WIYOT AND YUROK, ALGONKIN LANGUAGES OF CALIFORNIA

l
IS. 1913
a1909
island
semiwhole
siand .
d the
tis of
amers
in the
Ite of
innel,
and
WIYOT AND YUROK, ALGONKIN LANGUAGES OF
CALIFORNIA
lines
'e the
le, is
where
BY EDWARD SAPIR
MONG the numerous "linguistic stocks " of California, there
are two particularly small ones whose borders are confined
within a small territory in northwestern California. These
are Yurok (or Weitspekan) of lower Klamath river and Wiyot (or
Wishosk) of Humboldt bay; they occupy contiguous territory along
thte Pacific coast. It is the purpose of this paper to show that not
only are these so-called "stocks" genetically rclated, but that they
are outlying members-very divergent, to be sure, but members
nevertheless-of the Algonkin stock. We shall begin by making
sure of the genetic relationship of Wiyot and Yurok.
~fagus
1. WIYOT AND YUROK
with
The material available for a study of these two languages is far
from satisfactory, either as regards quantity or depth of analysis.
For Wiyot we have A. L. Kroeber's paper in "The Languages of
the Coast of California north of San .Francisco"' (pp. 384-413);
for Yurok, a shorter paper by Kroeber in the same volume (pp. 414426). Dr Kroeber has also kindly put at my disposal a vocabulary
of Yurok, which is particularly valuable in that in it he points out
a number of Wiyot parallels. 2
As regards the relation of Wiyot and Yurok, Dr Kroeber has
expressed himself rather guardedly. In i910 he writes: "Whether
the two languages are related is . . . another question. A running
acquaintance with both reveals but few words that are similar.
This number is so small that unless it is materially increased by
1 University of California Publications in American Archwaology and Ethnology.
vol. 9, no. 3, 1911.
2 Since this paper was written, Dr T. T. Waterman, who has considerable manuscript Yurok material, has kindly sent me further Yurok data to work with. Several
new Yurok- Algonkin cognates were thus ascertained.
as Wat.
617
Waterman's forms are cited
6x8
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[l. S., IS,
Sol
1913
further comparison, the resemblances must be regarded as due either
to accident or to borrowing. A systematic comparison cannot be
made until both languages are farther analyzed and the stems and
elements of words, which in most cases are complex, are determined." And, further on, "Loose unification of languages that
may be entirely distinct, based only on general or partial grammatical similarities, is unwarranted. The structural resemblances
between Yurok and Wiyot are however so close and of ten so detailed,
as will be seen, as to create a presumption that lexical and genetic
relationship may ultimately be established; and if not, to make it
certain that morphological interinfluences between the two languages have greatly modified one or both."' The most striking
morphological similarities noted by Kroeber are in the pronominal
forms. He summarizes these similarities as follows:
The pronominal forms of Yurok and Wiyot agree in the following points:
They are incorporative. Elements added to nouns [possessive elements] are
prefixed, those added to verbs suffixed. The prefix and independent forms are
similar to one another, the suffix forms entirely dissimilar, also differing completely
among themselves according as they are objective or subjective. The objective
suffixes precede the subjective, which are identical whether transitive or intransitive. There is a form, used with body-part terms, denoting indefiniteness or
absence of possession; it is se- in both languages. The fundamental elements of
the possessive and independent forms in both languages seem to be n for the first
person and k for the second,-the former common, the latter exceptional in
American languages and therefore significant. The suffix forms in the two
4
languages however show no similarity.'
tactia
. .,I
T
under
and I
noteC
relati
accui
blanc
as m
lexica
other
note
we-U
-1ska'
wesg
PCI
-WOLA
-ML'
49L "
*
.,
In his summary of Yurok Kroeber remarks:
The Yurok language is of the type known as appositional in that pronominal,
modal, temporal, adverbial, and other elements are attached to the verb stem,
which serves as the center of grammatical construction, the other words of the
sentence being syntactically connected with it through these affixes. The verb
is therefore complex, the pronominal elements are essentially affixes, and the
grammar of the noun and substantival pronoun is reduced to a minimum, while
the adjective is a verb. The pronominal elements are suffixed, but most other
relations, including those of manner and time, are expressed by prefixes to the
verb. The possessive prefixes of the noun, and the emphatic substantival pronouns, show no similarity to the pronominal affixes of verbs. Number and synI Kroeber, op. cit.. pp. 414-15.
2 Kroeber, op. cit.. p. 420.
.speL
iZp
'
pin
-es
IS I
kukca
(rn
l
d
I
q.
r5 93
's.
WIYOT AND YUROK LANGUAGES
SAPI'R]
6i9
due either
tactical case-relations are not expressed.
cannot be
stems and
suffixes. Derivation is by suffixation, and many nouns are based on verb stems.
In all these respects WiYot agrees with Yurok. 1
The most, then, that Kroeber has been willing to assert is an
undeniably close similarity of grammnatical structure between Yurok
and Wiyot. The few cases of lexical correspondence that he then
noted seemed hardly enough to justify the hypothesis of genetic
relationship. Since then, however, more comparable material has
accumulated and, in view of the morphological and lexical resemblances thus established, it seems safe to consider Yurok and Wiyot
as mutually divergent members of a single linguistic stock. The
lexical correspondences here given are due chiefly to Dr Kroeber
(some have been already noted by him in the paper referred to,
others have been communicated to me since then); a few others were
are deterlages that
tial gramemblances
o detailed,
ad genetic
o make it
two lan;t striking
ronominal
YUROK
rcompletely
korjetiv
orinitranes or
telemens of
elements of
for the first
xptional in
in the two
pronominal,
perbostmia,
vordsofthein
Thed
oferh
The
andethe
mum, while
most other
fixes to the
intival proer and syn.
.
vnoted by myself.
wing points:
ementa] are
it forms are
Numerals are provided with classifying
NOUNS
WIYOT
o-
seu ee
*tska "4foot"
Ickaea "leg"
we-tsewec "hand"
PeL"tooth"
-W~ t "nail"
-Moz "~~head "I
-JUL "mouth" (Coast Yurok)
-weTL-ker- "bones"
we's
mp
prfx
me-1kan
wat-woell (uea- isprfx
me-till
Wal-kerdl
xwtpnsda
-molar "faces"
-1peL "Itail"
II
me'l
it-W~
-~~~~~~Lpiz
"leg"*P5L ".tongue"
-perns"nose"' (-ern < *-e~n)
mls "fire"
ukca "child"
-etani "strings of dentalium. shells"
(numeral classifier)
tve-iL "foot"
rn-li
mi-etere (< *-elene)
mes, wes
helca "baby"
reni "dentalium. shell currency"
__
I Kroeber. op. cit., P. 426.
' It may be noted once for all that WiYot r is regularly s in origin. This is abundantly evidenced by Wlyot itself. See Kroeber, op. cit.. P. 386.
I It will be observed that Vurok .L frequently corresponds to Wiyot -I or -I.
4Wiyot inandwtooften interchange. See 8roeber. op. cit..p. 385.
'1Note -p- peculiar to Yurok.
620
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
WIYOT
YUROK
wonoyek " sky " (won- " up ")
punk "deer"
Isieri "bear"
faxieL "eagle"
O'LlmeL
jN. S., 15, 1913
wan, wiru-dala "sky"
but-caweti "white deer " (caweti " white ")
setsgeruLigerer
"house"
moP'
camot "bow"
pa"4 "water"
cutat
pck "salt water, ocean"
VERBS AND ADJECTIVES
rurawo "to sing"
ckewok "to like"
pleli, pelil "large"
laliswa
di-cgam
While
dental and
that the bu
In estimati
remembere
incomplete
matical ma
extent. It
related at b
related.
bel "flat, wide"
N UMERALS
qoot-, go(o)xt-, qoxts-, qoor- "one"
go't-, gS'ts-
ni'-, ni'-. nc'- "two"
naxkc- "three"
ril(w)- (< *nitw-)
rik(w)- (< *nikw-)
DEMONSTRA TIVES
gu, gu-r, gu-ru "that"
gic "this"
ku "that, the"
ki "that"
WIYOT
YUROK
INDEPENDENT PRONOUNS
nek " I "
gel "thou"
yil (< *nil ?)
kil
PRONOMINAL PREFIXES
neo-, no-
SAPrl]
"my"
qe-, go "thy"
wes-, (w)o- "his"
me-, m- "somebody's" (indefinite prefix for body-part nouns)
ru-, r- (<
ku-, k(h)u-, wme-, m-
nu-, *n-)-
GRAMMATICAL PREFIXES
kowils- negative
ki- future
ka-, gaka- "imperative"; git-ga particle indicating futurity
Conside
leg," o-skdi
"my tooth
possessive I
express ind
o- or w- "h
generally.
tongue," kmu-sseet "f
"his foot;"
gwan "feat
xkatsis " fc
O-Xhkctsis "1
Turning
elements in
forms as mticle;" and
compare W
ru-daluwi "
origin); and
compare W
1 It
GRAMMATICAL SUFFIX
-ik, -k locative noun ending
-akw
is prob
stems came to t
other stems. S
S., 15, 1913
"white ")
SAVIR]
"white")
Ad
WIYOT
AND
YUROK
LANGUAGES
621
While two or three of these resemblances may be quite accidental and one or two others due to'borrowing, it is difficult to believe
that the bulk of them can rest on anything but genetic relationship.
In estimating the value of this comparative material, it should be
remembered that our knowledge of Wiyot and Yurok is still very
incomplete and that therefore the total amount of lexical and grammatical material that one can work with is quite inconsiderable in
extent. It is clear enough that Yurok and Wiyot are only distantly
related at best, but I believe it to be no less clear that they are indeed
related.
2.
ALGONKIN, WIYOT, AND YUROK
LEXICAL EVIDENCE
Consider Cree mi-skat "leg," ni-skdt "my leg," ki-skat "thy
lON," o-skdt "his leg." Similar to this is m-ipit "tooth," n-ipit
"my tooth," k-ipit "thy tooth," w-ipit "his tooth." These four
possessive pronominal prefixes (m- prefixed to body-part nouns to
express indefinite possessor, "somebody's"; n- "my"; k- "thy";
o- or w- "his") are characteristic not only of Cree but of Algonkin
generally. Compare Micmac m-ilnoo "tongue," n-eelnoo "my
tongue," k-eelnoo " thy tongue," w-eelnoo "his tongue;" Natick
mu-sseet "foot," nu-sseet "my foot," ku-sseet "thy foot," wu-sseet
"his foot;" Arapaho bd- (< *ma-) as body-part prefix; Ojibwa migwan "feather," binissiwi-gwan "bird's feathers;" Blackfoot moxkcatsis "foot," no-xkatsis "my foot," ko-xkacsis "thy foot,"
o-xkatsis "his foot."'
Turning to Yurok and Wiyot, we find all four of these possessive
elements in each. With Cree mi-skat " leg " compare such Wiyot
forms as f-a'n " pubic hair," me-lir or we-lir "eyes," me-ldk "testicle;" and Yurok m- "someone's." With Cree ni-skat "my leg"
compare Wiyot r-a'n "my pubic hair," ra-watkerat "my bones,"
ru-daluwi "my boat" (Wliyot r-, it will be remembered, is n- in
indicate
origin); and Yurok ne-, no- "my." With Cree ki-skat "thy leg"
compare Wiyot ke-lMk "thy testicle," ke-Uir "thy eye," ku-daluwi
t It is probably from such cases as a starting-point that initial m- of noun or verb
stems came to be so often lost in Blackfoot when preceded by grammatical elements or
other stems. See Uhlenbeck's papers cited below.
622
622
~~AMERICAN
ANTHROPOLOGIST
[.S,'.11
[N- S-, 15, 19013
"thy boat;" and Yurok qe-, qo- "thy." With Cree o-skTt "his leg"
and w-ipiti "his tooth" compare Wiyot hu-watkerati'1 "his bones,"
o-silakwe'l "his pain," we-line'l "his eye;" and Yurok we-, wo-, o"his." I fail to see how any ingenuities of mere "accident" could
bring about such perfect accord in use and form of possessive pronominal elements. It was indeed these remarkable analogies that
first led me to consider the possibility of Yurok and Wiyot being
outlying members of the Algonkin stock. The search for further
points of contact soon revealed a number of other grammatical
elements held in common by Algonkin and Wiyot (or Yurok, or
both) and a considerable number of lexical resemblances, some of
them startling enough. I shall now, without further preliminary,
present the lexical evidence.'
PERSONS
W.2 di-wilk, di-wela "somebody, another ": Cree awiyak "person " ( <"auilak;
Lacombe's Cree regularly has y where Eastern Algoakin has Iand Ojibwa is)
W. gakwiL "old man ": Oj. akiwesi "old man"
I For my Algonikin forms I am indebted chiefly to A. Lacombe, Dictionnairede la
Langue des Cris. r874; id., Grammaire de la League des Crss. 1874; Bishop Baraga.
A Theoretical and Practical Grammar oQfthe Otchipwee Language. 1587; id., A Dictionary
of the Otchipwe Language, 1878; W. Jones, Algonqusian (Box), Bureau of American
Ethnology. Bulletin 40, Pt. I. PP. 735-873.1911i; S. T. Rand.Dictionary of the Language
of the Micmac Indians, i888; J. H. Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, Bureau of American
Ethnology, Bulletin 25, 1903; R. Petter, Sketch of the Cheyenne Grammar, Memoirs of
the American Anthropological Association. vol. I. PP. 443-478. 1907; C. C. Uhlenbeck.
Flexion of Substantives in .Blackfoot, A PreliminarySketch, Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling Letterkunde. N. R..
deel xiv, nlo. i. 191,3; id.. De Vormex van het Blackfoot, Verslagen en Mededeelingen
der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenachappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 4" Reeks, deel
XII, PP. I174-2 19. 1913; id., Ontwerp van cene vergelijkende Vorinieer van eenige Aigankinbalen, Verbandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam,
Afdeeling Letterkcunde, N. Rt.. deel xi, no. 3, x9to; T. Michelson, Preliminary Report
on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes. 28th Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, pp. 221-29ob. 1912. For Arapaho I have depended chiefly
on material kindly communicated to me by Dr Kroeber.
vocabularies of Delaware, Abenaki. Malecite, Micmnac,
House Cree; these have been used to some extent in this
*W.
- Wiyot
Del.
Y.
= Yurok
Mal.
Abn. - Abenaki
Mic.
Ar. - Arapaho
Mont.
BI. - Blackfoot
Nat.
Ch. - Cheyenne
Oj.
In i911 I collected short
Montagnais. and Rupert's
paper.
- Delaware
- Malecite
- Micmac
- Montagnais
= Natick
- Ojibwa
W.
mu-iz "MeC
Uhienbec
W. toankr "girl
W. bilc~-tker '
44grandfs
W. dar, danfather."
nates for
W. dak "broth
verbal sii
W. g~-lcker "1gt
grandmo,
mother!'
W. twatc "mot
ksista (C
"his mot
W. ,wka "daugi
to daugh
Oj. -Xing
W. setser'akw
UWseenfil
son-in-la,
W. u'ise-PeWei"
u'iuishav
marry oi
her." V
W. ufwa4l "his
Cree wuiu
W. djst, tau "b
W. dgas "penisW. djspL-ir2'b
Y. -erkerrL "1cnm
Nat. mnu' W. Jones is
Ibid.
' Jones, op.
aMooney, 2
Association, vol.
(N. S., IS,
1913
SAPIR]
"his leg"
his bones,"
dt1
we-, wo-, 0-
lent" could
sessive proalogies that
Viyot being
for further
rammaticaI
Yurok, or
es, some of
LmdOjibwa s)
tiosssaire die 14
!shop Baraga,
A Dictionary
of American
f Ae Laxwguage
of American
r, Memoirs of
:. Uhienbeck,
ii der Konink:unde, N. R.,
lededeelingen
e Reeks, deel
sige Algos kin-
Amsterdam,
Mtisary Report
Dfthe Bureau
ended chiefly
)lected short
iand Rupert's
WIVOT AND YUROK LANGUAGES63
623
W. mil-ir "medicine-man ": Oj. midt "member of Grand Medicine Lodge "
W. Isak, tclk, ssak "child": BI. tsiki "boy" (used as vocative, according to
Uhlenbecke, in speaking to small boys)
W. wtoacer "girl ": Mal. w'~iW1 "child; " Mic. medii-wddfitl " child"
W. bilcb-icker "grandfather": 0j. -misho-miss "grandfather;" Cree -meso-rn
"grandfather"
W. dflr, dan- "father, son": Abn. ki-daddn' "your father," 5-dadan-d' "his
father." Are Oj. -dan-iss "daughter;" BI. fanis-a "daughter," and cognates for "daughter" in other Algonkin dialects related to these words?
W. dtbk "brother, sister": Kickapoo -lead-ma "brother, *sister;"' Cree -tote-w'
verbal suffix referring to "family"
W. gh-tcker "grandmothcr" (for -Icker cf. bitca-tcker above): Cree okku-ma "his
grandmother;" Oj. noko "my grandnmotherl"'; Kiclkapoo n6'ko "grandmother!" ;2 Nat. oku-mrnes "grandmother"
W. pwalc "mother": Cree mi-kaw'iy "my mother," sega Cvoc.); Oj. - la; Bl. niksista (< *mkist^) Nat. no,-kas; Mic. n-kick "my mother," oo-kivy-ill
"his mother; " Del. Pill a-gikV " my mother"
W. reka "daughter" (< *nekd): Kickapoo-negwatua "son-in-law' (? - "married
to daughter, having daughter as wife," cf. below 0j. wiwan "his wife");
Oj. -ningwan "son-in-law"
W. welserakw "son-in-law": Nat. wussFinum "he is son-in-law of," pish ken
waseeisumukqwsk "thou shalt be my son-in-law," nos~nemuck "he is my
son-in-law." Nat. *WoAstnA-M = W. *welsena-.
W. wise-peki "married man," uwisi "married woman": Oj. xi-wish "my wife,'
wiwishan "his wife." Cf. Fox awiw(i)- "to marry;" Oj. iwiui-ma "to
marry one," widige "to be married;" Cree wiyamnew "he is married to
her." With these words are related:
W. sdwa-l "his wife ": Oj. wiwan " his wife; " Kickapoo ?t-lwa " my wife;"
Cree wiwa " his wife;" Nat. no-weewo "my wife"
BOIDY-PART NOUNS
W. ddu, Idu "belly": Cree m-akly "ventrc." Less probably also related to Oj.
m- ddji (< *5di) "belly of an animal;" Ar. is-nt "my belly"
W. dgal " penis; " Y. -xkwuei " Penis ": Cree n-itakdy "mes parties g6nitales"
W.
djtpL-iL,
"beard": Ch. ml,'-skis "whiskers"&
Y. -erkerz " knee ": Cree mi-kitik(w)- "molette du genou; "
Nat. mu-kUsauk
0j. lidigw-
" knee;"
I W. Jones in American Anthropologist, N.s., is, r913. p. 334.
2Ibid.
I BI. tsi. ksi. and psi are regularly developed from ti, hi. and pi.
4Jones, op. cit.
a Mooney, The Cheyenne Indians, Memoirs of the American Anthropological
Association. Vol. I. P. 427.
624
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[N. S., 15 I9I3
SAPIRI
W. hodiere "umbilical cord" (ho- third person possessive prefix?): Oj. -diss
" navel "
W. me-ljk "testicles": Mic. Xilsook "testicle"
W. me-lokaL "throat": Nat. mu-nnnaonk "throat"
W. me-ldl "mouth;" Coast Y. -lUL "mouth" (< *-lul): Cree mi-ton "mouth;"
Oj. -ddn; Mic. o'-46n' "his mouth;" Nat. mu-ttin "mouth." W. -1iul is
perhaps assimilated from *-lan.
W. me'l "excrement;" Y. -molex "faeces": Cree miy, mey "excrement;" Oj.
mo; Nat. mwi, mcoee "ordure, dung"
W. m-ept "teeth;" Y. -peL (< '-pet): Cree m-ipit "tooth;" Oj. *ibid; Mic.
W-ifbit "his tooth;" Ar. be-itfio "tooth" (< *me-ipitI); Nat. w-eepit "his
tooth"
W. merar "horn" (< *wenin ?): Fox -wina- "horn;" Cree -wite "horns of the
head;" Oj. wagi-wvine "it has crooked horns; " Nat. weween "horn "
W. m-etere "nose" (< *-elene); Y. -pern (< *-p-eln ?): Mic. n-ftn "my nose;"
wu-f
"his nose;"J perhaps also Cree m-iteyikum (< *-iteli-, *-iteni-)
"nostril;" Oj. mang-idenigome "to have large nostrils." Is Ar. be-ilJ
"nose" < *me-ijn (but cf. Ch. -as "nose" as incorporated element)?
W. me-tkax "nail;" Y. -we-Lkete "nail": Cree mit-eskan "horn of the head;"
Oj. eshkan "horn;" Nat. askon (i. e., eskan); Bl. mo-tskfnaU.4 Related
to these words are, in all probability, also Oj. -shkanj "nail;" Cree miskasfy; Mic. m-kuise.
W. me-weriL "flesh, fat": Oj. winin "fat;" Nat. weis. weis "fat;" Mic. weoo's
" flesh; " Cree wiyds "flesh "
W. mr-t "tongue;" Y. -piL (< *-p-it) "tongue": Ar. be-iean (< *me-itan)
"tongue;" Bl. m-atsini (< "m-atini < nm-itani by metathesis'); Gros
Ventre fnnltni "tongues" (i. e. -itAni)g; Cree mit-eyaniy "tongue"
(< *-elani); Oj. -enaniw; Mic. m-ilnoo; Del. -lAnd
W. m-okec "fingers": Bl. m-okitsis "finger"
W. kckatc "leg;" Y. Iska "foot": Cree mi-skdi "leg;" Oj. -kad (< *-'kdt)t Bl.
mO-xklsis "leg, foot" (< *-Xkal-); Mic. An-kdt' "my foot;" Nat. muhkont "leg" (i. e. -'kanl). Observe that this stem means both "leg" and
"foot" in both Algonkin and Yurok-Wishosk. There seem to be two
Algonkin stems: -skal (Cree) and -'k& (Mic., Nat.; these dialects regularly
preserve original sk). This is confirmed by incorporated forms -ska- and
-2
W. Wat4
C
W. waS,
b
W. wat-,
.
0
,
b
0
k
W. wat*1'
W. wata
W. Wat.
b
a
Y. we.
.
W. we-J
I
W. we-'
t
W. bdk
'For is < p. see Michelson, op. cit.. p. 235.
Cree not infrequently has I where other Algonkin dialects have n or 1. See
Michelson, op. cit., p. 239.
$Rand gives wedoon (Ist per. nedoon) as "nostril."
4 Bl. -tskin- must go back to *-tskan- or *-Ikan-. as original ki would have given
ksi. Cf. Bl. 6maxksi-kimi "great water" with Oj. -gami- "water."
I Vocalic and consonantic metathesis seems to be rather common in Blackfoot.
Another example of vocalic metathesis is moksis "awl" (< *mokis); cf. Oj. migo5ss.
4G. B. Grinnell in American Anthropologist, N.S.. I5, 1913., p. 330.
W. hwda
W. hWiJ
7
D
P
M
conjunc
ticipial
j
[N- 5-, IS,
1913
fix?): O. -diss
i-tont "mouth;"
h." W. -jaI is
cCrement;" Oj.
)j. -ibid; Mic.
tt. w-eepit "his
"horns of the
1"horn"
I "my nose;"
itcli-, *-iteni-)
Is Ar. be-itf
*lement)?
of the head;"
san.' Related
sil;" Cree mi' Mic. weoo's
(< *m-ilan)
Lthesiss); Gros
siy "tongue"
< .-'kdt); Bl.
ot;" Nat. muth "leg" and
m to be two
kects regularly
rms -ska- and
e n orl.
See
ld have given
in Blackfoot.
Oj. migass.
SAPRra
wiYor
AND YUROK LANGUAGES
625
-'ka (-skali: -ska- = W. Ickatc: Y. tska). -ska- is found in Fox -sk(a)"with the foot" and Cree -ska-we-w (inanimate -ska-m) "with the foot;"
-'ka- is found, e. g., in Fox -'ka- "trail" and Bl. -ka- "foot" (e. g. siksika
" black-footed ").
W. wat-ifau "shell" (wat- in this and following words is prefix): Oj. ess "shell;';
Cree es
W. wat-kai "skin," ra-watkai "my skin": Cree m-asakay "skin of the human
body;" 0O. jagadi; perhaps also Bl. m-otokfs "hide"'
W. wat-kerat "bone," ra-watkerit "my bones;" Y. werLker "bones": Cree oskan
"bone;" Oj. -kan (< *-'kan); Fox su-o'kAn-ernAn; "his bones;" Nat.
m-uskon "bone;" Dl. oxkin (< *oskan). Besides 5oskan (and its reflex
o'kan, -'kan), we find also *-kan- (-gan-) as incorporated element: Cree
-gand-m-ew "action sur les os, en frappant;-" Oj. sabi-gane "to have strong
bones." This suggests that os- (> *ox-, o'-) may be a prefixed element
cognate with W. wat-, Y. werz- (-tk- > -sk-; see metkan above). Cf. werekun below.
VW. wat-melok "ear" (stem -lok): Cree mi-ttdwokay "ear" (incorporated -ttUdoke-);
Nat. m&-htduog; Mont. u-tuki "his ear;" Bl. mo-xt6kis "ear"
W. wat-alk "fin": Cree mit-oskwan "tail;" Oj. ojigwan "tail of a fish;" Nat.
w-ussukgun "his tail"
W. wat-wet "head;" Y. -mOL (< *-wof?): Mic. windi' "head," n-iind~i' "my
head" (< windi, *-undi). It issomewhatdoubtfulif Oj. wijigan "skull"
and Fox u-wlci "his head" are related to these Mic. forms.
Y. werLkun "liver": Cree oskun "liver;" Oj. -kon (< *-'kon < *-skin); Mic.
ooskoo'n; Nat. m-ushqun. For Algonkin os-: Y. uerz- cf. wat-kerdS above.
W. we-ser (< '-sex) "woman's breast": Ar. be-Oen; "breast," be-Oeenel (= -Gens
nect "breast-water") "milk "2
W. we-'s "hand;" Y. we-tsewec: Bl. mo-tsis "hand;" Ar. bdatce; Cree mitcitchiy. Ar. -teeS seems to indicate that Algonkin kc remains in Ar.;
where Ar. has 6 and Fox kc, we seem to be dealing with Algonkin tc after or
before i or I palatalized In Fox to kc before il (cf. Ar. -itliG "tooth" and
-s6an "tongue," in both of which 9 < I after i).
ANIMALS
W. batcwi, bfitciwi "skunk": Mal. abik'tISU' "skunk"
W. halakw, haakul "deer": Oj. anIk "deer," plur. atikwag; Nat. ahtak
W. hiikw "louse": 0j. ikwa "louse;" Cree ikkwa; perhaps also -kw of Mic.
waakw "louse"
Does -ki- go back to *-kai-? Original -ki- would have become -ksi-.
'Pointed out by Kroeber.
' Michelson's sole example (op. cit., p. 235) is Fox -nitc;: Ar. -nxi. That Fox
conjunctive -c; Is here <*-t4 is Indicated by corresponding subjunctive -tc and participial -ta.
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
626
[N.
S., X5. 1913
W. makw "grizzly bear": Cree masrka "bear;" Fox md'kwa; Oj. makwm; Nat.
mass
W. me'lakw "elk": Oj. mons "moose"
W. mireL "angleworm": Cree mottew "worm;" Oj. massc "worm (of wood);"
SAYII9
.W(
reh
deri
W. pai "f
W. pm>U~'
perhaps also Mic. wcte "worm"
W. pane'r "crane": Oj. bini "partridge," bincshi "small bird," bincssi "large
bird"; Cree pihyew "partridge"
Y. uergec "fox": Oj. wagosh "fox;" Nat. wonkidssis; Mic. wokwis
W. p'iJtk,
"ro
Ma!
Y. pontd
Y. I'okw "
PLANTS
Y.
W.
W.
W.
W.
kUpOL "brush": Oj. kibinsan "qbrub, bush"
mskweti " pine ": Oj. amikwundag " white pine"
tdkw-iL, tWg'-iL "tree": Gros Ventre tdn '"
"tree"I
we'taw "salmon-berry": Del. '"akhim "strawberry;" Oj. odci-min
wIkcatc "buds": Oj. wanimik "bud;" or though perhaps less probable, Mic.
wiskilsik "bud"
W. wst "alder": Oj. wadgp "alder-tree"
NATURAL
OBJZCTS
W. gitcai-ailokwe "sun" (cf. ritsowel-ailokwe "moon"): Oj. gisiss "sun, moon;"
Ar. hifis (< *kffis) "sun, moon;" perhaps also Ch. coiva "daily" (-(o)pd
is locative). Should Oj. jijig "day, sky" not be related toW. kak (q. v.),
gitca4 is perhaps to be put rather with Oj. gijig than with gisiss.
Y. ha'di(gon) "rock": Ar. haha'anaekd' "rock"'
W. hakw "snow": Ch. hisids "snow"'
W. ktk "clear sky": Oj. gijig "day, sky;" Cree kijik, plur. kijikwa, kijikaw
"it is day;" Nat. kesuk "day, sunlight;" Mic. -giskuk "day,"' in com.
pounds only. W. kck would seem to imply kisk (cf. Mic. -gisk-); for Oj.
jig: sk (Fox 'k) cf. Oj. bimi-najikawa "to pursue": Fox -ns'ka- "to drive,
pursue." See gikcai- above.
W. i6kak "sand ": 0j. nsgaw "sand; " Cree (i)yekaw (< 'kkaw)
Y. zqeJ "earth": Cree askiy "earth;" 0j. akki; Nat. oAkk (i. e. a'ks); Fox a'ki'
W. mati "wood": Cree mistik (plur. mistikwok, mistikwa) "tree, piece of wood;"
0;. mitig "tree;" Fox mw'lirw-; Nat. mehfug(q); Bl. mistsfs "stick"
(< *misti-s;-s is suffix, as shown by nits-isisi-m "my stick"); Ch. mata
"timber, wood." Bl. and Ch. are interesting as implying Algonkin stem
"mistior masti without -kw- suffix of other Algonkin dialects; this goes
well with W. mati.
W. mes, wes "fire;" Y. metoc "fire": Oj. mishi "piece of wood for fuel," missan
"wood for fuel;" Nat. mishash (Nat. -ash and Oj. -an are inanimate plur.)
W. wan, I
won
"re
Fox
perl
wan
W. cwat "
Ar.
Wot
Y. Aorfu
"WI
W. mol "
"104
"be
Y. naxko
W. tsa£pi
xIicort
VW. kac-we
win
wab
W. atc-J, a
itwe
W. gawe-bi
bec
J G. B.
' Sugge
Grinnell in American Anthropologist,
I Pointed out by Kroeber.
'J. Mooney, op. cit., p. 427.
1 G. B.
N.S.. X5. 1913. p. 328.
' Note(
4 G. B.
'See h
N.4S., IS, 1913
SAPIRI
. maeka; Nat.
n (of wood)."
Uixsssi "large
W.
W.
W.
Y.
Y.
W.
min
wobable, Mic.
WIYOT AND YUROK LANGUAGES
627
"wood;" Ar. bdO (< 'mds) "wood." Is Cree milli "firewood" also
related? There are numerous examples in America of "firewood"
derived from or identical with "fire."
pak "salt water, ocean;" Y. pa'- "water": Gros Ventre wddh "water"'
pat "earth, soil": Ar. bita'h"wu "earth"'
p'fltk, p'ms "rock": Mal. p'An4Psk'W "stone;` perhaps also Mic. -pslk
"rock" in compounds, which, however, seems rather to correspond to
Mal. -Pk'".
pontet "ash": Oj. pingwi, pangwi "ashes;" Cree pihkkow; Nat. pukguee
rokw "wind": Oj. nodin "wind;" Cree yulin (< '1otin) "wind blows"
wan, wiru-daia (< winu-) "sky," gotso-win "day"; Y. wonoyck "sky,"
wonu-dea "sun, moon": Ch. roe "sky" (Ch. t < Algonkin w; cf. Ch. -ova.
"referring to water": Cree -abawa- "by means of water;" nevd "four":
Fox usyw). Kroeber connects Y. wono- with won- "up," with which is
perhaps to be compared 0j. wanako- of wanakong "at top or head of tree,"
wanakowin "top, extremity." wanakodjaonag "foremost part of canoe."
OBJECTS MADE BY MAN
'sun, moon;"
daily" (-(e)vd
V. kek (q. v.),
rsks.
ikw, kilikaw
ay," in com%Sk.); for 0j.
i: "to drive,
a); Fox alki'
ce of wood; "
Wds "stick"
'); Ch. ma"
Igonkin stem
s; this goes
'uel," missan
aimate plur.)
W. cwat "bow;" Y. camot; Coast Yurok cmoxter, cmahater: Fox meta'" "bow;"
Ar. bita (< m*td)i.
If these etyniologies are correct, c(a)- of W. and Y.
would seem to be a prefix.
Y. hordu "arrow": Ar. hoti "arrow;" Cree atus; Oj. mitigw-anwi (mitigw"wood")
W. mol "house;" Y. o'IomL: Bl. moyis "hut;" Gros Ventre -wi', -wuih'
"lodge;"' Ar. ha'a"wu "house," -anwu "lodge" (-"wu < -*mu; cf. woxw
"bear": Cree maskwa)
Y. nasko " board ": Cree nabakittak " board;" Oj. nabagissag
W. isapi "arrow": Bl. apssi "arrow" (< 'api), n6-xpsss "my arrow." Fox
n4pf "my arrow;" Ar. n-etc' "my arrow." If these etymologies are
correct, W. Is-is a prefix.
W. kac-werar "small house" (< *-winan):Mal. weno'd.4gwQm' "house"; Mic.
windifgwum'; Ar. nina" "house" (< %uina"?cf. Ar. nolku "rabbit": Oj.
wabos )
V.RD AND ADJECTIVE STEMS
W. atc-l, anc4-, hane-w; iK-l "to say, tell": Cree ite-w "il lui dit," itwc-w "il dit,"
itwe-win "word;" Oj. nind-ina "I tell him"
W. gawe-betser "it is becoming dry" (gawe- inchoative): Oj. ba-ss "to be,
become dry," ba-tte "it is dry;" Cree pa-swcw "he dries it"
I G. B. Grinnell in American Anthropologist, N.S., I5, I913, p. 328.
' Suggested by Kroeber.
' Noted by Kroeber.
' G. B. Grinnell in American Anthropologist, N.S., I5, I9I3, p. 329.
' See Michelson, op. cit., p. 235.
628
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[-T. S.,
is, 1913
S APLr]
W. bikewe-tskarer "to peel": Oj. bishagi-bina "to peel, pare, shell, flay"
W. bokin "to hit, strike": Fox PAgA-, PAgi- "to strike;" Oj. pakitY.
W. picar "t
qoyo
W. butc " to scratch ": Cree pes- " tracer, tirer des lignes"
W. caew "sick. to die": Oj. dkos "to be sick"
W. rakcem '
W. siswa "I
W. capo "straight": Nat. sampwi "it is straight"
W. dokap, dokaw "to crack": Oj. tashka "to split"
W. gets "cold": Cree kissin "it is cold;" Oj. kissina "it is cold"
W. gos-wiwi " to swim ": Crec kosdpew " il enfonce dans leau "
W. it, w-it, n-it "to sleep, dream": Cree itdbat- "to dream;" Oj. inabanW. kac, kacam "small, short": Oj. agashi " small;" Ch. ka- "short"
W. hi-kawaw-iL (hi- denotes past time) "they cut it (dead body) up;" Oj. gawa-
W. tawal, de
W. tawi "tc
W. tawik-'
W. ten "to
W. tigdis-w
Y. imo "to
corn
"to cut down (tree);" Fox kBwA- "to crunch"
W.
W.
W.
W.
W. hoe-zayg
kiedai "to take, pick": Cree kitti-new "il y met la main"
kika "red": BI. kesik- (< *kik-) "white"
kLet "hot": Oj. kij-ate "it is hot;" Ar. hai sid'c "it is hot" (< *kdsi-')
ko-mal, (perhaps also) da-kwes "to hang": Cree kosa-we "to hang," ako-tew
"he hangs it;" Oj. ago- "to hang (tr.);" Nat. (h)ogkw-chin "it hangs, is
W. Isaw "tA
W. kitsiI"
Y. tiyuk,a
perh;
W. Isoes ''
saw-s
W. was, IM
W. wayi "
Y. uec'osa
le te
suspended"
W. (hi-ka-)kuway;J(-iL) "(were not) afraid any longer": Fox ku- "to fear;" Oj.
go-; Cree ku-sW. lakwet "to cough": Mal. ngk'-hAmO- "to cough;" Mic. n6'-yum'
W. ailisw "to sing;" Y. rurawo: Mal. dyint' (or dlin'to-) " Obsing;" Abn. Uin'to'
"sing!" (probably from dl-). Such forms as Abn. kwdwadzint'o- "to
W. wels, w
begin to sing," dabadakwint'o- "to finish singing," Mal. -mimadjen.' t'o-
th
in tl
malo
Y. h-wer
in
"to begin to sing," e'kwin'to- " to stop singing " show that (d)tin 'to- is
compounded of dli- and -n'tp-.
It is with this dli- (< *djli-?) that W. lali-
is probably to be compared.
W. letka "to fall, descend": Cree nitta-kusiw "to descend," nitti-neu "he lowers
mi-l
W. werutc'
it"
W. ha-lewu, o-kwu, dolewu "to dance": Fox ntim- "to dance;" Cree nimi-w;'
Oj. imm: Mic. nimol'kai' "I dance"
W. xeriwoketskarer "to peel": Cree sinik- "frictionner, frotter, essuyerbrosser; " Oj. sinigo- "to rub"
W. mIw-"toeat(slainaanimal)": Oj.amwa"toeat(animateobject);" FoxAmw-
Del.
W. ted "s2
Cree
It is I
"to eat;" Ch. mis (< miw) "to eat (e. g. human flesh)"'
Y. new, neg'wo (i. e. ne-rwo
nemwo, according to Kroeber) "to see": Fox new-,
ndu- "to see;" Del. nwaw, "I see him"
verb ster
se
W. niewom "to kill," hi-nfewa-k "he killed him": Cree nipa- "to kill;" Mal.
na'pa-. Is Del. nil- of ni'ldwa- "to kill" related?
Y. ok " to live, be " (Wat.): Fox (u)wgsg-, (u)wlge- " to dwell"
W. pekaJ " to break, open, cut ": Cree payipa (< *pai-?)" percer de part en part"
likely on
stems ma
secondari
restricted
I See Michelson, op. cit., p. 235.
indeed, oi
lect can
2 J. Mooney. op. cit., p. 426.
AM.AM
I
a
SAP'Is]
[N. S., IS, I913
picar " to swell ": Cree pisakusiw "it est abondant, ii fournit beaucoup"
"long": Cree kino-, kinw- "long;" Oj. gino-, ginwW. rakeem " to pursue "; Fox nag- "to follow after"
W. siswca "black": Bi. sik- "black"
W. lawai, dakw " dead, to die ": Fox Idw(i)- verb stem indicating "physical pain
W. lawi "to butcher": Nat. tumm-ussum, tumm-ehlam "he cuts (it) off"
W. lawik-wi "to visit": Fox utawi- "to visit"
"to be seated"
"~''ai
W. sern " to sit ": Del.
ligelis-wi " to swim ": Mic. deg##rn- "to swim, bathe "
~~~~~~W.
Y. Imo " to shoot with bow " MWt.): Fox pemw(u) - " to shoot." If this is
4
correct, Y. tmo would seem to be dissimijlated from 'pis.
W. twe-Layer " to cut, notch ": Cree twa-h'weu "he makes a hole in it"
W. Isaw "to touch ": Cree scami-tzeu " to touch "
W. Isitsir " to sneeze ": Cree tchatcha-mo~w "he sneezes"
V~~~~~~~.
isiyisk, at~siyuqw. atsiyiluk " to sit ": Ar. fioku "to sit " (cf. Oia~ku "to stand")
perhaps also B!1.itsistoxk- "(to do ) while lying"
'c.
W. isowes " to shout ": Cree sdkowe-uw, sd-s4skwe-w " he cries out with joy; " Oj.
sa-ssikwe "to shout with joy"
W. waL, mnaL, pL "to eat": Fox wiseni- "to eat;" Oj. wissin
W. wvayis "to bend": Oj. wvagina "to bend;" Cree wdki-siwo "he is bent"
Y. wec'ona "sky": Cree wais- "clair, lumincux, brillant," waseskwan "le ciel,
le temps est clair"
W. welu, wilts "hollow": Cree wayd.Izew (< wat-) "he hollows it," wij "hole
in the earth," wdyi-siw, "hollow (inanimate);" Oj. woauike "to dig a hole
in the ground;" Mic. w61-b~gdddkun "to be hollow," weill-kobdtkim "to
make a hollow in the ground " (i. e. waj-)
V. h9L-Wen460.C "give me" (stem we-noo.): Cree mi-yew "he gives him;" Oj.
mi-na " to give him;" Ar. bi-n- (< *mi-) "to give;" Fox mi-nW. wer'atc " to drink," weratc? " water ": Cree minikkw. " to drink; " Oj. mixikwe;
Del. min'd-; Ar. bdn.d
W. wet "satisfied," w~ita'sW-iL "he rejoiced": Fox mtetl- "to take pleasure in;"
Cree miydt-urttew "it en eat content"
~~~~~~~~Y.
qogane'WUL (reduplicated)
5'
,zdbanP;" Oj. gawa-
*kasii)
ang," ako-tew
"it hangs, is
'to fear;" Oj.Mt'
"Abn. lin't'o'
i'adrintj'- ".to
simadjen.' t'o.
t(d)Iin`to- is
that W. [Wi
w""he lowers
Cree rimi-w;
ter. essuyer.
Fox
629
W.
flay.0
;"FOX
WIYOT AND YURQOK LANGUAGES
AmW,-
It is very important to notice that several Algonkin secondary
ndtv-,
verb stems (i. e. such as occur only compounded with preceding
stm) seem to be cognate with Wiyot primary stems. It is quite
~~kill;"
Mal. ~likely
D kill; " Mal.
part en part"
on general principles, in view of the fact that several initial
stems may be compounded in Algonkin, that many, if not all, such
secondary stems are in origin primary stems that came to be
restricted to a secondary place in compounds. Once in a while,
indeed, one finds that a stem which is primary in one Algonkin dialect can be used only as a secondary stem in another. Thus
Am. ANTH.. N. S.. 15-42
630
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[N. S., 15, 1913
Baraga gives Oj. nin gdbaw for " I stand," nin gdbawia for "I make
him stand," while Lacombe defines -kabawi-w in Cree as "une
terminaison qui d&signe: se tenir debout;" similarly, in Fox, Jones
lists -gdpd- "to stand" as a secondary stem (of the second order).
The examples so far discovered of Wiyot primary stems corresponding to Algonkin secondary ones are:
W. inag' "to think": Oj. -en(i)- "to think" (e. g. in-en-dam "to think of it,"
takwendam "to think always of it"); Fox -ane- "relates to mental operation; " Cree it-eyi-mew " il le pense ainsi; " Nat. -an- (e. g. an-an-tam, unan-lam "he thinks," miss-an-tam "he thinks much")
W. kawi " to make ": Bl. -ka-, -xka-, -xka- " to make something; " Cree -kkeW. Lephai "to taste": Cree -spo-ku, -spi-te "it tastes so and so;" Oj. mino-pidjige "to find a good taste" (-pi- < *-'pi < "-spi)
W. otw "to bring": Cree -towat-ew (ending of neuter verbs) "un fardeau, un
poids, qu'on porte sur son dos;" Fox -o "to bring, carry a burden on one'saOM,
back;" Oj. -oW. unas " to crawl": Fox -ota- "to crawl"
SAPIR]
origi,
*t il
be au
hadk is i
W. rTawe-, r
Mic.
cf. y(
Algo
Y. loon-, ts
simit3
W. haW "s
nesa
nospom
taksu
to pc
NUMERALS
W. go't-, gu'ts- "one;" Y. goot-, oo(o)xt-, goor-: Fox nigut' "sne;" Oj. ningoto-;
Nat. nequt; Bl. nittkska <
'niluki- < nikuli-. Is original Algonkin -gotmodified to ni-got- by analogy of other numerals beginning with n-? I
W. rit(w)- (< *nitw-) "two;" Y. ni'-, na'-, ne'-: Cree nijo, nifuw- " two;" Fox
nticwi'; Ar. nisi; O. nij; Abn. n s-; Ch. nixJ "two," nis "two of;" Bl.
ndtoka "two." Algonkin nicw- may have been developed from *nihw(cf. W.) as original -1k- developed to -ck-, -sk- (see part 4 of this paper).
Originally, antevocalic *nicw- may be supposed to have varied with anteconsonantal 4nilo-; this is confirmed by Bl. ndto-ka with its otherwise
mysterious -t- (-ka suffixed as in hitsks-ka "one" and nin6ks-ka "three").
W. rik(w)- (< "nikw-) "three;" Y. naxkc-: Cree nislo, nistw- "three;" FA
neswi; Ar. ndsd; Oj. nisso-, nisswi; Abn. nas-; Ch. n#a "three," nahe
"three of" (-h- < -s-); Hl. niuokska, niu6ka (i. e. *niwoki-?). W. -kwand Algonkin -sw- (e. g. Fox) and -stw- (e. g. Cree) point to original final
-w- of stem; W. -kw-, Y. -xkc- and Bl. niuok- point to -k- as part of final
consonant cluster;' Y. -xkc- and Algonkin -sw-, -stw- point to -s- as
ItAnother example of consonantal metathesis, if metathesis indeed is involved
here, seems to be malsikin "moccasin",< *masikan < *makisan; cf. Cree maskisin
sttal
Oj. makisin.
' Perhaps Algonkin "one" without n- prefix is preserved in Abn. kwid-i4's "six,"
.e., "one and five " (cf. below under W. h lu "seven").
J Mic. inanimate ndsiskil (i. e. nisiskAl; -Al is inanimate plural) also suggests
original -k-. -sisk- < *-siks(w)-, assimilated from *-niks(w)- (see below). How
explain ni-? Cf. Algonkin nt-got-?
Two o
may be ir
W. daru "a
Y o
othei
Y. kuc Ists
pir I
i
blad4
can I
s-: I
"tass
fi)
erpi
W. dat "u3
Y.
Y.
pWs-k, I
Cree
W. tcact "sa
U
[X. S., IS, 1913
;for "I make
xree as une
in Fox, Jones
econd order).
s correspondto think of it,"
Dmental opera.an-an-tam, una-
;"
Cree -kkeOj. mino-ph
un fardeau, un
burden on one's
SAPIRJ
WIYOT AND YUROK LANGUAGES
631
original member of this cluster also. Perhaps original *nzksw- (with loss of
-ws-in Y. and of -s- in W.) lies back -of all our forms; Algonkin -stw'- may
be supposed to have developed from -ksw- (in those dialects that do not
preserve -it-, -stw- developed to -sw-; that all Algonkin dialects originally
had -siw-, and that -sw-, -s- did not directly develop from -kswv-by loss of
k is indicated by Mic. tfi', assimilated from *nist-)
W. riaw-, ram- "four" (< niaw-): Cree newo "four;" Fox nyaw"'; j. nfimin;
Mic. niu; Abn. 'yau' (animate 'ysfw'-ak'); Ch. nevd; Ar. yaini (y- < ny-;,
cf. ydIoani "five": Fox nya'nAXW'). BI. niso "four" does not lit well with
Algonkin *nvew; perhaps it is to be more closely connected with:
Y. loan-, tsoon- "four" (perhaps < *~5lffso., cf. ldmaw- below; this may be dissimilated from *noson- < *nsn or *nison-): BI. nis(o)6, niso "four"
W. hdiu "seven": Mic. etuulginAk' "seven;" Fox nihig4 (for -g' cf. also
nigutwacie "six" and nkwcig "eight," probably also cglg "nine;"
n& < in- cf. itsniw' "man" alongside of inaniw'). Fox n~hi- corresponds to Mic. eluui-. Most Algonkin dialects have 2 ± 5 for 7: 01.
nij-asso-; Mont. nijw-6'AiJ; Rupert's House Cree nf's-6s; Nat. nes-dusuk
laliske; Ch. nis-oxtod; Ar. nis-a"; Abn. dab'ajf (< *dabo-As; cf. kwid-AS
"1six" and Mic. dabo"'"two"). W. hdiu.Fox nJ(hi)-, and Mic. elu(s')- seem
to point to an older stem for " seven " not based on a quinary system.
Two or three other elements of indefinite numerical significance
may be included here:
I Algonkin -gotwith n-? I
v- "two; " Fox
"two of;" BI.
ed from *nitwof this paper).
4id with anteiits otherwise
;s-ka "three").
"three;" Fox
"three," n'ahe
i-?). W. -kwo original final
as part of final
oint to -s- as
W. darus "all" (also as verb prefix rus-): Crec talio, latiw-aw "each, every"
Y. q~tin "the other": Cree kulaks "another;" Fox kistAg-; Nat. on-katog "another person"
Y. huc lsdme-L " how many? " hue tdmauw-o "how many months? " hue tamopir "how many dentalia?"'
hue- iermerw-er "how many woodpecker
scalps? " (assimilated from *laamawer), hue lermerpi "how many obsidian
blades?" (assimilated from *tam(aw)-erpi) (hue is "what?" whence tamawocan be inferred to mean "as much as, so and so many in number;" for
tle-: I- cf. tsoon-: loon- "four" above, perhaps implying original stem
*lasm(aw).): Oj. dassw(i)- "so and so many" (used with numeral classifiers); Fox w~w(i)- "as many as, as much as, number." With Y. termerpi cf. Oj. dassw-dbik "so and so many objects of metal, stone, or glass."
eed is involved
. Cree mnaskisin
W. dat "up, above": Cree tell- "to be over" (Ileiahyew "he puts it above,"
kwid-Vs
"six,"
I) also suggests
below). How
LOCAL TERMS
ltelapiw "he is seated over")
Y. pels-i/s " up stream " (-iksis locative): Mic. petow "up stream "
Y. pul-ik, pssleku-/s " down stream ": Mic. bdp-ksJA/ "down stream " (cf, perhaps
Cree mamik " bas d'une riviere ")
W. Icaic " south ": Cree stawan "south; " 0j. jawan, Nat. sowandyeu
632
AME~RICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[X.
S.,
I5, 1913
W. kwui " behind; " Y. h,$-Ldu- verb prefix " in the rear " (Wat.) (be- is demonstrative'; -zgau- < *Lqwe-, cf. Y. hordu "arrow" < *hotwr: Oj. sshkwi "to
remain (behind)," ishkewa- "after, at the end of something," ishkweiang
"behind the others;" Cree iskwu- "the last, at the end, in the last place;"
Nat. ashq- (i, e. ackwu-) in ashishoul "he who remains," ashgisnui "he
who is left;" Mic. eskw- in eskwaadoo "I let it remain," es/eweak "to
remain." Primitive Algonkin *ekw(i)-, *skw(i)-, variable vowel i-, a-,
e- being presumably prefixed merely to support consonant cluster.
W. wea "far": Oj. wanssa "far;" Cree wtiyois
W. wur "north" (< *mon?): Ch. notam "north" (perhaps dissimnilated fromni
"Inotar; cf. na'ko "bear" < 'ma'kw.?)
SAFID.]
We E
that All;
W.
r., ru
fog
TI1
PRONGOUNS
Y. hi-, he- (Wat.) demonstrative stem compounded with local adverbs used as
verb prefixes (c. g. hfigwop "in front floating," hspets "up stream,"ki
hizgagin "in the rear," hici "this side of"): Fox I- of ina "that" (animn,)
ini (inanim.) (-na as in M~ena
W.
k-, ki
"this "); perhaps also i- of Fox ici- " thus,"
Cree it-, Oj. in-al
Y. iyo, yok "this," plUr. yoLkO: Creeechok"ce, celui-ci," plur. eokonik; Oj. iw. iwi
"that;" Nat. yeu "this (thing)," animate yeuoh, animate plur. yeug
W. cid-wa " that; so, thus,;" perhaps also Y. hi-ci " this side of " (Wat.) (he- is
demonstrative):.- Cree Iche-skwa " ci-apres " (for -skuwa, see W. tcuwi " behind "); perhaps nlso Fox ici- " thus "
Y. kuc "what? where? ": Fox -gu- in wJgunO""what (inanimate)? " (cf. wallndt"S
",who?")
Y. fix interrogative pronominal stem in tinica "what? what kind?" finp
"1which one?": Cree tan- interrogative pronominal stem in tinisi "how?W
of what kind?" hItneki "why?" tainallo "how much?" fitnispi "when?";
Fox tdn' "which (animate singular)?"; BI. Ida (animate singular) "which?
being where? "W
W.-wa in du-uwa "what? " ci-wa "What? " wai "is that so?": Oj. wea "Alat?"
(in answer to questions); Ch. -vi, -va in ncvrt "who? " henova "what is it?"
Y. nek "1;" W. yiI (< *nil?): Cree niya " I" (< *nila); Fox "n'n; Oj. lies;
Nat. neen; Mic. neess (assimilated from *nl); Mal. nit
W. hil "thou;" Y. get: Cree kiya "thou" (< *hila);Fox kin'; Oj. kin; Nat.
keen; Mic. keei; Mal. hi?
W. hindr, windy "we" (< *-nd2n;are these two forms inclusive and exclusive?):
Cree kiyinow (inclusive), niyan, niyanitn (exclusive); Fox kldn'es ensitee";
Oj. kinawvind, ninawind; Nat. kesenawun, neenawun; Mic. hecewo, nenM;a
cf. also -nana and -nana of BI. nishinana, ksistzu'nsea (these are really
possessive forms of stem -sin-)
W. kilwwa "you (plur.) ": Cree kiyawaw "you (pi.)" (<kilawanv); Foxa
k~nwawl; Oj. kinawa; Nat. kenavau; Mic. kelow; cf. also BI. -aua (= W.
-wea)in ksistdaua (really possessive form of stem -slo-)
b
W. hu-,
1
W
W.InW.
Vd1a
b
W. hiW. ka.,
1
W. ha-
IN. S., IS. I193
(he- is demonOj. iskhwi "to
.g," ishkweiang
he last place;"
ashqunsu "he
eskweak "to
vowel i-, a-,
-luster.
SAPIR]
sik; Oj. iw, iwi
4ur. yetg
(Wat.) (he- is
W. tcwi " be-
MORPHLOGICAL EVIDENCE
We shall begin by taking up the various grammatical elements
that Algonkin has in common with Wiyot or Yurok or both.
POSSESSIVE PRONOMINAL PREFIXES
W. r-, rv-, ra- (< In-, *nu-, Ina-); yi- (before terms of relationship; < *xi-?)
W.
W.
W.
? " (cf. wand"
kind? " tinpa
X14nisi "how?
ispi "when?";
Iular) "which?
- wa "what?"
t "what is it?"
nin'; Oj. fin;
633
3. ALGONKIN, WIYOT, AND YUROK
limilated from
Iverbs used as
"up stream,"
that" (anin.)
x ici- "thus,"
WIYOT AND YUROK LANGUAGES
W.
"my;" Y. ne-, no-: Cree n-, ni-, nt- "my"; Fox n-, ne-, net-; Oj. ni-, nin-.
nind-; Mic. n-, An-; Nat. m-, nu (= #A-); B!. n-, ni-, nit(s)-, no-. -4forms (BI. -1- or -Is- forms) are used before stems beginning with vowels,
This -1- seems comparable to -d- of W. ru-d-aluuwi "my boat" (haluws
"boat"), probably also d- of d-etere "my nose" (m"-tere "nose").
h-, kn-, " thy; " Y. qe-, qo-: Cree k-, hi-, kit- " thy;" Fox k-, he-, ket-; Oj. hi-,
kid-; Mic. k., OA- (i. e. Ak-); Nat. k-, ki- (i. e. kA-); BI. k-, ki., kit(s)-,
ho-, Ar. hi- ( < hki-). -t- forms (BI. 4- or -Is- forms) are used before stems
beginning with vowels. This -I- seems comparable to -4- of W. ku-daluwi "your boat."
hau-, a-, w- third person possessive pronominal prefix, singular or plural,
"his;" Y. we-, ueo-, a-: Cree o(t)-, tw-; Fox u(t)-: Oj. o(d)-, w-; Mic. a-'
w-; Nat. w-, wu- (i. e. WA-); Bl. o-, ol(s)-, mm-, me- body-part prefix, "somebody's;" Y. m-: Cree m-, mi-; Oj. n*-;
Mic. Im, 'm- (i. e. Am-); Nat. m-, mu- (i. e. mA-); Bl. An; Ar. ba- (< *mn).
See beginning of part 2.
wat- body-part prefix (e. g. wat-kerat "bone," wat-melok "ear," ra-wat-kai
"my skin"); Y. werL- (e. g. -werLker "bone," -waeLktn "liver"): Cree
os- of certain body-part nouns (e. g. os-kan "bone," os-khn "liver"), see
part 2 S. v. wat-kerdt. Certain body-part nouns in Arapaho are 'preceded
by wa- (wan-?): wa-uatana' (read wan-atana'?) "ear," wa-not (read
wan-at? cf. Oj. m-idji <5 m-idi "belly of an animal") "belly," wa-a`9
"foot." It is tempting to compare this wa(n)- with W. wat-, though
Kroeber suggests it may be another form of bd- (see under m-).
TENSE-MODE VERB PREFIXES
Oj. kin; Nat.
id exclusive?):
4nfn', nsaun-;
keexoo, nenin;
tese are really
kilawav); Fox
I1.-aua (- W.
W. hi- prefix of ordinary past: Ch. -'- prefix indicating past time (e. g. na'-mese
"I ate": na-mese "I eat")
W. ha-, ga- negative (e. g. guls-kd-nakw "it is not good," hi-ka-kuwhyWL "were
not afraid any longer"); Y. kowits-: Oj. ha- "not," hawin as independent
adverb; Ar. hdw' (< hkdw'); Cree eka (only with subjunctive forms)
W. ka- prefix which, together with suffix -iLya, forms imperatives of some verbs
(e. g. ka-zAl-iLya " jump I "); Y. hi- future prefix, kiNi- (Wat.) " impending
action": Creeka-,hata-. kita- futureprefixes; Oj.gae-,gad-. WithCree kilis perhaps also to be compared git- of W. gilga, particle indicating futurity.
I.
634
Y.
Y.
Y.
W.
AMERICAN ANTHIROPOLOGIST
[N- S-.
S,193sm]
ki- '*incomplete action " (Wat.): Cree ki- prefix of past time
mnatseki- "if " (-ki- is perhaps future prefix): Ch. ma "if, when"jnt
nimi-, tzimok- negative: Cree nama, nama-"'.not"1
wi-, wsa- future prefix: Fox upi- future prefix; Cree si- "signe de la volont4;
etre sur le point die"
ADVERBIAL VERB PRR-FIXES
W. -iGtaPal
Yegis
W. -a "hin,
-a-; C
subor
tive
"him
(comprising also elements best considered as initial verb stems in Algonkin)
W. dakw- in ddkw~-dariudakw "they are with (their grandmother) ": FOX tAgw(i)" together; " Oj. dago- "amongst others, amongst -other things "
W. gawe-, gawu inchoative prefix: Abn. kwdwadzi- "to begin to" (e. g. kwdwadziniq- "to begin to sing; " also howadri-)
Y. kits- prefix indicating completed past: Cree kisi- or kiJi- "to finish;" Fox
kic(i)- "to finish;" BI. -ksist(s). perfective prefix (< *-kisi-)
W. kud- "back, again": Cree kiwe-w "he returns to his own place," kiwe-hu-yew
"he takes him back to hiss country"
W. let- prefix defined by Kroeber as "apparently defining motion in some way"<
(perhaps circular motion is implied: let-kakeg'al-iL "roll," dak-lel-at hanagat
"boil violently," let-kakegal " fall "'): Fox tetep- "to move in a circle"
Y. tsegi- " all " (Wat.): Fox tcelgi- "all, entirely"
PRONOMINAL
_________
kimis
SUFFIXES
WV.-e'l third person (singular or plural) possessive suffix (e. g. we-iin-e'l "his eye,"
hu-w~atkeraf-i' " his bones"): Fox -An' (obviative ending); Oj. -an; Mal.
-AZ'; Mic. -tWii. e.-Al). Algonkin noun formnswith third person possessive
prefix normally end in obviative *..ali, thus, Oj. o-sixiss-an "his father-inlaw" (cf. ki-siniss "thy father-in-law"). Is W. -e'l really obviative, and
is W. hu- -..e'l: Algonkin 'o- .-.ate more than accidental?(ai
i
Y. -k "I" (subjective): Fox -g "I" in -A-9i "himi-I"
(conjunctive mode);
Cree -a-k " him-I " (subj unctive-participle), -a-ki-k " them-I; " Oj. -a-g ,U
" him-I " (subjunctive)
Y. -m "thou" (subjective): Oj. -m "you (plur.)" (indicative mode; < *..mwa,
as indicated by imperfect -mwa--bax; this -mwa may be compounded of
original -in- "thou," no longer preserved as such, and -wa, second person
plural suffix, seen, e. g., in Oj. ki- . . . -wa "your"~ and -wa of W. kilus-wa
"lyou" and -itawa, see below); Algonkin -mupa appears in several dialects
as -pwa (e. g. Fox and El.).
W. -it, -at " thou " (subjective): Fox -cid (< *..ti) in -A-tai "him-thou " (consj unctive), -te in -A-tC " him-thou " (subjunctive); Cree -a-I "him-thou"W
(subjunctive-participle); Oj - -a-d "him-thou" (subjunctive)
W. -itak, -atak "we" (subjective): Fox -ydge "we (exclusive)" (conjunctive);
Cree -yak (subjunctive-participle); Oj. 4iang (subjunctive)
I But see part 2 s. v. letka.
W. -Ikuw in
dkW. -atho cai
W. cevsuff:
e. g. i
t
uitrai
niwl'
"he
intrai
color.
ad
clr
W. -Iayer s
notdt
"toni
~~~~
"'cdui
Y
i
di
it nrk
W - n tikwn
notd-
ance,
(inan
"if a
tsae
ablyn
cably
ot
~~~~~~~~
-u, -au a
SAflP]
I9I3
).S,15,
WI YOT AND YUROK LANGUAGES
635
W. -itawa, -alawa " you (plur.) " (subjective): Fox -ydgwe "you (plur.) " (conjunctive); Cree -yek (subjunctive-participle); Oj. 4eg (subjunctive; <
*..yegwa > 4 -yego, as indicated by pluperfect -iego-ban)
W. -a " him ": Fox -A- "him " (conj unctive; see under -k and -it above); Cree
-a-; Oj. -a-. Note that in Algonkin, as in Wiyot and Yurok, when (in
subordinate modes) both pronominal subject and object are suffixed, objective elements precede subjective elements; thus, Fox *A-t-Ci (<: *-A-1i)
le la volontfl;
Algonkin)
"him-thou" like W. -a-it (often contracted to 4t) "him-thou."
FOX lAgW(j)-
OTHER VERB SUFFIXES
(e. g. kwd
(including elements best considered as secondary verb stems)
W. -4kw in wanakw "tree": Fox -d'kw- "wood, tree;" Cree -s4sku- (e. g. ask4skus-siy "green wood ")
W. -411w causative suffix: BI. -als- causative suffix
W. -er suffix found on intransitive verbs (including numerals and adjectives;
e. g. rikw-er "three," kacam-er "small," gawva-befs-er "it is becoming dry;"
< *-in): Cree -n suffix of first and second persons singular indicative of
intransitive verbs (including adjectives; e. g. rn-miyosi-n "I am good,"
ni-pimipatt&-tz "I run," contrast miyosi-w "he is good," pimtipatta-uw
"1he runs"); and -n suffix of third-person inanimate indicative of many
intransitive verbs (adjectival and impersonal; e. g. miwutsi-n "it is good,"
kimiwa-n "it rains")
W. -Lak adjectival suffix on terms of color: Fox 4.4g- secondary stem referring to
finish;" Fox
kiwe-hu-yew,
Lsome way"
-ki-iat/ansaga
tcircle"
e'1 "his eye,"
)j. -an; Mal.
color.
On Possessive
his father-in.,
,viative, and
!tal?
ctive mode);
-I;" Oj. .a-g
e; < *-mwa,
ripounded of
!cond person
f W. kiluwa~,
treral dialects
-thou" (conhim-thou"
:onjunctive);
-
-s
~ ~
W. -Layer suffix in verbs of cutting and related activities (e. g. tire-Layer "to cut,
notch," ka-Layer "to whittle." kaWe-Layer "to mnash," gutwaiap-Layes'
"to brush"), probably best considered as secondary stem: Cree -sew-s
(animate object), -s-am (inanimate object) "la marque du feu, du ciseau
et du couteau," -sawat-ewo (animate- object), -sawat-am (inanimate object)
"'Taction du couteau ou du ciseau"
Y. -P54L in tenpuL " rain ": Oj. 4bissa " to rain " (secondary stem), Mic. kf'-pgiax
"it rains "
W. -rakw, -erakw ( < *-iakw)verb suffix "to be" (perhaps better defined as denoting " to be so and so in appearance or character; " e. g. gots-herakwv "he is
good-looking," makz-erakw-4L "he is small"): Fox -ndgu- "look, appearance, resemblance" (secondary stem); Cree -adkeu-si- (animate), -nakw-a(inanimate) verb suffix indicating "action de la vue " (e. g. mtiyo-,sdku-si-w
"il a belle apparence ")
W. -4skareriiuffix in verbs of peeling (e. g. rari-tskarer "to shave, plane," bitcewefskarer "to peel," zeriwoke-tskarer "to peel," ci-tskarer "to flay"), prob~~~~ably
best considered as secondary stem: Cree -kkut-e, "'Taction dui
~~~~~couteau, de la hache et de la verloppe, sur Ie bois"
V. -u, -au adjectival suffix (e. g. kacewi-au "short," cf. kacam-er "small;" perhaps
I
ANTHROPOLOGIST
636 ~~AMERICAN
636
SAPIR)
93APR
[.S,15
NS-, IS, 19I3
Aside fro
elements, it 1:
morphologia
Among thes(
us to general
I. Posses
There are di,%
person singul
plural posses
elements (cf.
ke--Pwa "yc
definiteness
predicative, as in ra'L-atv-iL "it is long"): Cree -w third person inanimate
suffix of certain intransitive verbs (adjectival and impersonal; e. g. measkawa-w "it is strong," takkigamiwa "liquid is cold"); BI. -o, -a predicate
inanimate adjectival suffix (e. g. 6maxk-o " big," cf. animate 6maxksim for
persons, dmaxkimins for animals, 6maxksiksiim for trees). Do Cree inanimate adjectives in -is and -uwcorrespond respectively to W. adjectives in
-er and -au?
NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS
Y. -emi "times, occasions, years" Ce. g. naxkcemi "three years) ": B1. .Mii
numeral classifier for "years" (Uhlenbeck states: "In order to indicate
age the noun stayi 'winter' is suffixed to the numeral stems and the suffix
-mi is placed thereafter, which complexes are then conjugated like ordinary
verbs ")
Y. -en " days " Ce.g. suaxkcen "three days "): BI. -ni- numeral classifier for "days
and nights;" compounded with this is Oj. -gwnan "days and nights" Ce.g.
nijo-gt,.an "two days," morphologically and etymologically parallel to
Y. na'-dIin "two days")
Y. -erpi "obsidian blades" Ce. g. nerxkcerpi "three obsidian blades"): Oj. -abik
.,objects of metal, stone, glass" Ce. g. xssw-Jbik "two such objects, two
doliars," morphologically and etymologically parallel to Y. nor'-erpi "two
obsidian blades"); Cree -!biskw- "iron, stone"
Y. -o "months. dollars" Ce. g. saxkco "three months, dollars"): Oj. -o used with
numerals to indicate "measure" (e. g. wijo "two before substantives
denoting measure " <nisj " two; " niswasso <flZJwGsslV " seven ")
2.
I
NO UN SUFFIXES
W. -akw general locative (e. g. mes-akw(i)" in the fire;" Y. -(i)k Ce.g. mets-ik
"in the fire"): Fox -g4 general locative; C)j.-ng; Cree -k
W. -atc, -kS~s, -wagts diminutive suffix: Cree -s, -I, -sis, -fig diminutive suffixes
(-sis is doubly diminutive); Oj. -iss diminutive suffix, -sh pejorative suffix;
Nat. -es diminutive suffix; Mic. -tlilf. -dfitlJ (morphologically parallel to
Cree -sis, -lsh)
W. -iz derivative noun suffix, apparently instrumental in force (e. g. ctaor-eL
"index finger, pointer;" dakaks-jiL "gun"): 131..s(i) noun ending, perhaps
instrumental in force Ce.g. mistsi-s "stick," cf. kits-i~stsi-mi-ntlna "our
stick" and, with -kw- suffix, Cree misti-kru-; molsi-s "hand," cf. motsl-its
"hands," -s~t being inanimate plural, and, with another suffix, Cree
mitzhi-tckiy; m'oyi-s "lodge," cf. moyl-sts "lodges;" moksi-s "awl," Oj.
tnig5-ss, cf. BI.mo ksl-ks "awls," -ks being animate plural. That moksiks
is not phonetically simplified from *moksfs(i)ks is indicated by such cases
as oxsis "her younger brother." plur. oxsfsi-ks, where -s(i) is no derivative
suffix)
Indept
mologically c
are characte.
(with -1 of V
cf. -1of Mal
"we" cf. -ntii
-lu-wa of ki-.
ke-low = ki-1
3. In Wi:
suffixed. In
tive forms ar
cases, to a lat
are suffixes.
ments are suJ
not seem like
usage in this
fixes in verb
all Central ai
probable tha
a peculiar de
possessive sei
tive series wi
pronominal
also some of*
[N. S., IS, 1913
rson inanimate
nal; e. g. mas0, -H predicate
e 6maxksm for
)o Cree inanir. adjectives in
LI-a)":
HI. -mi
ler to indicate
and the suffix
i like ordinary
ifier for "days
nights" (e. g.
ly parallel to
s"): Oj. -dki
a objects, two
U '-erpi "two
-. used with
substantives
ven")
(e. g. mels-ik
utive
suffixes
rative suffix;
ly parallel to
e. g. caer-e
iing, perhaps
4-i na "our
'cf. mokd-sts
suffix, Cree
t "awl," Oj.
That moksiks
mysuch cases
so derivative
I
SAPIR]
WIYOT AND YUROK LANGUAGES
637
Aside from any question of direct comparison of morphological
elements, it is abundantly clear that Algonkin has several important
morphological characteristics in common with Wiyot and Yurok.
Among these, so far as the limited material at our disposal allows
us to generalize, are:
I. Possessive pronominal elements are prefixed to noun stems.
There are distinct elements for first person, second person, and third
person singular. In Wiyot, as in Algonkin, second and third person
plural possessive prefixes are identical with corresponding singular
elements (cf. W. kiluwa ku- "your," literally "ye thy-" with Fox
ke-pwa "your"). For body-part nouns m- is used to indicate indefiniteness of possessor.
2. Independent personal pronouns are found which are ety'c mologically closely related to possessive pronominal prefixes. They
are characterized by suffixes which agree to a remarkable extent
(with -I of W. yi-l "I" and ki-I "thou" and -I of Y. qe-l "thou"
cf. -I of Mal. ni-I and ki-l; with ndr = -ndn of W. hi-ndr, wi-ndr
"we" cf. -nana of Fox ni-ndno and khandn" and BI. ni-stli-ndna;with
-lu-wa of ki-lu-wa "ye" cf. -la-wa(w) of Cree ki-ya-waw and Mic.
ke-low = ki-la-w).
3. In Wiyot and Yurok verbal forms pronominal elements are
suffixed. In Algonkin pronominal prefixes are found only in indicative forms and are identical with possessive elements. In all other
cases, to a large extent also in indicative forms, pronominal elements
are suffixes. In Arapaho and Micmac indicative pronominal elements are suffixed only, being really conjunctive in origin. It does
not seem likely that Arapaho and Micmac represent a more archaic
usage in this respect, in view of the occurrence of pronominal prefixes in verb forms in Cheyenne and Blackfoot as well as in nearly
all Central and Eastern dialects. On the other hand it seems very
probable that the indicative with prefixed pronominal elements is
a peculiar development of Algonkirt, based on or influenced by the
possessive series (cf. the development in Micmac of a new conjunctive series which is evidently based on the possessive forms). The
pronominal series for the conjunctive and related modes, possibly
also some of the suffixed elements of the indicative, represent, then,
638
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[N. S., IS, 19I3
the historically oldest Algonkin forms. They are etymologically
parallel to the suffixed elements of Wiyot and Yurok. In Algonkin,
Wiyot, and Yurok objective pronominal suffixes precede subjective
elements.
4. Preceding the verb stem are often one or more elements of
temporal or modal significance. These shade off into a set of adverbial prefixes which are doubtless verb or other stems that have
become specialized as first position elements (such are W. ru- "all,"
kul- "back, again," let-; Y. tsyu- "all;" Fox tcdgi- "all," tetep- "in
a circle").
5. Several derivative verb suffixes (e. g. causative, reflexive) are
found. A number of suffixed elements are found whose significance
is so specific or concrete that they are best looked upon as secondary
stems (see, e. g., W. -tskarer and -Layer above). The peculiar
method of compounding verb stems of various positions which has
been described in detail for Fox by Jones and no less clearly indicated, though in rather different terms, for Cree by Lacombe, thus
bids fair to be paralleled in the verb structures of Yurok and
Wishosk. Much more material, however, is needed before a point
of this character can be satisfactorily established.
6. Animate and inanimate are carefully distinguished in Algonkin. For Yurok Kroeber notes several adjectives which have
distinct animate and inanimate forms, animate forms being characterized by suffixed -er (e. g. montse "white," animate monter-er;
cokoto "red," animate cerkerl-er). It seems difficult to believe that
this fundamental distinction is expressed in Yurok only iA4 the
adjective. There must be other evidences of its operation that
have not yet been disclosed.
7. Numeral stems are frequently followed by classifying suffixes. That such exist in Wiyot as well as in Yurok is demonstrated by W. -eu, -ayu "years" and -ak, -wdk "days." Besides
such numeral classifiers as have been noted above, Ojibwa and
Yurok both possess elements denoting "fathoms" and "canoes,"
though these do not seem to be etymologically connected.
8. As distinctive of the noun may be noted a general locative
suffix and a diminutivizing element which is also suffixed.
tif
t
9i
expre
"ex
S4
inch
taker
the s
think
for o
abilii
logic
of cc
How
error
we a
reasc
A
man4
oper
oftei
of e
preci
stagp
can I
N
whei
how4
then
case!
W. k
W. h
W. h
W. (l
S., 1I, 1913
ologicaly
tlgonkin,
ubjective
ments of
et of ad-
hat have
'u- "all,
wetp- inl
xive) are
!condary
peculiarv
peculiar
xly inhas
*rly ndiobe, thus
.rok and
a point
n Algonch have
ng char:onter-er;
Eve that
in the
on that
ing sufdemonBesides
wa and
anoes,"
locative
SAPIRI
WIYOT AND YUROK LANGUAGES
639
9. Reduplication is not widely used in either Algonkin or YurokWiyot. It is, however, employed to some extent in both, chiefly to
express iteration (cf. W. tsitsir "to sneeze" with Cree chatchamow
"he sneezes").
Some of these morphological traits are, of course, rather general
in character and not to be considered as carrying much weight when
taken singly. Taken en masse, however, and in connection with
the specific resembla'nces in morphological elements listed above, I
think it will have to be conceded that the morphological evidence
for our thesis is not to be despised. I am well aware of the probability that a considerable number of my lexical and morphological parallels will, on maturer knowledge, have to be thrown out
court; I cannot hope to have always hit the nail on the head.
However, even if we eliminate fifty per cent. of our cognates as
errors of judgment (doubtless far too great a sacrifice to caution)
we are still confronted with no fewer than one hundred or more
reasonably close analogies in stems and morphological elements.
4.
PHONOLOGICAL NOTES
A really sound study of Algonkin-Yurok-Wiyot linguistics demands first of all the establishment of the phonetic laws that have
operated to bring about present phonetic (and, in its train, no doubt
often also morphologic) divergence. Unfortunately our knowledge
of even Algonkin phonology is as yet in its infancy. No very
precise data as to phonology will therefore be expected of us at this
stage. Nevertheless I believe that at least a few sound-relations
can be made out with reasonable certainty.
WIYOT-YUROK i-.
Wiyot and Yurok not infrequently have hwhere Algonkin has no initial consonant. Cheyenne and Arapaho,
however, seem to have h- in analogous cases. It seems not unlikely,
then, that most Algonkin dialects have lost h-, at least in certain
cases.
W. halakw "deer": Oj. aaskw- "caribou"
W. hiikw "louse": Cree ikkwa
W. Mmsl"seven": Mic. ehtwigiMAk'
W. (h)u- "his" (Yurok o-): Cree oY. horou "arrow": Cree alus; but Ar. hoti
640
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[N. 5., IS, 1913
SAPIRR
Y. hi-, he- demonstrative element: Fox iW. hUkw "snow": Ch. hM'fs~sol
Y. Wa'J "rock": Ar. haha'attalkai (reduplication of ha. seems to indicate that
k- is organic)
W. hi- prefix of past time: Ch. --
posset
In W. hu- it seems likely that h- is only secondary (cf. parallel forms
u- and w-); loss of h- in W. is illustrated also in haluwi "canoe";)
ru-d-aluwyi "my canoe." In view of such correspondences as Y.
hordu: Ar. hoti it now seems plausible that Ch. hitan "man" and
Ar. hlnen have original h-, which has been lost elsewhere in Algonkin
(*hilini..w..> Fox ineni-w-).
WJYOT-YUROFK w. As already noted, W. w and m seem to
p)ii
a
scoee
Ce
t or4
(f
(cf.Cr
oii
it de-%
In spite of this there is every
origir
reason to believe that organically distinct woand m are to be kept
apart in W. (cf. W. w- " his ": in-, w- " somebody's; " W. mis-w- " to
eat," Ch. miv'-;W. welu "hollow," Mic. wal-). In certain casesW~.
(and Y.) wois found where Algonkin has m.
lvl
appai
comp
op
interchange in certain circumstances.
W.
W.
Y.
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.kId
"rejoiced ": Fox meta- " to take pleasure in
wveratc "to drink": Cree mitti-kkw-W.P
UL-Wen60-C "give me": Fox mi- "to give"
Uwtjaw-iz
W. pe
-Ieu'u "to dance": Cree nimi-W.h
Isaw "to touch": Cree sidmizeur "north": Chi. notam (see under W. wur above)
suwi " to butcher ": Nat. tumin- " to cut off "
W. Ad
W. di
W. d
In W. weratc and wour and Y. -wenoo-, w may have been dissimilated
from m because of following nt (W. r = it). Parallel to this may be
Fox naw- "to see ": Abn. item-.
WIYOTr P. In one or two cases W. p (b) seems to correspon(No
Algonquin mn. Evidence for this is so scanty, however, that it may
well be doubted whether there is anything more than error involved.
A
Ojibi
tical:
invo
Here
sm
W. bita-tkke "grandfather": Oj. misho-mW. pcafis "earth": Ar. bla'a1wu (Ar. b <in)W.t
WiY
This interchange may be also involved in Mic. bapkddk "down
stream" (cf. Y. pul-ik, puleku-k): Cree mamik "has d'une rivi~re."
WIYOT 1. Though W. I seems sometimes to vary with n--i, it
is quite clear that it is in many cases organically distinct from that
sound. As for Algonkin, it is well known that certain dialects
W. Wi
W. #A
-W.
W. k.
k
IN- s-, IS, 1913
o indicate that
'arallel forms
wi "canoe";
lences as Y.
"sman" and
in Algonkin
m seem to
iere is every
!to be kept
V. Mmw- "to
tin cases W.
lissimilated
:his may be
-respond to
%hatit may
Pr involved.
tdk " down
le rivi~re."f
th n-r, it
:from that
in dialects
SAPM1
IN. S., 15'1913
ANDSAP5R]WIYOT
YUROK LANGUAGES64
641
possess both ii and I as distinct consonants (e. g. Micmac), others
only tz (e. g. Fox). Michelson seems to assume that Algonkin
originally possessed only n and that, under undefined circumstances,
it developed to I in several dialects. Inasmuch as I occurs in all
positions (and cannot therefore well be explained as resulting from
ii); as all Eastern dialects (Montagnais, Micmnac, Abenaki-Penobscot, Malecite, Natick, Delaware), Peoria and related dialects, and
Cree all have I (or its reflexes; various Cree dialects have 1, r', y, or
h-see Lacombe) as distinct from n; and as Cheyenne seems to have
t or its palatalized reflex Is, not is, where Eastern dialects have I
(cf. Ch. hikan "man"~ with Mont. ilintic), I prefer to believe that
original Algonkin possessed both I and is and that these sounds were
leveled to in in several Central dialects (Fox, Kickapoo, Ojibwa),
apparently also in Blackfoot and Arapaho. This is confirmed by
comparison with Wiyot and Yurok. Examples of Wiyot I corresponding to Algonkin I are:
W. letkak "sand": Cree yekaw; 0J. n~gaw. Cree y: Oj. n necessarily points
back to Algonkin 1.
W. pdalc "to break open, cut ": Cree payipa- "percerde part en part" (< 'pali-)
W. welu "hollow ": Mic. uwal- "hollow; " Cree udya- "to hollow; " Oj. WjniW. Wr~u "seven ": MiC. e1UW~igXAi; Fax muihig'
W. -I of yil "I," kit "thou, " Wiu= "ye": Mal. nil, kil; Fox isnw kin,, kfnuww
W. di-wile "somebody": Cree aupiyak "person" (< *-wula-)
W. -e'l third person possessive suffix: Mal. -al', .2'obviative suffix
As Michelson has pointed out, Cree sometimes has t where
Ojibwa and Fox have is. It will be noted, however, that in practically all such cases Eastern dialects have 1, so that what is really
involved is not primarily a t-is interchange but a t-l interchange.
Here again Wiyot and Yurok are confirmatory, inasmuch as they
sometimes have I where Algonkin has t or vice versa. Examples of
Wiyot I as compared with Algonkin t (or It) are:
W. JPX1k4L "medicine-man":
Oj. midg "Indian of the Grand Medicine" (0j.
d <t)
W. uwat-me-Iok "ear": Mont. -luki; D3i. nsO-Xtdki-s
W.
W.
W.
W.
metal "mouth": Cree mi-ton
hblakw "deer": Oj. atikw- "caribou" (.t. < Ilalisw "to sing": Mal. di-n'iq- (dl- < *itt-)
ket. (see above): Fox tetep. "in a circle "
642
642
~~AMERICAN
ANTHROPOLOGIST
(.S,1.11
IN- S, IS, 1913
W. laisw is perhaps assimilated from original *tali-; this may be
supported by Y. rurawo "to sing," inasmuch as Y. r often goes
back to original t (see below), rurawo assimilated from *rla <
*IlFox let- is perhaps similarly assimilated from Algonkin *let..
Examples of Wiyot-Yurok t corresponding to Algonkin I are
apparently about equally numerous. It is interesting to note that
in some cases one or more Algonkin dialects agree with WiyotYurok as against other Algonkin dialects.
W. dgal " penis ": Cree -illakay "genitals of male " 6' < 1)
W. tawik-wi "to visit ": Fox nawi- (<knvi-?)
W. tern "to sit": Del. lsm~la?~Pi.
W. mn-t "tongue": Del. .ilAni; Cree -eyaniy (< '-eani): but Bl. rn-asini
(< *..atjni < 5 .jtaxi); Ar. be-i oat (< .-itan), Gros Ventre -jSA ci
Y. horctu "arrow" (< koldn; see below): Oj. -anu'i (< *-alwj); but Cree alus;
Ar. Ioli
In regard to this interchange of t and 1, whose causes are not yet
understood, it is suggestive to note that both -t and -l seem to become -L in Yurok (see part 2 of this paper); further that I and I
(or its reflex y) sometimes interchange within Cree itself (e. g. wcit
"trou dans la terre": wayi-si-w "creux").
There are, finally, cases of i-n interchange. Examples of
Wiyot I corresponding to Algonkin n are:
W. rne-ll "mouth" (assimilated from -liln?): Cree mi-ton
W. mne'lakw "elk": Oj. snons "moose" (?)
W. p'la-ik "rock ": Mal. fiAn4-Pfk"'w
W. lakwel "to cough": Mal. n~k"-hA MaW. kelka "to fal!, descend": Cree nttakusW. .lewu in halewu, olewus, dolewu "to dance": Cree nirni- (assimilated from
lim-?)
WIYOT N. Wiyot n (which frequently becomes r) and Yurok n
regularly correspond to Algonkin ni (e. g. W. da-n- "father, son":
Abn. jdadand' " his father; " Y. new " to see ": Fox ndw-). There
are several cases, however, of Wiyot n (r), as of 2, corresponding to
Algonkin I (or 't).
WV.mireL "angleworm": Cree mnotew'; Mic. wable
W. unas "to crawl": Fox -6idW. darts " all ": Cree latto " every"
WV.waur "north": Ch. notam
W. -tskar-er suffix used with verbs of peeling: Cree -kkut.
S-uni
In W.
*respon
ntseen
tell")
in orij
*WerL-k
in YUi
stem:
Y. -erk
Y. -P-e
Y. horl
Y. Trur
Perha]
Y. %'eri
One c
Algon]
Y. roki
W]
so cor
Wiyot
reflex
valid.
to S.
W. g4k
W. dfl
W. ho-C
W. Me-'
W. wat
Y. Up~
Y.
LqeJ
W. kuij
W.
Leni
W.Wz
W.Lepj
W.
-LI7
C
IN- S- IS, 1913
:his may be
of ten goes
OM*rukz
SAPIP)
I
IN.S..
5. 1913SAPI~l]WIYOT
AND YUROK
LANGUAGES64
643
In W. metkan "nail," Cree -e~skan "horn," Wiyot-Algonkin n corresponds to I of Yurok -wer~kete "nail." Within Wiyot itself t and
n seem to vary in atel and anel " to say " (cf. Creetitew: Oj. ind " to
tell ").
YUROK R.
Yurok r does not ordinarily seem to be equivalent
in origin to Wiyot r < n (yet cf. W. wat-kerat "bone" with Y.
werL-ker). In several cases it can be inferred to goback to t. 'With..
in Yurok itself r and t interchange in goor-e" "one," normal form of
stem: goot-.
Y. -erkerL "knee ": Cree -kilikw- " molette du genou"
<
gonkin *leonkin I are
lo note that
vith Wiyot-
Y. -p-ern "nose": W. -elere; Mic. -i
Y. hordu "arrow": Cree 4tus; Ar. hoti
Y. rarauwo "to sing" (assimilated from 'rsd-): Mal. dii-n'Io- < *Uli-.
BI. m-alssni
'StAff
but Cree alus;
'k
Perhaps also:
are not yet
seem to be:hat t and I
f (e. g. wdli
Y. pernek, (misprint for pern-erk?) "hand-measure ": Mic. -pidl " hand "
:xamples of
WIYOT-YUROx 1. Voiceless affricative or spirantal L, which is
so common in Pacific Coast phonetics, occurs frequently also in
Wiyot and Yurok. As it does not occur at all in Algonkin, some
reflex of it should be ascertainable, if our thesis is to be considered
valid. I believe that original Lhas regularly developed in Algonkin
to S.
imilated from
W. gfdkuizS "old man": Oj. akiwesi
W. djipzL-iL "beard": Ch. mi'-shis "whiskers" (original postvocalic p is regularly
lost in Ch.)
W. ko-diz..re "umbilical cord ": 0j. -diss "navel"
W. me-wenLz "flesh, fat": Mic. weods "flesh"
WT.waf-irail "shell": Oj. ess "shell"
Y. hAeSPC " brush ": 0j. kibNxsai "shrub, brush"
Y. .rqel "earth": Cree askiy (Y. Lg- may' however, go back to ik-; see below)
W. kz~et "hot": Oj. kij~te; Ar. hU5sild'l
W. Leriwoke-tskarer "to peel": 03. sinigo- "to rub"
W. WaL, maz "to eat": Fox 1cAjeniW. Lephai "to taste": Cree -spo-ku, -spi-te "it tastes"
W. -Layer suffix in verbs of cutting: Cree -sawdt- "l'action du couteau ou du
ciseau "
nd Yurok n
Lther, son ":
w-). There
sponding to
One case has been noted in which Y. r seems to correspond to
Algonkin I (I-i interchange?):
Y. rokw "wind": Cree yotin (<*Iotin; 01. -nodin)
AMERICAN
ANTHROPOLOGIST
IN..SI.1P3sIK
S., IS. 1913
-Ml
W. e-t
In view of these cases Of L > s, W. -Lcak suffix referring to color: Fox:
-tAg- must be considered as rather doubtful.
WIYOT-YUROK TC, Ts. There is good evidence to show that
original tc (ts) was regularly simplified in Algonkin to c (or s).
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.
W.
Y.
Y.
W.
wak-er "girl ": Mal. utif " child "; Mic. -wddluit
Wiea-cker "grandfather': Oj. -misho-miss; Ar. -bdsci-bS (< '-mdci-mit)
gwatc "mother": Nat. -kas; Mic. -kech
It is important to note that while original L becomes Algonkin s,
original tc (is) normally becomes c (i. e. .~), only secondarily, it would
seem, s (tek- perhaps regularly becomes sk-). It is possible that
Alongkin s (of Oj. miss-an): Algonkin c (of Oj. mishi) reflects W.
mes: Y. mels. It is interesting to observe that in these cases
Micmac has tc (i. e. ti) or di where other Algonkin dialects have c
(or s). Is this an archaic feature of Micmac? In one case original
tsk seems to have become Algonkin 'k (kk) instead of sk:
W. -Iskarer verbal suffix referring to "peeling": Cree -kkut-ew "I'action du
couteau, de la hache et de la verloppe, sur le bois"
Far less commonly Yurok-Wiyot Ic (Is) corresponds to Algonkin
Y. tsegi- "all ": Fox kIcgi- "all "
W. Wsk "child ": BI. tsiki "boy "
(Lq),
Y. zeI
*
*
Algonk
sk and
> kk
(cf. Fo
(Cf. W.
In'
Cree yi
no exp
cussed
Par,
-tw- to
W. ,ihe-
Orii
as woul
As far
assume.
ORI1
cases ti
words'
Wiyot
change(
become
precedii
W. me-lit
te (Is) :
W~iyot tk, which regularly appears as Yurok
has become assibilated in Algonkin to sk, ckc.
W.Wat
Y. -UWe,
W. wal-
wetseprakw "son-in-law": Nat. wussi-num "he is son-in-law of
dj1rpL-iL " beard " (dj doubtless merely variant of 1c): Ch. mi'.shis " whiskers"
kkatc "leg. " Y. Iska " foot ": Cree -sledf " leg"
gitcai-aiJokwc "sun"; Oj. gisiss; Ar. Wiis
bilcewe-lskarer "to peel ": Oj. bishagi-bina "to peel"
buic " to scratch ": Cree pes- "tracer des lignes " (Lacombe's s includes both
Algonkin £ and c)
gets " cold ": Oj. kissina " it is cold"
tsaw "to touch": Cree sitmiIcate "south": Oj. jdaan (Oj. j <c)
kits- perfective verbal prefix: Fox klc(i)- "to finish"
mels "fire;" W. mes: Oj. missan "wood for fuel," miski "piece of wood for
fuel; " Nat. mishash " wood "
-ittc diminutive suffix: Cree -s, -S; Oj. -ns, -sh; Mic. -11iff, .d9it
WIYOT TK.
ft
*
Lk
W. kak "
W. dokal
W.mIdks
AM. A
U
I
[N. S., 15, 1913
SAPIR]
color: Fox
WIYOT
AND YUROK
LANGUAGES
645
W. me-tAan "nail; " Y. -'we-Lkete: Oj. esizkan "horn;" Nat. asrkoi (i. e. Wsan?);
doubtless also Oj. .shkanj "nail;" Cree -skasiy. If -IsA- of BI. mo-tskl nau
~~~~~"horn" is not secondarily developed from Algonkin sA, it may represent
~~~~~~an
older development of original tk to isk (Ick), suggesting that Ak > Isk
fell together with original Isk, both then becoming normal Algonkin sk.
W. w~atkeralt "bone;" Y. -weI'Lker. Cree vskan
Y. -werLkun "liver" (< *wal-Ass): Cree oskus
~~~~~~W.
wat-btk "fin ": Cree -oskd~an "tail "
Y. Lqel (< *&de?) "earth": Cree askiy
show that
showthat
(or s).
idci-me)
is "whiskers"
Algonkin ske < tsk, 1k fell together, it would seem, with original
ske and developed in certain dialects still further to 'k (e. g. Fox)
> kk (e. g. Ojibwa) ; thus, Oj. -kan (i. e. -kklan) " bone " < *-ka
includes both
(cf. Fox -o'kAn) < *-ska (cf. Cree -oskan) < *-sa
< *-ka
Off. W. walkerdt = *walkenit).
In W. letkak "sand" and W. letka "to fall" (cf. respectively
Cree yekaw and nitla-), -tk- has not developed to -sk-. I can offer
no explanation (let- of letka is quite likely identical with let- dis-
of
wood
1
Migonkin
for
~cussed
above).
Parallel to this change of lk to Algonkin sk (cle) is that of original
~~~~~~~-1wto Algonkin -cw-:
W. rilw- "two": Fox nk-wi
Original Slew (> Yurok Lqw) regularly developed in Algonkin,
as would be expected, to skw (ckew), in Wiyot, however, to tew:
Y. he-rLgdu "behind " ( < -xLs-, cf. Y. hordsu "arrow " < Izotw-); W. wiu'
behind " ( < *Ihwj): Cree iskw- "le dernier "; Nat. ashq- (i. e. ackw-)
As far as can be seen at present, tckew or Lkw could also here btassumed as starting point.
ORIGINAL SK, SK V, ST. While Algonkin sle is in a number of
cases the resultant of older 1k and tsrk, there is also an older set of
words with sle and skw, in which s is probably original. While
.s,
ly' it would
ssible that
reflects W.
lhese css"
!cts have c
ms original
"'Taction du
Wiyot has preserved both tske and 1k (Yurok has preserved tsle but
Algonkin
YurokLk
Vurok Lie
changed A~1to Lk), original sA (ck), slw (clew), and st seem to have
become simplified to le, kew, and 1, generally with lengthening of
preceding vowel.
W. me-tak "testicles" (< *-kzsk?): Mic. Qiso6k (i. e. Alsak)
~~~~W.
AhA "clear sky" (< Okisk?): Mic. -gtiskuk "day;" Cree kijik "day, sky"
~~~~W.
dokap, dokaw "to crack " (< 'toska-?). Oj. W~hka "to split"
W. meAk "grizzly bear" (< *mnaskw): Cree maskwa "bear"
AM. ANTH., N. S.. .5-43
646
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[N. S., 15, 1913
W. hAkw "snow" (< *hiskw ): Ch. hWstds
W. wan-akw "tree" (<"-4skw ?): Cree ask-dsku-siy "green wood;" Fox asp(< *-nkw-) "wood, tree"
W. mdU "wood" (< massi): Cree misli-kw-; B1. ,nistsi-s (< amissi-); Fox
melti-gw- (< Algonkin misti-)
NEW I
Vocalic lengthening followed by kw seems to be equivalent to
Algonkin 'kw (kkw) in:
THE
W. hiikw "louse": Oj. ikwa; Cree ikkwa
Here again I am fully aware of the probability that I have made
more than one miss in my search for phonetic laws. I hope, however, that it has become quite evident that such really exist, as
we compare Algonkin with corresponding Wiyot (and Yurok)
forms. This feeling should do much to inspire confidence in the
nature of our material and in the validity of our hypothesis.
To sum up. There is good lexical, morphological, and phonological evidence to genetically relate Algonkin to Wiyot and Yurok.
Whether Wiyot and Yurok form a group as compared with Algonkin proper or whether Wiyot, Yurok, and Algonkin proper are three
distinct major divisions of the stock remains to be seen. Although
there are several startling special threads binding Wiyot and Yurok
to Blackfoot and Cheyenne (as might be geographically expected),
I do not believe that either of these latter or Arapaho will turn out
to be more closely related to the Californian languages than to the
other members of the Algonkin stock as hitherto understood. As
for the name of the stock whose territorial limits are thus unexpectedly enlarged, I see no reason to depart from the well-accepted
term "Algonkin." I suggest that the whole stock be termed "Al-;
gonkin" and that the dialects ordinarily known as Algonkin be
specifically referred to as "Plains-Atlantic" dialects, wherever it
is necessary to distinguish ("Eastern Algonkin," which would be
simpler, is too definitely connected in most minds with the dialects
of the Altantic seaboard to be given a new meaning). It is not
necessary to waste words here on the new vistas opened up of
earlier distributions and movements of aboriginal populations in
America. Obvious possibilities of various sorts will present themselves to all who read.
GROLOcICAL SURVEY OP CANADA
OTTAWA. ONTARIO
T
I
aul
comm
langu.
families. As
on which the
interest has I
indicative of
while.
The Penu
but the lare
sixty,-and 1
them, have
arrangement
The wore
languages or
are:
Yokuts:
Wintun:
Costanoan:
Maidu:
Miwok:
Such a li
Rearranged,
Wintun
Maidu
Yokuts
I Science,
N.