWLQHQWHDPHULFDQR\DTXHSRUVXSRWHQFLDGHVHVWDELOL]DGRUD\VXFUHDWLYLGDGSURSRVL-
WLYDLQÀX\HQHQDFWLYLVWDV\PRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVGHWRGRHOPXQGR
Efectivamente, los levantamientos y prácticas constructivas de organizaciones y redes campesinas, indíge-
QDVIHPLQLVWDV\EDUULDOHVHQ/DWLQRDPHULFDDOLPHQWDQGHVGHORVPiUJHQHVXQDVHULHGHGHEDWHVTXHFXHVWLRQDQ
las bases de la modernidad y el capitalismo con referentes hasta ahora silenciados por el colonialismo cultural TXHHVWDEOHFtDWDPELpQHQODSURGXFFLyQGHFRQRFLPLHQWRVHLGHRORJtDVFUtWLFDVODSUHYDOHQFLDGHORVSDUiPH-
WURVWHyULFRFRQFHSWXDOHVGHODPRGHUQLGDGRFFLGHQWDO(VSRUHOORTXHHQHVWHWUDEDMRQRVDFHUFDUHPRVGHPDQH-
UDSUHIHUHQWHDODVSURSXHVWDVWHyULFDV\DQDOtWLFDVGHORTXHGDUHPRVHQOODPDUHOSHQVDPLHQWRFUtWLFRHPHUJHQWH
desde Latinoamérica, recogiendo así el desafío de abrirse a una comprensión no únicamente occidental de los DQiOLVLVVREUHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHV8QDSHUVSHFWLYDSRVFRORQLDOTXHQRVSHUPLWDDSUHQGHUFRQ\GHVGH
los márgenes o las periferias, desde cuyos espacios en resistencia a la dominación se pueden hacer más visibles las estructuras de poder y de saber establecidas. Por esta misma razón, prestaremos también especial atención a ODSURGXFFLyQFRJQLWLYDUHDOL]DGDSRUHOSHQVDPLHQWRIHPLQLVWDTXHVHKDUHYHODGRHQODV~OWLPDVGpFDGDVFRQ
una capacidad excepcional de cuestionamiento crítico de los postulados epistemológicos y teóricos dominantes.
'HODPDQRGHORVQXHYRVFRQFHSWRV\SODQWHDPLHQWRVTXHORVPRYLPLHQWRVLQWURGXFHQHQHOGHEDWH
VRFLDO\SROtWLFRDFWLYLVWDVHLQYHVWLJDGRUHVUHYLVDQ\PRGL¿FDQODVFDWHJRUtDV\ODVDSUR[LPDFLRQHVFRQODV
TXHVHYHQtDDQDOL]DQGRHLQWHUSUHWDQGRHODFFLRQDUGHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHV6HLQLFLDXQDWUDQVLFLyQ
SDUDGLJPiWLFD%6RXVD6DQWRVTXHSHUPLWHUHSODQWHDUVHODPDQHUDGHREVHUYDUODUHDOLGDGVRFLR
SROtWLFD\HOSDSHOQRQHXWUDOTXHMXHJDHOREVHUYDGRUD\HOFRQRFLPLHQWRH[SHUWRTXHJHQHUD1. Un recorrido analítico del estudio de los movimientos sociales
Las opciones analíticas de la década de los setenta y ochenta
(QHVHWLHPSRHQWHQGHPRVTXHH[LVWHQEiVLFDPHQWHGRVSHUVSHFWLYDVWHyULFRDQDOtWLFDVPDWULFHV
³'HDKtHOLQWHUpVGHHVWDSHUVSHFWLYDSRUODJHRSROtWLFDGHOFRQRFLPLHQWRHVWRHVSRUSUREOHPDWL]DUTXLpQSURGXFHHOFRQRFLPLHQWRHQTXpFRQWH[WROR
SURGXFH\SDUDTXLpQORSURGXFH´%'H6RXVD6DQWRV
220
$8QHQIRTXH“racionalista instrumental” en el análisis de los movimiento sociales. La teoría de movilización de recursos (Resource Mobilization Theory, RMT) implantada a partir de la década de los VHWHQWDHVWDEOHFHTXHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVH[SUHVDQFRQGXFWDVFROHFWLYDVSHUIHFWDPHQWHUDFLRQDOHV
FRQREMHWLYRVSROtWLFRV\VRFLDOHVPX\SUHFLVRV\FRQHVWUDWHJLDVGHPRYLOL]DFLyQGHDGTXLVLFLyQGHUH-
cursos (humanos, organizativos, materiales, tácticos, etc) deliberadamente adecuados a esos objetivos. Este HQIRTXHSURSXJQDEDODH[LVWHQFLDGHGHOLPLWDGDV\SUHYLVLEOHVFDGHQDVFDXVDOHVGHXQWHMLGRQRGHPDVLDGR
HVSHVR\SRUHOORFLHQWt¿FDPHQWHGHWHUPLQDEOHGHPRWLYDFLRQHVHIHFWRVLQÀXHQFLDVFRQWH[WXDOHV\FLFORV
SRUORVTXHVHSXHGHVHJXLU\FRPSUHQGHUHOQDFLPLHQWRYLGD\GHVDSDULFLyQGHXQPRYLPLHQWRVRFLDO
(OHQIRTXHGHPRYLOL]DFLyQGHUHFXUVRVWRPDSDUWLGRHOLJHQXQDGLPHQVLyQGHOSURFHVR/RUHOHYDQWH
se nos reitera desde esta teoría, es cómo el movimiento se organizaRUJDQL]DDVXVJHQWHV\RUJDQL]DD
su entorno para obtener, con sus reivindicaciones dirigidas a las autoridades dentro del sistema político, DYDQFHVHQORVLQWHUHVHVFROHFWLYRVTXHUHSUHVHQWD/D507PDUJLQDHQHVWHVHQWLGRWDQWRODUHOHYDQFLDGH
ODVFDXVDVGHOVXUJLPLHQWRGHOPRYLPLHQWRFRPRODGLPHQVLyQLGHQWLWDULDGHOPLVPRFyPRHOPRYLPLHQWR
HVWDPELpQXQIRUPDFROHFWLYD\DOWHUQDWLYDGHGH¿QLU\SURSRQHUHOPXQGRTXHYDPiVDOOiGHOVLVWHPD
político institucionalizado.
&RQHFWDGDFRQHVWDSHUVSHFWLYDVHH[WLHQGHDSDUWLUGHORVRFKHQWDHOHQIRTXHGHOproceso político en general y el de la estructura de oportunidad política3ROLWLFDO2SSRUWXQLW\6WUXFWXUH326HQSDUWLFX-
lar. El Estado, y su sistema político-institucional, aparece como principal conformador de la estrategia de ORPRYLPLHQWRV(QODUHODFLyQLQWHUDFWLYDHQWUHPRYLPLHQWRV\VLVWHPDSROtWLFRHLQVWLWXFLRQDOORTXHVH
GHVWDFDGHVGHHVWHiQJXORDQDOtWLFRQRHVORTXHHOSRGHUSROtWLFRLQVWLWXFLRQDOL]DGRGHFLGHRFyPRRUJDQL]D
su proceso decisorio a partir de la acción de los movimientos, si no cómo los movimientos ajustan y reajus-
tan sus recursos y estrategias movilizadoras y discursivas a partir de la menor o mayor apertura o cierre del sistema político, o de las relaciones y fracturas entre la elites políticas, o de cuáles son los posibles aliados políticos institucionalizados del movimiento, etc.
% /D RSFLyQ DQDOtWLFD GHO 507 HV FRQWHVWDGD SRU HO HQIRTXH GH OR 1XHYRV 0RYLPLHQWRV 6RFLDOHV
(NMS). Ahora lo relevante no es tanto los procesos organizativos y los contextos políticos, si no la causa-
lidad de origen y la construcción identitaria$KRUDORTXHHVGHVWDFDGRHVFyPRGHWHUPLQDGDVFULVLV
estructurales (sobre todo de índole cultural) hacen surgir los movimientos y como estos tratan de distin-
guirse del mundo circundante creando su propia identidad colectiva, siendo distintos y propugnando una UHDOLGDGGLVWLQWD6LOD507GDSRUVXSXHVWRTXHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVVRQRWUD forma normalizada de FRPSRUWDPLHQWRSROtWLFRHOHQIRTXHGHORQXHYRVPRYLPLHQWRVHQWLHQGHTXHORVPLVPRVVRQXQDIRUPD
distinta, una forma alternativa de conducta política colectiva.
&RQHVWHHQIRTXHFRQHFWDQODSHUVSHFWLYDVPiVGLVFXUVLYDV'HVGHHOODV\HVSHFLDOPHQWHGHVGHORVDFHU-
camientos del IUDPHDQDO\VLV, se trata de observar cómo el movimiento construye su particular y polémica visión del mundo y cómo con ese discurso asienta su identidad y moviliza a su entorno, a sus simpatizantes.
(VWHHQIRTXHFXOWXUDOLVWDWLHQGHDVXEUD\DUODVGLPHQVLRQHVsimbólicas±SULQFLSLRVYDORUHVHVTXHPDV
de pensamiento–, expresivas –repertorios y formas de comunicación, de acción y de vida–, y rupturistas ±SODQWHDPLHQWRVSROtWLFRVTXHYDPiVDOOiGHORVOtPLWHVGHFRPSDWLELOLGDGFRQHOVLVWHPDVRFLDOLQVWLWXLGR±
0HOXFFL/RUHOHYDQWHHVODFRWLGLDQLGDGGHORVPRYLPLHQWRV\ODVD¿UPDFLRQHVDOWHUQDWLYDVTXHVHFRQV-
WUX\HQHQHVHPXQGRGHODYLGDFRWLGLDQDVHQWLPLHQWRVGHSHUWHQHQFLDLGHQWLGDGDSDUWLUGHHVTXHPDVGH
221
SHQVDPLHQWRFUtWLFRVTXHLGHQWL¿FDQDEXVRVSULYLOHJLRV\GLVFULPLQDFLRQHVLGHQWL¿FDFLyQGHDGYHUVDULRV
FRQORVTXHVHHQWDEODXQDUHODFLyQGHFRQÀLFWR\DQWDJRQLVPR\SRU~OWLPRXQFXHVWLRQDPLHQWRLGHROy-
gico y cognitivo de los pilares estructurales del modelo de sociedad instituido. Por ello, esa originalidad constitutiva también cuestiona el marco cultural dominante (Touraine) o la estabilidad estructural, política y económica (Offe).
$¿QDOHVGHORVRFKHQWDHOSDQRUDPDVHSUHVHQWDEDIUDQFDPHQWHGLYLGLGRHQWUH±SRGUtDPRVDVtOODPDU-
ORV±LQVWUXPHQWDOLVWDV\FXOWXUDOLVWDVHQWUHORVTXHDFHQWXDEDQFyPRVHRUJDQL]DEDQORVPRYLPLHQWRV\VX
UHODFLyQFRQHOVLVWHPDSROtWLFRLQVWLWXFLRQDO\ORVTXHUHVDOWDEDQHOSRUTXpVHRUJDQL]DEDQ\TXpSURGXF-
FLyQLGHQWLWDULDGLVFXUVLYD\SROtWLFDDOWHUQDWLYDFRQVWUXtDQ$¿QDOHVGHORVRFKHQWDVLQHPEDUJRVHLQLFLD
XQSURFHVRGHFRQÀXHQFLDRGHUHFRQRFLPLHQWRPiVHFOpFWLFRGHHVDSOXUDOLGDGGHGLPHQVLRQHV\SODQRVD
tener en cuenta.
'HHVWRVGRVHQIRTXHVDOPDUJHQGHVXVPD\RUHVRPHQRUHVFRQÀXHQFLDVSRGHPRVH[WUDHUalgunas conclusiones:
Los análisis más instrumentales, dirigidos al estudio de cómo los movimiento utilizan recursos dis-
ponibles para lograr -o no- sus objetivos, se insertan en una visión conformista del mundo. Dan por VXSXHVWRTXHODUHDOLGDGHFRQyPLFDVRFLDO\SROtWLFDHVLQWUDQVIRUPDEOH\TXHSRUWDQWRXQPRYLPLHQWR
VRFLDOFRPRFXDOTXLHURWURDFWRUFROHFWLYRKDFHORTXHSXHGHKDFHU<OR~QLFRTXHSXHGH\GHEHKDFHU
es tratar de cambiar, en favor de sus homologables y racionales intereses, algunas condiciones de vida de ese mundo dentro, por supuesto, de las dimensiones fundamentales de ese mismo mundo.
En los análisis más culturales,OLJDGRVDODLQWHUSUHWDFLyQGHORV106ODLGHDIXHU]DTXHVHGHVWDFDHV
la de ser y aparecer distintos. Vivir y actuar colectivamente en el mundo de forma distinta, e interpre-
tarlo también de forma distinta. Se rechaza así la inevitabilidad, la naturalidad, tanto de las estructuras realmente existentes como de la lógica cultural -mercantil, instrumentalista- dominante. A diferencia de los instrumentalistas, los análisis culturalistas abren la perspectiva y no se sitúan en una posición WHyULFDTXHGDSRUVXSXHVWDODLQHYLWDELOLGDGGHOVLVWHPD\HOPRGHORGHVRFLHGDGFUHHQTXHORVPRYL-
PLHQWRVFXHVWLRQDQHVDVRORDSDUHQWHLQPRYLOLGDG\HVWiQGHDFXHUGRFRQTXHDVtVHD
Desvalorización del movimiento feminista. En las décadas de los 60 y 70, en el contexto de la gue-
rra fría, las luchas de liberación anti-coloniales, la proliferación nuclear, las luchas estudiantiles y la FRQWUDFXOWXUDTXHFXHVWLRQDORVYDORUHV\PRGRVGHYLGDGHODVVRFLHGDGHVRFFLGHQWDOHVEXUJXHVDV
una serie de movimientos sociales se articulan en torno a protestas y reivindicaciones antimilitaris-
WDV SDFL¿VWDV DQWLLPSHULDOLVWDV HFRORJLVWDV DQWLUDFLVWDV SRU ORV GHUHFKRV FLYLOHV DQWLUHSUHVLYDV
\DQWLGLVFLSOLQDULDV6RQPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVTXHVHFRQIRUPDQ\PRYLOL]DQHQWRUQRDVHQWLGRVGH
SHUWHQHQFLD\HMHVGHFRQÀLFWRGLIHUHQWHVDORVGHOPRYLPLHQWRTXHFRQVWLWXtDODUHIHUHQFLDIXQGDPHQWDO
hasta entonces en los análisis sociales, el movimiento obrero/sindical. Un movimiento progresivamen-
te integrado en el sistema político-institucional.
/DHWLTXHWDGH³1XHYRV´0RYLPLHQWRV6RFLDOHV106DWULEXLGDDHVRVPRYLPLHQWRVTXHHPHUJHQHQ
ORVHQWUHORVTXHVHLQFOX\HWDPELpQDOPRYLPLHQWRIHPLQLVWDSRQHGHPDQL¿HVWRODFHQWUDOLGDGKH-
gemónica del movimiento obrero en los análisis sociales, en clara desvalorización del movimiento feminis-
WDFX\DWUD\HFWRULDKLVWyULFDKXQGHWDPELpQVXVUDtFHVHQHOVLJOR;,;6HFRQVLGHUDSRQLHQGRGHPDQL¿HVWR
222
XQHYLGHQWHVHVJRGHJpQHURHQORVDQiOLVLVVREUHPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVTXHVXUJHDOJRQRYHGRVRLQpGLWR
TXHSRUORWDQWRH[LJHXQDQiOLVLVQXHYR<HVWRVyORHVSRVLEOHGHMDQGRGHODGRODFRQWLQXLGDGKLVWyULFD\
ORVUDVJRVHVSHFt¿FRVTXHHOPRYLPLHQWRIHPLQLVWDKDPDQLIHVWDGRHQVXWUD\HFWRULDVXFDUiFWHUQRYLR-
lento, anti-vanguardista e internacional, o sus postulados sobre lo personal como político, lo sitúan como SUHFXUVRUKLVWyULFRGHDOJXQDVGHODV³QRYHGDGHV´TXHVHDWULEX\HQDORVPRYLPLHQWRVTXHHPHUJHQDSDUWLU
de la década de los 60. Es decir, hasta esta década los análisis sociales otorgaron al movimiento obrero un casi exclusivo protagonismo, el sesgo androcéntrico de estos análisis ha continuado interpretando los pro-
cesos de acción colectiva irruptiva en función del carácter primigenio del movimiento obrero, sin reconocer ese mismo carácter al movimiento feminista y desvalorizando las concepciones, valores, reivindicaciones y formas de organización y acción de este movimiento.
El alterglobalismo
Transcurren los años y los análisis sobre movimientos sociales siguen su curso. Aparecen intentos de FRQÀXHQFLDHQWUHFXOWXUDOLVWDVHLQWUXPHQWDOLVWDVSHURHQJHQHUDOVLJXHQSUHYDOHFLHQGRORVHVWXGLRVPDV
procedimentalistas, los análisis sobre la trayectoria y los impactos de determinados movimientos en la con-
tienda política por alcanzar sus objetivos.
7DO\FRPRVHxDODQGLIHUHQWHVDXWRUHV,EDUUD.ODQGHUPDQV\5RJJHEDQG%ULQJHO
SRGHPRVD¿UPDUTXHGHVGH¿QDOHVGHORVHOFDPSRGHHVWXGLRGHODDFFLyQFROHFWLYD\GHORVPRYL-
mientos sociales, se ha convertido en un campo más dinámico y con mayor apertura a nuevas disciplinas, áreas de estudio, formas de contestación y nuevas visiones del mundo, pero también se ha convertido en un FDPSRPiVIUDJPHQWDGR\FRPSOHMRGHIRUPDTXH
“Las anteriores divisiones entre escuelas de interpretación y paradigmas son sustituidas por abordajes más plurales, HFOpFWLFDVHLQFOXVLYDVVLQTXHORVHQIRTXHV³FOiVLFRV´KD\DQSHUGLGRWRWDOPHQWHVXLQÀXHQFLD\DTXHJUDQSDUWHGH
la teorización reciente no supone una renovación radical del debate, sino más bien una actualización a los nuevos tiempos y contextos” (Bringel, 2011:2)
$SHVDUGHTXHODVWHRUL]DFLRQHVUHFLHQWHVVREUHPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHV\DFFLyQFROHFWLYDVXSRQHQXQD
DFWXDOL]DFLyQGHOGHEDWH\QRXQDUHQRYDFLyQUDGLFDOGHOPLVPRVHSURGXFHQQXHYRVDFRQWHFLPLHQWRVTXH
reactivan los estudios más estructurales y generalistas. Nos referimos al surgimiento de los movimientos alterglobalistas en la década de los 90. Con esta denominación, hacemos referencia al conjunto de movi-
PLHQWRVTXHDSDUWLUGHVXUHFKD]RDODJOREDOL]DFLyQQHROLEHUDOSODQWHDQODSRVLELOLGDGGHXQPXQGRDOWHU-
nativo. El movimiento alterglobalista supone una ruptura respecto a las tendencias dominantes instaladas HQODPRYLOL]DFLyQVRFLDOGHORVDxRV\SODQWHDXQTXHKDFHUGLVWLQWRHQODOXFKDVRFLDO7DO\FRPRVHxDOD
Hoetmer: “dentro de la tormenta de la ofensiva neoliberal, aparecieron ya en 1989 nuevas resistencias frente a la dominación capitalista y sus consecuencias en la vida cotidiana alrededor del mundo. El caracazo (1989), el levantamiento indíge-
na en Ecuador (1990) y la marcha por la dignidad y el territorio en Bolivia (1990) pasaban primero desapercibidos o entendidos como restos del viejo orden. El levantamiento zapatista en Chiapas (1994), la huelga general en Corea del Sur (1996-1997), los encuentros en el marco del proceso del Foro Social Mundial (desde 2001), y las protestas contra la Organización Mundial del Comercio en Seattle (1999), contra el G8 en Génova (2001), y a escala mundial en contra GHODLQYDVLyQQRUWHDPHULFDQDD,UDTHYLGHQFLDURQTXHHQUHDOLGDGKDEtDRWUDJOREDOL]DFLyQHQPDUFKDTXH
223
ha sido llamada por Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2003, 2006) «la globalización contrahegemónica2ª\SRU)UDQFRLV
+RXWDUW\)UDQFRLV3ROHW©ODJOREDOL]DFLyQGHODVUHVLVWHQFLDVª´+RHWPHU
3HUR\DKDQWUDQVFXUULGRGRFHDxRVGHODVSURWHVWDVGH6HDWWOHHQSURWHVWDVTXHPDUFDURQVXVXU-
JLPLHQWRPHGLiWLFR\HOPRYLPLHQWR\DQRSXHGHVHJXLUVLHQGRFDUDFWHUL]DGRSRUORVUDVJRVTXHPDUFDURQ
sus inicios y sus primeros años, siendo necesario hacer un amplio y diverso ejercicio colectivo de evalua-
FLyQ\FRPSUHQVLyQGHORDSUHQGLGRHQHVWRVDxRV\GHORVGHVDItRVTXHKDQLGRDSDUHFLHQGR3. Más allá de las múltiples terminologías empleadas para caracterizar el movimiento (antiglobalización, anticapitalista, altermundista, movimiento de movimientos, activismo transnacional, entre otras) y de la heterogeneidad TXHORFRQIRUPDXQDSDUWHLPSRUWDQWHGHODVLQQRYDFLRQHVFRQFHSWXDOHV\HVWUDWpJLFDVTXHORVPRYLPLHQ-
WRVVRFLDOHVYDQGHVDUUROODQGRHQVXVOXFKDVFRQWUDODVSROtWLFDVQHROLEHUDOHV\JOREDOL]DGRUDVWLHQHQTXH
YHUFRQODDGRSFLyQGHFLHUWDGLVWDQFLDUHVSHFWRDOLPDJLQDULR\ODSUiFWLFDSROtWLFD³SURJUHVLVWD´TXHOD
L]TXLHUGDYHQtDGHVDUUROODQGRHQODVGpFDGDVDQWHULRUHV/DUHSHUFXVLyQGHO]DSDWLVPRHQORVGHEDWHVGHORV
PRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVDQLYHOLQWHUQDFLRQDOPDUFDQXQSXQWRGHLQÀH[LyQHQHVHVHQWLGR
³HO]DSDWLVPRFRQOOHYyXQDUHIRUPXODFLyQGHOKRUL]RQWHGHODVL]TXLHUGDV«XQPRYLPLHQWRDFRQWUDFRUULHQWHGH
ODVYLVLRQHVYDQJXDUGLVWDVGHOSRGHUHVWRIXHORTXHGRWyDO]DSDWLVPRGHXQDJUDQFDSDFLGDGGHDWUDFFLyQHLUUD-
GLDFLyQSRUXQODGRVXSRGHURVDLQWHUSHODFLyQHVSHFt¿FDKDFLDORVSXHEORVLQGtJHQDV«SRURWURODGRVXLQWHUSH-
ODFLyQJOREDODXQDIRUPDGHFRQFHELUODSROtWLFDGHVGHDEDMRTXHUHFODPDODDXWRQRPtDODKRUL]RQWDOLGDGGHORVOD]RV
y la democracia por consenso como valores estructurantes, valores compartidos con los nuevos movimientos sociales VXUJLGRHQORVDxRV/DQRFLyQGHDXWRGHWHUPLQDFLyQIXHODOODYHTXHXQLyHVWDVGRVGLPHQVLRQHVGHODDXWRQRPtD
SURYHQLHQWHVGHH[SHULHQFLDVWDQGLYHUVDV´0DULVWHOOD6ZDPSD
/DWHRUtDGHOSRGHU\GHODWUDQVIRUPDFLyQVRFLDOTXHIXHKHJHPyQLFDHQODL]TXLHUGDSDUWLGDULD\UHYR-
lucionaria, establecía la necesidad de la toma del poder gubernamental-estatal como palanca desde la cual UHDOL]DUPRGL¿FDFLRQHVHVWUXFWXUDOHVHQODHFRQRPtDSURSLHGDGGHORVPHGLRVGHSURGXFFLyQ\SODQL¿FD-
FLyQHVWUDWpJLFDTXHSHUPLWLUtDVXSHUDUODVRFLHGDGGHFODVHVDOUHVROYHUODFRQWUDGLFFLyQIXQGDPHQWDOHQWUH
capital y trabajo. De este modo se abordaba la tarea de transformar la sociedad en su conjunto, atendiendo prioritariamente a la educación, la salud y la atención social a los sectores sociales más necesitados desde políticas públicas de carácter igualitario, homogeneizante y centralista.
2UJDQL]DFLRQHVIHPLQLVWDVHLQGtJHQDVKDFtDPXFKRTXHSODQWHDEDQTXHODVXERUGLQDFLyQXRSUHVLyQQRVyOR
HVFXHVWLyQGHODUHODFLyQHQWUHFDSLWDO\WUDEDMRRGHOH\HVLQVWLWXFLRQHV\SROtWLFDVS~EOLFDVODVGLVFULPLQDFLRQHV
son también cotidianas y en las diferentes esferas de interacción social, incluidas las organizaciones políticas de iz-
TXLHUGD4. No es posible, por lo tanto, reducir la política a estrategias por la toma de poder, planteando como contra-
GLFFLyQIXQGDPHQWDOFDVL~QLFDODTXHHQIUHQWDDODFODVHWUDEDMDGRUDFRQODEXUJXHVtDFDSLWDOLVWD\UHOHJDQGRHO
UHVWRGHRSUHVLRQHV\OXFKDVDXQVHJXQGRSODQRGHUHOHYDQFLDTXHLQVWUXPHQWDOL]DDRWUDVVXEMHWLYLGDGHVSROtWLFDV
%RDYHQWXUDGH6RXVD6DQWRVHQWLHQGHODJOREDOL]DFLyQFRQWUDKHJHPyQLFDFRPR³ODDFWXDFLyQWUDQVQDFLRQDOGHDTXHOORVPRYLPLHQWRVDVRFLDFLRQHV\RU-
JDQL]DFLRQHVTXHGH¿HQGHQLQWHUHVHV\JUXSRVUHOHJDGRVRPDUJLQDGRVSRUHOFDSLWDOLVPRJOREDO´6DQWRV
3DUDSURIXQGL]DUHQORVDQiOLVLVTXHVHKDQFHQWUDGRHQLQWHUSUHWDUORVRUtJHQHV\SULQFLSDOHVFDUDFWHUtVWLFDVGHOPRYLPLHQWRDOWHUJOREDOL]DGRUDVtFRPR
LGHQWL¿FDUODVGLIHUHQWHVIDVHVSRUODVTXHHOPRYLPLHQWRKDLGRSDVDQGRVHUHFRPLHQGDXQDOHFWXUDVHFXHQFLDOGHODQXDULRGH0RYLPLHQWRV6RFLDOHVHGL-
WDGRSRUOD)XQGDFLRQ%HWLNRKWWSZZZIXQGDFLRQEHWLNRRUJ
7DO\FRPRQRVUHFXHUGD+RHWPHUDWHQGLHQGRPtQLPDPHQWHDODFRPSOHMLGDG\SOXUDOLGDGGHODL]TXLHUGDHQVXGHVDUUROORKLVWyULFRGHEHPRVUHODWLYL]DUHO
FDUiFWHUQRYHGRVRGHDOJXQRVSODQWHDPLHQWRVTXHDFRQWLQXDFLyQYDPRVDVXEUD\DU\DTXHGHQWURGHODL]TXLHUGDVLHPSUHKXERYRFHVGLVLGHQWHVTXHFXHV-
tionaron el vanguardismo, las tendencias economicistas, el centralismo y, en algunos casos, el machismo, el racismo o el personalismo elitista presentes en sus seno. (Hoetmer: 2009).
224
Tal y como nos planeta Boaventura (B. De Sousa: 2001), el debilitamiento político de la identidad obre-
ra y SRUHQGH del movimiento obrero, tanto en sus expresiones más espontáneas como institucionalizadas5, permite emerger la denuncia de formas de subordinación más allá de las relaciones de producción. Formas GHRSUHVLyQTXHQRDIHFWDQVyORDXQDFODVHVRFLDOHVSHFt¿FD\VtDJUXSRVVRFLDOHVWUDQVYHUVDOHVDWRGDV
las clases, o a la sociedad en su conjunto: machismo, colonialismo y guerras, opresión nacional y cultural, racismo, deterioro del medio y el territorio en nombre del progreso (productivismo, consumismo),... Por ORWDQWRFRPLHQ]DDWRUQDUVHGRPLQDQWHODLGHDGHTXHWRGDVODVIRUPDVGHGRPLQDFLyQGHEHQVHUFRQVLGH-
radas por igual en las tareas emancipatorias, tanto las relaciones de producción como las de convivencia y reproducción de la vida en todos los ámbitos de lo cotidiano. No hay posición o protagonismo central de la FODVHREUHUDRGHOPRYLPLHQWRVLQGLFDOSRUTXHQRKD\XQD~QLFDRSULRULWDULDSUHFRQVWLWXFLyQHVWUXFWXUDO
del sujeto de cambio, de los grupos o movimientos de emancipación.
³ODFDtGDGHOPXURGH%HUOtQOLEHUyXQDVHULHGHPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVTXHVHHQFRQWUDEDQFRQ¿QDGRVKDVWD
HQWRQFHVSRUODHVWUDWHJLDLGHROyJLFDGHODJXHUUDIUtD(VFRPRVLHOHVStULWXGHORVDxRVVHVHQWDSXGLHVH¿QDOPHQWH
HPHUJHUHQODHVFHQDSROtWLFDPXQGLDOVLQODVGHVFDOL¿FDFLRQHVTXHYHQtDQGHDPERVODGRVGHODJXHUUDIUtD´3RUWR
Gonsalves en Hoetmer 2009: 92)
En términos del trabajo por la transformación del modelo de sociedad, el cambio social no es sólo es-
WUXFWXUDO\QRGHEHVHUXQDSURPHVDGHIXWXURXQDYH]TXHVHKDOODFRQTXLVWDGRHOSRGHUJXEHUQDPHQWDO
institucionalizado. La emancipación debe plantearse en términos de transformación de las prácticas per-
VRQDOHV\FROHFWLYDVTXHHQORFRWLGLDQRLQIHULRUL]DQ\VXERUGLQDQDODVYtFWLPDVGHODRSUHVLyQWUDQVIRU-
mación emancipadora, por lo tanto, desde las propias prácticas en el presente, y no en un futuro de cambio estructural total. Lo cotidiano y cercano deja de ser algo supeditado a una estrategia general de lucha en las relaciones de poder, para comenzar a ser el campo privilegiado de lucha por un mundo y una vida mejores.
/DWDUHDGHLGHQWL¿FDUSUiFWLFDVGHVXERUGLQDFLyQ\GHFRQVWUXLUSUiFWLFDVDOWHUQDWLYDVQRRSUHVRUDVVH
WRUQDXQDWDUHDQXQFDGHOWRGR¿QDOL]DGD\VLQXQDLGHQWLGDGRVXEMHWLYLGDGHVSHFt¿FDPHQWHWLWXODUGHHOOD
SRUTXHODVGRPLQDFLRQHVVRQP~OWLSOHV/DHPDQFLSDFLyQ\ODGHPRFUDWL]DFLyQQRVDSDUHFHQSRUORWDQWR
FRPRSULQFLSLRVVLQ¿QFRPRSURFHVRVVLHPSUHDELHUWRVVLHPSUHLQFRQFOXVRV
(VWHFXHVWLRQDPLHQWRGHODOLPLWDGDSHUVSHFWLYDVREUHHOFDPELRVRFLDOFRQVWUXLGDGHVGHODL]TXLHUGD
clásica se complementa con un cuestionamiento teórico-ideológico del poder, reubicando el Estado en el conjunto de las relaciones de poder de la sociedad. Atendiendo a Michel Foucault, y sus trabajos sobre las relaciones de dominación como relaciones sostenidas sobre concepciones, imaginarios y prácticas cons-
WUXLGDVKLVWyULFDPHQWHFRPRKHJHPyQLFDVSDUDDVtQDWXUDOL]DU\MXVWL¿FDUODGRPLQDFLyQHO(VWDGRHVXQD
SUiFWLFDVRFLDOGHPDQHMRGHODVRFLHGDGTXHIRUPDSDUWHGHXQFDPSRPiVDPSOLRGHSUiFWLFDVGHSRGHU
Una de las matrices centrales en esas prácticas de poder, es la práctica del poder colonial moderno ³&RORQLDOLGDGGHOSRGHU´$QLEDO4XLMDQRTXHSDUWHGHXQPLWRIXQGDFLRQDOGHFDUiFWHUHYROXFLR-
QLVWDSRUHOTXHODKLVWRULDKXPDQDHVXQDOtQHDGHVGHHOHVWDGRGHQDWXUDOH]DKDVWDODPRGHUQLGDGHXURSHD
TXH D WUDYpV GHO FRQWUDWR VRFLDO VDOH GHO HVWDGR GH QDWXUDOH]D HVWDEOHFLHQGR XQD VHULH GH FRGL¿FDFLRQHV
5 En ello han intervenido diferentes factores y vicisitudes históricas, García Linera destaca “los procesos de reestructuración productiva, el cierre de las JUDQGHVHPSUHVDVODPRGL¿FDFLyQHQODFRPSRVLFLyQWpFQLFDGHOWUDEDMRDVDODULDGRTXHKDIUDJPHQWDGRODVFRQFHQWUDFLRQHVREUHUDVKDUHGXFLGRGUiVWLFD-
PHQWHHOQ~PHURGHREUHURVVLQGLFDOL]DGRV\KDFUHDGRXQDQXHYDFXOWXUDGHOWUDEDMRIXQGDGDHQODFRPSHWHQFLDREUHUDSHURWDPELpQHVLQQHJDEOHTXHHO
SURSLRPRYLPLHQWRREUHURQRWHQtDXQKRUL]RQWHSURSRVLWLYRTXHYD\DPiVDOOiGHOFRUSRUDWLYLVPRGHQWURGHOHVWDGRGHELHQHVWDU\GHOXVRLQVWUXPHQWDOGH
ODVOLEHUWDGHVGHPRFUiWLFDV´*DUFtD/LQHUD$
225
ELQDULDVHQWUHFLYLOL]DGRSULPLWLYRPRGHUQRWUDGLFLRQDOFRQRFLPLHQWRFLHQWt¿FRVDEHUHVSRSXODUHVUD]yQ
emoción, hombre/mujer, blanco/indígena. Presentando la colonización y subordinación de lo primero so-
bre lo segundo como algo natural en la evolución de la historia del ser humano, y no como el resultado de relaciones de poder opresoras.
³/DLGHDGHTXHODGRPLQDFLyQGHODQDWXUDOH]DLPSOLFDVXWUDQVIRUPDFLyQHQ³FLYLOL]DFLyQÚHYHODXQDFRPSUHQVLyQ\
práctica del poder colonial-moderno, en la cual el polo dominante/activo tiene el deber de civilizar/formar/disciplinar al polo subordinado”. (Hoetmer, 2009: 94)
Las prácticas políticas de los movimientos sociales en las últimas décadas han pivotado, por lo tanto, hacia un cuestionamiento más integral de las relaciones de poder y de dominación en la sociedad. Plan-
teamientos no solamente de condicionar el poder político institucionalizado, sino de transformar el poder GHVGHSUiFWLFDVSROtWLFDVTXHFXHVWLRQHQODVIRUPDVGHKDFHU\ORVPRGHORVGHYLGDGRPLQDQWHVGHVGHLGHQWL-
GDGHVRVXEMHWLYLGDGHVHVSHFt¿FDVPXMHUHVLQGtJHQDVHVWXGLDQWHVMyYHQHVJD\V\OHVELDQDVFDPSHVLQRV
DVVLQWLHUUDSDUDGRVDVRSLTXHWHURVDVHWF
De esta manera, los movimientos actuales aparecen como procesos de aprendizaje, laboratorios para la construcción de prácticas y relaciones sociales (parcialmente) no-capitalistas, en vez de responder a estra-
WHJLDVSUHGH¿QLGDVSDUDUHVROYHUODFRQWUDGLFFLyQIXQGDPHQWDOHQWUHFDSLWDO\SXHEORWUDEDMDGRU+RHWPHU
2009: 97). Este entendimiento del “movimiento social como un principio educativo” (Caldart 2004, citado en Bringel, 2010: 6), torna como elemento de importancia en los movimientos la generación y sistema-
tización de conocimiento: el movimiento autoconstruye y articula sus saberes para alimentar su proceso transformador emancipatorio (Gohn 2005, citado en Bringel, 2010: 6).
Además de las anteriores destacamos a continuación, de forma sintética, otras cuestiones referentes a los debates y prácticas de los movimientos alterglobalizadores (en realidad red de movimientos) señaladas desde diferentes análisis:
'HVWDFDQHOFDUiFWHUHPDQFLSDWRULRGHHVWRVPRYLPLHQWRVHQFXDQWRFRQWHVWDFLyQ\UHVLVWHQFLDDOD
KHJHPRQtDGHOSHQVDPLHQWR~QLFRQHROLEHUDO\DOIDWDOLVPR\FRQIRUPLVPRTXHFRQOOHYDUHVLVWHQFLD
al cierre de los debates ideológicos y a la negación de la contigencia de los procesos históricos y de ODVGHFLVLRQHVSROtWLFDVTXHORVJXtDQ/DVUHGHVGHPRYLPLHQWRVVHVLW~DQHQXQDYLVLyQPiVDPSOLD
TXHIUHQWHDODQHJDFLyQGHODDJHQFLDKXPDQDHQORVSURFHVRVJOREDOHVHQFXUVRLGHQWL¿FD\VHxDOD
PHGLDQWHODPRYLOL]DFLyQORVDJHQWHV\FHQWURVGHGHFLVLyQTXHJXtDQHOSURFHVRJOREDOL]DGRUQHROLEH-
UDOFRQWUDSRQLpQGRVHDQWDJRQLFDPHQWHDHOORVPHGLDQWHHOFRQÀLFWR(OPRYLPLHQWRGHPRYLPLHQWRV
ensancha el debate y el antagonismo ideológico y político, reivindicando opciones y alternativas hacia “otros mundos posibles” (Martínez, Z. 2003).
6RQUHGHVRDYHFHVVRORFRQÀXHQFLDVTXHQLHJDQOHJLWLPLGDGDOVLVWHPDQRVRORHQVXVH[SUHVLRQHV
GHH[FOXVLyQPiVIUHFXHQWHVVLQRHQVXPLVPDUD]yQGHVHU6RQUHGHVTXHD¿UPDQTXHODFRQVWUXFFLyQ
GHDOWHUQDWLYDVSUiFWLFDVDQLYHOORFDOTXHPDQWHQJDQFRPXQLFDFLyQ\FRQH[LyQDQLYHOJOREDOHVOD
RSFLyQSULRULWDULDSDUDYLVXDOL]DU\YLYLUHVDVRWUDVDOWHUQDWLYDVSRVLEOHV'H¿HQGHQODSUR[LPLGDGOD
FHUFDQtD\ODLJXDOGDGHQODGLIHUHQFLDIUHQWHDODH[FOX\HQWHKRPRJHQHLGDGGHODJOREDOL]DFLyQFX\R
verticalismo impositivo y mercantilista se disfraza de horizontalidad, democracia, libertad, desarrollo, progreso, etc.
226
2WURVDQiOLVLVGHHVWRVPRYLPLHQWRVGHVWDFDQWDPELpQODDXVHQFLDGHFRQH[LyQHQWUHGLVFXUVR\SUDF-
WLFDGHORVPRYLPLHQWRVSRUXQODGR\ORVORJURVSROtWLFRVHVSHFt¿FRVGHFDUDDXQDUHDOLGDGVRFLDO\
política emancipada por el otro. Constatan su potencial emancipador basado en su radicalidad cons-
titutiva, pero no logran las mediaciones políticas necesarias para lograr tal impacto emancipador. Se WUDWDGHGL¿FXOWDGHV\FDXWHODVTXHHQHVWHFDVRVHDGHFXDQDOSURSLRGLVFXUVRGHODVUHGHV'HDOJXQD
IRUPDODVPLVPDVVHKDQQHJDGRDHVWDEOHFHUXQSURJUDPDGHWUDQVLFLyQJHQHUDOHQTXHVHHVWDEOH]FD
SRUHMHPSORTXpKDFHU\FyPRJHVWLRQDUHOSRGHUSROtWLFRLQVWLWXFLRQDOL]DGR+D\UHFKD]RIUHQWHDO
Estado, frente al poder centralizado, la democracia representativa y frente al mercado controlado por oligopolios y multinacionales, pero no se formula un modelo estructural alternativo en su conjunto.
Nos encontramos así en este caso, con unas teorías sobre los movimientos sociales como sujetos de HPDQFLSDFLyQHQODVTXHHODQiOLVLVVREUHFDXVDVIRUPDVQXHYDV\DVSLUDFLRQHVJHQHUDOHVVXSHUDHQGHQVL-
GDG\DSRUWDFLRQHVDOGLULJLGRDHVWXGLDUORTXHSRGUtDPRVGHQRPLQDUODVFRQGLFLRQHV\FDUDFWHUtVWLFDVGH
los procesos emancipatorios, entendidas como emancipaciones estructurales en el conjunto de la sociedad. /DSUHFLVLyQUHVXOWDLQH[FXVDEOHHQFXDQWRTXHODHPDQFLSDFLyQWDPELpQHVHQWHQGLEOH\SUDFWLFDEOHHQHO
seno del movimiento y sus prácticas de construcción de alternativas en sus comunidades de referencia.
Por ello, diferentes analistas advierten de la necesidad de prestar atención y profundizar en el cono-
cimiento de las condiciones y características concretas de los procesos emancipatorios en construcción, puestos en marcha por diferentes movimientos sociales en las últimas décadas, pero la mayoría de estos autores también señalan la necesidad de investigar cómo se están construyendo dichos procesos desde pre-
supuestos epistemológicos e ideológicos renovados. (QHVWHVHQWLGR%ULQJHODGYLHUWHGHODLPSRUWDQFLDGHQRFDHUHQOHFWXUDVVXSHU¿FLDOHVGHORVSURFHVRV
SURWDJRQL]DGRVSRUORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHV\VHxDODTXHHVSUHFLVRUHVROYHUFXDQWRDQWHVXQDOLPLWDFLyQ
GHIDOWDGHELGLUHFFLRQDOLGDGHQWUHXQLYHUVLGDG\PRYLPLHQWRVHQORVHVWXGLRVHLQYHVWLJDFLRQHVTXHVHKD-
FHQGHVGHORTXHVHSRGUtDGHQRPLQDULQWHQWRVDFDGpPLFRVGHDSHUWXUDHSLVWHPROyJLFD\GLiORJRGHVDEHUHV
(B. Sousa Santos, 2009). $VtFDGDYH]HVPiVIUHFXHQWHHQFRQWUDUHVWXGLRVTXHHQWLHQGHQDORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVFRPRVX-
MHWRVJHQHUDGRUHVGH³FRQRFLPLHQWRVRWURV´(OSUREOHPDHVTXHHVWDVD¿UPDFLRQHVHQPXFKDVRFDVLRQHV
se basan en, análisis poco profundos de los procesos puestos en marcha por los movimientos, y además de HVWDHVFDVDSURIXQGLGDGHVWRVDQiOLVLVQRSUHVWDQVX¿FLHQWHDWHQFLyQQLDODVOyJLFDGHODDFFLyQFROHFWLYD
ni a la forma empleada por el movimiento para construir y reconstruir sus complejos procesos en curso.
Pensamiento social critico emergente desde América Latina
En la última parada de este recorrido de perspectivas analíticas sobre el estudio de los movimientos VRFLDOHVQRVYDPRVDDFHUFDUDODVUHÀH[LRQHV\GHEDWHVDELHUWRVSRUORTXHSRGUtDPRVOODPDUXQSHQVD-
PLHQWRVRFLDOFUtWLFRHPHUJHQWH3HQVDPLHQWRTXHHPHUJHGHORVPiUJHQHVGHOVLVWHPDPXQGRGHGRQGH
WDPELpQHPHUJHQORVSURFHVRVGHPRYLOL]DFLyQVRFLDOFRQWUDKHJHPyQLFDTXHORDOLPHQWDQHVWRVSURFHVRV
son protagonizados y construidos por organizaciones y redes campesinas, indígenas, feministas, estudian-
WLOHVWUDEDMDGRUDV\EDUULDOHVTXHVHDUWLFXODQGHIRUPDFDGDYH]PiVDPSOLDORFDOQDFLRQDOUHJLRQDO
intercontinental, etc.) y compleja. 227
Efectivamente, la necesidad de generar nuevas formas de conocimiento sobre la realidad, la emancipación \ORVPRYLPLHQWRVQRVXUJHGHXQDEULOODQWHLQVSLUDFLyQDFDGpPLFDVLQRTXHVRQORVSURSLRVPRYLPLHQWRV
VRFLDOHVORVTXHHQSDUWHKDQIRU]DGRHVDQHFHVLGDGGHLQQRYDFLyQFRJQLWLYD&RQVXVSURFHVRVGHPXHVWUDQ
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decir con limitaciones) con esas múltiples dominaciones (antropocentrismo, capitalismo, patriarcado, euro-
centrismo, colonialidad, etc.) al poner en marcha la construcción de alternativas a las mismas. Desde estas claves analíticas, es en Latinoamérica donde los movimientos sociales han demostrado una mayor actividad HQORV~OWLPDVGpFDGDVGHVGHHO]DSDWLVPRDORVSLTXHWHURVDUJHQWLQRVSDVDQGRSRUHO067LQFOXVRLUUXP-
SLHQGRHQODHVFHQDSROtWLFD\OOHJDQGRDVHUSLH]DVFODYHHQODGH¿QLFLyQGHSROtWLFDVJRELHUQRV\SDUWLFL-
pando en los procesos de replanteamiento del modelo de Estado (como en los casos de Bolivia y Ecuador). $XQTXHVLJXLHQGRQXHVWURUHFRUULGRDQDOtWLFRQRUHVXOWDIiFLOKDFHUXQDGLVWLQFLyQWDMDQWH\FODUDHQWUH
HOPRYLPLHQWRDOWHUJOREDOL]DGRU\ORVPRYLPLHQWRVODWLQRDPHULFDQRV\DTXHPXFKRVGHORVVHJXQGRVIRU-
PDQSDUWHGHOSULPHUR\FRPSDUWHQOXFKDV\SURFHVRV3HQVDPRVTXHHVLPSRUWDQWHKDFHUHVWDGLVWLQFLyQ
GHGLFDQGRXQDSDUWDGRHVSHFL¿FRDODVHPHUJHQFLDV/DWLQRDPHULFDQDVFRQODLQWHQFLyQGHGHVWDFDUSRUXQ
ODGRTXHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVODWLQRDPHULFDQRVWLHQHQUDVJRVSURSLRVHVSHFLDOPHQWHSRUVXRULJHQ\
VXFRVPRYLVLyQDOWHUQDWLYDSHURWDPELpQSRUFRQVWUXLUVHGHVGHORVPiUJHQHVGHOVLVWHPDPXQGRPRGHUQR
\SRURWURODGRTXHORVDQiOLVLVODWLQRDPHULFDQRVSUREDEOHPHQWHSRUHOWLSRGHSURFHVRVSXHVWRVHQPDUFKD
por los movimientos sociales de la región, y también por formar su pensamiento académico desde los már-
genes del sistema-mundo moderno, han profundizado más en la cuestión de la emancipación y no solo en VXDVSHFWRFRQFHSWXDOVLQRWDPELpQHQDOJXQDVGLPHQVLRQHVPiVRSHUDWLYDV7RGRHOORKDFHTXH$PpULFD
Latina sea actualmente un referente muy importante para el campo de estudio de la acción colectiva y los movimientos sociales, por ser un lugar donde se están gestando y emergiendo nuevas e interesantes pro-
puestas analíticas sobre, pero también desde, los movimientos sociales contemporáneos. 4XL]iSRUUD]RQHVKLVWyULFDVSHURWDPELpQSRUVXFDSDFLGDGFUtWLFDHPDQFLSDGRUD\SURSRVLWLYDQRV
VHQWLPRVFHUFDGHHVWDVSURSXHVWDVDQDOtWLFDV\SRUHOORKHPRVTXHULGRGHGLFDUOHVXQHVSDFLRSURSLR(VWD
“corriente de pensamiento” plural y diversa se ha propuesto, entre otras, la difícil tarea de re-pensar la HPDQFLSDFLyQVRFLDOGHVGHXQDSHUVSHFWLYDTXHGHVPLWL¿FD\FXHVWLRQDODPRGHUQLGDGFDSLWDOLVWDHQWHQGLGD
FRPRVLVWHPDP~OWLSOHGHGRPLQDFLyQDOWLHPSRTXHUHLYLQGLFDODXUJHQWHQHFHVLGDGGHDSHUWXUDDXQD
FRPSUHQVLyQQRH[FOXVLYDPHQWHRFFLGHQWDOGHOPXQGR\GHODVGLYHUVDVUHDOLGDGHVTXHHQpOH[LVWHQ
Desde esta perspectiva la emancipación social se contempla como un complejo proceso de ruptura y liberación de las múltiples dominaciones instauradas en y por la modernidad capitalista. En nuestro caso \GHELGRDOREMHWLYRGHHVWHWH[WRSUHVWDUHPRVHVSHFLDODWHQFLyQDXQTXHQRVyORDODVYRFHVFUtWLFDVTXH
proceden de un concreto campo de estudio, el de la acción colectiva y los movimientos sociales, desde el FXDOGLIHUHQWHVDQDOLVWDVHLQYHVWLJDGRUHVDVYLHQHQVHxDODQGRHQORV~OWLPRVDxRVTXHQRVyORVRQSRVLEOHV
VLQRTXH\DH[LVWHQRWUDVIRUPDVRWUDVSUiFWLFDV\RWUDVSRVLFLRQHVUHODWLYDVDOFRQRFLPLHQWRTXHUHVXOWDQ
necesarias para entender tanto la realidad social con sus violencias y tensiones como determinadas respues-
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Por tanto, situarse en esta perspectiva implica situarse frente a grandes y complejos desafíos, entre otros, el de aprender con y desde los márgenes del sistema-mundo, llevando a la práctica la “Epistemología del From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
228
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atrás, es desde los espacios de resistencia a la dominación (márgenes del sistema-mundo) desde donde se hacen más visibles las estructuras y lógicas de poder y saber establecidas. Repensar las formas de entender el conocimiento, su producción, su función social y su uso es un ejer-
FLFLRGHUHÀH[LYLGDGDOTXHFDGDYH]VHVXPDQPiVYRFHVGHQWURGHODWHRUtDVRFLDOFULWLFDHVWDVXPDGH
voces consigue tomar forma de grito en algunos ámbitos de conocimiento llegando a cuestionar con fuerza ORVSULQFLSLRVHSLVWHPROyJLFRVTXHKDQJXLDGRODSURGXFFLyQGHFRQRFLPLHQWRGHODFLHQFLDPRGHUQDSHUR
esas voces, también han sido y siguen siendo silenciadas en muchos otros ámbitos. Este silenciamiento se H[SOLFDSRUTXHODSHUVSHFWLYDHSLVWHPROyJLFDTXHYDPRVDH[SRQHUDFRQWLQXDFLyQHVFUtWLFDFRQHOSDUDGLJ-
PDSRVLWLYLVWD\REMHWLYLVWDTXHGRPLQDHQODSURGXFFLyQGHFRQRFLPLHQWRWpFQLFR\FLHQWt¿FR
(QQXHVWURFDVRQRVVXPDPRVDORVGLYHUVRVHVIXHU]RVTXHEXVFDQWRPDUFLHUWDGLVWDQFLDGHORVUHTXHUL-
mientos experimentales y matemáticos de la ortodoxia de la ciencia moderna sobre la producción de cono-
FLPLHQWRV2UWRGR[LDTXHVHDXWRDWULEX\HXQDFFHVRSULYLOHJLDGRDOFRQRFLPLHQWRGHODUHDOLGDGREMHWLYR
QHXWURH[SHUWRTXHFUHDOD³LOXVLyQGHODYHUGDG´\ODFHUWH]DGHOFRQRFLPLHQWRH[SHUWR
(VWHHQIRTXHREMHWLYLVWDDGHPiVGHJHQHUDUXQDDUURJDQFLDEDVWDQWHGLVFDSDFLWDQWHSDUDODHVFXFKD\HO
aprendizaje, deposita la responsabilidad de sus conclusiones y de sus consecuencias en una supuesta rea-
lidad/verdad independiente de la persona observadora o investigadora. Presentar algo como conocimiento REMHWLYRIXQGDPHQWDGR~QLFDPHQWHHQXQDUHDOLGDGH[WHULRUDODVSHUVRQDVTXHORKDQHODERUDGR\DVX
proceso de construcción, es intentar imponer un argumento de autoridad (voz experta y autorizada por la OHJLWLPLGDGDWULEXLGDDVXHODERUDFLyQFLHQWt¿FRDFDGpPLFD(QSDODEUDVGHOELyORJRFKLOHQR+XPEHUWR
Maturana presentar algo como conocimiento objetivo es una petición de obediencia, un argumento para obligar. En no pocas ocasiones el conocimiento experto, revestido de esa supuesta objetividad incuestionable, se QRVSUHVHQWDFRPRVLQRWXYLHUDQDGDTXHYHUFRQORVYDORUHVLGHDV\HQIRTXHVGHWUDEDMRGHODVSHUVRQDV
TXHORKDQSURGXFLGR(VGHFLUVHXWLOL]DSDUDHVWDEOHFHUXQDYHUGDGRFULWHULRWpFQLFRLQFXHVWLRQDEOHTXH
EORTXHDODSDUWLFLSDFLyQ\HOGHEDWHVRFLDO\DTXHQLHJD\FLHUUDORVGHEDWHVLGHROyJLFRV\SROtWLFRVDOL-
PHQWDQGRXQWLSRGHJHVWLyQGHOFRQRFLPLHQWRWHFQRFUiWLFDTXHUHIXHU]DODFRQFHQWUDFLyQGHOSRGHU\QRVX
GHPRFUDWL]DFLyQ(OFRQRFLPLHQWRH[SHUWRTXHVHSUHVHQWDFRPRREMHWLYRGLItFLOPHQWHVHSXHGHVRPHWHUD
debate social y puede utilizarse para establecer una verdad hegemónica y excluyente, se trata por lo tanto de un peligroso instrumento de poder. )UHQWHDORVSODQWHDPLHQWRVHSLVWHPROyJLFRVKHJHPyQLFRVTXHDFDEDPRVGHH[SRQHUFDGDYH]HVPiV
KDELWXDOOHHU\HVFXFKDUTXHHVWiHQPDUFKDORTXHDOJXQRVOODPDQXQD³UHYROXFLyQHSLVWHPROyJLFD´RWURV
SUH¿HUHQOODPDUDHVWHSURFHVR³JLURHSLVWHPROyJLFR´(QQXHVWURFDVRSHQVDPRVTXHWHQGUiTXHSDVDU
un tiempo para poder precisar, con algo más de perspectiva, el calado de estos debates epistemológicos y su traducción en la práctica investigadora, solo entonces se podrá esclarecer si estamos ante un giro, un WUiQVLWRRXQDUHYROXFLyQHSLVWHPROyJLFD/RTXHVtSRGHPRVD¿UPDUVREUHHOGHEDWHHSLVWHPROyJLFR\OD
/D(SLVWHPRORJtDGHO6XUGH%RDYHQWXUDGH6RXVD6DQWRVHVXQDSURSXHVWDHSLVWpPLFD\pWLFRSROtWLFDGHFRPSUHQVLyQGHOPXQGRPXFKRPiVDPSOLDTXH
ODFRPSUHQVLyQRFFLGHQWDOGHOPXQGR&RQHOOD6DQWRVVHxDODTXHXUJHKDFHUYLVLEOHORLQYLVLEOHSHQVDEOHORLPSHQVDEOH\SUHVHQWHORDXVHQWHSDUDHOOR
propone el paso de una epistemología de la ceguera, producida desde la limitada y perezosa razón indolente (razón dominante desde la modernidad oc-
FLGHQWDODXQDHSLVWHPRORJtDGHODYLVLyQTXHDSUHFLDODGLYHUVLGDGHVGHFLUXQD(SLVWHPRORJtDGHO6XUSDUDXQDDGHFXDGDH[SRVLFLyQGHHVWHFRQFHSWR\
sus diversas implicaciones, ver Santos, 2006 y 2010).
229
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SURFHVRSOXUDO\DFXPXODWLYRGHDxRVGHHYROXFLyQODVHJXQGDHVTXHPiVTXHXQKHFKRVHWUDWDGHXQD
QHFHVLGDG3URIXQGLFHPRVXQSRFRPiVHQHVWDVGRVLGHDVDOWLHPSRTXHYDPRVVHxDODQGRORVGHEDWHVTXH
abren a su paso la emergencia de “epistemologías alternativas”.
(QSULPHUOXJDUFXDQGRGHFLPRVTXHVHWUDWDGHXQSURFHVRSOXUDO\DFXPXODWLYRQRVUHIHULPRVDTXH
HVXQSURFHVRTXHVHKDLGRHQULTXHFLHQGRGHFRQWULEXFLRQHVSURFHGHQWHVGHGLIHUHQWHVJHRJUDItDV\FDOHQ-
GDULRV\TXHTXL]iSRUODFRPSOHMLGDGGHODFR\XQWXUDDFWXDOHVWDPRVHQXQPRPHQWRHQHOTXHHVWHGHEDWH
puede empezar a cuajar y tomar especial fuerza. Además de las críticas realizadas desde la hermenéutica y ODWHRUtDFUtWLFDGHODHVFXHODGH)UDQIRXUWHQWUHODVFRQWULEXFLRQHVPiVUHFLHQWHVTXHDOLPHQWDQODDSHUWXUD
GHJULHWDVHQORVSODQWHDPLHQWRVHSLVWHPROyJLFRVKHJHPyQLFRVTXHUHPRVGHVWDFDUODVUHDOL]DGDVGHVGHOD
“epistemología feminista”7, la cual surge y se construye como reacción y en contra de la tradición cien-
Wt¿FD SRVLWLYLVWD8, instaurada en la modernidad capitalista y patriarcal. Sus contribuciones, nos parecen especialmente reseñables por su histórica invisibilizacion y por su importancia en el proceso de apertura del debate epistemológico (no solo en las ciencias sociales). El concepto de conocimiento situado+DUDZD\KDVLGRXQDGHODVDSRUWDFLRQHVPiVLPSRUWDQWHV
de la epistemología feminista, este concepto no alude solamente a dominaciones del sistema sexo-genero VLQRTXHYDPXFKRPiVDOOi4XHHOFRQRFLPLHQWRVHDVLWXDGRQRVGHVYHODDOPHQRVGRVFXHVWLRQHVSRUXQ
ODGRVHHQWLHQGHTXHORVP~OWLSOHVIDFWRUHV\VLWXDFLRQHVVRFLDOHVTXHQRVFRQIRUPDQ\VLW~DQFRPRVXMHWRV
FODVHHWQLDVH[RJHQHURLGHRORJtDHWFIRUPDQSDUWHGHOFRQRFLPLHQWRTXHSURGXFLPRVGHPDQHUDTXH
³ORTXHVHFRQRFH\FyPRVHFRQRFHGHSHQGHGHODVLWXDFLyQ\SHUVSHFWLYDGHOVXMHWRFRQRFHGRU´1LFROiV
SRURWURODGRQRVGHVYHODTXHODVUHSUHVHQWDFLRQHVGHODUHDOLGDGVRQVLHPSUHSDUFLDOHV\DVt
deben ser interpretadas. De esta forma, se hace explícita y se reconoce la imposibilidad de dar una visión holística y completa de la realidad. (OFRQRFLPLHQWRQRVHUHFRJHVHSURGXFH\VHFRQVWUX\H\HVDDFWLYLGDGGHSURGXFFLyQGHFRQRFLPLHQ-
WRHVVLHPSUHXQDWDUHDTXHVHGHVDUUROODHQXQFRQWH[WRVRFLRFXOWXUDOGHWHUPLQDGRHOFRQRFLPLHQWRHV
siempre un conocimiento situado. La ciencia objetivista todo lo ve (mirada panóptica) desde una atalaya FLHQWt¿FRWHFQLFDTXHVXSXHVWDPHQWHQRVHVLW~DVRFLDO\FXOWXUDOPHQWHHQQLQJXQDSDUWHSHURHQUHDOLGDG
esconde y disfraza la mirada socialmente situada de un sujeto concreto, normalmente hombre, occidental, blanco, heterosexual, de clase media alta y perteneciente a un grupo etno-linguístico dominante. Otra aportación importante desde la epistemología feminista ha sido su particular y acertada forma de VHxDODUTXHODFLHQFLDHVVLHPSUHSDUDDOJRSRUDOJR\SDUDDOJXLHQGHVYHODQGRODIDODFLDGHODREMHWLYL-
dad positivista de la ciencia moderna (supuestamente neutral, autónoma e imparcial) ya señalada al inicio GHHVWHDSDUWDGR3RGUtDPRVSHQVDUTXHHVWDIDODFLDHVXQHUURUHSLVWHPROyJLFRGHODUJDGXUDFLyQSHUROD
([LVWHXQDFODVL¿FDFLyQGHORVHVWXGLRVHSLVWHPROyJLFRVIHPLQLVWDVUHDOL]DGDSRU+DUGLQJHQTXHHVWDEOHFHWUHVFDWHJRUtDVDODVTXHOODPyHPSLULFLV-
PRIHPLQLVWDSXQWRGHYLVWDIHPLQLVWD\SRVWPRGHUQLVPRIHPLQLVWD$SHVDUGHTXHHVWDFODVL¿FDFLyQRWLSRORJtDHVDFHSWDGDJHQHUDOPHQWHSRUODPD\RUtD
GHDXWRUDVIHPLQLVWDVHQODDFWXDOLGDGODVIURQWHUDVTXHVHSDUDQORVWUHVWLSRVVRQFDGDYH]PiVGLIXVDVH[LVWLHQGRXQSDUGHFXHVWLRQHVTXHVRQFRPXQHV
a los tres tipos: la defensa del pluralismo y el rechazo a las teorías totalizante (Nicolás, 2009). En este texto haremos alusión a la epistemología feminista GHIRUPDJHQpULFD\DTXHQRVYDPRVDGHWHQHUHQODVFXHVWLRQHVTXHVRQFRPXQHVHQFRQFUHWRHQODVLGHDVGH³FRQRFLPLHQWRVLWXDGR´\HQODQRFLyQGH
objetividad. /DHSLVWHPRORJtDIHPLQLVWD³HVWXGLDODPDQHUDHQTXHHOVLVWHPDVH[RJHQHURLQÀX\H\GHEHUtDLQÀXLUHQQXHVWUDVFRQFHSFLRQHVGHOFRQRFLPLHQWR\HQ
ORVPpWRGRVGHLQYHVWLJDFLyQ\GHMXVWL¿FDFLyQ>«@$OKDFHUHVWDUHÀH[LyQURPSHDOLJXDOTXHRWURVSHQVDPLHQWRVFUtWLFRVFRQHOSRVLWLYLVPR+DUGLQJ
1991)” (Nicolás, 2009:26).
230
historia y los estudios sobre los sistemas de poder y dominación realizados desde diferentes corrientes de pensamiento crítico (feminismo, posestructuralismo, posmodernismo y poscolonialismo) han demostrado TXHVHWUDWDGHXQDHVWUDWHJLDLGHROyJLFDGHPDQWHQLPLHQWRGHODKHJHPRQtDGHORVJUXSRVGRPLQDQWHV1L-
FRODVTXHHVQHFHVDULRVHJXLUFXHVWLRQDQGRKDVWDFRQVHJXLUURPSHUOD
(QVHJXQGROXJDUFXDQGRGHFLPRVTXHHOGHEDWHHSLVWHPROyJLFR\ODHPHUJHQFLDGHHSLVWHPRORJtDV
DOWHUQDWLYDVPiVTXHVHUXQKHFKRVRQXQDQHFHVLGDG+DFHPRVUHIHUHQFLDDORTXHVHxDOD%RDYHQWXUDGH
6RXVD6DQWRVFXDQGRD¿UPDTXH
“no necesitamos alternativas, QHFHVLWDPRVXQSHQVDPLHQWRDOWHUQDWLYRGHODVDOWHUQDWLYDVSRUTXHPXFKDVDOWHUQDWLYDV
H[LVWHQKR\SHURQRVRQUHFRQRFLGDVFRPRWDOHVVRQPDUJLQDGDVVRQLQYLVLELOL]DGDVVRQH[FOXLGDVVRQGHVSUHFLDGDV
y también desperdiciadas” (Santos, 2008. las cursivas son nuestras). ,GHQWL¿FDU\WRPDUFRQVFLHQFLDGHHVWHYDFtRHSLVWHPROyJLFR\ODVGL¿FXOWDGHVTXHVXSRQHTXHUHUUH-
VROYHUORQRVREOLJDDWHQHUHQFXHQWDSRUORPHQRVGRVFXHVWLRQHVSRUXQODGRWDO\FRPRVHxDOD&HFHxD
HOHVSDFLRGHORVVDEHUHVHVXQHVSDFLRGHOXFKDVTXHWDPELpQIRUPDQSDUWHGHOSURFHVRHPDQFLSDWR-
ULRSRURWURODGR\VLJXLHQGRD+RHWPHUXQDGHODVWDUHDVSULQFLSDOHVGHORVLQYHVWLJDGRUHVFRPSURPHWLGRV
con la construcción colectiva de conocimiento emancipador, consiste en:
³UHHYDOXDUORVFRQFHSWRVDQDOtWLFRVWHRUtDVGHFDPELR\PHWRGRORJtDVTXHXVDPRVSDUDDQDOL]DUH[SOLFDUFULWLFDU
\FDPELDUODVRFLHGDG(VGHFLUUHTXHULPRVGHDQiOLVLVLQWHUSUHWDFLRQHV\WHRUL]DFLRQHVGHORVFDPLQRVGHWUDQVIRU-
mación social presentes en las acciones, conceptos, imaginarios, y propuestas políticas de los movimientos sociales actuales” (Hoetmer, 2009: 13). $VtGLIHUHQWHVDXWRUHVDVVHxDODQTXHHVQHFHVDULR\XUJHQWHVXSHUDUHVRVYDFtRV\ODVWUHVTXHYHQLPRV
DUUDVWUDQGRGHVGHKDFHGpFDGDVVLHQGRLQVX¿FLHQWHODWRPDGHFRQVFLHQFLDGHORVPLVPRV\SRUWDQWRKD-
ciéndose necesarias la puesta en marcha de vías para su superación. Uno de estos lastres se hace todavía más patente cuando nos enfrentamos al desafío de interpretar los movimientos sociales latinoamericanos FRQWHPSRUiQHRV\DTXHFRPRVHxDOD%ULQJHO
“nos volvemos a encontrar con una problemática fundacional mal resuelta: las nociones, las categorías y los concep-
tos utilizados por la “sociología de los movimientos sociales”, emergente en las décadas de 1960 y 1970, estaban cons-
truidos principalmente a partir de las experiencias europeas y norteamericanas (en particular, las luchas estudiantiles GHORODVLQÀH[LRQHVGHOPRYLPLHQWRREUHURHQ(XURSD\ODVOXFKDVSRUORVGHUHFKRVFLYLOHVHQ(VWDGRV8QLGRV
\QRDSDUWLUGHODVOXFKDVDQWLFRORQLDOHVH[WHQGLGDVSRUÈIULFDRDTXHOODVGHFDUiFWHUDQWLLPSHULDOLVWDSUHVHQWHVHQ
$PpULFD/DWLQD>«@(VWXGLRVSLRQHURVFULWLFDURQGHGLIHUHQWHPDQHUDWDQWRHQ$PpULFD/DWLQD*RKQFRPRHQ
África (Mandani y Wmba-dia-Wamba, 1995) el sesgo eurocéntrico -o más bien “occidentocéntrico”- de muchos aná-
OLVLV\ODQHFHVLGDGGHEXVFDUXQ³SDUDGLJPDSURSLR´DSHQDVGHOLQHDGRTXHVHFRQVWUXLUtDDSDUWLUGHODVH[SHULHQFLDV
\ODVHVSHFL¿FLGDGHVGHODVOXFKDVVRFLDOHVGHFDGDOXJDU\UHJLyQ´%ULQJHO
3RUWDQWRDORVHVIXHU]RV\DSRUWDFLRQHVUHDOL]DGDVGHVGHODHSLVWHPRORJtDIHPLQLVWDWHQHPRVTXHVX-
mar aportaciones más recientes y con un fuerte carácter Latinoamericano (por razones antes expuestas). 1RVUHIHULPRVDP~OWLSOHV\GLYHUVDVLQLFLDWLYDVTXHHVWiQKDFLHQGRXQJUDQHVIXHU]RSRUUHXQLU\SRQHU
en dialogo a voces críticas individuales y colectivas, académicas y extra académicas. Todas estas aporta-
ciones y esfuerzos están unidos entre sí por la asunción de una serie de retos comunes (al menos de forma 231
LPSOtFLWDHVWRVUHWRVSRGUtDPRVUHVXPLUORVHQODVXSHUDFLyQGHODVGLFRWRPtDVWUDGLFLRQDOHVGHODFLHQFLD
PRGHUQDVXMHWRREMHWRWHRUtDSUiFWLFDQDWXUDOH]DFXOWXUDLQGLYLGXRFROHFWLYRHVWUXFWXUDDFFLyQHWFHO
rechazo a la hegemonía de la epistemología positivista (desde donde la relación entre conocimiento y poder TXHGDWRWDOPHQWHFDPXÀDGD\ODFUtWLFDDORVXQLYHUVDOLVPRVDEVWUDFWRV
Una de las iniciativas intelectuales colectivas con mayor impacto y trascendencia en los últimos años es el surgimiento y consolidación del programa “modernidad/colonialidad”9 y su perspectiva o Teoría deco-
lonial10(QWUHRWUDVFXHVWLRQHV\VLQWHWL]DQGRGHPDVLDGRODFRPSOHMDSURSXHVWDTXHKDFHQHVWRVDXWRUHV\
DXWRUDVHVWHJUXSRSODQWHDTXHODVUHJLRQHVFRORQL]DGDVWUDVHO¿QGHOFRORQLDOLVPRKDQVHJXLGRH[SXHVWDV
DWUHVWLSRVGHFRORQLDOLGDGODFRORQLDOLGDGGHOSRGHUTXHDIHFWDDOiPELWRHFRQyPLFR\SROtWLFRFRORQLDOL-
GDGGHOVHUTXHDIHFWDDODVVXEMHWLYLGDGHV\VH[XDOLGDGHV\ODFRORQLDOLGDGGHOVDEHUDIHFWDQGRDOiPELWR
HSLVWHPROyJLFR¿ORVy¿FR\FLHQWt¿FR9HDPRVDFRQWLQXDFLyQFRPRORSODQWHDXQDGHODVYRFHVDFDGpPL-
FDVTXHVHVXPDDHVWRVSODQWHDPLHQWRV%RDYHQWXUDGH6RXVD6DQWRVD¿UPDTXHODPRGHUQLGDGFDSLWDOLVWD
WLHQHXQDYLROHQFLDIXQGDFLRQDOTXHHVVXFDUiFWHUFRORQLDOHLPSHULDOFX\RUDVWURQRKDGHVDSDUHFLGR
³HOFRORQLDOLVPRSROtWLFRWHUPLQySHURQRHOFRORQLDOLVPRVRFLDO\FXOWXUDO>«@QRVHSXHGHHQWHQGHUODGRPLQDFLyQ
\ODGHVLJXDOGDGVLQODLGHDGHTXHVHJXLPRVVLHQGRHQPXFKRVDVSHFWRVVRFLHGDGHVFRORQLDOHV´6DQWRV
+LVWyULFDPHQWHODSURGXFFLyQGHFRQRFLPLHQWRFUtWLFRHQ(XURSDSRGUtDVHUXQEXHQUHÀHMRGHORTXHHVWi
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sujeta por lo tanto a los parámetros teórico conceptuales de la modernidad capitalista. Sin embargo hoy en día necesitamos de una racionalidad más amplia acorde con la realidad intercultural de nuestro tiempo y capaz de entender la complejidad de los fenómenos contemporáneos. Una racionalidad capaz de reconocer la exis-
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entrar en dialogo desde una lógica de relación cooperativa y no de dominación, para llegar a construir un tipo GHFRQRFLPLHQWRTXHVHDHPDQFLSDGRU(QSDODEUDVGH$UWXUR(VFREDUXQRGHORVDXWRUHVTXHSDUWLFLSDGHO
programa Modernidad/Colonialidad, la principal fuerza orientadora de este programa de investigación es la inclusión y puesta en valor del conocimiento subalternizado de los grupos explotados y oprimidos.
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acción participativa han sido las contribuciones más originales de Latinoamérica al pensamiento crítico en el siglo ;;±FRQWRGRVORVFRQGLFLRQDOHVTXHSXHGHQDSOLFDUVHDWDORULJLQDOLGDGHOSURJUDPDGHLQYHVWLJDFLyQ0RGHUQLGDG
Colonialidad (M/C) emerge como el heredero de esta tradición. Ssin embargo, existen sustantivas diferencias. Como :DOWHU0LJQRORKDDUJXPHQWDGROD0&GHEHVHUYLVWDFRPR©XQSDUDGLJPDRWURª$QWHVTXHXQQXHYRSDUDGLJPD
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moderno. Al contrario, el programa M/C debe ser entendido como una manera diferente del pensamiento, en contravía de las grandes narrativas modernistas –la cristiandad, el liberalismo y el marxismo-, localizando su propio cuestio-
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economía) y de muy diversas latitudes (EEUU, Asia, África, América Latina y en menor medida Europa). En este grupo participan autores/as como Aníbal 4XLMDQR:DOWHU0LJQROR6RXVD6DQWRV$UWXUR(VFREDU&DWKHULQH:DOV$QD(VWKHU&HFHxD(QULTXH'XVVHOHWF
10 La perspectiva decolonial (en construcción) es una propuesta epistémica, teórica y metodológica para comprender y superar las relaciones de poder/dominación instauradas por el sistema múltiple de dominación de la modernidad-capitalista. Esta perspectiva es asumida por un número creciente de DXWRUHVDVFRPRHVSDFLRFUtWLFRSDUDDQDOL]DUODUHDOLGDGFRQWHPSRUiQHD\HOSUHVHQWHGHODV&LHQFLDV6RFLDOHV\+XPDQDVKR\SXHVWDVHQMDTXH(QHOOLEUR
Colonialidad del saber: eurocentrismo y ciencias sociales, compilado por Lander (2000) se puede ampliar información sobre el surgimiento y primeros pasos del programa Modernidad/colonialidad y la perspectiva decolonial. From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
232
namiento en los bordes mismos de los sistemas de pensamiento e investigaciones hacia la posibilidad de modos de SHQVDPLHQWRQRHXURFpQWULFRV´(VFREDU$
Además del programa modernidad/colonialidad, nos parecen especialmente reseñables iniciativas como la del “Consorcio de investigación sobre movimientos sociales y transformaciones político culturales del S.XXI” de la Universidad de Massachusetts-Amherst (Umass) o los “Talleres internacionales sobre para-
digmas emancipatorios en América Latina”11, en estos talleres participan diferentes organizaciones y redes junto a académicos, investigadores, activistas sociales y políticos, educadores populares y personas intere-
sadas en buscar el Diálogo de Saberes (Ecología de Saberes para Sousa Santos) acerca de los problemas de la emancipación social y humana en América Latina.
(Q VXPD GHVGH HVWDV FRQFHSFLRQHV HSLVWHPROyJLFDV VH KDFH HYLGHQWH TXH OD FRQVWUXFFLyQ GH FRQR-
FLPLHQWR YiOLGR \ OHJtWLPR QR VH SURGXFH VyOR HQ OD DFDGHPLD \ TXH SRU WDQWR HPSUHQGHU XQ WUDEDMR
GHLQYHVWLJDFLyQGHVGHHVWDVSRVLFLRQHVUHTXLHUHXQDSHUPDQHQWHDXWRUHÀH[LyQVREUHORVFRQGLFLRQDQWHV
VRFLRFXOWXUDOHVSURSLRV\VXVQRGHVHDGRVVHVJRVUHFRQRFHUHOFDUiFWHULQFRPSOHWR\OLPLWDGRGHQXHVWUD
aproximación para, desde una pre-disposición prudente y responsable, estar receptivos a una mayor plurali-
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11 Desde 1995 el Grupo América Latina: Filosofía Social y Axiología (GALFISA) del Instituto de Filosofía de La Habana (Institución académica cubana SHUWHQHFLHQWHDO0LQLVWHULRGHFLHQFLD7HFQRORJtD\0HGLR$PELHQWHFRQYRFDFDGDDxRVHVWRVWDOOHUHVHQORVTXHSDUWLFLSDQHQWUHRWURV9tD&DPSHVLQD
Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC), Marcha Mundial de Mujeres (MMM), Red Latinoamericana Mujeres Transfor-
mando la Economía (REMTE), Movimiento Trabajadores Sin Tierra (MST) Brasil, La Otra Campaña/EZLN, México, Confederación de las Nacionali-
dades Indígenas del Ecuador (CONAIE).
233
Referencias $'$0296.<(³3UREOHPDVGHODSROtWLFDDXWyQRPDSHQVDQGRHOSDVDMHGHORVRFLDODORSROtWLFR´HQ+2(70(55FRRUG5HSHQVDUOD
política desde América Latina. Cultura, Estado y movimientos sociales. Programa Democracia y Transformación global. Universidad de San Marcos. Lima. 2009
ALVAREZ, S.E “Repensando la dimensión política y cultural desde los movimientos sociales: algunas aproximaciones teóricas” en HOETMER, R (coord). Repensar la política desde América Latina. Cultura, Estado y movimientos sociales. Programa Democracia y Transformación global. Universidad de San Marcos. Lima. 2009
%5,1*(/%³(OHVWXGLRGHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVHQ$PpULFD/DWLQDUHÀH[LRQHVVREUHHOGHEDWHSRVWFRORQLDO\ODVQXHYDVJHRJUDItDV
del activismo transnacional” In: Alfredo Falero et al. (Eds.) Pensamiento crítico y sujetos colectivos en América Latina. Montevideo: Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de la República, 2011.
CECEÑA, A.E. “De saberes y emancipaciones” en Hegemonía, emancipaciones y políticas de seguridad en América Latina: dominación, epistemologías insurgentes, territorio y descolonización. Programa democracia y transformación global. Universidad de san Marcos. Lima, 2008.
ESCOBAR, A. Una minga para el postdesarrollo: lugar, media ambiente y movimientos sociales en las transformaciones globales. Programa democracia y transformación global. Lima. 2010.
GARCIA LINERA, A. Sociología de los Movimientos Sociales en Bolivia. Plural Editores. Bolivia. 2010.
+2(70(55³'HVSXpVGHO¿QGHODKLVWRULDUHÀH[LRQHVVREUHORVPRYLPLHQWRVVRFLDOHVODWLQRDPHULFDQRVGHKR\´HQ+2(70(55
(coord). Repensar la política desde América Latina. Cultura, Estado y movimientos sociales. Programa Democracia y Transformación global. Universidad de San Marcos. Lima. 2009
MARTÍNEZ, Zesar. Aldaketa Sozialaren produkzioa eta gidaritza. Servicio de Publicaciones del Gobierno Vasco. Vitoria-gasteiz. 2003.
NICOLÁS, G. “Debates en epistemología feminista: del empiricismo y el standpoint a las críticas postmodernas sobre el sujeto y el punto de YLVWD´HQ1,&2/$6*%2'(/21(FRPSV*pQHUR\GRPLQDFLyQ$QWKURSRV
SANTOS, Boaventura de Sousa. Conocer desde el sur: para una cultura política emancipatoria. Perú: Fondo Editorial Facultad de Ciencias sociales. 2006.
SANTOS, Boaventura de Sousa. “Reinventando la emancipación social” en Pensar el Estado y la sociedad: desafíos actuales. La Paz. CLACSO. 2008 SANTOS, Boaventura de Sousa. Descolonizar el saber, reinventar el poder. Montevideo: Ediciones Trilce, 2010.
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M.(comps.) Recuperando la radicalidad Barcelona. Hacer. 2011
ZIBECHI, R. “Ecos del subsuelo: Resistencia y política desde el sótano” en Autonomías y emancipaciones: América Latina en movimiento. Mexico: bajo tierra ediciones, 2008.
234
Social Movements in Post-Political Society: 3UH¿JXUDWLRQ'HOLEHUDWLRQDQG&RQVHQVXV
RAPHAEL SCHLEMBACH
University of Salford
Abstract
This theoretical paper takes as its starting point the sociology of Alain Touraine, and DSSOLHVLWWRVWXG\WKHPRELOLVDWLRQVRIWKHµLQGLJQDGRV¶WKDWKDYHEHFRPHPDQLIHVWLQ
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society, this paper engages recent literature and research that analyses contemporary VRFLHW\DVµSRVWSROLWLFDO¶:ULWHUVVXFKDV5DQFLqUHRU=L]HNPDNHWKHFDVHWKDWWRGD\¶V
VRFLHW\LVGH¿QHGE\DIRUHFORVXUHRISXEOLFGHEDWHZKLFKZRXOGDOORZIRUDQDOWHUQD-
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Keywords
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Introduction
With criticisms of economic globalisation making it less and less to the surface of public debate, and the IXQGDPHQWDOTXHVWLRQVRIVRFLDORUJDQLVDWLRQVRFRPSOHWHO\PRQRSROLVHGE\WKHVWDWHGQHFHVVLW\IRUHFR-
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these tensions appeared in unlikely places. Suddenly, pro-democracy protests took grip of the Arab World DQGJUDGXDOO\LQÀXHQFHGDQGLQVSLUHGQHZPRELOLVDWLRQVLQ(XURSH1RUWK$PHULFDDQGHOVHZKHUH,QWKH
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Touraine, a social movement is a particular moment in the historical trajectory of society understood as collectivity making and remaking itself. Historicity here refers to the ability of social actors to produce the 235
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as the 15-M protests in Spain, or Occupy Wall Street, as products of and challengers to the social conditions LQZKLFKWKH\HPHUJH)URPWKLVSHUVSHFWLYHZHFDQDQDO\VHWKHPRYHPHQWV¶SRVLWLRQVRQTXHVWLRQVRIIRU
example, democracy or political economy.
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by a hegemonic dominance of neo-liberal ideas over the realm of public discussion and deliberation. They argue that political economy, rather than being contested or criticised, is increasingly being policed and ad-
ministered by technocratic arrangements that leave no space for political debate. As such, the existing neo-
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for any challenge to the present socio-economic relations.
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The social movement in programmed society
Alain Touraine argued that the practical task of movement research is «WRGLVFRYHUWKHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWZKLFKLQSURJUDPPHGVRFLHW\ZLOORFFXS\WKHFHQWUDOSRVLWLRQKHOGE\WKHZRUN-
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(Touraine, 1981: 24).
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movement, or anti-corruption protests in Russia. Such movements respond to an increasingly technocratic PDQDJHPHQWRIHFRQRPLFFULVLVDQGLPSRVLWLRQRIDXVWHULW\SURJUDPPHVZKLFKRSHQVXSTXHVWLRQVDERXW
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political and deliberative spheres are being closed by a hegemonic dominance of neo-liberal ideas over the UHDOPRISXEOLFGLVFXVVLRQ7KHVHQHZPRELOLVDWLRQVEULQJWROLJKWWKHDUJXPHQWWKDWSROLWLFDOHFRQRP\
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ments that leave no space for political debate.
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bilisations as both a product of and a challenge to the present economic crisis and its management. Second, 7RXUDLQH¶VIRFXVRQVRFLDODFWRUVDQGKLVWRULFLW\UDWKHUWKDQDV\VWHPVWKHRU\DOORZVIRUDQLQYHVWLJDWLRQ
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society emphasises a number of social characteristics (of production) that can inform the analysis of the FXUUHQWµSRVWSROLWLFDO¶VRFLDODUUDQJHPHQW0RVWLQWULJXLQJO\WKHHQJDJHPHQWZLWK7RXUDLQH¶VVRFLRORJ\
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their participants, but must explain them in their endogenous relationship to the production of society itself.
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grammar of forms of life” (Habermas, 1987: 392). At the heart of such an approach lies the analysis of a changing pattern of social organisation. Touraine, in particular, considers a shift from an industrial to a pro-
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corresponded to the emergence of post-Fordist and de-centralised patterns of production and consumption. Melucci, for example, abandons the concept of class relationship as economic reductionist and instead re-
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and seek to defend an alternative mode of living.
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of analysis. Rather than a systems theory of society, Touraine reintroduces the agency of actors into the IUDPHZRUNRIDQDO\VLVUHMHFWLQJWKHRSSRVLWLRQRIREMHFWLYHV\VWHPDQGVXEMHFWLYHDFWRU$FFRUGLQJO\D
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form of struggle, but is also understood as a dynamic process of human activity. Touraine is thus concerned ZLWK DV DUH RWKHU WKHRULVWV RI WKH QHZ VRFLDO PRYHPHQWV LGHQWLI\LQJ WKH KLVWRULFDO VXEMHFW RI V\VWHPLF
change that is capable to formalise revolutionary values in collective action. While in industrial society, VWUXJJOHZDVFHQWUHGRQRZQHUVKLSDQGUHGLVWULEXWLRQRIPDWHULDOZHDOWK7RXUDLQHDQDO\VHVSRVWLQGXVWULDO
or programmed society as shaped by technocratic concerns:
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(Touraine, 1971: 27) In programmed society economic decisions are no longer purely based on accumulation of capital through WKHGLUHFWH[SORLWDWLRQRISUR¿WDEOHODERXU'HFLVLRQPDNLQJLVPRUHEXUHDXFUDWLVHGDQGUDWLRQDOLVHGRQD
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Technocracy does not mean the replacement of political choices by technical choices. Such an idea does not correspond WRDQ\VRFLHW\DQGFDQRQO\VXJJHVWDXWRSLDRIOLWWOHLPSRUWDQFH1RVRFLHW\FDQUHGXFHHQGVWRPHDQVDQGIXQFWLRQZLWK-
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Recent formal responses to the eurozone crisis are telling. The appointments of, for example the former university rector and EU Commissioner Mario Monti both as Prime Minister of Italy and Minister of Econ-
omy and Finance, or of ex-European Central Bank employee and Harvard professor Lucas Papademos as Prime Minister of Greece, can be thought of very much as an a-political, technocratic response. Their ser-
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continuing importance of class struggle for a sociological analysis of social movements. His sociology of DFWLRQLVGHFLGHGO\VWLOODFRQÀLFWWKHRU\)RUKLPQHZIRUPVRISURGXFWLRQDQGWKHFHQWUDOLW\RILQIRUPD-
tion did not lead to a dispersal of struggles to the point that their common purpose is indiscernible. Rather WKHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWLVVWLOOSUHVHQWLQWKHFHQWUDOLW\RIFRQÀLFW7KXVZKLOHWKHFHQWUDORUWKRGR[0DU[LVW
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social form” (Touraine, 1988: 18). $VVXFKWKHGLVFLSOLQHRIVRFLRORJ\LVWLHGLQWRWKHHPHUJHQFHRIDVRFLDOPRYHPHQW,Q7RXUDLQH¶V
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grammed society emphasises the contest of different political and cultural trajectories. The social movement in post-political society
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neo-liberalism. Of course the collapse of real-existing socialism and the rise of an economic consensus based on market ideology contributed to the foreclosure of actual and practical possibilities to imagine alternative IRUPVRIVRFLDORUJDQLVDWLRQ:KDWLVHYHQPRUHKRZHYHUWKHSUHVHQWFULVLVRIQHROLEHUDOLVPKDVGRQHOLWWOH
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239
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zombie, a body stripped of its goals, unable to adjust itself to the future, unable to make plans. A zombie can only DFWKDELWXDOO\FRQWLQXLQJWRRSHUDWHHYHQDVLWGHFRPSRVHV,VQ¶WWKLVZKHUHZH¿QGRXUVHOYHVWRGD\LQWKHZRUOGRI
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This seems to be the current nature of the post-ideological or post-political society. Despite the apparent FULVHVSHUSHWXDWHGE\WKHGRPLQDQWHFRQRPLFIUDPHZRUNDOWHUQDWLYHYLVLRQVUHPDLQODUJHO\KLGGHQIURPSXE-
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of administration and management of the existing society and of socioeconomic relations and matters of ecological concern. Rather than ideological debate being the driving force behind social change, it is bu-
reaucrats and technocrats that act as gatekeepers and promote certain interests over others. So the processes RISRVWSROLWLFLVDWLRQDUHQRWWREHHTXDWHGZLWKGHRUDSROLWLFDOFRQGLWLRQV2QWKHFRQWUDU\WKH\VLPSO\
describe the complete monopoly over the political by the liberal democratic and neo-liberal consensus.
Moreover, increased populist measures to enhance participation in formal democratic processes are not HQRXJK,QIDFWWKH\RIWHQJRKDQGLQKDQGZLWKDWWHPSWVWRNHHSSROLWLFVRXWRISROLF\
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called democratic regimes. It appeared as the internal exhaustion of democratic debate. The end of the socialist alter-
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supreme democratic value (Rancière, 2004b: 3-4).
In contrast to the real democracy demanded and enacted by the global occupy activists, liberal democ-
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neo-liberalism as the only thinkable economic logic has had as an effect the foreclosure of political utopia. 7KLVGRHVQRWPHDQWKDWGHPRFUDF\LQLWVHOILVQRWD¿HOGZKHUHGLIIHULQJSRVLWLRQVDUHSRVVLEOH)RUPDO
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participatory elements and populist measures such as referenda or citizen consultations. Consensus, for Rancière, is the negation of politics, and therefore of social change. Politics (the notion he terms le SROLWLTXH) instead needs to be understood as antagonism, as disagreement. This disagreement LVSUHFLVHO\DQHFHVVDU\RXWFRPHRIGLIIHULQJYDOXHVDQGQRWLRQVRIµWKHFRPPRQ¶3ROLWLFVLVQRWKLQJRWKHU
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political. The LQGLJQDGRV pose a challenge to this police order. They react against the idea that it should be left to experts (economists, elected representatives and so on) to decide on the best representation of WKHFRPPRQ7KHSURFODPDWLRQµZHDUHWKHSHUFHQW¶UHSUHVHQWVDQµD[LRPDWLFFODLPRIHTXDOLW\¶E\WKH
majority to take part in the political determination of public matters. The police order defends the very perimeters of the possible and the impossible, a certain “distribution of the sensible” determining “the place and the stakes of politics as a form of experience” (Rancière, 2004a: ,WLQYROYHV³QRWVRPXFKWKHGLVFLSOLQLQJRIERGLHVDVDUXOHJRYHUQLQJWKHLUDSSHDULQJDFRQ¿JXUDWLRQ
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This can at times play out very literally as the policing of protest and public assemblies. In fact, the occupa-
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order more than the protests directed at established channels of politics:
Police interventions in public spaces consist primarily not in interpellating demonstrators, but in breaking up demon-
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nothing to see and so nothing to do but move along. It asserts that the space for circulating is nothing but the space of circulation (Rancière, 2010: 37). ,WLVWKHYHU\DFWRIUHFODLPLQJSXEOLFVSDFHWKDWSRVHVWKHFKDOOHQJHWRWKLVRUGHULQWKH¿UVWLQVWDQFH
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protest but debate and participation – in themselves represent the axiomatic claim that public spaces are the loci of political deliberation and action. The Occupy movement and the protests of the LQGLJQDGRVGLGQRWEHJLQLQDSUHGH¿QHGSROLWLFDOVSDFH
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and the talent to speak, around the properties of spaces and the possibilities of time” (Rancière, 2004a: 13).
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Where the fundamental aspect of post-political society relates to a hegemonic closure of deliberative VSDFHDVRFLDOPRYHPHQWZRXOGEHSUHFLVHO\WKHFKDOOHQJHWRWKDWSDUDGLJP:HSRVLWWKHK\SRWKHVLVWKDW
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society. The movement is characterised at once by a re-politicisation and deliberation of the fundamentals RIZKDW7RXUDLQHHVWDEOLVKHVDVWKHSURJUDPPHGVRFLHW\QDPHO\HFRQRPLFJURZWK2QWKHRWKHUKDQGWKH
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fundamentally, the self-understanding of many participants paints the movement not as a protest but as a SUH¿JXUDWLYHHQDFWPHQWRIGLUHFWGHPRFUDF\
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makes the case that the means and ends of struggle should not be separated. Social change, or revolution, KHUHLVDQDFWRIWKHSUHVHQFHQRWDJRDOWREHDFKLHYHGLQWKHIXWXUH,QDFWLYLVWSROLWLFVSUH¿JXUDWLRQWKXV
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insistence on acting as if one is already free” (Graeber, 2011) 3UH¿JXUDWLRQLVWKXVDSHUIRUPDWLYHDFW,WVXWWHUDQFHRUSHUIRUPDQFHLVLQVHSDUDEOHIURPZKDWLWSUR-
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possible becomes subverted. 7KHRFFXSDWLRQRIVSDFHRIVTXDUHVDQGSXEOLFSDUNVKDVDFWHGDVDSUH¿JXUDWLYHHOHPHQWWRWKH2FFXS\
movement. The movement is explicitly not demand based. It does not ask concessions or policy implemen-
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242
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praxis and social engagement being made in the occupations avoid the empty ideals and stale parliamentarianism that the term democracy has come to represent. And so the occupations must continue, because there is no one left to ask for reform. 7KH\PXVWFRQWLQXHEHFDXVHZHDUHFUHDWLQJZKDWZHFDQQRORQJHUZDLWIRU&RPUDGHVIURP&DLUR
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Deliberation
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ist magazine $GEXVWHUVDVNLQJµZKDWLVRXURQHGHPDQG¶0XFKKDVEHHQPDGHRIWKHIDFWWKDWWKH2FFXS\
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Demands have of course resulted from this process of deliberation and discussion. They often relate to JUHDWHUWUDQVSDUHQF\UHGLVWULEXWLRQRIZHDOWKDQGUHJXODWLRQRIWKH¿QDQFLDOVHFWRU,Q6SDLQWKHPRYHPHQW
of the LQGLJQDGRVKDGDOUHDG\SKUDVHGWKHLURQHGHPDQGµUHDOGHPRFUDF\QRZ¶%XWWKLVZDVQRWWREHGHOLY-
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its utterance by thousands of people in the streets. Here deliberation stood at the forefront of the movement.
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of such a deliberative and rational space for the 99 percent is not accidental. It is the very means to achieve participation and an objective assessment of diverging arguments, through the objective distinction of fact DQGYDOXH,WLVSHUIRUPDWLYHLQWKHVHQVHWKDWLWLVDVVXPHVWKDWSDUWLFLSDWRU\SURFHVVHVZRXOGDOORZIRUDU-
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243
But this Habermasian focus on communication, deliberation and language is unsatisfactory, as much as it appears to guide the project of General Assemblies and consensus-decision making. As Rancière EZULWHVLWLVDOZD\VDQDUJXPHQWDQGGLVDJUHHPHQWRYHUZKDWFRXOGFRQVWLWXWHDµFRPPRQ¶YDOXH
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symptomatic of a consensual style of post-politics. At the same time of course, the deliberative practices RIWKHQHZPRELOLVDWLRQVGRQRQHWKHOHVVSUHVHQWDQDQWDJRQLVWLFFKDOOHQJHWRWKHIRUPDOGHPRFUDWLFDQG
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Consensus
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anarchists, eco-movements and others as a method adapt to the current situation of horizontal movement struggles. The recent mobilisations have popularised the method and its principles.
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processes thus point out the limits of such attempts at participatory decision-making and instead postulate WKHYDOXHVRIFRQÀLFWDQGLQ&KDQWDO0RXIIH¶VWHUPVµDJRQLVWLFSOXUDOLVP¶0RXIIH0RXIIH
reiterates the point that increased participation does not necessarily lead to more direct forms of democracy. 7KHXVHRIQHZVRFLDOPHGLDWKDWKDVEHHQKHUDOGHGE\PDQ\DVDNH\FRQWULEXWRUWRWKHQHZPRELOLVDWLRQV
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ecological importance not in political terms, but as problems to be solved and administered by means of an instrumental rationalism. Where Occupy activists argue that political ideologies and traditional categories of OHIWDQGULJKWDUHWREHWUDQVJUHVVHGLQWKHQDPHRIµZHWKHSHRSOH¶RUµWKHSHUFHQW¶WKLVKDVWKHHIIHFWRI
banishing partisan and oppositional politics in favour of a post-political technocratic and populist response to WKHH[LVWLQJGHPRFUDWLFGH¿FLW$VVXPLQJWKDWSROLWLFDOKDUPRQ\PXVWUHVXOWIURPUDWLRQDOSURFHVVHVRIGHOLE-
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244
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pressure on political parties. This is clearly not enough to impose a reorganisation of social life. To do that, one needs a VWURQJERG\DEOHWRUHDFKTXLFNGHFLVLRQVDQGWRLPSOHPHQWWKHPZLWKDOOQHFHVVDU\KDUVKQHVV=L]HNE
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Rather it seeks to, in an inversion of post-political domination, to re-open a deliberative space for discus-
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derstood as symbols of the post-political. Rather than offering a challenge to the neo-liberal they create DQDUUDWLYHLQZKLFKWKHSURFHVVDQGPHWKRGRIGLVFXVVLRQUHFHLYHVPRUHHPSKDVLVWKDQWKHHYHQWXDORXW-
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conception as an antagonistic, if contradictory, challenge to technocratic society.
Conclusions
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2) Processes of deliberation and consensus simultaneously banish and seek to reintroduce political dis-
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post-political dynamics that they have emerged from.
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speak of a social movement if its global nature is hardly apparent, and its internal logic ravaged by con-
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sense to speak of even localised movements. Nonetheless, heterogeneity evident in Puerta del Sol or on 245
Wall Street, or declining numbers at their General Assemblies, do not necessarily signal a decline of the social movement in post-political society. A social movement cannot be reduced to simply a succession of occupations, demonstrations and direct actions. The Occupy Movement as a social movement might not SURJUHVVLQDOLQHDUIDVKLRQGLVUXSWLRQVGLVFRQWLQXLWLHVDUHSDUWRILW
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tempting to take control of the possibility and impossibility of doing politics and of social change. Its aims, as contradictory as they may seem, must not be understood in terms of consciousness and ideology of its participants. Nonetheless, its actions are political in the sense that they present a challenge to and a possible going-beyond the post-political condition that they have been born out of. It is from the contradictions and LQKHUHQWFRQÀLFWVRIVRFLHW\WKDWWKHVHPRELOLVDWLRQVKDYHHPHUJHGDQGDVVXFKWKH\DUHERWKGHOLPLWHGE\
LWDQGDYLVLRQRIVRPHWKLQJQHZ,Q5DQFLqUH¶VWHUPVWKHPRYHIURPWKHVRFLDOWRWKHSROLWLFDOLVDQDFWRI
GLVVHQVXVLWUHSUHVHQWVWKHQHJDWLRQRIWKHIRUPDOGLYLGHEHWZHHQWKHSROLWLFDODQGWKHSULYDWH2ULQ=L]HN¶V
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1R\V%7KH3HUVLVWHQFHRIWKH1HJDWLYH$&ULWLTXHRI&RQWHPSRUDU\&RQWLQHQWDO3KLORVRSK\(GLQEXUJK(GLQEXUJK8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV
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247
‘Environment… but for other reasons’: Asserting control, sovereignty, and transgression in the Casc Antic of Barcelona
ISABELLE ANGUELOVSKI1
Institute of Environmental Science and Technology (ICTA) and Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT)
Abstract 'XULQJWKHSDVW¿IWHHQ\HDUVWKH&DVF$QWLFDWUDGLWLRQDOO\ORZLQFRPHDQGLPPLJUDQW
neighborhood in Barcelona, has been the site of community-based organization to re-
vitalize abandoned areas and improve environmental conditions. The mobilization of UHVLGHQWVDQGWKHLUVXSSRUWHUVLVVLWXDWHGZLWKLQDFRQWH[WRIXUEDQSROLWLFDODQGVRFLR
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global, and technology- and service-focused restructuring has been accompanied by ris-
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frame as they understand, resist, and challenge their marginality. Why do residents of marginalized neighborhoods and their supporters organize to proactively improve liv-
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marginalized communities serve as means to advance more complex political agendas LQWKHFLW\"7KURXJKWKHH[DPLQDWLRQRIDQHPEOHPDWLFFDVHRIQHLJKERUKRRGRUJDQL-
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environmental endeavors as tools to address stigmas about their place, control the land and its boundaries, and build a more transgressive form of democracy. Keywords
urban movements, environmental revitalization, marginalized neighborhoods, land control, borders, deepening democracy
Introduction
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doned and degraded areas and improve local livability. First, residents and their supporters self-construct-
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to advocate for structural and sanitation improvements to existing housing, create better recreational and ,VDEHOOH$QJXHORYVNL,QVWLWXWHRI(QYLURQPHQWDO6FLHQFHVDQG7HFKQRORJ\,&7$8QLYHUVLWDW$XWzQRPDGH%DUFHORQD6SDLQ%HOODWHUD%DUFH-
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248
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management and recycling practices. 7KLVDFWLYLVPLOOXVWUDWHVKRZGHVSLWHWKHIUDJLOHVRFLRHFRQRPLFFRQGLWLRQVRIWKHLUFRPPXQLW\DQGWKH
vulnerable situation of many families, residents of historically marginalized neighborhoods proactively ZRUNWRLPSURYHORFDOOLYLQJFRQGLWLRQVDQGEXLOGEURDGVXSSRUWDURXQGWKHP3UHYLRXVUHVHDUFKKDVVKRZQ
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neighborhoods have also tended to get the poorest environmental services, such as street cleaning, open VSDFHPDLQWHQDQFHDQGVROLGZDVWHPDQDJHPHQWZKLOHZHDOWKLHUDQGZKLWHFRPPXQLWLHVKDYHEHQH¿WHG
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cal struggles for improved livability, such as the ones in Barcelona, challenge assumptions that residents LQXUEDQGLVWUHVVHGFRPPXQLWLHVGRQRWKDYHWKHSRZHURUUHVRXUFHVWRRUJDQL]HRYHUWKHORQJWHUPDQGDUH
not committed to their neighborhood.
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Furthermore, much of the environmental justice research in cities has examined particular types of pol-
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mundane but chronic manifestations of socio-ecological injustice in the urban space. ,QWKLVSDSHU,IRFXVRQWKHIROORZLQJTXHVWLRQV:K\GRUHVLGHQWVRIVHHPLQJO\PDUJLQDOL]HGQHLJKERU-
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mental struggles of marginalized communities serve as means to advance more complex political agendas LQWKHFLW\"7KURXJKWKHH[DPLQDWLRQRIDFULWLFDODQGHPEOHPDWLFFDVHRIQHLJKERUKRRGRUJDQL]DWLRQIRU
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supporters use their environmental endeavors to address stigmas about their place, control the land and its boundaries, and build a more transgressive and spontaneous form of democracy. Environmental initiatives DUHQRWPHUHO\DQHQGSHUVHEXWEHFRPHDWRRODQGDPHFKDQLVPWRZDUGVDGYDQFLQJEURDGHUSROLWLFDO
agendas in the city. 249
Urban development and the rise of local contestation
Processes of urban change In the 1920s, the Chicago school of sociology undertook early studies of urban neighborhood change. At that time, scholars such as Ernest Burgess advanced a deterministic ecological model of invasion and VXFFHVVLRQRIORZLQFRPHFODVVHVLQWKHFLW\E\SLFWXULQJFRQFHQWULFFLUFOHVRIJURXSVDQGDFWLYLWLHV/DWHU
scholars presented urban change differently, arguing that urban elites, rentiers, and the economic and po-
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accumulation, and this at the detriment of social redistribution, community cohesion, and strong local JRYHUQPHQW7KHUHFHQWLQWHJUDWLRQRIFLWLHVLQWKHJOREDOHFRQRP\KDVWUDQVIRUPHGWKHPLQWRQRGHVZLWKLQ
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mobilization, development ends up being spatially uneven throughout the city. 7KHFLW\LVRIWHQVHHQDVWKHVRFLRVSDWLDOXQLWZKHUHWKHFRQWUDGLFWLRQVRIFDSLWDOLVWGHYHORSPHQWDUHSUR-
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and neighborhood degradation for inner city poorer and minority residents. In Europe, entrepreneurial cities such as London and Barcelona compete to position themselves favorably but fail to properly regulate capital LQYHVWPHQW$VDUHVXOWLQLQQHUFLW\QHLJKERUKRRGVZRUNLQJFODVVUHVLGHQWVRIWHQLQWHUPL[ZLWKSURIHVVLRQDOV
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use of these resources over time. A dialectical dynamic is present at the center of spatial injustices: social and human processes shape spatial patterns, as much as spatial patterns shape social processes (Soja, 2009). Examples range from the redlining of urban investments, purposeful residential segregation, open space SODQQLQJDPRQJRWKHUV6SDWLDOLQMXVWLFHVDUHYLHZHGDVFRQVWUXFWHGRQDVSDFHWKDWV\VWHPDWLFDOO\FUHDWHV
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The rise of multiple forms of contestation
Amidst these processes of development and exclusion, the urban space has long been the object of political struggles, as a constraint at times, or a facilitator of collective action at others. Tensions tend to DULVHLQXUEDQOLIHZKHQWZRVHWVRIXUEDQDFWRUV±SODFHHQWUHSUHQHXUVDQGFRPPXQLW\UHVLGHQWV±FRPSHWH
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250
and labor, as the resistance of violent capitalist accumulation , or as the embodiment of struggles over the “production, management, and use of the urban built environment”. In many cases, the neighborhood is the space and focus of collective action. Here, the intimate bond of community identity among residents is the source of social cohesion, shared interests, and neighborhood collective organization. Residents take action to defend economic and housing development, poverty re-
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through multiple experiences, such as mortgage lending practices, territorial apartheid, or environmental in-
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litical (and not environmental): They are spaces of contestation for groups that usually have no place or name. More recently, urban movements seem to coalesce around broader and more encompassing claims. For LQVWDQFH(-RUJDQL]DWLRQVKDYHUHGH¿QHG³HQYLURQPHQW´LQDKROLVWLFZD\DVWKHSODFHZKHUHSHRSOHOLYH
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right to clean transit, healthy and affordable food, green and affordable green housing, and to green jobs. ,QRWKHULQVWDQFHVXUEDQUHVLGHQWVGHPDQGDUHYLWDOL]HGFRVPRSROLWDQDQGMXVWFLW\ZLWKERWKFRQFUHWH
outcomes and open processes of participation, contestation, and democratic planning. Many claims reso-
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conditions necessary for communities to thrive. Such demands often seem connected to the “right to the city.” This right is earned through taking part in WKHGDLO\PDNLQJRIWKHXUEDQIDEULFE\OLYLQJLQWKHFLW\DVZHOODVE\PHHWLQJSDUWLFXODUUHVSRQVLELOLWLHV
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land, and demands for greater democracy. Last, cities are the space of more subtle and daily forms of contestation. This contestation takes the form RISODFHLGHQWLW\UHFRQVWUXFWLRQDQGGLVDYRZDO5HVLGHQWVZLWKLQPDUJLQDOL]HGQHLJKERUKRRGVRIWHQFRQ-
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housing conditions, and in turn create meaningful and autonomous images of place and community. For instance, the lived experiences of residents in HOPE VI projects in the United States reveal the presence of ZHOOIXQFWLRQLQJQHWZRUNVZKLFKDOORZVUHVLGHQWVWROD\GRZQURRWVDQGFUHDWHERQGVRIPXWXDOVXSSRUW
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personal identity tied to a place.
251
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sist, and challenge their marginality. In fact, urban processes are not merely a background in local struggles for improved local environment and health conditions. They impact neighborhood stability and community RUJDQL]DWLRQ DQG LQÀXHQFH WKH PLQGVHW SRVLWLRQLQJ DQG YLVLRQV RI UHVLGHQWV DQG WKHLU VXSSRUWHUV<HW
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and history of urban change. Most environmental justice studies in cities have focused on different types RISROOXWLRQZLWKRXWJLYLQJHQRXJKDWWHQWLRQWRWKHHYHU\GD\FKDUDFWHULVWLFVRIXUEDQODQGVFDSHVDQGWKH
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is the focus of this article. Methods
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In parallel, I observed numerous meetings and events, and engaged in participant observation of projects focused on environmental and health improvements, in order to better understand the goals and visions of UHVLGHQWVDQGWKHLUVXSSRUWHUVWKHGHYHORSPHQWRIWKHLUHQJDJHPHQWDVZHOODVWKHKXUGOHVWKH\HQFRXQWHU
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city and neighborhood. Finally, I collected publications, reports, and records produced by organizations ZRUNLQJRQHQYLURQPHQWDODQGKHDOWKLVVXHVDQGXUEDQUHYLWDOL]DWLRQLQWKHQHLJKERUKRRG
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UHYLWDOL]DWLRQ,QSDUDOOHO,XVHGSURFHVVWUDFLQJWHFKQLTXHVWRH[SODLQGHFLVLRQSURFHVVHVZKLFKOHGIURP
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FRPPXQLW\HQJDJHPHQWEXLOWXSRQUHVLGHQWV¶DQGRUJDQL]DWLRQV¶FROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\EURDGHUXUEDQG\QDP-
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historical and analytic narratives to contextualize the process of neighborhood mobilization and understand the role of the local history of marginalization and urban development projects in motivating the initiatives of activists for greater livability. A convoluted process of socio-environmental revitalization in the Casc Antic
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DQGWKURXJKRXWWKHVWKHQHZO\GHPRFUDWLF0XQLFLSDOLW\RI%DUFHORQDGHYHORSHG6SHFLDO3ODQV
IRU,QWHUQDO5HIRUPV3(5,VIRUGHJUDGHGDUHDVRIWKH2OG7RZQDQGUHLQYHVWHGODUJHSXEOLFUHVRXUFHV
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revitalization, the municipality made changes to zoning and building norms in order to maximize the use RIVSDFH+RZHYHUWKLVUHYLWDOL]DWLRQZDVDFFRPSDQLHGE\SUDFWLFHVVXFKDVPREELQJ±WHQDQWKDUDVVPHQW
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in the active or passive degradation of buildings and apartments and the participation in the active deteriora-
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displaced and 1,078 buildings destroyed. At the same time, private developers started buying old empty buildings, restored them, and sold them for much higher prices. As a result, today, in some streets of the %RUQSDUWRIWKH&DVF$QWLFWKHVHOOLQJSULFHRIDKRPHLVWZHQW\WLPHVWKHPHDQDQQXDOSHUFDSLWDLQFRPH
Despite substantial reinvestment in the neighborhood, at the end of the 1990s the state of most remaining EXLOGLQJVLQWKH&DVF$QWLFZDVLQOHVVWKDQDGHTXDWHVWDWH0DQ\ZHUHQRWVWUXFWXUDOO\VDIHDQGUHTXLUHG
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253
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of old buildings produced landscapes that reminded visitors of the landscapes of Barcelona during the Civil :DU,QWKHSODFHRIEXLOGLQJVYLVLWRUVUHVLGHQWVRUFRQWUDFWRUVGXPSHGZDVWHDQGUXEELVK
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comparison to those of other neighborhoods. 'HVSLWHWKHVHDGYHUVHFLUFXPVWDQFHVORFDODFWLYLVWVWRRNWKHOHDGWRLPSURYHWKHHQYLURQPHQWDOTXDOLW\
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transformations also produced disenchantment among the civil society. For instance, in the Casc Antic, 352&,9(6$±WKHSXEOLFSULYDWHFRPSDQ\LQFKDUJHRIWKHROGWRZQUHPRGHOLQJ±H[SURSULDWHGUHVLGHQWV
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FOHDQXSVDQGWKLVGHVSLWHWKHORQJ¿JKWWKDWHQVXHG±DWWLPHVYLROHQW±EHWZHHQUHVLGHQWVORFDORI¿FLDOV
DQGWKHSROLFH$WWKHHQGRI&DUORV0DUWLWKH2OG7RZQ0DQDJHUDQQRXQFHGWKDWWKHSODQWREXLOGD
SDUNLQJZRXOGEHFDQFHOOHGDQGWKDWWKHSURSRVDOVRIWKHQHLJKERUVUHVSHFWHGE\WKHPXQLFLSDOLW\7KDWVDLG
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tal behavior and prepare social events around the harvest from the garden based on the ethnic origins of the UHVLGHQWV7KHGHYHORSPHQWRIWKHJDUGHQLVFORVHO\FRXSOHGZLWKWKHZRUNRIORFDOHQYLURQPHQWDOJURXSV
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254
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is considered a logical outcome of years community demands. The Lei de Barris has resulted in environ-
mental improvements in the Casc Antic from 2005 until today for 2.04 million Euros of investment in pub-
lic space and green area, 1.5 million Euros in building rehabilitation and sanitation, 9.6 million in collective HTXLSPHQWDQG(XURVLQLPSURYHGZDVWHPDQDJHPHQW,QDGGLWLRQWKH&LW\KDVEXLOWVPDOOJUHHQ
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ZDVWHDFFXPXODWLRQ7KH$OODGD9HUPHOOSOD]DDQROGSXEOLFVSDFHLQWKHQHLJKERUKRRGZDVDOVRUHEXLOW
DIWHUUHVLGHQWFRPSODLQWVWRWKH&LW\ZLWKPXFKLPSURYHPHQWWRVDIHW\DQGWRSOD\JURXQGVWUXFWXUHV7KH
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After years of demands for improvement in sports, recreational spaces, and physical activity, local or-
ganizations received positive responses from the municipality. The Associació de Veins del Casc Antic and other community groups formed around sports (i.e., AECCA) had lobbied the municipality for a multi-
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organizations such as AECCA, Fundació Adsis, and Fundació Comtal have developed sports leagues and activities for at-risk youth groups on different sports grounds throughout the Casc Antic. ,QVXPUHVLGHQWVDQGDEURDGYDULHW\RIVXSSRUWHUVDQGQHWZRUNVDURXQGWKHPKDYHIUDPHGDQGGHIHQGHG
DQHLJKERUKRRGEDVHGYLVLRQIRUHQYLURQPHQWDODQGKHDOWKLPSURYHPHQWVLQWKH&DVF$QWLF+RZHYHUWKH
HQJDJHPHQWRIFRPPXQLW\DFWLYLVWVLQHQYLURQPHQWDOUHYLWDOL]DWLRQSURMHFWVRIWHQUHÀHFWVPRUHFRPSOH[
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The construction of complex and multi-level political agendas: Community power, land and border control, and deepening democracy
Combating outside threats while enhancing commitment to the neighborhood The narratives of community activists in the Casc Antic reveal that their involvement in environmental UHYLWDOL]DWLRQZRUNRUDGYRFDF\LVDVHJXHWRFRQWHVWLQJXUEDQSROLFLHVLQ%DUFHORQDDQGH[SUHVVLQJDUHMHF-
WLRQRIVHHLQJWKHLUQHLJKERUKRRGDQGPRUHJHQHUDOO\WKHZKROHFLW\WUDQVIRUPHGLQWRD³WKHPDWLFSDUN´
IRUWRXULVWVDQGXSSHUFODVVUHVLGHQWV,QWKDWUHJDUGWKH¿JKWVDQGUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKH)RUDWLQWRDJUHHQ
DUHDZDVDZD\IRUDFWLYLVWVWRH[SUHVVWKHLUGLVDSSURYDORIXUEDQSURMHFWVHQFURDFKPHQWDQGWRXULVPH[-
pansion in the Casc Antic, as long-time resident and activist Paco explains: ³$OOWKHVWRUHIURQWVDV\RXFDQVHHWKH\DUHDOOFORVHG$QGLIZHKDGDOORZHGWKHPWRGRWKLV>DSDUNLQJLQWKH)RUDW@
LWZRXOGWKHQEHDSDUNIRUVQREELVKSHRSOH7KHQHLJKERUKRRGJRWORVWRQFHDOUHDG\DQGZHGLGQRWZDQWLWWREHFRPH
ORVWDJDLQDQGZHEHOLHYHWKDWZLWKDJUHHQDUHDDQGZLWKOLIHWKHUHWKHQWKHQHLJKERUKRRGFRXOGUHVLVWWKLV´
255
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tive to defend a green area from the threat of speculative projects and to humanize an urban space devas-
tated by massive and indiscriminatory destructions deserves respect from the public institutions.” Activists UHVLVWHGDW\SHRIXUEDQLVPWKDWLJQRUHGUHVLGHQWV¶GDLO\SUREOHPVVXFKDVDFFHVVWRDIIRUGDEOHDQGKHDOWK\
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H[SOLFLWLQWKHPLQGVRIZRUNHUVLQ&DVF$QWLFVXFKDVVRFLDODUFKLWHFWVRUVRFLDOZRUNHUVZKRVXSSRUWHG
WKHQHLJKERUKRRG¿JKWVLQWKH)RUDWWKURXJKSURWHVWVRUWHFKQLFDODVVHVVPHQWZRUN7KH\VDZWKHLUHQJDJH-
PHQWDVDZD\WRPDNHWKHFLW\PRUHOLYDEOHIRULWVUHVLGHQWVIRUWKHSHRSOHZKRXVHLWDVH[SUHVVHGE\
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“The right to the city is that the citizen gets respected as a city and the city is done for the citizen, and not the citizen IRUWKHFLW\7KHFLW\GRHVQRWRQO\EHORQJWRWKRVHZKRRZQODQGDQGGRVSHFXODWLRQZKLFKDUHRIWHQJDQJVWHUV>«@
6RZKHQWKHFLW\ZDQWVWRJDLQSRZHUWRH[SORLWLWDVDQREMHFWRIH[SORLWDWLRQWKHQWKHFLW\UHEHOVDQGVD\V³OLVWHQ´
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UHVLGHQWV¶GHFLVLRQVDVGDLO\XVHUVRIWKHVSDFHDQGWRHUDVHWKHSUHVHQFHRIWKHPXQLFLSDOLW\DQGRIFDSLWDO-
LVWLQWHUHVWV(QYLURQPHQWDOZRUNLQWKH&DVF$QWLFLVDSODWIRUPDQGDWRROWRKHOSUHVLGHQWVUHJDLQDULJKW
to their neighborhood.
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LQJWKHLUQHLJKERUKRRGWKH\DOVRZRUNWRLQFUHDVHWKHFRPPLWPHQWRIUHVLGHQWVDQGRXWVLGHIRUFHVWRWKHLU
neighborhood and to create a movement for continuous socio-environmental change. For instance, the en-
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KRRGSOD]DV,QWKHLUPLQGVXFKLPSURYHPHQWZDVPHDQWWRLPSURYHUHVLGHQWV¶OHYHORIFRPIRUWLQFUHDVH
the value that they assign to their neighborhood, enhance their self-esteem, but also create impetus for JUHDWHUUHVLGHQWHQJDJHPHQWDQGSDUWLFLSDWLRQ$VPXFKDVDFWLYLVWVZRUNHGWRLQFUHDVHLQWHUQDOQHLJKERU-
hood support and participation in their initiatives, they also sought and found the help of external actors, VXFKDVODZ\HUVDUWLVWVVRFLDODUFKLWHFWVXQLYHUVLW\SURIHVVRUVPRYLHGLUHFWRUVRUVTXDWWHUV)RULQVWDQFH
FRPPXQLW\OHDGHUVLQYLWHGRUJDQL]DWLRQVVXFKDV$UFKLWHFWVZLWKRXW%RUGHUVWRRUJDQL]HGHVLJQFKDUUHWWHV for the permanent reconstruction of the Forat and help facilitate the meetings. This technical involvement HYHQWXDOO\DOORZHGFRPPXQLW\SURMHFWVWRPRYHIRUZDUG$FWLYLVWVWKXVKDGWRPDQDJHDWULFN\EDODQFH
EHWZHHQWKHUHMHFWLRQRIRXWVLGHUVDVWKUHDWVDQGWKHFDOOIRUDEURDGVXSSRUW2QWKHRQHKDQGWKH\YRZHG
to preserve the neighborhood for its residents and create a stronger sense of place for them, but, on the other hand, had to gather a variety of outside supporters around them.
Fighting stigmas and creating rootedness 7KH&DVF$QWLFZDVORQJLPEXHGZLWKQHJDWLYHLPDJHVFRQFHUQLQJLWVUHVLGHQWVWKHLUVRFLRHFRQRPLF
conditions, and a state of degradation. Municipal reports or press releases often emphasized its dramatic VWDWHRIGLVUHSDLUVRFLDOEDGVDQGXQZHOFRPLQJDWPRVSKHUH%\HQJDJLQJLQHQYLURQPHQWDODQGKHDOWK
256
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time, as community-based revitalization projects physically transformed the neighborhood and became ODQGPDUNVWKH\VORZO\FRQWULEXWHGWRFKDQJLQJLWVFRQQRWDWLRQ/RFDOVWUXJJOHVWRRNSODFHWRFKDOOHQJH
WKHLPDJLQDU\RISXEOLFRI¿FLDOVDQGSODQQHUVZKRGHWHUPLQHZKDWGHYHORSPHQWVQHHGWREHSULRULWL]HGLQ
WKHQHLJKERUKRRGDQGZKDWSODFHLWPXVWKDYHLQWKHFLW\$VDFWLYLVWVEHDXWL¿HGWKHQHLJKERUKRRGZLWK
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increase the legitimacy of the neighborhood and of a community-based vision for revitalization. Beyond changing the image of the Casc Antic, activists and their supporters emphasize that residents PDWWHUHGDQGWKDWWKH\KDGWREHWUHDWHGZLWKGLJQLW\DQGKDYHWKHLUYRLFHDQGYLVLRQ±IRUDOLYDEOHQHLJK-
ERUKRRGZLWKJUHHQDQGUHFUHDWLRQDOVSDFHVDQGDIIRUGDEOHKHDOWK\KRXVLQJ±KHDUGE\SXEOLFRI¿FLDOV
They connect their involvement in the Forat and their demands for improved environmental conditions WR¿JKWVDJDLQVWPXQLFLSDODEXVHDQGDJDLQVWWKHPLVXVHRI(8IXQGVJHDUHGWRZDUGVXUEDQUHKDELOLWDWLRQ
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older and vulnerable foreign residents resist expropriations and eviction and assert claims for the renova-
tion of their degraded apartment unit. José, one of the coordinator of the community garden in the Casc $QWLFDQGDQHDUO\SDUWLFLSDQWLQWKH)RUDW¿JKWVH[SODLQVKRZSXEOLFVSDFHPDLQWHQDQFHZRUNLQWKH)RUDW
ZDVWKHRFFDVLRQWRLQYLWHYXOQHUDEOHUHVLGHQWVDQGEHWWHUXQGHUVWDQGWKHLUQHHGV
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OHVVQR"6ROLGDULW\´
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regards to environmental privileges. Activists emphasize the importance of balancing access to environ-
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instance, Manolo, a garden volunteer, emphasizes the right of kids to have access to recreational areas in the Casc Antic:
³:HZHUHSXVKLQJIRUDSDUN$SDUNLVIRUNLGVWRSOD\DQGIRUDJDUGHQ,WKLQNWKLVEHWWHUWKDQDSDUNLQJ>«@:KHUH
ZRXOGEHNLGV¶UHFUHDWLRQWKHQ"7KH\KDYHWRJRWRDQRWKHUQHLJKERUKRRG"7KLVLVWKHLUQHLJKERUKRRG´
257
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privileged environmental services and conditions – as reference points. They consider that residents are enti-
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of their neighborhood on the map, and for creating a sense of place, rootedness, and security for residents. Controlling the land and managing borders
Community leaders and organizations in the Casc Antic realized early on the importance of controlling the land and its uses. Environmental revitalization projects are thus anchored more deeply in a need to UHFRQTXHUWKHODQGRIWKHFRPPXQLW\LQWKHXUEDQVSDFH$VWKHQHLJKERUKRRGLVDIIHFWHGE\ULVNVRIHQ-
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and transform it from an underutilized and mal-utilized space to an environmental friendly area and a true asset. An important component of land control is ensuring that policy-makers recognize the legitimacy of XVHVDQGWKHWHQXUHRIWKHODQGWRWKHFRPPXQLW\&RPPXQLW\JURXSVDQGRUJDQL]DWLRQVDUHYHU\DZDUHRI
the importance of ensuring a long term lease or zoning for playgrounds, park, community garden, or sports grounds so that residents can build a sense of control and stability.
Control over the land and territory does not stop at barren land and open space. It also includes the creation of enclosed spaces for physical activity, youth recreation, socio-cultural events, and community QXUWXULQJPRUHJHQHUDOO\DURXQGZKLFKUHVLGHQWVFDQJURZDVHQVHRIRZQHUVKLSDQGUHVSRQVLELOLW\IRU
their neighborhood and city. For instance, the sports association AECCA successfully negotiated spaces IRU\RXWKWUDLQLQJDWWKHQHZ&HQWUR(VSRUWLXJ\PDQGDWORFDOVFKRROVGHVSLWHWKHUHVLVWDQFHRIWKHORFDO
administration to open up the schools in fear of losing control over the activities developed there. They use WKHVHVSDFHVERWKIRUSK\VLFDOWUDLQLQJDVZHOODVFRPPXQLW\EXLOGLQJDFWLYLWLHVDQGPXOWLFXOWXUDOH[FKDQJH
,QWKHORQJWHUPWKHZRUGVRIDFWLYLVWVUHYHDOWKHLUDWWHPSWWRJRRQHVWHSIXUWKHUDQGDVVHUWWKHLURZQVRY-
ereignty and control over the neighborhood. To achieve territorial control, neighborhood sovereignty, and at times, superiority over outside groups, UHVLGHQWV¶ KDYH EXLOW FOHDU ERUGHUV ZLWK RXWVLGHUV LQ D SURFHVV RI GLIIHUHQWLDWLRQ RI ³XV´ YHUVXV ³WKHP´
7KUHHW\SHVRIERUGHUVGHWHUPLQHUHODWLRQVEHWZHHQGRPLQDWHGSHRSOHDQGDGRPLQDQWFXOWXUH3K\VLFDO
ERUGHUVWKDWGH¿QHWDQJLEOHWHUULWRULHVVRFLDODQGV\PEROLFERUGHUVWKDWGH¿QHPHPEHUVKLSVDQGFXOWXUDO
ERUGHUVWKDWVHSDUDWHZRUOGVRIPHDQLQJDPRQJSHRSOH6\PEROLFERXQGDULHVDUH³FRQFHSWXDOGLVWLQFWLRQV
WRFDWHJRUL]HREMHFWVSHRSOHSUDFWLFHVDQGHYHQWLPHDQGVSDFH´ZKHUHDV³VRFLDOERXQGDULHVDUHREMHFWL-
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and social opportunities.” , p.168. Boundaries are permeable, salient, durable, and visible, and they can be crossed, dissolved, activated, maintained, or transposed. In the Casc Antic, the construction of physical boundaries has been particularly important for residents to gain control over their territory, as they help maintain undesirable people outside and make territorial limits visible and salient. Some of the environmental projects in the neighborhood are borders and buf-
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GHOD9HUJRQ\DDQGWKH$OODGD9HUPHOOJUHHQVSDFHVZKLFKFRQVWLWXWHSK\VLFDOPDUNHUVEHWZHHQ³XV´WKH
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public spaces by restaurants and outdoor terraces affecting the nature of the space – making it a consump-
258
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Forat – a hard concrete plaza – and decision to use sand and grass is based to the connection they make EHWZHHQVXFKDVXUIDFHDQGWKHHQVXLQJRSSRUWXQLW\IRUEDUVRUUHVWDXUDQWVWRWDNHRYHUNLGV¶SOD\LQJDUHDV
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³,ILQWKH)RUDW\RXOHWWKHPOD\GRZQIRXUEULFNVWKHQLWZLOOEHDWHUUDFHDVZHOO,WLVWKHQDVSDFHWKDW\RXGHSULYHSHRSOH
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public spaces to help youth re-appropriate their territory and re-construct a personal use for it. In the com-
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ULJKWWRHQWHUZLWKRXWSHUPLVVLRQ,WLVDVSDFHWREHSURWHFWHGDZD\IURPRXWVLGHWKUHDWVIURPYLROHQFH
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GH¿QHJURXSPHPEHUVKLSDQGVRFLDOO\DFFHSWDEOHEHKDYLRU7KHLQLWLDOSODQWLQJRID&KULVWPDVWUHHLQWKH
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the neighborhood presence in the space and constituted the basis for the further spontaneous construction of WKHVSDFHE\WKHUHVLGHQWVLQRSSRVLWLRQZLWKWKH&LW\VSRQVRUHGSURMHFWV7ZREURDGHUJURXSVDUHSUHVHQW
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areas of Sant Pere and Santa Catarina. In the Born, residents feel that they do not have a place anymore. /DVWUHVLGHQWVKDYHGHYHORSHGFXOWXUDOERUGHUVDVDZD\WRUHLQIRUFHSK\VLFDOVHSDUDWLRQ$FWLYLVWVUHJX-
larly organize cultural and festive events during the year to celebrate the cultural diversity of the neighbor-
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DQGKDELWVRIUHVLGHQWVLQWKHQHLJKERUKRRG/RQJWLPHUHVLGHQWVDOVRKDYHVHWXSDPHQWDOGLYLGHEHWZHHQ
ZKREHORQJVWRWKHQHLJKERUKRRGDQGZKRGRHVQRWEDVHGRQWKHW\SHRIFORWKLQJRUDWWLWXGHSHRSOHGLV-
SOD\2IWHQWLPHVWKHDOWHUQDWLYHFORWKLQJRUKDLUFXWVZRUQE\VTXDWWHUVRUKLSSLHVLVDFOHDULQGLFDWLRQRI
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Re-building democracy and planning practice /DVWHQYLURQPHQWDOUHYLWDOL]DWLRQSURMHFWVDUHWKHRFFDVLRQIRUUHVLGHQWVDQGWKHLUVXSSRUWHUVWRTXHV-
tion broader political arrangements in the city. First, community activists strongly believe they have a right and responsibility to engage in a more spontaneous and even anarchical form of participation in Barcelona. 7KH\DUHSURXGRIVHOIFRQVWUXFWLRQRIDJUHHQDUHDLQWKH)RUDWZKLFKWRRNURRWLQSRSXODUVXSSRUWZLWKRXW
a formal organizational structure, as an organizer emphasizes: 259
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seeds, maintaining and cleaning up the garden, etc.” 7KHJUHHQSOD]DZDVDGHPRQVWUDWLRQVLWHRIXQSODQQHGDQGLQGHSHQGHQWZKLOHZHOOIXQFWLRQLQJSDUWLFLSDWLRQ
Here, residents put much emphasis on a “real participation,” the non hierarchical intervention of a multitude of SHRSOHRQDVSDFHZLWKIHZUHVRXUFHVDQGPXFKFUHDWLYLW\LQRUGHUWRSURPRWHHQYLURQPHQWDOO\UHODWHGDFWLYLWLHV
,QVRPHFDVHVDFWLYHFRPPXQLW\OHDGHUVDQGZRUNHUVDUWLFXODWHYLVLRQVIRUGHPRFUDWLFSUDFWLFHVWKDWUHDFK
the point of “self-management” (DXWRJHVWLRQLQ6SDQLVK7KH\YRZHGWRDSSURSULDWHWKHVSDFHIRUWKHP-
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FRPPXQLW\ZRUNHUVZRUNLQJZLWK\RXWKDUWLFXODWHGGHPDQGVIRUDXWRQRPRXVRUJDQL]DWLRQDQGPDQDJHPHQW
RIVSRUWVDUHDVVXFKDVWKH³FDPSLOOR´DQRSHQEDVNHWEDOOJURXQGZKLFKWKHPXQLFLSDOLW\WRRNGRZQLQ
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of the center. People just ask for the key and organize different activities in it. Such a space is a learning pro-
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over the lack of meaningful engagement by the City of Barcelona throughout the redevelopment in the &DVF$QWLF$FWLYLVWVPDQLIHVWGLVDSSRLQWPHQWDWDPXQLFLSDOLW\QRWWDNLQJWKHLUH[SHULHQFHDQGOD\NQRZO-
edge about the neighborhood into consideration. A municipal staff member is very adamant about the imposition of ideas on residents: ³)RUWKHWKHPHRIWKHSXEOLFVSDFHWKHUHZDVDYHU\GLUHFWLQJDWWLWXGHE\WKHPXQLFLSDOLW\WKDWLVWRVD\ZHZHUHWKH
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7KHUHZDVQRERWWRPXSGHFLVLRQSURFHVVQRGHEDWHQRUDFRQVXOWDWLRQZLWKDIIHFWHGSHRSOH´
Some community supporters are harsher, naming the practices of the municipality a “fantasmatic and ¿FWLWLRXVW\SHRISDUWLFLSDWLRQOHGE\SHRSOHZKRDUHERXJKWRXW´7KH\IHHOWKDWSODQQHUVLPSRVHGWKH
urban plans (PERIS) upon them in the 1980s. During the construction of the Forat into a permanent green DUHDLQWKHPXQLFLSDOLW\LVDOVRDFFXVHGRIKDYLQJDEVRUEHGWKHVWUHQJWKRIWKHFLWL]HQV¶PRYHPHQW
ZKLOH³UHF\FOLQJWKHQHLJKERUKRRGDFWLRQVLQWRZKDWWKH\DWWHPSWWRVSRQVRUDVWKHLURZQSURMHFW´5DIDHO
<RXWKHGXFDWRUDQGVXSSRUWHURIWKH)RUDW¿JKWVDQGRIKDYLQJPDQLSXODWHGWKHSUDFWLFHRIGLDORJXH
process. As community leaders and active residents organize to deepen and strengthen existing local democratic SURFHVVHVLQWKHFLW\WKHLUFODLPVDOVRUHÀHFWDWWLPHVEURDGHUQDWLRQEXLOGLQJDQGVRYHUHLJQW\GHPDQGV
This is particularly true for the older activists, such as Maria from the Asocació de Veins del Casc Antic, ZKREHFDPHHQJDJHGLQWKHQHLJKERUKRRGLQWKHVDQGKDGWRUHPDLQFODQGHVWLQHXQGHUWKH)UDQFR
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ideals in relation to more direct and transgressive participation and sovereignty. From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
260
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involvement and political engagement in radical action, and struggles against expansionistic urbanism and a neighborhood transformed into a garbage dump. Their staff feel the thrill and adrenaline of being part of SROLWLFDODFWLRQVLQDFLW\ZKHUHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVKDYHDOZD\VKDYHDVWURQJUROHDQGSDUWRIDPRELOL]DWLRQ
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gagement in the neighborhood reveal that they feel part of a social and political trajectory. People take pride LQWHOOLQJOHQJWK\VWRULHVRIWKHLU¿JKWVDQGWKHLUYLFWRULHVLQWKH)RUDWGHVSLWHWKHLQMXULHVWKH\UHFHLYHG$W
times, activists seem in a situation of self-representation and mise-en scène of themselves and their engage-
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Discussion
Theories of urban development and urban struggles provide valuable guidance for understanding the EURDGHUSURFHVVHVRILQMXVWLFHDQGH[FOXVLRQDJDLQVWZKLFKPDUJLQDOL]HGQHLJKERUKRRGVRUJDQL]H7KH\
KHOSVLWXDWHWKH¿JKWVRIUHVLGHQWVQHLJKERUKRRGOHDGHUVDQGFRPPXQLW\ZRUNHUVIRULPSURYHGVRFLR
HQYLURQPHQWDOFRQGLWLRQVLQ%DUFHORQDZLWKLQDEURDGHUFRQWH[WRIXUEDQFKDQJH)XUWKHUDVDFWLYLVWVKR-
OLVWLFDOO\WUDQVIRUPWKHLUQHLJKERUKRRGWKURXJKHQYLURQPHQWDOSURMHFWVWKH\XVHWKHLUHQYLURQPHQWDOZRUN
as a tool to accomplish broader political goals. Community gardens, playgrounds, or green spaces are a PHFKDQLVPWRUHVLVWWKHGLVUXSWLRQDQGGHJUDGDWLRQRIWKHLUQHLJKERUKRRGDVZHOODVWKHYLROHQFHRISULYDWH
DFFXPXODWLRQDVLOOXVWUDWHGE\DFWLYLVWV¶FULWLTXHRIEURDGHUXUEDQGHYHORSPHQWVVXFKDVHQFURDFKPHQW
JHQWUL¿FDWLRQDQGWRXULVP+RZHYHUWKH¿JKWVRIUHVLGHQWVDQGWKHLUVXSSRUWHUVDUHEDVHGRQEURDGHUDQG
more complex multi-level political claims. )LUVWWKH¿JKWVRIUHVLGHQWVDQGWKHLUVXSSRUWHUVVKHGDQHZOLJKWRQWKHQRWLRQRI5LJKWWRWKH&LW\$V
DFWLYLVWVGHYHORSDQHZJUHHQDUHDRUDVSRUWVJURXQGDQGZRUNWRDGGUHVVVLWXDWLRQVRISUHFDULRXVQHVV
DEXVHDQGYXOQHUDELOLW\WKH\DWWHPSWWRFKDOOHQJHWKHLPDJLQDU\RISXEOLFRI¿FLDOVSODQQHUVDQGPHGLD
DERXWWKHLUQHLJKERUKRRGDQGWKH³SODFH´LWPXVWKDYHLQWKHFLW\7KH\¿JKWH[LVWLQJVWLJPDVDQGVWHUHR-
W\SHVDERXWORZLQFRPHDQGPLQRULW\UHVLGHQWVLQWKH&DVF$QWLFDQGWKH\ZRUNWRFUHDWHDJUHDWHUVHQVH
RISURWHFWLRQDQGURRWHGQHVV7KHIUDPHZRUNRID5LJKWWRWKH&LW\LVDOVRD5LJKWWRWKHLU1HLJKERUKRRG
ZLWKDWWHPSWVWRUHEXLOGDVHQVHRIGLJQLW\VHFXULW\DQGQXUWXULQJWRWKHUHVLGHQWV6WUXJJOHVDUHDOVROLQNHG
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environmental goods in the city. Here, space is a constitutive element of collective action and not merely in the background. A neighborhood such as the Casc Antic is thus an iterative site of mobilization and an HPEOHPDWLFVSDFHRIFRQWHQWLRQIRUWKHVWUXJJOHRISRRUFRPPXQLWLHVDJDLQVWVSDWLDOLQHTXDOLWLHV
Second, community mobilization is closely related to land, border control, and sovereignty. The resis-
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territory of the neighborhood, gaining sovereignty over it, and setting up clear physical, social, symbolic, DQG FXOWXUDO ERUGHUV ZLWK RXWVLGHUV DQG GRPLQDQW IRUFHV ± SULYDWH GHYHORSHUV FLW\ RI¿FLDOV SROLFH RU
261
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strong connection to the land and to the uses they have developed over time through parks, recreational DUHDVFRPPXQLW\JDUGHQRUVSRUWVJURXQGV7KH\DLPWRUHFRQTXHUDGDPDJHGODQGDQGHQVXUHWKDWWKHLU
QHZVSDFHVGRQRWJHWWDNHQDZD\IURPWKHPDQGWUDQVIRUPHGLQWRSULYDWHGHYHORSPHQWV%RXQGDULHVDUH
SUHVHQWLQWHUQDOO\ZLWKLQWKHQHLJKERUKRRGDVVRPHVSDFHVGHOLPLWPHPEHUVKLSDQGZKDWW\SHVRIJURXSV
DUHZHOFRPHLQWKHQHZVSDFHV+HUHDSDUNRUDFRPPXQLW\JDUGHQWKHDFWLYLWLHVRUJDQL]HGDURXQGWKHP
and the social codes developed in the space serve as buffer against outsiders. :KLOHWKHFODLPVRIDFWLYLVWVLQWKH&DVF$QWLFUHÀHFWDGHVLUHWRDFKLHYHJUHDWHUSURWHFWLRQWKH\DUHDOVR
QRWH[HPSWRIGHVLUHVWRVHOIVHJUHJDWH$VDFRPPXQLW\ZRUNHUVDQGOHDGHUVDWWHPSWWRFRQWUROWKHODQG
DQGLWVERUGHUVWKH\FRQVWUXFWDVHOIVXVWDLQHGDQGFRQWDLQHGFRPPXQLW\ZLWKLWVVHOHFWHGPHPEHUV7KH\
re-privatize public spaces, appropriate the territory and make it, to a certain extent, exclusive. Living in DKRPRJHQHRXVPLQRULW\QHLJKERUKRRGKDVEHHQVKRZQWRUHÀHFWERWKDGHVLUHWRSURWHFWRQHVHOIDJDLQVW
WKUHDWVWRWKHVRFLDOIDEULFZKLFKFDQFDXVHIHHOLQJVRIORVVDQGDOLHQDWLRQDQGDVHOIGHFODUHGSUHIHUHQFH
to live among residents from the same ethnic or cultural group. Homogenous spaces provide a space for LGHQWLW\IRUPDWLRQDQGFRQ¿UPDWLRQVWUHQJWKHQDVKDUHGUDFLDOLGHQWLW\ZKLOHKDYLQJDFDWKDUWLFVRRWKLQJ
HIIHFWDZD\IURPWKHSUHVVXUHVRILQWHUHWKQLFUHODWLRQV,Q%DUFHORQDKRPRJHQRXVVSDFHVVWUHQJWKHQPRUH
WKDQDUDFLDOLGHQWLW\EXWDOVRDVRFLRHFRQRPLFDQGSROLWLFDOLGHQWLW\7KH\EULQJWRJHWKHUORZLQFRPH
6SDQLVKUHVLGHQWVZLWKLPPLJUDQWSRSXODWLRQVVTXDWWHUVDQGLQWHOOHFWXDOVZKR¿JKWWRJHWKHUIRUDULJKWWR
WKHLUQHLJKERUKRRG+RZHYHUDFWLYLVWVDUHPDQDJLQJWZRGHOLFDWHEDODQFHV$GHVLUHWREHVRFLDOO\MXVW
RQWKHRQHKDQGDQGDWHQGHQF\WRUHSULYDWL]HWKHVSDFHDQGEHH[FOXVLRQDU\RQWKHRWKHU7KH\DOVRZDON
D¿QHOLQHEHWZHHQDVVHUWLQJFRQWURORYHUWKHGHYHORSPHQWVRIWKHQHLJKERUKRRGEXWDOVRUDOO\LQJRXWVLGH
forces to help them maintain this control. Last, and more generally, environmental initiatives serve as a means to build a different type of local democracy and planning practice in the neighborhood, and in Barcelona more generally. Building the type RIQHLJKERUKRRGWKDWQHLJKERUKRRGDFWLYLVWVHQYLVLRQFDQQRWRFFXUZLWKRXWDGHHSHUTXHVWLRQLQJWRZDUGV
µZKRPDNHVGHFLVLRQVµIRUZKRP¶DQGµZLWKZKLFKEHQH¿WV¶$VUHVLGHQWVDQGWKHLUVXSSRUWHUVFRQVWUXFW
autonomous and spontaneous of management of the urban space, they transgress existing norms of plan-
QLQJDQGSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQWKHFLW\DVZHOODVSROLWLFDODUUDQJHPHQWV(QYLURQPHQWDOSURMHFWVWKXVEHFRPHD
WRROWRFUHDWHQHZIRUPVDWWLPHVDQDUFKLFDORISDUWLFLSDWLRQDQGGHFLVLRQPDNLQJ5HVLGHQWVDUHRIIHULQJ
WKURXJKWKHLUHQYLURQPHQWDOHQGHDYRUVDVSDFHIRUGHEDWHZKLFKGLGQRWXVHWRH[LVWLQWKHFLW\7KH\DLP
DWSURPRWLQJDPRUHGLUHFWIRUPRIGHPRFUDF\UDWKHUWKDQDGHOLEHUDWLYHGHPRFUDF\ZKLFKGRHVQRWOHDG
DFFRUGLQJWRWKHPWRWKHPHDQLQJIXOSDUWLFLSDWLRQRIFRPPXQLW\PHPEHUVDQGZKLFKUHÀHFWVSRZHULPEDO-
ances. Their goal is thus to transgress and deepen existing democratic practices in the city, and at times in WKHFRXQWU\DVDZKROHUHÀHFWLQJQDWLRQEXLOGLQJFODLPV
Conclusion
In the Casc Antic of Barcelona, community activists are using their social-environmental projects and DGYRFDF\DVWRROVWR¿JKWDJDLQVWEURDGHUGHYHORSPHQWSURFHVVHVWKDWDIIHFWWKHVWDELOLW\DQGKRPRJHQH-
ity of their neighborhood. That said, their ultimate goal goes beyond resisting urban dynamics such as JHQWUL¿FDWLRQDQGHQFURDFKLQJ7KH\DLPDWFKDQJLQJLPDJHVDQGVWLJPDVDERXWWKHLUQHLJKERUKRRGVLQFH
WKHLUQHLJKERUKRRGLVLPEXHGZLWKQHJDWLYHLPDJHVDQGUDFLVWVWHUHRW\SHV0RUHLPSRUWDQWO\WKH\DLPDW
262
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tion of “us” versus “them.” Their environmental initiatives have helped construct and maintain physical, VRFLDODQGFXOWXUDODQGV\PEROLFERUGHUVZLWKDGRPLQDQWVRFLHW\(QYLURQPHQWDOHQGHDYRUVEHFRPHD
PHFKDQLVPIRUODQGDQGERUGHUFRQWURODVZHOODVIRUVRYHUHLJQW\FODLPVZKLFKDWWLPHVEHFRPHH[FOX-
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seeming exclusionary and reproducing the patterns of exclusion they are combatting. Here, urban planners DQGGHFLVLRQPDNHUVDUHFRQIURQWHGZLWKEDODQFLQJGHPDQGVIRUVHOIUHWULHYDODQGSURWHFWLRQDQGFUHDWLQJ
greater diversity and mixity in the city. At a broader scale, Casc Antic residents and their supporters frame political goals in regards to demo-
cratic processes. Their demands are more transgressive and daring than traditionally presented by the “just FLW\´WKHRULVWV$FWLYLVWVDVNIRUVHOIPDQDJHPHQWRIODQGDQGSURMHFWVDVZHOODVPRUHVSRQWDQHRXVIRUPV
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see themselves as part of a political trajectory and are in self-representation mode. Many activists cannot OLYHRXWVLGHSROLWLFDOHQJDJHPHQWSURWHVWVDQGRXWVLGHFRQÀLFWV7KHLUOLIHKDVEHFRPHWKHSROLWLFDORUJDQL-
]DWLRQRIDQGDURXQGWKHLUQHLJKERUKRRGZKLFKPLJKWDWWLPHVOHDGWRJUHDWHULQQHUFRPPXQLW\FRQÀLFWV
DQGLQVWDELOLW\±EHWZHHQPRUHUDGLFDODFWLYLVWVDQGDFWLYLVWVPRUHZLOOLQJWRQHJRWLDWHZLWKWKHPXQLFLSDO-
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mobilization are thus at stake. References
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What really matters in creating mass mobilization, classical organization or new social media? A comparative case study of the mass mobilization process in France and South Korea
JEONG-IM HYUN
Sogang University, Korea
Abstract
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bilization against American beef imports) in South Korea as cases. In France, initiators DQGSDUWLFLSDQWVIROORZHGWKHµUHDG\PDGH¶ZD\/HIWZLQJRUJDQL]DWLRQVDQGSHUVRQV
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cal organization is still important. In South Korea, the less-established political line in SHRSOH¶VHYHU\GD\OLIHEURXJKWPRUHµQHZDFWRUV¶LQWRWKHPDVVPRELOL]DWLRQHYHQWXDOO\
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more important. The origin of this difference came from differences in the nature of GHPRFUDF\RIWKHWZRVRFLHWLHV
Keywords
mass mobilization, Internet, mobilization process, establishment of political line, democracy
Introduction
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269
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South Korea. The Candlelight movement (mass mobilization against American beef imports) had shaken WKHFRXQWU\IRUPRUHWKDQWKUHHPRQWKVLQSDUWLFXODUWKHOHDGHUVKLSRIQHZO\HOHFWHG3UHVLGHQW0\XQJ
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labor unionists, politicians, civil society activists, etc. From a mass mobilization perspective, this move-
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cupy Wall Street movement in 2011-12, the South Korean and French protestors did not share an issue: The 6RXWK.RUHDQVRSSRVHGWKHLPSRUWDWLRQRIµULVN\¶$PHULFDQEHHIZKLOHWKH)UHQFKRSSRVHGDODZPDNLQJ
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cratic societies like America in the 18thFHQWXU\GLGWR$OH[LVGH7RFTXHYLOOH¶V(XURSH"
Which part of process of mobilization will be treated?
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OL]DWLRQLQWKHVHFDVHVWR¿QGRXWKRZSHRSOHGHFLGHFROOHFWLYHO\ or LQGLYLGXDOO\ to take an action, in these situations, to go onto the streets. ,ILQGLYLGXDOVKDYHTXHVWLRQVDERXWDQLVVXHRUWU\WRVROYHDSUREOHPWKLVLVWKHQRUPDOSURFHVVZKHQ
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1 Of course, this process is not just linear or irreversible.
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ferent processes of collective decision-making to participate in mass mobilizations: Were the participants content to DFFHSWH[LVWLQJPRELOL]DWLRQUHVRXUFHVVXFKDVOHIWZLQJRUULJKWZLQJIUDPHVDQGRUJDQL]DWLRQV
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Why analyze the processes of mass mobilization?
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dom of speech had been assured since 198727KHIRFXVRIWKLVDQDO\VLVLVQRWZKHWKHUWKHµFODVVLFDO¶PHGLD
SOD\HGWKHLUHWKLFDOUROHDVDµWUXHYRLFH¶RISHRSOHLQ6RXWK.RUHDEXWZKDWNLQGRIUHVXOWZDVJHQHUDWHGE\
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Korea are politics (politicians) and established media. The South Korean people still have a vivid collective memory of their long dictator ship and its kept press.
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proved) RWKHUVRSLQLRQEHFDXVHLWGLGQRWFRPHIURPµLQWHUHVWHG¶SHRSOHOLNHSROLWLFDOHOLWHVRUHVWDEOLVKHG
media, but from RWKHUVOLNHPHSHRSOHZKRZHUHµGLVLQWHUHVWHG¶([SUHVVHGDQRWKHUZD\LIRWKHUVDUH
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the media rather served that rule.
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271
Why compare France and South Korea?
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vided by left and right, and politicians take a political line4IURPWKHVWDUW+RZHYHUWKHLQWHUHVWLQJWKLQJLVWKDW
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have experienced many political corruption scandals. With this kind of political system, if the public strongly VXSSRUWVWKHLUOHDGHUHYHU\WKLQJLV¿QHEXWDVVRRQDVWKHSXEOLFUHPRYHVWKHLUVXSSRUWWKHZKROHSROLWLFDO
decision-making system could be in danger because there is no intermediate zone to manage the disagreement.
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globe, French people aged 18-to-25 particularly suffered. Because of high unemployment, they have been REOLJHGWRDFFHSWSDUWWLPHMREVDQGORZSDLGRUXQSDLGLQWHUQVKLSVWKH\DOVRODFNVRFLDOSURWHFWLRQVDQGDUH
called the CPE generation. South Korea also evidences the same socio-economic conditions among this age group, labeled the ZRQJHQHUDWLRQ5. It is beyond the scope of this paper to identify causes and conse-
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the different processes of mobilization helps eventually explain the nature of democracy in these societies: +RZFLWL]HQVFRQFHLYHWKHLUGHPRFUDF\DQGKRZWKH\DSSO\WKDWFRQFHSWLRQLQSROLWLFDODQGHYHU\GD\OLIH
Method
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the general public. .
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lent to 600 Euros, because of their precarious job contracts.
272
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and one of the most important student leader Bruno Julliard6,Q6HRXO,LQWHUYLHZHGWZHQW\XQLYHUVLW\VWX-
dents and 2 civil society activists, and 10 adult participants7DVWKH&DQGOHOLJKWPRYHPHQWKDGQRµYLVLEOH¶
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Anti-CPE movement in France, 2006
Description of the Mobilization:
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QRWRQO\E\KLVODPHGXFNVWDWXVEXWDOVRE\WKHULRWVRI7KHULRWV¿UVWEURNHRXWLQD3DULV¶VVXEXUE8 DQGVSUHDGWRRWKHUELJFLWLHVZKHUHPDQ\$IULFDQDQG1RUWK$IULFDQLPPLJUDQWVKDGVHWWOHGVLQFHWKH
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tion and 21 percent of the 15-24 aged population. In these socio-economic circumstances the government SUHVHQWHGWKH&3(ODZWKDWWKH*HQHUDO$VVHPEO\ZDVVXSSRVHGWRYRWHRQLQ0DUFK6WDUWLQJLQ)HEUX-
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demonstrations on the street and blockage of university campuses and high school buildings. The protests VXFFHVVIXOO\PRELOL]HGGLIIHUHQWDJHJURXSVDVZHOO
7KHDQWL&3(SURWHVWVZHQWRQIRUDERXWWKUHHPRQWKVRPHWKLQJWKDWFRXOGQRWKDYHEHHQSRVVLEOHLIPRVW
labor unions did not give strong support to the movement. For example, an inter-professional national strike ZDVRUJDQL]HGIRU0DUFKthDERXWPLOOLRQSHRSOHSDUWLFLSDWHG2Q$SULOth, labor unions again gave a QRWLFHRIVWULNHDFWLRQWKDWGD\SHUFHQWRISULPDU\SXEOLFVFKRROVDQGSHUFHQWRIVHFRQGDU\VFKRROV
ZHUHGLVWXUEHGEHFDXVHRIDWHDFKHUV¶10 strike. Finally on April 10th3ULPH0LQLVWHU'RPLQLTXHGH9LOOSLQ
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2) Many retired people12SDUWLFLSDWHGLQWKHVWUHHWGHPRQVWUDWLRQVZLWKWKHLUJUDQGFKLOGUHQ\RXQJSHRSOH. Who Were the Actors? Triple Actors
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actors of the anti- CPE movement. 7KHVHFRQGJURXSRIDFWRUVZHUHODERUXQLRQV7KH&3(ODZGLGQRWGLUHFWO\DSSO\WRDFWXDOZRUNHUV
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8 In Clichy-sous-bois, a Paris suburb, the majority of residents are migrants from Africa. On October 27thWZRWHHQDJHUVZHUHNLOOHGDFFLGHQWO\E\HOHFWURFX-
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273
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socio-economic conditions. 7KHWKLUGDFWRUVZHUHUHWLUHGSHRSOH7KDWZDVDQLQWHUHVWLQJSKHQRPHQRQEHFDXVHLQPDQ\RWKHUFRXQ-
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convictions than realize their interests13. 7KHQKRZFRXOGWKHVHGLIIHUHQWDJHGJURXSVDFWFROOHFWLYHO\WRJHWKHU"7KLVTXHVWLRQOHDGVWRWKLVSDSHU¶V
main subject: analysis of the process of mobilization. To analyze that process, , the most important thing is WRLQTXLUHLQWRKRZWKHDFWRUVFRQQHFWHGE\SROLWLFDOVRFLDODQGFXOWXUDOQHWZRUNV7KDWFDQEHGLVFRYHUHG
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How Did they connect? First, the high school students had national organizations supported by political parties--usually by VRFLDOLVWVOHIWZLQJDQGWKHFRQYHQWLRQDOULJKWZLQJSDUW\140RVWRIWKRVHVWXGHQWVNQRZWKDWVXFKRUJD-
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Question: How did you decide to participate in demonstrations? Did you go to hear the debate between the students in your high school? How did it work? $QVZHU,ZHQWRQFHRUWZLFHWRVHHWKHGHEDWHDVVHPEO\:HOOLQJHQHUDOEHFDXVHZHKDGQR¿[HGLGHDZHOLVWHQHGWRWKH
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Question: Did you decide alone to go to the streets? You were not scared?
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274
Question: Did you use social media many times to know if your classmates, personal friends, or virtual friends were going to demonstrations or simply to discuss the CPE law or the movement? Did you have many virtual friends? How about your friends-did they have many? $QVZHU1R&RQFHUQLQJZKRZRXOGJRZLWKPH,DOUHDG\NQHZZLWKZKRP,ZRXOGJR7RGLVFXVVWKHPRYHPHQWLWZDV
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Question: We saw a lot of high school students in the street. Did you frequently meet the high school leaders to prepare the demonstration together? $QVZHU1R,ZDVWRREXV\SUHSDULQJWKHFRPPXQLFDWLRQVZLWKWKHMRXUQDOLVWVEXWRQHRIP\FRRUGLQDWRUVWRRNFKDUJH
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incidents. Usually they listened to our advice.
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friends, sports clubs, etc. Such physical connections still play an important role in either their personal or µSXEOLF¶15OLIH7KHSURFHVVRISDUWLFLSDWLRQLQDPRELOL]DWLRQLVµUHDG\PDGH¶IRUWKHPWKHUHLVQRURRPIRU
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In some regional universities such as those in the city of Rene, the extreme-left students unions historically KDYHµFRQWUROOHG¶WKHLPSRUWDQWPRELOL]DWLRQV'XULQJWKHDQWL&3(PRYHPHQWDVZHOOWKHUHZHUHGLIIHU-
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union MNEF (a branch of the Socialist Party) is supported by most labor unions. :LWKWKHODERUXQLRQV¶HQWUDQFHLQWRWKHDQWL&3(PRYHPHQWWKHSLFWXUHEHFDPHPRUHWKDQFOHDU3UR-
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tions on the street.
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Question: How did you decide to go to the general assembly (assemblée général)? Were you alone or with your friends? $QVZHU,ZHQWWKHUHIURPFXULRVLW\7KDWZDV¿UVWWLPH,ZDVLQWKHPLGGOHRIVRPHµH[FLWLQJWKLQJV¶RQFDPSXV,ZDV
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Question: Are you a member of any student unions?
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Question: Why did you participate in the demonstration? Why do you think other generations also partici-
pated? Was it an economic protest or deeper? $QVZHU,WKLQNLWZDVPRUHWKDQHFRQRPLFSURWHVW2IFRXUVHZHZHUHDQJU\DERXWWKH&3(ODZ:HNQHZWKDWHYHQ
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tions put out their arguments or proposed a solution to a problem of concern, and the participants accepted SOD\LQJWKHLUUROHRQWKLVSROLWLFDOVWDJH,QDVHQVHWKH\µFRQVXPHG¶DVRFLDOPRYHPHQWSURGXFWDQGDO-
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Candlelight Movement in South Korea, 2008
Description of the Mobilization:
On April 18, 2008, the South Korean government announced an agreement on hygienic conditions for $PHULFDQEHHILPSRUWVVHYHUDOPHGLDKDGDOUHDG\HYRNHGYLVLRQVRIWKHHFRQRPLFGDPDJH$PHULFDQEHHI
could pose for Korean breeders. A documentary aired by one broadcasting company (MBC), had already reported that the actual agreement about hygienic conditions for American imported beef could not pre-
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anxiety and anger among ordinary people, especially middle and high school students. The government has GHFLGHGWRXVH$PHULFDQEHHI¿UVWIRUVFKRROPHDOVEHFDXVHLWZDVµFKHDSDQGJRRGTXDOLW\¶16WKHSXEOLF
LQWHUSUHWHGWKLVPHDVXUHWRPHDQWKDWVWXGHQWVZRXOGEHDQµH[SHULPHQW¶,QDQRWKHUIDOVHVWHSE\WKHJRY-
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claiming that it disseminated false information and caused severe unrest in society. $WWKDWVWDJHQRWKLQJQRWHZRUWK\KDSSHQHGXQWLOVRPHPLGGOHDQGKLJKVFKRROVWXGHQWVSURSRVHG&DQ-
dlelight Assembly on an Internet café. (On this South Korean portal site, anyone can easily create a café to share information). In a surprise to all, that Candlelight Assembly not only continued for more than three 16 7KHVHWHUPVZHUHXVHGE\WKH3UHVLGHQWKHH[SUHVVHGKLVLQFRPSUHKHQVLRQDERXWZK\SHRSOHZHUHVRDQJU\DERXWWKH$PHULFDQEHHILPSRUWV2QHRIWKH
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276
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Who Were the Actors? Quadruple Actors
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pay attention until middle and high school girls17 organized a Candlelight Assembly in the plaza of Seoul City Hall186RWKHLQLWLDWRUVDQGPDLQDFWRUVZHUHPLGGOHDQGKLJKVFKRROVWXGHQWV$WWKHHQGRI$SULO
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concerning, stream, augmented class hours19DQGPRUHZHLJKWWR(QJOLVKODQJXDJHFODVVHV20. For parents, WKLVQHZHGXFDWLRQSROLF\PHDQWDKLJKHUFRVWIRUWKHLUFKLOGUHQ¶VSULYDWHHGXFDWLRQV,QWKH\DOUHDG\
ZHUH VSHQGLQJ PRUH WKDQ SHUFHQW RI LQFRPH IRU SULYDWH VFKRROLQJ21. After the announcement, more middle and high school students and their parents participated in the Candlelight Assembly.
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that generation had experienced the 10th-XQH'HPRFUDF\0RYHPHQWLQDQGZHUHWKHµPDLQDFWRUV¶
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,Q,ZDVLQWKHSURWHVWDIWHUWKHGHDWKRI/HH+DQ<RO22 ZKHQRQHPLOOLRQSHRSOHJDWKHUHG,ZDVDWWKHVDPH
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of our energy in June 1987.
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17 2QHRIWKHµP\VWHULHV¶RIWKH&DQGOHOLJKWPRYHPHQWLVZK\WKHLQLWLDWRUVDQGWKHPDMRULW\RIWHHQDJHSDUWLFLSDQWVZHUHIHPDOH2QH1*21$180-
MUNHWA (For share of culture), created its character as an image, &DQGOHOLJKW*LUODOLWWOHJLUOKROGLQJDFDQGOHZKLFKEHFDPHDSRSXODUV\PERORIWKLV
movement.
18 This place is called *ZDQJ+ZD0RRQRQHRIWKHDQFLHQWPDLQJDWHVRI6HRXO,WZDVDV\PEROLFSODFHIRUWKHGHPRFUDWL]DWLRQRI6RXWK.RUHDHVSHFLDOO\
after 1987, the year of the turning point of South Korean political conditions.
19 0LGGOHDQGKLJKVFKRROVWXGHQWVDOUHDG\VSHQWPRUHWKDQKRXUVDGD\LQVFKRROWKH\ZHUHREOLJHGWRVWD\DWVFKRROHYHQDIWHUFODVVHVWRVWXG\(VSHFLDO-
O\GXULQJWKHLUODVW\HDURIKLJKVFKRROVWXGHQWVDUULYHDWKDQGOHDYHDWK7KH0LQLVWU\RI(GXFDWLRQKDVCWROHUDWHG¶WKLVNLQGRISUDFWLFHIRUVWXGHQWV
LQWKHLUODVW\HDU%XWWKLVµOLEHUDOL]DWLRQ¶PHDQVWKDWWKHSULQFLSDORIVFKRROFDQGHFLGHRQFODVVKRXUVDQGH[WUDFODVVHV,Q6RXWK.RUHDKDUVKFRPSHWLWLRQ
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20 To enter a major university in South Korea, English is very important. That is not because speaking English is important per se, but it became a important means of selection for university admission. Members of the privileged class can provide expensive extra private English classes or can send their children WRDQ(QJOLVKVSHDNLQJFRXQWU\GXULQJYDFDWLRQVEXWPDQ\SDUHQWVKDYHGLI¿FXOW\DIIRUGLQJVXFKPHDVXUHV7KXVJLYLQJPRUHZHLJKWWR(QJOLVKFODVVHV
means closing major university doors for most students except those in the privileged class.
21 Source: Web site Statistics Korea, http://kostat.go.kr.
22 7KHVWXGHQWZKRGLHGGXULQJWKHGHPRQVWUDWLRQDJDLQVWWKHPLOLWDU\JRYHUQPHQWLQEHFDPHRQHRIWKHLFRQVRIWKHGHPRFUDF\PRYHPHQWRIWKHV
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himself to protest against the invasion by Soviet troops during the Prague spring of 1968.
277
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I feel ashamed but at the same time feel pride at these young middle and high school students.
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people, economically I am in better condition. But even for me, if it continues like this, I cannot prepare my retirement FRUUHFWO\EHFDXVHRIWKHSULYDWHHGXFDWLRQFRVW«:HVKRXOGVWRSWKLVVSLUDO
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SDQWV$W¿UVWWKH\ZHUHTXLWHµLQGLIIHUHQW¶DERXWWKH&DQGOHOLJKW$VVHPEO\EXWLQWKHFRXUVHRIWLPHWKDW
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tion it meant a large percussive hit to the collective physiology because they had experienced almost full HPSOR\PHQWIRU¿IWHHQ\HDUV25. For the time being, the choice these young people had made to surmount WKDWµZRUU\LQJ¶VRFLDODQGHFRQRPLFVLWXDWLRQZDVWRDGMXVWWKHPVHOYHVWRWKHGHPDQGVRIWKHMREPDUNHW
not to protest. For example, most large Korean global companies demanded the TOEIC test26ZKHQWKH\
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of the process of mobilization of the 2008 Candlelight movement in South Korea.
How Did They Connect? 23 7KH\DOOFRPHIURPWKHKLJKO\SULYLOHJHGFODVVSHRSOHKDYHMXGJHGWKDWWKH\DUHQRWFRQFHUQHGZLWKRUGLQDU\SHRSOH¶VHYHU\GD\OLIH
24 Source: Web site Statistics Korea, http://kostat.go.kr.
25 ([FHSW¿QDQFLDOFULVLV
26 Another practical issue for members of the unprivileged class: The test is expensive, and the more opportunity you have to spend times in an English-
speaking country, the better the chance of a good result.
27 &KDP\R<RQGDL3HRSOH¶V6ROLGDULW\IRU3DUWLFLSDWRU\'HPRFUDF\
278
First, middle and high school students had no political organization, unlike l in France. They had student FRPPLWWHHVLQWKHLUVFKRROEXWWKRVHKDGQRSROLWLFDOFKDUDFWHU8QGHUDJHWKH\DUHQRWDOORZHGE\ODZWR
participate in any political activities. These teenagers, like those in many other countries, spend a lot of time RQWKH1HW7KH\FKDWDQGFRQYHUVHRQWKH1HWZLWKWKHLUYLUWXDOIULHQGVUDWKHUWKDQZLWKWKHLUFODVVPDWHV
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Question: Why do you prefer to chat on the Net rather than with your classmates or your neighborhood friends? $QVZHU,GRQ¶WNQRZEXW«,WKLQNWKHUHODWLRQLVVLPSOHUDQGOLJKWHUWKDQZLWKQHLJKERUKRRGIULHQGV<RXMXVWVKDUH\RXU
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Question: How much time do you spend chatting on the Net? $QVZHU,WGHSHQGV6RPHWLPHVIRXURU¿YHKRXUVSHUZHHN%XW,DOVRVSHQGWLPHZLWKP\QHLJKERUKRRGIULHQGVDQG
FODVVPDWHVWRR:HXVHDORWRI606,W¶VPRUHHI¿FLHQWDQG\RXGRQ¶WGLVWXUERWKHUV,WKLQNRXUJHQHUDWLRQLVDGGLFWHG
WRWKH,QWHUQHWDQGFHOOXODUSKRQH)RUH[DPSOHLI,¿QGWKHEDWWHU\RIP\SKRQHLVGLVFKDUJHG,EHFDPHQHUYRXV
Somebody can call me or send me a SMS but I cannot respond. By choice, they connected more on the Net rather than in their physical surroundings like in France. Their references for everyday life are neither their elder brothers nor sisters nor their peer groups, nor their parents but their virtual friends.
7KHVDPHPRGHRIFRQQHFWLRQZDVIRXQGIRUXQLYHUVLW\VWXGHQWVDVWKLVLQWHUYLHZH[FHUSWVKRZV
Question: How did you decide to go the City Hall Plaza? $QVZHU:HOO,DPDYHU\µUDWLRQDO¶RUµLQGLYLGXDO¶SHUVRQ,GRQ¶WOLNHWRWDONDERXWDWRSLFLILWGRHVQRWFRQFHUQPH
directly. But I learned about the problem of American beef imports by Internet. I read some private opinions in the EORJVDQGµLQGHSHQGHQW¶PHGLD28:KHQ,SDUWLFLSDWHGLQWKH&DQGOHOLJKW$VVHPEO\IRUWKH¿UVWWLPH,OLVWHQHGFDUH-
IXOO\WRRWKHUV¶RSLQLRQVDQGUHDOL]HGWKDWLIZHDOORZWKHLPSRUWDWLRQLWFRXOGEHGDQJHURXVIRUP\IDPLO\$IWHUWKDW
I participated in mobilization as long as I could. +HUHDJDLQWKHGHFLVLRQUHIHUHQFHIRUXQLYHUVLW\VWXGHQWVZDVQRWEDVHGRQWKHLUVXUURXQGLQJVEXWDQ-
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members could belong to a cooking café, a fashion mania café, or a dance café or other type. Conclusion
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DQGWDQJLEOHRUJDQL]DWLRQVOHIWZLQJZKLOHLQWKH&DQGOHOLJKWPRYHPHQW6RXWK.RUHDQVUHIXVHGWRXVH
the already existing frame and organizations to create their mass mobilization. As other scholars found 28 he most famous independent Internet press is 2K0\1HZV7KLVLVDQH[FOXVLYHLQWHUQHWQHZVZKLFKZDVIRXQGHGLQ7KLVLQWHUQHWµQHZVSDSHU¶UXQ
E\IUHHODQFHMRXUQDOLVWVZKRDUHSDLGGLUHFWO\E\UHDGHUVZKRMXGJHGWKHDUWLFOHLVZRUWKWRSD\7KHJHQHUDOFKDUDFWHUVRIWKHDUWLFOHVDUHUDWKHUµOHIW¶
279
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people select the means of communication according to their goal of communication. If people already NQRZWKHDJHQGDWKH\ZLOOQRWFRQWLQXDOO\VHHNWROHDUQRWKHUV¶RSLQLRQEHFDXVHWKH\GRNQRZPRUHRU
OHVVWKHSURFHGXUH&3(¶VFDVH+RZHYHULISHRSOHFRQIURQWDQµXQNQRZQDJHQGD¶WKH\FRQWLQXDOO\VHHN
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Social media could play an important role as a tool of communication, not as an essential element to create DVXFFHVVIXOPRELOL]DWLRQHVSHFLDOO\ZKHUHWKHHVWDEOLVKHGPDVVPHGLDGRQRWSOD\WKHLUQRUPDWLYHUROH
as venues for political communication and dissemination of political information in a civil society. That is ZK\6RXWK.RUHDQVXVHGVRFLDOPHGLDLQWKHSURFHVVRIFRQVHQVXVDQGDFWLRQPRELOL]DWLRQ
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that the media fully play their normative role: In France, journalists are considered just like politicians WKH\ZULWHFULWLFL]HVRFLDOHFRQRPLFFXOWXUDODQGSROLWLFDODIIDLUVDFFRUGLQJWRWKHLUSROLWLFDOOLQHV7KH\
DOVRDUHPDLQDFWRUVLQWKHSROLWLFDO¿HOGMXVWOLNHSROLWLFLDQV7KHUHIRUHWKHUHLVQRUHDVRQSHRSOHVKRXOG
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VHHRQHHOHPHQWWKDW.RUHDQVGLGQRWKDYHWKHSROLWLFL]DWLRQRISHRSOH¶VHYHU\GD\OLIH,QWKH&3(FDVHP\
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7KDWZDVQRWWKHFDVHLQ6RXWK.RUHD7KHLQLWLDODFWRUVRUODWHYHQXHVKDGDQ\µYLVLEOH¶UHIHUHQFHVWR
XVHZKHQWKH\GHFLGHGWRDFWDQGWKH\KDGQRLGHDZKRDQGKRZPDQ\SHRSOHZRXOGSDUWLFLSDWH,QVXFK
DQXQFHUWDLQFRQGLWLRQWRNQRZRWKHUVRSLQLRQFRXOGEHDQXOWLPDWHDLGIRUSHRSOH¶VGHFLVLRQ%XWKHUH
QRWDQ\RQHHOVH¶VRSLQLRQFRXQWRWKHUVMXVWOLNHµPH¶EHFDXVHµPH¶DQGµRWKHUV¶DUHLQHTXDOLW\: there is QRVRFLDOSROLWLFDOFXOWXUDODQGSK\VLFDOHOHPHQWVZHLJKWKHUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQµPH¶DQGµRWKHUV¶$QG
µPH¶DQGµRWKHUV¶DJUHHWKDWSROLWLFLDQVDQGHVWDEOLVKHGPHGLDDUHQRWZRUWKWRFRXQWRQWKH\DUHDOOµLQ-
WHUHVWHG¶SHRSOH7KDW¶VZK\.RUHDQVJDYHPRUHLPSRUWDQFHWRZKDWRWKHUVRXWWKHUHWKRXJKWDQGDFWHG" 7KH\ZDQWHGWRNQRZZKDWZDVKDSSHQLQJLQRWKHUSHRSOH¶VPLQGVVRWKDWLVZK\WKH\IUHTXHQWO\FRQ-
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(bovine spongiform encephalopathy) or the international trade agreement process. During the Candlelight PRYHPHQW6RXWK.RUHDQVFOLFNHGWKHSXEOLFIRUXPVLWHRQWKH,QWHUQHWUDWKHUWKDQQDWLRQDOQHZVSDSHURU
broadcasting sites. 7KHVHWZRGLIIHUHQWPRELOL]DWLRQSURFHVVHVUHYHDOKRZFLWL]HQVFRQFHLYHRIWKHLUGHPRFUDF\DQGKRZ
they apply that conception in their political and everyday life. South Koreans conceive that democracy VKRXOGEHPRUHGLUHFWDQGPRUHHJDOLWDULDQZKLOHWKH)UHQFKDFFHSWWKHHVWDEOLVKHGLQWHUPHGLDU\DSSDUDWXV
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5HYLHZ, vol. 49, n° 5, p. 583-600.
280
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http://home.nec.go.kr:7070/ sinfo/sinfo.htm
281
Twitter and Public Reasoning around Social Contention: The Case of #15ott in Italy
STEFANIA VICARI
University of Leicester
Abstract
7KLVSDSHUDGGUHVVHVWKHXVHRI7ZLWWHUIRUSXEOLFUHDVRQLQJDQGRSLQLRQPDNLQJDURXQG
LVVXHVUHODWHGWRVRFLDOFRQWHQWLRQ,WVSHFL¿FDOO\IRFXVHVRQWKH,WDOLDQFKDSWHURIWKH
2FWREHUSRO\FHQWULFSURWHVWIRU*OREDO&KDQJH%\H[SORULQJ7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVWKH
VWXG\IROORZVIRXUVSHFL¿FOLQHVRILQYHVWLJDWLRQWKHSRVLWLRQLQJRIWKH,WDOLDQRWW
KDVKWDJJHG7ZLWWHUVWUHDPDPRQJRWKHU7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVUHOHYDQWWRWKHSURWHVWFRQYHU-
VDWLRQDOG\QDPLFVRYHUWLPHQHWZRUNLQJDQGQHZVPHGLDG\QDPLFVDQGSURFHVVHVRI
PHDQLQJFRQVWUXFWLRQ7KH¿QGLQJVVKRZWKDW7ZLWWHUXVDJHUHODWHGWRVRFLDOFRQWHQWLRQ
LVQRWRQO\IXQFWLRQDOWRJHQHUDWHDOWHUQDWLYHLQIRUPDWLRQÀRZVZLWKRUJDQL]DWLRQDODQG
logistic purposes. It also bolsters processes of public reasoning and opinion making activated not only by collective advocacy actors and media channels but also by indi-
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Keywords
7ZLWWHUVRFLDOFRQWHQWLRQPHDQLQJFRQVWUXFWLRQ2FFXS\:DOO6WUHHW,QGLJQDGRV
Introduction
On October 15thSURWHVWRUVIURPDOOZDONVRIOLIHWRRNWRWKHVWUHHWVRIRYHUHLJKW\FRXQWULHVWRSUR-
test against the global economic crisis and demand changes in the global economic system. 7UDQVQDWLRQDOVRFLDOMXVWLFHDFWLYLVPLVQRWKLQJQHZ6LQFHWKHVRFDOOHGµEDWWOHRI6HDWWOH¶SRO\-
FHQWULFVHJPHQWHGQHWZRUNHGSURWHVWHYHQWVIRUJOREDOMXVWLFHKDYHPXVKURRPHGDOORYHUWKHZRUOGLQWKH
IRUPRI³SURWHVWZDYHV´.RRSPDQV0RGXODUUHSHUWRLUHVRIFRQWHQWLRQ7DUURZKDYHFKDUDF-
WHUL]HGFRQWHPSRUDU\WUDQVQDWLRQDOSURWHVWZKHUHRUJDQL]DWLRQWDFWLFVDQGSHUIRUPDQFHVKDYHWUDQVIHUUHG
from place to place and from local mobilization to local mobilization mainly via online and/or mobile com-
PXQLFDWLRQQDPHO\WH[WPHVVDJHVPDLOLQJOLVWVZHEVLWHVDQGHDUO\VRFLDOPHGLD
+RZHYHUWRGD\¶VDFWLYLVPIRUJOREDOFKDQJHVHHPVQHZLQWZRDVSHFWVWKHFXUUHQWVRFLRSROLWLFDOEDFN-
ground marked by the global economic crisis, and the use of microblogging platforms of communication to spread information, co-ordinate protest activities, debate on protest issues, and counter, integrate or dis-
seminate mass media coverage of protest events (Segerberg and Bennett, 2011).
7KH,WDOLDQORFDOLQYROYHPHQWLQWKH2FWREHUJOREDOSURWHVWLVSDUWLFXODULQWHUHVWLQJIRUWZR
PDLQUHDVRQVRQHFRQWLQJHQWDQGRQHFRQWH[WXDOWKHRXWFRPHVRIWKHSURWHVWDQGWKHFRXQWU\¶VERRPLQJ
RIPLFUREORJJLQJDFWLYLW\)LUVW,WDO\ZDVWKHRQO\FRXQWU\ZKHUHWKH2FWREHUJOREDOSURWHVWUH-
282
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EHWZHHQSURWHVWHUVDQGWKHSROLFH6HFRQGLQDPRPHQWLQZKLFKPLFUREORJJLQJLVWKHIDVWHVWJURZLQJ
,QWHUQHWDFWLYLW\DOORYHUWKHZRUOGRIWKH,WDOLDQSRSXODWLRQGRPLFUREORJZLWK7ZLWWHUEHLQJE\IDU
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ZDVZLGHO\FRYHUHGRQ7ZLWWHUE\,WDOLDQDFWLYLVWVMRXUQDOLVWVFRPPHQWDWRUVDQGFRPPRQFLWL]HQVEHIRUH
during, and after the protest itself.
%\DSSO\LQJDFDVHVWXG\DSSURDFKWKHSUHVHQWZRUNDLPVWRLQYHVWLJDWHWKHUROHRI7ZLWWHULQWKHGLVFXV-
sion around contemporary polycentric collective action. The study is structured on the analysis of the most prominent hashtag in the Italian demonstrations on October 15th2WW7KH7ZLWWHUKDVKWDJLVSDUWLFXODUO\
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activists, journalists, common citizens), it cuts across the protest space (Segerberg and Bennett, 2011). In RWKHUZRUGVLWDOORZVRQHWRIRFXVRQFRPPHQWVE\DQ\LQGLYLGXDOLQWHUHVWHGLQWKHHYHQWV*LYHQWKHRXW-
FRPHVRIWKHSURWHVWWKHXVHRIWKH,WDOLDQKDVKWDJ2WWGLGQRWFHDVHDIWHUWKHGHPRQVWUDWLRQZLWKQHZ
WZHHWVPXVKURRPLQJLQWKHGD\VDIWHUWKHSURWHVWLWVHOI7KHUHIRUHWKHVWXG\IRFXVHVRQRYHUWZHHWV
SURGXFHGLQWKHWKLUW\GD\VIROORZLQJWKHSURWHVWIURPWKHPLGPRUQLQJRIWKHth of October until the morning of the 15thRI1RYHPEHU7KHIROORZLQJVHFWLRQSURYLGHVDJHQHUDOEDFNJURXQGRQWKHSRO\-
FHQWULFSURWHVWVIRU*OREDO&KDQJHDQGVSHFL¿FDOO\LQWURGXFHVWKH2FWREHUSURWHVWIRU*OREDO&KDQJHLQ
,WDO\1H[W,UHYLHZWKHRUHWLFDODQGHPSLULFDOFRQWULEXWLRQVRQWKHXVHRI7ZLWWHUIRUSURWHVWHYHQWVDQG,
VSHFL¿FDOO\IRFXVRQWKHVWXG\RI7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVDVFKDQQHOVIRUSXEOLFUHDVRQLQJDQGRSLQLRQIRUPDWLRQ
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VWXG\7KHUHPDLQGHURIWKHSDSHUVKRZVWKHVWXG\¶VPDLQ¿QGLQJVZLWKUHIHUHQFHWRIRXUSULPDU\OLQHVRI
LQYHVWLJDWLRQVWKHSRVLWLRQLQJRIWKH,WDOLDQ2WWKDVKWDJJHG7ZLWWHUVWUHDPDPRQJWKHFRUUHVSRQGLQJ
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The 15 October Polycentric Protest for Global Change and its Italian Chapter
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Street Movement, later to be renamed the Occupy Movement. The former, emerged in Spain in May 2011, had already spread in several European countries particularly affected by the economic crisis (namely, *UHHFHDQG,WDO\7KHODWWHUZDVDERXWWRWDNHµWRWKHVTXDUH¶17KRVHFROOHFWLYHDFWRUVVKDUHGDWOHDVWWZR
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HFRQRPLFLQHTXDOLW\2QWKHRQHKDQGDV*LXJQLVXJJHVWV³WKHXSKHDYDOVLQWKH0LGGOH(DVWKDYH
HQFRXUDJHGFLWL]HQVLQRWKHUSDUWVRIWKHZRUOGLQFOXGLQJWKH86WRWDNHWRWKHVWUHHWVWRVKRZWKHLUGLV-
FRQWHQW´2QWKHRWKHUKDQGDVVDLGWUDQVQDWLRQDOSRO\FHQWULFDFWLYLVPIRUVRFLDOMXVWLFHZDVQRWKLQJQHZ
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&KDQJHFDQQRZEHVHHQDVDGLUHFWGHVFHQGHQWRIWKH*-0HPHUJHGLQDPRPHQWLQZKLFKWKHFLUFXP-
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283
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July 2011 by Spanish hackers involved in the Indignados protests and soon became a platform of discussion RSHQWRWKRVHLQWHUHVWHGLQWDNLQJDFWLRQLQWKHGHPRQVWUDWLRQV2Q)DFHERRNWRJHWKHUZLWKWKHPXOWLOLQJXDO
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post and gather information on the transnational call for action and to organize local demonstrations.
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place in Rome. There, around 200,000 people participated in the protest (15october.net). The Rome dem-
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la2), and trade unions. Coordinamento 15 ottobre planned a march in the heart of the city, to start from Pi-
azza della Repubblica and summon in Piazza San Giovanni. On the afternoon, part of the activists involved LQWKHUDOO\WXUQHGYLROHQWZKLOHKRRGHGSURWHVWHUVODWHUWREHORRVHO\LGHQWL¿HGDV%ODFN%ORFN3, set the city RQ¿UH&DUVVKRSZLQGRZVEDQNHQWUDQFHVDQGSROLFHYDQVEHFDPHWKHPDLQWDUJHWVRIGHVWUXFWLRQZKLOH
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City Council on November 14, 2011, the damage from the rioting amounted to €900,000 (comunediroma.
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protest ecology, i.e., they may involve different players, from activists to journalists on to citizens merely LQWHUHVWHGLQWKHHYHQWV+HQFHE\H[SORULQJ7ZLWWHUDFWYLW\RQHFDQUDLVHFRQVLGHUDWLRQVRQWKHZD\7ZLWWHU
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strong impact on the general public. 3RSROR9LROD3XUSOHSHRSOHLVDVRFLDOPRYHPHQWHPHUJHGLQ,WDO\LQ2FWREHUZLWKWKHPDLQSXUSRVHWRFDOOIRUWKHUHVLJQDWLRQRIWKHWKHQ,WDOLDQ
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the city of Rome.
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284
Theoretical Background
Twitter and Social Contention 7KH LQWHUWZLQHG UHODWLRQVKLS EHWZHHQ QHZ PHGLD DQG FRQWHPSRUDU\ SURWHVW LV D FHQWUDO FRQFHUQ IRU
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PHGLDLQJHQHUDO7ZLWWHULQSDUWLFXODUKDVEHHQDVVRFLDWHGWRUHFHQWVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVSURWHVWHYHQWVDQG
examples of social contention. 6HJHUEHUJDQG%HQQHWKLJKOLJKWKRZVRFLDOPHGLDDUHQRZHQWHULQJWKHSURWHVWDFWLRQHFRORJ\LHWKH\
DUHEHFRPLQJSDUWRIWKHSURWHVWHQYLURQPHQWLQZKLFKWKH\RSHUDWH$V&KULVWHQVHQKLJKOLJKWV
WKHORQJODVWLQJGLYLGHEHWZHHQWHFKQRG\VWRSLDQVDQGWHFKQRXWRSLDQVFHQWHUVWKHGHEDWHH[DFWO\RQWKH
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WKHIRUPHUZDUQDJDLQVWWKHUHHPHUJHQFHRIFRQWHPSRUDU\IRUPVRIWHFKQRORJLFDOGHWHUPLQLVPRQWKH
RWKHUKDQGWKHODWWHUGUDZDWWHQWLRQWRWKHVXFFHVVIXOUROHRIVRFLDOPHGLDLQWKHUHFHQWXSULVLQJVLQWRWDOL-
WDULDQUHJLPHVHJ(J\SW/\ELD,QSDUWLFXODU*ODGZHOOIURPWKH¿UVWFDPSVWUHVVHVRQWKHUROH
RI7ZLWWHU)DFHERRNDQGWKHOLNHLQWKHJHQHUDWLRQRIHSKHPHUDOWLHVDPRQJDFWLYLVWVDQGSURWHVWHUV+H
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&DVWHOOV$QG\HWHDUO\WZHQW\¿UVWFHQWXU\VRFLDOPRYHPHQWQHWZRUNVKDYHVXFFHVV-
IXOO\JURZQGHYHORSHGDQGWUDQVIRUPHG,QSDUWLFXODUZKDWLWZDVWKHQFDOOHGWKH*OREDO-XVWLFH0RYH-
ment seems to have evolved into the current polycentric Movement for Global Change, mobilized, among the others, by the Occupy Wall Street and the Indignados activist groups (Giugni, 2012). Morozov (2009a) also highlights the little internal relevance of social media in countries like Moldova ZKHUHWKHOHYHOVRI,QWHUQHWDFFHVVDQGOLWHUDF\DUHEHORZWKHDYHUDJH
+RZHYHUZKLOHWKHVNHSWLFLVPEURXJKWIRUZDUGE\*ODGZHOODQG0RUR]RYDDPRQJWKH
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QDWLRQDOERUGHUV6HJHUEHUJDQG%HQQHW,QGHHGUHOLDELOLW\DQGUHSUHVHQWDWLYHQHVVRI7ZLWWHU
VWUHDPVDUHDOZD\VLVVXHVWREHWDNHQXQGHUFRQVLGHUDWLRQ+RZHYHULQDYDFXXPRILQIRUPDWLRQIURPWUDGL-
WLRQDOPHGLDHJLQFDVHVRIVRFLDOXQUHVWLQWRWDOLWDULDQUHJLPHV7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVKDYHEHFRPHRQHRIWKH
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285
and mobile telephony, played a central role in communicating, coordinating and channeling the rising tide of opposition and variously managed to bypass state controlled national media as they propelled images and LGHDVRIUHVLVWDQFHDQGPDVVGH¿DQFHDFURVVWKH0LGGOH(DVWDQG1RUWK$IULFDÉ
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lize, organize and inform activists and non-activists on contentious events. In relation to this, Bennet and 6HJHUEHUJVXJJHVWWKDW7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVDUHFKDQQHOVIRULQGLYLGXDOVWRSHUVRQDOL]HWKHSURWHVW
,QRWKHUZRUGV7ZLWWHUKDVEHFRPHRQHRIWKHDOWHUQDWLYHZD\VIRULQGLYLGXDODFWRUVWRSDUWLFLSDWHDQG
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issues. Social movement leaders and supporters may use them to report on events or issues. But also others not directly involved in the events may use them to contribute to the general discussion on the subject at VWDNH,QIDFWZKLOHVRFLDOPHGLDSHUVHDUHWREHFRQVLGHUHGDVRQHDQGRQO\RQHRIWKHIDFWRUVSRVVLEO\HDV-
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political debates around topics relevant to social contention.
Twitter and Public Reasoning Around Social Contention
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evant to the 2010 Thailand Protests. Similarly, Segerberg and Bennet (2011) analyzed a sample extracted IURPRYHUWZHHWVZLWKUHIHUHQFHWRWZRKDVKWDJVXVHGLQWKHSURWHVWVDJDLQVWWKH8QLWHG1D-
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from the London School of Economics has recently published the early results of the analysis of 2.6 million WZHHWVUHOHYDQWWRWKH$XJXVWULRWVLQ/RQGRQDQGRWKHUFLWLHVLQWKH8.3URFWHUDQG9LV7KHVH
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286
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streams. They may introduce different links and amplify certain threads via @ replies (Honeycutt and Her-
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³RQFHUHWZHHWHGDWZHHWJHWVUHWZHHWHGDOPRVWLQVWDQWO\RQWKH2nd, 3rd, and 4thKRSVDZD\IURPWKHVRXUFH
signifying fast diffusion of information after the 1stUHWZHHW´,QIDFW7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVPD\ORRNYHU\GLIIHU-
ent on the basis of their hashtag management and such differences can be studied in terms of gatekeeping processes. In the case of protest events, for instance, protest organizers may centralize hashtag management around issues related to protest organization and logistic instructions. Conversely, different players may more RUOHVVHTXDOO\KROGRQ7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVDQGWKLVLVXVXDOO\WKHFDVHRISRVWSURWHVWVWUHDPV
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RIKLJKLPSDFWIRUWKHJHQHUDOSXEOLF"+RZGRGLIIHUHQWSOD\HUVSDUWLFLSDWHLQVXFKLQIRUPDOSROLWLFDOGHEDWH"
Data and Methods
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6HJHUEHUJDQG%HQQHWXQGHUOLQHWZRGUDZEDFNVLQWKHFXUUHQWVFKRODUO\GHEDWHRQWKHVWXG\
RI7ZLWWHUXVHIRUPRELOL]LQJDQGRUJDQL]LQJSXUSRVHVGXULQJSURWHVWVWKHWHQGHQF\WRORRNDW7ZLWWHUDVD
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the protest (Hootsuite.com). The time-period covered by this part of the study is 15 September – 15 No-
287
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perkeeper.com). The time-period covered by this second part of the study is 16 October – 15 November QDPHO\WKH¿UVWPRQWKIROORZLQJWKHSURWHVW
Analysis and Findings
Twitter Streams Relevant to the 15 October Protest for Global Change: #15ott, #15oct, and #15o
As said, social media soon became the primary channels to gather information on the 15 October poly-
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major point of reference for Italian citizens interested in the demonstration. %\LQYHVWLJDWLQJWKHGHYHORSPHQWRI7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVUHODWHGWRSURWHVWHYHQWVRQHFDQUDLVHSUHOLPLQDU\FRQ-
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Figure 1: Absolute number of tweets with reference to the hashtags #15o, #15oct, and #15ott posted every day over a two-month period (September 15 - November 15) (Hootsuite.com)
288
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2FWREHU,QIDFWRQWKDWGD\RFRXQWHGDOPRVWWZHHWVRFWUHDFKHGDOPRVWWZHHWV
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day over that same period.
Figure 2: Percentage of tweets with reference to the hashtags #15o, #15oct, and #15ott posted every day over a two-month period (September 15 - November 15) (Hootsuite.com)
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the outcomes of the events rather than for organizing and mobilizing purposes prior to the protest. This is a WUHQGVKDUHGE\WKHWKUHHVWUHDPVVKRZQLQ)LJXUHEXWLQWKH,WDOLDQFDVHWKLVWUHQGLVGH¿QLWHO\VWURQJHUWKDQ
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protest events of strong impact for the general public. First, it provides evidence on the booming real-time XVDJHRI7ZLWWHUVWUHDPVWRGLVFXVVDQGFRPPHQWRQHYHQWVUHOHYDQWWRWKHSXEOLFRSLQLRQ6HFRQGLWVKRZV
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increased as the stream diminished in volume.
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tive from Naples (zer081.org) and the latter a multimedia platform developed by Italian media activists (glo-
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several other streams more or less related to the transnational movement for Global Change. The most com-
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tively are likely to be already active participants in other streams relevant to informal political debates. Second, DV6HJHUEHUJDQG%HQQHWVXJJHVW7ZLWWHULVWREHFRQVLGHUHGZLWKLQWKHPHGLDHFRORJ\DQGQRWDV
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media channels to collect information on and discuss about social contention and political issues in general.
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291
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cally informed political debate around the Italian chapter of the 15 October protest for Global Change.
#15ott Twitter Stream: Processes of Meaning Construction
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Figure 4: #15ott egonetwork with the 10 most frequent additional hashtags From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization.
292
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of the 15 October protest. One layer develops along the positioning of the protest as part of a transnational UHDOLW\$VVDLGWKHLQWHUQDWLRQDOKDVKWDJVRDQGRFWEXWDOVRWKHRULJLQDOO\6SDQLVKLQGLJQDGRV
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The third layer develops around the Italian collective actors more or less directly involved in the move-
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logna tag streams centered on the Rome and Bologna chapters of the Occupy Movement, respectively. 6LPLODUO\LQGLJQDWLWDJVWKRVHWZHHWVFRQFHUQHGZLWKWKH,WDOLDQLQYROYHPHQWLQWKH,QGLJQDGRVPRELOL]D-
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lasting Italian mobilization against the construction of the Turin-Lion TAV (high-speed rail system)4 to the QHZERUQPRYHPHQWIRU*OREDO&KDQJH7KLVVHHPVWRVXJJHVWWKDWLQFXUUHQWSXEOLFUHDVRQLQJRQVRFLDO
contention the most different actors tend to be framed as part of a common multi-issue and multi-level mobilization.
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top external sources range from posts on personal blogs, to articles on online alternative media (i.e., pea-
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in terms of genre, text, and reliability levels. Second, interestingly enough, none of them is related to any national mainstream media. Figure 5 maps the leading topics covered by these external sources of information.
4 No Tav is an Italian social movement active since 2002. Its main goal is to oppose the construction of the Turin-Lion high-speed rail system. The reasons EHKLQGWKLVRSSRVLWLRQDUHUHODWHGWRWKHHQYLURQPHQWDODQGHFRQRPLFLPSDFWWKDWVXFKUDLOV\VWHPZRXOGKDYHRQWKHWHUULWRU\QRWDYWRULQRRUJ
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Figure 5: Leading topics in the top most linked external sources
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disinformation spread by the mass media in relation to the Rome protest on October 15, the failure of the protest primarily due to the violence used by a conspicuous amount of participants, the repressive tactics of protest policing adopted by the police in the streets of Rome, and the importance of the protest despite WKHXVHRIYLROHQFHE\SDUWRIWKHSURWHVWHUV7KHVHFRQYHUVDWLRQDOG\QDPLFVVHHPWREHFRQ¿UPHGE\WKH
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Figure 6: Tweets’ word cloud (tagcrowd.com)
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of repression. Words like giornata, manifestazione, corteo, manifestanti, piazza, piazza San Giovanni, Italia DQG,WDO\GD\GHPRQVWUDWLRQUDOO\GHPRQVWUDWRUVVTXDUH6DQ*LRYDQQLVTXDUH,WDO\DOVRJURXQGWKHGLV-
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video and vignetta (counter-narration, journalistic account, media, truth, shooting and comic strip) shift the FRQYHUVDWLRQRQWKHFRYHUDJHRIWKHHYHQWVE\PDLQVWUHDPPHGLD7RFRQFOXGHZRUGVOLNHPDURQLYHQGROD
294
and politica (Maroni5, Vendola6, and politics), reframe the stream in the institutional political context.
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like the violent events occurred in Rome and their outcomes and the biased coverage of the events by the mainstream media. Finally, part of the stream included elements of the institutional political context by UHFDOOLQJVSHFL¿FSROLWLFLDQVLQYROYHGLQWKHFRPPHQWDU\RIWKH5RPHHYHQWV
Discussion and Conclusion
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and opinion formation around social contention. Hence, the analysis here presented is primarily exploratory. ,WVSHFL¿FDOO\IRFXVHVRQWKH,WDOLDQFKDSWHURIWKH2FWREHUSRO\FHQWULFSURWHVWIRU*OREDO&KDQJHIRU
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gent topics of discussion and that it outsourced to the most varied external sources of information alterna-
tive to the mainstream media.
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tion and, eventually, traditional and less traditional forms of political participation.
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ER\GG6*ROGHUDQG*/RWDQµ7ZHHW7ZHHW5HWZHHW&RQYHUVDWLRQDO$VSHFWVRI5HWZHHWLQJRQ7ZLWWHU¶+,&66,(((
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7UDQVQDWLRQDO3URWHVWVDQGWKH0HGLD1HZ<RUN3HWHU/DQJSS
&RWWOH6Eµ$IWHUZRUG0HGLDDQGWKH$UDE8SULVLQJVRI¶LQ6&RWWOHDQG//HVWHUHGV7UDQVQDWLRQDO3URWHVWVDQGWKH0HGLD
1HZ<RUN3HWHU/DQJSS
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)HUQDQGH]/XLV$3ROLFLQJ'LVVHQW6RFLDO&RQWURODQGWKH$QWL*OREDOL]DWLRQ0RYHPHQW5XWJHUV8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV3LVFDWDZD\
NJ) *LXJQL0µ7KH2XWFRPHVRIWKH2FFXS\0RYHPHQW:KLFK/HVVRQV&DQ:H'UDZIURPWKH6RFLDO0RYHPHQW/LWHUDWXUH"¶
0RELOL]LQJ,GHDV$YDLODEOHDWKWWSPRELOL]LQJLGHDVZRUGSUHVVFRPWKHRXWFRPHVRIWKHRFFXS\PRYHPHQWZKLFK
OHVVRQVFDQZHGUDZIURPWKHVRFLDOPRYHPHQWOLWHUDWXUH$FFHVVHG-DQXDU\
*ODGZHOO0µ6PDOO&KDQJH:K\WKHUHYROXWLRQZLOOQRWEHWZHHWHG¶1HZ<RUNHU$YDLODEOHDWKWWSZZZQHZ\RUNHUFRP
UHSRUWLQJIDBIDFWBJODGZHOO$FFHVVHG-DQXDU\
+RQH\FXWW&DQG6+HUULQJµ%H\RQG0LFUREORJJLQJ&RQYHUVDWLRQDQG&ROODERUDWLRQLQ7ZLWWHU¶3URFnd HICSS, IEEE Press.
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.ZDFN+&/HH+3DUNDQG60RRQµ:KDWLV7ZLWWHUD6RFLDO1HWZRUNRUD1HZV0HGLD"¶:::$SULO±
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296
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297
Protest Politics Through Music in the Basque Country. The Spread of the Lip Dub as a New Form of Collective Action
ION ANDONI DEL AMO, JASON DIAUX and ARKAITZ LETAMENDIA1
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Abstract
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distinctive feature the important role of music (especially punk subculture) and the meaning of style in his joint. The play and symbolic dispute that carries out this move-
ment is related to the countercultural tradition and emphasizes the need for an analyti-
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cognitive and symbolic praxis. The interaction and coordination of these movements ZLWKWKHQDWLRQDOOLEHUDWLRQPRYHPHQWLVDWWLPHVFRQÀLFWLQJDQGLVOLNHZLVHUHÀHFWHG
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instruments and elements of ethnic tradition. The institutionalization of this relationship gives to the music a major role in the mobilization of national liberation movement. :KHQ WKLV SROLWLFDO DQG FXOWXUDO PRYHPHQW VHHPV WR VKRZ VLJQV RI H[KDXVWLRQ DQG
RWKHUVDUHVSHFL¿FWRWKHWKLUGSKDVH0DFWXDOO\LWVHHPVWREHDQXSGDWHRIVRPH
QHZIRUPVRIVRFLDOPRELOL]DWLRQ$JRRGH[DPSOHRIWKLVZRXOGEHWKHXVHRIOLSGXE as an element of expression and movement, combining the artistic component, musical SHUIRUPDQFHSUHVHQWLQWKHSUHYLRXVSKDVHZLWKQHZWHFKQRORJLHVDQGWKHLULPSDFWRQ
FRQWHPSRUDU\IRUPVRIPRELOL]DWLRQ:H¿QDOO\VWUHVVWKHIDFWLQWKH%DVTXHFDVHRI
the increasing of this kind of more visual and theatrical activism, and less direct con-
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participation as critical elements.
Repertoires of Collective Action: contexts and tactical innovation
The repertoires of collective action2FLWHGKHUHDIWHUDV&$WKURXJKZKLFKVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVFRQYH\LQ
SXEOLFWKHLUFODLPVDQGDWWHPSWWRDFKLHYHWKHLUJRDOVGHYHORSRYHUWLPH6LGQH\7DUURZFRQFHLYHV
collective action repertoires as learned cultural creations that emerge from the struggle. According to this DXWKRUWKHFRQÀLFWDULVHVSDUWLDOO\E\FRQYHQWLRQWKHUHDUHVRPHSDWWHUQVRISURWHVWDQGZD\VRIFODLPLQJ
WKDWPDNHVHQVHDVWKHDFWLRQVDUHFDUULHGRXWZKLFKERWKDFWLYLVWVDQGDXWKRULWLHVDVZHOODVWKHJHQHUDO
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sidad del País Vasco.
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298
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institutionalizing collective action routines that he calls the UHSHUWRLUHRIFROOHFWLYHDFWLRQ7KDWZRXOGEH
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notes, may become later generalized and culturally institutionalized, or on the contrary might become diluted over time after an emergency phase. /LSGXE3YLGHRVZKLFKDUHFXUUHQWO\LQDSKDVHRIPDMRUH[-
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collective sit-in protests against racial segregation – corresponds to the peaks of social movement activity. :KLOHIDFLQJZLWKZKLWHDXWKRULWLHVDQGUDFLVWJURXSVWKH$IULFDQ$PHULFDQSURFLYLOULJKWVPRYHPHQW
HODERUDWHGLQQRYDWLYHIRUPVRISURWHVWDQGNHSWDOLYHWKHLUDFWLYLW\WKDWLVWRVD\WKH\ZHUHLQQRYDWLQJWKHLU
WDFWLFV of action (McAdam, 1983).
The political process theoretical perspectives gradually evolved through a more relational approach DERXWWKHLQWHUDFWLRQEHWZHHQVRFLDOPRYHPHQWVDQGDXWKRULWLHV,QWKHERRN'\QDPLFVRI&RQWHQWLRQ, Mc-
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in a contentious political context, the innovative CA of the agents involved is a crucial element. According WRWKHVHWKUHHDXWKRUVZLWKLQDQLQWHUDFWLYHSURFHVVRIFRQWHQWLRQWKHUHSHUWRLUHVRIDFWLRQHYROYHE\PHDQV
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We consider OLSGXEDVDJRRGH[DPSOHRIDQLQQRYDWLYHFRQWHPSRUDU\IRUPRI&$)XUWKHUPRUHZH
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case of OLSGXE this is even truer. The spread of information and communication technologies (cited hereaf-
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WLRQQHWZRUNVDUHHVVHQWLDOIRUWKHGHYHORSPHQWRIDFWLRQVVXFKDVOLSGXE7KLVOHDGVXVWRUHÀHFWDERXWWKH
UHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQVRFLHWDU\FRQWH[WDQGWKHFKDUDFWHULVWLFVRIWKH&$LQWKHVHQVHWKDWZHFRQVLGHUWKDW
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that must be taken into account. It should not be forgotten that, if vindication, protest and mobilization is ZKDWZHDUHGHDOLQJZLWKWKHFRQQHFWLRQEHWZHHQWKHFROOHFWLYHDFWLRQUHSHUWRLUHVWKDWDUHJHQHUDWHGDQG
WKHVRXUFHVRIVRFLDOFRQWUROZKLFKWKH\LQWHQGWRIDFHLVDYLWDOSRLQW
$QLQWHUHVWLQJKLVWRULFDOH[DPSOHRIWKHUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQ&$UHSHUWRLUHVJHQHUDWHGDQGVRXUFHVRI
VRFLDOFRQWUROWKDWPD\KHOSXVWRXQGHUVWDQGWKHNLQGRIVLWXDWLRQVZHDUHDQDO\]LQJFDQEHIRXQGLQWKH
6LQFHWKLVLVDQHPHUJLQJSKHQRPHQRQZHWXUQWRWKH:LNLSHGLDGH¿QLWLRQRIWKLVFRQFHSW³$OLSGXE is a type of video that combines lip synching and DXGLRGXEELQJWRPDNHDPXVLFYLGHR,WLVPDGHE\¿OPLQJLQGLYLGXDOVRUDJURXSRISHRSOHOLSV\QFKLQJZKLOHOLVWHQLQJWRDVRQJRUDQ\UHFRUGHGDXGLR
WKHQGXEELQJRYHULWLQSRVWHGLWLQJZLWKWKHRULJLQDODXGLRRIWKHVRQJ7KHUHLVRIWHQVRPHIRUPRIPRELOHDXGLRGHYLFHXVHGVXFKDVDQ03SOD\HU
Often they look like simple music videos, although many involve a lot of preparation and production. /LSGXEV can be done in a single unedited shot that RIWHQ

New Social Movement - Centro de Estudios sobre la Identidad

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