Untitled - The Cambridge Citizen

The Remembrance Project
Acknowledgements
Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data
Snowie, J. Allan (Joseph Allan), 1945—Bloody Buron
Professor Terry Copp, Wilfrid Laurier University, for comments and encouragement.
ISBN 0-919822-91-6
1. Caen, Battle of, 1944.
of Canada, lst-History.
Title.
D756.5.C14S63 1984
Professor (and Major) Gunnar Boehnert, University of Guelph, for being my mentor and a
friend.
2. Canada. Canadian Army. Battalion, Highland Light Infantry
3. World War, 1939-1945-Personal narratives, Canadian.
I.
940.54'21
C84-098863-X © J. Allan
Lieutenant-Colonel Brian Rainville, Commanding Officer, The Highland Fusiliers of Canada, for Regimental support and interest.
Ms. Delilah Sutherland, Librarian, Royal Canadian Military Institute for her assistance.
Ms. Joy Houston and Staff, National Photography Collection, Public Archives of Canada,
for their assistance.
Mrs. Anne Hicks, North Bay; and 2Lt Calvin Bricker, HF of C, for initial proofreadings (all
final proofreadings and any errors or omissions are mine alone).
Snowie, 1984
Originally published by:
THE BOSTON MILLS PRESS
For their hospitality and kindness:
M. Auguste Collet, Mayor of the now combined towns of Saint Contest/
Buron and his wife.
M. Francois de Paix de Coeur, Mayor of les Buissons and his family.
M. Jean-Claude Alaperrine and Odile Pain.
Second Printing by
.
The Remembrance Project
235 Church St. S
Cambridge, On
N3H 1W7
Design by John Denison
Cover painting by Peter Kovalik
Typeset by Linotext, Toronto
We wish to acknowledge the financial assistance of The Canada Council, the Ontario Arts Council and the Office of the Secretary of State.
Introduction
During the preparation of this book, I was fortunate to be able to contact nine
former members of the Highland Light Infantry of Canada, First Battalion, who
had taken an active part in the Battle of Buron.
All of them proved to be extremely fine gentlemen; and two or three of them
'characters' to say the least. It is a privilege to have met them.
For continuity, each is quoted using his Army rank at the time of Buron. I
have attempted not to alter any quotes given and to ensure that the word selection and manner of speech and vocabulary are not infracted. From time to time,
parenthe-sis are used to explain or give flow to the information.
As the average soldier's scope of knowledge about how the war was progressing often did not go much beyond his slit trench, the Command situation and
problems of British General Montgomery and his German counterpart, Field
Marshal Rommel, are included to give an overall picture.
Captain J. Allan Snowie CD
Historical Officer,
The Highland Fusiliers of Canada
Introduction to the Second Printing:
The support under the command of Major John Alexander “Jack” Ferguson was
the one of the HLI units in Buron on that fateful morning. The Remembrance
Project by his grandson, Scot Ferguson, is a most fitting tribute to all Waterloo
County veterans of the Second World War. It is an honour for this second
printing of Bloody Buron to be a part of that Project.
Following the first printing, it was humbling to hear many family members say,
in effect, 'Now we understand Dad more fully.' If this book can offer any present value to those who served, and to those who are serving today, then it is to
ask of all others not only to remember but to comprehend.
J.Allan Snowie,
Bellingham, Washington.
May, 2006
Contents
9
13
25
37
55
63
77
89
101
106
109
112
114
115
116
117
HISTORIETTE
ENGLAND
OVERLORD
VILLONS-LES-BUISSONS
THE CHARNWOOD PLAN
PRIVATE AGONY - FINEST HOUR
AFTERMATH
THROUGH EUROPE AND HOME
EPILOGUE
BURON ROLL OF HONOUR
CITATIONS
GLOSSARY
REFERENCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INTERVIEWS
ROLL CALL: D-DAY AND BURON
This book is dedicated to the infantry soldiers who served at
the front, in World War I and World War II with Ontario's
Waterloo County Battalions.
The 34th, lllth and 118th Battalions, Canadian Expeditionary Force, 1914-1918.
The First Battalion, Highland Light Infantry of Canada, Canadian Active
Service Force, 1940-1945.
Infantry, the least spectacular arm,
Yet without them you cannot win a battle..
Indeed without them you can do nothing,
nothing at all
Field Marshal Viscount Montgomery, KG,GCB,DSO
The book is also personally dedicated to the author's father, the first soldier
he ever met, Private Joseph Allan Snowie (senior), Royal Engineers, 19441947;
and to the five members of the Snowie family who served in the First World
War 1914-1918.
Only the author's grandfather, Joseph Snowie, returned home.
About the Author:
Allan Snowie was born in Scotland and came to Canada
at the age of twelve. He developed an early interest in both
the military and in aviation and joined the Royal Canadian
Navy, Fleet Air Arm in 1965. He trained as a pilot, was
commissioned, and served at RCNAS Shearwater and aboard
the aircraft carrier HMCS Bonaventure. In 1970. he was
appointed to 412 VIP Transport Squadron in Ottawa.
Leaving the Regular Force in 1972. Allan joined Air Canada and flew the Boeing "6" as a co-pilot. He -has continued his military association through the Militia and is an
infantry officer with the High-land Fusiliers of Canada.
Allan flew with Air Canada until retirement in
2005. He continues with aviation as a corporate pilot
in the United States. Allan has been an active volunteer
with Abbeyfield International, a non-profit senior's
housing concept, ever since meeting the veterans of
Buron who inspired him to help improve the lives of the
elderly.
(Http://www.abbeyfieldinternational.com)
Allan and his wife Cynthia reside in Bellingham, Washington.
Back Cover:
The Regimental Colours of the High-land Fusiliers of Canada, the present day Waterloo County Regiment, showing
the Battle Honours of World War I and World War II.
FRONT ROW, LEFT TO RIGHT, SITTING— SGT. H. HENDERSON, SGT. M. ZINK, SGT R. ENWRIGHT, QUARTERMASTER SGT. R. BENNETT,
C. S. M. F. SMITH, CAPT. N. A. BAIRD, ADJUTANT, LT. COL. J. A. MCINTCSH, D. S. O. OFFICER COMMANDING,
R. S. M. A. J. HADFIELD, MAJOR R. J. MCPHERSON, 2 i/c, C. S. M. C. WHITTINCTON, C. S. M. G. RUTHERFORD, C. S. M. RHODES,
SCT.
A. HOUGHTON.
SECOND ROW, LEFT TO RIGHT, STANDING— PROVOST SGT. A. SUDDERS,STAFF SGT. (ARMOURER) C. MITCHELL,
C. Q. M. S. I. MC.NERNEY, SGT. C. POLZIN,
SGT. A. AGGETT,
SGT. R. CAWTHORPE,
SGT. HEDRICH,
SGT. Q. BOWMAN, PAY SGT.
L. MEYER, STAFF SGT. D. STRUCK,
SGT. A. STENNING,
SGT. A. SPOONER,
SGT. L. PIUTCHARD,
SGT. R. SHERREFFS,
SGT. J. DENT,
C. Q. M. S. W. VASSIE,
SGT. H. BAER, C. Q. M. S. H. ELLINS,
SGT. F. ALLAN,
C. Q. M. S. J. YEAMAN,
SGT.
H. DUNHAM,
PIPE SGT. A. CORSTORPHINE.
BACK ROW, LEFT TO RIGHT, STANDING— SGT. J. CRAWFORD,
SGT. R. RICHARDSON,
SGT. N. JEFFERS,
SGT. G. Mum,
SGT.
W. PLUMSTEAD,
L/Sor. E, SAUNDERS,
SGT. SITWELL,
SGT. H. RITZ
SGT. C. BISSETT,
SCT. J. DEGEN,
SGT. G. SWAN,
SGT. N. MILLS.
FOURTH ROW: LT. E.D.. AXFORD. Lt J.P. ROBINSON, LT C.D. CAMPBELL. LT .I.A. GORMAN, Lr.K. PORTER. LT. D.S, BARRIE.
CAPT.W.A.E, ROELOFSON,
LT. T.G. FYPE.LT., B.F. KEARNS. LT. N.H. FLETCHER. LT. R.L HARVEY, LT. G.E. LOWE, LT. G. HIPEL, LT J.A. FERGUSON. LT. J. SHORT, LT, RJ. MCCORMICK. CAPT.D.P. KENNEDY.
THIRD ROW CAPT. F.A. FISHER, LT c.w. SPARKS. LT J.G. NEARINGBURG. LT, J.C. KING. LT. R, HILLIR, CAPT. STEW ART. H/CAPT. J. ANDERSON. LT. A.R.
COYSTON,CAPT. J.H. BARR. CAPT. P.K. KENNEDY. LT w.W. GRIGCS. CAPTAIN LC. WINHQLD. LT. W.G. MOORE LT. D.R. TODD, CAPT. W.R. BOWMAN.
CAPT.D.H FORBES. ;
SECOND ROW CAPT. T.R. PREST. CAPT. G.D. SIM. CAPT R.A. KLAEHN. CAPT. J.H. LOGHEAD. CAPT. M.A. ROUSALL. MAJOR W.F. WAHSBOROUCH.
MAJOR A.T. BROWN. MAJOR F.A. SPARKS. CAPT. V.E. STARK, CAPT. CJ. POLZIN. CAPT. R.A. ECHUN. CAPT H. DENIS-NATHAN. CAPT. M. NACHT. LT.
G.R. GUNVILLE. CAPT. A.K, McTAgGART.
FRONT ROW- MAJ, R.D. HODGINS, MAJ. P.W. STRICKLAND, MAJ D.N. DURWARD MAI. G.A.M. EDWARDS, LT. COL. F.H. HEARN. Cot J.A.
MCINTOSH DSO,
LT. CoLR.F. SHANTZ. LT. COL. D. FLETCHER. LT. COL. RJ. MCPHERSON, . MAJOR P.M. GRIFFITHS,
MAJOR J.H, ANDERSON,
MAJOR J.H.
LECKIE. MAJOR D.C. HENDERSON.
UNABLE TO BE PESENT CAPT w.c, ALLAN, CAPT, F.S. ALLEN, MAJOR N.A. BAIRD, CAPT. G.A. BEAN, CAPT. E.H. BULL. MAJOR R.E. BRICKER.
R.L CHANDLER. CAPT. G.A. CHARLTON, CAPT. E.M, CH1LDS. LT, C.R, CLARKE,
CAPT.C.H. BARRETT. LT.BEPHESENT;
CAPT. W.C. CONACHIE. LT.H.CRAIG. LT. J. DES1SON, LTE.C.EDDY, H./CAPT J.Y. FRASER, CAPT. J. FAWCETT,
LT.WIH.GILPILLAN CAPT.H.E. GASKIN, CAPT. G.R.K. HANCOCK. CAPT.R.H. HILBORN. CAPT.D.T. HAHLEY, CAPT. G.A.HOWARD. CAPT.H. HARLEV.
LT.J.W.HUXLEY. LT.W.H.JARDINE. CAPT;.F.KLUGMAN.MAJORW-H-LYNN,LT.J.MANNION. CAPT.W.A.PHILUP, MAJOR .F.ROELOFSON. LT.J.C.MAYSE
LT.C.R.MILUR. LT K. MITCHELL. LT F.L. PRICE. CAPT.S.A. SIMMONS, LT.J.D. SPOHN. LT. R.C STAUFFEH.
Historiette
This is the story of a battle. It pertains to a Canadian Regiment and has been called their private agony and finest hour.
The battle look place at the small village of Buron, situated just
four miles to the north-west of the city of Caen in Normandy,
France.
On the 8th of July, 1944, the First Battalion, Highland Light
Infantry of Canada, was ordered to capture Buron from the
Third Battalion, 25th SS Panzer Grenadier Regiment of Nazi
Germany. The HLI of C, a County Regiment of Waterloo, Ontario, succeeded in the Battle but at a cost of over fifty percent
casualties among the Battalion's four Rifle Companies.
Although the history of this HLI Regiment dales back to the
War of 1812, this was the first battle they fought as a single
constituted unit. A short background of these fighting men
traces this phenomenon and gives an introduction to the people
of Waterloo County.
In 1812, North Waterloo Mennonites served with the British
Army as unarmed teamsters and were "in action' at the Battle of
Moraviantown. In 1837, South Waterloo Scots, formed as the
Galt Rifle Company, guarded the Grand River bridge from the
rebellious MacKenzie. This county Militia was united by 1857
and the First Battalion of Waterloo County Infantry was drawn
up. Renamed the 29th Waterloo Battalion of Infantry in 1866,
three of its eight companies were placed on active service at the
time of the Fenian Scare. During the North West Rebellion of
1855, sub-units and individuals from the County took part
against Louis Riel. The Boer War at the turn of the century enticed the following generation and several unit members served
with the Canadian Mounted Rifles in South Africa.
In 1913, the Waterloo County Militia diverged into North and
South. The 29lh Waterloo Regiment became the City Corps of
Galt; to the north, the Berlin City Corps became the 108th Regiment by 1914.
With the outbreak of World War One, Sam Hughes, the Canadian Minister of Defence, completely disregarded the territorial
militia system. Thus the Canadian Regiments of the Expeditionary Force to Europe consisted of anonymously numbered battalions. Three of these Overseas Battalions were raised by the Waterloo County Militia. The 34th was mobilized, headquartered
and trained in Guelph, the 111th in South Waterloo and the
118th in North Waterloo. None of the three served as individual
units in France. All were broken up for reinforcements soon after arrival in England. This is easy to understand when one
looks at the staggering casualty figures being suffered on the
Western Front. Through these break-ups, Waterloo County supplied men to thirty-four separate Canadian Expeditionary Force
Battalions in the front lines. From a total of 3,763 county enlistments, 486 were killed in action and 112 won military decorations, including three Victoria Crosses.
Emblazoned on the present-day Regimental Colours are eight
Battle Honours won by these Waterloo County soldiers in the
Great War. The Honours are: MOUNT SORREL, THE
SOMME. YPRES (PASSCHENDAELE), ARRAS, HILL 70,
AMIENS, HINDENBURG LINE and PURSUIT TO MONS.
The memory of the three Overseas Battalions is thus perpetuated—Not to the glory of war but to the fact that those deeds of
valor and devotion to duty must not be forgotten. The Colours
are the heart and soul of a Regiment; the rallying point in battle
and a source of history and tradition in peacetime.
In 1923. King George V honoured the Galt Regiment by giving Royal approval to an Alliance with the British Highland
Light Infantry, City of Glasgow, Regiment. In Kitchener
(formerly Berlin) a similar Scottish 'evolution' took place in
1928. The North Waterloo Regiment became the Scots Fusiliers
of Canada, allied to the old country's Royal Scots Fusiliers.
With the 'twilight war of 1939 and early 1940, training intensified in Kitchener and Galt. On the 31st of May, 1940, Lieutenant Colonel J.A. McIntosh DSO. then Commanding Officer
of the First Battalion, Highland Light Infantry of Canada. NonPermanent Army Militia (NPAM), was ordered to mobilize the
Battalion and recruit to full war establishment, including first
reinforcements. This Canadian Active Service Force (CASF)
Battalion was to consist of a Headquarters Company and Four
Rifle Companies. It was here that County togetherness began
again. Two of the Rifle Companies were raised in Kitchener,
principally from the Scots Fusiliers; and two in Galt from HLI
enlistments. This was the time of the Fall of France under Nazi
Blitzkrieg and patriotic feeling was high. The mobilization was
completed in a record three weeks.
The Battalion concentrated and trained initially at Stratford.
Ontario, moving to Quebec City in early January 1941. Six
weeks later, the Battalion was uprooted and dispatched to Debert, Nova Scotia. Here they were selected for the 9th Infantry
Brigade of the 3rd Canadian Division. The two other Battalions
chosen to compose the 9th were the North Nova Scotia Highlanders, the NNS or the 'Novas', and the Eastern Ontario Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry Highlanders, the SDGs or the
'Glens'. With such a composition of kilties, the Brigade was
soon known as the 9th Highlanders.
On the 20th of July, 1941. the First Battalion of the Highland
Light Infantry of Canada proceeded overseas, 1170 strong.
Eight days later, they were played ashore in Gourock, Scotland
by the Depot Band of their Scottish affiliate Regiment. Hard
training in Britain followed for the next three years. During this
10
time the Battalion bonded as a fighting unit and trimmed to a
strength of just over 800. (The First Reinforcements having
gone to the reinforcement unit at Farnham).
The Battalion landed on French shores on D-Day, the 6th of
June 1944. and gained a month of bitter field experience before
assaulting Buron. In the aftermath of that victory, the Battalion
reeled, reinforced and then carried on through France, the Netherlands and into Germany. Of the twenty World War II Battle
Honours that the Battalion brought back to the home Regiment,
Buron was their greatest.
On the 8th of July, 1944, the HLI had fought as a single entity
representing Waterloo County for the first time in the Regiment's history; and it had fought one of the bloodiest encounters
of the entire Normandy Campaign. It is fitting that the Battle
Honour 'Buron' is perpetuated in the Colours of The Highland
Fusiliers of Canada, the present day amalgamated Militia Regiment of North and South Waterloo.
However. Buron was not just one day but a culmination of
events with a sequel.
Nine former members of the HLI. who took an active part in
the Battle, were asked the single question: "Buron?" Each, in
his own way. spoke of England, D-Day, the first month in
France, then Buron and the months following. It became apparent that to fully comprehend and understand the events of the
8th of July 1944, one must have a knowledge of each of these
memory areas. The quotes of the veteran HLI soldiers provide
this insight.
England
The Battalion had arrived in England just after the Dunkirk
withdrawal of British Forces from France. Their primary task
was set as the Defence of the island against the threatened Hun
invasion. When the Royal Air Force won the Battle of Britain,
the HLI then changed from guard duties to service as an infantry regiment of the line for the Allied invasion of Europe. The
preparation for the new role was long and arduous and as close
to actual battle conditions as was possible. With the exception
of two Scottish expeditions', one to Fort William's mountains
and the other to Rothsay's seacoast. the Waterloo Regiment
was trained in Southern England.
The Regiment now composed of four Rifle Companies, a
Support Company, a Headquarters Company and a Command
Group. Each of these Companies was commanded by a Major
or senior Captain, with another officer as second-in-command
(2IC) and a senior enlisted man as the Company Sergeant Major (CSM). The Rifle Companies were the assault force. Each
consisted of approximately one hundred and twenty-five to
one hundred and thirty-seven men grouped into four Pla-toons
each over thirty men. The Platoon was led by a Lieuten-ant
with a Sergeant as his 21C. Platoons were further divided into
Sections; that is, three groups of ten men each, led by a Corporal and organized around the firepower of a light mac-hine
gun. This (Bren) gun would support the Riflemen as they advanced to suppress one strong point after another.1 The job of
the Support Company was to aid the Rifle Companies by use
of its Mortar. Carrier Anti-Tank and Pioneer Platoons. The
Headquarters Company provided the Signals and the Administrative Platoons. The Command Group was the Battalion
Headquarters. The Commanding Officer, the Adjutant and the
Regimental Sergeant Major (RSM) were the triumvirate of
this group. They exercised the authority and control of the
Regi-ment. The Intelligence Section, Provost Section, Medical
Section and six Bagpipers along with the attached staff of the
Paymaster and Padre all came under the Battalion HQ.
Just as the Ship is to the Navy and the Squadron is to the Air
Force, the Regiment, to the Army, is its family. The First Battalion of the Highland Light Infantry of Canada was further
drawn together by the strenuous training and the foreign living
in a spirit of loyalty and comradeship.
"They are a living tide channeled into an amorphous thing
called the Regiment. The Regiment then becomes the sum
of the attributes of its myriad of human elements—a thing
possessed of special animation.2"
Farley Mowat, The Regiment
Major R.D. Hodgins recalls:
"The officers were just like brothers, thirty-seven of us.
I'm from a large family, seven boys and two girls, and I
found it much the same. There were squabbles of course,
no question about that, but we were close knit. Some were
closer than others, more along one's own way of thinking.
My closest friend was Vince Stark. He was very competitive and intelligent, always out to win. We were both
company commanders and when we trained our troops
out on the South Downs, we would brief the night patrols
to try to capture the other company commander. We were
all just about as close as you can come to actual blood
brothers.
13
In World War One people used to talk about officers being shot in the back by their own men. This War was so different. We were all brought along together. Six months
prior to D-Day all the non-fits were pulled. That's the crazy
part—if you are going to get people shot—get nothing but
the best.
It may sound a little honeyed, a little soapy, but that was
the HL1 right down the line.
The training was hard. At the Company Commander's
Battle Course they used live ammunition and had an allowable ten percent casualty rate. Battle inoculation they called
it. Whoever dreamed it up did an excellent job. At the very
end of the Course, when you were just beat and could taste
blood from the exertion, you had to crawl up an embankment and pull a grenade pin and throw it. I think that's
where the casualties must have occurred.
But that was training for what you were going into; even
the bleak cold of Scotland. If you were ever going to catch
pneumonia that was the place. We did our training for the
actual landings at the Isle of Wight. You had to get the timing right and learn not to jump when the prow of the craft
was up!"
Captain Jock Anderson, Padre, came from a Scottish background:
"So 1 wanted a Highland Unit... I spoke up during my
DDPP (Dentist, Doctors, Paymasters & Padres) BasicTraining Course at #3 CCRU (Canadian Central Reinforcement Unit) in Aldershot, England. Colonel 'Black Jack'
Macintosh, who had taken the HLI to England after he mobilized it, was the Commanding Officer of #3 CGRU. There
were twelve Padres on course to be trained as reinforcements. You were supposed to be thirty years
14
old and three years ordained. I was twenty-nine and only
one year ordained, but I was threatening to go Active Service if I wasn't sent.
The other Padres went to holding units but I was sent
right to Bournemouth to join the HLI in October 1943. 1
found they were all young fellows. The majority had known
each other from the Gall-Kitchener area while growing up.
The wait in England had been so long that the older fellows
had been sent home. In fact, this was the reason that I was
replacing Padre John Y. (Yippy) Fraser. He had been with
them all along but was not as virile as myself.
1 didn't like it at first. They would tell me that Yippy
wouldn't do this or that' or Yippy would do it this way". I
finally went to see the Adjutant, Captain Sim, to ask for a
transfer. They are just kidding you' he told me. "And as
long as they are—you are in!'
So 1 stayed and went on the forced route marches—all to
keep in shape and show that I could keep up. And the landing craft training—the wet landings—the run ashore— dig
in—await counterattack—the long damp nights.
I was so lucky. It was an excellent unit to be Padre of!"
In contrast to the ancestry of Padre Anderson is Sergeant A.P.
Herchenratter:
"My mother's father came from Berlin—Germany. My
father's people were Pennsylvania Dutch. We had a few
boys in the Regiment who could speak German.
Just before D-Day, we trained on bicycles, Paratrooper
Bikes, for the dash into France. Amazing as it may seem,
out of thirty-five men in my platoon, I had to teach five of
them how to ride a bike. I'd have to hang onto the rear of
the seal and run alongside. The bikes were put together
with wing nuts. If you hit a bump, the handlebars would go
one way—the front wheel another. Worst of all, there was
only one patching kit for a whole platoon. The rest must
have been sold on the Black Market."
square. Lieutenant Todd, my Platoon Commander, was the
same."
Lieutenant Campbell:
"Mike 'The Goon' we called Borodaiko. He was a big hulkIn spite of the dissimilarities of ethnic origins, the Regiment
ing fellow. Didn't look like a soldier—but he could handle
did function like a family—a Waterloo County family. Lieuta Bren—and he could get mad (and be effective)!"
enant CD. Campbell, Unit Intelligence Officer, perhaps explains this kinship best:
Relationships in the Army between Officers and Men are usually
marked by nicknames. The HLI was no different accord"The boys all knew each other—they had grown up toing
to
Sergeant J.P. Kelly:
gether. Big Art Sparks was often embarrassed when an old
schoolmate called him Major, but we had a really disci"I was Ray Hodgins' runner (message carrier) for about fifplined family unit. It was a pride of Regiment, a comradeteen months—he ran the hell out of me. We called him
ship. No one wanted to be left behind and they did not want
'Muscles*. You didn't fool with him too much. Dirty Dave'
to let the other fellow down. Because of this they accepted
Durward was another Company Commander who was
the discipline. There was some bitching—of course; if soltough. But the one who got us organized was 'Smokey'. He
diers aren't complaining, then something is really drastiwas a nice fellow, smart as a whip!"
cally wrong.
It may have something to do with our basic difference to Smokey was Lieutenant-Colonel Franklyn MacCallum Grifthe British Army. The Brits have been around for so long fiths:
that they have a DS (Directing Staff) solution to any mili"The HLI was a completely strange outfit to me when I
tary situation. Canadians are more flexible, with a 'Yes—
joined as 2IC in July 1943. They were mostly local boys
that solution might work* attitude, as long as 'that solution'
from Waterloo County area, other than a few Indian lads
did not violate a principle of war. Also, an attitude that to
from Cape Croker. My mother came from Galt and knew
do 'nothing' was always wrong. Therefore, in a given situathe Edwards family. So Geordie (Major G. Edwards) was
tion 'do something' as it may be either right or wrong. The
the only one that I'd ever met.
British are heavier on orders too. For example: 'You—Do
I didn't know that there was anything wrong with Lieuthis!' Whereas Canadians are more 'Come On-Let's (Us) do
tenant Colonel Shantz, the Commanding Officer, but it
it!' "
turned out that he had a medical problem. In late 1943 everyone from Lieutenant-Colonel up had to take a medical.
This 'Lets-do-it-together' attitude of the officers was recogSo in January 1944. Shantz was suddenly posted to Cannized by even the wildest of soldiers. Private Mike Borodaiko
ada. That's just the way they would do it—no announceremembers:
ment. As a matter of fact they gave us all another medical
"I was in B Company, #10 Platoon. All the disturbers were
in the Spring of '44."
in number 10 Platoon. Vince Stark was my Company
15
Commander. He wasn't soft. He was tough but he was
As a member of the Battalion Headquarters staff. Lt Campbell worked closely with the new: Commanding Officer:
"Lt Col Griffiths was a mild but firm man. He would buy
an argument if you presented it right. He was from the
Royal Canadian Regiment and was a Royal Military College graduate. He had been a lawyer in Niagara Falls prior
to the war.
When he took over as Commanding Officer he gathered
us all in and said: "Now look, this has been a great big
happy family, but it has its weaknesses. From now on there
is going to be no more promotion by seniority. It will be by
merit.' "
To Lt Col Griffiths fell the job of final organization and training for the Regiment's part in the Allied Invasion of Europe:
"I took over just in time for the move to Fort Gomer. Gosport. the old Royal Flying Corps field. We had with us
some eleven tons of practice ammunition. Now it was hard
to get any training areas. England was so packed with
troops. However, right next to us was a Royal Marines
Base. The RSM and I took two quarts of Scotch and two
cartons of cigarettes each and paid a visit to our Marine
counterparts . . . We must have fired off over ten tons of
the ammunition on their range! At a Divisional conference.
Major General Keller, the General Officer Commanding
(and a fair pistol shot I. complained that he couldn't find a
place to shoot. 1 kept quiet!"
The Battalion was inspected by Lieutenant General Montgomery in February. His Majesty the King in April and General
Dwight Eisenhower in May. Lt Col Griffiths offers the following comments on the two senior military commanders:
"When Monty or Eisenhower inspected, we had the ranks
six deep three facing three so that they could be seen as
well as see. Monty would walk about ten or twelve yards
16
and pause, just posturing. He had no common touch. Eisenhower would look at the men. He spotted a Cape Croker
Indian in the rear rank.
'Coloured chap?' he asked me.
"No Sir. an Indian, from Cape Croker."
'Oh yes, 1 know that place.' he said and waded through
the ranks to talk to him about baseball.
Monty, on the other hand, would stand on a Jeep or a
Carrier at the end of his inspections and call on the men to
"Gather-round". We were briefed to have the troops run to
the vehicle to hear his words—Monty wanted to see their
offensive spirit.
'You know that you are the finest troops that I've ever
inspected' he would say. "Along with the rest of the Commonwealth."'
In December 1943, American General Dwight D. Eisenhower had been appointed Supreme Commander of the Allied
Land. Sea and Air Forces for the Invasion of Europe. The following month. British General Bernard Law Montgomery was
appointed as his Deputy Commander. Opposing them across the
English Channel was German Field Marshal Gerd von
Rundstedt. the Commander-in-Chief West, and his Nether-lands
to Loire sector commander Field Marshal Erwin Rommel.
The two senior German officers held opposing views on the
expected allied invasion. "Don't let them land!" was Rommel's
strategy. "Let them come!' was von Rundstedt's.3 Rommel
wanted to defeat the Allies on the beach. Von Rundstedt wanted
to encircle and destroy them inland. When Rommel demanded
that all three services in his area be placed under his control for
a single defensive effort at the shoreline. Hitler refused. The
Nazi leader did not want to give too much power
to any one person and wished to keep his army chain of command divided of responsibilities in the conduct of the war.4 By
this 'Divide and Rule' concept the neurotically suspicious Hitler
could play off one commander against the other to his own advantage. Thus Hitler allowed Rommel his buildup of an Atlantic Wall' of shoreline defences but kept the armoured Panzer
divisions back from the beach in deep reserves as von
Rundstedt had desired.
Von Rundstedt did not respect the Allied Air Power's ability
to hammer mobile forces. Rommel, the Desert Fox. had faced
Montgomery's victorious British 8th Army in North Africa. He
had seen the British and American Air Forces in action. Rommel appealed Hitler's decision but was given only three Panzer
Divisions for close support. Others would have to be ordered
forward through Wehrmacht Supreme Headquarters.
Back in England. General Montgomery was given control of
the Allied Landings phase of the Invasion. It was he who had
previously dreamed-up' the Battle Course that Major Ray Hodgins and others had endured. Montgomery knew that his old adversary. Rommel, would try to stop the Invasion at the Beachhead.
In early 1944, when General Montgomery addressed the King
and Queen on the invasion plan, he stated:
"We must blast our way on shore and get good lodgment ...
we shall have to send the soldiers into this party "Seeing
Red'. They must see red. Nothing must stop them—
Nothing! If we send them into battle this way—then we
shall succeed".*
Since mobilization, the Highland Light Infantry of Canada
had kept a Daily War Diary as per Canadian Army Standing Orders. On the 22nd of May. 1944, the following entry was made:
Adj, Col, 10, and Coy Cmds to Bde HO for O Gp on Ex OVERLORD. In layman's English this read: Adjutant. Colonel, Intelligence Officer and Company Commanders to Brigade Headquarters for an Orders Group on Exercise Overlord. This would
be no exercise, this was the code name for the Allied Invasion
of Europe—for D-Day.
20
21
22
23
Overlord
6th of June 1944
General Montgomery, as Assault Phase Commander for OVERLORD, was assigned the beaches of Normandy for his landing area. He
two weeks prior to the crossing but, of course, 1 couldn't tell anyone. The 3rd Canadian Division plan was to
take its D-Day objectives "Last Man: Last Round*. The
scuttlebutt was that we would then be sent back to England, relieved by the 2nd Canadian Division".
selected and codenamed five disembarkation points and designated the attacking divisions: From East to West,
SWORD-3rd British, JUNO-3rd Canadian. GOLD -50th
British, OMAHA-1st American, and UTAH—4th American.
The Right and Left Flanks would be covered by airborne as- Contained in the War Diary is the six page Operations Orsault. Because of the rocky shallows, the German Navy had der for the HLI part in Operation OVERLORD. It is dated
thought it improbable that the enemy would risk a landing 27 May 1944 and marked as TOP SECRET. The single senon this Calvados coastline.6 Even so, opposite Mont- tence under subheading INTENTION reads:
gomery's five invading infantry divisions, the Germans had
The HLI with one Platoon of Machine Guns (from the
over fifty divisions in France. Close to the landing area were
Cameron Highlanders of Ottawa) will land on NAN
7
eight infantry and one Panzer division.
RED beach, reorganize at area ELDER and advance, as
reserve Battalion of the 9th Canadian Infantry Brigade,
to final objective and consolidate in allotted area to
HLI War Diary excerpt, 26 May 44: Briefing of Commeet enemy counter-attack.'
panies for Ops OVERLORD. The whole day was given
over to briefing...thus it was ensured that every man was
per-fectly clear of what to expect and what to do. Inter- The Operations Order then went on to subheading
est was keen and when told that this was the "real thing" METHOD and the phases of the attack. This included two
troops were volunteering to take extra hours of instruc- routes from the beach to the Form-Up Point —area ELDER
tion. Every security measure was taken. All briefing was (Beny-sur-Mer). Thence to Start Point —line EGYPT
done inside the enclosure and no notes were allowed to (through the town of Basly), following a route through other
be taken out. Briefings done on "bogus maps"—an iden- points—for example, line ALE (road through Buron), to the
tical map with "bogus names". Camps were sealed for a Final Objective line—OAK (railroad line through Carpiquet). Timings were such that it was expected that the final
week to ten days before briefing started.
objective would be reached approximately seven hours after
landing on the beach.
As Unit Intelligence Officer. Lt Campbell was briefed on
the landings better than most:
"I knew from the mockup maps and the bogus names
that code name POLAND was really Caen and that our
9th Brigade objective was Carpiquet Airfield. This was
25
War Diary excerpt, 29 May 44; Last day of briefing. In
the afternoon the Battalion was mustered on the Sports
Field to get a farewell address from the Brigadier. . . The
Padre held a farewell church service. His topic "Stop Your
Worrying" was quite apt for the occasion.
LCl(L)s (Landing Craft Infantry—Large). Each one held
over a hundred and twenty-five men, a full Company
strength. They would plunk down two ramps, each about
four feet wide, when they hit the beach.
We were the reserve for the landings—the reserve Battalion of the reserve Brigade."
Padre Jock Anderson:
The 3rd Canadian Infantry Division planned to land "two-up"
on the Normandy beach: that is. with two brigades landing simultaneously and the third brigade in reserve. The 7th Canadian Infantry Brigade would land west to take the towns of
Graye-sur-Mer and Courseulles-sur-Mer. The 8th CIB. to the
east, would take Bernieres-sur-Mer and St. Aubin-sur-Mer. The
task of the 9th Highlanders was to land at St. Aubin once the
town was taken and 'break-out' to the south. The Glens and the
Novas would lead the Brigade, HLI following. As Lt Campbell
had guessed, the Canadian final objective for D-Day was the
Carpiquet Airfield, just three miles to the west of the city of
Caen (the British final objective). It was for this eleven miles
The drafters of the Canadian attack were haunted by the dash that the HLI had been equipped with paratrooper bicycles.
ghosts of Dieppe. Twenty-two months earlier, on August 19th, A, B and C Companies would ride the bikes and D Company
1942, the 2nd Canadian Division had been all but destroyed in a was to ride on the supporting vehicles and weapons carriers.9
direct assault attempt to capture the German held harbour of
Dieppe. As a result, nearly two thousand deaths, including six
Major Hodgins continues:
hundred drowned, were expected on JUNO Beach alone."
"The collapsible bicycles were Monty's idea in accord-ance
with the military principal of exploit success but don't reinMajor R.D. Hodgins explains the preparation for D-Day:
force failure.
"We were confined under canvas from the middle of May.
In England we were given the invasion maps, wrapped
We still held the usual parades, but the guards had instrucand
sealed in canvas, with the order not to open them until
tions—No one was to leave camp at risk to life and limb.
at sea. Then you opened them with a gulp and studied them
There was a psychological war going on with the buildup
for landmarks. You had to brief your people onboard, startof camps here and there to fake the German planes flying
ing with the Platoon Commanders in an Orders Group. I
over. The Germans realized something was going on; they
remember that up until that time there had been a lot of
could see the Mulberrys (Floating Harbours) being built.
noise on board; but then, with the call for the 'O' Gp, all
We could see them too but we didn't know what they were
for either. After confinement we were taken down to the
26
"The Regiment now entered the 'sausage machine', a series
of staging camps enroute to the boats; starting out about
0200 hours. Although we were confined to base— CB'd, I
was still allowed out to visit our sick people at Bramshott
Hospital. Without my regular visit some would have
guessed that the invasion was on. Brigadier Ben Cunningham briefed us that we would break-out of the bridgehead—on bikes. Sixty-five percent casualties were expected. Therefore we would be returned to England to regroup and rebuild and would not fight again as a Brigade."
went quiet. You could feel it in the pit of your stomach...
the quiet and the tension. It was not ideal giving orders due
to the rough sea that came up; but it was up to the officers
to pass the instructions down through the ranks.
We were issued with 'Bags-Vomit' for the crossing. Why
they didn't call them something else I don't know! That and
the diesel fumes . . . the latrine was set up at the back, (the
stern), with overboard slings; but 1 don't think that we lost
anyone that way."
Sergeant Herchenratter:
"The men had to stay below deck in the landing craft for
about fifteen hours during the rough English Channel
crossing. Only the officers and non-commissioned officers
were allowed up for a breath of air. It was bad down below.
There was a real stench, men being sick, others trying to
cook."
The weather in the Canadian sector was worse than elsewhere,10 delaying the leading Canadian craft of OVERLORD
by half an hour later than intended." As the HLI bobbed queasily offshore, they observed the Assault Landing Craft (LCAs)
returning empty from the beach. They now knew that the attacking brigades had gone in. Shortly afterwards, heavy fighting
at St. Aubin caused the HLI to be ordered to land in front of
Bernieres. The German radar station near Tailleville was more
heavily defended than had been expected.
Padre Anderson saw it all:
"The 5th of June found us out in the Channel. It was a little
rough and I thought 'Well, it will be called off. But everywhere you looked there were boats and planes. Our LCT
(Landing Craft Tanks) had the three Battalion supply vehicles onboard. We got stuck on a wreck just offshore and lay
there all day with a grandstand view of D-Day.
George Rutherford, the Regimental Quartermaster Ser-
geant(RQMS), was with me. George had been a CSM with
the British Argyles in World War 1. Most First War soldiers had been replaced by Monty, but the only time
George had worn his medals had been during an inspection by the King (who stopped to chat with him, incidentally). So George hadn't been noticed or replaced. As darkness fell. I said, "George, can I say that I've been in action
now?' Yes' He answered. 'OK then, enough of this' I said.
Take me home!'
T didn't know it at the time, but in the British landings that
day we suffered our first fatality. Captain Alex Stewart, one
of our HLI officers was acting as a liaison officer be-tween
the 3rd Canadian Division and the 3rd British Division on our
left flank. He suffered a direct hit. Alex had been an English
professor at the Ontario Agricultural College in Guelph before the war.
Finally an American 'Rhino' Landing Craft came along-side
our LCT and we drove our three vehicles onboard. By now it
was dark and on the first hill, my vehicle, the last one. stalled.
The first two vehicles disappeared. My driver and I tore off
all the water-proofing, which had caused the overheat, and
rushed onward...lost. We stopped about seven miles inland
and pulled off the road. We heard marching troops going TOWARDS the beach! We lay low then returned. Near Benysur-Mer a provost stopped us and —Yes—we had been in enemy territory! I remembered that COLIN was the code name
of one Form-Up area and got directions.""
Lt Campbell's craft hit an underwater mine on the way in:
"We just about drowned getting ashore from my LCIL, encumbered with airborne bikes, picks, shovels (the entrenching tool
was useless) a mae west, weapons etc. but most of us were
pretty glad to hit the shore—we were
27
pretty seasick. The beach didn't make too much of an impression. We had done it all before in training—and with
live ammunition being fired at us. The only difference was
that instead of a chap lying with a practice "wounded" tag
on him, we saw bodies with grey faces."
Major Durward landed with his "A" Company:
*'. . . at about 1100. There was a bit of confusion as the
beach party didn't have the guide tapes out. In the town we
passed a few Chaudiers (8th C1B) with wine jugs and
women sitting on their knees. I was lead Company. Around
the first corner we were halted. The Queen's Own were just
ahead and held up by a German '88. As we dug in to wait.
General Keller pulled up in his jeep asking what the holdup
was. If Jerry had had any air power that day we would have
been in quite a mess.
However, we were briefed not to fire at anything overhead. The ack-ack would be handled by the Navy. Monty
figured that tanks would be the problem. By day he had airpower.
We were about 2-3 miles inland by nightfall. Between
Beny and the Beach in a big orchard. We dug in. scared as
hell, awaiting a counter-attack."
The fears of large Canadian D-Day losses were now unfounded. The actual casualty figure was nine hundred and forty-six.
which included three hundred and fifty-five dead.12 JUNO Beach
was defended by fewer Germans than had been present at
Dieppe. They were soldiers of the 716th Division and not frontline quality troops. However, the shoreline defences built by
Rommel did give them formidable firepower against the first
group of Canadians ashore.
Sergeant Lome Watchorn was the pay sergeant of the HLI.
28
The night before D-Day he had been "arrested" by the Military
Police and taken to Sanderingham. There he was "shackled" to a
teletype to take down the casualty lists from the landings. The
theory was that the Pay Corps knew the Regimental members
better than most and could accurately relay names to General
Headquarters for correct issue to the public. When D-Day was
completed. Sergeant Watchorn left his little-used teletype and
later joined the unit in France."
War Diary, 06 June 44:. . . Thus ended D day our first day
in Normandy. Little sleep was had that night but no one
cared. Although not a shot had been fired by our bn I battalion) as yet. we were on enemy soil, and at the end of four
years of waiting. Some were a little disappointed that we
had not yet tangled with the enemy and felt a personal reproach that we had not succeeded in reaching the airport
our objective. But war always travels more slowly than
schemes as the unexpected enters in. The 8th bde (brigade)
on our front had reached their objective although their left
flank was trailing. The 7th on our right had reached their
objective with little trouble. We were in a position to push
through the 8th in the morning and attack our objective so
tomorrow would be another day.
Sergeant Herchenratter:
"I remember lugging the collapsible bicycles ashore. Then
the next day everyone riding along, hanging onto the carriers or tanks.
Shouts of 'Hey Sarge! So-and-so's got a flat!'
'Huh. forget it, ride the rims!" I would call back."
That next day, Major Durward was in the vanguard:
"Starting out. the first thing we see is a perfect ambush on a
German recce (reconnoiter) patrol of armoured cars.
The Chaudiers had knocked out the first and the last ve- lery, the NNS lost two companies of infantry and twenty-one
hicle then concentrated on the rest. Our column had to tanks of the assisting 27th Armoured Regiment (the Sherstop and look. The Colonel's batman was a bit of a scav- brooks) to the advancing enemy.
enger. He brought out a strong-box that hadn't been de""One of the tricks used effectively by the Germans that
stroyed. It turned out that the whole German battle plan
day was the use of our wireless net." recalled Lt Campwas in it."
bell. "'Using an English-speaking German officer, they
would broadcast to the Nova Scotians Don't go to
In command of number 16 Platoon of "D* Company was
ground. Get up and advance!' Then they would bring
Lieutenant Douglas Barrie:
down fire on the troops. The Brigade Major—Kingsmill
got on the radio and had a war of words with the Nazi,
"My first contact with death was a burning German arconcluding with 'Some day I hope we meet face to
moured car. It was overturned in a ditch. The men inside
face!' (Major Kingsmill became the Commanding Offiwere trapped and screaming. This was on D-Day plus
cer of the HLI a short 43 days later)."
One as we rushed inland. As we passed I was sitting in
the company carrier trying to wolf down a can of Bully
The remnants of the NNS withdrew by nightfall from BuBeef, my first meal since the seasickness of the crossing.
ron
into a 'fortress' line dug-in by the SDGs and the HLI in
The sickness and nausea jumped back into my throat and
the les Buissons area. A full month would pass before the 9th
I chucked that can of bully as far as I could.
Buron and Authie in another day of
"In later months I was to see a lot worse sights of men Brigade would recapture
1
'
bloody
fighting.
dead and dying, but you always remember the first."
It was a grim fact that a number of Canadians who were
Major Durward continues:
captured that day were murdered by the enemy. Who were
"The Novas had passed through us on the tanks of the these Germans? Colonel Charles P. Stacey, Official Historian
Sherbrook Fusiliers to become the advance guard. A lit- for the Canadian Army in the Second World War. describes
tle while later we heard Schmeissers and Bren guns then the 12th S.S. Panzer Division:
silence. We had used and stripped the German SchmeisThis division was formed in Belgium in the summer of
ser machine guns in England so we knew the sound. We
1943 on cadres furnished by the 1st SS Panzer Division
moved into Villons les Buissons. There we heard of the
(Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler). It had not fought before DNova Scotians" tragedy."
Day. but it contained a high proportion of battleexperienced officers and NCOs. The officers appear to
Leading the 9th Highlanders on D-Day plus One. the North
have been either hardened Nazis who had distinguished
Novas had encountered slight opposition. Buron was taken at
themselves in Russia or professional soldiers sympa11:50 and the NNS carried on towards Authie. Unknowingly,
thetic to the Nazi viewpoint. The NCOs were in part at
they were moving across the front of Rommel's immediate
least selected young veterans of the Russian campaigns,
reserve—the 21st Panzer Division. The German force was
which was waged on both sides virtually as a war of exadvancing from Caen with orders to "Attack the enemy and
termination. The rank and file were largely youngsters
throw him back into the sea.'1"1
29
Out of contact with the supporting Naval and ground artil-
fresh from the military fitness camps of the Hitler Youth
and full of Nazi ideology.
A captured nominal roll of one panzer grenadier battalion
of the division shows their extreme youthfulness. No less
than 65% of the personnel were 18 years of age, and only
3% were over 25. The division was to show in action the
characteristics which its composition might lead one to expect: reckless courage and determination combined with a
degree of barbarity found perhaps in no other formation.16
Standartenfuher (Colonel) Kurt Meyer, commander of the
25th SS Panzer Grenadier Regiment of the 12th SS Hitlerjugend' Division and assisted by a battalion of the Division's
tanks had incisively attacked and decimated the ranks of the
NNS. Canadian soldiers soon knew of the repeated German
shootings of prisoners-of-war and the outrage made the 12th SS
a marked division.17 Investigations later established that from
the 7th to the 17th of June. 1944. no less than one hundred and
thirty-four Canadian prisoners had been murdered by members
of the 12th SS.18 Ruthlessness became the watchword on both
sides.
At the end of the day, 7th of June, 1944, the forward elements
of the Canadians at Villons-les-Buissons stood deeper into
France than those of any other division of the Allied landings.
However, the Allies had been over confident in estimating the
invasion timing by assuming that Caen and surroundings could
be taken in one day. Montgomery's optimism on the speedy
capture of this major road and rail junction was to do his reputation great harm as newspapers would clamour for the promised
objective.19
On the other side, the Germans had been caught napping.
Rommel had considered the weather too poor for an invasion
attempt and made a quick trip to Germany for an interview with
Hitler and to visit his own family. Frau Rommel's birthday was
30
June the 6th. Consequently Lieutenant General Hans Speidel,
Rommel's Chief of Staff, was left to fight both the Allied Landings and the chaotic German Chain of Command (for other Panzer Reserve Divisions).
As Rommel raced back to Normandy, he remarked to his
aide:
'If I was commander of the Allied Forces right now, I could
finish off this war in fourteen days!'20
The following series of Photographs was taken by Lieutenant
Gilbert A. Milne, Royal Canadian Navy Veteran Reserve. Lieutenant Milne, and other photographers such as Lieutenant Ken
Bell (Canadian Army), accompanied the Highland Light Infantry to the D-Day Beaches.
In his book "HMCS", Milne made these comments on the
photographs:*
'No matter how often the Landing Craft crews made the
trip to the beaches, they best remembered those troops who
made that first trip with them. Some of that first wave, such
as the Highland Light Infantry, were supposed to take
Caen within a day or so. They had bicycles for what was to
be a swift dash overland. But Caen did not fall until weeks
later and many of the men (shown here) were then dead.'
'. . . sailors remember these men as the toughest, calmest
troops they had ever met.'
'. . . what impressed me was their awareness, optimism
and dogged determination —qualities which I thought
showed clearly in their faces.'
'Milne. Gilbert A.. HMCS. T. Allen Ltd., Toronto I'M.
Villons-les-Buissons
7th June to 7th July 1944
During this time, from the 7th of June to the 7th of July, The
First Battalion of the Highland Light Infantry of Canada occupied the Villons-les-Buissons area overlooking the village of
Buron.
Rommel arrived back at his Headquarters to find his fears re- Lt Barrie. with 'D' Company, lived in the cider-apple orchard
alized: there was uncanny accuracy in the coordination of the just South of Villons-les-Buissons:
Allied land forces and their daylight air support.21 The Allied
". . . for nearly a month. Shelldrop farm we called it. There
always seemed to be HE (high-explosives) bursting overarmies also had precision cooperation with their naval guns to
head. Things were a bit confused at first. In one case, I led
further immobilize him. Worse, Hitler considered the landings
out a so-called recce patrol but it had over 33 men and was
as a deception and believed that a second, larger, landing would
more a fighting patrol (12 June). It was just one of these
be made closer to the Calais area. Rommel's call for more
learning things. We were being overcautious. We knew
troops to mount a counter-offensive was therefore turned down.
from the long training in Britain that it should only be a
By D-Day plus four, the lodgment areas along the beaches
section of men, but everyone was a bit overanxious.
were linked up, sixty miles long and firmly held." Now began
The shellfire was the same. At first you dropped at any
the battle to maintain and extend this bridgehead. The Allies
noise then you became much more brazen. Then the cycle
were finding the Normandy 'bocage' countryside of thick hedgewould swing back after a friend was killed by being brarows a nightmare for tank deployment. This was coupled with
zen; so you would become, once again, overcautious. At
ditch-like roads, sunken below field level after centuries of use.
one point a giant railroad gun hit us with two shells. They
The British. Canadians and Americans, although superbly
sounded like a dozen screaming railroad trains coming in.
trained, lacked battle experience and started taking a stern
One mortally wounded the RSM in his trench. The other
schooling from the veteran German army.
hit the Chateau behind us but didn't explode. We looked at
When the initial taking of Caen proved clearly impossible;
it later. It was so big that you couldn't put your arms
Montgomery decided to '...be on the defensive in the Caen secaround it.
tor ... but aggressively so." Fears were voiced that the battle was
There was a machine gun too, that used to splatter us
now degenerating into a stalemate return of the 1914-18 trenchevery day at dawn. We found his location and lay in wait
warfare system. For this holding role by the Canadian battalions
one morning; but of course he didn't show. This sort of livmeant constant attrition, continual danger and a steady if small
24
ing condition can be very hard on a man's nerves. In itself,
loss of men killed or wounded every day. But Montgomery
its unnerving to watch someone else's nerves go.
expected to be trusted implicitly to get on with the battle in the
manner he saw fit to fight it—and to be left in peace by the
newsmen, staff officers and airmen (who were agitating for airfields in France). Hence the next few weeks were loaded with
tension about the direction of the Normandy Invasion.2S
37
They just break down and sob like a child. You have to segregate them as soon as possible.
There was so little sleep the first week in the orchard. It
was 100% stand-to as we were expecting an immediate counterattack. In addition, there was always recce's to do. 'O*
groups to be at. mail to censor or supplies to be checked—so
much going on during the day. It made the night stand-to's
very long.
After about the second week the Battalion was ordered
back. My Platoon remained to look after the left forward
flank positions. Another Platoon covered the right. Now, the
HL1 held the extreme left flank of the Division! There was a
gap from there to the British right hand flank. After the pullback we waited anxiously for the relief Battalion. But, because of some administrative SNAFU (Situation Normal, All
'Fouled' Up) we were not relieved that night. That left us on
tenterhooks and I was never more scared in my life. All night
we stood-to alerting at the swishing of the grain or the movement of cows still alive in the minefield to our front. Morning
came finally as did our relief—finally.
At the same time, its amazing just how comfortable you can
make yourself. After almost a month, the orchard seemed like
home. Some of the men even had pets. Any odd stray animal
—even horses!"
The largest patrol taken out in these early days was led by Major
Hodgins:
"Shortly after we consolidated things at les Buissons; Colonel
Griffiths, Stark and I were looking out over the area. 'See Buron' Griff said. 'The Brigadier wants a night fighting patrol of
Company strength taken through to stir things up. Hodge, I
want you to take that patrol.'
38
1 gulped, thinking—it's me —how am I going to function
here—all these guys I'm responsible for. Anyone who says
'Yes—let's go' in a situation like this is just kidding himself.
As teenagers on the outskirts of Preston we would camp at
night and raid each other. So I had some early experience with the
night—how grotesque things could look and how noise could
carry.
I argued to just take about 12 people as over 100 was too many,
some would get lost. I didn't want to take any radio sets either as
they crackled too loudly. Griffiths allowed me to cut back to three
Platoons of 25 men each. We worked out a set of signals using
Very pistols and flares.
We went out single file—faces blackened—stocking caps. You
could hear a pin drop. A little way out we ran into Germans putting in a minefield. We could hear them talking 'Minen' etc. Now
we had to get by them to get into Buron. I thought that maybe
they would just let us through then hit, but by luck we got by.
I'll be danged if the moon didn't come up. Here I am with all
these guys strung out behind me. I decided to throw caution to the
wind and do an assault. We were armed to the teeth anyway. I
passed the word back to spread out. About now I heard a commotion behind— tracers flying etc. What happened was one platoon
got separated. So now we had two platoons, fifty men.
We put in the attack—a lot of milling around. 'Major Hodgins,
Major Hodgins!" Someone calling me. I remember thinking that:
Holy Cow! The Germans are going to shoot for this Major Hodgins guy! Anyway, we did discover a forward post and overrun it
in spite of a great deal of confusion and the men did get a battle
indoctrination.
We withdrew in as reasonable order as we could. The
Germans brought down mortar fire on us. This was the
area that the NNS had fought through and the bodies had
not been removed —so if you stumbled over something
or jumped into a slit trench for cover...It really brought
things out in the open regards war.
Believe it or not, we got everyone back with no casualties. Lieutenant Harvey and Corporal Hedrich in the lost
platoon were the only wounded. Everyone was high as a
kite —in spirit, that is,—first action and made it back!
As 1 recall, I was instructed to send out small patrols
after that, an officer and three or four men, known as listening patrols. 1 remember sending young Lieutenant
Don Todd to layout in no man's land with a pair of binoculars to observe during the day. It's a pretty tenuous
t h i n g to send a young lad out on. (And await his return.)"
"They were always after us to capture prisoners" relates
Lt Col Griffiths. "Then Intelligence would know what
Units we were up against. One Commanding Officer had
a barn full —he would send one or two back each day!
It was quite fortunate that we were able to gain so
much experience during that first month with so few
casualties."
Holding the right forward flank was Major Durward and his
'A' Company:
"We were in les Buissons which was really just a walled
farmhouse with a doctor's house and a small church. We
took over this position from the SDGs when they moved
to occupy Vieux Cairon. "Hell's Corners' they had named
it. It was on a false crest and from the second floor of the
farmhouse you could see the airfield, aircraft and tanks.
We saw some Sherman tanks supporting the 8th CIB in
one action, being hit . . . 'Brewed-Up'. It was just like one
of these Atari Games.
We got a visit from Monty. 'I hear that you have an excellent OP (observation post) here' he said. I showed him
the upstairs window and he walked right up to it. 'Please
step clear of the window. Sir' 1 asked. It offered a perfect
sniper target. He gave me a withering look but he stayed
clear and surveyed the scene.
From a destroyed Sherman tank we took a point S gun
and mounted it on a jeep. At dusk my CSM would fire a
shot then go to the other end of the village and fire again.
He found it great amusement to bother 'Jerry' this way".
Padre Anderson had to deal with the mental casualties:
"The Medical Officer and the Medical Sergeant among
others couldn't lake the tension. They were sent back.
Colonel Griffiths had me take over the RAP (Regimental
Aid Post) until Doctor Jimmy Gibson arrived a few days
later. 'This is all new to me' Jimmy said. 'How about you
look after the outside by bringing the wounded to the
RAP and I'll look after the inside by tending to them'.
This was all right by me. You can't just say to the men
'Let us pray' and then sit back and let them go fight".
This tension of existing in actual battlefield conditions was
something for which no amount of training could completely
prepare a man. Even so, it brought out the best in some. Sergeant Herchenratter remembers:
"I had a couple of Indian lads with me, two brothers. In
England they were often restless and would go AWOL,
but they were good in battle. Going out on a patrol one
night, one of them lent me a pair of black socks and his
black running shoes. Then he gave me a piece of palm
leaf. 'This is good luck" he said. 'It will bring you back.' "
39
At the same lime, as Lieutenant Barrie had stated, living in
the orchard began to seem like home. Again, Sergeant Herchenratter remembers:
"The Company Commander used to tell the cook every
now and again to kill a calf for some fresh meal. The Major didn't know it but we were not hurting for meat with all
the rabbits, chickens and sheep about. It was a well-to-do
farm, with Holsteins and every other day one would step
on a mine. There was one funny little guy. Macintosh was
his name, who had a pet cow. He walked about supplying
fresh milk and shells falling everywhere."
keep notes for the War Diary. 'To make it more interesting
reading when we meet for a glass of Labatts al the Legion
when this is all over'. The War Diary exists today as a highly
readable document. The daily news sheet was renamed the
'Section Post' and carried BBC News summaries and such
items as the words to 'Luger Luggin' Ludwig' sung to the tune
of 'Pistol Packin' Mama'. It is a Canadian soldier's nature to
maintain this kind of jocular kinship in the face of adversity.
But, each day the Regiment was suffering casualties. There
was no stalemate in the front lines.
The irrepressible Private Borodaiko, like many soldiers, also
remembers the food:
"We were told to shoot anything that moves. We lost a pig,
a pick and an officer all in one night. There was a pig moving out front. We shot it for food, wounded it. Sent someone out to kill it with a pick. He hit it with the point instead
of the flat. The pig ran off squealing into 'A' Company
lines. They kept it and the pick. One of the officers stood
up to see what the noise was and got wounded in the legs!"
Corporal Roy Francis of Galt was the youngest of a family of
three brothers serving with the HL1. He was wounded and sent
to Colchester Hospital in England. His oldest brother, Bert, was
the anti-tank platoon sergeant. Badly burned near les Buissons,
Sergeant Bert Francis was also evacuated to England but died
on the operating table. The third brother, Sergeant Ben Francis
was still with the unit. Back in Canada. Ottawa fouled up the
telegrams and Mrs. Francis, the widow of a World War 1 veteran, was, for a time, not sure if one of her sons was dead or
wounded or if all three were gone.26
The soldiers arriving as reinforcements for the casualties were
often just as quickly out of action themselves. One such case
involved two young soldiers, who, while reporting in for duly
were caught in a mortar attack. The change to a high-pitched
howl of the "moaning minnies' sent the experienced HLI troops
diving into their slits. Unaware that yells of "Hit the Deck!" and
"Take Cover!" meant NOW; the two boys were caught frozen in
the open. Tragically, one was hit on the head by a dud shell and
killed instantly ... the other, a close pal went out of his mind and
was taken away, sobbing, screaming.27
No one was immune from the constant danger. Regimental
Sergeant Major Ted Rhodes of Galt had been killed and RQMS
George Rutherford was the new RSM. On a jeep recce,
War diary entry, 12 June;The air was frequently rent by
loud voices in the early morning. The centre of an excited
mob would be a peaceful cow calmly chewing her cud and
quite disinterested in the rabble about her. Two soldiers
could be seen arguing furiously along these lines 'Where
are you going with my cow?' 'That's not your cow. it is my
cow!' 'Like Hell it is! I've been feeding it for two days'. And
henchmen hoping for a taste of bovine nectar would substantiate the arguments of both.
The Intelligence Section began publishing a daily news sheet
initially called the "Les Buissons Times' to keep everyone up
to date. In the first edition, Lt Campbell asked all ranks to
40
Col Griffiths lost the front end of his vehicle to a grenade mine
and sustained a burst eardrum and minor scratches to his arms
and legs.
And so the month continued. The Germans thickened their
crust around Caen by turning the skirting villages into linked
fortresses. On June 15th, the Battalion Intelligence Officer made
the following entry in his Log: 1100 Hours: Civilian Refugee
informed us that the Germans have a HQ in the Chateau in the
center of Buron.
"Perhaps Buron didn't need to happen" states Lt Campbell.
"We could see them building up. A lot of Red Cross vehicles were going in and out—within gunshot range of our
lines. Of course they were full of troops! We being Canadians were crazy enough not to fire.
But we did learn things, like slit trenches, the narrower
and deeper, the better: and we did tie up some eighty percent or more of the German armour while the Americans
built up.
We were ordered to take Buron on about four different
occasions that first month. Colonel Griffiths and T would
go back to Headquarters for a briefing then return and give
the orders. Griff knew tactics, he was a cool customer. He
would sit reading who-done-its then call an 'O' Group and
have it all together."
In the 9th CIB sector, the project of an attack on Buron remained in the air but was never actually carried out. More than
once the HLI prepared to make this attack but it was repeatedly
cancelled. One such plan was cancelled because the Brigade's
left flank was too exposed. That same day the situation was considerably improved when troops of the 3rd British Division captured Cames. Two days later a new plan was initiated, under
which the SDGs would occupy the village of Vieux Cairon and
the HLI would go on to Buron. The Glengarrians duly occupied
Vieux Cairon, almost without opposition; but when the HLI
were about to commence the attack, orders were received to stay
it. and Buron remained in German hands.28
Not that the Germans were faring any better. Their front line
troops knew that Caen would be taken. 'Some of our best fighting units are being inexorably ground to bits there' wrote General Speidel.29 Brigadefuhrer Fritz Witt, the thirty-four year old
commander of the 12th SS Panzer Division was killed in mid
June and the infamous Kurt 'Panzer'30 Meyer took over the
'Blitzmannered' young SS Grenadiers.
Hitler now released a Panzer Corps from the Russian front to
assist in 'destroying the Allied bridgehead, sector by sector': but
it could not arrive until late in June. At Margival, France, on
June 17th, Hitler met with his Field Commanders von Rundstedt and Rommel. The Margival bunker had been built as Hitler's Command Post to oversee the 1940 invasion of England.
This was the first time it had been used.
Von Rundstedt and Rommel's splintered commands had been
brought together by adversity and the two field officers requested a withdrawal out of the range of the invasion fleet's
guns back into the deeper defensive cover of the bocage countryside—beyond Caen. Hitler would hear none of it. He ordered
that they stand and fight; and he expounded on the destructive
power of his new secret weapons which he believed would end
the War in the West. The best that the two Field Marshals could
do was to extract a promise from their leader to visit some of the
frontline areas the next day for morale's sake. It was common
propaganda knowledge that both the British Prime Minister,
Churchill, and the King had already made visits to their soldiers
in France. However, that night a runaway 'secret weapon', a V-I
Flying Bomb, crashed and exploded near the bunker and Hitler
scuttled back to Germany."
On June 19th, a freak summer storm came up, destroying the
41
American Mulberry Dock and damaging the British one. For a
few days the Allied landings were halted, ammunition shortages
occurred, and aircraft were grounded by the atrocious weather.
The Germans did not seize this unique opportunity to attack and
the logistics buildup continued when the storm abated. As the
bridgehead grew more cramped, one wag suggested erecting
skyscrapers for all the men and material." The rate of reinforcement, including the landing of the rebuilt 2nd Canadian Division was now being held up by this lack of space.33
By June the 22nd, the Russians had commenced their Summer Offensive, choosing the area in the German lines from
where the Panzer Corps had been dispatched to Normandy.
On June 26th, General Montgomery tried to retain his Second
Front momentum by Operation EPSOM—a plan to capture
Caen by encirclement from the west across the Odon River. A
follow-up to this attack was Operation ABERLOUR in which
the Highland Light Infantry of Canada would take Buron on
July 28th. When EPSOM achieved less than was hoped for.
ABERLOUR was cancelled.34 However, EPSOM did cause
Rommel to use his reinforcing Panzer Corps from Russia in
piecemeal fashion to plug holes here and there in his lines; misemploying tanks as armoured 'pill-boxes' or frittering
them away by sending them straight into action on their individual arrival at the Front.35 The Germans were thus denied their
coordinated, concentrated blow on the Allied troops.36
From their Fuehrer, Von Rundstedt and Rommel again requested a free hand to withdraw. At the height of the EPSOM
offensive, they were summoned to Berchtesgarden in Germany
then kept waiting. Given an audience, they urged a fighting
rearguard action back to the east. Hitler only remonstrated his
hold-at-all-costs policy and digressed again to lecture on his secret "miracle' weapons. All this time, the German leader was
still convinced that the Normandy landings were a bluff and that
the Pas de Calais area would soon be invaded. The 250,000 man
strong German 15th Army remained North of the Seine for this
'eventuality'.37
The military leaders, von Rundstedt and Rommel, left dejected for their hard fighting but floundering front lines. Two days
later, von Rundstedt was relieved of his command. Arriving
back in Berlin, he was asked by a despairing Keitel 'What shall
we do?"
Von Rundstedt tartly replied "Make peace, you fools! What
else can you do?'38
On the 20th of June 1944. Canadian Army photographer
Lieutenant Ken Bell paid a visit to the Highland Light Infantry
at Les Buissons and Villous Les Buissons. His resulting photographs vividly portray the Battalion at the front. They are posed
pictures in some cases but all capture the close family' relationship of a regiment.
43
The Charnwood Plan
From England, Eisenhower tried to get Montgomery to move
against Caen but did not push him. It is a strong American military tradition to grant tactical commanders a high degree of independence. Although a firm believer of that tradition, Eisenhower personally favoured constant attack and came from a
country that had the mass-production to back it up. Montgomery was old school British Army which never acted as if having
unlimited resources either human or material and always tried
to husband its strength,39 a lesson hard learned in the trenches of
World War I.
Montgomery now stated that his strategy had always been to
draw the bulk of the German armour over onto the British and
Canadian fronts: thus allowing the Americans to build-up and
break-out from the West.40 It was a plan somewhat akin to an
infantry platoon in battle. One section holds the enemy's attention while the other one or two sections maneuver to do a flanking attack. Classically this had been used by Hannibal in 216
BC to route the Romans and named from that ancient battle as
the Cannae Movement.
In Montgomery's scenario, the American Army would make a
major attack to the southeast bringing the Allied line swinging
like a door opening into the heart of Nazi Occupied Europe.
Caen was the 'hinge* of this 'door'. Therefore, to assist the
American break-out, the British and Canadian forces would
have to maintain the pressure on the Germans and capture Caen.
This June 30th policy statement of Montgomery's began one
of the great controversies of the War. Many of his critics
claimed that Montgomery had only voiced this plan after he was
stopped outside Caen and forced to settle into a virtual siege of
the city. Whatever the case, Montgomery's real achievement
was in preventing the enemy from regrouping his forces to
make a major counterattack. By keeping them off-balance, he
had denied the initiative to the German Army.41
Like Montgomery, most top commanders are autocrats. They
are strong, successful men accustomed to having their own way.
The trait is particularly true of those individuals commanding
large formations. This is the nature of army organization and
chain of command.
On the German side of the lines, the same statement applies,
The experienced and battle-tried Rommel had not been given
von Rundstedt's Western Command. His new superior officer
was Field Marshal von Kluge, fresh from Berchtesgarden and
the deceptive charms of Hitler. Their first meeting in Normandy, on July 2nd, was explosive.42 Rommel finally suggested
that von Kluge not voice any opinions until he had toured the
front and met the troops and the commanders. By the 6th of
July, Kluge was converted by the overwhelming evidence and
was also in favor of a fallback.
It was too late for converts. The continued stubborn resistance by the Germans had convinced Montgomery that Caen
could only be captured rapidly and economically by a concentration of maximum striking power.43 What he could not do
with maneuver he would now try to do with mass. He decided
on an all-out frontal attack to breach the defences around the
Normandy capital. The code name for this operation was
CHARNWOOD.
55
Preliminary to the attack on Caen, Operation WINDSOR
called for the 8th Canadian Infantry Brigade, assisted by the
Winnipeg Rifles Regiment, to take out the Carpiquet Airfield.44
On the 4th of July, this attack was made from the west, from
the wedge driven into the German lines by EPSOM. At high
cost and great gallantry, the operation was only partly successful; but it did succeed in creating a salient into the enemy and
thus protecting the west flank of the 9th Highlanders in any advance towards Caen.45
The larger plan of Operation CHARNWOOD was a full-scale
Corps attack, employing three infantry divisions numbering
115.000 men.46 The attack would be preceded by employment
of the Royal Air Force in a strategic air bombardment. The
eight mile front would then be set in motion by the 3rd British
Division, on the left flank, taking out Lebisey. At the same
time, the British 59th Division, newly landed in France, would
capture la Bijude and Galmanche: the latter being the 'eyes' of
the Germans on this front. On completion of this opening
Phase, the 59th would continue down the left flank through St
Contest and Epron; and the Canadian 3rd Division would swing
into action taking the right flank. The 9th Highland Brigade had
the first Canadian task: that of clearing out Buron, Gruchy,
Chateau de Louet and Authie. After the taking of these objectives. Phase III of CHARNWOOD would commence. The 9th
Brigade would pass through FranqueviUe and effect a junction
with the 8lh Brigade at Carpiquet. At the same time, the 7th
Brigade would clean out Bitot and Cussy and the Ardenne
Abby. This would allow for Phase IV, the exploitation on into
Caen for securing and mopping up.
The 9th Brigade part of Phase 11 called for the Glengarrians,
on the right, to take Gruchy while the HLI. on the left took Buron and a map reference high ground area to the south of the
village.
The North Novas would then push through the Highland
Light Infantry towards Authie while the Glens took on the Chateau de Louet.4' Buron, it was believed, was the key controlling
these objectives and the most heavily defended.
Intelligence Summary No. 11. HLI of C, discusses the topography of the advance:
From the Start Line just south of the Vieux Cairon-Les Buisson road to the outskirts of Buron is a distance of approx.
one mile. The land is generally flat for the first half mile,
rising gently in the second half on a {M gradient...
In general, the fields are open and cultivated . . .
The Intelligence Summary also covered the Objective, the
'clos norman' town of Buron:
The town of Buron is rather rambling, being stretched all
along the Vieux Cairon-Buron road and the GrunchyBuron road, with a concentration of buildings between the
two roads on the east side of the Les Buissons-BuronAuthie road which divides the town into two parts.
The west sector has few trees in the town. There are
about 16 buildings along the north rd and approx 24 along
the south rd. By the shape and disposition of these it is
thought most of them are farms with adjoining barns.
In the east sector the area is heavily wooded being most
heavily wooded along the north-south road. There are
approx 40 houses in this area, mostly situated along the rd.
All along the east side of the town are large orchards.
The summary concluded with notes on Obstacles—the most
ominous of which were two Anti-Tank Ditches, just North of
Buron.
The actual disposition of the enemy in Buron was made
known to the Canadians by the capture of Panzer Grenadier
Richard Zimmat on July 5th. Taken prisoner of war by the
North Nova Scotia Highlanders, Zimmat spoke freely of posi56
tions, strength and armament: even commenting on the respective performance of British and German weapons and equipment (much Allied material had been lost in the Buron-Authie
area on the 7th of June). So glib were Zimmat's revelation of
facts that conclusions drawn were treated with caution. As
events would ultimately prove, he had spoken truthfully during his interrogation.
The POW had served with the 10th Company of the Third
Battalion, 25th Panzer Grenadier Regiment. 12th SS Division.
His 200 man Company held the northern edge of Buron. His
Battalion's 9th Company was between Grunchy and Buron
and the 11th Company held St Contest. Number 12 Company
was split up in support of the other three companies. All were
well dug in with anti-personnel mines laid to their front.48
The Highland Light Infantry of Canada's plan for capturing
Buron was that "B" Company, commanded by Captain Vince
Stark, would take and clear the eastern half of the town; while
"D" Company, commanded by Major Harry Anderson, would
handle the western half. In each case this included the clearing
of the portion of the anti-tank ditch that these companies encountered and the clearing of the built-up area before proceeding through to the company objectives—the orchards on
the south side of the town.
"C Company (Major Hodgins) was to follow the forward
companies to assist as necessary in the clearing of the town,
then to be in reserve, on consolidation, at the north end of Buron. "A' Company (Major Durward) had the task, when the
forward companies had completed their work, of passing
through to lake the high ground south of the town.
Representatives from all supporting arms present. Plan
well received and rough spots fixed up. British unit (East
Lancashire Regt) moving up from rear brought down a lot
of enemy fire on themselves and us. Coys have been told
to have guides to aid incoming battalions in setting up in
our coy areas.
Air activity increased during the day. At 2 J 00 Typhoons rocket bombed targets around BURON. At 2210 hrs
Lancasters swept overhead in a great stream to bomb
area CAEN-ST GERMAINE-CARPIQUET. They met terrific flack but only one plane was seen to be hit and it returned over our lines safely. Estimated 50(1 planes employed and all agreed it was a grand show.
At 2310 hrs. Bn HQ closed down at VILLONS-LESBUISSONS and moved to area LE VEY at 2330 hrs.
. . . men are anxious to get at the enemy in BURON who
have mortared and shelled us for over one month.
Before moving to the Levey area, the HLI logged the following message to the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division HQ: the
stuff (aircraft) going over now has really had an effect on the
lads on the ground. It has improved their morale 500 per cent.
As much as the RAF raised the spirit of the front line troops,
the use of the Air Force for strategic air bombardment on a
battlefield was a task for which it was neither designed nor
trained. Air Chief Marshall Sir Authur "Bomber* Harris knew
his aircrew's limits and had demanded a safety margin of 6,000
yards ahead of the front lines. The target then became a rectangular box area to the north of Caen. The pilots were also concerned about hitting their own troops and as a result the bombWar Diary (07 Jul 44): This day spent in preparation for ing 'walked' into Caen.4v
Ops CHARNWOOD starting tomorrow. CO recced area
for FUP (Form Up Point) and rear HQ posn. We will The chain of Nazi held villages to the north were untouched
move to areaLE VEY tonight after dark. CO called O' GP
57
and used model built by T (Intelligence) Sec for briefing.
Private Agony-Finest Hour
8th July 1944
Lt Col Griffiths:
"I didn't see anyone particularly nervous before the battle:
they were all quite anxious to go. As far as my own thoughts
the night before—it was not to get everyone up at 0430 for
breakfast, but to give them a big meal that night then just a
light meal in the morning.
We had quite a jammed front line. We had squeezed over
to the right to Le Vey area when the British put another Division in the day before. It was the 59th. I'm not absolutely
sure of this, but I think the 59th only fought for one day and
afterwards what was left reinforced other areas.
I wrote the Attack Orders out in longhand. Later, I told the
Pipe Major that although I hadn't written it in. that if he
wished, he could have his Pipers play the Companies across
the Start Line."
Sergeant Kelly:
"I wasn't scared; what the Hell was there to be scared about.
We knew that we had to take them. We had watched them
for three weeks before—even watched the Germans eating!"
War Diary: The Bn was awakened at 0500 hrs by a terrific
battery laid down by the supporting arty along the whole
Corps front. Members of the Bn assembled in LE VEY area
were obliged to head for the slit trenches as the enemy
opened up with a strong battery fire and dropped many into
our area.
Lt Campbell:
"'My batman, who hadn't been too considerate up until
now, insisted upon unrolling my bedroll and bedding me
down early the night before. 'Got a long day tomorrow,
Sir!'
The day started off really early for me—up and off to
Battalion Headquarters for a final briefing. On my return I
met RSM Rutherford.
'Are you all right Laddie?' He asked me.
It seems that my bedroll was hit by an 88 shell. My Balmoral was inside it and looked like a sieve.
Galmanche was supposed to have been cleared out by
the British. It put down enfilade fire on our advancing
troops and then on Buron itself. It was like rain all day
long. They had every hole zero'd in and any movement
brought artillery fire."
Lt Col Griffiths:
"The Engineers cleared out all the mines to our front and
piled them up. I found my way in the dark to the new Battalion HQ that Geordie Edwards had set up in Le Vey that
night. The next morning I woke up with the barrage
buildup and the German counter battery fire dropping into
our area. I found that I had been sleeping right next to a
pile of these mines!
I had a Battalion Group: The HL1 Regiment of course,
plus a Squadron of Sherbrooke Fusilier Tanks, a Troop of
British self-propelled anti-tank guns and a troop of mixed
63
the ditch. The ditch and auxiliary defensive positions bestuff. Flails and Flame-throwers. Tanks take about 20 minutes
to warm-up, so the Germans didn't get too much of a surprise. hind it were cleared after some heavy close in fighting and
All the tanks warming-up along the front line sounded just like many
an air raid. We had the British Anti-tank and Flails lead the atenemy were killed and about 20 PWs were taken.
tack and used the Sherbrookes as mobile artillery.
From the A/Tk ditch, which cut both the LES BUISSONSThere were six field Regiments of Artillery in support and
BURON road and the VIEUX CAIRON-BURON road and
we had a choice of a moving barrage or a concentration barwas 12 ft wide and 15 ft deep, to the edge of the village the
rage. 1 requested the concentration barrage on Buron to give
coys came under a hail of MG fire and ran into the enemy DF
the troops a chance to get down. Another reason was that 1
arty and mortar fire called down as soon as the ditch was
didn't want anything coining back— falling short on our adoverrun. Many casualties were suffered by our troops on the
vancing troops. About two-thirds of the way down, with the
way in.
concentration still on Buron, the Germans started a counterbarrage on them."
Major Hodgins:
or Durward:
"Buron was one of Monty's set-piece deals. We were well
briefed. It was along the lines of World War One. The troops
"We were on a timed shoot with the artillery. Then it went to
were to go out behind an artillery barrage. It was just like
the NNS. I think we should have kept a battery up our sleeve—
walking out in the rain —the guy next to you might gel wet
just in case!
—you didn't know if you were going to get hit or not."
Once our artillery moved to support the NNS into Atithie,
we got shelled badly from St. Contest and Gal-manche. The
British were supposed to have taken these towns outs, but they Lt Col Griffiths:
were held up by well dug-in guns that the air bombing had
"The big difficulty, after the attack went in, was when we
missed."
broke radio silence. The tanks with the bigger sets blocked
us. I couldn't even get Geordie Edwards in the rear with the
LOBs (Left out of Battle). We Left Out of Battle all the ComWar Diary: At 07.10 hrs the two assaulting coys crossed the
pany
2ICs—this being the first major battle, all the Company
start line and traveled down their axis of advance towards the
Commanders
wanted to go. It was standard operations to
objective. B' Coy going on the left flank from LES BUISSONS
leave one or the other out. We also LOB the odd Lieutenant
along the east side of the LES BUISSONS-BURON road and
and Sergeant. I think that all the CSMs went. The RSM was
D' Coy going on the right along the VIEUX CAIRON-BURON
responsible to get ammunition up to the Companies then the
road.
CSMs had to get it on up to the platoons."
Little opposition was met on the ground until the A Tk ditch
Sergeant Herchenratter:
was struck and both coys came under machine gun fire from
"On the morning of the Buron 'do', some people were designated LOB. I was to take my platoon in– my officer,
64
many prisoners."
Lt Lowe was LOB. One of our Company Officers, Captain
Fawcett was also LOB. He sure didn't want to be. Halfway
down the field, there he was—right beside me.
Lt Barrie:
"Lets go get them' he says.
"That morning we crossed the Start Line at 0730 hrs with an
artillery barrage. This alerted the German gunners who put in
You're not supposed to be here I said.
a counter barrage. The noise and the smells of the ground
•Like Hell!'
erupting was almost overpowering. Then there was the darkness: that is, your field of vision was badly limited with all
The artillery was coming down and hitting our fellows. I
the earth and shellfire. You could only see one or two perused my morphine on a couple then called to the others—
sons about you. It's a very small war from that point of
That's it—Lets GO! (One chap) Aigner got his arm blown
view—and even more lonely as an officer leading troops.
apart. He walked back to the RAP. "Might as well cut it off
he told the doctor, its no good this way!''
I never got beyond the anti-tank ditch. 1 was hit in the head
with a piece of shrapnel and was out for twenty-four hours."
Major Durward:
"All the Officers and Senior NCOs carried morphine surettes. "Major Durward:
You were supposed to leave a big "M* on paper in the battle
"Both B' and 'D' Companies had trouble with that antitank
blouse if you applied it to a body. Then the stretcher bearers
ditch. There were a lot of dug-outs off it and a lot of fanatical
would know that this was someone in a coma—not dead."
young lads in the ditch. They had done quite a job on that
ditch. It wasn't there when Hodge initially went through with
Sergeant Kelly:
his large patrol. It had been built in under a month."
"We went in four Companies like, you know. We attacked in
a box. 'B' and 'D' leading. "C" behind "B" to jump over it and Lt Campbell:
'A' behind D'. We moved off before eight o'clock and it took
"The anti-tank ditch was almost like a World War one trench
us all day to take the town.
with systems of bays and shelter areas. It was hard hand to
hand fighting with the 12th SS Panzer Grenadiers-bayonet,
There were a bunch of Germans in that grain field we
knife and bare fist. They were all young lads, big and strapcrossed. I had a revolver that 1 had picked up from one of our
ping. In their wallets we later found that most of them had
wounded officers. One German stood up and rushed me. I
pictures of themselves in various uniforms from kids on up.
stuck the revolver in my belt and took up my rifle. He turned
They had been told that the Canadians would take no prisonand ran. 1 shot him at twenty yards through the back of the
ers so they never seemed to quit. They were tough. One Nazi
head —picked up his Luger next day. He was eighteen and
had an arm blown off by his own hand grenade. He reeled
had an Iron Cross from the Russian Front —bunch of fanatics
these darned SS! We were pretty mad. They had shot seventeen Winnipeg Rifle POWs remember. So we didn't lake too
65
for a moment then picked up another grenade and threw it
with his remaining hand.
We lost about half of the two assault rifle companies in the
first two hours. The anti-tank ditch and the shelling took its
toll."
Padre Anderson:
"In the early morning. Colonel Griffiths had come by and
taken me in his jeep up the road to a low area close to the
anti-tank ditch.
'Observe from here' he told me. 'And bring out anyone hit
at the ditch.'
This sunken road area was to be the Advance RAP.
All Hell let loose when the attack went in and the counterbarrage commenced. We started up the RAP truck but couldn't go forward with our equipment because of the lire. So we
set up our RAP in a farmhouse a little bit down the road. This
was very fortunate as the farmhouse was never hit but the
sunken road sure was—many times!
I walked forward. I never saw such a sight —all the
wounded. 1 passed Jim Fawcett, he was hit.
'You can't get close' he said.
We had been briefed that the anti-tank ditch was empty, but
it was manned. I caught up to Clarence Sparks in the ditch.
T feel bad' he said. "Every time I start forward we have to
fall back!'
Then we heard some crying. Sparks drew his revolver and
went to investigate, ft was a fourteen year old German boy.
'Mien Oncle American. Mien Oncle American!' He cried over
and over. It was his passport he hoped. I took him back with
66
me. and Lieutenant Sparks went forward from the ditch.
Vince Stark was killed just after that ditch, on the outskirts of Buron. He had a premonition and told me that he
would be. Vince and Ray Hodgins were very close friends.
The Gold-Dust' twins we used to call them."
66
War Diary: The forward edge of the village was strongly
held by a ring of defensive positions, most of which contained MMGs (machine guns). These brought down continuous and devastating fire on our troops and it was almost impossible to advance through. Many times our tps
were pinned to the ground by it only to get up and go on as
soon as it let up. The tks had to he called fwd on several
occasions to aid the infantry forward.
'D' Coy under Major Anderson was the first coy into the
village. The tks were not able to follow them in as they
struck a minefield on the rt flank. D' Coy had to smash its
way through alone and clean out all the trenches that comprised the defensive system. They suffered heavy casualties
doing this and progressed on to the orchard on the right
fwd side of the village with only half a company.
Leading No. 18 Platoon of 'D' Company, Sergeant Herchenratter had fiercely assaulted the anti-tank ditch and moved on
with great gusto to the dug-in machine-gun posts behind. Every
time a MMG post was encountered he organized the attack and
led his men at the clearing up. The sergeant personally wiped
out one complete post himself.
Following them through this area was the heavy mortar fire
which had laced their advance. Every time a particularly heavy
burst of mortars pinned his men down. Sergeant Herchenratter
jumped up and dashed ahead, shouting to his men to advance.5,1
Sergeant Herchenratter:
"We were supposed to clear the dugouts just before the village wall. At one hole, 1 checked my grenades—counted
to five with one and threw—nothing! Another grenade—
again nothing—both duds! All this time I'm looking at
him. I knew he was in there. He had a Potato Masher
(Grenade) lying ready at the lip of his trench. He stood and
made a grab for it. That's when I was able to shoot.
As I looked around another one was climbing out of his
dugout. Boom! Little Macintosh got him in the head.
We carried a big field dressing pad on our helmets-held
in place by camouflage netting. A little French-Canadian
guy. our Company shoemaker, had used his for First Aid
on someone. In the village, the loose net slipped down
around his head and caught a wasp's nest. All this shelling
going on and he's screaming from the stings!
Little Macintosh got hit in the leg. I was running over to
him when I stepped in a hole. Puff! there was the remains
of a dead pig in the hole. I nearly vomited!"
War Diary: In the orchard Sgt. Herchenratter reorganized
the remnants of two platoons and led the attack at clearing
out the orchard. Cpl Weitzel, already wounded, here distinguished himself by leading two men left out of his section
into an attack on two well sited MG posts. When both of
them were hit he continued on and knocked out both posts
before he himself was killed.
Sergeant Herchenratter:
"I was Corporal Weitzel's Platoon Commander. All the
way through he kept good control. When we hit the first
objective, 1 saw Weitzel clearing slit trenches, under terrific mortar and machine-gun fire, where many Germans
were hiding. It was here I dressed his wounded leg and told
him to go back. He said it was nothing and kept leading his
section forward still under the heavy fire. As we approached the village, we came under the heaviest fire yet. 1
ordered the remaining men on my left to give covering fire
and Weitzel's section to assault the enemy position. He led
his men and cleared up the enemy MMG post in the corner
of the village. The last I saw of Corporal Weitzel, he was
leading the remainder of his section towards the far edge of
the orchard which was our final objective. In my estimation, bravery and leadership were never surpassed."52
Private William Spencer was a rifleman in Corporal Weitzel's
Section. At the edge of the village, Spencer noticed several
badly wounded men. Although under fierce fire, he rendered
them first aid and made them comfortable. While thus engaged,
a sniper located in a "hide' in a nearby tree shot at him. Spencer
stalked the sniper and shot him down out of the tree, killing
him.53
Moving forward to the orchard objective, Corporal Weitzel
had only six men. Two more were lost in clearing the enemy
trenches and Weitzel sent Spencer back for reinforcements.
Finding none, Spencer returned to the fight to join his Section.
Approaching, he saw the three were hit and Weitzel was down.
Spencer tried to reach his Section leader but was pinned down
by the withering fire. Here he lost sight of Weitzel who was
crawling towards the enemy machine guns and carrying a Bren
gun. His Section completely destroyed, Spencer joined another
and assisted in cleaning up the remaining enemy posts in the
orchard.
Weitzel's action played an important part in allowing time for
the thirty-eight men left in 'D" Company to re-organize.
67
This made possible the holding of the orchard until reinforcements came up.54
War Diary: Meanwhile B' Company was encountering
heavy opposition on the left flank. They charged again and
again but were faced with a strong reinforced coy equipped
with at least double the usual number of automatic weapons. Tks were called for but were out of communication.
When contact was finally made, the tanks feared to move
fwd because of the minefields. It was sometime before they
could be told that the left flank was free.
again went out, and repeated the orders. Still the tanks did not
move forward because of a minefield located on the west side
of the Buron-Vieux Cairon road. AGAIN the Intelligence Officer made a broken field zig-zag dash to the tanks and while
clinging to the side of one he was carried to the Squadron
Commander's tank. He again repeated to CO's orders and told
the tanks that there were no mines to the east of the road. The
tanks moved a troop over and were able to help 'B' Coy to get
forward by pinning down the enemy MMG posts.55
Lt. Campbell:
"Grenades, mortars and small arms hadn't budged this
Lt. Col Griffiths:
group of seventeen and eighteen year old Hitler Youths.
"Spark's Company ran into real trouble on the left. (Capt.)
Twice the tanks overran the slit trenches and the Germans
Carl Polzin had the Carrier Platoon. He was sent to help
just lay down to avoid being crushed then rose up again to
Vince. Carl went cruising around the left flank of Buron
fight. It wasn't until the tanks ran right up to the trenches
and ran into some Anti-Tank stuff. He was cleaned out in
and fired right down on them that they were wiped out. All
half an hour".
this time they must have known that they didn't have a
After repeated attempts to get communication with the tanks.
chance. The group had two officers, one was twenty and
Lt Campbell ran out to them over about three hundred yards of
the other twenty-three."
shell swept ground. He climbed up the sides of the tanks and
shouted out the orders he had received from the CO. all the Rifleman William Nicol's Number 11 Platoon. 'B' Company,
time under machinegun fire and fire from the snipers in trees was badly shot up and obliged to go to ground while it awaited
the supporting fire from the tanks ordered up. As all the "B"
and buildings.
Company Stretcher Bearers had been killed or wounded, Nicol,
on his own volition, left his shelter and carried on their work.
Lt Campbell:
Under the fire which covered the whole area, he dragged his
"Just outside the northeast corner of Buron the Germans wounded comrades to a small shallow ditch behind a hedgerow.
were dug into slit trenches. 'B' Company needed armoured Showing utter disregard for his own person, he took 56field dressassistance. The communications were haywire, so I got to ing pads from the dead and patched up the wounded.
the tanks and verbally instructed the tank Commanders.
There was a button on the back to get them to open the His Platoon Sergeant, Ben Francis, meanwhile rallied and organized the Platoon and the Company. By personal example.
hatch to talk."
Sergeant Francis led them forward by bounds; he rushed from
When the tanks failed to move into the village, Lt Campbell place to place, exhorting the men on until the tanks appeared
and eased the situation.57
68
War Diary: With the support of the tks. B' Coy was able to
break their way through the defensive ring and proceed to
clean up the enemy MG posts one by one. These posts were
very well dug in and it was necessary to approach the pit to
the very edge before the enemy guns in them could be silenced. Going was very sticky for a long lime. In fact several isolated pockets offered up resistance until the next
morning.
Private Borodaiko:
"We had the toughest Division fighting us—Kurt Meyer's.
But we were very bitter. Some of us had seen the North
Novas being taken POW into some bushes—then gunfire!
I don't know how we got through the minefield with all
the shooting. 1 stopped to patch a friend. Lloyd Maybe,
who was wounded. Lt Todd came up. "Come on. Get going!' Then Vince Stark was shot in the back at the Antitank
ditch by a German hiding in it. So there was no mercy after
that.
An .88 crew stood up and threw up their hands and called
'Kamrade'. We didn't take them . . . Don't think about anything when fighting like that. It's kill or be killed!
There was a bush and a sunken road just after the ditch.
My number two man on the Bren had a clear line of fire. So
I changed positions with him. When I called for another
magazine—he was dead—a bullet through the head —lying
in my old position."
Borodaiko, single-handed, charged and cleaned out six enemy
positions with his Bren gun. At times, he seemed to be blanketed in fire that was so thick that other members of his Section
were pinned down; yet he continued on and cleared the way for
them, miraculously escaping injury himself.5*
Bordaiko's No. 10 Platoon was now being led by LanceCorporal Ralph Bailey. The Platoon Officer, Platoon Sergeant
and all full Corporals had been knocked out of action. Although
wounded himself. Bailey reorganized the remnants of the Platoon, took charge, and entered the west side of the village. He
fought his way into a strong MMG defensive position and led
his Platoon from one gun to another, winkling them out as they
went.59
Suffering the loss of his officer, Sergeant Jimmy Kelly assumed command of No. 12 Platoon, 'B' Company. Under his
leadership, the men charged and destroyed two German dug-in
positions with rifle and grenades, while the enemy guns were
turned on them and exacting a heavy loll.60
Sergeant Kelly:
"1 don't know what the Hell happened to my Platoon Commander: he was hit just before the anti-tank ditch. Lieutenant Dodd. he was a school teacher, just new to us. 1 took
over and sent Corporal Reiber and his section around to
the left. He ran into a machine-gun nest. He was killed—
the whole damn section was killed. I was left with fourteen
men just after the Ditch—out of thirty-seven supposed to
be. There was hardly anything in the town at all. It had
been bombed pretty well. They was all dug-in. in the orchards south of the town or the anti-tank ditch.
Sgt. Kelly continues:
"Seven seconds for a grenade is too long. So you would
pull the pin and count to three and throw. Then they
wouldn't be thrown back. It's pretty nervy counting while
this thing is smoking in your hand. I remember I got into
an argument with one of my guys at the village wall—over
some damn thing—stupid thing. Anyway. I lost my count
and just threw it and it exploded in the air.
There was a bit of humor .. . dry humor. I motioned one
German with my bayonet to stand up and surrender. As he
rose he got a bullet through the head.
69
Who did that? I yelled.
"Supporting fire!' Someone called back.'War Diary: While B' Coy was breaking through, C Coy
which was follow up coy fought its way into the centre of the
town between B' and D' Coy positions with only moderate opposition. It drove right down the centre and swung over to the
left behind B' Coy taking up a position west of the BuronAuthie road.
War Diary: 'A ' Coy, in reserve, followed C" Coy in and
swung to the right in behind B' Coy. For the next few hours
things were somewhat confused. Communications were disrupted due to cas (casualties) among the signalers and sets
and no one knew what the situation was. The Comd Gp
(Command Group) moved right up forward behind the assaulting coys in order to keep control of the situation but
could not contact the coys. The Carriers, ATks and Mortars
moved up in behind the res coy.
Lt Col Griffiths:
Major Hodgins:
"The RSM, Chuck Campbell and the signalers walked down
"I came upon Vince and saw that he was hit. I gave him a
with me behind 'A' Company. The main trouble was keeping
morphine injection. He was terribly wounded and I saw that
in touch with everyone. Once communications were gone all
he was going to die. I called for a stretcher and carried on.
you had was runners. I don't know what time I got into the
You didn't stop—You couldn't stop—You had a job to do
village—it would be just before noon. There was a high wall
and you were in a position where you were responsible for
all along the North side of Buron. Our Battalion Headquarters
people. So you tried to get through. You didn't dwell on
Group came in by the Les Buissons road. There was a tank—
things or worry about yourself or you wouldn't get the job
one of ours from D-Day+1. Probably one of the tank supports
done.
of the NNS—and a long dead Canadian lying beside it.
Lord Gort. I think it was, said that 'War is long periods of
The Chateau, the remains of a Norman Castle was further
boredom punctuated by moments of intense fear.
down. I always thought that it should have been taken out. It
was perfectly flat farmland where we were (and made an exBuron itself was like an old walled village. The shelling
cellent Observation Post).
was intense, the street fighting, the Tiger tanks... Things were
confused as is likely. In the final analysis you had to just go
Headquarters had insisted that there was high ground to the
in and blaze away at anything that got in your way-There
south. As it turned out, there was no high ground beyond Buwere a lot of valorous acts—but decorations are like the Air
ron.
Force—someone has to see your kill.
Of course the Germans knew the ground better than we did
The footslogger, the infantry man who makes the first conand could zero in on any open ground where they knew that
tact and the section commander with his small knot of men—
troops might be. They would put in some ashcans
they have my admiration."
(Nebelwerfer shells) filled with explosives when we overran
their positions."
70
Major Durward
"The Colonel came on the air for an "O' Group but his map
reference didn't seem correct. I told (Major) Anderson CD'
Company) that I'd go and look for the CO. I took a rifle
and went through the village—no sign, came back and
called again. The Colonel gave the same reference. So I
went looking again. The CO was out forward at the consolidation position—out in no-man's land at this point. I
spotted his batman in some rubble with a Bren Gun.'*
Lieutenant Campbell:
D' Coy in the orchard as D' Coy was too weak to hold it
against a counterattack then forming up from the southwest
of their position.
During the afternoon the enemy continued to shell every
corner of the village systematically and submitted many cas
to our tps. There were too many cas for our stretcher bearers
to handle and not enough Jeeps or stretchers available to
handle all the cas. This was a very noticeable point and has
since been corrected. Only a Jeep or a Carrier could hope to
run through the heavy shell fire that cut the BURON-VIEUX
CAIRON road.
Sergeant Herchenratter:
"1 can still see the Padre and his RAP guys. Trip after trip
after trip. The Germans kept shelling. They were throwing in
these phosphorous bombs yet!"
"Our command group got ahead of the troops and we were
behind the Germans at one point. RSM Rutherford would
keep potting at them with his rifle. He was a real soldier
that man.
I had to scurry around to find where everyone was then Padre Anderson:
we tried to find a spot for Headquarters location. We had
"I spent all day going up and back using the jeep. It had two
chosen one vehicle bay but it had dead cattle in it and was
stretcher racks on top and one beneath, beside the driver.
smelly. We selected another one—a half-track bay."
This was the first soft-shelled vehicle in the village.
So many of the wounded were killed by the mortar fire as
War Diary: At 1130 hrs the CO was able to get his Coy
they lay out in the field. But everyone helped each other.
Comds in by means of a runner and learned the state of afCome on out and help me get this fellow in, I'd call. And a
fairs. D' Coy had only one officer (Major Anderson) and 38
couple of riflemen would get up out of their cover and give
O.Rs.: B' Coy had one officer (Lieut. Chantler) and about
me a hand—even with the Jerry SS shooting at us as we tried
1/3 strength: 'C Coy was about 50% strength and A' Coy
to load the stretchers on the jeep.
about 66% of their strength.
Graham, a Pioneer sergeant, was a rough spoken chap who
took delight in always increasing his bad language when I
All had reached and taken their objective and were conwas about. He had gathered some of the wounded into a shelsolidating. Mortaring and shelling by the enemy from St.
ter in the village. "I knew the so-and-so Padre would get
Contest and Bitot on the left flank were exacting a heavy
through!" he said when I arrived in his area.
toll by the minute, so continuous and severe was the shelling that even slit trenches were not safe. The enemy folI was so worked up, I wasn't scared. Only once. "Whang!"
lowed his old habits of bringing to bear all the fire he posin front of me. 1 jumped out of the jeep—stopped for a mosessed on his own position once it was overrun.
ment and asked God for strength—then carried on."
To complete our defensive layout, 'C Coy was ordered
71
up to the high ground south of Buron. A' Coy replaced
Sergeant Kelly:
War Diary: The Comd Gp, sheltered in an old German M.
T. (Motor Transport) bay, was hit as orders were given to
complete the last stage of the consolidation on the high
ground in front.
"The pipe band went about as stretcher-bearers (SBs.l.
Every damn one of them was hit. The RSM later said 'To
Hell with that! We need Pipers!* That was the last time we
used them as SBs."
Major Hodgins:
"We consolidated the position then Griff had an Orders
Padre Anderson:
Group in a vehicle bay in an open orchard. The bay was
"The self-sacrifice and courage of the stretcher bearers
about four feet deep with a ramp at one end. We didn't reshould be emphasized. The Rifle or Bren man is going in
alize it but we should have been by a wall.
all worked up. But always while tending the wounded, the
Lieutenant Sparks. (Major) Art Spark's younger brother,
SB must be thinking 'That could happen to me!'"
was with me and about nine or ten of us at the 'O' Group
when the shelling started. Of course when the shells hit the
War Diary: B' Coy was in for a shaky time when it was
trees they became air-bursts with a downwards cone of
attacked by eight Tiger tanks. The counterattack was reshrapnel."
pulsed and the tanks in support of that coy did noble work
by knocking out six of the eight and driving the other two
Lieutenant Campbell:
away at a cost of three SPs. (support guns)
"We were just getting along with the 'O* Group when
'Bang!' Something landed close to me and I was hit by dirt,
Sergeant Kelly:
but it sprayed shrapnel into the rest of them.
"Everything was all confused, but the fourteen of us made
I was the only one not wounded. 1 tried to pick up the
it through to the Orchard. Eight tanks came in at us in the
Colonel
and run out.
Orchard. We had these Projectile Infantry Anti-Tank weapons (PIAT). It worked like a coil spring. Cock it with your
'Put me down!' he said. 'No use both of us being hit".
feet. It had a four inch barrel on it and a charge like a morI was pretty excited at this point. I went over to Major
tar shell. The tailpiece comes back at the guy who fires it so
you got to duck. I got two tanks with it—too damn scared
Durward and tried to stab him with my morphine surette
without first breaking the tip off!"
to run!'*
Major Durward:
"We carried all our PIATs. They were awkward and heavy
but they did good work—although the maximum range was
only one hundred yards."
72
Lt. Colonel Griffiths:
"We were all stunned and out of it for two or three seconds
after the shell hit. The signaler standing just behind and to
my left landed with his head on my shoulder. Blood was
running out of his eyes and nose. What missed him
caught me —I would have been killed but for him!"
Major Durward:
"I don't know how long I was out. I was out with the blast
and several bits of shrapnel. I came to and shouted to Lieutenant Chrysler, Can you carry on? This has haunted me
ever since. 1 simply meant for him to take over as OC of
the Company. He must have thought something else. He
crossed the open road and was killed."
Major Hodgins:
"I came to, lying on the side of the ramp. Young Sparks
was dead on the other side, a cigarette hanging from his
mouth. 1 had shrapnel wounds in my buttocks which is the
best place you can get hit. They just seared through the
flesh. I didn't even realize I had a lacerated rear end. Someone tied me up with field dressings and 1 continued the
consolidation. I finally reported to RSM Rutherford with
one officer and twenty-two men."
War Diary: This direct hit killed three signalers and Lieut.
C. W. Sparks and wounded the Col and Major Hodgins and
Major Durward and four ORs. By this time Major Anderson, Lieut Chan tier and Lieut Campbell were the only officers left except for the Sp. Coy Officers. Most of the senior
NCOs had become cas and the Bn was about 50% strength.
The LOBs were sent for and the Battalion was reorganized. They dug in completely to hold what they had taken
and endeavoured to get the rest of their casualties out.
When the Command Group had moved into the village. Private Ableson, the Colonel's driver, was ordered to remain
behind until called. While waiting, Ableson noticed some
wounded men in the vicinity, all under heavy shell and mortar
fire. He collected them and took them back to the RAP on his
carrier, making several trips of rescue.
Notified that the Command Group was hit, Driver Ableson
immediately maneuvered his carrier across the battlefield over
extremely rough ground, wormed his way around buildings, all
the time under intense shell fire. He reached the Colonel and
loaded him on the vehicle. Just as he was moving off, the carrier
was hit and immobilized, the Colonel blown off the top by the
blast. Ableson searched and found another carrier without its
crew but in a dangerous place. Notwithstanding, he got into it
and returned to the Colonel and the wounded. Single-handed, he
loaded them on again and made his trip back to the RAP. Ableson was hit by shrapnel when his first carrier was knocked out
but was not deterred in any way. He left the RAP and returned
to the Battalion HQ Area and remained to assist in the consolidation.61
It was Lt Campbell who had notified Ableson. Running out to
the North end of the village in search of SBs and vehicles to
evacuate the wounded, the 10 had once more run a gauntlet of
concentrated fire by enemy artillery.
Lt Campbell:
"Communications with Brigade were established. They
wanted us to move up with our tanks behind the hill. They
gave the map coordinates but there was no hill. It was flat
as a pancake behind Buron. I had to argue with Brigadier
Cunningham (on the radio).
The rest of the day was spent trying to set up a Command
Post. The RSM and I picked hole after hole—we didn't
want to dig one. But we were always forced to change due
to the shellfire. We sent for the LOBs and George Edwards, the 2IC, to take over with the Colonel evacuated."
73
After telling Brigade that the Battalion could not go on, and to send up
a Liaison Officer for particulars, Lt Campbell spent the next hour making
repeated trips to the far end of the village to get transport to take the
casualties out. A Command Post was finally established by taking over
and combining with D" Company Command Post. The 2IC had arrived
up by 1700 hours.
War Diary: Night fell on a quiet, smoking village which
had witnessed one of the fiercest battles ever fought in
the history of war. It was the HLIs first big fight and the
8th July will go down in its memoirs as a day to be remembered. The ranks were sadly depleted and reorganization showed them to be thin on the ground—too thin to
stave off a counterattack in the night. Yet doggedly they
dug in, determined that their days work would not be in
vain and though dead tired ready to go on to Caen the
next day if the opportunity presented itself. One hundred
percent stand-to was maintained during the night but the
enemy had expended all his energy during the day and
with the exception of a few snipers trapped behind the
lines all was quiet and the night passed without event.
Aerial photographs taken by the Royal Canadian Air Force
showing:
1)Les Buissons, 'Hell's Corners', and the Anti-Tank Ditches
just north of Buron.
2) The Anti-Tank Ditches and the maze of trenchworks
behind them.
3) Buron.
- The Public Archives RG24 Volume 15Q7C
Aftermath
Padre Anderson:
"That night I saw grown men crying. They had gone through
on their nerves alone."
Sergeant Kelly:
"1 didn't eat for two days after. Kinda shook up like, you
know."
Lt Campbell:
"I think that I must have been unconscious for most of the
time. I don't remember much registering. I happened to be at
that spot at that time and saw something that needed doing
and did it.
Sergeant Herchenratler:
"We took some prisoners. One chap with me could speak the
high German—but we didn't get much—damn young punks!"
Private Borodaiko:
"I just threw away my (Bren) gun. The barrel wouldn't come
off. 1 couldn't change it. I guess I dug a hole (slit trench) that
night. 1 don't remember."
Major Durward:
"I was sent back to the beach with the other wounded. I met a
Brit that I had known previously. "Wondered when I'd see
you' he said. The HLI is taking a Hell of a pasting today!"
Lt Colonel Griffiths:
"When I got to the Field Ambulance Hospital the man next
to me was a German Battalion Commander. He took
twelve quarts of blood but died that night."
Major Hodgins:
"Its not like witnessing death in civilian life—1 think that
affects you more. In battle, there is no feeling to describe it.
You are operating under extreme physical and mental
strain. That's why war is for young people—actually it's not
for anyone."
When the attack went in. on the morning of the 8th, the first
reports from the British fronts had indicated good progress. But
in fact the 59th Division was meeting stiff opposition with its
initial objectives, Galamanche and Le Bijude.61 The inexperienced 59th, although composed of tough British miners, had not
had the benefit of a month in Normandy, unlike the 3rd Canadians and the 3rd British who knew the "form'.64
However, these early reports were sufficiently encouraging to
order the Canadian 3rd Division into battle as Phase II of Operation CHARNWOOD.
Broadcasting from the front on the Canadian Radio Overseas,
one reporter observed the advance:
". . . our men go through the wheat fields and orchards as
steady as mechanical men, through hundreds of bursting
mortar shells and sweeping scythes of machine gun bullets.
It (is) a cracking, splitting world in which you'd have expected men to go mad rather than be able to attack . . .65
77
An unorthodox Bren Gun Carrier mounted 'charge* by the
SDGs on Gruchy chased the enemy out to Buron where they
strengthened the defenses. The Glens were soon ready to move
on to the Chateau de St Louet and the North Novas moved up to
step off towards Authie. Both Regiments were badly shelled
from St Contest as they waited for the Buron decision.
The harsh slugging match between the First Battalion of the
Highland Light Infantry Regiment of Canada and the Third Battalion of the 25th SS Panzer Grenadier Regiment of Germany
for the rubble of Buron took most of that day. July 8th. 1944.
The Waterloo Highlanders had crossed grain fields raked by
machine-gun fire and flogged by shells and mortar bombs:
fought through two anti-tank ditches and into the maze of dugin German defences on the Buron perimeter. As the Nazi positions were overrun they became a focal point for a fierce bombardment of more shells and mortar bombs causing the HLI
heavy casualties as they battled their way into the village. Not
until mid afternoon did the 59th Division finally silence the enemy artillery at St Contest.66
Throughout the battle, the defending Hitler Youth fought like
madmen and with the viciousness of trapped animals. Some of
the bitterest fighting was carried out by "D" Company in clearing the orchards at the right edge of the village. The German
nests and dugouts had to be individually swept with grenade
and Sten gun fire to be rendered out of action. 'B' Company had
to eliminate similar opposition as they fought through to the
south of the village: there to meet a Panzer tank counterattack.
Retaliating with PlATs and strongly assisted by the selfpropelled anti tank guns of #245 Battery, Royal Artillery, the
iron monsters were engaged and fought off. This action removed a serious threat to the successful consolidation of Buron.
"A" and 'C Companies followed D' and 'B' Companies into
78
the village, supporting and reinforcing. Behind them. Colonel
Griffiths moved up with his Headquarters group and pushed
through to the south edge of Buron. From there he noted that
the ring contour objective was merely a flat open field. The
Colonel did not consider it justifiable to send troops out from
the cover of the village to seize something which was not dominating ground (A discrepancy in contours on the map sheet was
later noted).67 During an Orders group shortly thereafter, the
Battalion command cell was knocked out by mortar fire. 'The
Heinies got their money's worth out of that shell!' was the embittered recollection of one officer.68
Considerably more than half of the Battalion's fighting Companies were lost that day. In 'A' Company all the officers were
casualties. In 'B' Company. Lt. Chantler was the only officer
remaining. All officers had been killed or wounded in 'C Company and in 'D' Company, only Major Anderson was left unscathed. The four Support Company officers still remained; but
in the Command Group. Lt Campbell was alone.69
Everyone in the Battalion from the Commanding Officer
down had behaved conspicuously well. Through scores of individual acts of heroism, with corporals leading platoons and sergeants in charge of companies, the Highlanders had crushed the
enemy. The village was taken at a cost of 262 HLI casualties of
which 62 were fatal. The supporting British troops of #245 Battery had lost seven M-10 guns: and only four of the Sherbrooke
Fusilier's fifteen 'A' Squadron tanks remained.70
General Keller, the GOC. had underestimated the resistance
and was displeased when the Third Phase of the attack was slow
in getting underway because of the fierce battle being offered in
Buron.71 It was not until afternoon that the North Nova Scotia
Highlanders were able to pass through the village and seize
Authie, while the Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry Highlanders
took the Chateau. Only then did the 7th Canadian Infantry Brigade go into battle as Phase III. The 7th CIB also ran into
ran into heavy opposition and darkness fell before Phase IV of
CHARNWOOD, the move into Caen, could be put into action.
In Buron, the HLI brought up the Left Out of Battle personnel
and consolidated their hard won prize. Few of the *zoot-suit'
boys, as the SS troops with their loose knee length battle
smocks were dubbed,72 survived—or tried to. The few were
flushed out at bayonet point. They were dazed and hysterical —
"hopped up. I guess',7-1 was the HLI diagnosis. Of the 3rd Battalion. 25th Panzer Grenadiers, thirty-one prisoners were taken
from Number 9 Company, ten from Number 11 Company and
five from the 12th Company. From Grenadier Zimmat's Number 10 Company, the Highland Light Infantry of Canada logged
no prisoners of war.74 It was quite apparent that the Waterloo
County soldiers had given better than they had taken.
From his Observation-post Headquarters in Ardenne Abby,
Kurt 'Panzer' Meyer had repeatedly requested permission to
withdraw across the Orne River. Again and again he was referred to the 'Fuehrer Order' not to yield an inch of ground.
'We were meant to die in Caen,' he wrote, 'But one just couldn't watch those youngsters being sacrificed to a senseless order.7h
In the early hours of July 9th, without orders, and defying the
Fuehrer, this paradigm of the obedient SS soldier began to pull
his troops back over the river barrier and into the industrial suburbs of Colombelles and Faubourg de Vauchelles.
Now in command of the HLI, Major Edwards was interviewed by a Toronto Star Correspondent about the German
troops:
'Many of these men held out to the last. They were hard to
finish, hard to round up and capture or kill. They were told
they would be shot if captured. They were told they would
be shot if they evacuated their positions. So they stayed in
the front line trenches and died . . . They were mighty good
soldiers, make no mistake, who fought to the end. We
found them very ignorant of the war. When we told them
that the Russians had captured Minsk and were close to
East Prussia, they wouldn't believe it. We asked one lad
what he thought of Hitler. He replied we have Hitler, you
have Churchill, and shrugged. That was all we could gel
out of him.76
The Nazi storm troopers that did remain by the evening of the
8th of July were a pest until early the next morning. Because of
their presence, the Canadians were kept on the alert with a
100% stand-to during the night. The HLI. still in semi-shock
from the battle, were very tired by morning. Lt Campbell was
kept busy during these hours:
"Brigadier Cunningham came up in a scout car and hailed
me like an old friend, 'I hear they've been bouncing shells
off your head all day!' he called.
He called an 'O' Group for 0200 hours on the 9th to organize to move into Caen. 'Look', he said. 'I know we haven't got the strength. But there's no one left in Caen."
Lieutenant Colonel Christiansen of the Glengarrians replied. "They said that about this place!'
Brigadier Cunningham. 'We still have to go!'
Christiansen. 'OK, But not up the road, I'm going from
tree to tree!"
In Caen. Canadian General Simonds said to us 'You have
to stop this approaching things with a limited liability outlook!'
It was the wrong thing to say to us after Buron!"
Under Brigade orders, the HLI pushed on into Franqueville
and then St Germaine. During this move they were subjected to
observed fire causing some casualties and one man killed.
79
On the outskirts of Caen they were met by very happy civilians
with flowers and good wishes. In spite of the bombing, the people were really pleased to see the Canadians.
First into Caen, the SDGs pushed on to the river and found no
enemy on the western side. Much of their advance through the
city was hindered by the bomb-choked streets. On receipt of the
word that they would not be pushing on themselves, the HLI set
up Headquarters in a "very fine seminary". The Battalion settled
down and hoped for a good night's sleep. That evening 195 reinforcements arrived from the beach.
By the 10th of July, Montgomery judged that the Allies had
won the battle for the build-up and the struggle for Normandy."'
By taking Caen, the battle for a breakout south of the Bocage
and eastward towards the Seine could begin. The Supreme Allied Commander, General Eisenhower, reckoned only the truth
when he later remarked 'Every fool of ground that the enemy
lost at Caen was like losing ten miles anywhere else.78
It had been a war of attrition in this area for the German
Forces. On July 9th, when asked how much longer the German
front in the west could be held; Rommel had answered directly
80
"At the most ten days to two weeks. Then a breakthrough may
be expected. We have no additional forces to throw into battle'.
His superior officer, von Kluge. Commander in Chief of Army
Group B, confirmed this statement when he reported to Hitler
on July 12 that the Allied Armies had nearly achieved their objective of exhausting the strength of the German Forces in the
west.79
The Canadian 3rd Division suffered 1,104 casualties for the
8th and 9th of July 1944-More than on D-Day.*° Of the 21.000
strong 12th SS Panzer Grenadier Division that had swept into
action on the morning of the 7th of June only twenty-five percent remained.81
Canadians had hoped to bring many of these military criminals to justice; but the vast majority of the young savages were
no longer amenable to the jurisdiction of any earthly tribunal.82
Kurt Meyer was brought to trial. He was convicted of countenancing the killing of Canadian Prisoners of War by men of his
Division, and sentenced to death. Despite public outcry, this
sentence was commuted to life imprisonment by General
Vokes, Commanding Officer of the Canadian Occupation
Forces in Europe, 1945s' Meyer was eventually released from
Canada's Dorchester Prison in 1954 and repatriated to Germany.
Through Europe
and Home
July 1944-Dec 1945
The Highland Light Infantry of Canada regrouped itself in
the hours following Buron. Lieutenant Campbell was promoted to Captain and appointed Regimental Adjutant. His
predecessor, Capt. Sim was promoted to Major and given
command of Major Durward's 'A' Company. The second in
command of this Company was now Douglas Barrie, bandaged from his shrapnel wound and promoted Captain. Similar reorganization took place throughout the Battalion as reinforcements filled the places of the casualties.
The 10th of July was also spent trying to account for the
men missing, dead or wounded. To Padre Jock Anderson fell
the woeful task of looking after the dead in the high wheat
fields and the village rubble:
"There were no funeral directors—we usually did the
burying. But at Buron we couldn't cope. 1 had to go back
in a 60 Hundredweight truck and took a man from each
Company with me. We went back to the Start Line and
swept forward. We spent all day picking up. Not to bury
them; but to send them all back to Beny-sur-Mer. The Padres back there would bury them.
We took one dog tag and left the other then wrapped
the body in a blanket. We ran out of blankets.
I went back to our rear echelon. All gone. I continued
back to rear division. When I asked for blankets, some
clerk got my back up by telling me that we were using
too many. I was angry—out of my mind —I marched into
the large Divisional marquee tent and gave them all Hell
— then I started to cry.
1 was put on a stretcher with a card reading 'Battle Exhaustion —Return to England". 1 sent for the Senior Padre and hid the card. He sent me back to Caen.
That evening they caught up to me. I was placed under
close arrest and paraded before the colonel of the Field
Ambulance. 'Don't send me back' I pleaded, 'Then 1
WILL be a broken man!' They gave me a note to the MO,
who put me under for twenty-four hours. 1 was 'canned
in Caen' —but this let me see that everyone can break."
The Regiment moved out of Caen and crossed the Orne
River to assist in the capture of Vaucelles. There RSM George
Rutherford was mortared and put out of action as he had been
27 years before by wounds suffered at Passchendaele. His injuries were not serious however, and he was able to return and
carry on with the HLI for the duration of the war. The same
mortar bomb also placed Major Edwards out of action for a
short period. Major An Sparks took over until the arrival of
Nicol Kingsmill, promoted from the 9th Brigade Headquarters
to take command.
Under Lieutenant Colonel Kingsmill. the Regiment fought
in the closing of the Falaise Gap in August and pursued the
retreating Germans across France. The Highlanders were in on
the assault and capture of Boulogne and the cross-Channel
guns at Cap Gris Nez during September. At the Cap Gris Nez
battle, the Colonel's Carrier ran over a mine. Colonel Kingsmill was badly thrown and his adjutant. Captain Campbell,
lost an arm in the explosion. This battle silenced the enemy
battery of awesome giant naval guns that had threatened the
South Coast
89
side just sobbing. His shoulders heaving. The men were
of England. The HLI sent the German garrison commander's
filing past but there were no snide comments; they underFlag, Sword and Dagger to the Lord Mayor of Dover with the
stood. I said to him, 'Come on up—When you're ready." He
message 'Greetings, and enjoy your pint of beer in peace from
now on—We have all of Jerry's Big Berthas'"4
was a fine solider, and there was no problem.
At Nijmegen, the Commanding Officer, Phil Strickland,
In October, the Regiment embarked on a seaborne storming
called me in.
of the Scheldt Estuary as part of the opening of the Port of Antwerp. Colonel Kingsmill and Major Edwards, both suffering
'There's an opening for an Acting Lieutenant Colonel
from Battle Exhaustion, left the Battalion during this campaign
back in England.* he said, 'it's yours if you want it.'
and Lt Col Phil Strickland assumed Command with Major Ray
Geeze, I though, my luck here could be running out. 'OK,
Hodgins as his 2IC. In less than a month, Canadian troops
I'll take it',-then, 'No, no, I can't do that!'
cleared the Germans from the flooded podders of the Scheldt.
It was a miserable three months that followed, as the HLI had
You couldn't just leave these guys—they were family.
to endure mud and cold in the front-line slit-trenches of the Nijmegen Salient. By February, the Canadian Army was attacking
I think that the CO made the offer to the next major in the
again and the Battalion was soon in action at Udem and in the
form of an order.
Hochwald area. In March, they were loaned to the British 51st
As it turned out, I ultimately replaced Phil as Colonel.
Highland Division for the Rhine River Operation; thus earning
Commanding a Battalion isn't the biggest thing—but it was
the honour as first Canadian Regiment to cross the Rhine into
nice to be the one to bring them home."
Germany. Shortly afterwards. Colonel Strickland was promoted
to 3rd Division HQ and Ray Dent Hodgins was appointed Com- Lt Colonel Hodgins led the Battalion through the final phases
manding Officer of the Highland Light Infantry of Canada.
of the War in the Netherlands and Germany. In December,
1945, Colonel Hodgins brought the First Battalion, Highland
Lieutenant Colonel Hodgins recalls:
Light Infantry of Canada back to the city of Galt and the
"The Battalion was in steady action after Buron and the Of- County of Waterloo.
ficer casualties were high. The (Buron) wound gave me
Few of the officers and men who served at Buron made it
time out and may have saved my life.
through to the War's end with the Battalion.
I arrived back in time to see Major Sim being put in the
ground, tucked in a blanket; and I thought, 'What a waste'. Private Mike Borodaiko had marched with his Platoon into
Still, we had a relatively clean war, unlike the 'Burnt-out Caen on the 9th of July:
Pensions' of the First World War trenches.
"We came by an old Nunnery. There were two big doors.
We decided, let's open them. We used a long pole—in case
Cowardice is one thing—but taking time out to collect
of
booby traps. In the cellar there were four spigots. We
your thoughts is another. We were moving up for one acused
the pole to turn them—and wine poured out!
tion and I can still see this young officer sitting by the
Captain Joe King came by and found us; Sergeant, Cor90
poral and six men all passed out. 'You know you could
not the wound that hurt but the thought of leaving the Unit.
They would use all kinds of dodges to get back. They had
been together for so long in England."
Four months later, now Major, King had to wake Borodaiko
Jock Anderson remained in Canadian Army service after the
up once again from a similar slumber:
War and retired in the 1960s, a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Chap"Joe King got me up and told me I was being Invested. lin Corps.
'What for. I haven't done anything!' 1 said.
Sergeant Kelly was wounded in the Scheldt pocket and sent
'Don't you know what an investiture is?' he said. 'How back to England:
long have you been in the army?'
"The King presented my MM to me at St James'. That was
They wanted Monty to pin the medal on me. I'd already
quite a deal. He asked me where I got it and shot the shit
been presented with it twice already. They just never called
for a couple of minutes then shook my hand.
it an investiture before."
I was only out for about three months then back to the
Regiment. I was glad to get back. These damn holding
The Military Medal was awarded to Mike Borodaiko for his
units were crazy.
actions at Buron. Padre Jock Anderson was invested that same
I quit making friends with the new guys coming up. You
day:
had to depend on the old timers, more or less. On a night
"It was just after the Scheldt campaign. When Borodaiko
Patrol you had to take the same guys each time because
was called forward, an officer from some other regiment,
you could depend on them.
standing next to me remarked 'A most unsightly fellow!'
Mind you, I got another dandy officer after Buron... Used
'He's not being decorated for being a well-dressed solto
wonder where some of these young Lieutenants got their
dier!' 1 retorted."
guts from."
be Court Martialed for that!" he said. 'But you had one Hell
of a day yesterday. I'll just forget it!" "
Mike Borodaiko was promoted to Corporal; a rank he did not
want as he felt it attracted bullets. He was not wrong. Three
times wounded, Mike was repatriated to Canada on the TriWounded scheme for return of front-line soldiers.
Jock Anderson twice won the Military Cross, a rare distinction amongst fighting troops and all the more noteworthy when
it goes to a noncombatant:85
"The RAP continued to be my battle station where I acted
as an extra stretcher-bearer until the war was over. Whenever a Sergeant or a Corporal was brought in they would
often cry. because they'd be leaving the HL1. It was
Sergeant Ben Francis was another Non-Commissioned Officer who had fought with distinction at Buron. He was promoted
to Company Sergeant Major and named for a Military Medal. In
October, before he had received the award, CSM Francis was
killed by a shell burst. Sergeant Roy Francis was the sole remaining brother of the three who had joined.
"1 got orders, before we got to the Rhine, that I was to be
sent out on compassionate grounds as I was the last of our
family. George (Rutherford) was one of those I appealed
to, stating that it was "my unit', that I did not wish to go,
that I had the right to see it all through. I did not want to
91
go home without my brothers, did not want to leave my
buddies, did not feel I could face my mother alone . . ."
Canada (HF of C). The British War Office had already amalgamated the two Alliance Regiments, The Highland Light Infantry, City of Glasgow Regiment and the Royal Scots Fusiliers
into the Royal Highland Fusiliers (Princess Margaret's Glasgow
Highlanders). Thus, the HF of C continues an alliance with a
British regiment that has roots reaching back over 300 years.
It is that tradition of Regimental spirit and family solidarity
that had carried the 1st Battalion. Highland Light Infantry of
Canada, through to victory at Buron.
Roy Francis did return home to Galt. After the War, he accompanied his mother to Ottawa: there to receive his brother's
Buron Military Medal from the Earl of Athlone. GovernorGeneral.
Among the officer casualties at Buron, Lt Colonel Griffiths
was hospitalized with his wounds until November 1944. He returned to Canada and served at National Defence Headquarters
then came back to England to work in the Canadian Repatriation Captain Campbell:
Headquarters until J u l y 1946. Finally returning to Canada,
"I don't know what there is that gives a man the ability to
Colonel Griffiths shed his Army khaki for his black gowns of
do what he does in battle. What makes a group of men
law. He now sits as a County Court Judge in Niagara Falls, Onstand up when a whistle blows and march into a field of
tario.
fire? When you think about it. he's crazy! BUT—its training
Major David Durward was also in hospital until November of
and discipline and belonging—not want to let the other guy
1944. After his convalescence he remained in England. He was
down.
promoted to Lt Colonel and raised and trained the 3rd Battalion
There were only so many medals per unit per time. We
Highland Light Infantry of Canada for the Occupation Forces in
used
up our allotment for the next six months after Buron
Germany. (The 2nd Battalion had been raised in Galt as a trainand
had
not enough still. Corporal Weitzel was a Victoria
ing and reinforcement unit for the 1st Battalion. Similarly, when
Cross but he only got a Mention (in Dispatches).
the Scots Fusiliers were mobilized in Kitchener, they too served
as a training and reinforcement Battalion). Colonel Durward
There were two things, first, it is a bit political to get the
continued his military service after the War as a Militia Officer
VC; second, they argued that there were no witnesses. But
and was Commanding Officer of the Highland Light Infantry of
it was pretty obvious where his body was found. There
Canada (Reserve Army) from 1952 to 1954.
were some forty bullet holes just in his water bottle alone.
Plus the story of the men who last saw him and then the afIn continuous action after Buron. Captain Douglas Barrie was
termath of what he did. We were pretty hot about that. The
wounded three limes and returned to Canada. He instructed for a
average soldier doesn't give two hoots about medals; but
short time then returned overseas to serve in Personnel Counselthat one for Weitzel we cared about."
ing (and to take an English bride). Douglas Barrie also continued with the Militia service after the War and was promoted to
Commanding Officer of the HLI of C in 1964. The following Corporal Frank Weitzel of Tavistock. Ontario, was the only
year he was appointed to command the amalgamated Waterloo World War II nominee put forward by the HLI of C for the
County Regiment. The Highland Light Infantry of Canada and
92
the Scots Fusiliers of Canada were joined together by a Canadian Army reorganization, to become The Highland Fusiliers of
Epilogue
The Battle of Buron, though fought only on a Battalion scale,
was one of the fiercest of the Normandy Invasion and Buildup.
The courage of the Canadians who fought it was what had carried them through. The Waterloo County soldiers acquitted
themselves more than admirably on the 8th of July 1944. It was
almost as if the County Militia had been in training since 1812
for just that one day.
They had crossed an open field, in daylight, to take a village
held by an equal or greater number of well dug-in defenders.
The scenario seems suicidal at best.
Yet they had succeeded. These men had grown up togethermobilized—left Canada—trained in England—landed in France
—gained battle experience—and, finally—fought together. And
WON together in this first battle fought by Waterloo County
soldiers as a single constituted unit.
It was the Regimental 'family compact' of this Highland Light
Infantry Battalion that drew out the men to make their finest
contribution.
"What battles have in common is human: the behaviour
of men struggling to reconcile their instinct of selfpreservation, their sense of honour and the achievement of
some aim over which other men are ready to kill them. The
study of battle is therefore always a study of fear and usually of courage: always of leadership, usually of obedience:
always of compulsion, sometimes of insubordination; always of anxiety, sometimes of elation or catharsis; always
of uncertainty and doubt, misinformation and misapprehension, usually also of faith and sometimes of vision;
always of violence, sometimes also of cruelty, selfsacrifice, compassion: above all, it is always a study of
solidarity and usually of disintegration—for it is towards
the disintegration of human groups that battle is directed.86"
John Kegan, The Face of Battle
Despite the heavy casualties at Buron, the HLI survived to
add other Honours to its Regimental Colours. These Honours,
listed below, represent one of the largest number of Battle Honours awarded in the Canadian Army during the Second World
War (The Honours in bold print are the ten selected for display
on the Colours, alongside the eight World War I Honours).
Normandy Landing The Scheldt
Caen
Savojaards Piatt
The Orne (Buron)
Breskens Pocket
Borguebus Ridge The Rhineland
Faubourg de Vaucelles Waal Flats
Falaise
The Hochwald
The Laison
The Rhine
Chambois
Zutphen
Boulogne 1944 Leer
Calais 1944
North-West Europe. 19441945.
Reinforcements came from outside Ontario in many instances
after the 8th of July 1944: but the core of the Regiment remained composed of boys from the original alliance of the two
Waterloo County Units. Some of this core survived to the end
of the War. Many, wounded at Buron, and later, rejoined the
Regiment thus keeping the core intact. They were supplemented
by reinforcements also from the Second Battalion
101
of the Highland Light Infantry of Canada in Galt and the Scots
Fusiliers of Canada in Kitchener. A fair number of officers from
the two units who had been on CANLOAN with the British
Army, also returned. It is likely that this core infused their pride
of Regiment into each batch of reinforcements. Thus the Regiment did live on to add further pages of glory to this first blooding at Buron. During the whole campaign of Europe, the HLI
gained the distinction and proud record that:
(1) no ground, once taken, was given up:
(2) no man was taken prisoner by the enemy; and
(3) no man was reported missing.
102
The costs for these three boasts and the twenty Battle Honours
was three hundred and nineteen officers and men. They lie interred in the soil of Europe: their final resting grounds a symbol
on large scale Michelin maps—a rectangle enclosing a cross
and the label Cdn.
Few Canadians, today, understand how great this sacrifice
was; and fewer still, understand how great an incentive these
deeds are to the formation of Regimental esprit and all that goes
into creating the soul of a fighting machine. Those entrusted
with the organization of Canadian Forces would do well to
never underestimate this spirit.
105
Citations From The
Buron Action
Lt Col F.M. Griffiths, Commanding Officer: Awarded the
Distinguished Service Order for his disregard of personal safety
and devotion to duty. Lt Col Griffiths was directing the advance
of his companies by wireless. Communications becoming difficult because of casualties among the signalers, Lt Col Griffiths
moved his Command Group right up into the town before it was
cleared. It moved into the deserted enemy MT bay. ahead of the
forward companies and under heavy enemy fire. This was an
isolated position, under constant attention from snipers, but
from this position the CO was able to direct the companies and
bring the action to a successful conclusion. During the action he
was wounded when his Command Post received a direct hit
from an enemy shell.
Captain CD. Campbell, Intelligence Officer: Awarded the
Military Cross for the part he played in the battle. He accompanied the CO on foot into the town when wireless communications with the companies broke down. He walked through the
village, not knowing whether it was cleared of enemy or not, to
try to obtain information from the Companies. When communications between the Battalion and the supporting tanks broke
down, Capt. Campbell walked across the open shell-swept
ground to the tanks, and climbing on the commanders tank, conveyed the Commanding Officer's orders to him. He then assisted the tanks through the minefields to the aid of "B" Company, on the left flank. His calm, cool disregard for the enemy
was a source of inspiration to all, and his efforts materially asMajor R.D. Hodgins, Commanding C* Company: Awarded sisted in the success of the Battalion in taking and consolidating
the Croix de Guerre avec Etoile de Vermeil for his great display the town.
of courage and initiative that day. He led his company onto its
objective, through a hail of mortar and shellfire and consoli- Sergeant William H. Graham, Pioneer Sergeant: Awarded
dated the position. Later, although wounded, he was of great the Croix de Guerre avec Etoile de Bronze for his display of
assistance to the Commanding Officer in maintaining contact courage and initiative. He was in charge of an assault pioneer
and communication among the companies until the battalion section, attached to 'B' Company, for the purpose of clearing
was firmly on its objectives and consolidating. It was only mines and booby traps encountered during the advance of that
when this was complete that he allowed himself to be evacu- Company. When his company came under devastating fire from
ated.
Machine guns, mortars and artillery. Sgt Graham immediately
organized his section of infantrymen and led them in the asCaptain J. McM. Anderson, Padre of the Battalion: saulting of many of the enemy dug-in positions. By this action
Awarded this Military Cross for his utter disregard of the heavy he materially assisted 'B' Coy in the taking of their objective.
enemy fire in doing his utmost to evacuate casualties from the Later, he showed great initiative in the collecting and care of
field to the RAP. He made repeated trips to his Jeep across many casualties who. at that time could not be evacuated.
ground which was literally swept with mortar and shellfire in Throughout the period of the unit in action, Sgt. Graham was a
carrying out this task, and it was by his calm and gallantry that most valuable man.
the lives of many men were saved that day. His actions were a
Sergeant Benjamin Francis, (Later CSM and Killed in Acsource of inspiration to all who saw him.
tion) Awarded the Military Medal for the inspiring leadership
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and the utter disregard for his own personal safety which he displayed that day. When his Platoon Commander became a casualty, he took command and led his platoon across open ground,
in the face of terrific enemy fire, towards the objective. In the
process of this he had to take out a number of enemy positions
which were inflicting severe casualties on the Company. On
reaching the objective, Sgt. Francis organized an assault to clear
this area and knocked out four machine gun positions and an
88mm gun. He then supervised the siting of his weapons and
instructed his men to dig in while he took a small party back to
collect and care for the wounded men of his Company.
Sergeant James Peter Kelly, 12 Platoon 'B' Coy: Awarded
the Military Medal for his gallant work during the action. His
Platoon Commander had been very seriously wounded early in
the advance on Buron and Sgt Kelly took command. By his
great personal example and disregard for the heavy enemy fire
he led his Platoon forward to the objective. During this process
it was necessary to cross and clear the anti-tank ditch which
was heavily defended and then through the many dug-in positions to the rear of it. All during this time the enemy were pouring down heavy fire to blanket the area. On two occasions he
organized his men in bayonet assaults on enemy positions.
Upon reaching the objective, he ordered his men to dig in and
consolidate. While the platoon was employed in this task it was
counterattacked by a force of eight tanks. Sgt. Kelly redeployed
his men, got his PI ATS on the ground in action, and under fire,
with great determination held his position until the tanks were
either driven off or knocked out with the aid of the Support Platoon guns.
Corporal John Leslie Kelly, (no relative of Sgt. J.P. Kelly)
17 Platoon, 'D' Company: Was awarded The Military Medal for
the outstanding manner in which he led his section during the
action. He, personally, cleared a number of enemy machine gun
positions, and, at other times, led his section in bayonet
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assaults upon strong enemy positions. He captured his objectives after much stubborn fighting and, consolidating of the
company position. Later, he gave valuable assistance in collecting the wounded and their evacuation. After the company
position was consolidated he personally brought up water and
ammunition to his men. During the entire action he displayed
fine leadership and by his great bravery, was an inspiration to
his men.
Private Michael Peter Borodaiko, 10 Platoon, B* Coy:
Awarded The Military Medal for being a source of great inspiration to his Platoon. Pte Borodaiko was a Bren Gunner and
several times, when the platoon was pinned down by enemy
machine gun positions, charged these positions and with utter
disregard for his own safety. His courageous actions were materially responsible for the advance of his platoon. Upon reaching
the platoon objective, Pte. Borodaiko, with his Bren Gun.
moved around the area clearing out a number of enemy positions still in action. His example and his disregard for the enemy were a source of inspiration to the men in his platoon.
Sergeant August Paul Herchenratter: "D" Company:
Awarded The Distinguished Conduct Medal for his outstanding
display of initiative and courage during the battle. Sgt. Herchenratter was acting as a Platoon Commander in 'D' Company, the
right forward company, and throughout the advance into the
town and beyond he encouraged his platoon, by personal example leading them in the clearing of enemy dug-in positions, in
knocking out a number of enemy machine guns and finally, in
gaining the Platoon objective. Upon reaching this, he reorganized his platoon and set out to clear the Orchard in the Company
objective, in which there were a number of enemy machine gun
positions. Although his platoon amounted to little more than a
section by this time, he was successful in his effort. He then assisted the Company Commander in the reorganization and consolidation of the remainder of the company.