Agricultural Rhythms and Rituals: Ancient Maya Solar Observation

Society for American Archaeology
Agricultural Rhythms and Rituals: Ancient Maya Solar Observation in Hinterland Blue Creek,
Northwestern Belize
Author(s): Gregory Zaro and Jon C. Lohse
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 16, No. 1 (Mar., 2005), pp. 81-98
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30042487
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REPORT
AGRICULTURAL RHYTHMS AND RITUALS:
ANCIENT MAYA SOLAR OBSERVATIONIN HINTERLAND BLUE
CREEK,NORTHWESTERNBELIZE
GregoryZaroand Jon C. Lohse
Agriculturein prehispanic Mesoamerica necessitated not only a wide range of knowledge regardingsoil types,fertility, and
the growing cycles of differentplants, but also the attendantrituals thatfirmly situated agrarian production into a shared
Mesoamericanworldview.Due primarily to archaeological visibility, those attendantrituals have traditionallybeen investigated within the context of large centers. Recent investigationsat the site of Quincunx,a hinterlandarchitecturalcomplex
in northwesternBelize of the Maya Lowlands,provide evidence that some rural communitiesmay also have had access to
and control over esoteric knowledgeinvolved in agriculturalpractice in the Late Classic period. Ourfindings are discussed
in the context of ethnographicaccounts and archaeological data that reveal the deep significance of quincuncial designs
in Maya society and Mesoamerican ritual practices.
La agriculturaen Mesoamdricaprehispdnicano necesitaba solamente el conocimientode los tipos de suelo, la fertilidad, y
los ciclos de crecimiento,sino tambidnlos ritualesacompaiiadosque establecieronla produccic'nagricola en una cosmovisidn
comutnentrelos mesoamericanos.Principalmentepor su visibilidaden el registroarqueolcdgico,las investigacionessobre esos
ritualesse han restringuidoa los centros mds grandes de los mayas. Investigacionesrecientesdel sitio de Quincunx,un complejo arquitectdnicoen el campodel noroestede Belice, presentanevidenciaque algunas comunidadesruralespudierantener
acceso y control sobre el conocimientoesotdricocon respectoa la agriculturaduranteel periodo Cldsico Tardio.Parece que
era importanteen varios niveles la ubicacidny configuracidnUtnicadel complejode Quincunxa los poblados circundantes.
Su plano arquitect6nicode cinco estructurascon infasis en intercardinalidadimita las concepciones del cosmos que existen
entremuchascomunidadesactuales e hist6ricas de los mayas. Se discutennuestrasconclusiones dentrodel contextode cuentos etnogrdficosy datos arqueol6gicosque revelanel significadoprofundode los disefios quincuncialesen la sociedad maya.
successful, sustained
productionMonaghan1990; Scarborough1998; Schele and
agricultural
in prehispanicMesoamericanecessitateda
wide range of knowledge regarding soil
types, fertility,regulationof moisturelevels, and
the growingcycles andrequirementsof manysubsistence and economic crops.Yet, the component
of ancient agriculturalbehaviorthat is probably
least understoodby archaeologistsinvolves the
attendantritualsthatwere deeply embeddedin a
worldviewfocused to a very large degree on the
cosmos, markingthe cyclicalpassageof time, and
definingthe role of living people in relationto the
supernatural.Elementsof agriculturalritualthat
stand out in particularin Mesoamerica include
aspectsof sacrificeandritualperformancerelated
to fertility and water management(Joyce 2000;
Freidel 1990;Vogt 1969), and the abilityto track
seasonalchangethroughthe movementsof celestial bodies acrossthe sky (Aveni 1981;Coe 1975;
Freidelet al. 1993; Sprajc2000).
In the absenceof glyphic or iconographicevidence, indicationsof these behaviorscan be difficultto detect.However,recentinvestigationsatthe
Quincunxsite,a LateClassicarchitectural
complex
in northwesternBelize (Figure 1), providessome
evidencethatruralfarmersmayhavepracticedrituals and conductedsolar observationsassociated
with hinterlandagriculturalproduction-that is,
productionremovedfrom any site center and its
immediatepolitical and economic influence.The
Quincunxarchitectural
complexis situatedapprox-
Gregory Zaro 0 Departmentof Anthropology,Universityof New Mexico, Albuquerque,NM 87131 ([email protected])
Jon C. Lohse 0 Texas ArcheologicalResearchLaboratory,The Universityof Texas at Austin, PRC, Building 5, Austin, TX
78712 ([email protected])
LatinAmericanAntiquity,16(1), 2005, pp. 81-98
Copyright@2005 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology
81
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
82
[Vol. 16, No. 1, 2005]
Mexico
Ixno'ha
Belize
Bedrock
Rosita
BlueCreek
Quincunx
Group
Gran
Cacao
LaMilpa
Maax
Na
Rio
Azul
Belize
Kakabish
Lamanai
Kinal
Dos Hombres
Guatemala
0
5
10
I A archaeologicalsite
20
30
40
kilometers
"------politicalboundary
waterway
Figure 1. Northwestern Belize with location of Quincunx group in relation to nearby site centers.
imately2.5 km south-southwestof the Maya center of Blue Creek,in uplandterrainwithin 500 m
of the Rio Bravo escarpment.Unlike commonly
encountered Maya residential patio and house
groups,this complexconsistsof a centralmasonry
room block and four low, broad,circularcobble
platforms positioned in intercardinaldirections
(i.e., to the northwest, northeast,southeast,and
southwest).Each of the outlyingcobble platforms
is located approximately20 m from the central
building,thoughtheyarenotequidistantfromeach
other,creatingan asymmetricallayout (Figure2).
Surveyduringthe 2001 and2002 seasonsdemonstratedthat this group is surroundedby light to
moderatelydense butgenerallysmall-scalesettlement for at least 500 m in all directions(the limit
of the surveyedarea).In additionto these scattered
residential remains, numerous terraces, berms,
modifieddepressions,andothersoil andwatercontrolfeaturesassociatedwithhinterlandagricultural
productionsurroundQuincunx;no administrative
centersof any size or buildingsthatappearto have
functioned in anything other than a residential
capacitywerelocated.Givenits hinterlandcontext
among scatteredsmall-scale residentialremains
andpresumedagricultural
landscapemodifications,
it seems unlikelythatQuincunxwas administered
by anyoneotherthanthe occupantsof this hinterland zone.
Research suggests that the site was designed
andconstructedto fulfill severalintimatelyrelated
purposesin the contextof hinterlandagrarianpro-
REPORTS
83
The QuincunxGroup,NorthwesternBelize
Structure3
Structure4
Structure1
ChuRun
Post hole
Large stone
Structure2
Structure5
40 meters
datacollectedbyGregZaro,AshleySmallwood,
JasonGonzalez,DavidDriver,
andKristen
Gardella.
Mapping
of BlueCreekRegionalPolitical
byGregZaroandJonC. Lohse.Courtesy
Cartography
EcologyProject.
Figure 2. Plan of the Quincunx group after excavation. Map is oriented to magnetic north, 2' east of true north.
duction.These includedmonitoringmovementsof
the sunacrossthe skythroughouttheyearin accordance with a solar-basedagriculturalcalendar,
while also serving as a representationof the cosmos in miniature.Ourmultiplelines of supporting
evidence derive from (1) Mesoamericanethnographic and ethnohistoricaccounts and, specifically, Maya ritualbehaviorassociatedwith solar
astronomy and agriculturalproduction;(2) the
peculiar,five-part(quincuncial)configurationof
the site's architecturaldesign;and (3) actualsolar
observationsat the site duringthe summersolstice
on June21, evaluatedin thecontextof architectural
elementsand featuresthatappearto have marked
sight lines denotingimportantevents. The results
of our investigationsbear potentiallysignificant
implicationsforhow archaeologistsview themanner in which ancient belief systems were called
uponto providemeaningnotonly forpeople'srelabut also for their
tionshipswith the supernatural,
in
and
for
the
administration
of
positions society
celestial
for
the
timimportant
knowledgerequired
ing of successfulfood production.
Cosmological and Agricultural Significance
of Quincunx Designs
The architectural
planof Quincunxconsistsof five
84
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
[Vol.16, No. 1,2005]
East
East
North
South
North-
South
Center
West
West
Cardinalplaces in quincuncial layout
Cardinaldirections with indexical center
Figure 3. Different conceptualizations of cardinal directions and places based on accounts of referential practice from
some contemporaryYucataincommunities (after Hanks 1990: Figures 7.1, 7.2).
parts,includingthe centralbuildingand four sur- absoluteentitiesexistingsomewhereoverthehoriroundingmounds.Thisplanis ratherunusualin our zon (Figure3). Theouterelementscorrespondwith
experienceand appearsto be distinctlynonresi- the fourcomersof the universe,while the centeris
dential;Mayahousegroupsarecommonlymapped analogous to a fifth cardinal place. Hanks
eitheras individualstructuresor multipleassoci- (1990:299)notesthat"inmost socially significant
atedbuildingsthatclusterarounda formalorinfor- spaces, includingtowns, homesteads,plazas, and
mal patioarea(see Ashmore1981). Interpretation traditionalcomfieldsthe fourcomersplus the cenof the Quincunxplan comes from ethnographic ter define the space as a whole."While accounts
accountsof the Maya cosmos, in which the uni- differ within the largerMaya region as to where
verse consists of a center and four corners.Vogt the comers of the universeare positioned,many
(1993) describestheZinacantecopracticeof build- communitiesview them to be in the intercardinal
ing houses and laying out agriculturalfields mir- directions;exampleshave been found among the
of thecosmos.Thefour Tzotzil,Lacand6n,andQuichdMaya(see Milbrath
roringthefive-partstructure
comers are supportedby vaxakmen,or standard 1999).
Cardinaldirectionalityembeddedin Mayacosbearers, whose positions designate the center,
whichis also consideredthe navel.Vogt(1993:58) mic diagramsis also often associatedwith colors
observesthat "houseshave correspondingcomer and symbolic aspectsof fertilityand famine,two
posts and precisely determined centers; fields potentiallysignificantthemes among agricultural
emphasize the same critical places, with cross communities.As with the importanceof cardinal
shrinesattheircornersandcenters."Thebelief that versus intercardinal direction, ethnographic
all five elementsneedbe presentfor the schemeto accounts vary among communities in terms of
be complete is underscoredby Hanks's (1990) whichcoloris associatedwithwhichdirection.For
study amongcontemporaryYucatecancommuni- instance, as Milbrath(1999:17) summarizes,the
ties. Speakersmakecleardistinctionsbetweencar- Maya of San Andres Larrainzair
associate north
dinaldirections,which aredefinedin referenceto with white and the god of maize, south with red
the ego or speakerpositionedat the indexicalcen- and the god of wind, east with white and the god
ter, and cardinal"places,"which are viewed as of rain,and west with black and the god of death
REPORTS
(Holland 1964:16); in this case, the bearers of
heavenareassociatedwiththe intercardinaldirections.Similarly,accountsof theTzotzilatChenalh6
relatenorthto the color white and children,south
to the coloryellow andmaize,east to the colorred
and men, and west to the color black and women
Milbrath
(GuiterasHolmes1961:287).Importantly,
(1999:17) notes that threeof these colors, black,
red,andwhite,relateto famineor scarcityof maize,
while the fourth,yellow, relatesto the abundance
of maize.Thus, cosmic diagramsare often tightly
interwovenwith conceptsof fertility,abundance,
andfamine,all centralthemesin agrariansocieties.
The links between cardinaldirection,a quinritualare
cuncialcosmos structure,andagricultural
perhapsbest illustratedby the Cha'a-chakceremony, observed and describedby David Freidel
(Freidelet al. 1993) amongtheYaxunaicommunity
Membersof thecommunityperin centralYucatain.
formthis ceremonyto call upon the gods to bring
rainduringperiodsof droughtor famine. On one
occasion,the altarconsistedof a tableandfourcorners,andduringthe ceremony,fouryoungmen sat
at each of the corners,imitatingsoundsof thunder.
Upon the altar were offerings of bread, cooked
meat, and wine. Freidel (Freidel et al. 1993:31)
commentsthat the altarlooked simple, no more
than "a shaky table of poles held together with
vines." During the ceremony,however,it would
become "thecenterof the cosmos" (Freidelet al.
1993:31).Throughthe table and four comers, the
five partsof the cosmos were reproducedduring
this ceremony,with the specific intentionof summoningrain for, amongotherthings, agricultural
production.Based on theseaccounts,re-creatinga
five-partcosmological scheme to ensure rainfall
appearsto be a themeof deep importanceto agriculturalcommunitiesacrossthe Maya area.
Diagramsof a quincuncialcosmos also emphasize the daily movementof the sun from east to
west, along with the seasonal,or solstitial,movementof the sun fromnorthto southalongthe horizon. Some ethnographic narratives (e.g., Vogt
1997:111) conceive of the intercardinalpositions
of the universe,but also as
not only as the comrners
the extremehorizonpoints of sunriseand sunset
events on both winter (aboutDecember 21) and
summer (about June 21) solstices. Milbrath
(1999:19)commentsthat"anidealizeddiagramof
the Maya cosmos traces out a quincunx of five
85
points,withthefourcomerpointslinkedto thesolstices."Accordingto Vogt (1997), for Zinacantecos the point where the imaginarylines between
(a) summersolsticesunriseandwintersolsticesunset and(b) wintersolstice sunriseandsummersolstice sunsetcome togetherrepresentsthe navel of
theuniverse,ormishik'balamil(Figure4). The solstice positionsof the sun aregroundedin five-part
diagramsof the Maya cosmos and representthe
vaxakmenor standardbearersupholdingthe corners of the universeas it was firstcreated.
Besides markingsolstice events, elements of
quincuncialsymbolismpertainingto the passage
of time arealso of relevancefor solarzenithevents
whenthe sunis verticalto the earth'ssurfaceat the
locationof the observer.These eventsoccurtwice
a yearbetweenthe Tropicsof CapricornandCancer, and while archaeologicalevidence remains
scarce, they may have been noted prehistorically
by the use of a gnomon (an uprightmarker)that
castsno noonshadowon thedaysof thezenith(Milbrath 1999:13). Alternativemethods of marking
zenithscould have involvedverticalshaftsor subterraneanchultunsin which no light was cast on
the sidewallsas the sun passed directlyoverhead
(e.g., AveniandLinsley 1972).Precisedetermination of zenith passages, however,is complicated,
due to, amongotherthings,the difficultyof establishing the vertical directionfor particularmeasuring devices (Aveni et al. 2003:175). Specific
dates for these events dependon latitude;the farther north one travels, the closer the first zenith
falls to the Junesolstice, while moretime elapses
betweenthe firstzenitheventandthe Junesolstice
as one moves south.The significanceof the zeniths
andsolsticesto agriculturalcycles variesbothwith
latitudeandwith local terrainandelevation.Some
regionswithinthe largerMayaarea,such as highland Chiapas,are well suitedfor Marchplanting,
while farmersat lower elevationsmightwait until
May to planttheir first maize crop (see Milbrath
1999:14).In southernMesoamerica,thefirstzenith
passage(betweenlateAprilandearlyMay)signals
the onset of the rainyseason, while the second is
linkedto rainsbeginningin earlyAugust,followingthecaniculaorbriefdryseasonthatoftenoccurs
nearthe end of July (Milbrath1999:13).Tedlock
(1992:173) notes that annualzenith passages are
usedin Momostenangoto determinedatesfor sowing and harvestingcrops. Of importance,recent
86
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
SolsticeSunrise
[Vol.16, No. 1, 2005]
SolsticeSunrise
Summer
Winter
mishik' balamil
Summer
SolsticeSunset
Winter
SolsticeSunset
Figure 4. Solstitial quincunx according to Zinacanteco cosmology (after Vogt 1997: Figure 1). In keeping with
Zinacanteco accounts of this arrangement, east is shown at the top of the diagram.
researchregardingE-groupcomplexesin theMaya
region suggests thata solarzenith-basedcalendar
most likely grew in importanceduringthe Early
Classic periodaftera LatePreclassicemphasison
the passage of the solstices (Aveniet al. 2003).
These four solar events, two zenith passages
andtwo solstices,areall significantforplantingand
harvestingfirst crops and, in some cases, second
crops, and also for field preparationinvolving
weeding, cutting, and burning.Indeed, the first
solar zenith passage in lowland southern
Mesoamericamayholdthegreatestsignificancefor
agriculturalcommunities, signaling the onset of
the rainy season in early May (Aveni et al.
2003:162). By trackingany of these events from
one yearto thenextit is possibleto maintaina count
of 365 days.Dependingon whenthezenithoccurs,
spansof timecloserto 260 dayscanalso be tracked
with fairprecision.These numbers(260 and 365)
correspondto the two cycles of time knownas the
365-day Haab or VagueYear and the Tzolkinor
260-daySacredAlmanacthatarticulateto formthe
52-year CalendarRound. Along with the Long
Count,these two cycles were the primarymeans
of trackingtimein theprecolumbianera(see Sharer
1994:560-564), and a numberof buildingsacross
Mesoamericawere designed to keep a count of
days (see Aveni 1981,2001;Aveniet al. 1975;Coe
1975; Milbrath1999; Sprajc 1995, 2000, 2001).
One example can be found at Xochicalco, where
the sun shinesinto a cavernnearthe site centerfor
a totalof 105 days,remainingoutsidefor the other
260, which consequentlymarksperiodsof 13 and
20 days (Sprajc2001:267).Similarmultipleswere
trackedat Teotihuacanby watchingsunriseevents
along buildingalignments,as well as from architectureto noteworthypointsalongthehorizon,such
as the nearbyprominentpeak of CerroColorado.
Though these dates do not always correspondto
solstices or zeniths, together they would have
allowed Teotihuacanosto maintainwhat Sprajc
(2000:404) calls an observationalcalendar,allowing people to know in advance as important
momentsof the agriculturalcycle were approaching (Sprajc2000:413).
Becausethe specificdatesof zenitheventsvary
acrossthe Mayaregion,and also becauseof local
constraintson agriculturalproductiondue to temperaturevariationby elevation,it is impossibleto
drawsweepinggeneralizationsabouthow ancient
Maya farmersmighthave integratedobservations
of theseannualmomentsintotheiragricultural
tasks.
Aveni and Hartung(1986) have noted latitudinal
variationin the orientationsof significantMaya
buildingsandcity plansthatappearsto correspond
with the differentazimuthsfor sightingor record-
REPORTS
ing importantcelestialeventsbetweenthe northern
and southernextremesof the Maya area.Milbrath
(1999:15-17)also summarizesthepostcontactvariety of localfestivalsandtheirschedulesthatarekept
in differentcommunitiesso as to coincidewith the
zeniths and nadirs,solstices, and the agricultural
cycle, a pointthatshouldalso serveas a cautionto
archaeologistsseeking to understandprehispanic
However,basedon ethnoorganization.
agricultural
graphicaccounts,it is clearthatpeopletimedmost,
if not all, farmingactivitiesaroundthese events.It
is reasonableto suggestthatthe abilityto note the
passageof these momentswould also haveconstituteda significantcomponentof ancientagricultural
practice,be it throughprecisemeasurementarising
throughstructuralalignments,significantpointson
the horizon,and use of shadows,or throughceremonialobservanceof sucheventsin rituallycharged
contextsthatrelateto thecosmos, rainfall,fertility,
and the passage of the sun at significantmoments
in the solarcalendar.
Deep Historyof the Quincunx
While we understandmuchof the symbolismand
meaning of quincuncialplanning throughthese
ethnographicaccounts,ethnohistoricandarchaeological data reveal the antiquity of this idea in
Mesoamericaandalsoits centralrolein theexpressionof indigenousworldviews.Notablyforarchaeologists, as Mathews and Garber (2004) have
discussed, these worldviewsare expressed at an
extraordinarilywide range of scales, signifying
their pervasivenessthroughoutsociety. Contactperioddocumentsdescribethe quincunciallayout
of regional political realms, with capitols at the
centerandimportantoutlyingsecondarycentersat
cardinalplaces (Marcus1993). Otherresearchers
(e.g., Ashmore 1991;Ashmoreand Sabloff 2002;
Coggins 1980; Houk 1996; Wagner2000) have
describedthe plans of plazas and site centers as
expressingelementsof cardinalityanddirectional
planningthroughoutthe Classic period.An excellent examplecomes fromLa Milpa,whereLateto
TerminalClassic city plannersconstructedoutlying monumentalcomponentsalmost exactly 3.5
km in cardinaldirectionsfrom Temple 1 in the
main plaza (Tourtellotet al. 2000). Smallerscale
examples of quadripartite
planningcan be found
in singlebuildings,carvedon monuments,orin the
87
arrangementsof artifactsin caches, and even on
individual artifacts. For instance, quadripartite
peckedcrosseswerefoundto hold calendricalsignificanceatboththe EarlyClassiccentersof Teotihuacan and Uaxactuin, marking the intervals
between equinoxand zenithpassages,or between
equinox and solstice events (Aveni et al.
2003:170-171). Elsewhere,spindlewhorlsrecovered from the Blue Creek area in northwestern
Belize show quadripartiteincising that, together
with the centerhole for the spindle,re-createthe
basic quincuncialdesignof thecosmos (Figure5).
One striking example of such a plan is the
Castillo at ChichdnItza (Marquina1951: Figure
261). Four radialstaircasesappearto divide this
buildingintoquadrants,thoughwhenviewedfrom
above, these stairsconvergeat the superstructure
atopthe largepyramidalplatformandforma welldefined five-partplan. In this case, as with other
motifs identifiedas quadripartite,
we see the prias
not
on
the
mary emphasis
quadrantsof the
Castillo,butratheron thefivepointsin spacelinked
by the stairs.This buildingis also well knownfor
markingthesunseteventson thespringandautumn
equinoxes, when the sun casts a jagged shadow
across the stepped pyramid onto the staircase
balustradewith enormous carved stone serpent
headsattheplazalevel, to formtheimageof a great
snakedescendingfromthe top of the building(see
Aveni 2001; Milbrath1999:66). It is noteworthy
that each of the four staircaseshas 91 steps that,
when addedto the top platform,representthe 365
days of the solaryear (Milbrath1999:66),making
the Castilloperhapsthe largestcalendardevice in
the Mayaarea.Additionally,the orientationof the
summit temple of the Castillo suggests its relationshipto boththe solarzenith(May 25, July20)
and to the solarnadiror lowest positionof the sun
(November 22, January 21) at the latitude of
ChichdnItz~ (Milbrath1999:66-68).
A numberof importantbuildingalignmentsand
ties between architectureand cardinalityare also
noted at Tikal(Aveni and Hartung1988; Coggins
1980). In particular,Coggins (1980) has argued
that the twin-pyramidgroups representthe eastwest movementof the sun acrossthe sky.As with
the Castillo, the meaning embedded in these
revealsintimateassociationsbetween
arrangements
cardinalityandthepassageof timeandthe seasons,
mirroring many of the ethnographic accounts
88
LATIN AMERICANANTIQUITY
[Vol. 16, No. 1, 2005]
CA'
Figure 5. Spindle whorls from the Blue Creek area of northwestern Belize, showing incised quincuncial motifs. Drawn
by Candida Lonsdale.
described above. Nine-doorwaybuildings symbolize the underworldand line the southedge of
thetwinpyramidcomplex,while stelaclustersvenerateancestorsandtheheavensanddefinethenorth
edge.As thesuntraversestheplaza,northandsouth
elementsconceptualizethe zenithandnadirrather
than the cardinaldirections"north"and "south"
(Coggins 1980).
Elsewhere,Bricker's(1983) analysesof directionalglyphsin Mayacodicesandinscriptionsproof "northand south"
vide phoneticinterpretations
as "zenith and nadir," while Tedlock (1992:
175-176) summarizesadditionalglyphic support
from the site of Rio Azul for reading"north"as
zenith and "south"as nadir. There, directional
glyphs arefoundpaintedin theirappropriatecardinalandintercardinal
places aroundthe Tomb12
chamber(see Adams 1999:Figure3-15). Tedlock
(1992:174)arguesthatnorthandsouthglyphsrefer
to the moon andVenusat momentsof opposition,
aboveandbelow the horizon(zenithandnadir),as
these celestial bodies were never visible together
duringtheintermentdate(March6, 502) suggested
for the tomb. This rendersthe reading of these
glyphs not simply as "north"and "south"but as
somewhat more complex directional indicators
I
"up"and"down"(alsoseeAshmore1991;Bricker
1983).
As expressedin monumentalarchitectureand
in certainelite mortuarycontexts,strongassociations appearbetweeneast andwest as definingthe
sun'sriseandset,especiallyduringkey eventssuch
as solstices, and of north and south as defining
momentsand elements of oppositionseen in the
zenithandnadir,up anddown,andtheheavensand
the underworld.These associationsmake it clear
REPORTS
that ancientMaya concepts of cardinaldirection
were embeddedwith farmore meaningthansimply defining spatial boundaries;they were also
ladenwithcomplexandsubtlebeliefsinvolvingdifferentaspects of symmetryand opposition,what
Vogt (1993:12) refers to as binary oppositions.
Whenconsideredin lightof ethnographicaccounts,
the elaborateprehispanicintegrationof cardinality, opposition, seasonality,the passage of time,
and the movements of celestial bodies provided
powerful instrumentsfor conveying notions of
wholeness,completion,the cyclical natureof time
and creation,and of fertilityand renewal,all significantthemes that pervadedmore than strictly
agriculturalor strictlyritualaspectsof dailyMaya
life. Moreover,it is clear that the ancient Maya
were highly flexiblein termsof how an idea could
be expressedor in the numberof ideas expressed
in one venue, such as Tikal'stwin-pyramidgroups
or the Castilloat Chich6nItz"i.
The Quincunx Group, Hinterland Northwestern Belize
The Quincunxgroupwas identifiedat the western
base of a low hill duringreconnaissanceof a field
thathadbeen clearedfor cattlegrazing.Upon first
discovery, the site was considered noteworthy
becauseof its unusualfive-partdesign.Becauseof
the historicalsignificanceof quincuncialdesigns
in Mayabeliefs aboutthecosmos andfor marking
importantmoments duringthe solar year, initial
hypotheseswerethatit mighthaveservedin a symbolic capacityfor nearbyhouseholds,perhapsconveyingconceptssuchas re-creationof the cosmos,
and servingas the locus of supra-householdceremonies relatingto fertility,rain, and famine, and
eventheannualmotionof the sun.Inparticular,we
consideredthatthe sunriseeventof thesummersolstice (during which we were present) might be
definedby architecturalalignments.
Totestthesehypotheses,investigationsincluded
broad horizontalexposures necessary for documentingpotentialsightlines(definedby building
anddoorwaysor fromoutlyingmoundsto
comrners
the centralstructure)thatmayhavemarkedimportant astronomicalevents. Excavationsalso were
designedto recordpatternedartifactdepositsindicatingthe kinds of activitiesthatmighthavetaken
place. While no such patterned deposits were
89
immediatelyevident,it is possible thatthey could
have been disturbedby modernland clearingand
cattle grazing. Throughvertical excavationswe
recordedstratigraphy
andgainedanunderstanding
of chronology.
Investigationsand Observationsat the
QuincunxGroup
Even thoughthe landhadbeen clearedwith heavy
machinery,causingdamageto the site, duringtwo
excavationseasonswe documentedthe basic constructiontechniquesandplansof thefivebuildings.
The centralstructure,Structure1, was well builtof
cut limestoneblocks and mortarandwas finished
with a fine coat of plaster;it measuresapproximately 11 by 7 m and is oriented87 degreeseast
of truenorth.Structure1 containslargenorth,south,
andeast rooms,anda relativelyminorroom at the
northwestcomer thatis accessed througha small
opening or passage from the northchamber.The
centralroomsof thisbuildingareenteredfromtwo
entrances:a relativelywidedoorwayprovidesentry
to the south room, and a considerablynarrower
doorwayprovidesentrytotheeastroom.Aneast-west
spinalwall separatesthe southroomfromthe north
room, which is accessed from the southernroom
througha wideinternaldoorway(see Figure2).
In contrastto Structure1, the outlyingmounds
provedto be low, open, circularcobble platforms
without standing masonry. Three of these, the
northwest,northeast,and southeast,hadbeen disturbedto varyingdegreesby landclearing,though
encounteredateach
segmentsof intactarchitecture
allowed us to reconstructtheir original form to
some degree.The southwestmoundwas the best
preserved,appearingvirtuallyintact. Horizontal
exposures revealed circularalignmentsof faced
stones set within the cobble platforms.The platforms measuredapproximately9 m across,while
eachfacedalignmentmeasuredapproximately5 m
across(Figure6). Theintactconditionof the southwest moundprovedsignificant,as we documented
an abnormallylargestoneremainingin situandset
into the platform'snorthedge.
Duringthe2001 field season,animportantrelationshipbetweenStructures1 and2 was observed
at sunrise on the June solstice, when a person's
shadow was cast from approximatelythe south
doorway of the centralbuilding to the northern
edge of the southwestmound(Figure7). In 2002,
90
LATIN AMERICANANTIQUITY
[Vol. 16, No. 1,2005]
Figure 6. Looking south at the southwest mound, Structure 2, after complete horizontal exposure. Note the large stone
remaining in situ at the north edge of the platform.
Figure 7. Photographer's shadow cast from Structure 1 over northern edge of Structure 2 at sunrise on the summer solstice, June 21, 2001. This alignment falls across the large stone visible at the north edge of the platform in Figure 6. Arrow
points to large stone at northern edge of platform; photographer's shadow is emphasized with dashed white line.
REPORTS
91
Figure 8. Posthole exposed in the floor of the south room of Structure 1, interpreted as supporting a vertical beam used
to mark the sun's shadow as it moves north-to-south across the horizon throughout the year. The sun's shadow crosses
the large stone indicated in Figures 2, 6, and 11 at the summer solstice.
excavationsof Structure1 and 2 and additional
observationsdefinedthisalignmentmoreprecisely.
Our excavations completely exposed the south
roomof Structure1 anduncoveredwell-preserved
architectural
features,includinga benchatthewest
end of the room (see Figure 2) and a posthole
approximately25 cm in diameterjust insideandto
the east of the south doorway (Figure 8). It is
unlikelythatthepostholeheldaroof supportbeam,
as no similarfeatureswereuncoveredelsewherein
the structure.On the morningof the Junesolstice,
as viewed fromthe largestone in Structure2, the
sun was observedto rise over a stadiarod placed
in thishole;thisalignmentmimicsthe less-precise
observationmadein 2001.Wesuggestthatthehole
supporteda verticalbeam that, even if only 3 m
high, would have cast a shadowacross the large
stonein thesouthwestplatformas thesunappeared
overthe easternhorizon.
Whilethisrelationshipwasnotedthroughdirect
observation,subsequentexcavationfurtherconfirmedthatthelocationandlayoutof thefive structures,andparticularlythepositionsof theposthole
andthe largestone in Structure2, were important
componentsof the Quincunxgroupfor monitoring (minimally)the sunriseevent on the summer
solstice.Excavationsof Structure1 yielded strati-
graphic evidence of at least five construction
episodes(Figure9) thatall appearto datebetween
A.D. 650 and750, basedon ceramic
approximately
information(LauraKosakowsky,personalcommunication,2002). While the posthole was most
clearly visible in the uppermostplasterfloor,the
sequenceof floorsin profilesuggeststhatthe posthole did not merely intrudeinto the latest constructionphase;rather,its locationwas definedand
maintainedthroughsuccessivefloorsas the building was remodeled.
The constructionhistoryof Structure1 began
with placement of the earliest ballast on top of
undulatingbedrock, under Floor 1 (Figure 10).
Subsequentbuildersthen cut throughthese initial
layersin a limitedareathatcoincideswiththeposition of the postholevisible on the uppermostfloor
of thesequence,beforedepositinga layerof gravelsize sub-floorfill andthesecondplasterfloor.Floor
2 was almostblack,presumablyfromburningthat
occurredin thisportionof thebuilding.Floor2 was
re-plasteredwithout intervening ballast or fill;
remodelingconsistedonly of resurfacingand the
additionof perhapsa benchor step.The next constructioneventwas a truncationof thesteporbench
andan intrusioninto the firsttwo floorsin a fairly
circumscribedarea,again nearthe final posthole,
92
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Plaster floor
Ulna cobbis
Ulnae *abbe. fill
Medium cobble fig
Gravol, sub-Soot fill
Yo* wish, ccmpscisd
sodiment
[Vol. 16, No. 1,2005]
Floor 5
Floor 4
Floor 3
Floor 2
Floor
Bodrodc
1 motor
Figure 9. North profile (left) and photo (right) of excavation into Structure 1 showing five episodes of construction and
remodeling.
Plan of Excavations in South Room, Structure 1
from
arge stone extends
'
cobble f II hehealr
F1or,
3
through F..
Large stone
Figure 1;1
location
SupenrrpoSed
PoStIole in Floor
of
v is,tt.).e
arD, star
F Icor 3 surface
(40 42 crr eievat.on
F oar 2 surface
42 45 cm elevation
Floor 1 surface
(57 crr elevat.ni
;-.04,-..4e NI beneath
Floor
meter
Figure 10. Excavation plan (left) and photo (right) of 1-x-2-m unit around the posthole visible in Figure 8. Each successive intrusion and remodeling episode marks the posthole's final location, suggesting that it was deemed significant
through the entire construction history of the building. Floors 4 and 5, shown in Figure 8, were completely excavated
when this plan was drawn and so are not visible. Both views are facing south.
REPORTS
andwiththisexcavationwasmarkedby largestones
(Figure10). This phase also includesa depositof
medium-sizeballastand a yellowish-coloredsediment, possibly for leveling, followed by a thin
layer of plaster (Floor 4). The last construction
phaseconsistedof the additionof smallgravelballastanda finalplasteringepisode.Thepostholewas
left as an opening approximately20 to 25 cm in
diameterthroughthe uppermostplaster surface.
The fact that this location was markedin some
mannerat each successive phase suggests that it
was significantthroughoutthehistoryof thebuilding, even while rapidchanges and modifications
took place.
In additionto the posthole'slocation,patterns
of constructionfill in the outlyingplatformssuggest thattheirspecificpositionswere also importantin the overalldesignof Quincunx.Fixingtheir
preciselocationsin relationto each otherand the
centralstructuretook precedenceover laborefficiency in determiningthe group'soveralllayout.
Excavationof the southwestmoundrevealeda circularalignmentperhapsfrom an earlierconstruction phase (Figure11), and also shallowbedrock
beneathapproximately30 cm of constructionfill.
Conversely,excavationsin the southeastmound
encounteredbedrockunderfill at a depthclose to
80 cm, considerablydeeperthan that underlying
the southwestandnortheastmounds.Bedrockwas
not encountered under the northwest mound,
althoughexcavationswereconductedto a depthof
nearly 1 m. Becausethese outercobble platforms
were positionedwithoutregardfor a convenient
depthof bedrock,whichwouldhave greatlyfacilitatedtheirconstruction,
we suggestthattheirplacement was determinedby factors other than the
naturalterrain.Inotherwords,thesoutheastmound
appearsto have been purposefullybuilt in a predeterminedlocation,even thoughnearly80 cm of
constructionfill were requiredto level its surface,
while othermoundswerewithin30 cm of bedrock.
By extension,thelocationof the southwestmound
(and northwestand northeastmounds) also may
have been importantirrespectiveof the depth of
bedrock.2
Althoughthe role of the chultunto the east of
Structure1 remainsuncertain,it may have been
used to help monitor the passage of the solar
zeniths.It is directlyalignedwiththe southwall of
Structure1, approximately20 m to the east.Many
93
chultunsacrosstheMayaareaservedto captureand
store water,but the topographicposition of this
chultunin themiddleof a gentleslopeis notadvanits intetageousfor capturingwater.Furthermore,
rior walls display no evidence of plastering or
sealingfor suchpurposes.It is conceivablethat,as
with the proposedzenithsightingtubes at Xochicalco andMonteAlbain,the sun'srays shinedinto
orupona portionof thischamberforcertainlengths
of time involving multiplesof 13 or 20. Though
such an interpretation
is hypothetical,excavations
revealedmodificationsthat included a low "lip"
dividingthe primarychamberfrom a second one
extendingsouth. This other chambercould have
provideda vantagepoint for monitoringthe sun's
passage(Figure12).
Discussions and Conclusions
Clearly,a numberof themesarebundledtogether
into largerMesoamericanbelief systemsaboutthe
cosmos andthe importanceof monitoringcelestial
events such as the solstices and solarzeniths,both
of which are significantmomentsfor the scheduling andceremonialobservationof localagricultural
calendars.Particularthemes were emphasizedin
some instanceswhile otherthemesappearto have
beenmoreimportanton otheroccasions.However,
each instancesharescommon elementsincluding
the divisionof horizontalspaceinto fivepartsrepresentingthefourcomersof theuniverse(signified
by solsticesunriseandsunsetpositions)andtheuniversal navel, and the passageof variouscycles of
time throughouta 365-daysolaryear.A challenge
for archaeologistsconcernedwith the expression
of these ideas in ancientcommunitiesas a reflection of social standingis to understandhow such
elaboratesymbolism was representedfrom one
context to another.It is evident that some quincuncial expressions (such as the Castillo) were
designedto monitorpreciselythe passageof time
while also representingminiatureversionsof the
cosmos. Others, such as Tomb 12 at Rio Azul
(Adams 1999), highlightedthe role of paramount
individualsin unitingcreationand serving as the
pivot aroundwhich the universerevolved.At yet
othersitessuchasTeotihuacan,
architectural
investmentsweremademorespecificallyto monitorsunriseeventsin accordancewithanagricultural
cycle
that revolvedaroundseasonalchanges in a solar
94
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
[Vol. 16, No. 1,2005]
Structure 2, Quincunx
Cobbles (representation)
Fa c,ed/sha ped cobbles (piece plotted)
Large stone (in situ)
Inner circular alignment
2 meters
Figure 11. Plan of Structure 2, the low cobble platform in the southwest intercardinal position, showing in situ large stone
at northern edge and an inner stone alignment, perhaps representing an earlier phase of this construction.
year (Sprajc2000). Whetheror not the intent of
sucharchitectural
complexesincludedprecisemeasurementof the sun and othercelestial bodies at
particularmomentsin the solaryear,it seems clear
thatobservanceof theseeventsandceremonialparticipationsurroundingthem were importantassociated elements (for a discussionof scientificvs.
ceremonial observatories, see Aveni et al.
2003:172).
Such contextualdifferencesamong the many
examplesof Mayaquincuncialdesignorin thecalendrical principles embodied in Mesoamerican
architecturearecriticalfor helpingarchaeologists
to betterunderstandthe accessibilityof ideas and
information across ancient society. Webster
(2002:79), for example, places managementof
"calendarsthatemphasizerecurrentcycles, including a linearpassage of a 260-day ritualcalendar
and a 365-day solar calendar"within the eliteTheLate
focusedMesoamerican"GreatTradition."
PreclassicStructure5C-secondat Cerrosexhibits
oneof themostelaborateearlydepictionsof themes
of cardinalityand the cyclical passage of the sun,
in supportof this assessment.It is a pyramiddecoratedwith images of the rising Morningstarand
settingEveningstar(bothnamesforVenus)andthe
sunrisingin theeastandsettingin thewest (Schele
and Freidel 1990:Figure3:6). Here, early rulers
mirroredtheeast-to-westpathof the sunandVenus
in their own counterclockwiseritualmovements
REPORTS
95
East-West Cross Section
Bedrock
West
East
North-SouthCross Section
Bedrock
Bedrock
South
North
1 meter
Figure 12. Profiles of chultun located to the east of Structure 1, showing modified chamber extending to the south of the
opening, from which it might have been possible to monitor the sun's passage around the solar zeniths.
throughthe inner chambersof the superstructure
on top of the pyramid (Schele and Freidel
1990:111). During this same period, caches that
evidencedquincuncialconceptsexpressedinjade,
Spondylusshell, and other exotic materialsalso
were being deposited(Freidelet al. 2002).
Nearly all instances of celestial observation
recordedacross Mesoamericahave been associated with monumentalarchitecture,often viewed
by scholarsas anothercomponentof the"GreatTradition"(e.g., Trigger1991).Among the varietyof
ways in which the 260- and 365-dayMesoamericancalendarswas expressedaretheE-Grouparchitecturalplan,recognizedearlyon at Uaxact6nand
nearbysites (Aveniet al. 2003; Ruppert1940);the
calendricallyproportionedmeasurements(including metric ratios of 260 and 365) from Monte
Albin's BuildingJto its twomainballcourts(Peeler
andWinter1995) as well as fromthe ZapotecBarrio to the Templeof FeatheredSerpentand Pyramid of theMoon atTeotihuacan(Sugiyama1993);
and the Castilloat ChichdnItzai,discussedabove.
96
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
To furthercomplicatethesebundledbeliefs, many
architecturalsymbols were embeddedwith other
elementsof MayaorMesoamericancosmology,or
integratedseamlesslywith the surroundingterrain
(e.g., Aveni et al. 1988; Iwaniszewski1994) such
thatbuiltandnaturalenvironmentsbecamebutelements of a largerlandscape.
However,the identificationof some elementsin
thiselaboratebelief systemin caches,artifacts,and
architecturalplans that are associatedwith Maya
commoners(e.g., Lohse 2002; Robin 2002) suggests thatdistinctionsbetweenelites andnon-elites
based on access to this informationwere not so
great (e.g., Mathewsand Garber2004:18). Additionally, the known time depth of quincuncial
designs pushes this practiceback to the very formative beginningsof complex society, and many
of the earliestexamplesarefoundin communalor
dailydomesticcontextsratherthanelite ones. One
of the earliest documentedexamplesof this plan
from the Maya area is Cache 7 at Seibal, a
cruciform-shapeddeposituncoveredin the center
of the Main Plaza and datingto around900 B.C.
(Smith 1982). At Blackman Eddy in the Belize
River Valley, excavatorsrecoveredearly Middle
Preclassic(Kanochaphase)potteryassociatedwith
radiocarbondatesof ca. 1200to 850 B.C. andwith
incised cruciformdesignsthatcouldalso represent
the quincuncialmotif we describehere (Garberet
al. 2002).3 Elsewhere in Mesoamerica, the
longevity of these concepts is indicatedby excavationsat HouseholdC3 in SanJos6Magote,Oaxaca. There,Marcus(1999) describespaintedpits,
to cardinalplaces,which
withcolorscorresponding
in
have
been
used
might
divining ceremonies
between 1700 and 1400 B.C. Finds such as these
establishthe originsof thiselaboratebelief system
priorto the developmentof pronouncedsocial differentiationamong local communities.They also
demonstratethe widespreadaccessibilityof such
conceptsto nearlyall spectraof society.
When symbolic representationsof the cosmos
arecombinedwithcelestialobservations,questions
of controlandapplicationof importantknowledge
in ancientsocietiesbecomeevenmorecomplex.In
this context,our work at the Quincunxgrouprepresentsanotherexampleof precolumbianeffortsto
re-createthe cosmos, togetherwith its deep directional, seasonal, and astronomicalsignificance,
through architecturalconstructions,though this
[Vol. 16, No. 1, 2005]
may be the firstexampleof such an arrangement
employingarchitecturedocumentedwell outsidea
monumentalcenter.The locationanduniqueconfigurationof the Quincunxgroup appearto have
servedthe surroundinghinterlandpopulationson
multiplelevels. Its five componentsemphasizing
emulateconceptualizationsof the
intercardinality
cosmos thatpermeatemanylaterMayacommunities; this plan also embodies ethnographicMaya
beliefs and ritualsinvolving rainfall,agricultural
production,fertility, and observance of solstice
and/orzenithpassagesin thesolaryear.Quincunxes
can be observedat a multitudeof scales, both in
modem society and in the prehispanicpast,ranging fromindividualartifactsto politicalregions.We
suggestthatit was the basic principleuponwhich
nearly all expressionsof space, both sacred and
mundane,were founded.
Based on these beliefs, and becauseof its considerabledistancefrom any site centerrepresenting immediateoversightby urbanelites, we argue
thatthe Quincunxarchitectural
planwas theresult
of a hinterland
communaleffortto re-createthecosmos througharchitectureand ceremonialspace.
Additionally,it served the purposeof monitoring
andceremoniallyobservingat least the passageof
the June solstice event and perhapsalso the solar
zeniths. These three events are known to be significantmomentsof the 365-day solaryearandin
some communitiesare also used to trackthe 260day sacredalmanac.These multiplelines of evidence suggestthatthe hinterlandMayain thispart
of northwesternBelize tendedto at least some of
theirownneedsconcerningritualexpression;these
rituals followed the same seasonal and annual
rhythmsthatcontinueto integratecommunitiesand
shape agrarian production across much of
Mesoamerica.Withthese elementsof the agriculturalcycle satisfied,Late Classic Mayafarmersat
Quincunxwouldhavebeen free to engage in food
productionwithinthe frameworkof a worldview
sharedby othermembersof society, a worldview
thatfocused at once on the heavensandearthand
all thatsurroundsthem.
Acknowledgments.This work was sponsored by the Maya
ResearchProgram,conductedunderthe auspices of the Blue
CreekRegional Political Ecology Project.We are indebtedto
the many studentand volunteermembersof these programs
who contributedtheir time and efforts in helping to understand this important site. We are also grateful to the
REPORTS
97
Departmentof Archaeology and the Governmentof Belize Bricker,VictoriaB.
1983 DirectionalGlyphsin MayaInscriptionsandCodices.
for permittingour researchin theircountry,and to the David
AmericanAntiquity48:347-353.
Dyck family who grantedaccess to the Quincunx site. Kim
A. Cox, a longtime participant of the Maya Research Closs, MichaelP.
1988 A PhoneticVersion of the Maya Glyph for North.
Program,first identifiedthis group and suggested its imporAmericanAntiquity53:386-393.
tance in ancient Maya ritual behavior. Laura Kosakowsky
Coe, MichaelD.
graciously provided the chronological assessment of exca1975 Native American Astronomy in Mesoamerica. In
vated ceramics, no small feat considering that many of the
Archaeoastronomyin Pre-ColumbianAmerica,editedby
contexts were at least partially disturbed and most of the
AnthonyE Aveni, pp. 3-31. Universityof Texas Press,
sherds highly eroded. JenniferMathews and James Garber
Austin.
allowed us to referencetheirunpublishedmanuscript,which Coggins, Clemency
1980 The Shapeof Time:Some PoliticalImplicationsof a
addresses some of the same points we make in this paper.
Four-PartFigure.AmericanAntiquity45:727-739.
Ivan Sprajc graciously commented on an earlier draft and
Freidel, David A., KathrynReese-Taylor,and David Moraconsultation
about
solstitial
azimuths
at
the
provided
Marin
Quincunxgroup;his inputgreatlyimprovedthis manuscript.
2002 The Origins of Maya Civilization:The Old Shell
We also thank Anthony Aveni, Jose Humberto Medina
Game, Commodity,Treasure,and Kingship.In Ancient
Gonzalez, one anonymousreviewer,and the LAA editorial
Maya PoliticalEconomies,editedby MarilynA. Masson
staff for their helpful comments and criticisms. While their
and David A. Freidel, pp. 41-86. AltaMiraPress, New
contributionshave made this study possible, none of these
York.
individualsare responsiblefor our errorsin interpretationor Freidel,David,LindaSchele, and Joy Parker
1993 Maya Cosmos: Three Thousand Years on the
oversight.
Shaman'sPath.Quill WilliamMorrow,New York.
Garber,JamesE, M. KathrynBrown,andChristopherJ. Hartman
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Divine Kingsof the Rainforest,edited by Nikolai Grube,
pp. 281-293. K6nemann,Cologne.
Webster,David
2002 TheFall of theAncientMaya. Thamesand Hudson,
London.
Notes
1. Michael Closs (1988) offers a different,phoneticinterpretationfor these glyphs, specifically the one found on the
chamber'snorthwall, which he reads as xa-ma-n(a),Yucatec
for xaman, or north.He concludes that the Maya indeed had
terms for north and south, and that these concepts were not
merely glossed as "up"and "down"or "zenith"and "nadir."
2. It is possible that the southeast,northeast,and northwest mounds were also positioned to observe solar events
such as sunriseor sunseton solstice days, eitherby sightlines
with elementsof Structure1 (such as cornersor doorways)or
with other mounds.However,the area has been disturbedby
modernactivitiesto the point that precise locationalfixtures,
such as the large stone documentedin Structure2, could not
be detected.While the positionsof these moundsappearclose
to the appropriatelocations for suspected solar alignments,
the limited spatialextent of the group, togetherwith the currentlyunevenandrestrictedvisibility of the horizon,preclude
an accurateassessmentfrom our mappeddata.
3. James Garber,M. KathrynBrown, and Christopher
Hartman(2002), in their report to the Foundationfor the
Advancementof MesoamericanStudies, Inc., interpretthese
motifs as quadripartiteand not quincuncial.It is possible that
variationsin this motif may convey importantdifferencesin
terms of symbolically expressed views of the cosmos, universe, or of themes of renewaland completion.
SubmittedOctober6, 2003; Accepted June 15, 2004;
RevisedJuly 20, 2004