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Adams, N.J. (2002). Race and local governance : theoretical reflections and examination of two
case studies in the United Kingdom and South Africa: or #who said we weren't interested in justice,
equality, democracy and freedom?'; emancipation in the ushering dusk of Black politics as White
boys try to switch off the Enlightenment. (Unpublished Doctoral thesis, City University London)
City Research Online
Original citation: Adams, N.J. (2002). Race and local governance : theoretical reflections and
examination of two case studies in the United Kingdom and South Africa: or #who said we weren't
interested in justice, equality, democracy and freedom?'; emancipation in the ushering dusk of
Black politics as White boys try to switch off the Enlightenment. (Unpublished Doctoral thesis, City
University London)
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Race and Local Governance: Theoretical
Reflections and Examination of Two Case
Studies in the United Kingdom and South
Africa
or
"Who said we weren't interested in justice, equality,
democracy and freedom? ".
Emancipation in the
ushering dusk of Black politics as white boys try to
Enlightenment.
the
switch off
Research submission by Neville John Adams in fulfilment
City University, Department of Sociology in May 2002
for a Ph. D. to
Chapter 11
Race and Local Governance - the case of the `Target Borough'
Given the prospective organisation of the empirical data outlined earlier in
this chapter and the templateprovided by my brief overview of the initiation
development
initiatives
in
Lambeth, I want to try to
of
race
equality
and
information
the
systematise
on the target borough in terms of: an overview of
the borough, inclusive of the seventiesexperienceof race; an overview of
the developmentof race equality in what I have describedas the period of
the positive racialisation of local governance;and on the basesof these,an
interrogation of key episodes. This will seekto contextualise situate the
main facets of the social reality correlatessummarisedin Chapter 9.
11.1 Target Borough Overview
11.2 Demographically
The local authority was createdthrough the reorganisationof London local
drawing
Act,
1963
Government
by
Local
the
government sanctioned
together under one geographicaland political boundary that which had
being
independent
Despite
been
three
classified as
political units.
previously
being
included
in
its
borough',
that category,
London
to
`inner
claim
an
defined commonly according not only to geographybut also indices of social
deprivation, rests largely on its northern area. This on its eastand west
its
boroughs,
London
is
two
north side
on
and
sides co-terminus with other
in
dividing
line
this
The
the
Thames
area
of
south
the
recognised
river.
with
is a main arterial route which runs through four, including the target one,
boroughs. The rest of the authority is very much an admixture of owner
large
interspersed
post
with
occupied suburbsof varying wealth and status,
industry,
The
housing
mainly
concentration of
estates.
war council
is
the
is
in
light,
the
as
to
concentration of what could
area,
northern
medium
be termed high rise and heavy density council estates. As is common with
had
base
industrial
borough's
inner
local
the
London
authorities,
most
degree
experiencedover the sixties, seventiesand early eighties a significant
83
1
development
the
the
By
race equality
time
of
the
of
of shrinkage.
borough
in
the
largest,
thus
were
main employers,
and
programmes,the two
the National Health Service, in the shapeof a large, but local, hospital, and
has
been
there
local
itself.
In
terms of population,
a steady
the
authority
decreasefrom the figure of about 300,000 at the authority's formal inception,
to just under 250,000 at the time of the take off of the race equality
832 This is in line
London's
the
profile
of
overall
with
programmes.
by
However,
for
time
the
period.
as
experienced
same
population changes
in
increase
London
the
world
war
saw
a steady
authorities, post second
other
Black population, mainly Afro-Caribbean and Asian, including in the
aftermath of the Vietnameseconflict, a large Vietnamesecommunity. I
416
be
because
Black
`increase'
of
some
sort
a
presence
could actually traced
say
back to sixteenth century Elizabethan days when the riverside area in the
building
facilities.
both
boasted
By the early eighties
and
port
ship
north
the proportion of the population which could be classified as `Black' stood at
in
Its
borough
the
geographical
spread
exemplified the
eighteenpercent.
housing
both
in
in
borough
the
the
the
process
racialisation
of
and
negative
be
The
Black
to
as
a
whole.
main
concentrations
of
country
people were
found in the north of the borough, and in a small area in the middle. In the
large
the
presenceof Black people were due to number of inter-related
north
better
the
to
the
social
exclusionary processespreventing access
reasonsparts of the borough, including the council's housing processes;the related
main, restricted access,therefore, to run down, cheaperproperties; and, over
the years, the gradual and, on the part of the council, grudging accessto the
more decrepit, hard-to-let, housing stock in the north. In the middle this
concentrationwas influenced mainly by the availability of cheap,multiple
occupancy,private dwellings for rent.
11.3 Politically
Politically the borough had always been Labour; that is apart from the 1970
local government `blip' when many local authorities, traditionally Labour
by
in
1974
the
Power
lost
Conservatives.
to
the
regained
was
run,
control
Labour party in that set of local government elections. The profile of the
Labour Party in the target borough was slightly different to that of Lambeth,
showing then in the seventiesa greater emphasistowards middle class
the
due
In
of
to
the
much
this
of
nature
suburban
members.
part
was
borough, and unsurprisingly, in relation to electedmembers,there was a high
local
The
from
the
party
the north of
country.
proportion who originated
inner
in
being
immune,
from
however,
the changes
reflected other
was not
influx
in
local
Labour
Party
of university
city
constituencies,manifested an
backgrounds,
trade
union activist
educated,somewith community or
members. The result of the 1982 elections, therefore, showed a sizeable
number of elected memberswho could be, and often would themselves
however,
Lambeth,
this
Unlike
be,
`left
to
agreed
classified as
wing'.
Spanning
leadership.
this
large
the
group
to
control
group was not
enough
in terms of the subject areathey either positioned themselvesin, or were so
five
if
in
terms
their
were
a
group
convictions,
of
own political
of
placed, not
Black elected council members. It would be true to say, at this point, that
there was amongstthem a fragile unity brittly coheredthrough a general
belief in some form of race equality, but often undermined through being
`suckered' by the system,a term I'll explicate later on. There were
,
however, characteristicsof the Labour councillor group which were common
in
themselves
the allegiance of sub-groupsto
mainly
to most, manifesting
inter or intra-institutional networks and/or collectivities. The first, and
the
traditional
in
the
this case
pull
of
working
was
class,
most common,
417
defined
Labour
that
traditional
constituency
which
class,
white working
in
displays
by
itself
defying
loyalty,
the
of protection, rationale
expressed
certain Labour councillors towards the manual and craft unions in the
be
This
blockage
to
a
particular
communicative
was
restraining
council.
the introduction and developmentof the equality policies and changesin the
initiatives
be
the
to
which,
at
outset,
appeared
an anathemato those
council,
here
The
this appearedto be specific to the target
second,
and
unions.
borough, was the politically unhealthy overlap betweenthe grant funded
voluntary sector in the borough, a funded voluntary sector which by the late
seventiesand early eighties was predominantly white, and the Labour Party.
Many of the leading figures in the voluntary sector were also prominent in
the local Labour Party. This was not helped by an evolved practice in the
borough whereby it was expectedthat local councillors would also become
membersof the managing committees of council grant funded voluntary
organisations. This resulted in the existenceof grey areassurrounding
decision making, which should have been transparentlyaccountable,
especially in relation to those decisions affecting the awarding of grant
monies. There were, however, also decision making short circuits in areas
like the appointmentsto key positions in the council administration, and in
the selection of candidatesfor local elections. This fusion of the local
Labour party and the voluntary sector was referred to by one of the
in
development
in
the
sections
prominent officials
council's community
terms of the voluntary sector being the Labour Party out of hours, and, by
g33
fifth
Party's
local
Labour
being
the
estate.
the
another, as
voluntary sector
More details of this intertwining of the Labour party and local voluntary
frame
the
to
in
be
this
the
attempts
which
sector will
section after
provided
late seventiesand early eighties developmentof race in the borough. One of
the pivotal consequencesof this was that the Black voluntary sector was
badly under funded, not only in terms of financial resources,but also in
for
decision
it
had
terms of the communicative access
to the political
making
a in the borough. Compared,say, to Lambeth, its impact on the polity was
small, and often ignored. The Black communities' redemptive claims were
thus made for, and on behalf of community, sometimeswithout their
knowledge, through mediations of Black councillors, often claiming they
directly
has
electedthem, or to which
representeda constituency which
not
they are directly accountable,and through colonial institutions, like the local
This had the effect of rendering the Black communities invisible
CRC.
becausethe communicative processeswere not direct, but shuntedthrough
distorted
in
themselves,
their voices.
often
contingent accesspoints which,
This was not helped by the physical site of the borough's town hall,
decision
the
political
making chambersand core administrative
comprising
functions, in the middle, bordering on the south, part. Unlike Lambeth
literal
Black
be
there
presence
a
visible
of
was
people
which
could
where
hall,
hall
town
the
this
from
town
the
of
windows
appearedto seeand
seen
dormitories
the
to
and
council
suburban
white
of the southern area of
speak
418
itself
faced
building
The
borough.
the
southwards,towards the counties'
`verdant pastures'just over the horizon.
11.4 Administratively
Earlier I had describedthis particular authority's approachto the
implementation of the Radcliffe-Muade's proposals on local government,as
`inchoate'. Theseproposals envisageda more private sector oriented
managerialisationof local government as one of the main meansto ensure
that local government as `big business' becamemore efficient. By the
early eighties, the time of the introduction of formal race equality structures
in the council, the borough's political and administrative structuresand
processesrepresentedmore of an admixture of traditional, orthodox
administration with some of the proposalsgrafted on, mainly to the corporate
does,
I
Dearlove
is
in
that
the
tradition
explained
as
centre, where
sense
used
in the previous chapter. It was backed up by a view of structuresand
processeswhich saw the basic personnelbeing electedmembersand
have
did
because
enoughtime
not
officers, multiple committees,
members
to consider all matters of the council, and a policy processwhereby policy
initiatives stemmedfrom service departmentsand were ratified two-foldly
Overall
full
the
the
their
council.
via
respective service committees and
role of the local council was seennarrowly as that of administering a
try
in
to
had
been
the
and
Attempts
seventies
made
collection of services.
A
local
from
government.
this perception and operation of
move away
Chief Executive's Department, with responsibility for both overall
development
the
of appropriate corporate
managementof
council and
Executive
Chief
with a
In
the early eighties a new
processes,was created.
traditional
Overlaying
this
`modernise'
to
the
remit
council, was recruited.
local government structure, primarily at the senior managementlevel,
therefore, were the beginnings of a corporate structure, exemplified through
like
Team
Team,
Officers'
like
Chief
and processes
managerial structures,
a
Briefing sessionsfor different sectionsin the council. The extent,
however, to which this initial phaseof the explicit managerialisationof local
be
X,
borough
to
target
proved
government, actually permeatedthe whole of
limited,
very
as the unfurling of the subsequentrace equality programme was
disposition
demonstrate.
The
the
and
of
to
council
actual structure of
in
following
is
the
out
service and council committee responsibilities set
diagram.
419
Council
eetin
Target Borough Structures
420
The Chief Executive's Departmentwas very much the corporate, information
involving,
the
council,
as well, the employment
of
and policy centre
functions of the council through the PersonnelDivision. Within it, in
its
large
policy
responsibilities,
was
a
of
central policy unit. In terms
pursuit
it
fed,
via the relevant chief officers, of which,
of political accountability
from
highest
Chief
few,
Executive,
the
the
there
manager,
apart
were quite a
directly into the Policy and ResourcesCommittee, the PersonnelSubCommittee, the full Council Meeting, and various other working parties.
Included in the latter were, in the seventiesand early eighties, the Voluntary
Sector Joint Working party and the Race Relations Working Party, about
which more will be said later. The largest service departmentswere those
of Housing and Social Services. In practice a distinction was made
betweenwhat was regardedas `front-line' services, such as housing, and
those required to help the departmentsprovide those servicesbetter, which
were termed' support' services,e.g. Personnel. It is clear that the Chief
Executive's Departmentprovided both the key infra-structural support
servicesto the council, and, at the sametime, serviceswhich occupied an
`frontline'
financially
for
those
ambiguousrole
minded where
more rigidly
be
it
however,
Overall,
have
`support'.
can
would always
priority over
inter-locked
to
that
the
said
of
which
all
of
services
council provided a range
contribute to the welfare of its inhabitants, and thus contributed significantly
to the extent to which such inhabitants were able to becomeparticipative
is
than
have
I
This
`welfare',
wider
earlier,
citizens.
argued
as
notion of
that envisagedin welfare specific texts, which tend to concentrateon
financial benefits and the more discernible elementsof services,like social
holistically
looks
the
is
from
It
derived
at
services.
a perspectivewhich
impact of multiple services,including the mundane,such as refuse
collection, on people, especially where these servicesare refracted through
the prism of race. What this does is to both deconstructand thus
focuses
the
framework
into
that
on
those
contextualise
a political
services
it
because
local
posesquestions
core, substantiveprinciples of
governance
about how and why such servicesare provided. Part of this questioning,
becauseit relates to the quality of staff mediating those services,raises issues
about the nature of the formalised hierarchy underpinning the council
administrative system. This has evolved since the secondworld war
through a processof intellectual symbiosis with the example of the Civil
Service- and here regard must be given to the structure of the civil service
indebtedness
its
the
this
to
the
and
use
antecedents
of
colonial
and
framework in the negotiating processesover the years with the local
it
be
fairer
fact
In
to
trade
would
unions.
say that the structure
government
local
the
side
of
of
white
collar
government owes more to the
and conditions
The
craft and manual worker side of conditions and
civil service structure.
By
however,
the
early
the employee
separately.
eighties,
structure evolved
hierarchy could be representedas shown in appendix......
It representsthe
421
hierarchy associatedwith the traditional notion of bureaucracywith the apex
of chief officer gradually broadening out through principal officer, senior
officer, administrative officer and clerical officer. Underlying this was a
squashedhierarchy of craft and manual workers. The question now is how
and why `race' came to enter on to the agendaof this particular local
authority.
11.5 Race and the Colonial in the Target Borough
late
to
seventies
early eighties
Race has been ever present in the socio-, political culture of this country for
centuries, but makes itself explicit in the differentiating practices
experienced by Black people. The issues and contextualisations raised
earlier with regard to Lambeth apply equally, at the general level, to the
target borough. That is to say that the broad sweep of then contemporary
issues education, `sus', housing, extreme right wing activity etc. were
Two episodes in the late seventies
part of the fabric of race in the borough.
and early eighties exemplify this, and are also highlighted elements in the
The first relates to a decision by
annals of anti-racist history in the UK.
ILEA to hire out a local school hall to one of the extreme right wing parties.
This resulted in a well documented anti-racist counter demonstration and
eventual violent clash between the two sets of supporters. The second stems
from a fire at a house in the northern part of the borough resulting in the
deaths of a number of young Black people attending a party there at the time.
The strong suspicion in the Black community, against the official findings of
the police, was that this was the result of a right wing arson attack. One of
the immediate consequences was a march, the like of which had never been
seen before, involving thousands of Black people from not only other parts
of London, but other parts of the country as well, from the north of the
borough, through the city of London, and on to Hyde Park. This was a
visible protest against the violence of racism, as well as against the perceived
indifference shown by the then national government and institutions.
Looking at local government within the theoretical context of the state, and
situating that within the Habermassian notion of the state as a potential
has
the
to
and
question
resolver
reconciler of socio-integrative problems,
in
borough
this
where
all of this?
asked
particular
was
Target borough X was not immune in the seventiesfrom the range of
by
invisibility
Black
their
the
raised
communities about
vis-a-vis a
problems
involvement
in
local
the
of
governanceand about their
affairs
positive
it
differentiating
to
when
came
racially
practices. Key
extreme visibility
Housing
latter
Social
the
the
concerns
were
and
services, and the
amongst
important issue of the lack of apparentemployment of Black people by the
it
largest
the
two
one
since
was
of
employers in the
council, especially
borough. The council, however, like Lambeth was already involved in
422
described
been
has
as the managementof race through acting as
what
for
level
initiatives.
a
number
of
government
urban
steward and conduit
These, such as the urban programme and section 11, were, as I argue earlier,
both racialised, in so far as they stemmedfrom the racial fear of American
`riots',
and, at the sametime, marginalised and
race
style urban
into
Intertwined
foray
local
this
the
with
was
council's overt
marginalising.
funding
through
their
race
as
expressed
of
matters
part
of a local CRC, and
their use of this particular body throughout the seventiesand early eighties as
their main advisory and consultative resourceon issuesof race, including,
formal contact with the Black community. Again, as with Lambeth, the
Labour Party's explicit entry into `race' locally, was as much to do with the
good intentions of some, as with the more strategic considerations,given the
volatile context of race in the seventies,with that of political legitimation,
especially as throughout the late seventiesand early eighties the number of
Black Labour party membersin the local branch, grew. The CRC itself was
createdin 1968, like Lambeth's; and like Lambeth underwent the period of
transition through mainly white liberal involvement to, by the late seventies,
however,
involvement.
distinguished
Black
What
two,
the
was the
mainly
in
Whilst
from
CRO
the mid seventiesonwards.
calibre and nature of the
Lambeth this person was responsible for spearheadingthe creation of
Lambeth's internal race structuresas well as allowing the CRC to play a key
into
Black
disparate
for
facilitative
groups
co-ordinating and
garnishing
role
in
the
be
fairly
the
one
the
of
said
a
samecould not
cohesive consortium,
target borough. If anything the concern here, to judge from the comments
legacy
his
from
by
in
Black
attritional
provided
community and
others the
vis-a-vis the target borough's own Race Unit, once that was established,was
with consolidating the power and influence of his own position and
834
fell
that
within
The strategypursuedwas very much
which
organisation.
down
to
the
have
I
labelled
the
even
one,
what
orthodox race relations
One
be
CRO
insistence
that the assistant
should white.
apparenttactical
line of argumentationwas that this reflected their own formal political
however,
Locally,
Party.
Communist
British
allegiances,which was the
in
the
Black
the
organisations
of
amongstsome of
more critical members
target borough, they came to be known as `Ebony and Ivory', an eponymous
by
lyrical
dire
to
the
of
matters
race
on
collaboration
musical and
reference
Paul McCartney and Stevie Wonder which was in the pop charts at that
835
brokered
in
borough
The
the
the
seventies,
on
time.
relationship with
been
described
Leader
has
"enlightened"
the
then
the
of
approach
of
as
what
the Council, a description to which I shall return, was, on the part of the
CRC, a mixture public facadism and `behind-closed-doors' compromise.
That is to say that the CRC sometimesengagedin public condemnatory
failing
deliver
for
to
the
their
council
on
race equality
against
utterances
fairly
time
the
maintaining
same
at
whilst
a
cosy relationship
responsibilities,
This
in
basis.
day
late
day
the
to
especially
to
was
so
when
mid
on a
formalised
into
Working
Party
Race
this
was
a
relationship
on
seventies
423
Relations comprised of certain politicians and the CRC, and serviced by the
develop
broad
Unit.
Its
Policy
Central
to
remit
was
and
establish
council's
initiatives on race relations in the council and wider borough. Despite its
`working party' status,inferring a greater degreeof opennessthan with other
formal council committees,accessto the working party seemedto be tightly
limited
On
few
the
this
to
council
side
was
a
politicians and
controlled.
be
Black
forum
the
to
the
on
other
groups' entry
could only
officers, whilst
by,
CRC.
the
to,
the
via
gatekeeper
role
assigned
or
appropriated
achieved
The potential that existed for developing a wide ranging communicatively
discursive forum on race intra- and inter- the council power relationships
involving as many of the Black community as possible, seemsnot to have
beenpursued. Yet the working party served a `greater' totemic causefor
both the local CRC and council. It was cited in a 1982 CRE publication on
CRCs as a good example of what CRCs could do locally. 836 For the council
it enabledsomepoliticians and senior officers to not only hold it up publicly
as evidence of the good work on race relations being carried out by that
institution, but also use it as an alternative to ward off attemptsto createa
Lambeth style internal structure. Ouseleynotes that at the turn of the
seventies/eightiesdecadethis particular borough was extolling the positive
virtues of their sort of arrangementbecauseit meant, as they claimed, that
because
doubt
the
the
no
race was very much part of
corporate agenda;
from
that working party
actual pursuit of any race relations recommendations
had to be carried out by the Central Policy Unit. 837 The reality was some
what different. Over the sameperiod, 1978 to 1982, the achievementsof
this working party, when placed against that of Lambeth's internal race
structures,were minuscule. There were no council wide equality systems
Unit,
Policy
Central
Corporately
the
an all white section at
or processes.
the time, could only devote half a policy officer to the issue of race. Its
therein,
head
the
both
from
that
personnel
to
the
and
unit
approach race,
of
liberal,
the
orthodox race relations model.
was very much within
mould of a
To judge by the final report of the working party, the primary resourceof the
Act,
the
Relations
Race
be
1976
not
and
to
the
unit would appear
838
implementation
the
Two
to
of
Black
approaches
experiencesof
people.
The
by
then
legislation
emerging.
that piece of anti-discriminatory
were
first was for institutions to adopt a reactive stand,only ever responding when
look
The
to
discrimination
prosecondwas
were made.
complaints of
its
legislation
to
the
with the view pushing normative parameters
actively at
be
in
had
law.
knowing
to
tested
limit,
full
these
that
case
the
still
to
well
That unit's approachcould be seento fall somewherein between. A
by
this
model,
confirmed
relations
race
one of
strand
of
nascent,emerging
CRC,
the
was that of promoting what Phillips has
the constituent activists of
839
is
That
to say the race equality
termed the politics of presence.
benchmark, if you like, was to be establishedin the proportionality of Black
institutions
local
the
It
in
of
within
governance.
active
was
people and
that
time
that
from
more substantivequestionsabout
at
the
activist
clear
424
democratisation
inclusive
and the associatedchangesto the
racially
institutions of local governance,were not part of the considerationsin any
shapeor form. Race equality resources,in the shapeof specific posts,
in
limited
to
two
advisers,
one each the Housing and Social Services
were
departments,and a smattering of section 11 funded service specific posts
scatteredmainly throughout the Social Servicesand Housing Departments.
These,in any case,owed more to departmentalspecific initiatives, rather
than that of the working party. The marginality of theseposts can be
by
gauged examining the job descriptions, institutional configuration and
functioning of the two adviser posts. The content of both job descriptions
shows that there was an expectationthat the relevant post holders would be
providing advice on "ethnic matters and communities" to the respective
Departments,but with no guaranteethat such advice would be listened to, or
840
implemented.
The main remit of the posts was a concentration on
even
service issues. The posts thus reported to the secondtier of senior
management,in this caseAssistant Directors, with no automatic accessto the
departmentalsenior managementteam. Advice to those quarterswas
dependentupon the conduit of that particular assistantDirector. Any
reports written by the advisershad to be cleared first by that sameperson,
including those destinedto the service committees,or even the Race
Relations Working Party. There was, in fact, a tight managerial control
exerted over the working and output of the advisers. It is no surprise then
to find that in both cases an inordinate amount of time was spent on one off
projects which had a tangential effect on the workings of that department,
e.g. the production of a booklet on anti-racist practice for under-5 services.
Further the posts were excluded from formal participation in key systemic
processes and procedures in the council, such as those pertaining to the
This latter occlusion has to be contrasted
employment responsibilities.
with the desire expressed by the working party, and exemplified by the
council in its description of itself as an equal opportunities employer, for
more Black people to be employed by the council. In actuality the life time
level
in
increase
the
the
had
of
of
working party
not seen any significant
Black people employed by the council, nor, not surprisingly, had there been
the development of any equality based employment systems and procedures,
for example monitoring. The list could go on.
It is more germaneto return to the argumentraised in relation to Lambeth's
CRC structuresand council relationships that these could be describedas
`colonial'. If that is the casewith what was in Lambeth an informal
is
it
in
borough
this
target
the
even
more
case
with what, to
relationship,
judge also by the participatory activities and results, was a formalised
issues
The
of race and racism was quite adeptly managedby
arrangement.
the two larger parties to this arrangementwithin the orthodoxies of a race
the
benefits,
within
unspoken
mutual
and
strategic
model
such as
relations
describe
I
from
what
would
as maintaining a relationship of
status,accruing
425
force in the structuresof communication. The only recognisable
discursive communicative spacefor Black people was possibly the Working
Party. There was no guaranteeof a discursivejourney for the claims
for
by
Black
people
which
allowed
equal consideration of those
raised
de
Thus,
in
discursive
In
cases
claims
ended
a
cul
sac.
most
raised
claims.
for example, with the inception of the new race equality structures,the race
Unit
discriminatory
soon
picked
up
on
a
number
of
race
complaints
equality
from the few Black employeesin the organisation which had becomemired
hope
break
The
any
of
resolution.
up of this arrangementowed
without
itself to a developmentand alignment of forces involving certain councillors,
Black community organisationsand activists, and the examplesbeing set by
other boroughs, such as Lambeth. Before detailing those, it would be
appositeto illustrate the actual limited impact of the working party and the
consciously employed boundariesof envisagedchangeemployed by some of
those on the working party. In the early stagesof the commencementof the
fairly
initiated
by
the
then
new
post working party race equality programme
Race Equality Unit and Race Relations Committee, a strongly argued debate
was taking place at one of the committeesbetweenmembersand Race
Advisers over a race related employment change,which in some other
boroughs was fairly standard. One of the membersconcernedwas the
previous Leader who has been credited with starting the working party and
During
toilet
`enlightened'.
been
I
had
a
who, as pointed out earlier,
called
break with other membershe was overheardto say somethingwhich
had
the
borderlines
Labour
on
placed
the
encapsulated
members
many
it,
The
changepossibilities in relation to race.
person who overheard and
Zambian
Black
by
political
the
a
who was not seen
member concerned,was
Unit'
Support
`Members'
as an
in
the
refugee who worked a section called
but
information,
background
by
administrative officer. He,
way of more
by
that
lack
achieved
tangential
the
also as a
of real change
comment on
large
for
the
had
in
Zambia
mining concerns
of
one
working party,
worked
in charge of their personnel functions. He found that this experiencewas
find
his
to
by
borough
that
attempts
and
not recognised the target
professional level work in their personnel sectionswere unsuccessful.
Speakingto the Head of the Race Unit, and principal researcherfor this
had
he
that
that
member
particular
piece of work, after the meeting related
Advisers)
Race
do
(a
know
"I'm
the
to
are
they
not
reference
why
said:
far
is
hard.
to
they
In
this
are
this
going
as
this
as
so
council
pushing
841
,
get.
The decision to establish in-house equality structures in the target borough
1982
local
the
in
the
with
early eighties, overlapping
government
occurred
from
By
in
the
this
time
pressure
examples
set
other
election cycle.
boroughs, including direct neighbouring oneswas building. There was, as
GLC
level
1982
the
the
structures
at
of
similar
the
after
establishment
well
GLC elections. In many of the London Labour controlled boroughs the
426
being
internal
develop
changes
to
equality
was
and establish
move
implemented. At that time the London level Labour Party's co-ordinating
directly
left
sympathetically
wing and
mechanismwas predominantly
local
level.
Within
target
the
the
these
at
sorts
of
changes
of
supportive
borough itself there was a loose alliance of councillors who wished to see
both women's and race equality structurescreatedin the council. The
included
latter
for
the
most of the nascentgroup of Black councillors
support
including
later
become
first
Chair
Labour
to
the
the
group,
of
one
who,
on
the Race relations Committee, already worked in a north London council as a
Principal Race Relations Adviser. He had also gained a regional and
national profile through other race related activities which involved, as well,
attempting to gain a Labour candidacy for national elections, not something
open to many Black people at that time. All of these addedto the
influential statusof the person concerned,as well as imbuing him with a
realpolitik appreciation of what could be done; not necessarilya `virtue' the
principal researcher,as his lead officer, in another role, agreedwith. His
`realpolitik' shibboleth type responselater on to blockages in the institution
which, in the view of the Race Advisers could be overcome,was that
"politics was the art of the possible." Neverthelessit is clear that he, as the
prime mover for the establishmentof internal race structures,used regional
in
Party
local
Labour
help
increase
order that
the
to
the pressureon
networks
this might be achieved. Within the council the incestuousnetwork of
Labour Party membersand/or councillors securing key policy type posts in
other Labour councils, where it is clear that their political affiliations were
ironically
jobs,
for
those
primary contributing sub-, yet unspoken,criteria
few
influential
An
helped
of
these
the
structures.
also
of
secure
creation
including
Department,
Executives
Chief
the senior managementwithin the
one who was an actual councillor in the local authority where the
Adviser,
Race
Principal
were
Black
aforementioned
councillor was a
the
Party
Working
and
the
the
arrangement
arriving at
conclusion that
itself,
in
local
was
CRC
operation of the
within that arrangement, and
damaging to the further positive development of race relations in the
borough. In fact this person, and his post, would turn out to be the manager
for the central equality sections,and, as emergedin the course of this
there
that
were many
there
a
perception
was
organisational management,
in
CV.
kudos
including
be
from
these
to
one's
areas
earned
career
However, this critical view of the CRC was bolstered by the antipathy of a
individuals,
borough
in
the
Black
and
organisations
growing number of
including council employees,towards what was seenincreasingly as an
domination
by
the
and
on
matter
of
race
of
pre-eminence
position
unjustified
local CRC. In this the views of many in the Black community were similar
Lambeth
CRC
by
its
local
the
late
of
perception
community.
to the
seventies
further.
There was a growing
borough
this
In the target
actually went
Black
the
part
of
on
many
activists and smaller
anger and critical awareness
Black organisationsin the borough in the early part of the eighties, especially
427
intended
its
known
it
became
to
that
the
council
create
own race
when
debilitating,
at
what
was
viewed
as
a
excluding
equality structures,
domination of the relationship betweenthe council and the supposedBlack
local
fear
internal
by
CRC.
The
the
that
these
structures
was
community
influence
body.
internal
Already
the
that
the
under
of
come
would also
for
11
the
they
and
requisites
proposed
posts,
since
were
section
processes
funded, had gone through a consultative exerciseinvolving mainly the CRC.
The CRC had by now, in trying to copy the Lambeth experience,fronted and
facilitated the creation of an umbrella structure for some Black groups.
Called a "Federation of Ethnic Minority Groups", the actual title was larger
than its membership. Whilst this Lambeth solidaristic experienceamongst
diverse Black groups reflected an attempt to forge a political alliance in
which the individual claims to `ethnic' authenticity could not displace the
overall aims of the umbrella organisation, the attemptsat federatedethnic
politics by the local CRC in the target borough appearedto actually celebrate
the claims to mutually separateethnic group identities. Underpinning this,
as will be shown later, was a view from the CRC that the needsof the AfroCaribbeancommunity in that borough were mainly expressedthrough their
cultural backgrounds,traceableall the way back to the different Caribbean
islands and countries. To that extent only a person of Afro-Caribbean origin
would be a genuine appointment to the council's proposedpost of Principal
Race Relations Adviser. Apropos this the appointment of first head of the
African,
South
be
Black
happened
Race
Equality
Unit,
to
council's
a
who
later
African",
South
"white
a rumour
was post scriptively posted as a
successfullytracked back to the local CRC. In someways thesemoves can
be viewed as that of the CRC trying to anticipate the disengagementof the
local council from its purview of influence by establishing its radical
defront
like
credentialsthrough tactics
organisation, or
setting up a
From anotherrelated
'nigrating' and de-'colourizing' its perceived rivals.
both
that
perspectivethis anticipation probably acknowledged,as well,
becauseof the likely race equality programme, and becauseof the council's
for
be
consultative
there
that
a need
would
urban programme requirements,
initiatives involving the Black community. In direct opposition to these
Black
Black
therefore,
young
mainly
moves,
other
groups, and activists,
form
in
borough,
to
in
together
the
the
an
came
voluntary sector
workers
its
first
including,
Forum,
People's
Black
the
as
organisation called
be
it
BPF,
Kobena
The
to
Mercer.
abbreviatedto,
as came
secretary,one,
had an inaugural conferencein 1983 at the Town Hall to which leading
leader'.
invited,
`enlightened
Their
demands
including
the
were
councillors
from
that
meeting were simple - an end to the
arising
recommendations
and
limited, nepotistic relationship with the CRC, and a recognition that they
842
Black
It
the
community.
the
of
was at one and the same
voice
new
were
time a critique of the amoebic, grey relationship betweenthe local Labour
had
form
to
the
sector
which
given
rise
voluntary
a
of patronage
party and
favouring the larger white voluntary organisationsin the borough. For
428
in
the
there
time
the
organisation
an
umbrella
voluntary
was
at
example,
borough, funded in the main by the council, which played a resourceand coin
informally
known
"Labour
Party
It
the
the
as
was
role..
ordinating
843 The formal relationship with the council was brokered
voluntary sector".
development
in
itself,
Committee,
Sector
Voluntary
the
which
oversaw
via a
funding
development
the
grant
and
voluntary
sector
activities
council's
of
In the early eighties part of the changesaccompanyingthe introduction of
for
structures
a
new post with senior responsibility
community
new equality
affairs was also created. The expectation,then, from those in the `know',
was that this was going to go to the person running the umbrella
in
organisation,who was also a relationship with a Labour councillor.
However, the appointment had to go to an external Black candidatewho, on
the day, according to both councillors and officers on the appointment's
in
head
The
then
panel, was outstanding.
of community affairs, a section
the Chief Executive's Departmentwhich covered the voluntary sector,
in
did
that
the
commentated
councillors concerned the appointment
not only
in
Black
have
had
"never
but
a
that
they
person
seena
not
also
any choice,
for
importance
the
it
level
"844
At
to
the
senior position.
attests
another
public sphereof the relationship between civil society, and the organisations
therein. At this local level it is clear that the public spherewas skewedly
Black
detriment
the
Labour
Party
the
of
to
conflated with the
exclusionary
the
issue
the
is,
There
of
nature
about
community.
as well, a subordinate
has
the
funding
this
the
on
affect
conditions attachedto stategrant
and
balancebetween systemand lifeworld in civil society organisations.
However, it is clear, that the emergenceof different voices through differing
the
of
discourses
egression
time,
only
this
not
race equality
confirms
also
at
to
issuances
tied
in
are
but
subalternpublic spheres,
also the way which such
the politics of mal-recognition. As I shall show the appointment of not only
a Black senior person in community affairs, but also one who was prepared
to push on race equality, createda discursive spacefor Black organisations
in the blurry boundariesbetweenthe local governancepolitical institution
between
the
local
white
it
As
the
relationship
was,
and
public spheres.
to
the
pointed
though
exclusionary,
voluntary sector and the council, even
local
between
inter-face
discursive
for
future
the
potential
possibilities about
local
public spheresand the political and administrative systemsof
lights
BPF
leading
the
At
later
the
of
was
a
conferenceone of
governance.
bourgeoisie"
lived
"Black
CRC
its
the
who
to
the
off
to refer
and satellites as
845
demands
to
these
The
Black
was a
the
politicians response
community.
BPF
be
in
the
far
that
the
they
would
one
of
promised
so
as
accession
partial
fold,
but
brought
into
the
the
not
only one.
consultative
umbrella groups
from
interview
be
from
CRC
the
an
The reaction
can gleaned
with one of the
in
their
committee,
and
someone
active
management
one of
then membersof
Their
Federation's
view was that thesepeople were
constituent groups.
the
for
had
been
involved
did
those
respect
enough
show
who
not
upstartswho
in the borough for a longer time. Further they also held the suspicion that
429
the BPF had been encouragedby the Black councillor mentioned earlier
846
Whether or not that was true, this
becauseof his own careeraspirations.
dominance
CRC
fracturing
the
the
vis-a-vis the council on
of
of
actual
helped
for
internal
the
the
pave
way
creation
of
of
race,
race
matters
in
structures the council.
In a sensethen the coalition of forces giving rise to the creation of the race
in
borough
the
target
are similar to those in Lambeth in the late
structures
difference
is
The
that the configuration of key influences
major
seventies.
within that coalition differs. It is thus both right and wrong when Ouseley
notes that acrossthe key London Labour boroughs in south London the
847
had
histories.
What they had
creation of race relations structures
specific
were similar confluencesof major influences as local governancepolitical
institutions reactedto the acknowledgementof race as an explicit social
justice issue within the domain of their responsibilities, but differing
configurations of those influences rendering a patina of specificities. In
this particular casethe fractured appearanceof the forces - it appearsalmost
by chancethat the decision to establishrace equality structuresslipped
through - seemsto illustrate further my argument about the colonial nature
by
the
decolonising
the
released
of staterace structuresand about
potential
One
domain.
democratic
local
into
initiatives
the
move of race equality
lifeworld
further
Habermas'
of
can argue
notion
about my racialisation of
colonisation and the linkage, thus, between de-colonisation and post
forces
the
doing,
by
specific
conventionalisation, and, so
attempt to read off
ranged for and againstthe achievementof that. In pursuit, then, of my
earlier argumentsin this chapter about deriving social reality correlates
through referenceto evidence of technical learning for domination, one can
derive, to borrow a term very much in vogue in current local governance
highlighting
discursiveness
through
benchmark
indices
managerialising,
of
the extent to which Black people and race were still marginalised in that
borough at that time. Within wider concernsabout democracyand
difference and my argumentsabout the `colonial', this can be situated within
Phillips' notion of the `politics of presence' which is basedon the notion that
the liberal capitalist order can be "reformed from within to better
"the
difference"
through
presenceof membersof
ensuring
accommodate
disadvantagedgroups in the institutions of liberal democracy."848 Such an
Black
have
the
to
proportion
of
measure
schema
would not only
analytical
institutions,
in
but
the
the
processeswhich prevent or enable
also
people
limits
behind
be
Because
the
thinking
the
to
this
of
their access
achieved.
do
in
"radical
difference,
Dryzek's
terms,
not
countenance
a
notion of
it
liberal
the
the
to
attunes
with
order",
capitalist
overall aims of
resistance
bases
On
it
these
then
liberal
model.
relations
possible to
the
race
key
in
borough
in
to
the
the
the
state
pointers
of
empirical
race
summarise
few
Black
in
form
late
the
a
early
eighties:
and
representatives
the
seventies
Black
themselves
Black
of
whom
saw
all
not
as
representing
councillors,
of
430
local
to
sphere
society
and
public
exclusively
skewed
civil
a
communities;
justice;
Party's
Labour
view
of
social
a marginalised
pursue a white
Working
Relations
Party, with a marginalised constituent
Race
the
structure,
development
the
to
of ameliorative measuresagainst
oversee
membership
infra-structure
limited
discrimination;
to
a
still-born
race
relations
with
race
features;
for
few
Black
discursive
employees
redemptive
with
no
avenue
no
justice
dominant
claims;
a
racial
white approachto serviceswith a
resolving
few race specific projects grafted on to some services;more, importantly, a
local governancestructure in which, what I have termed `the discursive
journey', for Black people often end in a cul de sac.
I would situate, therefore, the attemptsto open up and/or reconfigure the
communicative forces in local governanceso that Black people can, on an
basis,
discursively
equal
redeemtheir claims, indicated by the initiatives of
groups, like the BPF, within the argumentativerealm of social learning
becauseit brings into the area of contestationthat of the conditions for
deliberative democracyin a multi-racial society. On the other hand, with
referenceto what I have describedas the shadowing technical learning
processesof domination, thrown into sharp relief by race, one can point to
the strategiesof communicative closure exemplified by the tactics of race
management,e.g., pre-emptively boundarying the potential for change,status
prioritisation, and the non-redemptible rhetoric of ethnic group needs,all
used a meansof maintaining the statusquo, a situation I describeas the
`colonial'. Outlining the argumentativecontext like this points to the fact
that the new race equality structuresinherited a situation riven by differing
discourses- an issue I enlargeupon in the following section - bearing in
`diskourse'
"constraining"
between
distinction
and
the
mind my previous
"enabling" `discourse', each of which exerted a differing, sometimes
contradictory, pull on the issue of race. The result very often, and was
lacuna
facto
de
borough,
that
policy
a
certainly the casewith the target
was
in
existed which the intent and direction of the new race structureswere
both
tentatively sculpted out of the orthodox race relations model reflecting
weakly the aspirations of those wanting real change,and, more strongly,
those desiring a greater degreeof race management. However, as Ouseley
has identified, very often the driving force behind the race equality
be
Black
the
in
to
local
the
were
programmes
government context
including
those
the
structures,
very samerace
occupantsof
community, and
What
be
level
they
can
existed.
said prethe councillor
structures,where
is
intention
the
the
that
the
to,
of,
operation
emphasis
of
and
new
emptively
head
incoming
based
the
the
the
then
of
corporately
part
of
on
structures,
in
favouring
be
Unit,
the expansion of the
to
Equality
Race
very much
was
issues
that
the
cardinal
so
representation
of race and
political area of
deliberation entered,not only the realm traditionally held to encompassthe
be
held
to
but
the
necessaryexpandedrealm of the
also
political,
administration and political systems.
431
11.6 Overview of Race Equality Structures, Processes and Initiatives
Throughout the eighties and into the nineties, evaluation of what I have
termed the positive racialisation of local governancehas seldom, if ever,
liberal
democracy
to,
the
posed
alternatives
of
model
questioned,or
institutions
in
the
which such programmeswere undertaken;even
underlying
from those who nodded in the direction of a transformative politics. In
implicit
in
the
those evaluative assessments
normative
model
other words
but
level,
looked
local
liberal
democracy
to
the
never
extend
and critiques
at
transform it. By the time of the near inception of the race programmesin
the target borough, 1983, Ouseley could write about race and local
did
in
but
form
that
terms
that
to
not
one
governance
alluded a
of socialism,
involve the radical transformation of the political and administrative
institutions of local government.849 This particular contribution to a
for
local
collection of paperson
socialism, embraceda generalyearning
in
interventions
like
the
but,
level
other
radical changeat this
of governance,
left
Lambeth's
local
illustrated
to
arenaof
with reference
socialism, and as
fine
than
to
wing councillors, proffered solutions which amounted no more
tuning the organisation. There is, with referenceto Ouseley, for example,
these
that
local
concludes
which
an analysis of
governmentpower structures
if
The
in
solution, one reads
are the control of the white middle classes.
the next sectionson what local authorities should be doing with regard to
displace
but
the
is
to
deconstruct
to
those power relationships,
race, not
holders.
black
them
post
with
white middle class occupantsand replace
Little wonder then that his analysis of the functioning of the race advisers,
local
in
innovatory
orthodox
though acknowledgedgenerally as relatively
governmentterms, in relation to contingent Black collectivities, such as
Black workers groups, is structured in terms of psychological support to
bracketing
the
isolation.
to
What
then
of
out
their
a
minimise
amounts
administrative system from radical critique and radical alternatives, as
institutions
`colour'
the
to
as a solution,
wash of
opposed a representative
in
the
into
later
then
five
the
of
wake
growing
comes
play again
years
beginning of the dismantling of race structuresin some London boroughs.
At a conferencefor race workers called to discussthat issue, Ouseley, later
for
blames
in
letter
to
race advisers
an act
a national newspaper,
confirmed a
85°
In
because
felo-de-se
in
his
too
they,
confrontational.
a
view, are
of
in
from
look
local
the
eighties
an early
governance
at race and
retrospective
blame
Fitzgerald,
Solomos
the
separately
also
and
perspective,
nineties
in
local
from
government mainly on national
equality
race
retreat
have
key
local
initiatives
centralised
effectively
many
which
government
decisions affecting key service areasof responsibilities, like those contained
851
They arejoined in this assessment,by others,
in the then CCT legislation.
like Young, who goes on to implicitly criticise the "simple concept of an
identity of interest among all ethnic minority citizens, attributing to them a
432
sharedblack experienceregardlessof their actual communal, religious or
852 For him the
political affiliations".
politics of race in the nineties are less
to do with programmesand more to do with language,conceptsand
individual identity formation processes. Again, as with Ouseley,there is a
reluctanceto engagewith thinking that attemptsto go beyond the taken for
granted boundariesof the polity and its institutions, in this caseliberal
democracy. These analysesof eighties equality initiatives at the local
level,
though they on the whole tend to offer a positive
governance
valorisation of those endeavoursand a general conclusion that race will
continue to play a part in this sphereof governance,provide only partial
reasonsfor their attenuation and downgrading. Theserevolve around
different dimensions of local government being `victimed' becauseof others'
actions. Thus it is arguedthat either local government was effectively
mugged by national government, or, as in the tendentiousargumentsof
Ouseley, local government was mugged by `stroppy' race advisers, or, as
Solomos and Fizgerald contend, local governmentwas mugged by the
Labour party's legitimation concernswith increasing the white vote. These,
even if they are valid separatelyor inter-relatedly, are what I have termed
secondaryorder ones. None of the commentatorsmentioned raise primary
level issuesto do with the substantivenature of modem capitalist society's
institutions at the level of local governance. In so doing they unwittingly
contribute to the ongoing marginalisation of race both generally and at the
level of local governance,becauserace, in the logic of their argument,
transcendsthe local context only in relation to strategic fine tuning of
institutions contextualisedwithin a specific time period. It succoursthe
in
theoretically
expressed
wanting argument
empirically challengedand
853
This premature
`end
terms of the
of municipal anti-racism'.
tendentiousnessreflects what appearsto be a conflationary, unholy alliance
between supposeduniversalists, like Gilroy, the neo-conservativetechnicists
inspired
Bauman
Labour,
the
post modernist
of modernising new
and
dry
freeze
have
Silverman854,
to
tried
eighties
speculationsof
all of whom
fixated
located
temporally
on outdated
anti-racism as a
epiphenomenon
Ouseley,
looks
if
best,
At
the
of
then,
examples
at
one
meta-narratives.
Solomos, Fitzgerald and Young, there is a tentative nod in the direction of
in
liberal
deliberative
has
Dryzek
the
opportunities
analysedas
what
institutions, particularly with regard to any general recommendationscalling
for more Black involvement in the consultative processesof local
liberal
But,
Dryzek
those
who
uphold
government.
correctly argues,
as
democracy,even by default, as the above commentatorsappearto do and
give it a facadeof deliberation, fail to appreciatethe extent to which
deliberation is undermined by material forces, discoursesand their interIn fact this should, in my opinion, be read rather as the forces
twining.
inequality,
discursive
where the latter would include
structuring material and
defined
`diskourse'.
have
I
as
what
433
I want to, therefore, provide the over view to the race equality initiatives in
the target borough with particular referenceto a discourseof discursive
democracywhich was either the active template for certain initiatives, or the
normative template for others. It can be said that, as a general
philosophical and political resource,Habermas,and the trailing pantheonof
the Frankfurt School, were brought into the borough by the primary
researcheroperating then in the role of first head of the Race Equality Unit
in the council.
That particular philosophical context had been the
referenceback ground, since the early seventies,to researchdone on under
developmentin Africa, and to practical policy interventions in the areaof
race and local government elsewhere. At that point, the early eighties, the
Habermassianframework, an implicit rather than explicit context, was
expressedin the general belief that greater substantivedemocracy,where the
latter was taken to mean a communicative action basedmore participatory
process,was an integral part of achieving the race equality changes
envisaged. Cross referencedwith race, this critical theoretical approach
was explicitly summarisedfrom the outset in terms of the overall aim of the
race equality programmeswithin that sphereof local governanceas being
that of ensuring that the Black communities had a determining and, where
appropriate, determinant say over resourceswhich had a material effect on
the quality of their everyday lives. This was underpinnedby the rhetorical
and symbolic use of two operational principles: that the solutions to racism
local
to
the
substantive
government changes
were often
cutting edgepointers
if
local
for
that
the
counter-pointedly,
necessary
wider community, and,
governmentwas not meeting the needsof the most oppressedsector of the
local communities, i. e. the Black communities, then it is likely it was not
be
It
the
the
the
must
communities.
rest of
meeting properly
needsof
he
is,
Habermas
that
stressed
was, and not used, something rigorously warns
his
blue-print.
Rather
theoretical
work was used as
against, as some sort of
a general reference context for exploring and pursuing real-world policy
interventions within the arenaof local governanceaimed at securing the
Unlike
involvement
Black
therein.
other race
people
substantive
of
to
in
boroughs,
the
in
this
there
attempt
one,
was,
equality programmes other
link macro-level concernswith meta-theoreticalthinking on democracyin
the local polity. This goes beyond, but doesnot erase,Mason and Jewson's
in
different
between
differentiation
authorities
equality policies
mid eighties
former
liberal
basis
the
they
the
referring
or
radical,
are
of whether or not
on
to a liberal, individualist emphasisof fairness,the latter to a collectivist
855 With the benefit of current work
emphasisof equality of outcome.
being undertakento use Habermas' theoretical insights in everydaypractice,
for example the work of Forester and Bohman in the States,both of whom,
in differing administrative institutional contexts, explore what it meansfor
deliberative
in
bureaucracies
more
order to redeemvalidity
making public
it
be
claims, can said that those sorts of concernsunderpinned the Race
Equality Unit's evolving discourseon the necessaryrace equality
434
856 The term `these
programmes.
sorts of concerns' can be given a firmer
meta-theoreticalgrounding by referring to McCarthy's introduction to
Habermas' "The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity" becauseit captures
succinctly the thinking behind the general intent of the programmes,even if,
at the time, they were not, or could not, be expressedin those precise
857
This is not the fanciful theoretical speculation afforded by the
terms.
luxury of retrospection. A few years prior to that, in the very early eighties,
as an example of the way in which grand theories, even those which deny
their own `grande' narrative framework, enter into, and affect everyday
institutional practice, the primary researcher,then working in Lambeth on a
researchproject on Black Children in Care, and also heavily involved in
developing a trade union basedBlack Workers Group, was engagedin a
heateddiscussionwith another researcher. Both the latter areasof work
mentioned assumed,implicitly or explicitly, an `ought' contained in the
immanenceof practice and underlying norms. The other researcher,
relatively fresh from a Foucauldian emphasisedpost graduatecourse at
Essexuniversity put forward the argumentthat this was a nonsensesince, to
This approachwas carried over into his
use his words, `therejust is".
work which presenteditself as standardempiricism, and into his political
choiceswhich saw, therefore, the Labour party as the only viable alternative.
One can see,hence,why this form of `presentism', what I have termed
`WYSIWYG', and `cryptonormativism' can be described,as Habermasdoes,
as young conservatism. This illustratory slight digression with its two
examplesof the counter-discourseof modernity in practice servesto return
to McCarthy's introduction, in which he correctly sketchesout the main
points of Habermas' counter discourse. He usesthe metaphor of
`crossroads'which I want to appropriate later becauseit capturesas well the
choices facing local government in the eighties in relation to the substantive
inclusion of Black people. The `essential' basis of Habermas' counter
discourseis, unlike the `posties', that the Enlightenment is characterisedby
too little reason. That is there is an "ambiguity of rationalisation processes
that has to be captured,the undeniable achievementsas well as the palpable
distortions..(which)... calls for a reconstructeddialectic of enlightenment
it.
"858
This
than
totalised
approachtherefore signposts
of
rather
a
critique
two related crossroadscontaining paths openedbut not pursued. The first is
"the construal of reasonin terms of non-coercive inter-subjectivity of mutual
859The secondis that
understandingand reciprocal recognition".
"philosophy must becomepractical, that its rational content has to be
is
in
(in
social
reason
viewed as social
mobilised practice....
which)....
interaction.. (and).. the potential of reasonhas to be realised in the
.
.
860 In opposition, then, to the
life.
,
communicative practice of everyday
`posties' wish to eliminate the subject, Habermasproposesa decentred
in
inter-action
by
language", where
immersed
"social
mediated
subject
languageuse is "oriented to validity claims" which "can in the end be
inter-subjective
through
recognition brought about by the
redeemedonly
435
"861
force
Such validity claims are, at one and the same
of reason.
unforced
time, both `immanent' and `transcendent'because"they transcendany local
context; at the sametime they have to be raised here and now and be de facto
recognised....(so that).... the transcendentmoment of universal validity
bursts every provinciality asunder;the obligatory moment of accepted
validity claims rendersthem carriers of a context bound everyday
practice.. .a moment of unconditionality is built into factual processesof
mutual understanding- the validity laid claim to is distinguished from the
social currency of a de facto establishedpractice and yet servesit as the
foundation of an existing consensus." 862
I want to claim, therefore, and illustrate through the outline of the race
equality initiatives in the target borough, that theseprogrammesattemptedto
createthe communicative conditions under which Black people could make
validity claims for racial justice within the arenaof local governance.
Theseprogrammessought to remove, or attenuate,certain forces in the
structure of communication so that Black people, could on an equal basis,
engagein the social inter-action of "mutual understandingand reciprocal
recognition", and, in so doing help realise the "potential for reasonin
everyday communicative practice"; in this case`reason' being the
unconstrainedconsensusformation on the issue at hand. For Habermas
languagehas inherent three universal validity components:those that attest
to truth, normativity and truthfulness. Only the first two can be discursively
redeemed. The third relates to the genuinenessof the `speaker', which, in
my opinion, I want to re-classify as the authenticity or not of the speaker.
The structure and processof racism is such that for Black people claims for
discourse.
inherent
logic
by
justice
frequently
that
the
of
racial
undercut
are
In other words, if you are not human, how can you be authentic. One of the
key aims of the programmes,then, was to try to ground the authenticity of
the Black experienceas a given so that the other componentsof the claims
introducing
the
be
For
training
race
on
courses
could redeemed.
example,
programmesto staff were prefaced with giving notice that the reality of
in
battles
include
Other
the
for
discussion.
and
examples
racism was not up
in
that
harassment
the
procedure
complaints
around
establishmentof a racial
be
to
in
the
complainant was
particular council which the genuinenessof
taken as given. It is only now that this principle, which I regard as crucial
to communicative claims' redemption, has been given a degreeof `universal'
Report.
Macpherson
Too
the
through
the
of
acceptance
recommendations
for
justice,
Black
the
truthfulness
claims
racial
making
people
as we
of
often
shall show in the caseof the above mentioned complaints procedure, are
destabilisedthrough the implicit, or even explicit, racist assumptions,such as
those that structure race explicit claims as being symptomatic of the `chipin
is
It
worse,
as
an
syndrome,
or
exercise
maliciousness.
on-the-shoulder'
this sort of force in the structure of communication which needsto be
addressed,for if one of the three universal validity components,that which
436
from
it
because
be
discursively
be
the
outset
accepted
cannot
redeemed,
must
is de facto continually denied to one of the participants, no genuine
discourse
can take place.
communicative
11.7 Contextualising the Race Equality Discourse
Cross referencing the practice basedconcretenessof theserace equality
initiatives with the overall project of Habermasreleasesthe concernsI have
deal
to
attempted
with in Chapter...under what I have termed the
racialisation of Habermas' theory, i. e. the democracy of difference without
difference.
The micro-concerns of the pursuit of this race equality
erasing
programme illustrate, providing inclinations of, the necessarydevelopments
in Habermas' theory if it is to deal with the issuesof difference and reason
raised by Young, and co-opted by a commentating Foucauldian as a
genealogy,are to be dealt with. Of coursethere were other discourses,not
only of race and race equality and local governance,but also of those
wishing to control or do away with any notions of race equality which might
have been critically substantive. The attritional spacesopenedup by the
intersection of theseoften releasethe social reality correlatesI outlined
earlier in this chapter, often in the form of counter-factual statementsor
arguments. Discoursesdo not, in this piece of work, enmeshand mug
left
from
behind
they
that
are
with a minor emancipatory
participants
so
interest reducedto merely weak resistance. Constraint, within the context
dependent
discourses,
is,
I
upon the extent
of
would contrapuntally contend,
to which discursive democratic practice can take place. The degreeto
be
in
discourse
than
that
rather
process,
can structure
which participants
I
In
it,
from
this
by
to
socio-political context context.
structured
varies
into
late
Wodak's
Reisigl
then,
a critical theoretic
entry
and
agree,
with
basedanalysis of the discourseof racism where `discourseis taken to mean
"a dialectical relationship betweenparticular discursive practices and
frames
institutional
including
fields
and social
situations,
specific
of action(
863
like
Contextualised
this
in
they
are embedded".
structures) which
discourses"as linguistic social practices can be seenas constituting nondiscursive and discursive social practices and, at the sametime, being
864
discourse,
become
`diskourse'
by
"
In
them.
can
other words
constituted
like
in
the
that
Discourses,
of
a
setting
especially
versa.
and vice
institutions of local governance,`relate' to each other, even if, as will be
forcibly
to
they
run parallel with
and
made
separated
shown,
are sometimes
be
'interis
That
to
their
can
conflictual,
or
relationship
say
each other.
discursive'. Either way a measureof discursive changeoccurs. There is a
far
Dryzek's
here
so
and
most recent foray
with my argument
convergence
into the field of deliberative democracy. In this he arguesfor a distinction
between deliberative democracyas a general activity, which is too easily
liberal
discursive
by
democracy
constitutionalists,
and
appropriated
which
has the more radical agendaof wanting to changethe state.865 But, it is his
437
definition and use of the concept of `discourse' that is important. Similar
to mine and Reisigl's and Wodak's, his is that "discourse is a sharedmeans
of making senseof the world embeddedin language", thereby generatinga
sharedterm of referencewhich enables"those who subscribeto a particular
discourseto perceive and compile sensoryinformation into coherentstories
be
that
can
or accounts
communicatedin inter-subjectively meaningful
ways."866 Discourse, thus, to use his metaphor can be regardedas
institutional `software', comparedwith the emphasison the formal rules of
constitutions, which can be likened to the `hardware'. Within the context
his
of
critique of Habermas,which I have outlined earlier, amounting to a
view that Habermas,in his BFN, has allied himself too closely to the liberal
constitutional state,Dryzek highlights the processof democratisation. This
is not the extension of liberal democracy,which would appearto be the
limits of changeperceived by those in the Labour Party and which, as I shall
show, occurs throughout the race equality programme in the target borough,
but, rather, the extension and expansionof democracyin three dimensions.
Theseare the franchise, i. e. who can participate in collective decision
making; the scope, i. e. bringing more areasof life under democratic control;
and the authenticity of control, i. e. "the degreeto which democratic control
is engagedthrough communication that encouragesreflection upon
Within
"867
this three principled expansion
preferenceswithout coercion.
of democratisation,Dryzek examinesthe cardinal issue of discourseand the
by
he
democracy
deliberative
terms the proponents
what
argumentsagainst
focusses
Young,
he
democracy.
"
`difference
Because
these
on
of
do
in
issues
to
the
so
not need
chapter...,
and
raised
argumentsare similar
discursive
in
Dryzek
that
a
view,
repeating.
argues,correctly, my
democracywould, similarly to my argumentsfor a transformative practice in
deliberation, deliberate acrossdifference, but without eliminating difference.
He thus admits story telling etc. as valid forms of languageuse, but only if
form
involve
do
These
they
that
of
they meet two criteria.
any
not
are
is
latter
The
link
the
to
the
they
general.
particular
coercion, and that
important becauseit ties in with my argument about the problem/solution
device
the
and still present saliency,
solidaristic
categorisationof racism, and
`genealogy'
the
like
Young's
Against
`Black'.
of
someone
of using
diskourse of democracy,Dryzek arguesthat what is required is "an account
difference
democracy
that
acrossrepressiveand emancipatory
can address
of
identities and discourses....(so that difference democracycan now
discursively be recast as the) contestationacrossdiscoursesrather than
link
discursive
democracy
identities,
to
a
establish
and so
engagementacross
democracy.
deliberative
"868
Further,
liberal
to
constitutionalist
as opposed
Hindess,
hard
line
Foucauldian,
to
the
such
as
who arguesthat
as opposed
discourseis both hegemonic and all, thus constituting as well competing
is
life
discourse,
to
Dryzek
that
there
than
more
and
politics
argues
views,
869
If difference democracywithin the context
for example collective action.
deliberation
be
discursive
thought of as the contestation
of
reading
can
of a
438
discourses,
the question that this prompts is what accountsfor discursive
of
shift. That is to say, more pertinently, how do emancipatorydiscourses
supplant repressiveones. To answerthis, briefly at this time, requires a
more refined analysis of discoursethan that provided by Dryzek. A more
refined analysis can be found in someonelike Fairclough's interpretation of
discoursechangeand displacement.870 In particular his notion that,
following on from habermas' conceptualisationof `colonisation', that this
processof domination is partially constituted by "'colonisations' in the
societal order of discourse" where the latter `order' is "particular structuring
871
institutional
discourse.
,
These may be
of consttuent
orders of
destructuredas a result of social struggle. Fairclough,
whose definition of
discourseattemptsto syncretiseinsights gleaned from Foucault's
account of
discoursewith a more hermeneutic approach,where the latter
also nods
appreciatively in the direction of Habermas,notes that contemporary
discourseorder is "complex, heterogeneousand contradictory".
Neverthelesshe attemptsto make senseof this by writing into his analysis a
transitive element that is not over powered by the hegemonic dimension.
Three tendenciesare discernedwhich at the categorical level he labels
democratisation,commodification and technologisation. Theseare useful
because,by and large, they coincide with the two broad categoriesof
`emancipation' and `repression' used earlier. even if his usageis tied more to
empirical observation. Democratisation, then, refers to the "removal of
inequalities and asymmetriesin the discursive and linguistic rights,
obligations and prestige of groups of people.s872 Commodification, on the
other hand, is concernedwith the process"whereby social domains and
institutions (like the public sector) whose concern is not producing
commodities in the narrow economic senseof goods for sale, come
neverthelessto be organisedand conceptualisedin terms of commodity
production, distribution and consumption."873 One can seethis in the
discourseof consumerismwhich has replaced democratisationin the arena
of the relationship between local government and the public.
Technologisation, which Fairclough interprets in line with Habermas' theory
be
lifeworld
by
the
the
of
colonisation of
systemsof state and economy, can
seenin those techniqueswhich seekto consciously structure discourse
in
in
for
desired
to
practice order obtain a
example counselling
control result,
or interviewing techniques. Fairclough views theseas transcontextual,
is
which to say that they can be strategically used in a variety of contexts. I
would rather describethe context as being reductively framed in line with
what he identifies as commodification, so that the contexts are, in substance,
different
from
that
not
each other. However, more importantly,
technologisation requires experts, rather in the way that Habermasidentifies
the trend of the `expertisation of cultures' to consciously weld together the
language
between
knowledge
connection
and power with the aim of bringing
Moreover,
about "discursive changethrough conscious design".
Fairclough is correct in identifying that this aspectof discourserequires the
439
simulation "for instrumental or strategicpurposesof interpersonalmeanings
is
inter-subjective
"
discursive
That
to
the
practices.
say
simulation of
and
communicative practices so that, as I identified earlier in my preliminary
analysisof what I called virtual reality equality opportunity, a facadeof
participatory processesis presentedwithout any substantiveyielding of
power.
Whilst, then Fairclough's work goes some way towards filling in the gaps in
like
Dryzek's use of discourse,it still does not answer fully the
someone
question about how discoursesare transformed and /or displaced. This is
pertinent if, as I and Dryzek have done, discoursesare broadly classified into
emancipatoryand repressiveones. Whilst one can accept at a general level
the complex, heterogeneousnature of the order of discourses,this doesnot
justify the theoretical lacuna, and for that matter action lacuna, disguised by
analyseswhich attempt to discussdiscoursein terms of articulation and
hegemony. One is invariably left with action that can only rise to the level
of describing discourses,as Howarth does, and as someonelike Norval
achievesin her attempt to provide a Foucualdian baseddiscoursesanalysis of
South Africa. 874 Instead, in supporting Dryzek's notion of difference
democracyas the contestationof discourses,I want to propose that
`diskourses' are maintained as hegemonic through the closure, or
in
discursive
Intertwined
such
spaces.
maintenanceof control over,
oppressiveand repressivediscoursesare, obviously, the configurations of
inhibitors
be
in
to
themselves,
severe
can
power and material realities which,
discursive practices. Neverthelessstrugglesto open up discursive spacesin
the structuresof communication, through the processesof will and opinion
formation, and, which in the caseof race, as I argue, can also transform those
in
discourses
dislodge
such
processes,provide the meansto transform and/or
The introduction of the theoretical device of `discourse',
the polity.
interpreting
framing
for
the
relaying and
provides the refinement necessary
the empirical details within the context of highlighting the social reality
identified
the
meta-theoreticalconcerns
correlatesand relating those to
earlier in this chapter.
The outline of the developmentand implementation of the race equality
for
Black
how
discursive
borough
in
target
spaces
will show
programme the
how
before,
had
these
and
were
existed
people were openedup where none
`de'-communication
tied
down
through
of
strategies
various
closed
Party
Labour
legitimation
to
the
the
to
the
white
of
claims
ultimately
discussion
frame
have
I
the
to
of race and
already attempted
electorate.
local governancewithin tentative articulation of two broader discoursesthat of colonisation, or re-colonisation, and that of de-colonisation. Rebe
in
have
I
direct
the
can
seen
argued
re-imposition
of
colonisation, which
in
inner
is
the
tied very much with the
rule
cities
political/administrative
for
Black
discursive
spaces
people and their replacementwith
closure of
440
technologisedpractices and devices. This is legitimated through the
growing discourseof naturalisation which re-emergesin modern guise. It
can be argued, for example,that the notorious `third way' of new right
Labour is a simulation of giving meaning to a supposedlynew politics which
in reality sanctionsthe inequalities and practices of capitalist globalisation.
Within this the fiction is perpetuatedthat political nation states,including
those of the metropole, can achieve little through political action. There is
then an acceptanceof the `natural' order of reality. Help for those in the
global order who are less fortunate includes, in all but name, as can be seen
by the interventions in Sierra Leone and the analysis of some,recolonisation. I have made mention before of the view of certain protomodernising councillors in the target borough in the eighties who, because
they viewed racism as something that will always be there, felt that not much
could be done in the short term.
At this point we can re-introduce the imagery of `crossroads'becausejust as
Habermaspoints to the crossroadsof more enlightenment, as a counterdiscourseto the skewed reasonof capitalist modernisation, or less
enlightenment favoured by the theoretical predecessorsof the post
modernists, so I would contend that the period of the late seventiesand
first
for
local
The
highlighted
could
governance.
eighties
a cross roads
have led to the vision of a positively racialised form of local governanceI
its
it
has
in
because
Chapter....,
as cutting edge questionsabout
outlined
fulfilling modernity. The other, the choice actively made by those in power,
leadsnot only to an entrenchmentof capitalist modernity, as epitomised by
new right Labour's conflation of capitalist modernisation with modernity,
but also, I would argue, to the bolstering of this entrenchmentthrough the
inherent political bankruptcy of action which is the legacy of post
modernism as a `theory'.
Finally, like myself, Reisigl and Wodal identify a deliberative, discursive
that
Benhabib's
in
line
Habermas'
democracy,
as
models,
and
with
model of
in
increase
for
best
hope
the
racism
combatting politically
which offers the
in Western Europe. But their vision is till too general,paying insufficient
deliberative
is
detail
to
a
to
the
that
of
which necessary achieve
attention
democratic society from one which is heavily unjustly racialised and multifor
but
UK,
just
is
becoming
the
the
norm not
racial, a situation which
Europe as well. To that extent they underestimatethe extent to which
Habermas' model, and Benhabib's variation on that, might prove not radical
from
My
this
not only the reading necessary
stems
argument, and
enough.
to sustain it, but also, the actual experienceof attempting to pursue the vision
is
this
conditions,
closer to Dryzek's. The
argument under concrete
of
following quote not only summarisesthis position, but also servesas a useful
initiatives
in
the
the target borough.
to
the
equality
of
race
outline
opener
441
I will argue that a defensible theory of deliberative democracy must be critical
in its orientation to established power structures, including those that operate
beneath the constitutional surface of the liberal state, and so insurgent in
institutions.
I refer to this more critical strand of
to
established
relation
deliberative democracy as discursive democracy, which (contrary to much
inter`discursive'
`deliberative'
tends
to
use
and
current usage, which
in
from
distinguish
I
the vicinity of
to
confined
politics
a
model
changeably)
liberal constitutionalism....... I will
that discursive democracy should
argue
...
be pluralistic in embracing the necessity to communicate across difference
without erasing difference, reflexive in its questioning orientation to established
traditions (including the tradition of deliberative democracy itself), transnational in its capacity to extend across state boundaries into settings where
there is no constitutional framework.... and dynamic in its openness to ever
for
changing
constraints
and
opportunities
upon
democratisation........ Unfortunately critical theory has itself become too
its
liberalism
The
by
and
state.
closer
association
with
compromised
an ever
critical edge needs to be re-sharpened. One way to do this is to ground
deliberative democracy in a strong critical theory of communicative action, and
to re-emphasise oppositional civil society and public spheres as sources of
democratic critique and renewal.2475
11.8 Race and the Target Borough 1984-1989- Key Features
This section will attempt to provide a key feature overview of the race
background
in
the
for
that
the
order
above period
equality programme
the
interrogations
in-depth
in
of
aspects
certain
the
of
reference markers
important
One
intelligible.
the
to
of
argument, which are come, are
features of this period is the use of the appellation `race equality
be
to
it
the
that
the
activities
notion
programme', which contains within
described were planned systematically, as well as serving to distinguish
`race
banner
before
had
the
from
of
that which
under
those activities
gone
the
the
under
the
to
The
programme,
start of
action on race, up
relations'.
joint stewardship of the council and the local CRC, appeared to be very
projects
dependent
disjointed
hoc,
unconnected
seemingly
upon
and
much ad
It was marked, as well, by its controlled
in different Directorates.
link
I
to
inclusivity vis-ä-vis the Black constituency, an excluding practice
in
inception
its
Despite
CRCs.
the coloniality syndrome associated with
its
between
the
race relations
council and
the mid seventies, this relationship
I'll
term
be
described
refer and
a
as one of marginalisation,
structures, can
be
the
lack
later.
The
contrasted
with
can
of meaningful progress
return to
had
like
Lambeth
boroughs
by
which
programmatic progress made
introduced new race equality structures in the late seventies. There is thus
beginning
the
differentiate
the
basis
to
above period
of
out
upon which
a
like
boroughs
Lambeth,
Whilst,
before.
had
then
that
gone
which
with
that
this
to
the
more
was
possible,
claim
claim
means
evidential
provided
in
be
the
the
to
new
orientation
of
newly created central
substantiated
was
Race Equality Unit.
442
11.9 The Unit
The origins of this unit have been outlined earlier. Suffice to say that there
indeterminacy
degree
of
surrounding the proposedworkings of the
was a
in
head,
There
Black
three
the
the
were
only
posts
unit;
a
unit.
Community's liaison post, the primary task of which was to administer a
grants budget attachedto Race Relations Committee, and an administrative
The
based
race
unit
was
small
compared
post.
with other existing centrally
do
in
boroughs.
indeterminacy
The
to
units other
state of
was as much
from
it
do
defined
the
to
unknown,
as
with
with
was
expectationsarising
discourses.
it
For
specific
example becameclear within the first few
months of the start of the programme that there were roughly five
i.
key
The
the
managers
concerned, e. those within
expectationsof
new unit:
the Chief executive's departmentand other Chief Officers acrossthe council,
and certain leading councillors, mainly those I have come to label the protodiscretion;
to
managerial
and
control
modernisers,wanted a unit subordinate
council membersmore sympatheticto race equality, wanted a unit to pursue
Black
but
the
of
existing
practice;
protocols
within
such a programme,
in
in
institution
bases
the
their
were open
experiences
of
employees,on the
their hope for an up-front, dynamic unit not shackled by convention; the
Black community's approachseemedambivalent becauseits relationship
by
be
the
to
mediated that unit's administrative control over a
with
unit was
local
CRC,
finally
to
budget;
focussed
the
clinging
still
grants
race equality
its past influence in the Working Party arrangement,expectedthe unit to take
its policy and practice cues from them. Yet that air of indeterminacy was
discourses,
because
the
competing
also to prove the new unit's strength
in
whether weakly or strongly expressed voiced or alluded expectations,
its
the
new unit and
effectively cancelled themselvesout thereby allowing
to
a
develop
opposed
as
to
programme,
equality
race
a
solidaristic resources
discursive
built
through
opening up
on rights secured
race relations one,
its
indeterminacy
This
for
Black
and potential
notion of
people.
spaces
by
to
the
illustrated
is
for
the
reference
race equality action,
strength
head
the
for
the appointment of
recruitment and selection procedure adopted
then
The
the
was
researcher,
the
principal
person appointed, and
unit.
of
he
in
Lambeth
Advisor
Race
council
when
covering employment
working as
Unbeknown
invited
borough
to
by
hunted'
`head
apply.
the target
and
was
to him, but made clear on the day of the interview, was an additional
linked
to
the
test
that
criteria
supposedly
candidatessit a written
requirement
for the job. The `test' situation was devised by the managersin the Chief
Executive's Department on the basis of the expressedview that the person
high
level
deal
be
to
with
a
competently
of written
concernedshould able
in
involved
The
this appointment went along with
councillors
policy work.
the proposal. However, the principal researcherrefused to undertakethe
test, arguing cogently that there were serious race equality implications
443
which had not been considered,and that both the appointment itself and the
be
if
the
work would
compromised the test enteredinto the
very nature of
considerations. The basesof the objections were contextualisedwithin the
in
experiences the United Stateswhere the legacy of the civil rights
movement in employment was effectively undermined by the introduction of
written tests by employersas a supposedly`objective' meansof choosing
candidates. Evidence existed to show that thesetests discriminated against
Black candidates. Further, within the context of this particular recruitment
and selection procedure,the very minimum that would need to be expected
was that the organisation had undertaken some form of validation tests, as
advised by the then `august' body on race relations, the Commission for
Racial Equality, to ensurethat that specific written test was not racially
discriminatory. Reactionsto both the refusal andjustificatory arguments
varied. The managerswere of the opinion that the principal researcher's
application should be thrown out, whilst the councillors, swayed by the
arguments,wanted to continue considering the issue. The compromise was
that the researcherwas invited to another interview, this time without a test.
The appointment was confirmed at the end of that interview.
What was
clear was that if the recruitment decision had fallen solely within the
purviews of managerial fiat, then it is likely that the appointment would have
diktat.
What occurred,
to
to
managerial
gone someonemore amenable
however, was that the indeterminacy, carried over into the recruitment and
selection procedure by the two main concernedparties, managersand
involving
discursive
for
to
all
open
up
space
councillors, allowed
a
be
to
thereby
made against certain
permitting arguments
concernedparties,
head
Within
the
that
the
that
of
of
approach
process,
elementsof
procedure.
the unit to be was also clearly laid out and underscoredby that person's
be
if
he,
the
to
interview
that
the
going
was
not
appointed,
claim within
institution's "house nigger". Dramatic as that turn of phrasewas then, the
fact of its utterance, its meaning, and the action of refusing the test, served
both to give notice that the approachwas to be radically different from that
by
the
councillors to politically
appointment
expected,as well as using
do
has
to
is
There
trope
with
which
an underlying
validate that approach.
the control and managementof race in local governancethrough a strategy
in
I'll
denying
discursive
more
examine
process
space
of marginalisation, a
detail in one of the following sections,and exemplified in the approach from
managementto the appointment process.
This emerging discoursecan be further illustrated two foldly by referenceto
the way in which the appointmentsto the headsof race units in the boroughs
immediately flanking the target borough were handled, and to the way in
in
location
the
of
central
race
unit the target
which physical siting and
borough was handled by managers. Both were Labour run boroughs and
both, like so many in London at that time, establishedcentral race units. In
the one to the west of the target borough, Black community activists had
444
taken a prominent role in pushing the council to createinternal race
structures. Appointment to the head of the new unit was expectedto go to
one of theseactivists. Instead an the appointment went to a candidatefrom
the north of the country, someonewith little experienceof local government
and community work. Much of the work of that unit, in those early days,
becamemired in the politics surrounding that particular appointment and in
the resultant bias of the appointeesto want to work on community issues.
The internal workings of the council were, for the most part, ignored. In
the borough to the east,two headsof unit were appointed, one to cover the
`Asian community', and the other to cover the `Afro-Caribbean community'.
Again the focus of the work of that unit was not trained on the workings of
the council becauseof the unnecessaryessentialisingand problematising of
the two main sectionsof the Black community, a strategy encouragedand
pursued by that borough's local CRC. Race work in the borough was
marked by ad hoc project work, exemplified by one of the headsof unit
devoting a lot of time to an undertaking seeking to exposethe racism
contained in the representationsof Black people through the use of the
specific image of the `Golliwog'. It was to be another eight years before
any substantiverace equality work was to be achieved in that council itself.
In the target borough, despitebeing aware for some six months before new
appointeestook up their posts, that new central equality and community
developmentunits were going to be created,managers,for whatever reason,
had not sorted out the accommodationfor those units by the time they came
on stream. At the time it was deemedextremely important by those
working in the field and those who `sponsored' such initiatives, that visible
support for equality action should be seento be given by senior managers.
In the initial period of their inception, making use of the bureaucratic
hierarchy of statusand being an integral part of the Chief Executive's
Department in order to promote the messagethat thesewere council
priorities, as examplesof rhetorical devices,was seenas important by those
coming into the new posts in those units. Since attenuatingthe hostility and
isolation that goeswith work of this sort would be key in the initial stagesof
the units' programmes,it was critical that the council's equality initiatives,
by
being
be
especially race equality, should not
marginalised the
seenas
institution. It was with extreme ironic annoyanceand scepticism at the
accompanyingexcusesabout lack of office space,that the principal
found
head
that the new Race
taking
the
of unit,
researcherupon
up
post of
Unit was initially to be accommodatedin the `lofty' attic regions of the
Town Hall building in what had beenthe caretaker's flat. To make matters
worse, the proposedrelocation of all the new units, sometwo months later,
was not to be on the samefloor as the Central Policy Unit, within walking
distance
both
Chief
Executive's and Leader of the
the
of
and shouting
Council's offices, but half a mile down the high road in a residential
establishmentpreviously used as a children's home. The Central Policy
445
Unit is brought into the equation as a comparatorbecauseof its then
influential role as the council's and leading Labour members' strategy
internal
institution's
house.
It
had
the
the
was part of, and
clearing
ear of,
elite. Over the next few years an almost doubling of its staff, equivalent to
the staff numbers employed in the new units, did not result in a move from
the Town Hall, as logic might dictate, if the reasonsfor moving those units
out were to be believed, but a sidewaysextension into adjoining offices,
where, miraculously, additionally spacewas found. Yet, this patent and
blatant, visible marginalisation of the new equality and community
developmentunits through, in a sense,`de-accommodating' them, cutting
them adrift from the Town Hall, also contained hidden benefits for those
units. That moment of indeterminacy contained within marginalisation
whereby if you push away you also at the sametime lose a vital part of
surveillant control, was exploited to the full by the new units, particularly the
Race Unit. It helped permit the developmentof an approachto race
equality which avoided being side tracked by the petty politics of
bureaucracyand which placed a premium on locating and developing those
key discursive spacesin the organisation,becausein a real physical sense,
in
isolated
location
together
the
one
also had within
placing all of
new units
it the potential for the creation of a discursive space. Thus throwing new
`outsiders' all together in a crampedbuilding spacealso createdthe
ambiencewithin which problems perceived took on a similar dominating
joint
in
be
the
everyday
networking
sought
shapeand solutions could
easily
in
boroughs,
Unlike
discussions
therefore, where
that
took
other
and
place.
in
from
in
isolation
tended
to
conflict
even
each
other,
equality units
work
between
developed
the
together
with each other, a strong ethos of working
Race and Women's Units in the target borough. At another level being both
inside the organisation,yet in a physical sense,outside of it, actually
increasedthe scrutinising ability of the Race Unit, a quality vital for the
the
Additionally
the
these.
of
site
physical
proper working of units such as
for
Black
it
become
Hall
from
Town
the
a
resource
saw
new units away
location
its
because
both
offered a
the
council
within and outside of
people
degreeof anonymity and confidentiality which would not have been
itself.
Hall
in
Town
located
if
had
been
the
those
achieved
units
Having argued,thus, that the commencementof the new race unit was
I'll
forceful,
for
indeterminacy
by
and,
argue,
a
which allowed
marked an
develop,
to
certainly when compared
unique programme of race equality
be
five
features
boroughs,
key
to
turn
to
the
out
would
a
what
year
with other
be
There
are roughly eight elementsto this.
can
now
outlined.
programme
Theseare outlined as the back cloth to further critical interrogations of key
is
however,
be
What
that the use of the term
can said prefatorily,
aspects.
`programme' denotesa consciouseffort at the time to map out a planned
just
the whole council, but also the `whole
covering
not
course of action
inclusive
the
transitivised
form of local
context
of
a
racially
within
council'
446
governance. This programmewas developedwithin the legal context of
the then anti-discriminatory legislation, and framed pro-actively so as to
establish and extend the concreterights and normative potential contained
therein. It had, for example, annual work programmessetting out the key
objectives and outlining the meansof achieving these,together with the
accountability, review and evaluation mechanismsnecessaryto track these
proposedchanges. Whilst, what is given as an example above, might today
seemcommonplacein public institutions, in the early eighties in an
organisation like the target borough which still operated,by and large,
through the processualmedium of what I have called `traditional
administration', this received mixed reactions ranging from the negative `itwill-not-work', through `it-is-too-radical', to qualified support. What
might, thus, today be categorisedunder the general rubric of `strategy',
because`strategy', a term for all seasonsused in most commonplaceway as
a meansto boost the pseudo-importanceof any policy initiative, was not
recognisedas such then. `Strategy', as a managementtechnique and
device, was a strangerto the managerialprocessesof the target borough
then. In fact the term `strategy' was hardly ever used by the Race Unit or
associatedRace Advisers, even though the framing of the programme might
lend itself to that interpretation. This is becausethe programme was much
more than just being concernedwith the strategic, in the senseof action,
issue of efficiency, which the common senseuse of the term in the public
sector has come to mean. Rather the programme had an overt political,
with a small `p' sense,dimension which was injected into everyday
managerial decisions on race equality.. Suffice to say here that when, from
a race equality perspective, it was claimed that much of the advice on
institutional changesto achieve that objective was in fact `good management
practice', it also carried with it the consequencethat it was good political
practice. The programme, then, was built upon the following elements.
11.10 The Programme
11.11 Redefining the Problematic
The first overall element was that the race problematic, which the creation of
this new unit was to spearhead,was re-interpreted and re-titled by the new
head of unit from that of being `race relations' to `race equality'. Thus
what had previously been termed `RaceRelations Unit' and Principal Race
Relations Adviser', which reflected both the influence of the CRC and the
perceived need to meet the criteria for Section 11 funding, then becamethe
`RaceEquality Unit' and Principal Race Equality Adviser'. Becauseof the
indeterminacy surrounding the functioning of theseunits at that time, there
was spaceto develop and get acceptedthe argument that the problem was
between
`races', but that this relation was already
the
that
of
relations
not
447
prescriptively structuredby inequality processesof oppressionand
exploitation. The state of `race equality' was taken to mean an overall
objective, that is a normative template, achievablethrough the development
of appropriate anti-racist action. `Race equality' was also taken to mean
the pursuit, within the widest interpretation of the responsibilities of the
council, of a social, and within that, racial justice programme. This was
grounded in developing and securing the rights containedwithin the relevant
anti-discriminatory legislation, both national and international, particularly
the 1976Race Relations Act876. Weak as the latter was, comparedwith the
task at hand, even if, at the time, it was the strongestpiece of anti-race
discriminatory legislation in Europe, the pro-active
potential of that law was
still to be realised. As indicative of the way in which this particular
discourseof race equality was being structured at the time, a discourse
which
will be dilated as the empirical details unfold, it atteststo the way in which
`moral' questionswere brought into the everyday functioning of local
government from the formal political level to the lowest reachesof the
administrative level. It was recognisedthat there were basically two
approachesto legislation, like the '76 Race Relations Act and the '75 Sex
Discrimination Act. The first was to do the minimum and only react to
complaints of discrimination. The other, the approachadoptedby the unit,
was to explore the normative potential of the Act, and then devise meansto
securethat. There were two main areasof potential. The first, mindful that
much of the employment and service aspectsof the legislation was still to be
settled through caselaw, was to explore the furthest dimensions of possible
interpretations. The secondaspectof exploiting this aspectof
indeterminacy,was to extend the latency of Section 71 of the '76 Race
Relations Act through constantre-iteration and through innovative
interpretations of that section. Basically Section 71 places a duty upon
local authorities to eliminate unlawful racial discrimination and to promote
equality of opportunity and good relations betweenpersonsof different racial
groups. This was not drafted as a statutory duty which was enforceable,but
rather as an obligation which local authorities should follow. Nevertheless,
it
because
its
legislative
there
even within
obvious
weakness
was strength
permitted the Unit to `marry' that section with the local Labour party's own
race equality sectionsof their local elections manifesto in order to createa
legitimating platform for a variety of race equality action acrossthe whole
Securing thesewas obviously dependentupon
sphereof council activities.
the extent to which race as one of the political priorities could be maintained.
Framing it as a racial justice problem, within wider concernsof social
justice, also addressedthree aspectsof marginalisation which appearedto
inhere in those late seventiesrace programmesin other boroughs. The first
is that the race programme was not devised as a stand alone one affecting
only Black people, a common enough reactive interpretation in the `white'
bureaucracy. Rather it was interpreted and implemented as one that was the
sharp cutting edgeto wider changesaffecting other sections of the
448
in
This
exemplified
was
one of the operational principles
community.
derived and noted earlier, viz. that if the council was not meeting the needs
of the most exploited sector of the local community, it is likely that it was
failing as well in meeting properly the needsof the wider community.
Secondlythe race equality programme also pointed out structural failings in
the way the council dealt with other issues. It had, if you like, the statusof a
barium meal becauseit exposedall the hidden workings of the council.
Thirdly allied to the previous two, the race equality programme, with the
emphasisthis time on `equality', addressedthe issue of material discourses
democracy,
and
a leit motiv which re-surfacesevery time the welfare state is
debated. For example one of the other operational principles supporting the
programmewas that which statedthat the race equality programme was
about giving Black people a determinantsay over resourceswhich often had
a pivotal material effect on their everyday lives. Thirdly addressingvalidity
claims of racial justice not only brought into the equation the key moral
question, but, becausethe programmewas aimed at all dimensions of the
council's activities, ensuredthat this moral question entered into both the
political and everyday administrative processesof the council. It was
certainly more than just a `corporate' issue. For example one of the first
tasks undertakenby the new unit was to changethe languageof race in the
877
By this is meant the way in which race generally and Black
council.
is
in
This
in
the
talked
council.
and written about
people particular were
important becauseit begins to tackle the issue of conventionalisation, i. e. my
earlier argumentsabout racism entailing only the `you', `he', `she' and `it'
identification of Black people and not the `we' of inter-subjective solidarity.
The languageof race in institutions, as part of the structuresof
further
therefore,
conventionalisation
gird
under
either
communication, can,
in
facilitate
its
At
deconstruction.
the absenceof any guidelines
the
time,
or
there appearedto be two levels at which the languageof race operated. For
the `elite' surrounding the previous Working Party on Race Relations, and
the establishmentof the new race structures,the languagewas limited to that
is
the
That
describe
to
I
accepted
the
say
of what would
ethnicity of race.
as
terminology on race, through custom and practice, including the
identification and description of Black people, revolved around the usageof
the term `ethnic minority'. For the rest of the organisation there appearedto
be an open house with a proliferation of terms in use, including that of
`coloured'. As a slight digression, but one that supportsthis point, as well
Chief
the
new
re-colonisation,
as my argument about recursive racism and
Executive, appointed to Lambeth Council in 2001 by what can be described
borough,
in
Labour
Blairite
the
now
running
a
modernising
councillors
as
talk to managersfrom acrossthe council, referred to Black people, here
878
Tackling that sort of
meaning `Afro-Caribbean', as `coloured people'.
distorted communication, in the target borough, meant in the short term,
becausethe medium term would require the development of appropriate
training programmes,targeting the institution's formal organisational
449
protocol machinery. This was to be found in the Committee Sectionhoused
in the Borough Secretary'sDepartment; a departmentlargely chargedwith
providing the council's legal services. The Committee Section, as their
name suggests,not only administeredthe running of the council's formal
it
political committees, also produced and controlled the communicative
administrative protocols of the council, known in that borough as
`administrative circulars'.
There was, for example, one on the structure
and content of committee reports. A new circular was preparedby the
head of unit covering appropriate,as well as inappropriate, race languagein
the council. The recommendedlanguagerevolved around two inter-linked
elements:self identification, and the use of the term `Black', in its general
signifying political senseof `wrongs done to', to describethose previously
deemed`ethnic minorities' by the organisation. The latter was derived not
simply from the inclination the Race Unit, but from the nascentwishes of the
existing Black employeesin that council, the experiencesin and around antiracist organisations,especially those in the trade union movement, and from
the subalternpublic sphereson racism at that time, many of them with a
large Black constituency. The debatewith the managerial elite, which
included the then Borough Secretary,who was also head of the council's
legal services,declaring that, "his Turkish friends would draw their (sic)
if
`Black"',
described
they
as
whilst not exactly productive,
scimitars
were
was eventually won in favour of formally changing the race languagein the
council. This was done at the level of the Chief Officers' Team meeting, a
bi-weekly forum of all the directors of the council's departmentsand the
Chief Executive to which the head of the Race Unit had equal accessand
begins
it
be
to pertain to
In
that
participatory rights.
one sense can argued
the idea of equal communicative accessand participation and the force of the
better argumentwinning. But this can only be sustained,as I shall show in
the details surrounding the demiseof the programme, if one remembersthat
from
derived
head
the
the
that
time
the
unit
of
of
communicative equality
at
supporting force of the fact that race was still a very visible political priority
and from the initial senseof indeterminacy. Additionally, and also
importantly, at the sametime the administrative circular on reports was
included
the
to
that
on
a
paragraph
amended ensure
all committee reports
in
hand
the
as well as the race
matter
race equality considerationsof
implications for the council. In this way it can be seenthat the
in
being
changed the council to open up
communicative structureswere
discursive spacesso that at the very minimum considerationsof race equality
had to enter into the formal decision making processes.
450
11.12 The Programme's Scope
The secondelement relatesto the overall scopeof the race equality
formal
dimension
inequalities
Up
to
the
entry
of
specific
as
a
programme.
institution
focus
the
that
the
the
were, largely,
of
activities of
of
council,
introspective, concernedwith the minutiae of everydaypublic sector
bureaucracies;
administrative
a state they have, today, by and large returned
to. The race equality programme, and this was statedin the first work
programmeproduced for the Race Relations Committee, later re-iterated in
every other one, neededto operateat four levels: a local one, a regional one,
879
international
It was, at one and the same
a national one and an
one.
time, a translation of the spatial and temporal vectors of racism into the
latent possibilities of local governance. Thus acknowledging and acting on
the globalisation of race before `globalisation' alludes to my previous
allegory of Black people as time travellers, as well as further informing the
operational principle of race as the sharp cutting edgeto what is to come.
Whilst awarenessof today's late discovery of globalisation is often
local,
in
itself
be
in
"
"think
the
can
encapsulated
maxim,
global, act
which
constraining, introducing to this the dimension of race, in the context as set
out, actually leadsto a spectrum of action with the above maxim at one end
inter-relatedly
local,
Both
by
"think
the
act global".
are
and
other captured
`our'
in
from
Black
to
to
the
people racist opposition
embedded
response
here
because
`we',
"we
becoming
the
to
you
viz.,
are
presence, ever
part of
were there." Additionally it is possible to seehow the argument about
subalternpublic spherescan be sustained. In terms of local subaltern
in
fact,
Negt
these
to
as
are,
anti-racism,
and
public spherespertaining race
developed
imbrication
Kluge
around
of
public
spheres
and
argue,part of an
880
This
institutions
local, regional, national and international
governance.
of
level.
be
illustrated
the
the
to
regional
work at
can
with reference part of
Prior to the commencementof the work of the new unit, the council had
Anti-Racist
Council's
in
Greater
London
the
to
already agreed participate
GLC
the
left
labour
1982
In
took
over
administration
a new
year activities.
following the elections for such regional political bodies. Following the
lead of Lambeth the GLC establishedits own in-house race equality
Unit
Minorities
Ethnic
focussed
termed
they
through
and
an
what
structures
Ethnic Minorities Committee. Their work led to the GLC declaring that
The range of activities for
1984 in London would be `anti-racist year'.
that year, both through the GLC and through the participating local
in
four
levels.
For
drew
example
on constituenciesacrossall
authorities
the target borough an Anti-Racist Year Working Party was establishedas a
head
Committee
Race
Relations
the
the
with
of the race unit as
sub-group of
the lead officer, comprising councillors, cross council officers, and members
informing
Through
local
these
the
structures
a
range
of
communities.
of
involving
initiating
the council, local
was
organised
activities
anti-racist
and
from
and
participants
all over the world. The
community organisations
451
latter included a festival featuring an Aboriginal rock group from Australia.
More mundanely, it involved, as an example of the way in which race can
deconstructseemingly neutral processesand reconstruct a multi-'identitied',
multi-dimensional ones,the council's Borough Engineer's Department
beginning to examine for the first time how their burial and crematoria
servicescould respondproperly to the needsof different religions, especially
those associatedwith different sectorsof the local Black community. At
the level of the local civil society, a temporary Anti-Racist Year Coordinator was appointed,working to the head of the Race Unit, with the brief
to try and develop anti-racist networks in the community as a complementary
strategyto the Unit's work in the council. The intention, even if the
successof the venture was patchy, becauseof the short term funding for the
for
bed
to
try
to
the
create
post, was
a local public sphereon anti-racism
seed
not only focussedon the council, but also on de-colonising and
reconstructingthe local CRC into the form of a proper anti-racist
organisation. The key point is that the example of some of the work at the
regional level shows the way in which race, as an explicit consideration at
the level of local governance,generatesdeliberations acrossother spatial
dimensionsnot then normally associatedwith local government. There are
international
details
levels,
done
the
the
of
national and
examplesof work
at
which will be explored in other sections. Suffice to say at this point one of
the key examples,at the national level was the work done by the Unit on
become
did
borough
that
time,
that
the
target
a secondary
at
not,
ensuring
locks
into
This
immigration
the
my arguments
service.
agencyof
country's
be
local
inclusive
for
to
the
a principled
governance
about
need
a racially
bulwark againstracism on the part of the state. It also, at the meta-level,
illustrates part of the potential contained in the sphereof local governance
for resolving thesetypes of problems of social integration. At the
international level there is the example of the work undertakenby the Unit
Race
formal
Party,
the
Working
Anti-Apartheid
the
of
a
sub-group
and
Relations Committee. Whilst illustrating my contention that race and
local,
"think
to
the
act global",
apophthegm,
globalisation gives rise as well
it was also fraught with other contradictory difficulties which perhapslay at
for
It
Party's
Labour
the
the core of
was always easier
stanceon race.
Labour councillors to rally to the causeof anti-racism, provided it was six
thousandmiles away. Connecting that `distant reality' with that of racism a
few hundred yards away in the Town Hall, or a mile away in the borough
itself, eluded many of their consciousness. It also enabledsome of them to
i.
distant
Black
in
hierarchy
the
people,
e.
of oppression which some
erect a
local
i.
help
deserving
the
than
reality.
e.
others,
of
reality, were more
452
11.13 Race Equality Structures
11.14 Race Equality Advisers
The third element addressesthe problematic of the developmentof the race
in
equality structures the target borough. It should be more accurately
because
the
thesestructures,
equality
as
race
structures
and
stated
processes
like other organisational ones,were embeddedin processesof human action.
What made theseunique can be answeredbriefly by referenceto their
counterfactualrealities at the time of the inception of the new programme.
I have arguedthat the inherited race structuresin the target borough, and the
way in which the then proposed enlargement,via the creation of a central
in
discourse.
terms
race unit, was conceived very much
of a race relations
This is evident not only when one examinesthe job description for the post
of head of the unit, which is littered with referencesto ` promoting good race
but
looks
`ethnic
at the actual
also when one
relations' and
communities',
88'
structure and preferred managementprocessesenvisagedfor that unit.
Theseare set out in the diagram labelled `RaceRelations Structure'. It can
be seenthat the relationship betweenthe Race Unit and committees of the
in
Executive's
Chief
be
brokered
the
to
manager
a
senior
via
council was
Department. There was no statedrelationship foreseenbetweenthe
Directorate Race Advisers and the unit. Further those advisers' structural
by
i.
directly
in
the
a senior manager,was
managed
position
organisation, e.
to remain. This was very much a structure in which the balance of control
by
in
those
advisers
to
proffered
advice
which
and
was given over managers
level.
it
before
the
have
to run a managerial gauntlet
political
reached
would
Certainly the workings of the two then existing advisersin the Housing and
Social ServicesDirectorates seemedto have been taken as the operational
development
In
for
terms
the
of race
the
then
of
new central unit.
model
in
be
interpreted
as ones which
equality, these structuresand processescan
that goal would be marginalised becauseof what can be read as the
I
In
justice
instrumentalisation of racial
one of the previous chapters
claims.
had traced the developmentof orthodox managementvia its Italian
its
horses,
to
`manage',
to
meaning control
etymological origins of the word
humanistic
from
developments
despite
more
a
current usagewhere,
is
discourses
the
still about using
ultimate aim of such
perspective,
behalf
i.
that
to
to
on
of
enact
e.
employees
get
others,
power
organisational
in
itself
be
That
can
the
read as
minimum of resistance.
organisation with
implemented
in
leit
the
the
changes
managerialist
aim of
motiv of
a sub-text
the public sector since the mid eighties where the `public' component is
direct
limited
to
of
values
aping of
number
simplistically reduced a
-a
focus
to
and more efficiently control
multi-national practices- so as
financial
As
through
accounting
management
systems.
employeeaction
later
to
on, a more managerialist approachto the control of the
was emerge
be
I
the
to
those
very
much
option
of
came
councillors
advisers
unit and
453
have describedas proto-modernisers. This was a direct responseto the
location
in
the
structural
and operational processesof the central
changes
unit, advisersand other race workers developedand put into place by the
new head of unit. The intention of these changeswas intentionally the
in
those
the `management'perspective. These
contained
opposite of
sought,paradoxically if taken at face value, the mainstreaming of the race
dimension
through the creation of new structures and processes
equality
more germaneto the achievementof the organisation's equality aims, as well
as providing an innovative basesfor re-examining the institutional
relationships between administrative employeesand the formal political
sphere,administrative employeesand local communities, and the formal
political sphereand local communities. If one refers back to my previous
argumentsabout critical management,a processwhich puts a premium on
`de-hierarchalising' and a discursive communicative approachto solidaristic
baseddecision making as the groundings for tackling emancipative concerns
at that level, then the proposedchangesto the structures and processesof
in
be
race advisersand workers can seen that light.
There were two immediate separatepolicies developedby the then new head
implemented
in
the
which
other advisers,and
of unit, consultation with
addressedrespectively the Central Race Unit and Race Equality Advisers,
it
is
Before
those,
the
as well
addressing
and
other race equality workers.
to give a brief outline of the policy processin local government, as was.
The theory underpinning council policy development,which still holds true
today, is that the electedrepresentativesare responsiblefor setting the policy
framework, usually reflected schematically in local election manifestos, and
the administrative officers responsible for developing them. This
dichotomy of responsibility is also reflected in the next stagewhere final
decisions on policy are the `bailiwick' of councillors and its implementation
that of officers. In reality, however, the processis far more fuzzy and
For
the
than
that
professional
often
example,
very
above.
set
out
porous
initiate
both
and
core of senior managersand subordinatepolicy corps
develop council policies, with political membersalmost playing a rubber
informal
be
A
the
that
groupings of
would
variation on
stamping role.
senior managersand senior councillors of the apposite service committee
is
in
Up
for
drivers
time,
that
to
policies.
what
point
certain
who are the
hardly
had
Black
is
the
that
a
communities,
communities, especially
clear,
in
initiation
development
target
the
in
the
council
policies
of
and
role
borough, apart from the few walk on roles relegatedto fora such as the
t}e
Voluntary Sector Committee
Working Party on Race Relations, and
lirpitedto
input
the organisation's perception of
marginalisingly
was
where
Nevertheless,
for
for
those
those within the
communities.
what was relevant
in
degree
there
and
around
policy
matters,
was
a
of
organisation working
indeterminacy over ultimate-policy ownership, an indeterminacy which was
in
days
to
the
race,
especially
regard
with
early
of the new unit's
amplified
454
had
have
I
Yet,
this
shown above,
ambiguous,nebulous state
as
working.
its own strengthsbecauseit allowed for changesto be pursuedwhich
if
have
light
day
the
the policy processwas
seen
of
not
would
otherwise
extremely controlled and water tight. Drafting the policy under those
it
Race
the
was
not
a
problem;
nor
getting
accepted
at
circumstances
Relations Committee stageof the political decision making processes. At
the officer stagedraft committee reports were normally circulated to relevant
departmentsand officers internal to the initiating departmentfor comments
before being submitted to committee. Under normal circumstancesthe
issue,
lead
for
the
the
that
of
report
writer,
manager
or
eventual
officer
would submit the report to the relevant senior manager for committee
clearance. However, under the circumstancesof uncertainty pertaining to
the new unit, the initial reports to the Race Relations Committee were not
altered by senior managers,but allowed through with any relevant
Committee,
The
Race
Relations
to
the
observationsappended
report.
however, was an advisory committee. Its terms of referencemirrored the
its
As
for
the
such
recommendationsto other
role envisaged
race advisers.
committeescould be ignored. The statusof that committee and structural
fora
decision
to
the
to
the
was
political
making
council's
relationship
rest of
be a continuing topic of recommendedchangefrom the unit for the duration
later,
I
As
this possibly
that
shall show and argue
of
unit's existence.
facadic statusof the committee, i. e. it could be arguedthat despite its formal
its
to
tantamount
the
a glorified
was
role
council
of
position as a committee
talking shop, also contained certain communicative potential which could be
882
Nevertheless,for a policy to be
justice.
harnessedin pursuit of racial
it
had
binding
to
the
therefore
council,
upon
acceptedas council policy, and
be passedby the powerful Policy and ResourcesCommittee. At that stage
most councils had an equivalent or similar committee whose responsibilities,
to
final
decision
overview
to
the
title
resource
and
suggests,was provide a
as
the council. In the target borough its membershipconsistedof the chairs
Leader
by
it
the
and vice chairs of all the other committeesand was chaired
in
their
had
own
It
powerful
all
the
sub-committees,
various
council.
of
Personnel
the
in
influential
terms
was
of which, employment
rights, the most
Sub-Committee. Altogether this committee and attendantsub-committees
decision
the
crucial areasof
the
over
making
acme
of
powerful
represented
the council's corporate direction and responsibilities.
Returning to the two key policies, the first addressedthe structural
head
the
the
Advisers
Race
the
the
of
unit
via
race
central
and
of
relationship
levels
the
the
the
council,
as
well
to
as
of
and
managerial
political
unit,
in
between
the
the
the
other
advisers
and
unit
central race
relationship
883 The changesproposed in that policy report were not altogether
council.
basis
because
the
the
structural relationships already existed
of
new
framework
Lambeth
in
the
the
race
equality
way
was established.
elsewhere
In that the advice and proposed changesfrom race advisers could go straight
455
to committee without being changedby management,although they could
behind
The
it
them.
thinking
this
that
on
comment
was
obviously
was
important that the political representatives,whose manifesto priority it was,
should receive thoseproposed changesin full without interference from
It
was an attempt to avoid the marginalisation of race in that
managers.
council. However, the relationship betweenthe central Principal Race
Adviser and the Directorate basedadviserswas still that which relied on the
hierarchy. That is to say the Principal Adviser was formally recognisableas
the one at the top replete with the traditional command level of authority and
power associatedwith this sort of bureaucratic set up. Underpinning this
internally
were
generatedprocessesfrom the central unit which supported
that state of affairs. Thus internal meetings between the Principal and the
other advisersexcluded the other race equality workers who were not
advisers. They were, so to speak,down the pecking order in the hierarchy.
Further the relationship betweenthe advisersand the council memberswere
mediatedby two particular aspectsof commonality which seemedto militate
againsttoo radical a stanceagainstthe acceptedpowers. The first was the
informal agreementbrokered by the incoming labour administration in 1978
and the Black communities in which there was a `trade off' betweenthe
establishmentof the race structuresand Black support for the Labour Party.
The then Principal Adviser was the key instrument in this in his previous role
formal
Officer.
The
Principal
Community
Relations
the
secondwas
as
political membership of most of the key advisersto the Labour Party, a
factor which was instrumental in their appointment. These factors were,
be
`softly,
for
softly'
read
as
an
almost
perhaps,responsible what could
issues
by
the
towards
which
over
certain
councillors
approach
advisers
borough,
have
forthright
In
target
the
one.
would
warranted a more
however, these sub-textual issueswere not there becauseof the conservative
because
by
local
CRC
the
all of the advisersappointed were
and
role played
from outside the borough; and certainly, not formally affiliated to any
political party. Additionally the intellectual thrust of the changesto the
structure and functioning of the adviserswere premissedupon opening up
the communicative potential on race. This was to be achievedby grounding
these changesin practices and processeswhich actively discouragedthe
hierarchy
the
the
solidaristic
and
emphasised
of
administrative
negative use
practices furthering the achievementof rights underpinning the successful
justice.
Thus
the policy recommendedthat the
to
validation of claims racial
race advisers' and the central race unit's advice and recommendedchanges
but
by
be
altered management, should go unaltered to the political
could not
level for consideration. Further the reporting line of all the race advisers
in
directorate
be
day
that
to
the
to day
officer
most
senior
switched
on
should
for
leave
issues,
annual
example
requirements. Backing up
administrative
the recommendedchangesto the functioning of the adviserswas another
be
full
to
that
advisers
were
given
and equal membership of
recommendation
their respective senior managementteams in those particular directorates.
456
The practice up to then was to call them into senior managementteam
meetingsas and when required; a `stepinfetchit' role which had to change.
In terms of the relationship with the central race unit, a formal functional
link was recommended,the purpose of which was to ensurethat the overall
thrust to the council's race equality programme could be properly developed
and co-ordinated. Thesewould be underpinned by annual work
programmes. There was the principled argumentthat this would help
createthe institutional spacefor advisersto come together to deliberate
issuesof race equality, in so doing laying the basesfor mutual support and
development,without the threat of organisational sanction, as well as the
linked tactical thinking that race equality resourcescould be pooled and
focussedon problem areasin the council where that need was perceived.
The Race Advisers were also given formal accessto the Race Relations
Committee. Written into the policy was a clear operational principle that
the adviserswere not to be regardedas a dumping ground for all Black
issues,a tendencywhich had developedpreviously and which managerssaw
as fitting practice becauseit absolvedthem from facing up to their
responsibilities. Rather the adviserswere there to provide the strategic
overview and direction to the directorate race equality initiatives and
programmesbacked up by targeted interventions in key processes. The
idea was to createthe conditions for discursive spacesin which race equality
issuescould be deliberatively discussedand resolved, as opposedto the
previous practice of race advice being given which was then subject to
managerial fiat. This modification to the role of the race adviser was also
intendedto clarify the role of the adviser and managerin the processesof
race equality deliberation and decision so that it becameclear that the
dischargeof executive responsibilities by managershad to, with the advisers'
help, have a race dimension, where that was warranted. The restructuring
proposal was acceptedby the first Race Relations Committee and passedon
to the Policy and ResourcesCommittee for ratification as council policy.
At that the relevant meeting of that committee, the Chair of the personnel
Sub-Committee,one of the proto-modernisersand also `member' of the
it.
However,
Labourism,
to
one
northern school of
attempted speakagainst
for
impassioned
in
left
the
plea
councillors
stepped
with
an
of
new
quickly
accepting the proposed changesas a positive indication that the council was
in
Labour
At
time
the
that
none
of
point
serious on race equality.
councillors present, especially after the latter speech,wanted to be seento be
indeterminacy.
initiatives.
It
to
through,
another victory
opposing race
went
Alvesson and Willmott provide a critical template against which to assess
whether or not organisationsare critical. By critical is meant that
interaction
in which distortion
structures
communicative
are
of
organisations
is either minimised or absentaltogether. This is a step removed from the
from
some one like Marcuse, where there is the
neo-Marxist perspective
human
of
assumption
autonomy which is "frustrated and
essentialised
457
deformed by the demandsof oppressiveorganisational structures."884
Rather the "focus upon communication side-stepsthe question of what is
in
fundamental
favour
human
the
to
of an understandingof
nature
essential
human
issue
(and)...
then
the
communication
critical
of
conditions
....
becomeswhether particular structuresof communication allow these
fundamental conditions to be fully realised; or whether relations of power in the form of capitalism, technocracy,consumerism,sexism, racism etc. systematicallyimpede this possibility by, for example, representingsuch
impedimentsas natural or functional rather than social and enslaving.s885
Within the context of organisationsthey go on to identify strong and weak
Habermassian
type analyses. The strong version suggeststhat
of
versions
"the truth, legitimacy, sincerity and clarity of statementscan be decisively
886
On the other hand the weak
testedthrough a processof critical scrutiny. ,
version tries not to get rid of all communicative distortions or attempt to
arrive at an ideal speechsituation, but attempts"to open up spacefor
increasedcommunicative action with regard to beliefs, consent,trust,
thereby challenging and reversing the tendency of work organisationsto
devalue, corrode or appropriatethe values of the lifeworld. "887 With the
being
issue
justice
prefigured as a moral question, the
substantive
of racial
in
way which this piece of researchapproachesthesetwo organisational
forefront
in
keep
is
first
is
the
the
to
that
very much a
paradigms
argue
distortions
to the type of pragmatic,
to
racist
normative goal with respect
latter.
by
the
represented
everyday communicative changes
But the formal restructuring of the race advisers' role and functioning also
between
the
relationship
pivoted on changesto the processesassociatedwith
formal
in
the
to
the central unit and other race equality staff, and changes
in.
In
involved
become
terms
to
were
operational proceduresrace advisers
became
largely
that
the
an
turned
central unit
on ensuring
of processesthis
institutional space,both literally and metaphorically, which could be used
It
development.
for
by
their
support and
and accessed race equality staff
For
for
key
discursive
became
example
thus,
space such workers.
a
also,
there were formal bi-weekly meetings co-ordinated by the central unit open
This
but
was
also all other race equality workers.
not only to race advisers,
forms
boroughs
different
to
of co-ordination
where such
practice other
a
in
Participation
the
`elite'
to
the
of advisers.
race equality
were restricted
meetings was grounded on guaranteeingequal accessand partaking rights
for all members. The former was securedthrough a brief `firefight' between
in
head
this
the
the
unit
since
was
of
managersand senior officers, and
The
latter
formal
the
staff.
race
equality
policy affecting other
advanceof
that
to
the
through
came
characterise
principles
participatory
evolved
deliberative activities by, and in, the unit. But, it was not only meetings
that took place. There were, as well, training and other support activities
initiatives
including
The
exchange
with
work
other
countries.
unit
arranged,
becamea repository and conduit for race equality information and resources,
458
be
by
library,
which
could
race workers.
accessed
such as a small
Procedurally, the head of the unit ensured,through properly drafted and
involvement
that
the
and
codes,
advisers
guaranteed
were
acceptedpractice
in
for
crucial
operational
processes,
example recruitment and
participation
disciplinaries,
formal
investigations.
selection, grievance and
service
Involvement in this was basedon, and illustrates my argumentsfor, the
is
if
That
decisions reachedby managerswere not
principle of non-closure.
within the parametersof the council's own race equality policies and
principles, despite advice form advisers,then that decision could not be
implementedbut had to be referred to a higher level of decision making,
right up to member level. This, as I shall argue in more detail in the next
in
had
the
section,
affect of opening up communicative spaceson race
certain key administrative proceduresnormally only subject to individual
Underpinning
discretionary
decision
this race equality
making.
managerial
involvement
in
formal
council proceduresand
staff relational processesand
be
These,
linked
shall
as
principles.
operational
processeswere seven
institutional
interstices
later,
lubricated
to create
the
of
shown
enlargement
justice.
for
key
of
racial
elements claims
communicative spacesaround
The first was that the head of unit, in particular, but also other race advisory
hierarchy
in
formal
to support race equality
the
their
position
staff would use
based
For
there
be
there
example
conflict.
protocol
action where
might
were occasionswhen directorate basedrace advisers' reports were rejected
in part or full by their respective service committee. The head of unit would
then place these,and take responsibility for that action, on the agendaof the
back
that
to
Committee
Relations
the
that
particular
go
would
report
so
race
from
formal
the
race
time
this
recommendation
a
as
service committee, only
Relations Committee. The secondwas that dealing with race equality
honesty
degree
high
involved,
behalf
and
those
of
a
of
required, on
transparency,recognising that dealing with race often meant cutting across
institutional and subject areasboundariesand borders thereby linking
be
It
tologically
can
separated.
spherespreviously categorically and on
first
the
in
not
yet
real,
the
one
of
that
was
sector
public
work
equalities
said
For
for
`joined-up'
thinking and action.
acknowledged,primary sources
Officers
Chief
items
the
head
raised at
of the unit was clear that
example the
Team meetings which had a bearing on race equality in the council and its
it
keep
forum
if
to
that
confidential, should and
wanted
responsibilities, even
be
made available to other race workers and relevant people.
would
Towards the end of the programme the Chief Executive, to counter this, was
in
his
to
informal
holding
team
to
office
which only
meetings
reduced
invited senior managerscould attend. The head of the unit was never
invited to these. The third operational principle was that `being liked' was
in
institution.
for
No
be
the
to
working
successful
area or
criterion
a
never
from
from
immune
be
to
a race equality
examination
subject was
`disliked'
being
Being
the
and/or
running
risk
of
subject to
perspective.
formal disciplinary action camewith the territory. A saying amongst
459
in
daily
The
P45s
their
their
they
that
worked
with
pockets.
adviserswas
fourth related to the clear view that the work being undertaken in furtherance
in
dimension
that
this
cut acrossthe
political,
a
sense
was
equality
of race
between
distinctions
formal
the
administrative
system
political
and
existing
justice
in
both
formally
The
of
racial
pursuit
separatedcategories
sphere.
of action raised questionsabout power, resources,exclusion, exploitation
They
be
could
oppression.
not
simply
and
reducedto that the technical
question of what good managementpractice was. In this, remedial action
was taken explicitly to mean anti-racist action, the aim of which was race
equality. Relatedly the fifth principle turned on clarifying, and making sure
the institution came to realise, that the race advisers and race workers were
not there as representativesof the whole, or particular Black community and
communities. Race equality staff would not be put in the position of
playing racial or cultural intermediaries. Someboroughs' race staff
appearedto operateon those bases,which effectively relieved the
organisation of having to communicatedirectly with sectionsof their own
between
dialectical
This
to
relationship
an
almost
communities.
gave rise
those race equality staff and certain Black organisationsand individuals in
declarations
latter
from
the
to
the
was express
which
reciprocal expectation
in
decisions,
This
those
often those
resulted
often
staff.
of ownership over
in
for
the
to
aspects
mired
which
were
reasons
relating resourceallocation,
from
Apart
loyalties.
which that would arrogateto
of unaccountablegroup
being
those
the
communities.
of
representatives
actual
of
such race staff
role
In terms of the target borough, the central unit's relationship was to some
Relations
Race
function
the
the
through
of
grant giving
extent mediated
Committee. Thesewere not large, capital resourcing grants, but small, one
for
level
At
this
allowed
one
off type grants, covering small scaleprojects.
Black
between
developed
be
distance
the
organisations
to
unit
and
a critical
becausethe unit was clear that the criteria for awarding grants had to be
in
The
the
defined
to.
criteria were
way
which
and strictly adhered
clearly
then
in
these
in
the
were
grants
terms
way which
and
restructured anti-racist
tied into using them as a leverage for Black groups to gain accessto
Instead
task
the
in
of
be
discussed
the
section.
next
mainstreamgrants will
discursiveness,
important
in
was
this
area of
theserace workers
particular
in
Black
that
being
defined as
people
that of opening up the organisation so
decisions
directly
demands
to
those
made
who
the community could put their
daily, on their behalf. For example a social work team in one of the
designatedsocial services districts contactedthe unit saying that they wanted
local
Black
liaison
the
improve
their
populace, and
to
and consultation with
The
Black
help
by
the
organisations.
contacting relevant
unit
could
list
it
from
them
that
the
with
a
provide
of relevant
could
unit was
response
Black organisationsand individuals, advise them on certain ground rules, but
that they would have to actually pick up the telephone,ring those contacts
It
in
instances
the
those
arrangements.
was
necessary
only
make
all
and
for
institution,
the
often
political reasonswhich adversely affected
when
460
itself
be
to
to
opened
their own race equality priorities, was reluctant allow
in
frequently
involvement,
the
that
the
to
with
conjunction
unit,
up public
Women's Equality Unit, would take the initiative and launch a consultative
belief
The
that,
the
sixth principle was
given
overall principled
programme.
that race was the sharp cutting edgeto wider concerns,then advisers,but the
had
lead
in
to ensure
to
the
and
support
other
race
workers,
as
particular
unit
that its advice was contextualisedwithin a wider and sharperunderstanding
of the particular areaworked on, and not just on action which would
`Bantustan' race. For example advice on the equality implications of
foisted
initiative
for
tendering
council services,an
compulsorily competitive
by
local
the Thatcher government,required the unit and
government
on
It
legal
the
to
themselves
context.
and
political
with
advisers over acquaint
`expertisation'
deconstruction
both,
the
the
time,
of
of
a
at
one
and
same
was
this area attemptedby the council's legal and other policy sections,i. e. they
`powerful',
in
`know'
therefore
the
as well as
organisationally
and
were
be
having
Black
to
two
the
experienceadages,viz.,
confirming
reality of
"twice as good" and "keeping two stepsaheadof `whitey"'. Finally the
be
to
the
that
going
not
programme
was
race equality
seventhprinciple was
defined or actioned in terms of ethnicity. Rather `Black' as an over arching
be
done
firstly
`wrongs
to
to'
to
was
political signifier of the need address
framework
institution,
the
framework
for
the
within
and
the
opening up
form
in
the
these
of
were
which questionsof ethnicity, especially where
demandsfor resources,could be addressed. The main criticisms of this
Black
from
Black
the
of
majority
employeesor,
approachcamenot
but
its
CRC
local
from
post
the
satellites,
and acolytic
organisations,apart
1986, from two Black councillors whose political outlooks on race were
firmly mis-focussedthrough `representational' ethnic lenseson essentialised
This
an
Afro-Caribbean
Asian
generated
the
communities.
and
notions of
but
Unit,
Race
the
towards
also against each other's
antipathy not only
in
blows
the
to
council
them
two
the
that
came
of
so
much
perspectives,so
fractious
committee meeting.
car-park after one
11.15 Black Workers
The penultimate part of the race equality structuresand processesthat need
In
the
in
the
is
Black
be
organisation.
that
employees
to
of
addressed
inadequateand small amount of academicliterature on this subject, the role
is
little
Black
acknowledged.
or
recognised
workers
of
organisations
and
Indeed this dimension, if one examinesYoung's tendentiouspiece on the
`proper' recommendedrole of race advisers,is absentbecauseit doesnot fit
in with the `professional', managementhand holding, non-confrontational,
888
for
he
hierarchical conformist, capacity advocates this type of staff.
However organised collectivities of Black workers are, and were, a crucial
borough,
in
target
the
the
structure
supporting and
race equality
part of
illustrating the secondoperational principle outlined above. Black people
461
formally
institutions
because
as
employees,
and,
yet,
often
of racism,
entered
borders
in
itself
the
cuts
across
categorical
organisations, came to
also
which
defensive,
latent
In terms
and
offensive,
as
a
strategy,
other
utilise,
roles.
had
interpretation,
this
the effect of actually opening up a number of
of my
communicative channels. In the target borough a number of Black
formed,
some of them with the senior management's
employee groups were
support, and even prompting, the purpose of which was to enable such staff
to have a support resource in the directorate through which issues of concern
could be raised directly with the relevant chief officer. There was a
guaranteed access to that particular senior manager. The race equality staff
were part of these for a, in some cases, also servicing them. Whilst these
were helpful, their effectiveness did depend on the good will of the particular
member of senior management concerned. Some Black employees
dismissed these as a facadic managerial device the purpose of which was to
create a safety valve talking shop thereby enabling Black employees with
complaints and grievances to let off steam. Far more potent and, in a sense
in
local
be
formed
Group
Black
Workers'
the
that
to
the
came
useful, was
branch of the main officer union, then called the National Association of
At the time of the start
Local Government Officers, or NALGO for short.
had
NALGO
branch
local
the
then
the
something called an
of
of
new unit
"Ethnic Minorities Group". 889 This not only had no formal relationship
horror
but,
in
branch
to
the
the
the
union,
with
executive, or other structures
by
branch
its
head
had
the
the
secretary
white
meetings serviced
of
of unit,
final
took
the
arbiter on what was and was not
who
minutes and acted as a
possible. The influx of race equality staff to the council and membership of
the union, and thus membership of that group, soon changed that colonial set
Black
its
few
to
Within
to
the
a
name
change
group voted
weeks
up.
a
Workers Group, exclude the Branch Secretary, and to seek formal
its
have
its
branch
for
from
to
the
existence and right
ratification
Branch
Executive,
the
a constitutional change requiring a
on
representatives
two thirds majority vote at a full branch meeting. With assiduous
The
Group,
Workers'
behalf
Black
this
was achieved.
of the
organising on
be
time
this
Group
to
the
opened,
channel
another
enabled yet
existence of
In
be
justice
for
to
reality,
to
resolved.
claims
racial
via the trade unions,
for example, what this meant, is that another solidaristic constituency, not
its
because
but
Black
just
union milieu,
of
also,
people,
comprised of
only
for
key
branch
because
the
thus
to
agreement
secure wider
of
need
and
For
was
created.
negotiating action, of people supportive of race equality,
forward
by
the
those
put
employment,
on
example policy changes, especially
had
be
to
negotiated with the trade unions, could
race equality staff which
have
largest
be
that
the
the views of
union,
would
and main
guaranteed
now
its Black members formally and equally heard in the deliberations.
Certainly over the five years of the existenceof the official race equality
in
based
that
many
crucial
race
council,
equality
employment
programme
Race
Equality
Targets'
Policy, were, becauseof
the
as
such
policy changes,
462
this communicative channel in that union, ratified by NALGO, much to the
chagrin, the race workers suspect,of certain managementwho might have
beenhoping and expecting that thesewould be blocked by the trade unions.
The Black Workers Group also becamethe site from which a more critical
commentaryon the actions of the council could be launched,certainly more
critical than the communicative protocol of the council would have allowed
the race equality staff to voice.
11.16 Race Equality Workers
The final element to the race equality structuresconcernsthat relating to
what I have describedas the race equality workers, as a categorical contradistinction to Race Equality Advisers. Thesestaff were, for the most part,
further down the bureaucratichierarchy occupying posts which were
individual service specific. For example there were two `ethnic minority'
specialist posts in the libraries' section of the Leisure ServicesDepartment
whose brief was to ensurethat that section met the needsof the Black
in
in
borough.
Like
the
that
all
other race posts that council,
communities
including the race Adviser posts, thesewere Section 11 funded. Section 11
refers to that specifically numberedparagraphof the 1966 Local
GovernmentAct which permitted local authorities to claim from the
governmentup to 75% of the cost of posts which were oriented towards
helping the children of new commonwealth immigrants, for this read Black,
learn English. As the contentsof that paragraphsuggests,the bulk of the
funding claimed by local authorities up to the late seventieswent into
key
There
aspectsof which carried
problems,
attendant
education.
were
in
local
into
in
the
authorities used such monies other areas
over
way which
to
first
tended
The
that
the
authorities
was
education
of
councils' services.
budgets,
in
thereby effectively
their
the
allocate
monies non-specifically
by
budget.
This
the
was compounded weak
main education
subsidising
department
Office,
by
Home
the
the
government
monitoring of grant use
budget.
The
for
that
secondwas that even where
administering
responsible
formally
funded,
these
specified,
teaching
were often not
posts were
specific
to
form
There
was
which
was an underlying problem
of subsidy.
another
funded
this
in
late
the
posts
when
eighties
and
seventies
surface more clearly
in
in
both
education and elsewhere
way took on a more race equality role
local authorities, which was that they cameto be held by white people not
fully tuned in to the substantiveissuesof the black experienceand racism.
The third aspectwas that theseposts, when they were race specific, even in
their `teaching English as a secondlanguage' guise, were often separated
All of these,
from the rest of the services' main activities and planning.
together with the actual assimilationist basis to the funding, contributed to
the strong marginalisation of the actual work undertakenby those posts so
Over the years, whilst the actual legislation remained intact on
funded.
the statutebooks, the interpretation of the criteria governing the
463
fund
by
Home
Office
the
this
of
adaptedto the changing
administration
by
increasing
longevity
the
thrown
up
of the Black
circumstances
in
communities British society. This was becauseboth in that government
department,and in local authorities, it becamerecognisedthat this was the
funding
form
of government
only
which could thought of as race specific.
Thus, for example, in the aftermath of the Brixton disturbancesof 1981,the
principal researcherthen working in Lambeth council as a race equality
adviser covering managementand employment, met with the relevant civil
servantsin the Home Office. Whilst reluctant to provide any assurancesin
writing, they were preparedto give oral guaranteesthat all forms of race
equality projects involving race specific posts, even oneswith an explicit
anti-racist content, would be considered. In that particular local authority a
phalanx of race specific posts were createin their Housing Directorate and
sited in the various and many neighbourhoodand district offices spreadover
Lambeth. But these,like the many similarly funded posts in other local
authorities, including the target borough, were very much what could be
describedas `bolt-on' structures. In the many conferencesthroughout the
eighties convenedon the specific issue of Section 11 funding, a number of
critical marginalising themesemerge. Thesewere also detectedby the new
head of unit in the target borough in that council's race equality posts in his
initial assessmentof what needsto be done. Thesewere, and they echo the
fault lines in the way section 11 was used in the educational field, firstly that
for
dumping
treated
grounds
as
seen
and
service specific workers were often
in
This
Black
that
the
to
section.
particular
people
all
matters pertaining
could also mean being seenas the person, or persons,who would provide the
linked,
Secondly,
Black
there were no structural
to
and
service
users.
communicative relationships which would enablethe expertise of thesepost
holders to inform and changethe work practices of their colleaguesin those
hierarchy
filter
the
to
or
that
up
expertise
specific services,and/or allow
in
Thirdly
departments.
to
workers thesetype of posts often
outside other
isolated and alienated from the rest of their section and fellow employees.
Fourthly managersof theseposts were often ignorant of the full dimension to
the proper use of them, and/or unsympatheticto that potential, compounding
the marginalisation felt by the workers, and in many casesgiving rise to
harassment.
into,
bordering
on, even crossing over
managerialpractices
Traces of all of theseproblems, some more amplified than others, can be
In
in
in
the
the
pre-unit.
way which
race adviserswere structured
seen
for,
famed
that
time
London
boroughs,
at
and
one
such
as
a
north
other
labelled,
being
a `socialist republic', theseproblems were reproud of,
iterated by some of their race advisers in relevant cross London fora.
In order to tackle these,and further ground the changesto the race advisers'
borough,
in
head
functioning
target
the
the
of the race unit
structuresand
developeda policy covering Section 11 funded posts in the council.890
There were four points to this, all of which were collectively gearedtowards
464
arresting and turning around the almost inherent marginalisation of these
first
The
of theseaddresseda key communicative elementto section
posts.
11 funding, one which was either overlooked by applying authorities, or
short changedin some other way. This was that applying authorities had to
had
they
that
consultedwith the relevant black communities about the
show
In
the target borough consultation had previously for the
posts.
proposed
most part consistedof passingthe proposedpackageto the local CRC for
comment. This was now changedto a proper consultation exercisewhich
was to be co-ordinated by the Race Adviser and central unit, involving the
principle of non-closure should there be objections from the relevant Black
communities. The pre-structuring of the proposal also had to involve the
relevant Race Adviser. Finally the post consultation proposal then had to
securethe approval of the Race Relations Committee as well. The second
key changewas that relating to the functioning of theserace posts. It was
proposedthat they were not to becomedumping grounds for all race issues,
but a resourcefor that particular section whose use would be oriented
towards changing service practices by fellow work colleaguesso that the
whole section would be responsiblefor delivering to the Black communities.
Thirdly their reporting line, where this was not already so, would have to be
to the highest level of managementin that service area. Fourthly these
workers were to be given guaranteedaccessto Race Relations Committee
and to their respectiverace Advisers, where such posts exist, as well as to the
central unit. The key intention of the changeswas to upgradethe race
discursive
by
functioning
their
to
these
access
posts maximising
equality
of
institution.
The
influence
the
statusof
spaceswhich could
and/or change
thesechangeswas proposedin the form of a Code of Practice, aimed, as in
the caseof the employment codesproposedby the unit which will be
detailed later, at minimising managerial discretion, by official organisational
In
discriminate
if
through
to
an
marginalisation.
sanction, necessary,
unintended surfacing of subliminal race undertones,one of the chief officers,
whose departmentwas one of the worst offenders in misusing such workers,
formally commentedon the report that it looked as if the head of the unit was
891
build',
(sic).
`empire
trying to
Unlike other race structuresin other councils which, to all intents and
purposes,amountedto tenuously grafted on configurations whose primary
inequality
be
through quantifiably changing
to
tackling
aim appeared
racial
the hue of the council, those in the target borough had a more radical
by
head
imagery
These,
the
to
the
of unit then,
used
re-iterate
objective.
be
to
attachedto the central nervous systemof the council and to infect
were
it with the instinctual drive for race equality. The race structures and
be
transformative and not just additive..
to
were
constructed
programme
465
11.17 Main Focus of the Race Equality Programme
The fourth element concentrateson the main foci of the race equality
defined
five
distributed
for
These
the
year
period.
are
programme
local
inter-linked
five
areasof
governanceresponsibilities, which
amongst
democratisation,
services,
extra-organisationalnegotiation,
are employment,
and pursuing the transformative potential. Whilst then it can be said that
the outline of elementtwo provided the spatial dimension to the programme
along a vertical axis, the details of element four provide categoriesof action
horizontal
The
to
a
axis
complete a matrix of race equality activities.
along
information relating to the race equality structuresare part of the work
have
I
to
termed the transformative potential. At the time
pertaining what
in
the
the
start of
equality programmes the target borough local
of
in
by
thought
senior managersand councillors very much
governmentwas
of
terms of orthodox notions of local governance. Even in that era of the
borough
halls,
London
left
town
take
radical
over of many
supposednew
hardly
in
Lambeth,
intent
by
local
Labour
was
parties, as was shown
political
ever translated into substantivetransformation of the administrative and
holds
This
local
even
argument
government.
political processcontent of
in
be
be
left
for
to
borough
the
the target
a
could
said
new
where
more
balancedtri-partite segmentationof Labour group power, with the other two
hand,
by
filled
the
being
and out right
one
on
proto-modernisers
segments
Within
the
Labour
other.
on
right wingers and non-classifiables,
old style
this arrangementthe Black councillors tendedto sprawl acrossthe former
two. To define the race equality programme in this way, an argument
developed
for
holds
the
which
women's equality programme
as well
which
for
issues
the
consideration at the time which
alongside
race one, raised
beyond
the
the
key
of
thought
province
managersand councillors
some
if
to
fifteen
Yet,
as
on,
years
their
some
respective committees.
advisersand
emphasisethe pathfinder role of the pursuit of substantiveequality, as
opposedto facadic equality, many of the categoriesraised above are now
democratisation
local
and
items
the
e.
g.
government,
agenda
of
on
common
into
Built
the
de-and
re-construction of services.
community consultation,
in
implicit
framework,
the
temporal
then,
was a
race equality programme,
two operational principles underpinning the programme, and explicitly stated
in certain policy documentsin the following terms. The first phasewas
limit
is
This
the
the
in
`fine-tuning'
the
of
much
very
organisation.
seen as
by
fallacy,
the
to
espoused
type
programmeswhich gives rise
additive
leading race lights, like Ouseley, of what I have labelled the BBOS
is
That
i.
that
the
Black
Bums
Seats.
to
say
mere presence
e.
on
approach,
in
in
in
Black
the
whether
employment
or
people
organisation,
of enough
in
local
is
to
to
counter
racism
government.
relation service use, enough
Whilst not discounting this aim, the race equality programme in the target
borough sought to in a linked transformative context triggered by the real
limits to that former approach. Thus the points of resistanceand supposed
466
for
i.
limits
type
the
the
to
constructions,
additive
programme, e.
natural
Black
`there
in
people', as
of
are
qualified
not
enough
example employment,
for
be
failure
to
taken
the
to
the
as
catalyst
recruit, could
a response
in
deFor
that
the
and re-construction of
example a
work area.
considering
dimension
to reorganisations,the head of unit wrote:
the
race
report on
"Temporally it was, and still is, envisagedthat there were two steps to
this (Le. the race programme). The first is a matter of "fine tuning" the
organisation, or gearing it up to ensure that its policies, practices and
systemsdo not racially discriminate against, oppress or exploit Black
people. The second is to begin to look at restructuring as one of the
means to tackling the fundamental reasons for race inequality at the
local authority level. Race equality therefore is not just about the
number of Black Chief Officers; or Black children in day nurseries; or
the number of Black co-opteeson committees. It is as well about how
things are run. This in turn touches upon the complexities of real
change at this level. One of the dangerous fallacies therefore this
council has to disabuse itself of is that which maintains that race
equality can only be achieved by substantial additional growth.v492
One of the key contextualising struts to the overall frame of reference for the
race equality programme, one that was used to constantly remind managers
and councillors about the enormity of the manifesto commitment to race
in
turn
to
that
the
around, and casesover
equality, was
programme sought
This
in
UK.
development
the
hundred
was a
turn, a
years plus of municipal
history, which up to that point, had not consciously sought to move beyond
the unspokenwhite, male norm discoursesguiding their everydayway of
doing things. It was also a counter factual basedargument in support of a
in
be
time
and space allowed
race programme which required that sufficient
is
This
the
develop.
to
it
approach
that
contrary
properly
might
order
that
Ouseley,
field,
in
by
was
the
opinion
whose
as
such
race
argued others
be
to
initiatives
by
brought
type
enough
the changes
would
about additive
To
that
in
local
for
framework
extent
the
government.
racism
ending
secure
kick
the
to
start
temporary,
then current race structureswere
only needed
by
This
managersand
upon
seized
was an argument
organisation.
keep
firstly
section
to
posts
race
all
sought,
marginalisingly,
councillors who
11 funded becausethat type of funding was time limited, and secondly, two
it,
to
ending
of
the
means
race programme, argue, as a
years after the start of
in
be
This
the
been
had
upon
expanded
that enough
will
achieved.
already
discourse
contestation.
on
section
11.18 Employment
Within those types of contextual arguments,the issue of employment in the
target borough prior to the start of the race programme, showed
in
boroughs,
like
to
were
some
parts
similar
other
which,
characteristics
Lambeth before the commencementof their race equality initiatives. The
467
largest
four
fold:
local
the
the
authority as one of
employers
similarities were
in that area; high Black unemploymentlevels; a Black population
proportionately younger than the white one; a low level of Black
in
employment the council; and, not surprisingly, concomitant employment
policies, proceduresand practiceswhich were not equality focussed. The
processand systemswhich maintained that particular statusquo came to be
describedby the advisersbeing those promoting the positive discrimination
of white males. Further, unlike Lambeth which had an overt, dynamic
managerial context to their employment functions and processes,as
in
concretised their Directorate of ManagementServices,the target borough
still had an old style personnel function. This was executedthrough an
administrative basedcentral PersonnelDivision, structured as a subdepartmentof the Chief Executive's department. It can be best defined then
as sclerotic and ossified. Neverthelessit was formally linked to, and fed
into, the PersonnelSub-Committee,one of the key powerful committees of
the council, as future strugglesover the development of the employment
sphereof the race equality programmewould show.
There were four prefacing categoriesof deliberation to the developmentof
the employment component:the initial environment of indeterminacy, the
legal framework, the intended statusof the employment changes,and the
its
Whilst
division
the
the
workings.
and
envisagedrole of
personnel
PersonnelDivision and leading membersof the PersonnelSub-Committee
Race
Unit
initial
the
the
with wariness,
of
output
establishmentand
viewed
to judge by their reactions, it is likely they neither voiced nor indicated any
form of overt opposition becausein those early days it was not politically
indeterminacy
do
Certainly,
this
to
was useful to,
of
aspect
so.
expedient
Committee
through
Relations
by
to
Race
a raft of
the
put
unit
and
and used
legal
The
in
time.
employment changes a relatively short spaceof
framework centred on, and was grounded in, a reading of the 1976 Race
Relations Act by the Race Advisers and workers, which looked to accentuate
the most positive interpretation of its normative potential. This often put
them in conflict with the organisation's internal legal resourceswho
indicated
However,
legalistic
interpretation.
earlier,
as
preferred a narrow
the processof taking apart this form of `expertisation' led to the opening up,
in
thitherto
unknown communicative channelsresulting a
and use, of
deliberative
in
favour
down
decision
a
more
of
making
of executive
slowing
later
lies
Therein
technicised
the
too,
marshalled
reasons
part of
approach.
internal
features
In
the
terms
the
of the
relevant
of
race programme.
against
893
focus.
The first
'76 Race Relations Act, there were two broad areasof
indirect
discrimination
in
direct
the
to
and
prohibition of
related
forms
The
to
the
of
permitting
certain
second
related
of
employment.
in
recognition of the cumulative effects of past
action
positive
discrimination. Taking account of race under the positive action
provisions of that act, meant trying to equalise conditions applying to Black
468
decisions
did
in
It
that
any
employment
process.
not
mean
participants
taken at the point of selection for employment could use race as the sole or
main determining criterion. That would be positive discrimination.
There was a tendency for both managersand councillors to view the arenaof
positive action as being the requisite one to addressthe employment needsof
Black people. This was to some extent reinforced by the pronouncementsof
then certain race `experts' and by the developmentin race pioneer boroughs,
like Lambeth, of `Positive Action Programmes' to addressinstitutional race
inequalities in employment. This was not helped by the GLC's race
employment initiatives which placed a high premium on establishing
894
The view of the unit was that this
positive action trainee schemes.
tendedto relegate,representationallyand stereotypically, Black people's
employment experiencesto being the victims of `disadvantage'.
Concomitantly Black people entering organisationsas employeeswere
blanketedunder the need for additional training before they could progress
up the hierarchy. The view of the unit, and this is reflected in its policy and
practice interventions, was that organisations,like the target borough, could
do far more to ensurethat there was no, or little, direct and indirect
discrimination in the employment field before considering the option of
positive action. The emphasiswas therefore on the first broad area of
focus of the '76 Act's employmentprovisions, with positive action very
in
be
demonstrated
being
it
last
that
action the
much
a
resort once could
had
first
the
actually exhaustedall employment
part
organisation under
for
helped
for
This
Black
the
tendency
counter
also
possibilities
people.
in
in
the particular
to
the
conflate,
organisation
other employees
idea
the
this
that
tendentious
of positive action
occurs,
way
commonsensical
for
the
discrimination
the
sotto
groundings
un-intellectual
as
with positive
job
been
is
has
the
"she/he
behind-the-back
given
only
commentsof
voce
becauseshe/heis Black. "
The use of the '76 Act in this way also helped underpin the expressedview
in
the
head
policy
the
that
the
the
outlined
changes
unit
employment
of
of
be
the
`sticky
to
to
main edifice of
on
plastered'
recommendationswere not
be
but
should the core of a reconstructed
employment responsibilities,
This
focussed
required scrutinising and
employment
outlook.
equality
it
Above
all
required a
changing existing polices, proceduresand practices.
fundamental changeto the way in which the employment responsibilities of
the council were carried out. This meant that the orientation of the
from
had
Division
to
to
one,
administrative
a
a
reactive,
change
personnel
for
here
(and
I
using that term), environment
cross
myself
pro-active
help
This
then
would
one.
securethe
sensitive, processual,and consultative
for
the
there
the
not
exception,
only
as
norm,
and
women
equality changes
What
`human
Black
the
the
term
was
use
of
avoided
was
people.
and
It
describe
the
to
changes
required.
was argued that the then
resources'
human
of
resourcesowed much to the new forms of
arena
newly emerging
469
internal organisational control emerging in the multi-nationals, substantively
premissedon by passing and destroying trade unions. Whilst the equality
developed
in
being
be
overlapped
certain aspectswith what could
approach
termed the human resourcesapproach,i. e. a positive, pro-active evaluation
of employeesas the organisation's most valuable resource,underpinned
therefore by learning and developmentprogrammes,there was a critical
grounding to the equality basedemployment initiatives which had the
potential to allow for substantive`empowerment', as opposedto the facadic
`empowerment' deriving from the human resourcesschool.
The start of the race equality intervention into the employment
responsibilities of the target borough were heralded in the first ever report
produced by the unit. One of the tasks awaiting the then new head of unit
was to draft a formal council responseto the CRE Code of Practice on
Employment, a document which attemptedto set out the necessarygood
follow
for
to
to ensurethey did not directly or
practice standards employers
indirectly discriminate on the grounds of race.895 The legal statusof this
type of code is that whilst it is not legally mandatory upon employers, failure
to comply can be used as evidence in an industrial tribunal. It was, of
course,a heralding stalked by vulturine shapedshadowskeen to seewhether
like
local
had
before,
the
that
the
which
gone
or not
new unit could surpass
Committee
Race
Relations
had
the
as a co-opted
crc which
representationon
by
head
Practice
Code
The
the
to
the
of the unit, race
of
member.
response
advisersand race workers, was to use that and the, as yet, unmeasured
for
framework
for
bases
the
the
the
a
establishing
categorisationof
unit, as
Practice,
Code
The
CRE
focussed
of
new equality
employment approach.
which covered every main aspectof an employer's employment
responsibilities from attracting prospective employees,through to their
in
the organisation,to their eventual
treatment
recruitment and selection and
departurefrom the organisation as an employee,was dis-aggregatedinto a
for
Thus
there
one covering
were proposals
number of codesof practices.
disciplinary,
training,
conditions of
and
selection,
grievance
recruitment and
the
be
These
to
the
governing
procedures
main core
were
service, etc.
by
jointly
developed
be
Each
functions
to
was
of the council.
employment
the PersonnelDivision and equality advisers,ensuring there was the relevant
involvement and participation of employeesthrough the relevant fora.
The statusof thesewithin the organisation was that they were mandatory for
hoped
it
follow.
doing
In
that anti-discriminatory rights
to
was
so
managers
for all employees,particularly Black employeesand women, would be
in
discretion
limiting
by
these crucial
the
arenaof managerial
ensured
be
later
limitation,
involved
This
shall
shown
as
on,
areas.
not
employment
but
implied
threat
the
sanction,
also the opening up
of organisational
only
in
key
stagesof eachprocedure. These
spaces
communicative
by
both
Race
Relations
the
Committee and
accepted
were
recommendations
PersonnelSub-Committee,the latter effectively confirming their status in the
470
organisation as council policy. Whilst policies require implementation, and
the absenceof the latter could be read as reducing the respectivepolicy to
dressing,
neverthelessattaining the stature of `council policy'
window
should not be underestimated. It legitimated, for example, the
organisational,some of them legally enshrined,rights of employees,
particularly Black employees,to make claims for racial justice, as well as
delineating the normative potential for those claims to be resolved. In this
instance
the target borough's recruitment and selection code of
particular
practice, which flowed from that policy report, provides a good example of
why and how managerialpower, in this particular area of employment
896
The
responsibilities, was made accountableto race equality principles.
communicative spacesgeneratedin this de- and reconstruction of what had
previously been an administrative task, the province of managerial, and in
the caseof senior posts, councillor, discretion and subjectivity, will be
detailed in the interrogative section on race equality spaces. This will
illustrate how important they are in meeting the overall criterion that `all
who are affected should be involved. '
The secondcritical intervention, one that sought to define an overall short to
medium term goal for the above changesto the equality employment
reorientation of the council, was to develop and establish a race equality
897
This also cameto mark the beginning of the overt
targetspolicy.
opposition to, ostensibly, certain aspectsof the proposedrace equality
changes,by the what I have come to describeas the proto-modernisers
amongstthe Labour group of councillors. These,primarily in the shapeof
the Chair of the PersonnelSub-Committeeand many of her fellow
councillors there on, cited the opposition of the manual trade unions to the
for
for
to
targets,
ones
as
proposalsas reasons not so much not agreeing
had
have
down
This
by
the actual
the
would
slowing
process a year or so.
idea.
deliberate
killing
Added
the
to
this
misreading of the
of
effect
intention of the targets proposal was the intervention of a newly appointed
Chief PersonnelOfficer. Entering the organisation in a blaze of publicly
including
intentions
liberal
the
an
race equality priorities,
stated
vis-ä-vis
`I'm-with-you-all-the-way' meeting with the head of the race unit, his
in
his
Race
Adviser
issue
the
the
post
of
commitment soon waned over
division which had responsibility for employment. Despite the then new
for
functional
the
structures
race
changedreporting and
council policy on
Sub-Committee,
he
Personnel
both
Chair
the
the
constantly
and
of
advisers
holder.
impose
the
to
post
on
regime
a strict managerialist
attempted
Above all, the Chair wanted him to control the level and content of the race
898
being
These
to
that
committee.
eventswere
put up
equality changes
into
the start of the race programme. The
eight
months
about
occurring
details of the use by some councillors and managersof a combination of
Labourism, as a dimension of the social labour perspective, and gut
down
to
try
to
close
emerging race equality spaces,
managerialprerogative
471
interrogative
discourse
in
be
the
section on
contestation.
will
provided
Suffice to say that the particulars provided above give a flavour of the
attritional struggles for race equality spaceunderscoringthe final race
by
targets'
the council.
policy
accepted
equality
The policy itself, building on those that had already been agreedin boroughs,
like Lambeth, and by regional bodies, like the GLC, sought to achieve a
number of aims: clearly defining the concept of `targets'; disabusing
potential critics of the notion that this was anything to do with `quotas';
899
The idea of `targets',
the
establishing
necessaryoperational principles.
at that time not even a recommendationfrom the CRE, was therefore rooted
in the 1976 Race Relations Act definition of `under representation' which
was taken to mean the proportion of Black people in the organisation is
under representedif it is lower than the proportion of Black people in the
communities from which the organisation recruits. Targets were
something,therefore, for the organisation to aim at. Above all, within that
borough, it was made clear that targets were not an end in themselves,but
merely the numerical expressionof the short to medium term objectives
arising from the equality changesbeing pursued in employment. It was
stressedthat they were not quotas,but minimum expectedlevels of
levels
in
Black
thus
these
the
could
organisation, and
prospective
employees
be exceeded. As a refinement on the way in which the numerical target was
derived in other bodies, like Lambeth and the GLC where it was defined, in
the former, in relation to the proportion of Black people in the borough and
in the latter in relation to the proportion of Black people in London, in the
borough under examination, it was defined in relation to the proportion of
This
local
Black
in
the
was
communities.
economically active people
becausenot only would that be the age band of people from which an
but
because,
draw
its
given that the
also
employees,
organisation would
Black population is proportionately younger, that age band is larger than the
in
local
Black
the
communities, thereby
people
actual overall proportion of
21%
Overall
higher
therefore
at
targets
set
target number.
were
releasing a
levels
five
by
the
of the council's
all
across
end of
years
achievable
bureaucracy. However, cognisancewas taken of the differing employment
framework
by
different
directorates
in
target
the
as
the
overall
using
patterns
the context within which individual directoratescould, given the specificities
basis,
histories,
derive,
their
more achievable
on an annual
of
employment
targets. This latter refinement was the result of what I have referred to
For
Chief
`attritional
this
the
the
policy.
struggle' underpinning
above as
Officers of the council this degreeof local determinacyrepresenteda
`compromise' from the perceived Stalinist' intentions of the Race Relations
Committee and the unit and their `five year targets' plan'. However, the
had
Directorates
in
information
to
the
release
which
order to
additional
derive their interim targets also permitted the unit, on the basesof previous
for
to
out
every section the number of Black people
work
appointment rates,
472
neededto be employed for that section to meet its targets. This was a
concretenumber managers,and Advisers, where they were involved,
therefore took with them into any recruitment and selection processfor a
vacancy. The target's policy was therefore, at that time, unique in being
both `global' and `local' with a defined relationship betweenthe two
spheres. In fact one of the later Black councillors, someonewho came on
to the council some two years after the policy was developedand who
becameone of the unit's `ethinicised', (dare one say it) `bete
noirs', worked,
at the time the policy was being agreed,in a neighbouring borough in the
local CRC. He obtained a copy of the policy, `tippexed'
out the target
borough's name, inserted his local borough's name,
and presentedit to that
council's Race Relations Committee. This was acceptedand agreed
through that council's cycle of committeesso that there was an additional
dimension of uniquenessderiving from the fact that two adjacentboroughs,
900
had
identical
then
to
unbeknown
either,
equality targets' policies.
However, what was important was the level of changesto the configuration
of employment responsibilities in the different directorates,in line with the
equality recommendations,supporting the increasing level of Black
appointments.
Whilst the three componentsof the employment race equality changes
describedabove, re-orienting the PersonnelDivision, the codesof practice
and the equality targets' policy, marked the global dimension to the
envisagedtransfigurations, there was a need as well for a commensurate
accountability systemtying theseinto local managerial and administrative
processesat the directorate level. More over the nature of the relationship
betweenexpressedequality changesin employment and what effectively is
their micro-implementation within the different directorateshad to, because
of the principles guiding those changes,be critically different to the
orthodoxies of command and control. These,therefore, had to involve the
emancipatorypractice of opening up managerial decisionsto scrutiny,
particularly by Black people, as well as ensuring their involvement in the
various stagesof the changes. That did not mean,however, that the
systemic use of power to control resourceshad to be ignored, for that would
have turned the race initiatives into parallel `talking shops'. Instead those
systemshad to be prised open to communicative influence and possible
transformation. To achieve this the unit developedand got acceptedas
council policy, again after an excoriating seriesof altercations with the
proto-modernisers,a directorate level framework for carrying forward the
implementation
A similar framework
and
progress
of anti-racist work.
had been establishedin Lambeth. This, however, was entirely employment
based,and, rather marginalisingly, was called `positive action
901 These,
on an annual bases,detailed the action being
programmes'.
undertakenby Lambeth Directorates in furtherance of their employment
equality targets. In the caseof the target borough the framework developed
473
by the unit and race workers was more substantive. This was called `antifor
departments',
and rather than simply concentratingon
racist programmes
in
instead
the
to provide
sphere
of employment, sought
managementaction
an inter-locked accountability processacrossemployment, servicesand
democratisation,termed in the basedocument as `Black community access
902
decision
Thus:
to
making'.
Programmes provide the structural and procedural framework which enables Departments to translate the Equal Opportunities
Policy and concomitant policy backed race equality strategies into
concrete action. One of the visible affects of this will be to increase the
level of black participation throughout all spheres of the Departments
remit. The programme provides the basis for Departments to adopt a
systematic approach to institutional discrimination and within which antiracist strategies are developed and which have as their objective race
equality. Whilst a categorical distinction is made between the main
elements to such programmes, the programmes are premissed upon a
homogenous approach, including positive action based employment
initiatives, in recognition of the fact that all areas of a Department's
responsibilities are interlocked when it comes to tackling institutional
discrimination. Anti-Racist Programmes, as the last word implies, are
keyed into targets and timetables. As such they must be an integral part
Reprogramming at regular
of the Departments' other responsibilities.
intervals is therefore essential. This must be locked into the annual
budgetting process and it follows therefore that Anti-Racist Programmes
should be re-done at the same time. "903
"Anti-racist
For each of the then eleven council departments,the antiracist programme
initiative
yielded a seriesof annual employment and service and
policy
democratisationaction sub-plans-.
devise
instance,
in
first
to
the
The policy required the relevant management,
the plans with the involvement of the race advisersand race equality
Black
for
Black
the
and
a
employee
requisite
workers, and also with
It
the
involvement
establishment
also
recommended
actions.
community
be
department
forum
in
comprised of
would
which
each
of an anti-racist
including
the
department's
from
that
remit,
all sectorsof
representatives
trade unions, so that there would be the structural communicative meansto
influence and evaluatethe programme on a rolling basis. Both as a global
in
but
this
the
policy,
also
re-iterated
council,
recommendedchangeacross
fully
developing
the
for
the
establishing
nascent
and
were
recommendations
in
Unlike
at
monitoring
attempts
other
employment monitoring system.
become
boroughs
to
the consuming
se
per
appeared
monitoring
where
other
passion,this one was structured within the parametersof the race equality
for
Thus,
example:
principles.
programme's anti-racist
474
The emphasisof any monitoring systemwill be on the sharp cutting edge
to discrimination already recognised in the Council's priorities.
Monitoring will therefore provide the quantitative information on the
in
the Council's employment practices and
and
sexism
of
racism
effects
904
on the effect's of the action taken to remedy this
The last key element of the employment considerationswere those relating to
training in which two areaswere highlighted. Firstly training resources
for
had
development,
including
to
employee
earmarked
careerprogression,
be targeted at Black employeeswhere there was evidence of under
representation. Secondly sufficient overall training resourceshad to be
allocated to programmesaimed at training managersand employeesin the
nature of, and responsibilities arising out of, the race equality programme.
The then current early eighties vogue for local authorities to buy in the
attitudinal based`Racism AwarenessTraining' was rejected by the unit.
Again this involved, as will be touched upon in a further section, an
RAT
local
discourse
type
voluntary group selling
attritional
clash with a
services,primarily to the council, which also had network overlaps with the
then leadershipof the Labour Group. Instead training which emphasised,in
the short and medium term, behavioural changes,was favoured, with the
for
discursive
highlighted
being
the
arenas possible
as
race equality spaces
individual
behind
that
this
The
was
main reasoning
attitudinal changes.
distorting
by
historical
communicative
and everyday
attitudes are structured
forces which were often beyond the control of employing organisations,
from
Apart
from
behaviour
in
employees.
except the matter of expected
had
in
the
undergone
those
council
who
the
employees
which,
experienceof
the awarenesstype training was anything but positive. There were, as well,
complementarystrategiesaimed at changing the outlook of employees
key
For
elementsof the
towards the equality programmes.
example,
job
the
those
affecting
recruitment and selection process,such as
descriptions and person specifications, had an explicit race equality
dimension built in so that prospective employeeswould then be `tested'
knowledge
interview
their
the
about
through the communicative processof
in
both
the
issues,
to
post
specific
to,
relation
equality
of, and commitment
being applied for, and more generally.
Whilst, then, what I have termed above the `accountability process', can be
Departments'
in
be
of
the
three
action plan components
represented
seento
in
this
key
moments
there
communicative
were
anti-racist programmes,
there
be
highlighted.
In
to
to
was a range
employment
relation
which need
in
influencing
`opening
managerial
episodes
out' actions structuring and
of
before
had
been
the
there
establishmentof the race
not
which
employment,
in
For
example recruitment and selection this started
equality programme.
its
jobs
its
by
to
the
ensure
advertised
the
council
and
action undertaken
with
then new intentions on race equality were properly communicatedto the
Black communities both in the borough and wider country, including in the
475
former circulating on a weekly basis the council's vacanciesto local Black
organisations. It moved on to the involvement of Race Advisers in the
recruitment and selection processproper itself, bearing in mind the principle
of non-closure. Prefacing actions affecting that particular vacancy could
have included the scrutiny of the department'sBlack employee forum, or
might even have been subject to the influence of the other communicative
channel of the union basedBlack Workers' Group. Finally, becauseit was
an explicit recommendationin the policy report on anti-racist programmes,
all summarisedaction, as representedin the anti-racist action plans, had to,
on a six weekly basis, be reported to the Race Relations Committee. This
would ensurethat the programmesand affiliate action plans would become
public documents. The reactions of certain Chief Officers and senior
managementto the latter was interesting. Bearing in mind that those chief
officers were answerableto their own service committees and the uncritical
near ubiquity today of `performancemanagement' in local government,
together with a multiplicity of targets and actions plans, albeit a managerially
technicised form of `performance' evaluation, those membersof senior
managementresentedbeing called to account before a Race Relations
Committee. Whilst they had less objections to the plans being put before
their own respective service committees,there was a fear, as in `racial fear',
expressed,to use their own terminology, that they would be subject to a `Star
Chamber' type `interrogation' by the Race Relations Committee.
11.19 Services
The service responsibilities of local government at that time were enormous.
An audit undertakenby the unit as part of a race equality service monitoring
different
hundred
types of servicesand subproject revealed over a
905
headings:
broad
those
be
These
three
under
categorised
services.
could
universally available, like street lighting and refuse collection; those with
like
`accessed'
if
knew
they
child
them,
you,
or
about
universal criteria you
Running
housing.
like
discretionary,
those
care services; and
which were
throughout all of thesewas, however, a discretionary dimension which
in
Local
Black
to
the
government
needsof
people and women.
pertained
the UK was, then, a major componentof the welfare state,providing a wide
tranche of serviceswhich had an ideological and material bearing on the
large
local
sectors
of
people to perform substantively as
capability
of
To
that extent this contextualisation of welfare services,which
citizens.
labour
the
the
of
social
utopia
normative potential
simply makes explicit
guiding the original post secondworld war establishmentof the welfare
state, strengthensas well the moral casesurrounding the race equality
in
Writing
changes.
explicit core considerationsof racism
employment
intended,
the
then
unit
meant trying to createa
and race, and not marginal, as
dethat
systematically
and reconstructsserviceswith race and
programme
By
considerations.
way of a retrospective framing, the
as
major
women
476
head of the unit, in a policy document on race and reorganisations,could
write a few years later that:
In the absence of any overall policy and/or guidance on re- organisation,
individual departments have evolved ad hoc practices in this area. Whilst in
many instances "the provision of better services" (my emphasis) has been put
forward as the justification for such reorganisations, there has been very little
explanation precisely about how this was to be achieved; or more pertinently,
within the context of this report, how the Black community would exactly
benefit. It is hard not to conclude that reorganisation has become an unwritten
charter in many cases for departments to lengthen bureaucratic hierarchies;
upgrade existing managers, "empire" build, and entrench further
906
in
professionalisation the council.
Up to that point, both within the target borough and in other councils, work
on race and serviceshad been marginalisingly ad hoc as well as mired in
essentialisednotions of ethnic group needs. The neighbouring borough's
dual Afro-Caribbean and Asian race structuresexemplify this. In the target
borough an `etnik' project, brokered by the local CRC, involved establishing
a day centre for the Afro-Caribbean elderly. This project, which was
jointly run by the CRC and the Social ServicesDepartment and staffed by
Section 11 funded workers, was also the highlight of that department's race
equality initiatives. However, its geographical, service and political
distancefrom the rest of the Department also meant that its impact on the
rest of the department's servicesto the elderly, was minimally marginal.
Therein lay the limitations to the thinking and action on race and servicesat
that time.
The unit's and race workers' solution, bearing in mind the limited race
baying
the
infra-structure
the
at
the
through
presence
and
resourcesavailable
door of opposing discourses'jackals, was to establishthrough the anti-racist
for
baseline
framework,
a cross council, systematicminimum
programme
action. Action was built upon and around the establishmentof service good
defor
bases
indicated
have
the
These,
I
earlier, were
as
practice guides.
and reconstructing servicesaround the axis of explicit race considerations.
Two, linked, material and qualitative aims underpinnedthis
"antidiscriminatory
"non
to
access resources",and
conceptualisation;
discriminatory delivery of services". The guides built upon the
between
"a
by
to
the
that
there
commitment
non
gap
unit
was
observation
discrimination and the actual achievementof this." They would, therefore,
"minimise the chancesof discriminatory service delivery", whilst being
"encompassingenough to allow for flexibility of individual client
disallow
discriminatory
but
to
or
minimise
explicit
enough
circumstances,
in
delivery.
involved
"
The
the
service
employees
of
part
on
action
had
involve
"the
Black
to
the
community, specialist race
guides
creation of
field
Black
and
white
workers, and relevant
equality workers,
477
framework
form
The
"907
the
substantive
guides
would
management.
facets:
develop
the service monitoring
to
a number of related
within which
lynchpin
Black
the
the
of
assessment
community's
needs
as
system;proper
to wider objective criteria, thereby eschewinga pathological model; fair
for
systems resourceallocation and re-allocation; work related anti-racist
training; involvement and participation of those normally only on the
in
developing and planning such services;widest
services
receiving end of
possible advertising of services. In pursuit of the latter the guides were
also to be "public documents" forming "part of the accountability
908 The main
process".
conceptualthrust behind the recommendationson
servicesfrom the unit was to begin to wrest away from the council the
evolved systemof bureaucraticand professionalisedfortification of services
and open theseup to countervailing communicative forces from the people
for whom these serviceswere intended. This attempt at a substantive
later
from
a race perspective,prefigured councils'
review of services,albeit
concernswith developing and providing `quality' services,which then
legislation
Best
Value
into
Labour's
the
and
evolved
current new right
instruments for local government.909 The anti-racist programmesraised
different
issues,
but
from
perspectivewhich
a
similar
substantively
focussed
`customer'
democratisation
to
as
opposed
of services,
emphasised
is,
limit
to
the
participant action
consumerisationof services,which was, and
in
into
different
bifurcation
initiatives.
This
the
type
routes
quality
improvement of servicesis, in my view, another social reality correlate
flickeringly illuminating the Habermassianimagery used earlier of choices
made at the crossroads.
11.20 Democratisation
Whilst the third area of focus to the race equality programme is termed
`democratisation', that is not the word used at that time in the development
the
intent
Yet
the
and
the
the
architect,
programme's
of
of
programme.
from,
derived
in
for
done
intellectual impetus
previous authorities, are
work
that
built
impulse
democratic
the
realisation
experiental
upon
and cover, a
the achievementof race equality is restricted by the limitations of
to
democracy.
At
that
commitment
stagea generalised
representative
fold
democratic
the
into
brings
democracy,
the
of
action
which
participatory
bureaucracyof local government, underpinnedthe changesenvisagedby the
"Black
This
borough.
in
entitled
the
target
was
approach
race programme
"
Whilst
decision
to
one can perceive such
making.
community access
left
in
London
late
being
the
new
municipal
seventies
part of
sentimentsas
boroughs, expressedin the various decentralisationschemesthat emerged,
these,and I include Islington which implemented the most comprehensive
boroughs,
London
decentralisation
the
of
scheme all
were
neighbourhood
by
intended
the
to
substantively
centralist
control
alter
afforded
never
borough,
In
democracy.
had
the
target
which
one of the
representative
478
weaker decentralisationimpulses,work by the Race and Women's Units on a
involving
Black people and women, was
more participatory approach
viewed with deep suspicion by segmentsof the ruling Labour Group,
particularly those I have identified as the proto-modernisers. Part of this
suspicion was fuelled by the intellectual and political circumscriptions
surrounding the attemptsat consultation of, and involvement by, the Black
community undertakenby the then recognisedleading boroughs. In
Lambeth the participation was limited to those informing and supporting the
RaceAdvisers, and thus communicating with the organisation through those
advisory posts. For example the one covering employment co-ordinated a
forum of relevant Black organisationswhich `spoke' to the organisation
through that post. The exception to theseactivities was the work
undertakenby the principal researcher,whilst working in the Social Services
researchsection, on Black children in care and which resulted in the direct
alteration of child care servicesthrough a participatory mechanisminvolving
Black community organisationstalking and debating face-to-face with Social
Service managers. This principle of getting the organisation to talk
directly with the Black community and not seethe Race Unit and race
equality workers as either representativesor ethnic/cultural intermediaries,
was carried over into the thinking and action which I have termed
`democratisation'. This was aimed at trying to open up the organisation to
the Black community so that they could make their claims directly. At the
day to day operational level in Departments,the action required was
contained in the key recommendationsof the Anti-Racist Programmepolicy
document. This was encapsulatedas:
Black community access to decision making: This recognises that the Black
community has been denied systematically accessto institutional power. Whilst
structurally local government at the moment prevents all groups who suffer social
discrimination from an effective role in decision making, even where some local
authorities have arrived at consultative arrangements,nevertheless there is still
much that can be done to ensure that local government and in particular, on a day
to day basis, that Departments' decisions take account of the full parametersof
The target borough Council's race equality policies. This will devolve upon
Departments establishing as part of the Anti-Racist Programme mechanisms to
achieve:
f
Regular consultation with Black community
f
Effective use of Black-staff forums.
For both areas consultation and the actions that follow have to be substantive
within the framework of the race equality policies. That is to say that where
Departments decide to disregard advice and/or recommendations from the Black
community and/or Black staff forums, this can only be done on the basis that the
Department's course of action is more likely to further the stated race equality
objectives. The way in which this will be achieved must be clearly spelt out 910
479
One can seethe attempt to build into these,though for obvious reasonsnot
from
then,
the
the
practical
arrangements
arising
acknowledged
explicitly
discursive principle of `the force of the better argument', and my
complementarynon-closureprinciple. The work by the unit on
democratisationincluded and extendedbeyond the above. For example
two of the first participatory actions undertakenby the unit was to organise
separateconferenceswith the then existing Black employeesand with the
Black community organisationsand activists. In both care was taken to
ensurethat, respectively, senior managersand relevant councillors fronted
the meeting. For example the one with employeeshad all the relevant
Chief Officers from the respective departments,present. For many of the
Chief Officers, all white and male, this was the first time that had been
confronted with, and had to speakto, a hall full of Black people. Their
nervousnesswas palpable. The tone had been set by a four page overview
intent
by
behind the programme sent
the
the
produced
unit of
race equality
out to all Black employees,not all of whom were enamouredwith the idea of
911
few,
dissenting
One
the,
voices, via an
such a conference.
of
admittedly
if
know
Black,
identifying
the unit
themselves
to
as
wanted
anonymousnote
was trying to "start World War Three", indicative perhapsof the pressurefelt
by some Black workers from their white colleagues.912 The extreme
expressionof that came in the form of anonymousnotes to the unit through
the organisation's internal mail systemthreatening death, and other
unpleasanteries. Neverthelesswhat was useful was the communicative
for
first
forum
in
the
time a range of
that
that
allowing
space
openedup
by
decisions
the
made
receiving end of
employees,who were normally on
managersfor whom there was only ever a remote name, to question and
Chief
For
the
their
example when
counter-claim against
perceived wisdom.
Officer responsible for the architectural serviceslamentedthe total absence
he
because,
in
thought, they were not
Black
the
as
council
of
architects
he
lacked
the
experience, was
coming through the educational systemand/or
immediately challengedby Black Afro-Caribbean women working in the
lowest
the
Social
Services,
the
of
rungs
as
recognised
manual sectorsof
913
bureaucracyin terms of pay, work experienceand working conditions.
Their responsewas that many housesin the Caribbeanwere designedand
built by lay persons,so to speak,to a specification that could withstand
hurricanes, and thus they could not understandwhere this notion of `lack of
but
from.
Not
these counter claims were made
that,
only
experience' came
in `voices' and languagesexcluded from the and standardlanguagewhich
It
bureaucracy.
the
the
was not so much that
communicative norm of
was
this marked the emergenceof perspectiveswhich senior managershad not
been aware of before, as the fact that thesewere perspectiveswhich senior
be
`Black
had
It
that
termed
to
what
can
said
was
consider.
now
managers
which
have
I
latterly
decision
labelled
to
and
making',
access
community
`democratisation', spannedover the four year period of the programme a
initiatives
which ranged acrossthe administrative and political
of
number
480
borough,
including
in
former
deconstructing
in
the
target
the
the
and
systems
spatially extending work done by race workers in key managerial processes
and procedures. A key example of work in the formal political systemis
the arrangementsdevelopedand put into effect to decide who were to be the
co-opteesand observerson the Race Relations Committee. At that point in
time local councils were permitted to appoint a number of co-opteesand
Co-optees
observerson to their committees from the local community.
had the samevoting and speakingpowers as councillors, whilst observers
in
could participate the discussions,but not vote. The Race Relations
Committee, given its statusas an advisory committee could actually appoint
more than the other committees of the council. It was recognisedas
potentially an important element in bringing more Black people into the
decision making for a of the council. However, up to that point the system
of making co-optee and observerappointmentswas also one prone to
in
and
patronage
cronyism which the formal political affiliations of the
potential co-optee appearedto be a decisive factor. In terms of the Race
Relations Committee, the position of the co-opteesand observerswas further
complicated by three factors: the colonising deadweight of the CRC's
previous involvement in the council's race structures,the differing alliances
fact
Black
the
that the
their
constituents,
respective
and
of
organisationsand
Race relations Committee also had grant making funds and powers. The
demonstrated
by
be
factor
last
the actions of a Black
the
can
relevance of
councillor a few years on. He, prior to election, had been a leading official
he
hold
local
Black
to
position
continued
a
when
of a
voluntary group,
his
Race
both
Using
the
to
the
positions
and
membership
of
elected
council.
Relations Committee he attemptedfraudulently to obtain a grant from the
samecommittee. Money often instrumentalisesethical considerations.
Whilst council membersof the committee would have gone along with a
Vice
have
involved
Chair
the
the
and
variation of
old systemwhich would
Chair taking a decision on who would be co-opted, the unit put forward and
developeda range of options which were grounded in some sort of
democratic accountability. In the other London boroughs co-opteesand
be
from
Black
to
the
organisedthrough
continued
communities
observers
informal, unaccountablenetworks which often gave rise to the claim from
Very
in
Black
they
that
the
were unrepresentative.
communities
critics
In
local
CRC.
hands
into
the
the
the
these
of
arrangements
were
put
often
developed
borough
had
the
target
the
an anti-racist
already
unit
caseof
framework to what could be describedas the local civil society. Arising out
in
GLC's
by
borough
the
the
target
the
anti-racist year
participation
of
key
by
head
the
a
report
of the unit argued that there was a need
programme,
for a complementaryanti-racist approachto be fostered in the local civil
be
facilitated
involving
through
a
structural
mechanism
could
society which
key actors and organisationsin the sphereof local governanceand
inter-locking
The
forward
thus
spheres.
unit
and/or
put
overlapping
for
deciding
the co-options and observersto the Race Relations
options
481
914
Most of the options
Committee with that recommendedcontext in mind.
focussedon the need for their to be an explicit accountability process
Thus
"the
co-optees.
processof co-options would need
such
underpinning
to recogniseBlack autonomy in determining the co-opteesand observersand
5
s9
Examples of the
the accountability of such to the Black community.
types of options put forward were "the Council apportions the co-optee and
observerplaces betweenthe two main umbrella groups and asksthem to put
forward nominated representatives",or, "a public meeting apportions the
Co-opteeand observerplaces betweenthe two main umbrella groups and
"all
Black
forward
to
them
or,
nominated representatives",
put
asks
for
the available places,those
to
organisationsare asked make nominations
be
decides
to
that
chosen", or,
people
are
which
meeting
people meet and
"an annual public meeting to which all Black residents in the Borough are
invited. Nominations for co-opteesand observersare taken at this and
916 In the end the third option was chosenresulting in a
held"
elections
it
is
importance
The
that
densely
this
of
arguedmeeting.
packed and
demonstratedthat it is possible to move away from the often conflation of
in
Black
`leadership'
by
justice
the
for
those
seeking
racial
rhetorical claims
Black
through
that
needs
of
collective
of
representation
constituencies,and
developing democratic processeswhich involve a greater degreeof
democracy.
deliberation
that
than
associatedwith representative
participative
As I shall argue later, this conflation is often catalysedwhen those leadership
directed
through the major political
Black
the
are
community
claims of
parties, especially the Labour Party.
11.21 Extra-organisational Negotiating Role
The final part of the programme's focus relates to what I have termed the
`extra organisational negotiating' role of a local authority. This sought no
last
the
two
the
early eighties
to
than
elements
of
and
extend
radicalise
more
in
CRE
"their
from
local
that
the
to
combatting racial
role
authorities
advice
disadvantageis vitally important..(becausethey)... provide the bulk of
leaders
in
in
the
of
major employers any area,
services our society, are often
"917
financers
the
the
sector.
voluntary
of
major
public opinion and generally
This areaof work aimed to galvanise and focus the rhetorical weight of local
for
its
in
to
other organisationswhich
equality
made
race
claims
government
builds
At
influence.
this
its
the
upon
meta-level
might enter sphereof
Habermas' theorisation of the evolution of the stateas the resolver of social
integration problems, as doesthe whole of the race equality programme, and
in so doing brings it back into everyday consideration. As will be seenit
illuminates partially the restructuring of local governanceinstitutions
by
the
to
released
explicitly taking on
normative potential
necessary achieve
board race equality, especially that contained in my argumentsabout the
liminal local state's role vis-ä-vis the national state. The work undertaken
by the unit over the four years therefore covered a number of areasin which
482
the council engagedin formal relations with other external organisations,
including the national state. Some of the key areaswere those of grant
funding, the anti-apartheid initiatives, contract compliance, the position of
the council towards the extremeright, and the responseof the authority
towards the increasingly racist nationality and immigration legislation of the
government. To illustrate this a brief overview of two areasof work will
be provided. I argued earlier that grant funding by the council had resulted
in the evolution of a networked systemof allocation closely allied to
had
in
bulk
local
Labour
Party
the
the
which
resulted
of
membershipof
had
A
funding
to
white
groups.
also
practice
established
going
authority
grown up whereby local councillors were also membersof the management
committeesof local groups, especially those who were the major recipients
had,
Black
funding.
Some
the
groups
who
of
againstthe odds
of council
in
double
bind
funding,
found
degree
this
themselves
caught
of
of
received a
`networking' which usually boiled down to not wanting to bite the hand that
fed them. This potential conflict of interest, when pointed out by the unit,
especially within the context of the council's own race equality
in
The
conjunction
unit,
working
commitments,was not well received.
devised
the
a three strand anti-racist strategy
with
community affairs unit
Committee
Relations
Race
in
the
tied
the
of
grants
which
small amount
funds
£100,000
the
to
of the
major grant
a year, with
controlled, amounting
for
Relations
Race
£...
Firstly
the
totalling
the
criteria
rest of
council,
919
Committee grants were restructuredalong anti-racist principles.
Secondlytheseprinciples were then used as the basesfor introducing an
explicit equality and anti-racist componentto the council's main grant
funding criteria. This amountedto ensuring that those groups funded by the
developed
for
and adheredto an explicit
costs
capital and employee
council
framework
the
to
infra-structure.
Thirdly
overall
race
equality
an
equality
in
Black
funding
devised
and women's
which
was
and
grant
voluntary sector
funding,
for
and which required that all groups
groups were made priorities
Fourthly
the
new criteria.
are rigorously monitored and evaluatedagainst
be
it
because
by
Committee,
funding
Race
Relations
the
no more
could
grant
than non-capital, one off project funding, was designatedas `seedcorn'
funding which should be consideredas staging priorities later on for main
leverage
funding.
By
the
the
council
of
power
and
using
rhetorical
stream
it was possible to open up large voluntary groups which previously had been
`all white' to access,and participation by, Black people. This was framed
in a set of rights both legally enshrinedthrough the anti-discriminatory
legislation and, and through the explicit expectationsof the council as the
development
funder.
Backing
the
of what amountsto an antiup
main
in
infra-structure
in
the
three
the
the
were
sector
new
voluntary
units
racist
However,
had
the
to
achieving this major reaccess.
groups
council which
funding
local
non-statutory organisations' working
and
grant
orientation of
in
difficult
far
the short time spaceof the race programme
more
proved
because,in a sense,it involved the concretetaking apart of what was
483
perceived to be and practised as an integral part of the local Labour Party's
legitimation processes. For example, in interviewing the person who was
to becomehead of the Community Affairs Unit, mentioned earlier as one of
the new corps of Black appointeeswhich included the Race Unit staff, he
was clear that right up to the late nineties, when he eventually had to leave
the council after a successionof redundancythreatening re-organisations,no
funded
by the target borough which had breachedthe
voluntary organisation
919
had
had
its
funding
ever
equality component of the grant criteria
stopped.
This apparentfailure doesnot, however, diminish the normative potential
that exists for the local state in its negotiating role for race equality with
other organisations.
The other example of work in this areawhich should be mentioned because
it ties in with the comparative work on South Africa and because,at the
limitations
both
begins
to
the
time,
of what the Labour Party
same
elucidate
is preparedto accept in relation to race and sketch out what appearsto be a
for
by
level
ANC.
image,
liberal
The
the
support
of
notion of race
mirror
anti-apartheid initiatives by the target council appearedto be greaterthan
that afforded to its own race equality programme. Unlike other London
boroughs,this one had establishedan Anti-Apartheid Working Party
It
Councillors
Labour
relevant
officers.
was serviced and
and
comprised of
initiatives
develop
Unit.
Its
by
Race
to
the
of
a programme
aim was
advised
the council could undertakewhich would help undermine apartheid in South
Africa. Over the four year period the sort of action preparedby the unit
from
dis-investment of council
by
the
council ranged
and undertaken
in
South
had
interests
banks,
in
which
resources companies,particularly
Africa, ensuring that the council did not purchasefrom companieswith such
links, staging publicity and cultural events,and developing and launching the
20
is
is
interesting
declaration.
What
that
council's own anti-apartheid
thesesorts of race equality initiatives experiencedvery little opposition or
fact
In
from
from
the
councillors.
or
either
senior
management
obstruction
key councillors concernedexpressedand showed through action, like
in
investment
far
local
Shell
this
petrol stations, more emotional
picketing
did
for
they
those components
than
the
equality
race
programme ,
part of
There
institution
they
the
sat
on.
political
which were aimed at changing
by
for
Firstly
the
the
this.
of
problem
presentation
of
were a number reasons
both the ANC and the UK's Anti-Apartheid Movement was that of a denial
full
for
Black
would
which
enable
people
of political and social rights
in
South
African
The
solution which was read off
society.
participation
from this was the creation and developmentof rights which mirrored those in
the UK. It certainly was not about the substantivetransformation of
society. This certainly establishedthe mind set that the priority for action
in
South
Africa
that
the
work on race equality the UK amountedto
and
was
it
Secondly
confirmed the view, expressedby one of the
embellishment.
Group
i.
Labour
that
this,
the
e. the statusquo, was as far as the
of
ex-Leaders
484
it
Thirdly
would
get.
accordedmore closely with the
race programme
ANC's version of race relations which was expressedin terms of `nonracialism', and which viewed expressionsof Black solidarity against racism,
such as Black Workers' Groups, as racist. All three approachescontributed
to an unspoken liberal political framework underpinning the anti-apartheid
initiatives which facilitated the impression that for some a hierarchy of
in
South
being
Black
Africa
those
more
people
existed
with
oppression
deserving. This liberal accord tying in the ANC with the Labour Party on
the limits to race equality, beganto unravel as soon as initiatives were put
forward which were more radical. For example one of the outcomesof the
GLC's anti-racist initiatives was the developmentof local government antiLabour
declarations,
amongst
run authorities, which
primarily
apartheid
intent.
Up
to that point the
to
those
authorities an anti-apartheid
committed
ANC
had
developed
the
as the only recognisedpolitical
cited
so
ones
developed
borough
In
target
the
the
to
the
unit
an
apartheid state.
opponent
inclusive
in
its
declaration
recognition of
which was more
ant-apartheid
those opposedto the apartheid state. A range of oppositional organisations
Black
Consciousness
including
included,
those
the
therefore
of
were
Movement. This was more in keeping with the range of opinions expressed
to the unit by both Black South African exiles in London and by local Black
it
harmonises
level
that
At
could
also
one
argue
communities.
another
`involvement
the
the
of all who are
principle,
participatory
more with
because
had
declaration,
borough
to
Whilst
the
target
the
accept
effected'.
it was grounded more inclusively, the ANC refused to acknowledge it and
boycotted the launch ceremony. With the Labour party, and with the ANC,
is
Africa,
South
in
there
I
the
a convergencearound
section on
as shall argue
in
These,
is
`manageable'.
terms of their
that
ultimately
a notion of race
disavowal
Labour,
the
trajectories,
of what
a
of
part
represent,on
respective
they perceive to be too radical a version of anti-racism, and, on the part of
`race'
denegation
through
ANC,
to
the
of
a
an opposition racist apartheid
Both the disavowal and denegationare the symptomatic effects of
both
the
of
political parties
part
communicative exclusionary practices on
legitimation
in
legitimation
instrumentalised
the
a
polity;
aimed at seeking an
that is increasingly simultaneously local, national and global. For the
be
however,
legitimation
liminal
local
inclusive
can
only
state,
racially
in
flickering
inclusive,
the
the
this
unit's work the
aim of
communicatively
local
in
the
the
authority's negotiating role.
area
of
eighties
11.22 Equality Alliances
The fifth element of the race equality programme relates to its relationship to
borough.
Both
in
the Race and
the
target
work
other areasof equalities'
Women's Units were establishedand came on stream at the sametime.
Both, were, as well, marginalisingly physically located in the samebuilding
however,
from
Town
Hall.
From
both
the
the
outset,
away
units
485
decision
took
the
to work together on issuesof relevance,
consciously
support each other, cross-tabulatemutual appurtenancesin any policy or
practice processes,and support each other politically. Towards the end of
the race programme's time period, the relationship could be summarisedin
one of many discursive, deconstructiveresponsesthe race unit had to
produce to counter the attemptsby the Leadership of the Labour group to
unilaterally and `uni-communicatively' scrap the Race and Women's Units
in favour of a broad basedequalities' unit. Thus:
f
It is obvious that a broad basedequalities approach either in the form of
a committee or unit, would marginalise the achievement of race
equality as a council objective Any anti- racist strategy mapped out to
do so has to be basedon the clear understandingthat:
racism cannot be conflated simply with racial discrimination
f
race inequality is structured continually in this society
Any strategy adopted to fight this has to be done so within the political
dynamics of Black people's struggles. Common goals of equality can
only be forged therefore on the basis of political alliances and not
through the subsumption and/or reduction of one form of equality into
and/or to another
All the Race Advisers and workers recognisethat it will be necessaryat
times to work co-ordinately on broad equality issues. This is done at
the moment on the two resourcedareas, i. e. race and women's equality.
However this work is done an the clear understandingthat:
f
race and women's equality require differing strategies
f
co-ordinated areasare therefore mapped out distinct from the main race equality
strategy92'
Using the Race Unit's anti-racist programme framework, the Women's Unit
developed
advisers
and
parallel and complementarywomen's equality
programmesand action plans for each directorate. The differing, but
supportive strategiescould be seenparticularly in the area of employment
for
where,
example, the emphasisof the women's programme was not so
much on recruitment and selection, becausehalf of the council's workforce
was female, but on career and retention issues. Interventions in the areas,
therefore, like a safe working environment, key to retention of women
dissolved
the traditional technically focussedboundariesof
employees,
health and safety at work to include the socio-political dimension of sexual
harassment,as well as racial harassment. Out of this was derived a specific
harassment
and
racial
sexual
complaints procedure which, on the bases
primarily of the women's advisers,argued the genuinenessof all
922 The implementation this
complainants.
of
was delayed by the position
legal
department
the
council's
of
who were more concernedwith the rights
of employeescomplained against, especially white males. Both sets of
486
advisersensuredthat spaceswere openedup within and without the
organisation to communicatively pursue the achievementof that procedure,
including, as can be seenfrom the above quote, a forthright exchangeof
Women's
Unit
However,
the
the
curve
of
members.
views with council
its
in
its
the
through
existence the council - the same
period of
and staff,
time period as the race Unit - standsas exemplifying the racial fear
from
feelings
towards
the
the
race
programme
negative
propelling much of
it
inception,
Unit
Women's
At
the
comprised three
certain councillors.
joint
heads,
Black
two
were
white,
and
one
who
staff,
membersof
be
happened
joint
heads
One
to
the
two
an active
also
of
administrator.
inner
borough,
in
London
Labour
the
as well as a
another
party
member of
borough's
Criticism
that
of that
committees.
co-opted member of one of
from
later,
Three
from
the
with money
years
memberswas muted.
unit
GLC's demise,the unit was in a position to expand. The two original
headsof unit decided to pursue alternative careersin various policy roles
elsewherein the council. Sevennew staff were recruited, three of whom
from
Thereafter
head
including
Black
Black
senior
criticism
of unit.
a
were
dramatically.
In
increased
another rebuttal of
managersand members
head
based
form
broad
the
to
of the race
equality
unit,
a
councillors attempts
is
"it
the
that
Leader
that,
the
the
to
strange
now
council
of
unit wrote
Council has a Black head of the Women's Equality Unit, that suddenly
(something
`beastly'
advisers....
membersare complaining about
s923
It
WEU.
head
the
there
of
was a white
which).. .never occurred when
interests
in
be
to
that
relation race and women's equality common
can argued
divergence
The
Black
the
women.
experiencesof
coagulatedaround
betweenthe two broad areasof inequality and equality actions, when it did
time
because
the
space
closing,
communicative
about
came
occur,
fear',
`racial
ensuredthat a mono-chromatic women's
of
compressing,vector
for
by
be
that
some councillors,
wished
would
equality programme, much as
Labour,
the
then
paradoxically
new
right
crystallising
senior managers,and
both
it
Ultimately
happen.
the
women's and
advisers,
was not
could never
focused
fact
that
the
a conflationary, convergence
race, who separatedas
discoursewas enactedby councillors and senior managerswith the express
by
developed
two
the
both
the
separate
spaces
communicative
closing
aim of
interbased,
broad
in
favour
equal variable,
of a
units and constituencies
At
differing
the
interpretation
end, with
struggles.
equality
of
changeable
the eventual demise of the Race and Women's Units in 1989, all of the staff
in the two units had to leave the council, by one meansor the other. The
in
Unit,
Women's
then
Party
the
Labour
the
ex-head
of
activist
white,
Central Policy Unit, becamefirstly, Head of the new Equality Unit, then, in
Chief
Executive.
In
hand,
Assistant
other
an organisational sleight of
boroughs, particularly in London, with the visible scaling down of race
in
borough,
happened
had
the
target
that
most of the
mirrored what
equality
had
leave
For
to
the
relevant
councils.
concerned
example,
race advisers
boroughs
four
London
looking
to
the
adjacent
at
each other which
when
487
infra-structures
establishedrace
at about the sametime, including the target
borough, only one out of all the race equality staff spanning the four
boroughs still works for a local authority. However, many of the white
women's equality adviserswent on to other equivalentjobs, pay and status
wise, in the council, including four who becamechief executives of local
councils. The Black ex-headof the women's unit in the target borough,
after a successionof lower paid jobs in the voluntary sector, a deliberate
because
her
in
local government had made her abjure any
experience
choice
future employment in that sector, at last contact, taught English as a foreign
languagein Cuba.
11.23 Evaluation
Given the brief architectonic of race equality in a particular local governance
context provided above, the question is how one is supposedto evaluateit.
The race equality and women's equality programmesdid not experiencea
natural organisational death. They were, after all, and that experiencewas
in
few
local
mirrored a
other
authorities, wrenched from that organisation.
There was a period of acceleratingdiscord between equality advisersand
senior councillors towards the end culminating in a `blood-and-snot-on-thewalls' aftermath of a serious discourseclash which concluded with the
for
had
I
In
the
the
two
using a
closure of
units.
argued
previous chapter
four element construct of validity: triangulation at a meta-theoreticallevel,
construct, `face' and emancipatoryvalidity. This would be very much in
line with the sort of evaluation demandedby the overall aims of the equality
discourseevolved, developedand actioned by the advisersand concomitant
constituencies. On the other hand, as the development of the race equality
programme gained momentum, senior councillors, those mainly whom I
have identified as the proto-modernisers,becameincreasingly vociferous
in
`managerially
to
the
the
need
control'
race equality advisers,
about
discourse
This
the
use
of
particular.
medium of control and domination
gave rise as well to a repeatedcall over the four years for there to be a
review of equality work and infra-structures in the organisation. This call
for an evaluation and assessmentwas never made in public, or posed openly
to the equality staff, or, more importantly, to the relevant constituenciesof
Black people and women both within and outside the council. Rather it
was posed in the communicatively exclusionary meetings of the local Labour
Group on the council and actioned via senior managers. Evaluation, under
these circumstances,was never posed so nakedly as simply that of reining in
the `pesky' equality staff. Instead it was `facaded' as the desire to expand
the scopeof equality priorities to include age, disability, gay men and
lesbiansetc., not, however, on the basesof more resources,but on the
low
level
the
of then existing equality resources.
of
already
redistribution
The nature of the evaluation both, in the way decisions about an evaluation
directly
involved,
in
linked
those
the
and
omitted
criteria for assessing
488
`success'or `failure, ' was markedly different to that which the equality staff
would have used. Theseattemptsby councillors to initiate a review is what
I have termed in the previous chapteras an 'instrumentalised evaluation'.
On the equality workers part such calls by councillors for `reviews' were met
lack
lack
with
counter
claims
of
of
political
will
robustly
and
of respectand
recognition. We can treat thesecalls and counter claims as the visible and
vocal symptoms of a discourseclash about equalities and the place, or not, of
Black people and women in local governance. At another level it is as well
in
about my conceptualisationof race equality that period of local
governanceas being akin to periods of de-colonisation and re-colonisation;
lifeworld
`hue'-manising
Habermas'
thesis
thus,
colonisation.
on
about,
Its con tours mark out the attritional borderlines between social and systemic
integrations and the relationship betweenthe two, oscillating over the four
year period betweenglimpses of de-colonisation and the re-imposition of
differing
ideas
local
The
two
this
of
of
nature
of
pursuit
colonisation.
inclusive
of race, the other dominatingly
governance,one emancipatorily
be
the subject of the next section which will trace the
will
managing race,
`discoursewars' surrounding equality in that specific local authority,
bringing in'more closely the theoretical constructs. We can prefatorily
be
last
by
to
the
this
piece of
equality
advisers
was
citing what
contextualise
written evaluation work for the Labour politicians of the council, a critical
by
disbanding
for
the
two
the
also
units,
and
real reasons
commentaryon
infra-structure
key
facts
the
the
to
and
about
race equality
reference some of
outputs over that four year period.
Thus:
the draft report, written by the Assistant Chief Executive, that we
.....
have been asked to comment on is not the result of a professionally
constructed review process, but seemingly the subjective opinion of one
The previous Labour Group report on the subject (5.12.88),
officer.
written by the then Chief Executive, was also a subjective opinion, with
no attempt made to researchor consult on the contents. Indeed, attempts
keep
those contents secret from us and other interested
were made to
We view these actions as appalling practice and in direct
parties.
conflict with the stated core values of this Authority...... Paragraph4.1.
of the draft report introduces the issue of the Council's commitment to
other "disadvantaged Groups", as well as to black people and women. It
goes on to cost an additional resource to cover lesbians and gays,
justification
disabled
(one
officer each - again no
people
pensioners and
for this minimal number of posts) to be £82,000. However, it is clearly
not a serious option or proposal for committee to consider, as we are told
that, this "is not. a practical proposition in the current financial climate".
In other words, the needs of pensioners, the disabled and lesbians and
gays do not warrant the expenditure of £82,000 to finance a central
resource in a climate of financial cuts. The financing of such a resource
unit, must come from the deletion of women's and race adviser posts.
Why is this proposal presented as though it were the only option? What
489
are the other options for consideration by committee? flow is it that
£200,000 was 'miraculously' found to finance expansion in the
Environmental Services Direct Labour Organisation in December, even
though the Director of Finance informed Policy and Resources
Committee that there was no provision for such expenditure, but not for
meeting the needs of pensioners, lesbian and gay men and the disabled,
without wiping out the posts and positive work of the Council's women's
and race advisers. . However, money was found from the "contingency
provision" (for Environmental services). Could not the Council, if it had
so wished, dipped into this "contingency" fund to finance central
provision for pensioners, the disabled, lesbians and gay men without
having to abolish the Women's and Race Equality Units and the Advisers
in Personnel?...... In our view, the report is seriously flawed in that it
does not deal with the real issues of the best possible way for
(target
...
borough X)... to go about implementing equal opportunities policies in a
climate of financial and political restrictions. It merely concocts a new
failures
the
successes
analysis
of
and
of the current
no
structure , with
(political,
to
the
reasons
as opposed to
real
and
no
reference
structure
financial) for this idiosyncratic proposal. Further, there has been no
attempt to consult with staff who currently work on race and women's
equality issues. We have been presentedwith a fait accompli. Indeed,
the original report that went to the Labour Group of 5th December 1988
Chief
by
Leadership
Executive.
from
kept
the
then
the
and
secret
us
was
This is no way to treat staff or the issues. We have no confidence that
the proposed new structure will work, for all the reasons stated above.
Structures do not have a life of their own; they are dependanton people,
believe
We
that the political commitment to
commitment.
and
resources
the real issues faced by women, black people, pensioners, the disabled
(and their carers), lesbians and gay men is seriously lacking in The target
borough - and that is the issue. We also believe, that becausewe have
had the courage and integrity to confront this issue, whilst being faithful
to our job descriptions, some of us are being abolished and others
been
fail,
has
to
set
and
a
structure,
virtually
up
new
marginalised,
little
by
know
(without
research or analysis)
officers who
concocted
24
dynamics
issues
and
of equal opportunity work.
about the
Key facts about the race equality programme and structure therefore gain a
between
disagreements
because
it
back
the
the
clothes
greaterpertinency
equality workers and the politicians, especially over the respective
evaluations of the programmes;the very samepolitical group who were the
decision
in
the appointmentsof those staff employed
makers
originally
main
to develop the manifesto commitments on race and women's equality.
These facts then are not simply the social construct of those who experienced
the waxing and waning of the race priorities in that borough. They,
by
direct
the
many
attempts
certain
of
emerged
as
a
result
paradoxically,
Comparisons
to
the
structures.
equality
with other local
councillors review
In
be
had
this process,even
to
etc.
made,
costed
structures
authorities
though the equality workers were very often excluded, i. e. they `were done
to', they themselveshad to put together information packagesfor those
councillors supportive of and sympatheticto the causesof race and women's
490
equality. In one sensethe very starknessof some of the facts, in a
for
themselves,whilst at another level they
speak
comparative context,
in
confirm a real, everydayconcretesense,the progressmade; progress
which can be said to be towards emancipation.
All of the race equality posts in the council were establishedbetween 1981
and 1984. Thereafter attemptsby the Race Unit and Race Relations
Committee to expandthe complementwere thrown out by politicians. The
Race Unit comprised three substantiveposts during the course of its
for
`borrowed'
and
one
post
a period of two years. The rest of the
existence,
race equality posts numberedfourteen. All of theseposts were Section 11
funded, meaning that the council only had to find 25% of their costs. Out of
all the inner London Labour boroughs, and some of the outer, the target
borough was the lowest resourcedin race equality terms. Between 1984
and 1989the number of employeesin the council ranged between 9,000 to
7,000. The total budget of the council in 1988was £214,000,000. The total
cost of the race equality infra-structure was £225,000. As shall be shown
in the next section, these figures were to be a useful weapon in the fight
againstthe proto-Blairite moderniserswho attemptedto construct an
argumentaround the `major cost' of equality structures.
In terms of work output the race advisers,and to a lesserextent, the race
in
equality workers specific service areas,spanneda range of responsibilities
from
highest
level
the
tasks
ranging
policy work in the council to critical
and
interventions in key everyday operational proceduresand practices, not to
mention the training aspectof the role or the community development
elementthat was required. Whilst in the target borough the unit and
for
develop
to
a case the recognition of those types of
advisersattempted
responsibilities within the race equality context arguing that thesewere
pathfinder portents of revising roles for local government workers, this was
not forthcoming from the organisation. Insteadrace advisersand workers
were continually constrainedby the deliberate orthodox organisational
For
interpretation
their
work.
example the value of
placed on
assessment
jobs in the council was at that stagedeterminedby a nationally agreedjob
did
for
local
flexibility;
scheme
which
a
allow someroom
evaluation
flexibility the organisation felt more comfortable exercising over the issue of
in
women's responsibilities local government. Thus there were stepstaken
to review and revise the schemeto take on board traditional areasof
in
local
work
government, such as social care, and to try and
women's
issue
however,
The
this
of
race,
more
appropriately.
was
recognise
divisively ignored. Neverthelesswork undertakenby the then Local
Government Training Board specifically on Race Equality Advisers, later to
becomethe Local Government ManagementBoard, an organisation funded
by local governmentswith the remit for catalysing the improvement of the
human resourceaspectof local government, derived a list of over fifty key
491
employment attributes thought necessaryfor the job to be carried out
925
This was reflected in the extremely heavy workload equality
properly.
in
workers the target borough developedor had foisted on them. For
example,the unit had to service two committees of the council ensuring that
the four meetings held in every municipal year had a full and proper agenda,
often made up of reports on policy or evaluation topics they themselveshad
to initiate. This is to be contrastedwit the other service and major
committeesof the council which had the full resourcesof their respective
departmentsat their disposal; a resourcenumbering anything from a few
hundred employeesto over a thousand. Added to the work dimension of
the equality adviserswas the political dimension that not only was this the
first time local government had tried to introduce a programme of social
justice to changeits own internal workings and external relations, but being
the first theseprogrammesand associatedstaff had to battle against a
hundred plus years of evolved local governanceorthodoxy. Thus over the
four years eachRace Relations Committee had at least one major,
substantivepolicy or evaluationary report on its agendawith council wide
implications. In addition underpinning this were the everyday
interventions, critically targeted, in operational procedures,such as
recruitment and selection, disciplinary and grievance procedures,or
investigations into service transgressionswith a race dimension. The one
fed the other, and vice versa. If one bearsin mind the matrix constructed
from the cross tabulation of the major levels to the race equality programme
with the key elements,then eachbox contained a potential admixture of
work ranging from policy developmentand advice on implementation to
critical interventions in proceduresand practices. In turn each of thesewere
include
differentiated
levels
tasks
which
might
advising a
made up of
of
Black member of the community on a related complaint to arguing face-toface with councillors about the related policy implications or action the
organisation should take.
Despite, then, the minuscule resourcesdedicatedto catalysing the pursuit of
developed
borough
had,
target
two
the
a
years,
within
race equality,
comprehensiverace equality infra-structure which, in the potential it had
implementation
if
the
actual
even
over the council was patchy, could provide
the framework for jump starting the idealised racially inclusive form of local
governanceoutlined earlier. In fact the infra-structure was
inner
by
London
two
acknowledgedly copied
other authorities, one an
borough which in the mid eighties had createdan actual ethnic minorities
directorate, the other a northern metropolitan authority. Interestingly, and
dimension,
it
in
to
the
comparative
was
cited
a United Nations study,
related
undertakenby a prominent South African exile, as an example that could be
in
copied South Africa should, at that stage,changesoccur in that country.
492
In terms of actual output which can be directly attributable to the race
programmes,the visible increasein the numbers of Black people involved in
the council can be seenfrom the figures relating to both employment and
servicesover that period. As the diagram below shows, the overall level of
Black employeesin the council increasedfrom 12% in 1984 to 20% in 1988.
As a direct result of the antiracist programmesexplicit service developments
interventions
and
on the part of the different departmentsincreasedfrom two
to twenty. Not included in the latter is the unit initiated developmentof a
comprehensiveservice race monitoring system. Allied to this were, during
the period of the race programme, a number of formal consultative, and/or
participatory initiatives undertakenby the different departmentswith sectors
of the Black communities. In fact acrossall the levels of work identified,
local, regional, national and international, it can be said that for the four
years of the programme, race, in the senseof the positive racialisation of
communicative intercourseunderstoodas the opening up of spacesfor
making and resolving claims of racial justice either there and now, or as
For example race
normative markers for future action, featured explicitly.
equality was a standing item on most managementteam meetings,especially
those of senior managementeither by conscious `pro-active' decision, or
through the presenceby right of the relevant race equality adviser. Citing
the `numbers' of the race equality programme servesthe purpose of
demonstratingthat something in the organisation was going on; an activity to
do with change. It is far more than Lansley's - ex Chair of Lambeth's
Community Affairs Committee, and thus political tutelar of that council's
race programmesin the early nineteen eighties - retrospective, apostate,
dismissive swipe of race equality initiatives in local government as resulting
in only slightly more than the revamping of the recruitment and selection
processes. However much certain of the councillors in the target borough
would have liked to have been able to make claims of `under performing'
againstthe equality advisers,the actual evidenceof work via committeesand
through their involvement in operational procedures,not to mention the
by
recognition afforded
other local authorities, meant that that particular
avenueof criticism could not be made.
But perhapsthe evaluation of the race equality programme should examine
other forms of indicators which might attest to the scale of changein the
organisation evidencedthrough the irritant value of that programme and
implicit
in
The
`perverse'
indicators
the operational
structures.
are
informing
in
the
principles
equality workers' activities the organisation, such
as, for example, those of maintaining utmost honesty and transparencyon
matters of race, or going about the everydaywork with the metaphorical P45
in the back pocket. They can be seenin totality in relation to the major
influence on the council, disproportionate to its size and level of resources,
the unit and complementaryrace equality structure had, and, in the
constituent componentsrevealed, for example, by the high level of
493
disagreementswith councillors over the way in which certain decisions, and
the substanceof those decisions,were taken. Comparedwith the
neighbouring two boroughswhere accessto the ruling Labour group by the
equality advisersof councillors was more restricted and more governed by
the unwritten statusprotocol of "me-councillor-you-officer", the level of
926
in
disagreements
borough
higher.
It marked, as well,
the target
was
open
the fractious cross over points of two differing discoursesabout race
equality, the one, in the caseof the councillors in the target borough, but also
in
evident the muddled thinking of some race units and programmes,tied to
a managementof race through a modified race relations model emerging as a
incorporatist
labourism
discourses,
two
viz.
and neoof
sub-creation
focussed
the
to
other an emancipatoryprogramme
on
managerialism,and
demise
devoted
justice.
In
1989
to
the
of the
a
union
newsletter
post
racial
head
former
the
then
of the Race Unit could
race and women's units,
defining
in
immersed
"were
the
that
too
processof
comment
councillors
Race workers as the council's `niggers in the woodpile'.... (and)... that if the
Race Unit had indulged in race relations type activities, i. e. irrelevant public
for
in
food,
band
`ethnic'
the
corner
platform
and
a
public
a steel
eventswith
demonstrate
few
figures
to
their acceptanceof
after a
rum punches,
senior
Black folk and their `ways', we would probably still be in businessbecause
that posesno threat to the statusquo in the council.... (instead because)...we
butter'
issues
`bread
deliberately
to
and
concentrate
on
chose
- employment,
decision
have
Black
to
the
making, the treatment of
access
people
services,
Black employeesin the council, the way in which resourcesare allocated etc.
heart
decision
m-927
be
the
that
of
making.
at
we
would
always
- meant
11.25 Border Wars: Razzias, Raids, Refutations and Transformations
The outline of the race equality programme provided in the previous section
back
drop
`quick-reference'
the
against which
of
purpose
providing
a
served
the con tours of the shifting terrain of the `discourse contestation' shaping
The development and
the race equality programme can be detailed.
be
the
possibly
race programme was not, as could
establishment of
interpreted from the back drop outline, a painless process. It rose and, not
between
disputation
down,
fell,
torn
the
groups of
as was
result of a
so much
influenced
discourses
by
differing
within the overall
actors pursued and
local
governance, and within the specific milieu of the target
sphere of
This bears on Dryzek's observation, made earlier in this chapter,
borough.
that difference democracy is the contestation of discourses, but also
Fairclough's idea about colonisation, the structuring of institutional orders of
In saying that I am re-emphasising the claim
discourse and de-strtructuring.
that the period of the race equality programme, and its preceding period, was
the beginning of a form of difference democracy which, contrary to
Habermas' fluctuating position towards radical change of the administrative
494
and political systems,but now apparentlyhardenedtowards a de facto
being
those
only
of
as
amenableto small scale reform becauseof
acceptance
the complexity of modern society, transformed those categorical boundaries
and the contentstherein that were so surrounded. McCarthy then is right in
his criticism of Habermas' capitulation to the almost impossibility of systems
being transformed by communicative reason,pointing out that organisations
internally
towards all sorts of communicative pressures. I prefer
are subject
Alvesson's conceptualisationof organisations,or for that matter any other
forms of systemic manifestation, as communicative structures.928 This
accordswith my own views that such structuresrepresenta mixture of
in
latter
the
can act as a
ossified and active communicative spaces which
into
for
former
life.
By
`re-booting'
the
the sametoken then the
catalyst
boundary line betweenthe administrative systemand the political systemcan
It is this form of transformation
becomeblurred and even dissolve.
in
borough
discourse
target
the
the
sought, whilst on
of
race
equality
which
the other hand, the discourse/diskourseof managerialism,associatedwith the
discourse/diskourse
Labourism,
the
of
of
senior
managers,
and
perspective
have
I
termed the proto-modemisers, sought to
those
associatedwith
harden
boundary
line
that
as one of the principal meansof
and
accentuate
depoliticising and neutralising the race programme. I shall expand later on
the content of the latter two discourses. Above all it is worth re-iterating
that I view discoursesnot primarily as objective or all pervasive forces the
from
involuntarily
be
the
mugging
experienced,
presenceof which can only
behind syndrome; but as being initiated, acted upon, developed,and used by
in
following
The
then,
using the
contexts.
section
people within particular
backdrop,
the
the
will
as
referenced
race equality programme
outline of
in
borough,
discourse
developed
the
target
the
that
race equality
argue
democratisation
it
solution to substantive
on
a
radical
as
was
premissed
local
inclusion
the
governance,clashedwith the
within
sphere
of
racial
facadic
discourses
the
transformation,
a
of
managerialism
and
emerging
transformation, of Labourism into new right labour modernisation. Both
the latter were agreedon one crucial point, which was that good local
be
to
was
equatedreductively with a narrow management
governance
In
local
this
of
resources.
of
effective
use
notion
and
efficient
accounting
be
had
to
the
redefined strongly as a politically
system
administrative
process
but
in
in
the
sense,
political
party
neutral environment, neutral not so much
the more substantivesensethat the only permissible ideology was that of
be
Further
to
that
the
only political action arenawas
managerialism.
In so doing
inhabited by the key actors, in this casethe councillors.
its
legitimation
be
and
could
controlled
contents once
more
strictly
political
fifties
limited
local
the
to
vision
of
a
modernising
of
re-invention
again
It
that
services.
was, as children are
of providing
government as simply
birth
describe
the
their
the
to
of
past
pre-dating
colouration
and
wont
"black
I
to
the
and
white"
years.
a
return
shall argue, as well,
experience,
that this, in a sense`post-modernisation' of new right Labour's
495
modernisation of local governmentis substantively basedon the imaginary
puissanceof `racial fear' showing how the de-emancipationof the race
programme was substantivelytied to the drive to recastpolitical legitimation
in a way that appearedto accord with the more baser instincts of the white
electorate. It was, in Dryzek's terms, a replacementof an enabling
discoursewith a disabling discourse;or, as I have neologised, replacing
`discourse' with `diskourse'. This would tie in then with my recasting of the
argument in terms of de- and re-colonisation, with the obvious preface to
both being simply the state of colonisation.
In framing the overall argument in broad Habermassianterms of
bearing
in mind that Habermaswas brought into the
communicative power,
target borough, so to speak,even if reconstructedto take account of race, and
the implication therein of the emancipatorypower of the rationality so
released,there is the potential for the accusationof naive idealism in the face
of the reality of power within the structuresof local governance. For
example, Flyvbjerg, in a critical evaluation of a Danish local government
framed urban regenerationproject, concludesthat the asymmetrical
between
relationship
power and rationality meansthat the latter will always
be subordinatedto the former.929 At another level Flyvbjerg is also
in
Foucault
Habermas
the
evaluating
relative practical relevancy of
and
everyday local governmentpolitics in Denmark. The project, in his terms,
innovative,
it
"comprehensive,
coherentand
and was basedon rational,
was
democratic argument." His conclusion, which leans more towards
Foucault, also repeatsthe Foucauldian erroneousconflation of power with
domination. Thus:
"In sum while power produces rationality and rationality produces
power, their relationship is asymmetrical. Power has a clear tendency
to dominate rationality in the dynamic and overlapping relationship
between the two. ParaphrasingPascal,one could say that power has a
rationality that rationality does not know. Rationality, on the other
hand, does not have a power that power does not know. "930
In advancing an emancipatory,transformative notion of power, power is not
domination,
but
that
the expression,as Stewart puts forward, of
of
simply
"concerted action."931 Using Fraser he asksthe samequestions,onesthat
are germaneto the cardinal issue in this project of race equality: "Why is
domination
be
Why
to
ought
resisted?
struggle preferable submission?
Only with the introduction of normative notions of some kind could Foucault
begin to answer such questions."932 But, as Stewart points out power can
is
be
discussed
if
issue
`interest'
the
properly addressed. In
only
of
emancipatory struggles as Stewart, using Benton, observes,there is the
question "of the relationship between evaluativejudgements and normative
judgements: that is, between competing conceptionsof the good society, on
the one hand, andjudgements aboutjustice and its implementation, on the
496
933
The strength of communicative power in resolving this tension
other. ,
lies in " `the agent's claim to rationality in disputesabout proposed
collective arrangementsand how that claim makes him/her intersubjectively
responsibleto others'.... (conditions which )... require that in generatingthe
power of concerted action, agentscultivate their capacity to think reflexively
interests
their
and the underlying values and needsfrom which such
about
interestsderive."934 Whilst the main weaknessof Habermas' theory,
his
conceptualisationof transformative politics, which is the
particularly
he
answer tries to provide to the question "of the relationship between
intersubjective, concertedpower and domination", leads me to prefer a
reconstructedvariant of the recognition model, basedon the resolution of
race as the unfulfilled condition of modernity, it is the latter point in the
is
preceding sentencewhich of importance now to the unfurling of the
discoursecontestation. In practice, and this is true of the marshalling of
race equality solidaristic resourcesin the target borough, Flyvbjerg, despite
his Foucauldian tendencies,notes that "democratic progressis chiefly
achievednot by constitutional and institutional reform alone but by facing
the mechanismsof power and the practices of class and privilege more
directly, often head on: if you want to participate in politics but find the
for
doing
possibilities
so constricting, then you team up with like minded
people and you fight for what you want, utilising that work in your context to
undermine those who try to limit participation."935 Linking thus White's
Habermassianlevel conditions with Flyvbjerg's `real-politiking' rules
provides us with a framework within which to start looking at the array and
inter-action of discoursesin the target borough; particularly how those
by
discourse
how
Flyvbjerg's `rules'
the
are
conditions
met
race equality
and
appearto describethe action context to its incursions and forays against
dominating discoursesand their, in turn, counter-offensivesand razzias. As
Fairclough aptly summarisesthe eighties and early nineties, "the increasing
in
discourse
by
is
being
transformations
social
salienceof
matched... a
discourse:
bring
in
to
to
control
concern
about changes discoursepractices as
part of the engineering of social and cultural change.....a `technologization
of discourse"'936. This instrumentalisation of communicative practices,
just
latter
is
distortion
the
to,
than
the
part
refers
more
unconscious
of
which
communication. Rather it is, over and above that, the deliberate adaptation
hand,
date,
knowledge
in
technologies
of
second
and use
out of
contexts, in
this caselocal governance,substantively different to those for which they
originally developed, i. e. the private sector. One can begin to seethe
hear
the echoesof the dominating processesof colonisation
and
simulation
in this.
So far, in outlining the race equality programme in the target borough, we
have sought to place its discourseunder, but not necessarilyconflating with,
the broad rubric meta- and meso-level umbrellas of `emancipatory' and 'deits
intent
by referring to the opening up
to
seeking
encapsulate
colonisation',
497
of communicative spacesfor Black people in that particular sphereof local
is
The
is
there
question
now
governance..
whether or not
an adequate
discourse.
To that end, attachedas an appendix, is a
this
summary of
responseto one of the Councillors' razzia style forays into trying to `review'
the equality structures,written in 1987 by the principal researcher. The
vast majority of it is till germanebecauseit includes an overview of the aims
it
how
be
its
the
race
programme,
should
pursued,
of
reception in that
borough,
the attitude and role of the polity, and, more over, the
particular
discourse's
distinctiveness
and emancipatoryadvantagesover
race equality
those secondhand, controlling onesthen being introduced by the political
Leadership. It is marked by an open and frank style of languageand
argumentation,together with a clearly statedintention of "not adhering to the
between
local
that
operates
officers and
authority protocol practice
normal
members;a protocol which in the context of race equality has often been
debate
define
to
out of
questionsabout racism and majority group
used
decisions."937 It was, in effect, a `discipline me and be damned' response
level
it
At
capturesalso the unequivocal, transparent,and
another
as well.
honestway in which the advisersattemptedto communicatewith both
introduction
issue
Its
the
at
of race equality.
councillors and memberson
this point is as a quick referencedevice which does away with the need to
large
`chunks'.
The
report was circulated to all
quotation
regurgitate
later
Leadership;
the
when a new
and re-issueda year
members,particularly
Leadershipwas elected. There was no responsefrom any of the members.
This discourseof race equality was not simply the creation of one unit, but,
as I shall argue, was the outcome of a nascentBlack public sphere,or
counter public, not just surrounding, but also prising open the
book
in
In
local
the
the
on
a
eighties.
spaces
of
governance
communicative
Black public spherein the United States,where `Black' is used to refer
does
biological
American
African
to
the
which
reduction
people, -a
solely
Sphere
Black
Public
from
detract
the
their
saliency of
points -the
not
Collective define such a phenomenon,in a critical adaptationof Habermas'
birth
"a
trans-national
and
spacewhose violent
original concept, as,
diasporic conditions of life provide a counter narrative to the exclusionary
Caribbean
States,
Europe,
United
the
the
and
of
national narratives
(and)... is one critical spacewhere new democratic forms and
Africa
....
diasporic
movementscan enrich and question one another.... as a
emergent
from
imaginary
(drawing)
the vernacular practices
energy
critical social
...
...
of street talk and new musics, radio shows and church voices,
(all
with the task of marking) ... a wider
entrepreneurshipand circulation, ...
in
intellectuals
sphereof critical practice and visionary politics which
can
join with the energiesof the street,the school, the church and the city to
constitute a challengeto the exclusionary violence of much public spherein
the United States."938 With certain refinements and modifications to
British
the
race context within the specific milieu of local governance,
reflect
498
the above definition can serve as a framework to my claims about the public
discourse
from
the
race
equality
emerged. Further I have
whence
sphere
is
by
Stewart,
this
that the public sphere cannot solely
supported
argued, and
be a place/space for inter-subjective communication.
Habermas'
"conservative position as far as the democratisation of democracy is
in
his contention about the limits of action in
",
concerned, and as reflected
the public sphere must be extended to involve, as well, "an active model of
but
decision
to
tied
contexts
not
only
of
communication,
also of
citizenship ...
"39
making.
What is required now is a brief corralling of the.relevant information from
the section on the race programme in order to flesh out how the
based
discourse
this
of
was
race equality
particular
communicative power of
"cultivate
being
to
their capacity to think reflexively about
able
on agents
their interestsand the underlying values and needsfrom which such interests
derive." Further, as well, how this in real time experienceincluded "facing
the mechanismsof power and the practices of class and privilege.... head on
(fighting) for
(teaming)... up with like minded people and
.....
......
in
(was
to undermine
that
work
context
wanted)...., utilising
what....
....
those who try to limit participation." Thus in the early eighties if
Habermaswas brought into the borough, he was brought in distilled via the
to
that
the
point
up
which
experiences
researcher;
principal
of
experiences
included being involved in the initiation and developmentof Black workers'
in
branches
the
different
in
trade
as
union, as well
of a particular
groups
The
inter-union
Black
other
workers
organisation.
creation of a national
dimension of the work experiencewas that of being an employeein local
field.
During
in
that time period of
the
equality
race
government, mainly
the mid seventiesto early eighties it can be arguedthat there was a nascent
Black counter public which, given the location of Black people, was largely
Black
description
in
the
It
the
of
above
comprised, a shadowing of
urban.
intellectuals,
in
United
States,
the
academic/activist
public sphere
Black
like
Relations,
Institute
Race
the
the
emerging
of
organisations,
including
Black
Black
women's
community groups,
media, academicmedia,
Arising
therefore
Black
this,
and
out
of
organisations.
worker
groups,
drawn into it, was the increasing numbers of local authorities setting up
internal race structures. By the early eighties, then there was already the
beginnings of associativepractices and groupings of race equality workers in
local government. Within the London region this was given greater
impetus by the co-ordinating role played by the GLC. Whatever criticism
there might be about the details of the GLC's race equality programme's,
`ethnic
its
term
the
minorities', the
of
notably unfortunate promotion and use
its
short time of existence,was to provide a
within
overall effect,
level
London
for
Black
the
at
people
acrossa range of
communicative space
dimensions impacting directly on Black life worlds. The writer Meer
Syal's remembranceof this period as, in a counter point to those who
499
bases
'PC'
like
being
initiatives
these
the
of
censorship,
on
grateful
critiqued
for the spaceit provided for her to be able to expressherself, sums it up Sao
To talk about the Black counter public like this is also to talk about its
implicit
because
force
the
of
explicit
and
moral claims emerging
rhetorical
from it, and also becausethe resolution of theseclaims in some areaslike
local governance,crossedover, without obstruction, into contexts "of
decision making." In the target borough itself, whereasup to the early
`force
Black
the
public
sphere's
of argument' was channelledand
eighties
Working
Party
Race
that
the
the
through
on
was
gate-keeper
censored
Relations, thereafter the institution was openedup to the panoply of
influences, as well as developing within the organisation localised
is
`Black
The
the
term
a
sphere'
public
use of
communicative spaces.
in
describe
to
reality a number of counter
what
was
necessarycatch-all
There
`race'.
in
the
them
area
of
around
arising and
public spheres,all of
defining
both
divergences
differences
the
of the problem and
over
and
were
the proffered solutions. For example, as has been shown earlier, some
local authority race programmes,including the GLC's, becamemired in
Even
defined
and
solution.
problem
various shadesof an ethnically
burgeoning
there
the
were
worker
associations
race
equality
amongst
differences. One of them, the London Wide Race Workers Forum defined
themselvesclearly in opposition to the perceived elitism of another
between
borders
that associationand
to
the
elision of
associationas well as
the Labour Party."'
Within the reality of the local civil society in and around the target borough,
in
by
internal
some
the
race equality structures were viewed with suspicion
The local CRC's intrigues were par for the course,
the Black community.
`radical'
involvement.
However,
the
wing of
amongst
given their previous
in
dubiety
the
there
what
Black
was
professed
the
organisations and activists,
bureaucratisation
together
the
with, or
equality,
of
race
as
was regarded
directly
be
belief
the
that
the
should
race workers
running alongside
942
that
differences
the
But
these
sort
to
them.
never
of
were
accountable
As
fracturing
Black
described
be
the
one race
public sphere.
as
could
in
her
it
in
the
letter
the
to
of
aftermath
manager
a
put
succinctly
worker
destruction of the Race and Women's Units, ".. I did not always agree with
the strategies employed by other staff in seeking to further race equality
internally and externally..... but such disagreements never reached crisis
in
broad
there
because
things
the
were no conflicts of
of
sweep
proportions...
interests.."943
One of the key architectonics holding up that commonality of interests in the
target borough was the use, and insistenceof that as the main frame of
This
inclusive
`Black'.
term
the
a
was
contingent,
referenceusage,of
defining of the problem as that of being racism and in the conjoining of
jointly
invitation
implicit
to
working out the solutions. Part
experiences,an
500
impetus
for
the
refining and maintaining an open ended `Black',
of
recognisedthen as having derived from the experiencesof racism in the
seventiesUK, were the experiencesof the principal researcherin helping to
createand develop Black Worker groups in trade unions. One of them,
establishedon a pan union basis,the Black Trades Unionists Solidarity
Movement, was split asunderbecausea Turkish worker, who defined herself
as `Black', was refused entry to their national conferenceby somewho held
belief
to
the
that `Black' could only ever be `black', that is biologically
on
reducedto anthropometric features. In that borough, however, `Black'
servedas a catalyst for bringing together and focussing differing voices
which otherwise might have been speaking at odds with each other. For
example the NALGO basedBlack Workers Group was extremely successful
in providing the communicative spacefor Black employeesfrom a range of
backgroundsand acrossa span of the hierarchy. This spacewas maintained
by the inclusive nature of its criteria for membership,i. e. it was open to all
employeeswho defined themselvesas `Black' on the basesof their
its
by
internal discursive rules, i. e. no sexism or
experiencesof racism;
`ethnicism' was allowed; and by its minimising of the power of hierarchy to
from
debate
i.
hierarchy,
there
a cono
stifle
and participation, e.
was
apart
ordinator, and all representativeson the branch executive were accountable
to the meetings of the Group and subject to immediate recall and
The importance of what I would describeas
replacement,or rotation.
discursive
for
the
power, which the use of
conditions
maximum
maintaining
`Black' in its contingent mode helps allow, can be emphasisedby briefly
been
fate
Lambeth's
Black
Having
the
worker group.
of
examining
borough's
in
lines
to
the
target
the early eighties and
on
similar
established
having
by
the mid eighties, certain
the
moved
on
with
original participants
in
hierarchy
it
be
best
decided
the group
to
that
erect a
would
members
formal
branch.
A
that
the
of
wider union
number of
which mirrored
`secretary'
`chair'
as
were created,as well as a mini
and
such
positions,
behind
`business'
The
that
the
this
of the
so
reasoning
was
executive.
it
in
fact
be
dealt
What
createdwas a
efficiently
with.
group could more
discursive
diminution
power
of
concentration of executive power and
for
individual
holders
to pursue, without mandate,closer
post
allowing
leadership.
The
branch
decisions
the
with
compromising alliances and
later,
this
though
on the notion
only
emerged
also
premissed,
changeswere
that the group needed`leaders'. By the late eighties and early nineties a
factions
in
there
the
were
vying
group which
situation was reachedwithin
for control of the leadershipmachinery, some of thesebeing constituted on
distinctive `etnikfied' grounds. By the early nineties, then, the Group,
its
by
Afro-centric
logo
an
new
outline,
which sported
exemplified
transmogrified itself into one that accepted`black' only in strictly biological
terms. In other words the Group had effectively `golliwogged' itself. By
the mid nineties, in the face of major restructuring and redundanciesin the
501
council the Group debaseditself further by publicly accusing the council of
favouring, as they put it, "Asian people" over `black' people.944
11.26 The Griot
If, as I argue Habermaswas brought into the target borough distilled through
race, part of this distillation processincluded Fanon, an author read by the
principal researcherlong before Marx. Certainly in excavating the
intellectual lineage of the pursuit of `leaderless' struggles, one consciously
in
adopted establishing the two Groups, Fanon's excoriation of the `leader'
syndrome in anti-colonial struggles formed a substantivepart of the thinking.
This `internalisation' of the colonising systemgives rise to unaccountable
leaders. For Fanon, leaderscan only be legitimate if they arise from and are
accountableto the `assembly' of people. Returning, however, to the issue of
the public sphere,in the last part of the eighties there was, within the main
public sector union, NALGO, a well developedBlack Workers' Group
movement, with regional and national structures,as well as communicative
channels. The substantivepart of thesewas basedon the use of an open,
contingent `Black', whilst the structureswere far more inclined towards a
involvement
than
participative, rather
representative,
milieu. Within the
overlapping contexts of the public sector unions and the Labour Party
generally, and as it was reproducedin the target borough, the outcomesof
this discursive spacefor Black people ran the gamut from that of being able
to influence decisions to being involved in decisions, where that involvement
entailed raising questionsand claims of racial justice and having them
validated within the communicative assembliesof the union.
We can inscribe a similar pattern of overlapping contexts and
fora
for
in
development
the
the
communicative
of
race equality structures the
target borough. Earlier I had describedthe scope,content and nature of
these structures. Thesewere basedon five operational principles which
sought to ensurethat communicative spacesfor black people openedup
bureaucratic
that
the
these
organisation
and
without
extended,
within
interference, up to the formal political assembly. Overlapping with these
structureswere a number of contexts and, within the overall Black counter
public, a number of sub-counterpublics. A clear example is that of the
Black Workers Group movement. Thesealso allowed the race equality
in
to
move
and out of a number of roles and scenarioswithin which
workers
the sameclaims could be raised again, even if their form differed slightly.
Two elementsare key in this: the way in which the Black public spheredid
boundaries
the
recognise
of the administration and formal political
not
system,and the way in which the deliberative spacesand moments both
formal
the
political assemblyin some aspects,as well as reduced it
extended
502
in others. It can be arguedthat Black people, by their very experiences
both outside of and within the organisation, bring in the Black public sphere
in their immediate memories,and, as is the casenow in many local
authorities, it remains at that level. In the caseof the race equality workers,
in
borough,
the
the
target
there was the institutional
advisers,
especially
guaranteeof being able to `enable' that experience;to use it as the
background and foreground for securing the conditions for Black people to
justice,
in
or, rare cases,to raise those claims themselves.
raise claims of
Arising out of this, becauseit was integral to it, was the requirement,
therefore, to ensurethat such claims were validated where they were raised
and not carried over into anotherphaseunresolved. This processof non
formalised,
developing
both
through
specific
amending or
closure was
because
in
latter
the
and
contingent,
advisers,
case,were
procedures,
issue
by
directly,
to
on
an
circuit
managerial
authority
raising
prepared short
basis, specific matters with politicians and senior managers. In the caseof
the target borough the role of the advisers during the period of the race
be
being
to
that
a representativeof the
of
or wanting
programme was never
Black communities. Rather they were there to identify the institutional
blockagesgiving rise to `wrongs done to' and articulate remediesso that
those who experiencesuch racism could make claims for themselves.
Their role was, in one sense,rhetorical in the way Mayhew usesthe concept.
In this case,though, not so much to raise claims which were still to be
be
but
pre-taken, as to raise claims about
can
upon which action
resolved,
the inequitable conditions surrounding the ability of oppressedpeople to
bases
for
those
the
thus
themselves,
upon
conditions
are
and
make claims
by
be
Unlike
the
taken.
out
put
view
propagandist
which action should
borough,
just
in
that
target
the
not
managers,
and
senior
certain councillors
labelling
the
to
too
too
as
racist,
people
prone
conflictual and
adviserswere
in
borough
the
to
the
target
advice within
contextualise
careful
were
advisers
the parametersof the anti-discriminatory law and within the best action
to
the
race
commitment
manifesto
own
politicians
which could achieve
in
equality, as evidenced the official race equality policy reports emanating
from that group of employees. They worked, therefore, within a normative
framework, one that councillors themselvesoften forgot existed. By so
being
for
first
time
the
explicitly considered
were
political matters
working,
Prior
in
to this managerial
the
processes.
administration
everyday
within
by
divine
been
had
character
prerogative
afforded an almost
authority
because
to
the
the
those
notion
of
adhered
politicians
either
councillors
bureaucracybeing neutral, or becausethe later `new left' councillors found it
had
do
Managerial
to undergo a
to
so.
authority now
expedient
deliberative scrutiny within the parametersof racial justice. An
disciplinary
in
the
the
procedure will
role of race advisers
examination of
help illuminate further this point.
503
The disciplinary procedurerepresentsthe ultimate in organisational violence
that can be experiencedby an employee. Becauseit is initiated by
full
it
the
weight of the organisation against the lone
management, often pits
he/she
has
where
union representation. Despite clear
even
employee,
from
like
ACAS and good practice advice from
organisations
guidelines
for
bodies,
Institute
Personnel
Development, the
the
such
as
professional
justice
within many organisationsnot only ignores
administration of natural
the dimension of social justice, it conflates and fuses the levels, which
should be kept separate,of the former. In the target borough, prior to the
developmentof the role of the race adviser, employeescould find themselves
being disciplined and having their caseheard by managersfrom within the
from
division;
despite
departmental
that
the
arguments,
unions,
mainly
same
that there is an informal network often inclusive of all managersin that
division, or section, which makes such practice flout the principles of natural
justice. Contextually the head of the race unit and the other advisers,based
in
Lambeth,
the
argued that the target
and
changes
pursued
on
experience
borough's practice of having one managerhearing the caseand deciding the
in
justice,
diluted
the
especially caseswith
principles of natural
outcome also
for
for
The
dimension.
there
were
made
change
recommendations
a race
to be a minimum of a three person panel so that a greater communicative
deliberative dimension could be brought to bear, as well as, if managerswere
brought in from other divisions, ensuring more impartiality. It also allowed
for the recommendationto be made that where there was a casewith a race
dimension, then one of the panel membersshould be Black. Similar
for
be,
there
those
was a
cases
where
made,
could
and
were,
arguments
issue
however,
dimension.
Returning,
to
the
of the race advisers
gender
head
by
developed
is
following
the
in
the
the
the
of
this,
created
and
role
role
This
the
the
throughout
race
of
period
operational
was
unit.
race
programme.
Role of Race Eauality Advisers in the disciplinary procedure.
Race Equality Advisers will have the right to be involved in all
disciplinary cases that have race dimension. But this is meant any
disciplinary case involving Black employee or an employee where the
is
offence
racism.
alleged
All such disciplinary cases must be brought to the attention of the
Department based Race Equality Adviser and there is no such post
the Race Equality Adviser (Employment). The involvement of Race
Equality Adviser has to be sought through the Department's staffing
Equality
Race
Unit
is
kept
the
that
will
also
section; who
ensure
informed on a monthly basis of all such cases in that relevant
Department. The Race Equality Adviser will also be involved where:
(i) The employee asks for a Race Equality Adviser.
(ii) Managementasks for a Race Equality Adviser.
504
(iii) The Trade Union/representative asks for a Race Equality
Adviser.
In any event it is strongly recommended that managers seek the
advice of the Race Equality Adviser prior to the decision to initiate
the disciplinary procedure.
The role of the Race Equality Adviser throughout the whole of the
procedure will be strictly advisory. He/she will ensure through advice
that the manager/panelexplores fully the race dimensions to the case.
He/she will be able therefore to ask clarifying questions during the
proceedings and to proffer advice during the proceedings. The
Adviser will not take part in the decision making, but will be present
throughout the deliberations of the manager/panel. In all events the
advice and recommendation of the Adviser should be recorded,
explicitly and separately. Where the adviser feels that the conduct of
the hearing and/or the decision of the manager/panel has not been
held and/or reached in accordance with the Equal Opportunities
Policy and/or race equality policies, then this advice has to be made
available to the employee
Black employees will have the right to discuss the general issues
relating to alleged offence before the hearing. The formal notification
of the disciplinary hearing must contain this statement. The Race
Equality Adviser will not, however, represent the employee in a
professional capacity. Any such action can only be done in a personal
capacity. Where this does occur, that Adviser cannot act in any
Advisory capacity for that case.94
It is clear from this that the adviser's role was that of ensuring the
proceedingshad sufficient communicative spaceto enablethe fullest aspect
of racial justice to be considered. This was an interpreting, prodding, rather
than fully interrogative, though that would occur if the manager `opted' out,
and advisory role. Whilst this role was bitterly opposedby certain manual
worker unions, especially where the caseinvolved an accusationof racism
against one of their members,for the most part the role enduredthroughout
the race programme period; enduredin the sensethat senior managersand
membersin the leadershipwere ambivalent about its continuance.
Towards the end of the race programme this becamestrongly voiced because
the intervention of the race adviser was cast in terms of it impeding
managersgetting on with management. This was very much within the
context of the explicit emergenceof neo-managerialismin the target
borough. The then Chief executive favoured a post facto accountability,
if
that
managerstransgressedthe equality policies and procedures,
arguing
they would be reckoned with after the event. For the head of unit and
advisers this was tantamount to allowing racism to occur, and then dealing
with it post event with accountability systemswhich had shown itself
notoriously weak when it came to dealing with managers' actions. Instead
they argued for a continuation and extension of the principles of the
505
built
into
the
such
as
role
of race advisers,
accountability process,
procedures,like disciplinary, becausethesewere pre-facto and both, at the
It
trans-facto.
time,
and
was changing managementas
present-facto
same
it was practised in everydaywork.
Whilst the existenceof race specific posts or oneswith some remit for race in
borough
in
lead
had
to
the
the
target
these
the
race
programme
up
and
invariably been ones createdin the race relations mode - in local
in
distinguished
the
race posts the race
governmentwas not new, what
equality programme period was their catalytic role which attemptedto ride
being
Charybdis
between
Scylla
the
the
of
a
of populism and
-the-tension
I
This
Sorry)
`tool'.
tertiary
way,
would argue,
oops!
management
function
to
the
the
of
alternative
outline of an
as well, not only provided
local government employeesto that of being the object of managerial
it
is
the
case,
also, at another
current
which
prerogative and prescription,
level, was part of a democratisingprocesswhich extendedand changedthe
limits of representativedemocracy. To unravel this further requires that
into
de-colonising
the
sortie
analogy
via
another
colonising make use of
946
Fanon.
Earlier in chapter 7 in
Sekyi-Otu's emancipatoryreclamation of
in
describe
the
to
characteristicsof colonial society preparation
attempting
for the analogousframework with which to examine the thesis of the rebecause
Fanon,
deliberately
I
local
not
omitted
governance,
colonisation of
he was not relevant, but becauseI would argue that his saliency lies more in
the arguments,and structure of those arguments,he advanceswith regard to
the processof de-colonisation. In using Fanon to frame this particular
de-colonisation,
I
to
race equality
of
ascribing
wary
am
and
aspectof redoes
Fanon
importance
historical
those
level
to
the
which
of
same
workers
involved in anti-colonial struggleswithin a very concrete and bitter historical
in
be
drawn,
Yet,
and where, some
analogiescan
processof colonisation.
instances,this might be deemedtoo much of an inflation of the role of race
On
the
Fanon's
as
an
allegory.
operate
narrative
can
workers,
equality
indivisible
being
himself
there
hand,
Fanon
either
as
regarded
racism
other
is racism or there isn't. There certainly aren't gradations of racism, or for
that matter, hierarchies of racial oppression. Just as there are various ways
dead,
it
dying,
the
or you are not.
end of you are either
at
of
In running the analogy, I am drawing on Sekyi-Otu's interpretation of
Fanon's views of the anti-colonial national bourgeoisie. There is some
in
local
Black
here
the
government at the
managers
position of
with
overlap
time of the race programme who enteredthe organisation becauseof the
framework
the
race equality programme and who
of
anti-discriminatory
frequently espousedan overt commitment to some form of race equality.
Overlapping this contextually, as well, was, and is, the view that the race
be
found
in one
this
the
and
can
advisers,
particularly
equality workers,
by
Young,
that they are membersof
seminal piece on race advisers
506
be
managementand should accountableto, and part of the managerial
947 Ironically, this
is
in
notion
process.
expressed another form by those on
the self professedradical wing of the community who viewed the race
advisersas part of a new race bureaucracystaffed by race managers.
There, was perhaps,in certain local authorities somejustification for the
latter assessmentbecauseof the way in which the race structureswere set up
in
because
the
way
which those appointed either unquestioningly
of
and
framework,
that
or becausethose appointed actively sought
operatedwithin
such a role. The caseof Islington's first race structures conforms to this.
But there is another aspectof analogy which can be drawn, and that is in
relation to the substanceof race equality changeenvisagedby many race
equality programmes,staff and Black managers. This was limited to
variations on the politics of presencethesis; that is that the mere presenceof
Black people, in this caseemployees,especially in the senior levels would be
limited
This
to
evaluation of the
sufficient guaranteerace equality change.
possibilities of race equality changewas also the context within which Black
involved
bureaucracy
through
the
which
managerscould pursue a career
increasingly internalising the organisation" values, particularly those of
white management,whilst at the sametime using their presence,and
allowing their presenceto be used, as evidence of commitment to race
led
instrumentalisation
Black
This
to an over
the
experience
of
equality.
internalisation of managerialismto the extent that when the going got tough,
the `tough' Black managers,as previously cited, in one borough formed their
in
Black
managers' group, proclaiming one meeting that the only way to
own
`they'
be
forget
to
to
are.
as corrupt as
equal opportunities and
get aheadwas
This goes to the heart of my argumentsabout race being the lynchpin to the
borough,
being
in
because
target
that
tasks
repeated
of modernity
unfulfilled
in
being
played out other authorities, were scenarioswhich echoedthe
and
"awesome
he
"enjoins
Fanon
task"
the
upon
made
about
comments
critical
948 Basedupon the experiencesof the principal
humanity".
postcolonial
linking
in
local
cross
and overlapping
authorities
and
other
researcher
institutions, as well as the theoretical back grounding in critical studies, it
Black
in
that
the
politics
a
new
earlier chapters
was postulated one of
"changes
is
Black
`Black
that
anti-racist
politics'
cathexis'
which
requires a
learning
development
to
the
processes
of collective
must contribute
in
"collectivity"
Black,
the redefining of
the
also
and
of
within
reflexively
"we" (and therefore)... has to be better than that which maintains
...
This
Sekiin
force
the
echoes
structuresof communication".
racialised
Otu's interpretation of Fanon on this matter, viz. the "awesome task" is to
`human
West
"from
the
the
the
of
stewardship
monopolistic
condition'
wrest
in its concrete instanceas the modem project."949 There, instead,has to be
"a radical re-ordering of the ends and instruments of a now irreversible
if
humanity"'
in
"obsequious
`new
this
the
a
of
service
modernity
mimicry
be
history
The
to
avoided950.
of the race
and neurotic atavism" are
borough,
in
in
local
the
target
as
well
as
other
authorities, is
programme
507
littered with the apostaticalrace equality husks of Black managerswho were
`suckered' by the system. This was not the casein the target borough
where race equality changewas envisagedby the race equality workers more
in
dialectical
between
terms
of
a
relationship
substantively
ends and means.
Sekyi-Otu's interpretation of Fanon's views of the reformist nature of the
is
bourgeoisie's
political
programme
apt. He writes:
national
"Bourgeois anti-colonial nationalism is accommodationist and reformist
in deed to the extent that it is formal and bereft of substantive content in
It namesthe nation as a simple and immediate union of racial
word.
subjects asserting a collective to independencefrom empire. The cost
of this formal universality is a calculated silence concerning social and
political ends. It is the mission of a radical anti-imperialist discourse
to break this spell of form, this indeterminate invocation of a unity
is
by
A radical anti-imperialist
racial membership.
given
which
commitment is precisely one that regards the national universal as a
project to be achieved by virtue of substantive disputation and social
interlocutors
(insisting)... on the `internal pluralism' of contestable
.......
ends and means.s951
In fact Fanon was excoriatingly scathing about the anti-colonial national
bourgeoisiewhom he regardedas a "farcical version of a detestable
if
into
"952
their
to
own they, metaphorically,
archetype, and only able come
Fanon's
There
of
certainly
elements
were
committed national suicide.
desiredthanototic characterfor the national bourgeoisie in the way in which
the race advisers operatedin the target borough; ways which put them in a
As
the
of
manager
said
one
gleefully
suicide.
position of organisational
demiseof the race equality structures,"What did they expect?They bit the
hand that fed them." S3 I don't want to belabour this point to much, but
they
head
that
the
were not
the
were
clear
advisers,
and
of
race
unit,
certainly
There
in
the
way.
orthodox, controlling, subservient
part of management,
forced
by,
latter
that
upon,
or
role was misappropriated
was potential, where
This
`leader'
for
development
trope.
the
the
of
some advisory structures,
key
in
the
those
race advisory staff were also
authorities where
was apparent
Lambeth's
Party.
Episodes
in
Labour
the
race equality
of
prominent
Sekyi-Otu
that
this
to
comments
characteristic.
programme appear exhibit
Fanon arguesfor the repudiation of "linguistic conventions which sanction
driver,
Thus,
"the
is
The
`leader'
the
them.
of
one
rule"
authoritarian
do
(because)...
longer
the
today....
people
not
exists
shepherdof people no
...
did
hand
to
driven..
"954
On
be
the
they
the
to
conform
not
other
need
is
by
"intellectual
Fanon
turned
the
maquisard"
who
ready
of
picture painted
to "disavow his claim to rational knowledge", "embracing populism ... (and
becoming)...... a sort of yes-manwho nods assentat every word coming
from the people, which he interprets as consideredjudgements. "955
Elements of the latter view with regard to the race advisers could be
discerned amongst certain Black members,particularly those who professed
508
hierarchical
biologically
essentialist
and
racially
a
notion of
and pursued
`Black', and amongstsomeBlack organisationsin the community.
If there is to be an analogousrole vis-ä-vis the race equality workers to be
derived from Fanon's writings on the de-colonising process,then it is that
intelligentsia".
he
for
"native
he
to
the
what
refers
as
radical
outlines
which
These form part of a Fanonianneologism, the `illegalists'956;those who are
from
The
the
expelled
mainstream
nationalist
parties.
of
and/or
critical
Advisers in the target borough, unlike someprominent ones in other local
be
be
drawn
into,
be
to
to
part of, the main
or
seen
authorities always refused
it
if
Their
that, was not to a
term
allegiance,
one
could
political parties.
In
line,
but
to
the
of
race
equality.
principled achievement
party political
it
by
the
the counter razzia,
principal researcher,attachedas an appendix, can
be seenthat the race adviserswere viewed with hostile suspicion by
leadership:
in
the
councillors
Certainly the almost daily transgressionof the informal `ethical' framework
in
from
local
behaviour
time
that
and
to expected
government employeesat
informal
in
local
this
the wake of the race equality period
government,
framework has been formally codified into a behavioural straitjacket of a
`code of conduct' by many local authorities, breach of which could lead to
dismissal- led many race workers to feel that within the organisation,they
intelligentsia
identifies
that
Fanon
the
the
`illegalists'.
as
the
role
of
were
but
between
interface
the
"interpreters"
not only colonial,
who mediate
of
Sekyi-Out's
discourses
the
people.
and
also reformist anti-colonial,
description of this role is thus:
"To put it another way: the post colonial subject's education in
by
is
be
the
to
enabled
communicative responsibility and autonomy
figure
that
of mediation we may call the modern
work of
harbinger
be...
the
the
of a new
modem griot would
griot......
be
knowledge
to
planted and
yet
and
action
cultural
harvested.. (who is).... the `incarnated voice' of popular national
..
requirements rather than the servant of the ruling class"957
The griot has a key role to play in the processof de-colonising
democratisationbecausethey enable,as Sekyi-Otu correctly theorises,the
following:
"In the dialectical ordering of the emancipatory process and of post
belong,
hegemony
does
metonymically, to a
not
colonial society,
privileged part, the space of the collective subject promoted to a
its
by
the
of
abjection or exclusion or
extremity
representative status
it
belong
does
in
to
But
that
a
whole
exacts
unanimity
neither
suffering.
The outcome of the
defiance of manifest differences and discord.
`meeting' is to be neither the reign of an undivided truth nor the disarray
509
local
knowledges,
but
the generation of a common
and
wills
of particular
disputation
and concerted action: universal understandings
of
vocabulary
of contestable claims. It is to this common vocabulary this emergent
structure, rather than to a paramount subject.. .that hegemony belongs."958
Moreover the griot doesnot operateor speak from a position of `epistemic
historical
but,
is
I
the
case
of
an
subject,
as
rather contend,
which
privilege',
interhas
be
derived
from
"to
locational
the
the
consent,
which
privilege
of
"
In
the
the senseused,
of
assembled
people.
subjective agreement
`locational' derives from the ability to manipulate three variables - space,
time and place - to prise open the interstices of the organisational structure,
Black
to
thus
people
configuration,
enabling
and
power
processes
culture,
in
If
the senseof an essentialised
there
was
no
epistemic
privilege,
speak.
subject, there was an element of epistemological standpoint; one which made
in
its
`Black'
signifying senseas the context to the experienceof
use of
description
the
If
the
the
of
with
above
one
compares
racism.
epistemological structure and positioning of the race equality programme,
both in relation to the wider problems of local governanceand to the Black
`constituency', and also comparesit with the operational principles guiding
the work of the race equality staff, then there are distinct overlaps. The race
transformative
to
as
work
attempted
and
workers
advisers
equality
interpreters of the discoursesof racism, i. e. the racialised forces in the
in
discourses
their
the
of
anti-racism,
as
structuresof communication, as well
broadestsense,trying to use the creative tension between racialised populism
local
institution
this
to
of
particular
and unacceptablerace reform open up
far
doing,
In
as was possible, their everyday action was
as
so
governance.
the
Black
discursive
in
the
and
the
counter-publics
of
practices
grounded
fora therein. Habermasappearsnot to have written much about the role of
`leaders' or `the intelligentsia', apart from his critique in TCA of
Even then his latest work, BFN, seems,as other critics
`expertisation'.
have pointed out as well, to cedetoo much to the `complexity' of modern
large
brackets
thus
sectorsof society, such as
out
almost
societies, and
beyond
being
the
practical
as
system,
administrative
managementwithin
democratic control. But if one is to get a glimpse of the modern interpretive
German
in
his
in
the
then
public spherestandsout; a
own role
griot practice,
been
has
in
He
BFN.
his
implied
belies
pessimism
practice which
in
interpreting
the
influential
translating
arcanepublic
across
and
extremely
debates
the
the
overlapping contexts of
grounding
of
philosophical
spheres
into
the
more mundanespheresof
post
modernism
and
socialism
modernism,
is
This
to
try
used
not
analogy
and
and
social
change.
political
everyday
but
his
that
the
workers,
simply to
equality
of
race
equate practice with
illustrate that even at the lowly level of a local government worker, the
interpretive, translating, transmuting role; one which is important in opening
forces,
is
democratising
to
the
potentially there.
political system wider
up
510
I would argue that this overlap which can be read as an analogy, or even
imagination
is too stretched,allegorically, is far from being a
the
where
simple coincidence. In terms of a theoretical underpinning to the critical
local
assessmentof
governanceinforming the race equality work in the
target borough, Habermasand the Frankfurt tradition was far more overtly
situated in the consciousnessof the principal researcherthan that of Fanon.
Yet Fanon had featured in the early seventiesreadings of racism and
colonialism, and had beenpart of the theoretical framing of the first
university research,together with Habermas,on Tanzania; especially the
former theorist's revalorisation and humanisation of the peasantry. It is
possible that sub-consciousremembranceof previous theoretical
interrogations informed the work in the target borough. However, it is
likely
that two other scenarioshave greater weight. The first is Sekyimore
Otu's discursive communicative reading and interpretation of Fanon which
contendscogently for re-situating Fanon within the pantheonof those who
for
an emancipatoryuniversalism which is neither relativist or
argue
skewedly modernising. There are, thus, within this particular reading
theoretical nodal points through which linkages with Habermas' theory can
be made. This is particularly so in relation to both theorists' central
concern with the linguistic basesto a discursive democratising emancipation
under colonising conditions. In other words the links were already there,
during
the period of the race equality programme.
awaiting excavation,
The other scenario,of course, is that my theorisation of this period as
encompassinga processof de-colonisation is valid and that, thus, what is
being modestly evidenced in the target borough confirms Fanon's and
Habermas' theorisation of colonisation and de-colonisation in their linked
but differing contexts; not as a universal truth, but as a provisional
fallibilistically
subject to empirical validation.
prognostication
The question now is how exactly can it be argued that the race equality
structures enlarged and extendedthe formal systemof representative
The answer to this brings into the sphereof consideration
democracy?
the cardinal issue of emancipation. The argumentto date has, as a brief
linked
level
at
one
unresolvedproblems of race and unfinished
summary,
local
another
and
at
unresolved
of
race
and
governance,
modernity,
problems
increasing
democratisation. Within this can be
the
resolution
of
with
inferred a processof emancipation,though that in itself has not, as yet, been
fully defined. In Habermasthere is a discursive grounding to emancipation
arising out of the arresting and/or over turning of the colonisation of the
lifeworld through discourse. Swindal's interpretation of Habermason this is
that a distinction can be made between `communicative action', which
involves any exchangeof meaning, and `discourse' which the
"communication that discursively verifies propositions or norms. "959 There
is a difference in the orientation of the actors, as well, in the two scenarios.
In the former the actor understandsher/himself as one in a group of concrete
511
interactionswith others, whilst in the latter each agrees"on the reversibility
of her/his perspectiverelative to all other possible participants..... (so that
they).. allow the `unforced' power of the better argument.. to motivate their
.
.
internal changeof attitude relative to the claim in question°'960 Because,
therefore, discourse"extends the context bound nature of communicative
individual
beyond
limit
form of life", discoursepermits
the
of one's
action
061
its
full
"rational
and emancipatorypower.
communication to achieve
This interpretation appearsto omit, however, from the equation the question
determines
the ability of actors to participate equally in
the
of
power which
discourse. These are forces, like racism and sexism, or for that matter too
Euro-centric a definition of rational power, which circumscribesthe freedom
freedom
discursively.
Attaining
to
to act
the
people
participate
of certain
is as important as the act which that freedom then allows. If that soundstoo
Foucauldian, even if it is the later Foucault, then it can be rescuedby the
is
freedom
be
that
this
can
purchased
not a
which
normative qualification
through the unfreedom of others. This has already been expressedin my
device
two
the
of
principles'
procedural
of non-closure which
elaboration
discourse
freedom
in
that
the
to
engage communicative
essentially ensures
into
for
In
bring
terms of the
the
of
others.
claims
unjust
exclusion
cannot
freedom
being
forward,
the
the
two
elementsput
concept of emancipation
to act as well as acting - are ineluctably linked. The struggle for
is
forced
`wrongs
the
which
against
unjustly
collectivisation,
recognition
done to', is, as I have argued before, comprised of two elements- that of
identifying the problem and that of defining the solution. One can overlay
this template on the two fold schemataindicated above, viz. attaining the
freedom to act, as well as the act itself, where the latter can be seento refer
to that of discourse. However engaging in the first part of the
be
is
the
that
second
will
part
process
no
guarantee
emancipatory
is
There
traversed.
no guaranteethat responsesto the
successfully
increasing colonisation of the lifeworld, and in the real sensecolonisation
just
that, a violent penetration and sequestrationof the colonised
was
lifeworld, will result in the further rationalisation of the lifeworld. The
form
be
framed
is
therefore,
some
and might equally,
outcome contingently
formed
Afro-centric
by
`etnikly'
is
indigenisation,
the
such as exemplified
of
lag
between
is
It
the two stages
this
and
action
nexus
within
perspective.
one
Labour leader
that the role of the griot, the organisationaltrickster, or as
in the target borough, with referenceto one of the headsof the two equality
importance
because
it,
loose
`a
some
she/hecan
cannon',
assumes
units, put
help
bridge
prevent unfortunate short circuiting.
can
which
an
earthing
act as
Within the colonisation/de-colonisation/re-colonisationconceptual
framework we can turn again, by way of analogy, to Fanon's articulation of
an emancipatoryprocesswhich the colonised undergoes,and this is not, as
him,
have
the therapeutic closure
read
unfortunately
commentators
some
brought about through cleansingviolence. Rather this arises out of what I
512
have termed the Black cathexis,what Sekyi-Otu reads in Fanon as the
`awesometask' he `enjoins upon post colonial humanity'. It is the
"appropriation of a historical legacy not of our own choosing.s962 The
is
is
"how
`appropriation'
the
to
answer
question
an autonomous
processof
invasive
"
It
to
the
of
an
modernity
consequences
possible?
relationship
supersedesthe ambiguous,ambivalent outcome of an emancipatoryprocess
it
because
is
into
dimension
"an
the
activity of coming
one's own
race
sans
inviolate
is
to
to,
there
self
no
native essencesto
no
primal
return
when
had
how
"
I
In
the appropriation of
outlined
chapter
an earlier
recapture.
the coloniser's languagehas, as an emancipatoryprocess,overlaps with
Habermas' languagepragmatics,which, in turn, if read through Fanon, has
Habermas
critique
of
and counter proffering of
with
my
overlaps
translatability and transmutability, especially in Fanon's vision of converting
the coloniser's languagein the service a radically "new world of perception."
One of the problems addressedand posed by this episodeof appropriation is
how to generatecommon meaning in the face of social and political
fragmentation. Within the target borough this was addressedthrough the
inclusive
`Black'
tological
the
and
on
epistemological
signifying,
use of
framework to a public sphereand its constituents. It is analogousto SekyiOtu's conceptualisationof the counter hegemonic communicative action
institution whose role is "to createa narrative and 'olitical spacein which
"96
the local freely bespeaksthe national-universal.
Yet, Sekyi-Otu reasonsthat becauseFanon's attempt to read the processof
be
possibly empirically refuted, that thesenarratives
can
appropriation
democratic
"processes
be
entry
of
so
much
as
accounts
of
should read not
into moderni y, but rather of their historical and normative conditions of
4 i. e. as counterfactualities. But this is the sensein which a
"9
possibility,
distinction can be made between communicative action and discourse,and,
borough
from
from
to
target
the
the
seem
would
evidence
which,
apart
I
Earlier
democratic
be
that
process.
appropriation can read as a
suggest
had argued that the race equality programme, catalysedthrough the race
had
existed
equality workers, openedup communicative spaceswhere none
before so that claims for racial justice could be made. The redemption of
itself
did
if
the
these claims, even
not always meet these
actual process
discourse
be
based
the
to
as outlined
of
principles
on
standards,attempted
Black
During
the
the
people,
programme,
equality
race
period of
above.
whether employeesor membersof the public, were emboldenedto speak,to
been
had
keep
to,
to
they
spoken
only
and
make claims, where previously
instrumental
face
in
by
the
that
of
closure
space
making
communicative
open
referenceto the council's race commitments and/or utilising the presenceof
the race adviser in that particular encounter. In numerous everyday
interactions acrossthe council, such as the job interview, the supervision
between
Black
employee,the service user and
manager
and
session
between
disagreement
Race
Adviser
the
encounter,
and councillor
employee
513
at committee meeting, the processof appropriation as a democratic process
was either occurring, or the potential for it to occur was there. The term
`appropriation' is apt becauseit capturesthe feeling of taking and
is
in this the `freedom' to act, as well as the action
There
reconfiguring.
then arising out of that freed act. Garber, in an article exploring the city as
a heroic public sphere,i. e. one in which the project of modernity can still be
is
that
there
argues
pursued,
within the urban spacefour types of public
965
The first is that from which people act becausetheir identities,
sphere.
interests etc are materially intertwined with that space. The secondis the
one where people act on spacebecausethey want to own and shapeit. The
third is where people want to act in space,such as pursuing an agendafor
free speechin local governance. Finally the fourth public sphereis where
people make space,i. e. the "expansion or multiplication of the public sphere
itself. " All four can be said to apply to the situations describedabove in
local governanceinvolving appropriation in which Black people act from, in,
it
is
But
not just space,becauseone of the key control
on, and createspace.
is
in
vectors racism that of creating a temporal lag which has at its core the
trope of progress from sub-humanity to humanity. This can be seenover
in
and over again the marginalising responsesfrom state institutions to issues
inequality
where pathologisation through constructions of `racial
of race
disadvantage' feed solutions sought through measureslike `positive action
traineeships'. Harmonising the time difference is as important as spacein
the processof appropriation. For this reason,positive action was always
held by the race advisersto be the very last resort. Becausethat latter action
has
inherent
an
moral component,as I argue the claims for
of appropriation
have,
is
far
lead
discursive
justice
likely
this
to
to
more
communicative
racial
if
But,
appropriation supersedesthe conceptualisationof
even
action.
discourseput forward by Swindal, there is still no cast iron guaranteethat
these sorts of discursive communicative practices will occur.
11.27 Appropriation
and Emancipation
Finally one can loop back to complement and support the earlier argument
through the notion of appropriation that instrumental action can be seenas
ossified communicative action. Appropriation, because,as Fanon
theorised, it involves a revaluation of endsand means,takes and revivifies
parts of instrumental action systemsbringing them back into communicative
action; and, within the specific context of race, does so in ways that are more
likely to be discursive. We have already seenhow, through examplesof the
disciplinary
the
and
selections
process
and
process,previous
recruitment
areasof managerial sole discretion were at key points in their processes,
just
from
to
within the formal
openedup communicative action; not
but
from
institutions,
like the trade
also
parallel
overlapping
organisation,
union, through the fora of Black Workers Groups. Within theseprocesses,
with the catalytic agent of the griot, the common vocabulary of the discourse
514
of race equality, as developedin the target borough, vies for hegemonywith
other diskoursesas expressedand pursuedthrough the formal political party
and senior managers. As can be seenin the appendixedreport establishing
race equality as a dominant discoursewas not easy. It could not rely on the
top-down authority of the politicians and senior managersstriking the right
public pose, the orthodox mantra of official race equality institutions, such as
the CRE. Whilst, in the stagesof the inception of the programme public
from
is
those
quarters obviously important in creating the initial
support
conditions for dealing with internal organisational opposition, it can never be
the only form of momentum for any race equality programme. What is
given by way of succour from an authorising power can easily be taken back.
In the target borough the race equality discoursewas sustainedthrough
ensuring that the race equality infra-structure and programme becamethe
for
means
opening up communicative spaces,and trying to
catalytic
maintaining these,acrossthe full range of local governanceresponsibilities.
Returning to Habermas,appropriation imbricates with one of Habermas'
between
distinctions
idealised
forms
two
categorical
of citizenships.
Stewart draws attention to these in terms of citizenship as received
distinguishable
or
as
achieved
membership,
membership,
as well as `power
966
In sum the distinction betweenthe two is that in
over' and `power to'.
"this latter organisational model, ultimately isolated individuals are subject
to surveillance within a contractual relationship which regulatesan exchange
functionally
for
benefits
specified contributions .... (whilst) ...... the ...
of
imminent.. model emphasisesin contrast that political autonomy - as an
irreducibly relational phenomenon-'is a purpose in itself, to be realised not
by single persons in the private pursuit of their particular interestsbut rather
by all together in an inter-subjectively sharedpraxis (where)... citizen
...
by
is
status constituted a web of egalitarian relations of mutual
967 The difference betweenthe two theorists, and this is a
recognition"'.
difference which stems,I contend, from Habermas' misconceptualisationof
is
that "Habermas' concern with the possible
and
culture,
race, racism
liberal
in
irrationalist
face
the
procedures
of
movementsof
erosion of
traditionalist nostalgia leads him to an overly conservativeposition as far as
the democratisationof democracyis concerned."968 I would argue, then,
that the race equality discoursepursued in the target borough sought to
extend the radical implications of Habermas' conceptualisationof achieved
ironically,
as the only way, within the context of race, to ensure
citizenship,
that irrationalist forces do not predominate. This radicalised version of
is
in
keeping
citizenship
more
with the notion of appropriation. On
active
the other hand it can be, and will be, arguedthat the notion of received
in
the
way
which the organisation
citizenship
accords
membership
with
through the proto-Blairite councillors and many senior managerssought to
frame the acceptablelimits of employee,particularly Black employeeand
those within the specific race equality field, participation in decision making.
515
But there are other democratising implications which arise from this as well.
Stewart accusesHabermasof politically promoting no more than a
brake
he
because
liberalism
drawing
the
of
conservative
puts
on
refurbished
too radical an implication from his own theories. In this Stewart echoesthe
Habermas
McCarthy,
my
own,
regarding
seemingly over
and
of
criticisms
infatuation with systemstheories. However, there is another dimension to
Stewart's critique which is germaneto this researchproject. This concerns
the point I raised above to with attaining the freedom to act as well as the act
itself. For Stewart "political struggle focussedon emancipatorynorms is
imperatives
lifeworlds
but
between
border
to
and
wars
systems
not confined
is a pervasive aspectof structural hierarchies."96 He goes on to argue that
Habermas' restriction of the possible parametersof radical democracyto the
between
civil society and the statevia the
appropriaterelationship
line
is
limiting.
Habermas'
impact
too
of weak public spheres,
cumulative
history
in
the
too
of the emergence
particular
caught
up
of reasoning remains
"enormous
does
in
Europe,
Western
the
thus
not
recognise
and
of modernity
late
the
of
configurations
asymmetriesof power which characterise political
for
"conceptualisation
is
To
"970
the
there
that
of
need
a
extent
modernity.
diverse
domination
both
the
struggles
and
of
the structuring of
and resistance
for empowermentarising therefrom. "971 On thesebasesStewart, using
Blaug and Spinosaet al - and at this stagewe have to rely on his
interpretation of those theorists - arguesthat Habermas' theory is incapable
breakouts'
the
`democratic
dealing
experience
characterise
which
with
of
basedreal politics of ordinary people trying to constitute the `power to'.
This is the notion that "real democracyis not an ideal but an empirically real
in
breaks
`that
particular
among
people
out
occasionally
phenomenon
972
is
the
to
For
Blaug
the
"'
then
sustain
are
skills
required
what
situations.
Thus,
democratic
the
thus
movement.
reproduction of empowerment,and
in line with the criteria of fallibilism and contingency, any written
democratic
"replace
is
ongoing
cannot
constitution which genuinely
discursive capacity."973 For Spinosaet al this argument is extended
framing
type
that
the
actually
their
public sphere
through
observation
in
by
loss
of practical expertise people engaged
contributes to the
democratising. For them the highest form of political discourse,rather
is
being
than
communicative rational argumentation, what they term
interpretive speakingwhich is "rooted in the concrete experienceof the
lifeworld. " The genesisof the idea of interpretive speaking appearsto be
limitations
Habermas
the
thinking
to
of
race
and
about
very much similar my
This
be
in
transmutability.
translatability
can
seen
and
about
my arguments
Spinosaet al's three part substantiationof interpretive speaking as being
it
to
because
"forces
true
the
to
concrete
remain
people
significant
different
the
their
and
respect
acknowledge
sub-worlds,
of
experience
for
in
their
opportunities
seek
and
sub-worlds,
crossexperiences
"974
from
sub-worlds.
other
practices
appropriating
516
Thesecriticisms of Habermasare valid, not becausethey identify major fault
lines in his theory - indeed a radical reading of Habermas' could conceivably
do
but
because
Blaug
Habermas'
the
arrive
et
still
at
point
al
appearsto
have chosen,on practical grounds, the `softly-softly' range in the possible
interpretations
his
to
spectrumof
own conceptualisations. For example
Blaug's point about the need for skills in maintaining and sustaining the
democratic momentum is underlined by the experienceI have recounted of
the Black workers group in Lambeth. On the other hand it also highlights
Habermas' meta-concernabout the contingency of the outcomesof
increasing rationalisation, and my more prosaic point about the need to
distinguish between the defining of the problem and proffering of solutions.
Freedomto act doesnot guaranteefreedom as an outcome from the act itself.
Even if Blaug et al's concernsderive in part from acknowledging that in an
defining
in
democracy
the
globalisation,
parameters
of radical
relation
era of
to the nation statebecomesincreasingly irrelevant, that does not rule out the
The
state as a communicative structure which arisesto resolve
se.
per
state
increasingly complex problems of social integration, need not be locationally
imprisoned in historical definitions. In fact globalisation might, as
Magnussonand Isin et al have argued,re-invigorate and re-emphasisethe
importance of the polity in the form of the city state.975 I have arguedthat
becausethe communicative conditions for race equality is inextricably tied
distorting
forces
and
attenuating
which are one and the
up with eradicating
sametime historically unresolved social constructions and material, that the
important
resourcesite for the resolution of such social
state, as an
integrative problems, will continue to play an important role. Thus the
lifeworlds,
between
civil society and the state,mediated
relationships
through public spheres,where no presumption is put on the limits of action
have
high
for
The
those
spheres,
public
still
a
valency
race
equality.
within
discourse
in
borough
the
the
target
then
of
race
equality
was not so
concern
be
democratic
break
interpretation
though
outs,
such
an
could
with
much
democratising
like
the Black worker group movement,
on
moments
placed
but, becausethe discourseaimed at changing the institutions of local
be
including
the
trade
therein,
that
they
unions
so
could
governance,
inclusive,
democratic
break ins.
was concernedwith
substantively racially
Thesewere the substanceof the border wars and counter razzias framing the
hegemonic struggles betweenthe race equality discourse,aimed at tying in
contexts of communicative action with decision making, and the dedemocratising diskourses,aimed at closing down communicative spacesand
limiting decision making, that eventually came to predominate.
One can provide a graphical illustration of the contestation acrossthe major
between
discourse
the
the
of
race
equality
programme
elements
of race
equality and those that sought to limit or do away with race equality as a
below.
that
project,
such
as
political
517
PAGE
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519
These are very much categorical distinctions. What is not being implied is
that thesewere the outcome of vast conspiracies,though in the eventual case
of the conscious decision to downgradethe race equality programme a large
degreeof `behind-closed-doors' deliberation and decision making did take
place. Rather ideas and values received prominence, primarily through the
from
hierarchical
arising
power
positions which enabledthe communicative
information
agendato be instrumentally controlled, thus facilitating the
and
emergenceand sustaining of certain discourses/diskourses. As indicated
earlier I want to concentrateon two, that of `labourism' and that of `neomanagerialism', becausetheseare identified as those from within which the
legitimation for opposition to, and eventual displacementof, the race
equality discourse,came. I shall argue that these did not promote or
contain expressionsof, or values which could be construedas, overt racial
and racist hostility, except on the odd occasionsaround the fringes in a few
skirmishes with the manual trade unions. Rather they encouragedand
promoted action which, in regard to race, sought to close down
communicative spacesrecently excavatedthrough the race equality
programme, and/or control those spaces,and/or prevented the emergenceof
further spaces,thereby de-politicising race. Further this choice of diskourse,
where active choice is more evident in neo-managerialism,did not
incorporate
`neutralise'
it
Instead
I
that
and
race.
coincidentally
shall argue
because
largely
adopted
of a perceived need to control and managerace,
was
increasingly
became
viewed, especially after the Labour Party's
which
debacle in the 1987 election defeat, as a threat both to electoral legitimation
and to the legitimation within the organisation of formal political power.
This enabledrace to be moved out of the formal public political arenaof
legitimation and to be subsumedwithin larger concernsof managementand
at first a broad, all encompassinglet's-accord-equal-value-to-all-oppressions
equalities approach,then more latterly, the even more distant social
exclusion.
11.28 Labourism and the attempt to silence race
At the inception of the race equality programme the main obstaclesto its
development and implementation arosefrom the opposition emerging from
be
called the main promoters of the Labourist tradition, a mixture
what could
local
branches
Labour
party
councillors
and
mainly
of the manual trade
of
unions. Towards the end of the period of the race programme the basesof
the opposition to race could be seento be emerging from the growing
dominancewithin the organisation of the neo-managerialistdiscourse.
From 1984 to 1989 there was not so much a switch in discourse/diskourse
from Labourism to neo-managerialismas a changein emphasis. In many
ways Labourism came to be subsumedin neo-managerialism.
520
The way in which `labourism' is used here differs from its usagein other
labourism
labourism
and/or
and race. There are no orthodox
studies of
Marxist pejorative undertonesexpressinga `sighed' disapproval of the
Labour Party's betrayal of the working class, or, as a variation on that
failure
the
of `labourism' with a notion of socialism still to
counterpoising
be achieved.976 Neither is it a Foucauldian inspired use of `discourse' in
be
done
`labourism'
to
anything
said,
comes
and/or textualised which
which
977
from
Rather `labourism' is used in this
the Labour Party.
emanates
denote
labour
based
to
a
variant
a
social
social evolution of
of
study
research
in
theory
type
which class, as the primordial grounding for
political
society
is
for
integrative
the
still
problems,
main
pivot
social and political
social
in
Because,
this version, the social learning evolution of society is
action.
labour,
development
to
the
the working class still
of
social
still reduced
if
it
is
in
status,
even
now a constrained,
retains a subject-of-history
form
requiring not so much emancipationas controlled nurturing.
attenuated
It has a vision of socialism, but one formed within what is recognisedas the
social democratic mould. It thus renouncesany attempt to overthrow the
instead
but
to reform and control
seeks
of
production,
capitalist relations
them through the democratic captureand exerciseof political power. The
in
is
labour
form
from
the
this
social
concretely
expressed
of
utopia
development
to
welfarism
which
seeks
attenuateand
and
of
establishment
is
It
for
the
the
social and material ravagesof capitalism.
compensate
justice
has
This
a conceptualisationof social
working classes'pay off.
Fraser's
both,
is
to
use
categorisation,redistribution and recognition
which
based;the latter being a taken-for-granted, subliminal rather than overt
is
Redistribution
the
through
the
edifice
of
achieved
primarily
expression.
hand,
Recognition,
to
the
the
common
applies
on
other
only
state.
welfare
background values of the lifeworlds of the white working class. Whilst
by
to
thesevalues are maintained some extent those they exclude - the
`other' - they, more pertinently in the realities of a racist multi-racial society,
incorporatist
to
through
approach
and
an
assimmilationist
succoured
are
by
other social groups; especially where theseare
claims
recognition
intertwined with redistributive claims as well. Assimmilationism is the
labour
In
UK
this
the
social
communicative silencing of appropriation.
be
in
Labour
Party,
the
trades'
to
the
and
unions
embodied
came
variant
institutionalisation of their mutual relationship. But there is no simple
interplay
identified
their
two
those
with
and
protagonists
conflation of
`labourism', becausethe values they came to exemplify, and the action they
democratic
imbue
background
fabric
to
the
social
value
came
of
sanctioned,
the welfare state and public sector. The intellectual analysesof both
spheres,the Labour party and the tradesunions as well as the welfare public
by
have
been
the almost absenceof any systematic
to
marked up now
sector,
it
by
histories
the
trying
to
to
situate
within
of
way
race
reference
of the
in
has
The
been,
those
which
race
way
spheres.
of
evolution
and is being,
521
from
the explicit parametersof the changedebatewithin the
expunged
current Labour Party's fast evolving stanceon local government, as well as
wider national concerns,meansthat this omission is more than just over
is
if
The
New Right Labour has a vision and
then
question
sight.
programme of action which will attain no more than a society which is a
refurbished version of neo-liberalism, how far off from that is Habermas'
version of a refurbished liberalism.? Moreover is the logic of Habermas'
"emphasis upon the need for self restraint on the part of those participating
in a range of public spheres"becauseof hisfear of "the possible erosion of
liberal proceduresin the face of irrationalist movementsof traditionalist
nostalgia", a more sophisticatedrestatementof New Right Labour's
communitarian framedfear and expunging of race from legitimation
concerns?
In the target borough the `labourist' approachhas been identified with a
have
I
categorisedas later becoming the protogroup of councillors whom
Blairites. These, at the start of the race equality programme, held
influential positions in the leadershipof the Labour Group on council as well
important
holding
the
chairs of certain
committees, such as the Personnel
as
Sub-Committeeand the Direct Labour Committee. The latter two were the
formal political conduit through which control of all of the employment
formal
by
The
the
agreement
affecting
workforce
was
exercised.
policies
thesecommittees to any action sanctioning the institution to reconfigure the
employee-employercontractual relationship, would be key. There were,
then, certain characteristicsof this group of councillors which are interesting.
All were white. All had northern, working classbackgroundseven if their
then current educational levels and work placed them more in the middle
class bracket. That, coupled with their relative newnessto London meant
that their own personal experienceof Black people, other than the Black
limited.
limitations
These
was
extremely
applied as well to
councillors
their exposureto race equality arguments,and even where they were
borough's
the
that
own race programme, to the
as
was
case
with
exposed,
sympathywith which they greeted such arguments. For example one of the
leading councillors, Chair of the DLO committee at the start of the race
described
became
leader
the equality
the
council,
who
also
of
programme,
into
for
local
three
the
programme,
at
a
conference,
some
years
race
advisers
07
On another
authority direct labour organisations,as "the misfts.
he
in
discussion
the
with
advisers was quite adamantthat any kind
occasion
be
`rainbow
tolerated. A
would
not
of
a
politics
of
a
coalition'
of notion
few of these councillors had also, in their studentyears, been membersof
Trotskyist political parties, such as the SWP. But these other political
framings also permitted those councillors to try to claim the moral high
ground.
522
This prioritisation of the lifeworld values of the working class, as envisioned
in the heroic `Northern' sense,as the seedbed for the local discourseof
labourism, was affected not just through the formal positions of the
councillors concerned,but, as well, through the traditions of the manual
workers' unions in the public sector all of whom in the boroughs which had
startedon developing race programmes,displayed varying degreesof
atavistic working classhostility to what they perceived as a form of
"foreigners-taking-our-jobs." Thesetraditions were sustainedthrough the
network of councillors, certain senior managersin the Direct Labour
Organisation, local trade union officials and local Labour party, and
informally cementeddaily in the leisure fora of the local public houses,the
tradescouncils and the local Labour Club. A similar pattern of
be
in
borough
the
the
to the west,
could
observed
neighbouring
relationships
it
in
I
where, as shall show, resulted a blatant over expressionof racism on
the part of the tradesunions concerned. In both boroughs, and too some
extent in Lambeth as well, there was a connection that could be made
betweenthe membership of the manual unions in local government,
in
local
traditional
white
working
class
areasand the electability of
residency
from
that area. In the target borough not only was the DLO
councillors
headquartersphysically sited in the southernpart of the borough, that part of
the borough was also the hinterland for large swathesof council estatesin
few
brooked.
in
Black
As
Lambeth at the start of the
residents
were
which
large
had
initiatives,
the
sectors
of
manual and craft workforce
almost a
race
dynastic dimension with membersand friends of families finding work
through word-of-mouth recruiting. It is little wonder that in 1984 the
979
in
just
5%.
Black
DLO
people the
over
stood at
percentageof
I want to outline, briefly, how this discourseof labourism, sustainedin the
target borough by the positioning of key councillors, certain senior managers
and trade union officials and the closed off- to Black people and the race
described
discourse
the
communicative
channels
of
network,
as
equality
implementation
drag
the
a
negative
of the race equality
exerted
on
above,
delay
just
implementation
This
to
the
was
not
of
an attempt
programme.
the race equality programme. There was, consciously underpinning the
discourse
displace
to
to
the
act,
an
explicit
attempt
race
equality
reluctance
labourism.
discourse
However,
to
the
of
more
amenable
as shall
one
with
be shown, this was not done in a manner of communicative transparencyso
that claims made could be deliberatedupon by all concerned. Rather, as
it
labourist
discourse,
the
the
was surreptitiously and
sustaining
of
with
behind
doors
institutional
the
closed
of
clandestinely nurtured
power trying,
in so doing, to avoid any possible interstices which would afford
appropriation by Black people. I want to outline this arenaof discourse
development
by
to
the
and
creation
contestation reference
of the Equal
Opportunities Working Party in the target borough.
523
Whilst I have made a categorical distinction betweenthe race equality
discourseand the labourist diskourse, for heuristic considerations,it cannot
be inferred that the race equality discourseand its proponents were
unsympatheticto the trade union movement, or at a contextually more
in
intersection
level,
the
uninterested
of class with race and thus
substantive
labour
influence
The
the
of
social
on
emancipatory
concerns.
race
with
in
borough
discourse
the
target
was, after all, partially sustained
equality
through the communicative spacesopenedup in one of the trade union
branchesthrough the developmentof the Black Workers Group. The
issuesof class as well as women were part of the everyday considerationsof
that group, especially as those related to black women. What the Group
hostility
Noachic
to
the
of
expressions
opposed
were
and race workers were
from
times,
certain trade unions and their officials
out right racism
and, at
towards the race equality initiatives and Black people. Often this was
interaction,
language
in
that
the
occurred.
when
mediating
of
exemplified
Time and spacedistancing conventionalising terminology, maintaining the
`he, she' it' "othering" was common, exemplified in the favoured use of
`coloured' to refer to Black people, especially those of an Afro-Caribbean
background. Thesewere mainly the craft and manual trade unions. Both
in
had
local
in
had,
tradition
the
government,
grown
up
which
sets of unions
joint
their
of
memberswith
and
equal
supervision
almost
an
exercised
in
institution
their
trade
For
the
on
many
cases,
relied,
example,
managers.
from
had
its
information
the
to
to
which
originated
employees
unions convey
in
local
largest
itself.
Their
the
trade
union
relationship with
organisation
from
differing
be
NALGO,
the
then
can gleaned
called
government,
interpretationsplaced upon the common description of it as a `white collar'
distinction
it
in
To
the
craft and manual unions was a class
many
union.
betweenthose who sat behind desksand those who did `real' work. Whilst
Officers'
Government
Local
Association
`National
reflected the
the title
of
local
developing
imposed
been
had
the
on
original civil service model which
deemed
between
distinction
it
those
government, also captured a real
`officers' and those who were not. This was reflected materially in
differing terms and conditions for the two sets of employeeswhich saw the
`officers' with the much better pay and conditions structures. Despite this
development
in
local
which
the seventiesexpansionof
government, a
branches,
Labour
Party
inner
city
mirrored the changing membershipof
from
them
to
the
influx
committed
many
of
universities,
of
people
an
created
The
end result was a radicalisation
a
socialist
vision.
public sector within
had
been
from
inner
branches
in
NALGO
those
a rather
what
city
of
Contrary
form
`officer
the
to
associations'.
of
road
comfortable, middle of
Trotskyist
demonisation
these
of
as
evidence
the
radical changes
of
`entryism' into local government, though many activists were quite open
branch
the
their
parties,
majority
of
such
political
of
membership
about
Labour
Party
boroughs,
in
the
were
members. However
changing
officials
this obvious developing split between a widening vision of local government
524
branches
in
in
inner
NALGO
many
socialism,
as
exemplified
and
city local
government institutions, and the more traditional labourist versions, as
by
differences
the
the
and
craft
unions,
manual
exacerbated
expressed
which
had existed before. For the latter unions it was further evidence of the
NALGO.
There
of
was one thing upon which the
class
nature
middle
influenced
Trotskyist
the
and
more
activists in
manual and craft unions
NALGO were agreed,and that was in their macho, working class epithet
dismissal of NALGO as a "mickey mouse" union. However, it was
NALGO
that the collective claims of previously neglected
through
primarily
be
like
Black
workers and women, could made to the council.
groups,
Further, as I have shown before, through the existence formally such group
in
NALGO
the
and
was supportive of
race equality programme,
structures,
indicative
in
But
that
the
this
of a
council
was
support.
of
ahead
many cases
like
form
by
branches
this
to
any
of retrenchmentof the
wider approach
decision
individual
be
because
this
that
or
council's
of
public sector, whether
becauseof national government initiatives. For many councillors, in the
target borough, NALGO was a headache;a power structure that had to be
broken. For all of thesereasonsthen, the councillors I have identified as
being key in perpetuating the labourist discourse,were therefore happier
One
develop
the
to
manual and craft unions.
closer relations with
wanting
boroughs,
to
the
the
such as
above context applying
can seevariations of
Lambeth and the two immediately adjoining the target borough on either
side.
Within this scenariothe initiation and developmentof the race equality
had
from
by
Race
Unit
the outset the explicit parametersof
the
programme
first
For
involve
the
the
trade
to
policy
example
all of
unions.
wanting
CRE
Code
by
defrom
the
the
of
reconstructing
and
unit,
which,
report
Practice, laid out the framework for the approachto race equality and
it
employment contextualised thus:
The Code addressesitself in part 3 to the responsibilities of Trades
Unions. There are two areasof action:
(a)to ensurethat individual employeesof the Council are aware
of these
(b)to ensure that employees engaged in Equal Opportunities
negotiations with unions are aware of these.
Both should be covered in the section meetings. In addition, however
in
it
latter
is
that
the
engaged
such
management
recommended
with
dual
in
the
responsibilities placed
such
negotiations should make clear
former,
In
both
the
employees should be
employers and unions.
upon
encouraged to raise in their unions the expectations and lawful
requirementsof the Code.
It is expected that many of the employment issues raised and
recommendations made, will have to be looked at in terms of Equal
Opportunities initiatives i. e. race, gender, class, people with
disabilities, sexual orientation. In all, the dimension of Black women
980
be
an explicit component
will
525
In order to give concreteexpressionto thesesentimentsthe report
have
because
the
the structure to "(a)
that
council
should
recommended
include the trade unions in the equal opportunities process,and (b)regularly
examine and review existing policies, proceduresand criteria.", that the
following should be established:
A review/monitoring committee be established on a joint
develop
basis
help
the policy;
to
union
monitor
and
management/
with this committee, (i. e. Race relations Committee) to be comprised
of representatives of all the unions; the Personnel Division; the
specialist advisers; Black and Women's Staff Forums members. This
should be seen as complementary to, but not part of, the established
98'
consultation and negotiating machinery.
Whilst similar review/monitoring committeeshad been establishedwith
including
in
boroughs,
GLC,
degrees
the
none of
of success other
varying
them had representativesfrom the organisedgroups of Black and women
become
Equal
behind
The
to
the
thinking
what
was
employees.
Opportunities Working Party differed as well from the other boroughs. In
this caseit was very much attempting to develop within the organisation,the
formal
influence
for
the
structural space a mini-public spherewhich could
but
like
the
within which actors could
negotiating machinery,
action areas,
debates.
in
formal
their
the
roles and engage claims and
shacklesof
cast off
It was envisagedthat a structure like this would not only last the duration of
the equality programmes,but would provide a working model of new
develop
forms
to
an active
sought
which
organisational communicative
hopes,
These
de-hierarchical
mode of working.
consensualmode and
however, reckoned without the discourseof labourism.
The recommendationto establishthe Equal Opportunities Forum went
1984
in
the
the
without any sign
of
middle
part
through
relevant committees
informed
The
that
towards
the
advisers
were
year.
end of
of action until
informally through the Chairs of the Race and Women's Committeesthat the
leading councillors, identified as under girding the labourist discourse,had
decided to form a similar body with only themselvesand the trades unions
include:
the
Further,
this
the
terms
would
of
of
reference
as members.
identification of all possible areasof discrimination, viz. class, gender, race,
disability,
the
pay
etc.,
review of
status,
marital
orientation,
sexual
age,
development
by
being
the
the
council,
of a
undertaken
equality measures
the
equal opportunities policy,
revising
of
action,
programme
comprehensive
the identification of the meansby which the council and tradesunions can
back
to
to the majority
the
the
and
report
action,
effectivenessof
review
in
for
approval any action undertaken pursuit of the terms of reference.
group
What this effectively proposedwas to remove the responsibility for the
Race
from
Women's
the
the
and
of
remit
programme
committees
equality
526
and the equality workers, and to re-position it within the closed circuit of
communication and power of the selectedcouncillors, trades unions and the
it
In
so proposing also envisageda role for the Equal
majority group.
Opportunities Working Party which in assumingresponsibilities for
developmentalaction and negotiation, was far removed from that put
forward by the Race Unit. The original proposal that was acceptedby Race
Relations Committee did not seea role for membersat that level because
their role could be exercisedthrough the formal political and negotiating
in
This
initiative
the
to
the
of
council.
attempt
suck
equality
structures
and
it
behind
doors
in
implied
"service
the
closed
was reflected, as well,
control
fodder for the working party" role for equality advisers and in the total
from
having
the Black
to
of
any
reference
representatives
silencing omission
Workers Group or Women's Group. A senior managercommentating on
the proposal to include membersfrom the race and women constituent
be
by
that
this
to
was unlikely
accepted the trade unions
groups commented
because"they, the trade unions were the only recognisedrepresentative
bodies for all staff and..... they were capableof looking after their Black and
female members."982
In a letter to the relevant Labour membersall the equality advisersthat they
body,
disturbed"
by
"extremely
the
pointing out
of
such
a
establishment
were
that they had not been formally informed and that there was a deepconcern
that "this group will be making proposals for the development of equal
be
"
The
the
we
and
yet
will
not
represented
at
working
party.
opportunities
letter went on to highlight the confusing and potentially damagingrole the
proposedworking party would play.
"We have made it clear to members in the past that we consider it
essential to establish a broad based equal opportunities forum. The
experience of other Councils, notably the G.L. C. has been that such
a group is vital to the development of equal opportunities. We have
proposed that such a body should consist of representativesfrom the
Trade Unions, equality workers and representatives from the
departmental black staff forums and women's groups. We therefore
wish to re-state our advice that such a broad based group, which
should be a non-negotiating body, is essential if the Council's
into
is
be
to
to
practice. Such a
effectively
put
commitment equality
body is essential to develop a co-ordinated approach to equal
opportunities. The constitution of the present working party
effectively silences the equality workers. We are not prepared to
service a body at which we have no representation and therefore no
right to speak. We have not even been formally notified of the
working party's existence, its terms of reference or matters discussed
We consider that the limited composition of the equal
so far.
opportunities working party, can only serve to confuse the
development of equality policies and practices. It is not clear to us
what the status of the new group is and how it relates to the
527
established committee structure or existing trade union negotiating
machinery. "983
The responsefrom members,primarily becausethe letter had the support of
the Chair of the Race relations Committee and the tacit support of the then
Chief Executive, was to agreeto allow the equality advisersto participate.
Even then, however, over the next six months there were numerous flash
in
between
the
the
way which
advisersand members,primarily over
points
the latter allowed the more reactionary tendenciesin the trade unions to
dictate the agendaof the day and the pace of events. It becameclear that
from
the craft and manual workers'
trade
representatives,
unions
certain
intent
on using the working party as a stalling
unions primarily, were
It
was apparentthat memberswere preparedto go along with
mechanism.
had
further,
to
those
to
that
the
a
this, and,
unions
equality advisers
confirm
in
did
help
It
that
these
samememberspersisted
not
marginalised role.
holding up the limited equality practices of Wandsworth, then the
ConservativeParty's `flagship' borough exemplifying the new right changes
in local governance.
This fractious context, one in which councillors and trades unions were
happier looking to Conservativemodels of equality practice, whatever that
boroughs,
in
Labour
being
developed
those
than
was
other
run
was, rather
developed,
had,
by
1985,
in
the
the
mid
working party
way which
very much
because
their
to
trade
own
attempted
create
unions
and
members
primarily
for
leadership
through
through
that
a
structure
equalities
role
and
ownership
instrumentalised
This
discourse.
the
strategic and
equality
reconfiguring of
insertion of power into that forum distorted and disrupted the communicative
deliberative
to
process
a
proper
prevented
effectively
and
relationships
burgeon. The networks of labourism also allowed for the working party to
be by passed,thereby further reducing its formal role and capacity to that of
in
discussions
despite
having
the
For
facade.
working
ongoing
example
a
include
for
a
a proper monitoring systemwhich would
party about the need
Black
base
if
headcount,
and
of
number
seenas essential a proper
mandatory
from
be
the
to
established, councillors, under pressure
white employeeswas
the trade unions, outside of the environs of the working party agreedto a
implementation
back
the
of
number of measureswhich effectively put
late
1984
the
by
In
to
with
go
ahead
a
proposal
a year.
monitoring
headcountpart of the monitoring systemwas supposedto be implemented.
Without warning the members,all of them identified with the labourist
discoursedecided to postpone it the night before the survey at the behestof
been
had
in
Their
trades
the
the
already
made
views
clear
unions.
certain of
initiatives
They
time
as
a
waste
of
and
such
regarded
party.
working
hostile
it.
In
to
that
their
were
a veiled threat to
members
money, warning
link
fate
the
their
to
with
membership
possible
sought
which
of
councillors
the Labour Party in the local elections, their written comments concluded:
528
"In deciding to impose monitoring on an unwilling workforce the
Council took a political gamble of much greater magnitude than that
breakdown
from
individual
the
of
relations in the borough.
resulting
The fact is that the vast majority of the workforce, particularly, among
the manual workers, also live in the borough. As such they reflect the
views of the electorate as well as being important opinion makers it
their own Community. So it is more than likely that the suspicions and
concerns of the members towards ethnic monitoring which the trade
union leaders in the borough attempted to pass on to you were equally
the views of many voters in the local communities. We hope you were
better at winning the voters to the ideas behind ethnic monitoring than
you were with your own workforce." (My emphasis)984
In another sensethis confirmed the gut feeling amongstthe advisersat the
time that for a number of reasons,especially the expedient one of electoral
advantage,the councillors were happier cultivating the white working class
constituencies. At another level it helps evidencethe existenceof the
labourist discourse. The responsefrom the advisersto what was seenas a
capitulation to racism was equally forthright. In an exerciseof counter
discourseboth the race and women's adviserswrote to the councillors
concernedas follows:
"We have received notification that the proposed second monitoring head
count of the target borough employees has been postponed. As equality
advisers employed to advise the Council on the meansto achieving race and
women's equality, we wish to register our strongestobjections to this move.
Monitoring, of which this proposed exercise is but part, is one of the basic
planks to achieving genuine Equality Opportunities. This particular exercise
is doubly important too because it is the first to include questions on
gender. We are well aware that the leadership of certain local unions
opposes vehemently the whole issue of Equal Opportunities. We are also
aware too that these very same unions do not represent the views of their
Black and women members. Within the context therefore that one of the
other planks to a successful Equal Opportunities Policy is the commitment
of members to their lawful. and principled responsibilities, we are appalled
that, over such a basic issue as monitoring, their appears to be an
appeasementwith bodies that are institutionally racist and sexist. We are
aware that the manner in which this decision was reached, including the
timing, has damaged the work already begin on Equal Opportunities, and
we would urge therefore that the decision is rescinded and the proposed
survey carried out as soon as possible, 085
The council members
concerned,for reasonsalso to do with those of
expecting to be accordedcertain respectand statusbecauseof their political
positions, this despitetheir avowed socialist intentions, tried, as part of the
rewriting of the race equality discourse,to portray the advisers, especially the
race equality ones, as being `unruly' and as therefore alienating the
unions.
In fact on a number
of occasionsduring the life of the Working Party the
leading councillors
head
to
the
attempted get
of the Race Unit disciplined
529
becausethey did not like either the advice or the way in which it was
proffered. However, as another reality correlate, the then Chief Executive
was so appalled by the decision to postponethat he wrote as follows to the
councillors:
This morning I heard that at a meeting on Friday night it was agreed to
defer the secondmonitoring exercise.
Leaving aside the problems caused by attempting to defer an exercise
like this at such a late stage, I am writing to place on record my strong
disappointment and anxiety at such a move.
The Council decided many years ago before I arrived that surveys of the
racial composition of the workforce should be undertaken. I wont
rehearsehere the reasonswhy managementinformation of this nature .is
crucial to an Equal Opportunities Policy as I am sure you are familiar
with the arguments. Some unions have steadfastly maintained their
opposition to any monitoring. As a concessionsto this it was agreedthat
the method used should be a management head count, and the first
monitoring survey was completed earlier this year. The arrangements
for the second exercise have all been made and monitoring was due to
I can see no reason why it should not have been
start today.
successfully concluded.
I feel that to postpone it at this late stage is not only very disruptive to
the exercise but also will give the appearanceof completely undermining
the Council's commitment to race equality. If exercises such as this
which are fundamental to race equality and where substantial
concessionshave already been made to the union, can be reversedat this
late stage it will give the impression that the Council is not serious about
equal opportunities and that the implementation of policies in this field
is a voluntary activity. The implications of thus will be, in any view,
serious and far reaching.
I would therefore ask that urgent consideration be given to the exercise
to continue as soon as possible986
Six months later, in the borough to the west of the target borough a similar
lampooned
by
the manual
proposal
was
racistly
and
crudely
monitoring
in
form
the
of questionnairewhich askedquestionssuch as:
unions
"If American Indian, pleasestateyour tribe:
Apache/Blackfoot/Cheyenne/Sioux?
And,
"Are you of mixed race: Father black, Mother white/Mother black, Father
white/Father brown etc.s987
530
This questionnairewas distributed with a covering letter which came from
their own Equal Opportunities Working party. The Labour run council,
which in terms of demographicmake up, distribution and the evolved
in
be
thrall
to
the
to
tested
yet
structures
was
even
more
political power
threat of manual worker employeestranslating their opposition to council
initiatives
into
borough
electoral political choices,
employment equality
decidedthat the racist questionnairewas a basis for negotiation. The Black
Workers Group, in that council, and the race advisers issued strong letters
condemning such a move.
We can see,therefore, that at the beginning of the race equality programme
in the target borough, and in others, which includes Lambeth where only the
direct intervention of Ted Knight prevented a similar scenariotaking place,
the discourseof labourism provided the value meansto try and subvert,
discourse.
being
in
the
the
case
examined,re-write
race equality
prevent, or,
In the target borough this attempt at `palimpsesting' the race equality
discourseis exemplified in two episodes. The first relates to the issue of
from
There
the trades
to
these,
targets.
overtly
was
opposition
race equality
from
labourist
The
the
councillors.
recommended
covertly
unions, and
follows:
issue
the
targets
as
contextualised
policy on
There is often a confusion in people's mind between quotas and targets.
Apart from being unlawful, quotas are rooted in the "fair shares"
basis
is
leave
discriminatory
The
to
this
to
to
race
equality.
approach
This
in
black
intact,
to
to
white.
people
preference
and
employ
systems
if
for
known
discrimination.
Thus
is
a quota
example,
as positive
process
by
have
is
black
this
25%
to
meet
simply
employees
set,
organisations
of
discrimination,
through
up to the proportion set.
positive
employing
Quotas, therefore do not have to be exceeded.Such a course of action is
reactionary because:
* it sets a maximum ceiling
* it does not address discriminatory systems and therefore
institutional racism
* it leads to tokenism.
To summarisetherefore targets are not about:
* quotas
* positive discrimination
* tokenistic action.
However targets are about:
* quantifying the desired outcome of the race equality strategy
* setting this quantification within set time periods
* basing this quantification upon minimum levels i. e., they can be
exceeded
* being the concrete outcome of a strategy which seeksto dismantle
racially discriminatory systems and erect racially and socially fair
88
ones.
531
Despite this very clear situating of targetswithin a context of tackling
discriminatory systemsand not simply that of being tokenistic positive
discriminatory action, unions continued to representthe initiative as one of
in
dubious
Black
through
people
means. Whilst the
getting
quotasand
councillors did not support theseviews, they did regard the targetting policy
less
determinate
They
being
`hard'.
too
preferred
a
more
vague,
pliable,
as
be
level
interpretation.
to
open managerial and member
policy which would
That would be a means,in their view, to appeasethe unions. As one
joint
Women's
it
Personnel
Race
Relations,
and
at
a
put
councillor
Committees' meeting, specially convenedto agreea number of equality
if
don't
feels
"We
targets
that
as we
was one,
want advice
measuresof which
have been struck by an axe in the middle of the forehead."989 This
indeterminacy
permitted the unions to continue making
and
ambivalence
disparagingand communicative distorting claims about the equality
in
forum
a
supposedlyset up to clarify
whilst
participating
programme
issues. Earlier I had highlighted the opposition to the race equality
discoursefrom the then Chief PersonnelOfficer and Chair of the Personnel
Committee, one of the key movers in the sustaining of the labourist
discourse. During this period of the Equal Opportunities Working Party,
Committee
Race
Relations
in
agreedemployment
previously
one which
it
be
for
fought
for
in
be
had
to
to
acceptedas council policy,
order
policies
discourse,
labourist
because
the
the
of
countervailing claims of
primarily
coursesof action agreedwithin the context of that working party, were often
hidden
through
agendasvia
pursuing
overturned
councillors
undermined or
it
At
targets
the
then,
when
appeared
of
power.
a
stage,
channels
other
Personnel
Chief
last,
long
the
to
approval,
going get council
policy was, at
from
Chair
instruction,
he
later
the
the
of
claimed,
as
under
officer,
Personnelsub-committee,wrote a paper for the Labour Group meeting
in
terms
targeting
of
one
which
was
vague
wholly
new
policy,
a
proposing
in
Black
levels
terms
the
of
generous
of
employees,
expected
implementation time table, and non-specific in relation to accountability
lines and processes. It only came to the head of the Race Unit's notice, on
left
had
inadvertently
because
day
that
the
a
the
meeting,
senior manager
of
key page in the photo-copier. A Black employeewho found it and
Unit.
Within
it
in
Race
handed
the
to
the
the
space
significance
recognised
by
Race
Unit,
be
had
briefing
the
to
prepared
papers
of an afternoon counter
for
Black
body
for
Labour
the
the
the
the
other
of
group,
whole
one
latter
In
that:
the
the
the
point
unit
emphasised
councillors.
"It seemsyet again that some members are prepared to give the expediency
branches
of certain trade unions a
cosy
relationship
with
reactionary
a
of
higher priority than that of their supposed principled commitment to race
idea.
Targets
Both
they
claim,
some
new
radical
are
not,
as
equality.
been
for
have
in
they
around
some time. For
and
practice
conceptually
example it is good managementpractice to set objectives, and to establish
some means of evaluating whether or not after a set time they have been
532
in
Employment
Targets
employment are an extension of that.
achieved.
targets are an integral part of the U. S.A. experience in Equal Opportunitiesfor
its
known
In
Britain
idea
the
socialist
politics.
country
not
of
a
been
has
targets
around since the mid seventies and ironically
employment
has come through personnel consultants working with private industry. One
in
targets
the seventiessays:
them
about
writing
of
"Target setting and timetables should not be used as a justification for delay
in taking action. To quibble about the target or timetable would be to waste
time when most organisations have not even begun to move in the right
direction. Targets which can be renewed are the aim, not quotas."
The question then is why supposed socialist members are indulging in
for
institutional
blockages
forward
such
as,
other
organisations
when
putting
hardly
have
"socialist",
American
gone
multinationals,
which
are
example,
further It is clear from the above that the employment targets recommended
for The target borough are not that radical. They are only the beginning. If
these are watered down The target borough will be even further behind"990
The result of this last minute intervention by the unit was that the Labour
Officer.
by
Chief
Personnel
the
the
to
report
group agreednot proceedwith
Insteadhe, through the relevant line managementstructure, was instructed to
One
forward.
head
the
targets
the
taking
the
policy
of
unit on
work with
interpretation which can be placed upon this turn of events is that the `force
this
However,
better
the
regarding
the
circumstances
argument' won.
of
discourseclash could hardly be describedas conforming to Habermas'
interpretive
had
The
the
`ideal
to
make
griot
speech' situation.
vision of an
intervention in absentia,relying on the interpretive force of the literally
textualised argument and on the transient communicative solidarity of a
Black
councillors who, under other circumstances,often
of
small group
directly
hand
On
this
disparate
the
action,
course
of
other
agendas.
pursued
been
have
Labour
to
the
possible
councillors, would not
making claims
the
to
the
the
affecting
structures,
communicative
changes
without
head
introduced
by
between
the
the
of
advisersand members,
relationship
labourist
by
The
the
councillors, albeit through
the unit.
action undertaken
down
these
to
close
the surrogatedwritings of a senior manager,sought
in
doing,
through
post a
strategic stealth, and so
communicative channels
Race
Relations
for
labourist
that,
these
councillors,
visible marker
Committee, and all it represented,was one that could be treated with non
illustrate,
begins
disrespect.
However,
to
this
as well,
episode
recognising
how and why the race equality discourse,grounded in the promise of the
in
hegemony
fragile
had
force
the
a
action,
of
communicative
emancipatory
target borough. It also shows, using the Labour Group as the example
becausethat forum, only open to Labour Party members,was, in many
in
body
local
decision
important
the
the
arena
making
of
policy
respects,
hierarchies
de-colonising
that
within
appropriation
acts of
of
governance,
break
ins.
democratic
power are also concernedwith
533
The other episodic example of key actors within the labourist discourse,and
those at their beck and call, striving to rewrite, in this caseliterally, the race
equality discourse,relates to a draft equality strategy' produced by the then
Chief PersonnelOfficer. Again this camewith the post facto disclaimer by
that managerthat he was "acting under instructions form the Chair of the
PersonnelCommittee."991 In reading the document it becameclear to the
advisers,and some other senior managers,that, far from being the output of
it
author,
appeared,rather, to be the ghostedreproduction of quite a
a single
few labourist voices being channelledthrough a single narrator. Its
importance lies not in the impact it had on the race equality and women's
discourses,
because
it had none, effectively being dealt with at a
equality
joint meeting betweenthe advisersand the report's author at which, because
of the argumentsmarshalled againsthim, he had to withdraw large parts of
it, and by that senior manager's own line manger who, becausehe thought it
factually inaccurate,misleading and vexatious, ordered it to be withdrawn,
but in the committing to paper of what can only be describedas the labourist
version of equalities. Like the other strategic interventions which sought to
initiatives,
the
this one was produced and
of
equality
capture control
intercalated into the discursive processessurrounding the equality discourses
without warning. As with discoursesof this type it drew its primary
strength from the `denigration' of the `other', in this casethe
conventionalisation of the race equality discourseand its key actors.
Despite that, it proffered glimpses of an alternative which are interesting
because,at that stage,they prefaced what was to becomethe basesfor a full
blown assaulton the race equality and women's equality initiatives.
In briefly outlining this `neo-equality' discourse,one which can be almost
describedas a proto new right Labour equality discourse,attention will be
drawn to the main elements,inserting where appropriate a critical counter
is
from
It
the start of the paper that its main
clear
commentary.
despite
in
`equal
the
term
using
generic
opportunities' the title,
protagonist,
is the race equality discourse. Thus the author writes that his main area of
is
discrimination"
"that
of
racial
and that of the concomitant "highly
address
far.
"992
The
to
the
approach
problem
so
paper was actually
procedural
inception
in
1985,
the
mid
one
year
of the race equality
after
written
At
in
that
there
stage
were
race
equality
policies
various
programme.
implementation,
some of which were premissed
positions of agreementand
development
the
of employment procedures. However, these
upon
in
those areasof employment managerial action
were
envisaged
procedures
before.
based
They
none
existed
upon the positive embedding
were
where
distorting
and
control
of
potential
communicative forces. Perhaps
of rights
the author was unwittingly providing an early echo of Jay's criticism of
Habermasthat his utopia was that of a utopia of procedures.993 Nevertheless
the paper goes on to describerace equality as simply another organisational
has
for
"compete
to
which
resources..with other goals, especially the
goal
534
needto maintain a good working relationship with the manual trade unions
who have goals and agendasof their own."994 This, in a nutshell, was the
by
labourist
the
of
race
councillors, as one
conceptualisation
marginalising
amongsta multiplicity of gaols. The Race Relations Committee, the central
Race Unit and other advisershad, on the other hand, been clear from the
be
that
should
consideredas the core and sharp cutting
race equality
outset
from
local
the
which,
organisational.
substance
and
of
which,
around
edge
introductory
deTo
the
conclude
and
reconstructed.
are
part of
governance
the paper, five motivational drivers are identified as the reason for the
first
Three
In
the
which
stand
out.
on
equalities.
action
council pursuing
identifies
the
the
as a motivation and then
marginalisation,
paper
compounds
it
legislation
describing
belittle
the
to
as
anti-discriminatory
goeson
favouring a "gradualist approachto changeas positive or reverse
discrimination."995 As the senior managerchargedwith interpreting and
in
legislation
the council, this egregiousmisreading
applying of employment
The
for
legislation
the
the
worrying.
was,
advisers,
anti-discriminatory
of
implicit
in
"an
identifies
the socialist philosophy
moral
obligation
second
in
(which
in
the
the
the
council.. ..
approachof
majority group
underpinning
this context)... meansequality of treatment betweenraces and sexes.."996 As
the adviserswere quick to point out it actually is an explicit moral obligation
in terms of the legislation, socialist or not, and that in terms of socialism, the
implicit
had
to
nuanceon
equality
an
explicit moral componentrelating
In
be
the
acknowledged.
should
explicitly
and
gender
race
or
not
whether
light of the argumentsand debatesboth generally in and around socialism,
Party,
institution
Labour
the
the
of
political
and more specifically within
for
implicit
the
that
to
advisers,
was,
consideration
as
an
maintain
attempting
in
labour
his
councillor another
own senior manager,a serving
and even
borough, totally disingenuous. The third aspectof motivational drivers that
from
Black
in
is
the
the
the
communities was
which
pressure
way
standsout
Both
as an example of marginalising conceptualisationand
acknowledged.
functionalist reasoning the author opines that "from the point of view of the
its
to
the
avoidance of social unrest
contribution
perceived
realities,
political
(as experiencedin Brixton) is perhapsone of the strongestmotivators of the
target borough's policies."997 This was certainly not the motivational
inspiration for the Race Advisers, Race Relations Committee, and other key
discourse
in
the
whose prime
equality
race
public sphereparticipants
be
be
the
to
the
moral claims of racial
of
said
redemption
could
stimulus
justice. Within such a framework of instrumental reasoning,as
demonstratedby what I have taken to be a textualised example of labourism,
it is perhapsclear why race equality should only be warranted an implicit
to.
the
subscribed
of
socialism
within
pantheon
obligation
moral
It is at this stagethat the author of the paper indulges in a wild, caricatured
discourse
the
the
race
equality
race advisers,
and the
representationof
it
definition
adheresto, as well as the analysis of British
of
racism
supposed
535
is
brought
in
because
it.
The
`British'
it
is
it
term
supporting
used
society
by the report's author, but used in a way that seeksto distinguish the real
inclusive
lifeworld
Britishness,
of
a
common
values'
situation of
interpretation of British society, which he and the labourist councillors have,
i.
lack.
Notes
`outsiders',
the
those
obviously
e.
race
advisers,
at
which
and
the time by the head of the Race Unit reveal that he viewed this particular
it
"
"offensive"
"paranoid,
the
summarising
and
report as
part of
badly
fired
Frankenstein
"to
the
attempt
create
a
clay
so
as
metaphorically
98
"
In the report the claim is
it
be
that can shatteredwith an air gun pellet.
from
`naturally,
the
the
that
came
race and women's advisers
made
`voluntary sector' with either a `bitter experienceof the prejudice they are
fighting or at least a strong personal involvement.'999 Consequentlythese
lead to difficulties within the organisation becausetheir supposed
inexperiencein local government causesfrustration and despair at the slow
dealing
"not
Organisations,
to
with
as well, are
used
pace of change.
do
inside
the
conventions and protocol of
not
only
not
accept
who
activists
000
"'
in
instances
the organisation but... many
wish to overthrow them.
Another Race Adviser summedup this position as strongly implying that
"anti-racists equal anarchists". One detectsin this pasquinade,of course,a
by
the conflation of two
caused
stereotypes
variation of racial
the
the
the
the
on
chip
savage
with
and
noble
savage
viz.
anthropophagii,
instance,
in
the
to
both
together
this
create
welded
are
of
whom,
shoulder,
inability
by
her/his
intentioned
frustrated
inexperienced,
savage
nobly
naive,
to come to terms with the complexity of modem local government
institutions, and thus railing and flailing with her/his clubs againstthe
however,
bind
him/her.
The
that
to
was
reality,
seek
civilising conventions
five
had
had
All
the
years
the
on
average
of
race advisers
opposite.
quite
job
in
the
local
to
government experience other authorities prior
previous
lack
local
displayed
held.
If
government
then
of
a
anyone
they
currently
from
direct
had
been
the
it
the
recruited
who
report's
author
was
experience,
National Health Service where he had spent the major part of his careerup to
in
jobs
held
the
labourist
Further
the
that point.
councillors, most of whom
had
their primary experience
tertiary educational sector or voluntary sector,
for
back,
that
local
through
their
went
political office, and
government
of
'°°'
first
1982
they
to
them,
elected.
were
when
of
many
Becauseof this purported background context to the advisers,the report then
flawed
British
they
to
analyses
of
society
operatewith a
goes on speculate,
borough.
This
British
is
to
the
target
then
analysis
of
projected on
which
in
is
from
is
derived
their
which
power
racism
of
analysis
society
keep
few
hands
in
to
try
other racial groups out of
who
white
concentrated a
Race
Advisers
being
to
fact
the
In
as their
attributed
what was
power.
definition of racism, and thus their view of British society, was a version of
the Racism AwarenessTraining analytical schema. In this racism is reduced
to an equation like "prejudice plus power", a position only attainable by
536
white people. Thus, the false reasoningdisplayed by the paper's author
goes,the only way to changesocieties is "to seize the centresof
002
hierarchical
the
"'
power.... and rigidly enforce
authority ... to new ends.
This alien view is wrong because"British society is a liberal pluralist
democracyunderpinnedby conventions of acceptanceof dissent and
opposition... and the target borough is far more plural than most parts of this
it
is
991003
But
not only the adviserswho are guilty of not
society!
understandingor wanting to acceptthe British way of doing things because
"Black people may rightly feel that the wait for progress has been too long
(but)...
this past delay has mainly been causedby their lack of
already...
willingness to overcome objections and resistance by discussionand
argumentwith all concerned."1004 The advisers' responseto this, at the
meeting convenedto discussthe report with its author, was that this was yet
again an attempt to pathologise Black people's responseto racism by
blaming them for the failings of this "liberal democracy."' 005 At another
level the reduction by the report's author of the argumentto a nationalistic
one, as an exclusionary differentiating technique, goes to the heart of my
in
Habermas' notion of
the
unnecessary
ambivalence
of
critique
`constitutional patriotism', and the counter need to talk only of the principles
of constitutionalism.
This representationed,risible pastiche of the advisers' views and the
interchanging of adviserswith Black people as a homogenouswhole, so as
to blame them all for the lack of progressbecausethey are, essentially,not
has
important
communicative insights. Firstly, becausethe
rational enough,
Black
being
people
not
about
patient or rational enough emergedat
point
later points from the then Chair of the Direct Labour Committee in
discussionwith other councillors, it is clear that some Labour labourist
here
Secondly
talking
this
were
at
point.
none of the
councillors
councillors or managerconcernedhad actually bothered, despitethe fact that
they had more power to do so, to open a communicative channel with the
advisers about their views and analysesof racism and the wider society.
This is exemplified by the fact that it was the adviserswho had to call for a
discuss
his
it
demonstrates
Thirdly,
level
to
own
report.
at another
meeting
how easyit can be for Habermas' original construction, which is one without
the full consideration of the race dimension, of the conditions for rational
discussion and the substanceof that rationality, to be subornedto support a
racially exclusive monologue. That is to say that making a claim for all
involved,
be
to
as the report later goes on to do, without the
concerned
proper communicative procedural safeguardswhich prevent racism taking
during
deliberations,
the
or as a continuing outcome of those
place
deliberations, is not sufficient to satisfy the claims of racial justice.
Certainly both the way in which this labourist argument was constructed,and
the way in which it was brought forward as a claim, are redolent of
breach
They
closure.
one of the two principles I theorised
communicative
537
device
i.
to
the
of
non-closure,
e. "such
procedural
earlier relating
if
communicativeprocessescannot close the outcome disadvantagesthose
future
in
that
contributes
at
or
some
and
point to the
question
participants
breachingof the principles of communicative discourse."
But this sort of closure is precisely what the report, in representingthe
discourseof labourism, goes on to advocate. In the final section an
is
is
alternative equality strategy outlined which then recommendedas the
ipso
facto,
the
the
to
equality
and,
race
programme,
one replace
has
four
discourse.
This
down
the
of
race equality
communicative shut
based
brief
hagiography
of the main
which
are
on
a
main recommendations
labourist councillors, with their modus operandi serving as the
`philosophical' basesto those recommendations. Thus it is related that the
Committee
Personnel
Chair
Vice-Chair
the
then
the
and
of
approachof
- and
in the latter casethat vice chair was also chair of the Direct Labour
Committee - has been the most successfulin involving all the employees
becauseit has involved all the unions. The manual unions, in particular,
had always arguedthat they had been left off the equality agenda,and the
borough
in
`pluralist
the
target
the
nature' of power
councillors, recognising
been
had
branches
local
fact
In
including
the
them.
manual workers
were
first
initiatives,
the
the
such as
earlier attemptsat equality
consultedabout
head count monitoring exercise. Further their own unions had begun to
tackle the issue of equalities nationally through the appointment of specialist
Nevertheless
development
this
the
policies.
of
and
advisers
equality
involvement of all people was premissedupon Black people not displaying a
`lack of willingness to overcome objections and resistanceby discussionand
be
based
To
'
that
the
upon:
strategywould
end
argument.
Having the Equal Opportunities Working Party, as set up by the
labourist councillors, as "the major focus for improvementstowards
in
"
employment.
equality
f Arguing, by allowing the inference to be drawn, for the Black and
Women's groups in the departmentsto be shut down because"there is
feelings
lead
to
that
these
of
resentmentand
groups
some evidence
(by,
being
treatment
amongstothers)... white
afforded ...
special
males.."
f Ending the developmentof more equality policies
f Concentrating the equality resourceson the Direct Labour
006
Organisation
f
Despite the supposedcommitment to having `all involved', all this strategy
hijacking
been
have
have
the
of the equality
achievedwould
would
Direct
Labour,
them
through
personnel
and
re-routing
and
programmes,
doing
likewise.
In
the
all of the other multiple
so
control
shifting
538
communicative points of entry into the race equality discourse- the Race
Relations Committee, the Black worker groups, the Black communities, the
RaceAdvisers, the actors and developmentsin the public spheresupporting
the race equality discourse,would effectively be sealedoff. It is clear that
that discourse,and those primarily making claims for and through it, i. e.
Black people were seenas disruptive, threatening perhapsthe renewal of a
,
legitimating constituency for the labourist councillors. Both from these
from
the senior managerwho `authored' the above quoted
and
councillors,
report, came a strongly voiced sentimentthe race equality programme, and
Over that first year those
the advisers,had to be more strongly controlled.
samelabourist councillors, on a number of occasions,usually at the same
time that requestswere being made for the head of the race unit to be
disciplined, also made requeststo the senior managersconcernedfor the race
equality programme to be more `effectively managedand controlled.'
Those managerswere, at thosejunctures, quick to point out that they, i. e. the
Labour councillors, had agreedto the policy whereby the Race Advisers
direct,
interface
managerially
uninterrupted communicative
could open a
labourist
These
the
the
same
politicians.
councillors
associated
with
with
discourse,despite having beenparty to the decision affecting the
communicative structural location of the race equality workers, then pursued
back
Race
Advisers
this
to
the
via the
and
was
conveyed
a parallel strategythen Chair of the Race Relations Committee - in the Labour Group of
its
basis
Unit
have
instituted
Race
the
the
to
and
a
review
of
on
work
seeking
that `it was not delivering'. It can be said, as part of the evidence of my
fragile
from
late
discourse
had
hegemony,
that
the
that
equality
a
race
claim
1985 onwards the Race Equality Unit, Advisers, Black workers, certain
Black councillors, and others in the race equality discourse's public sphere
had to fight a number of rearguardbattles at attempts,primarily through calls
for a review launched in the communicative closed forum that was the
Labour group in the target borough, to close down the race equality
Within
Labour
Group,
by
1985,
the
that
the
same
of
end
programme.
labourist
the
councillors to re-write and control the race equality
of
efforts
discoursehad failed primarily becausethe communicative force of the spaces
like
including
in
institution,
the
the
griot
and channelsopenedup
interventions by the race advisers into the political domain of the Group,
discourse's
that
attenuation.
prevented
By the end of 1985, and in the run up to the April/May 1986 local
it
be
boroughs,
London
can
said that the race
government elections affecting
in
had,
discourse
borough
therefore, managedto attain a
the
target
equality
degreeof organisational hegemony. It can be arguedthat the discourseof
labourism's key participants attemptedto make claims for racial justice on
behalf of Black people in trying to write an equality strategy and implement
it, but because"the relationship between evaluativejudgements and
is,
between
judgements,
that
competing conceptions of the good
normative
539
judgements
hand,
justice
the
society, on
one
and
about
and its
implementation, on the other" was effectively conflated with a paternalistic
`shepherding' of white working class interests,their "claim to rationality in
this dispute about proposed collective arrangements"failed. It did so
becausethe claim, in that form did not make them intersubjectively
but
to
only partially so. One can contrast the
responsible all others,
`democraticbreak-in' approachto communicative participation which arose
from the race equality discoursewith the `democratic limitation' mode of
labourism, that despite their facadic claims to want to involve all. Further
the implied new way of `doing administrative things' which is flagged up by
their ostensiblerecognition of a plurality of power in the target borough and
of wanting to involve the trade unions, is contradicted by their pursuit of
traditional, hierarchical power configurations so that institutional violence, in
the shapeof the employment disciplinary process,can be meted out to some
RaceAdvisers becausethose councillors did not like being told that certain
coursesof action they wished to pursue would be an abrogation of their
statedrace equality responsibilities. Values, meansand ends is a
issue
in
the emergenceof neowhich
resurfaces
again
substantive
in
borough.
local
May
1986,
By
the
target
the
time
the
of
managerialism
half
initial
to
two
the
after
one
and
a
years
some
policy and
elections,
procedurerecommendationswere first acceptedby the race relations
despite
labourist
and
attemptsto subvert these,the crucial
committee,
had
been
the
to
equality
race
programme
acceptedas overall
elements
being
implemented.
included
This
the supposed
and
were
council policy
implementing
the equality targets' and associated
of
vexed question
being
finally
Despite
`imposed'
and
processes.
on the
systems
monitoring
local leadership of the manual worker unions, their promised countervailing
threat of electoral damage,did not emerge. Instead the Labour party was
increased
in
1986
the
an
number
councillors
elections.
of
returned with
The Equal Opportunities Working Party was quietly wound up, not by the
by
for
forum
in
its
but
the
a
original conception,
adviserswho still wished
in
longer
trying to control the
strategic
merit
no
saw
any
who
councillors
body.
discourse
through
such a
race equality
11.29 Neo-managerialism and race: attempting to reconstruct the
discourse of sameness
The immediate post 1985period saw the consolidation of the race equality
discourseand programme in the target borough. Partially this was because
the communicative openings developedwithin the administrative and
for
force
justice
the
to be
moral
claims
of
racial
systems
allowed
political
framework
This
for
evolving
made acrossmultiple points and sites.
facilitating acts of appropriation also ensuredthat the argumentsfor agreeing
the initial phaseof the race equality programme was won against the counter
instrumentalised
tactics of those pursuing the labourist
and
arguments
540
discourse. However the 1986 local elections' and the subsequent1987
national elections' processescauseda strategic hiatus to develop in the
attention Labour councillors could give to the race equality programme
becausemuch of their time was spent on trying to ensureLabour dominance
in both. In terms of the 1986 local elections, the race equality programme
further
discourse
was
strengthenedby the request of the Chair and vice
and
Chair of the Race Relations Committee, in the run up to those elections, for
the head of the Race Unit and some of the Race Advisers to assist,
informally, in the drafting of the relevant section of the manifesto of the
local Labour Party relating to race equality. Without claiming any cause
it
is
interesting
to note that Labour was returned with
effect
relationship,
and
an increasednumber of councillors, including a few more Black councillors.
One of the reasonsfor the communicative shut down threats on the part of
the labourist councillors, i. e. that race would prove to be an electoral
disadvantage,was shown, therefore, probably to be wrong.
However, this does not mean that at this time in the target borough, the
local
discourse
labourism's
the
that
the
actors and
elections,
of
of
aftermath
developing
discourse
disappeared.
In
the
race
equality
arguments against
fact the 1986 intake of Labour councillors showed an increase in the number
local
be
1986
described
labourist.
The
those
elections
post
as
who could
of
leadership of the Labour Group reflected this with the previous Chair of the
Direct Labour Committee, and a prominent councillor in the labourist
discourse, became Leader. Other labourist councillors either retained their
Personnel
Committee,
Chair
the
the
or
of
as
with
previous positions,
key
There
Chairships
the
of
council
committees.
was as well a
assumed
few prominent councillors, all of whom were supportive of the race equality
included
Race
did
This
Chair
the
the
of
who
not
stand
again.
programme,
Relations Committee who can be credited with being the main force behind
Whilst there
the creation of the central Race Unit and Race Committee.
increased
Black
councillors, not all of these were
number
of
were an
For
to
the
example one,
or
structures.
race
equality
programme
sympathetic
in a previous role as head of a local ethnic based voluntary organisation, had
been involved in dubious practices relating to an application for grant money
from the Race Relations Committee. The subsequent refusal of his
being
despite
did
him
Race
Unit.
Another,
to
the
not endear
application
involved in the plagiarisation of the Unit's Equality Target's Policy for
interpretation
biologically
local
reductionist
authority,
pursued
a
of
another
`Black', in this case conflating it solely with Afro-Caribbean, as a basis for
hostility towards the Unit's members of staff who were regarded as not being
Black enough. A third had been a previous member of a Militant type
Trotskyist political organisation and still harboured a plethoric hostility
towards what he regarded as the elevation of race above the primordial
location of societal change, i. e. class. Unlike the previous group of Black
councillors, with whom the equality advisers and the Black workers had
541
beenable to develop episodesof temporary participatory and decisionistic
action basedon the solidaristic, inter-subjective framework of `Black' as a
forms
cognitive signifier, such
of action was to prove more difficult with the
new group of Black councillors. Black councillors faced a number of
least
is
pressures,
not
contradictory
of which being prefixed with the
identifier `Black'. Some,and there were a few in the target borough,
eschewedsuch categorisationspreferring to be thought of simply as a
Those
identification
the
who
appropriated
councillor.
of `Black' made
claims at the sametime about having a constituency over and above that of
the membersof the electoral ward who electedthem. These other
constituentswho were also representedwere those of the Black
in
These
were,
many cases,rhetorical constituenciesbecause
communities.
few of these councillors had bothered to develop supplementalaccountability
structuresand processeswith theseother constituents. Formal
firmly
remained
with the political party of which they were
accountability
membersand which was the actual organisational body that got elected.
Apart, then, from the first Chair of the Race Relations Committee in the
target borough, none of the Black councillors had either a prominent
community profile, prior to being elected,or any kind of activist basein the
local Black communities. Any degreeof community conspicuousnesswas
becoming
Labour
The
of
councillor.
as
a
result
a
referenceabove
attained
to temporary episodesof solidarity is an acknowledgementthat the
force
of action under the umbrella of `Black' could be easily
communicative
instrumentalised
force
by
the
of political party career
subverted
discipline.
Black
in
There
the second
or
were
councillors,
advancement,
initial
support of the race equality programme, expressedalso
wave, whose
in the frequent contact with the Race Advisers, waned with the offer, and
Chair
Chair
of
vice
and
positions of various council
acceptance,
subsequent
itself
in
interposing
Often
this
the
manifested
of the
committees.
hierarchicalising
distancing
device
"meprotocol
of
and
communicative
The
advisersusedto refer to this process,whereby
member-you-officer"
the initial enthusiasticsupport for race equality, often loudly voiced by new
Black councillors, tails off during and after the political market deals
by
"being
the
suckered
appointment
of
committee
positions,
as
surrounding
the system." With the new Black councillors, then, there was a greater
key
in
local
Black
the
participants
solidaristic
work
of
with
other
chance
de-legitimating
For
being
disrupted
tactics.
through
sphere
public
Trotskyist
had
the
persuasion,
mentioned
councillor
of
above,
who
example,
in
local
dispute
Labour
Party
long
had
the
with the
a
running political
also
Committee,
Chair
Race
Relations
the
was quite prepared to enter
of
previous
labourist
the
councillors to support, as a `Black
with
an unholy alliance
Race
Equality
Unit
for
the
of
and Race Relations
calls
a
review
councillor',
1007
The formal political context then to the race equality
Committee.
local
in
those
the
elections was not as conducive to the
wake
of
programme
initiatives,
if
the momentum for opening up
the
even
of
race
equality
support
542
in
interstices
the
of the organisation was
of communicative spaces
developing as a result of that programme.
I want to argue, now, that the discourseof labourism did not go away,
incorporate
its
discourse.
Rather it
to
the
race
equality
attempt
especially
was absorbedby the discourseof neo-managerialism,and, in turn,
transformed by that absorption, into a skewed universalising, depoliticising
discourse. In so doing it representeda new responseby a social democratic
had
been
the
to
the traditional post
utopia
of
welfarism,
which
political party
harm
inflicted
to
the
on the
compromise
world
war
emancipatory
second
working class by the capitalist system. It also represented,equally, a
justice.
de-utopianise
In
the target
the
to
claims
of
racial
attempt
renewed
borough the threat of racial fear was as important, if not more important, in
the attempts to reconfigure the relationship betweenthe formal political
development
local
The
the
system,
and
civil
society.
administrative
sphere,
involving
deliberate
discourse
the
this
choice
was explicit and conscious,
of
of a course of action over and above others which were considered.
Included in these others were a radical variant of the social labour argument,
discourses.
The
by
the
those
race and women's equality
represented
and
focussed
I
for
this
primarily on the most
choice, shall argue,
reasons
level
to
effective and expedient means enhanceand securesecondary
legitimation for the local Labour Party in the target borough. These
Any
Group.
however,
Labour
to
the
only
considerationsextended,
had
did
take
that
who
a concern, occurred post
place with others
consultation
facto; and then only with those within the labourist public sphere,like the
form
limiting
This
communicatively closing and
manual and craft unions.
involve
did
Black
decision
the
than
people,
other
making
not
of political
Black councillors, or seekto use the communicative networks established
through the race equality discoursein any kind of attempt to securethe equal
in
Rather
deliberations.
Black
the
people
participation of a wider group of
this new universalising discourseat first ran parallel with the equality ones,
I
This,
to
them.
then
shall argue, was part of a calculated
absorb
sought
and
local
level,
`reasoned'
Labour
Party
this
the
the
which
at
part of
move, on
important
far
than that of trying to
the
that maintaining
more
white vote was
bring in Black people on a full, equal and inclusive basis. In my summary
I
beginning
key
this
the
theoretical
the
of
chapter
complementsat
of
by
formation
"the
this
consensus
of
configuration
as recasting
portrayed
damage
be
to
that
the
excluded
without
much
marginalised could
calculating
the government's acceptance."
The nomenclature"neo-managerialism" is used to distinguish that process
from what can be termed the traditional, public sector form of management.
As I argued in the overview, managementhas, since the sixties, been a
local
issue
This
issue
has
the
governance.
of
within
sphere
recurring
in
distinction
between
been
framed
terms
the management
of a
always
543
bad
in
local
cast
government,
as
according to changing criteria,
processes
dynamic,
the
that
cast
as
and
private sector,
good
and thus for the
of
and
local
in
line
`managerialise'
latter.
This has
to
the
government
with
need
importation
in
the
of private sector managementtechniques
periodic
resulted
into local government, as evidencedby the corporate managementideology
highlighted
in
Cockburn's
the
and
analysesof Lambeth.
seventies,
of
However, there were two characteristicswhich distinguishes the early
local
`managerialise'
to
government, and the period I have
attempts
describedas neo-managerialism. The first is that the solution of
local
had,
to
government
up to the mid
management perceived problems of
been
by
Management,
proffered
national
government.
as
always
eighties,
by
local
Certainly,
issue,
hardly
taken
up
politicians.
was
ever
an explicit
in
boroughs
have
I
the
radical
of the early eighties there were no
shown,
as
from
kind
deto
any
of socialist view
and
reconstruct
management
attempts
i.
Dearlove
Rather,
to
end,
an
e.
as
argues,managementwas a means
point.
furthering the "cause of the proletariat." There are elementsof this
justification in the discourseof labourism pursued in the target borough.
Secondlythe introduction of new managementtechniqueswas piecemeal,
instead,
lack
local
the
the
of
political will, and permitting,
reflecting perhaps,
in
having
discretionary
key
the
senior managers
prerogative of
exerciseof
the surrogatepower to introduce different systems. Within the target
borough, at the beginning of the race equality initiative, I had describedthe
in
being
inchoate
the practices of
and
still
mired
as
stateof management
traditional management. This reflects Dearlove's description of such
"incrementalism;
muddling through; satisficing;
as,
management
fragmentation; specialist management;professionalism; vaguenessof
limited
failure
the
to
the
analysis of
explicit;
make policies
objectives and
alternatives; short term planning; the absenceof monitoring and review of
1008
"
performance.
The period of `neo-managerialism'within the context of local governancein
the target borough, on the other hand, has, I contend, a number of key
distinguishing characteristics. Firstly it was introduced by and received the
full stewardship of the local politicians running the council. Secondly it
was introduced as a technical solution to what was a perceived political
from
be
legitimation
i.
to
the
the
accruing
costs
seen
recouping
of
e.
problem,
from
local
the
race
and
government
on
onslaught
government
national
its
internal
Thirdly
universalist assumptionsare
equality programme.
including
being
to
applicable
all
areas,
universally
explicitly championedas
is
Fourthly
the
this
explicitness
overt
part
of
a
related
equalities.
best
"neutral",
the
this
meansto achieve the
and
processas
presentationof
Fifthly
this
universalisation of
and
economy.
efficacy
of
efficiency,
goals
`management
the
to
of management'
of
process
rise
managementgives
discourse,
through a panoply of training and
as
a
managerialism,
whereby
including
interventions,
`manager'
the
explicit
validation
of
vocational
544
through academictype qualifications. Sixthly this universalisation of neomanagerialismpunishesthe "pursuit of competing agendas', counter
instead,
pursuing,
a limited, reductionist range of techniquesand forms of
`expertisation' which are deemedsuitable for all types of occasions. All six
characteristicsgive rise to the discourse,including the actors therein,
becoming consciousof itself as management. Managers in local
longer
are
government
no
recognisedas such simply becausethey hold
hierarchical positions of power over people and resources. Instead
competencyand capability have to be explicitly demonstratedthrough the
if
demonstration
to,
the
not
of, knowledge and experienceof particular
claim
managerialtechniques,e.g. performancemanagement
The introduction and pursuit of the race equality programme in the target
borough through the race equality discoursewas not done without any
referenceto management. In fact it can be argued, and shown, that the race
basis
for
both
first
bringing
into
focus
the
the
was
equality programme
pertinent issue of management,especially in relation to the achievementof
for
introducing,
its
through
and
objectives,
anti-racist programmes
equality
and allied policies, a systemised,explicit form of management. This
`pro-active'
a
stance,as well as meansof evaluating and reviewing
required
action all of which had to be inclusive of the participation of Black people.
It was a form of performancemanagement,but one in which accountability
fora.
but
deliberative
to
tied
to
a
management
accounting system,
was not
In this it pre-datedAlvesson and Willmott's articulation of the aim of critical
theory vis-a-vis management,which is not "to indulge in the Utopian project
from
hierachy...
from
the
other
or
separation
of
management
of eliminating
forms of work", but, ".. to foster the developmentof organisationsin which
less
distorted
by
are
progressively
socially oppressive,
communications ..
is
dimension
Additionally
"1009
there
the
relations
of
power.
asymmetrical
brought to - if one temporarily brackets out `management'-'getting things
done' which is exemplified in the processesand practices of the race equality
in
for
1985
Thus,
the
the
the
municipal
year
example,
at
end of
structures.
Head of the Race Unit produced a review of the previous year's work and
10'°
in
borough.
This,
the
target
equality
prefaced, the
progress on race
departmental
"problems
the
that
the
observation
on
progress
with
section
facing the implementation of race equality in Departmentsare a
...
immanent
in
those
the managementstructure and
of
combination
institutional racism.... (where)..the former is a good breeding ground for the
latter."1011 It went on to diagnosea "lack of good basic managementskills
issue
deal
the
to
of race equality", and that the
effectively
with
necessary
target borough "appears still to be operating in the 1960's... and not that
1012
local
1980's.
',
authority of the
expectedof an avowed progressive
Solutions were offered to the identified problems in terms of both
developing the appropriatepolicy and review systemsas well as the need to
"make managementmore accountableto council policy.. more specifically
.
545
to thosewho suffer from racism; giving accessto those who experience
racism to the decision making forums with power; and ensuring that resource
013
is
built
into
decisions"'
involving the participation of
those
allocation
Black people.
Within the context of the race equality discourseand the operational
principles outlined guiding the practice of the Race Advisers, it can be seen
that appropriating interventions in managementpractice and structureswere
very much part of work. Theseinterventions attemptedto achieve a
These
of
aims.
were to: uphold the legal and organisational rights
number
of employees,especially Black employees,emphasiseand reinforce that
`management',generally and specifically within the target borough, have
particular social and political histories; undermine, therefore, the shibboleth
that managershave a `divine right to manage'; initiate and sustain
deliberative
fora
around the axis of racial justice in key parts
communicative
decision
procedures
and
making processes;contextualise,
of management
therefore, and diminish managerial discretion in the to want to discriminate;
for
forms
be
the
catalyst
alternative
political
of accountability of
and
Under
the aegis of the race equality programme appropriate
managers.
designed
for
training
packages
were
also
managersand other
equality
employees. Taken together, this race equality focussedattempt to
human
in
to
the
management
strived
situate
managers
actors
as
reconstruct
local
political
and
environments
of
governancewhere race
real social
This
a
priority.
meant rethinking their power relationship with
was
equality
the employeesthey managed,and with the communities they were employed
to `serve'. At the time the unit coined a neologism to try to describethe
just
`cyborgs'
being
This
transformation
that
as
attempted.
was
managerial
described
be
as technologically enhancedorganisms,so the aim was to
could
develop `equorgs', or equality enhancedmanagers. Backing this up was
the example being shown by the new patterns of working and new
by
being
organisational
power usageand negotiation
shown
relationships of
the race equality structures. This has been outlined earlier in the section on
the overview of the race equality programme, and in my arguments
`griot'
the
the
use
of
analogy to situate the race advisers.
surrounding
Gauging the successor not of theseattemptsat managerial transformation
difficult
if
by
the conventional organisational meansof
one
went
prove
could
because
The
Race
Advisers,
of the nature of the work and
measurement.
the way in which that was operationalisedin the target borough, were always
Whilst
the quality of the work was grudgingly recognisedby
attack.
under
in
in
further
development in
the
the
the
which
centre,
way
senior managers
the organisation was pursued by that group of workers was deemed
"unsmiling. " This latter term is used to exemplify the more general feeling
in
by
the
complaint
one senior managerthat the
which was essentialised
Head of the Race Unit "never smiled." This perhapsexpressedthe
intimated, but unvoiced feeling that Race Advisers would be primarily
546
engagedin hand holding race relations type exerciseswith management. On
the other hand it attests,as well, to the way in which the recursive
anthropophagii, in this case`too much attitude', mal-structures any potential
inter-subjective relationship through casting doubt on one or more of the
three validity claims underpinning speechacts. For the advisers, and other
race equality workers, the measureof success,however, was to be evaluated
by the extent to which Black people felt able to launch their own acts of
appropriation. Thus, within the organisation,the increasein the number of
grievance complaints, or harassmentcomplaints, or group complaints by
Black employees,was taken as a sign that those employeesfelt confident
enoughto embark on coursesof action which previously would have been
seen,and dealt with, as acts of institutional suicide. Externally the increase
in the number of Black people and their organisationsmaking
representationsto the council over matters of racial justice, or resources,or
both, were taken as signs that the discretionary powers of the organisation,
devolved through their managers,to discriminate in any way, was being
broken down.
I want to show now, by referenceto key documents,how the
discourse/diskourseof neo-managerialismwas consciously introduced into
the target borough as a meansto renew the legitimation basesof the local
Labour Party vis-ä-vis local governance. The processof this renewal
depoliticisation
involve
the
of the administrative systemthrough the
would
over valorization of `managerialism' as the only recognisedvalue context
therein, and the linked re-emphasisof the formal political systemas the only
for
Whilst
the
this move
can
act
politically.
which
ostensiblereason
one
increasing
by
to
the
as
a
pragmatic
attempts the
response
was portrayed
Conservativenational governmentto control and restructure further local
documents
show clearly that the racial fear of losing the
government, allied
if
In
an
equal,
played
not
greater,
part.
vote
many ways the
white
introduction of the discourseof neo-managerialisminto the target borough
in
Fairclough's
to
thinking
the
about
way which organisationsand
conforms
institutions displayed the transparentneed to control discoursesat the close
i.
bring
in
"to
the
e.
eighties,
about changes discoursepractices as part of
of
the engineering of social and cultural change.....a `technologization of
1014
The documentsreferred to were the crucial policy papers
discourse"'.
drafted by the then Leader of the ruling Labour group on the council in
responseto the then perceived `crisis', and the counter discursive responses
from the central Race Unit and other participants in the local Black public
like
Black
Workers
This
Group.
the
particular councillor was a key
sphere,
in
labourist
discourse,
the
and one of the prime movers at the `behind
player
doors'
in
to
attempts
rein the race equality programme. What was
closed
in
borough,
this
time,
the
target
at
was the willingness of the Leader
unusual,
of the Labour Group to commit ideasto paper. Whilst some senior
managers,like the Chief Executive, or other senior managerswho might
547
have dual Labour Party membership/councilofficer hats, might be involved
in the consultation and drafting of such papers,normally the restricted and
closed communicative channelswithin which such papers are drafted and
developedwere maintained. It was equally unusual, therefore, for a critical
commentaryto be provided by what was no more than a third tier officer, i. e.
from
the
third
top `managerial' rung in the hierarchy, and,
who
was
one
further more, for that commentaryto be circulated to the whole Labour
Group in an attempt to persuadethem otherwise. But this is precisely the
basis upon which the head of the Race Unit, utilising the communicative
channelsopenedthrough the race equality structures,tried to counter the
diskourserazzias with repulsing acts of discursive appropriation. As far as
possible, I will allow the papersand counter discoursesto speak for
themselves;or, more relevantly within the theoretical context of this research
project, to speakto each other.
The production of thesepolicy papers,which set the framework for the
introduction of a technologisedneo-managerialistdiscourseinto the target
borough, and their discursive, antithetic rebuttal, through the ability of the
race equality advisersto engagein acts of communicative appropriation,
further
contextualisation. At one level, as the drama is unfolded,
requires
it provides a glimpse into the emancipatorypossibilities of a fully fledged
discursively framed democracyof difference, as envisagedby Dryzek.
Further contextualisation of that time, the period of the mid eighties up to
1987,will provide a brief overview of the pressuresfor changebeing
brought to bear on local government.
11.30 Neo-managerialist Context
As I have argued in Chapter 5, the Conservative national government of the
time had distinct plans with regard to the welfare state, and inter alia, local
government which was still a major controller of, and provider of welfare
back
Whilst
ostensibly
portrayed
as
rolling
and cutting the costs
services.
for
her/his
individual
the
the
more responsible
welfare state, and making
of
intention
levels.
be
two
the
substantial
read
can
at
complementary
welfare,
The first was the transfer of legitimation costs of local governanceto the
bringing
level
it
thereby
within the control and remit of national
national
in
Legitimation
was reconfigured terms of `good
government.
housekeeping' which for local government was epitomised in the core
for
i.
them,
e. the three `E's', economy,
managementaccounting aims written
efficiency and effectiveness.
The secondcomplementarylevel is a shadowing one of technical learning
for dominance and has to do with racial fear as a motivator for wanting to
depoliticise local governance. It is re-colonisation through the
displacementand replacementof political spaceswith administrative
548
systems. Whilst, at this time, the national government appearedquite
happy to sponsor,and even indulge in, attacks on the `profligacy' and
`lunacy' of Labour run councils' equality initiatives, it was also happy, in a
direct
funds
to
towards `on the ground' race initiatives.
state
quieter way,
For example, the principal researcherwhilst working in Lambeth, had to deal
in
fund
Section
11
the Home Office.
the
the
officials administering
with
They were very clear, especially in the aftermath of 1981, that, despite the
1966legislation's restricting criteria, the money could be spent on a variety
including
those with an anti-racist remit. There was
of race related posts,
for
local
CRE,
CRCs.
However, given
through
the
as
well,
encouragement,
the marginalising, intermediary construction of section 11 and community
it
is
reasonableto supposethat a substantial element of
councils,
relations
"indirect rule through `native' structures" type thinking lay behind this twin
incompatibility.
the
appearance
of
mutual
with
strategy
This processof the nationalisation, if you like, of local government
legitimation through depoliticisation, presenteditself in a number of
legislatively
backed.
There
initiated
them
strategies,many of
government
both
local
funds
through
to
the
government
available
reduction of
was
decreasingthe amount of government grant available and at the sametime
limiting the amount that could be raised through local rates. There was the
`quangoisation' of welfare serviceswhereby servicespreviously under the
body
was shifted to one made up of government
a
political
of
control
GLC's
Many
the
servicesendedup with this arrangement
of
appointees.
if
for
There
the
example,
was
opting out scenariowhereby,
post abolition.
local residentsof a local government housing estateso voted, they could
1015
housing
There was the privatisation
transfer control to a
association.
legislation
in
tendering
the
compulsory competitive
processexemplified
(CCT) whereby, on a rolling programme basis determinedby national
local
have
be
to
to
tranches
out
put
of
government
services
government,
6
10
However,
tender in competition with potential private sector providers.
there was, as well, another aspectto government intervention which sought,
local
the
to
content
of
and
restructure
managerial
again, re-focus
government.
There were two overlapping strategiesto this refocussing and restructuring,
both of them basedin private sector managerial ideologies. The first was to
local
the
government managementa
quintessence
of
establish as
is
base
in
usage
solely evaluated
which resource
managementaccounting
through the three `E's' -economy, efficiency and effectiveness. The
it
in
this
through
to
a number of managerial
wrapping
secondwas support
initiatives aimed at securing a value and culture changeboth within the
In
the
to
themselves.
early
mid eighties this part
managers
and
organisation
local
in
interventions
the
governancewas spearheadedby
government's
of
the Audit Commission. In terms of its own description of its activities:
549
The Audit Commission was established in 1983 to appoint and regulate the
District
external auditors of local authorities in England and Wales.
Auditors were first appointed in the 1840s to inspect the accounts of
Auditors ensured that safeguards
authorities administering the Poor Law.
were in place against fraud and corruption and that local rates were being
used for the purposes intended. The founding principles remain as relevant
today as they were 150 years ago. Public funds need to be used wisely, as
in
as
accordance with the law. The task of today's auditors is to assess
well
expenditure, not just for probity and regularity, but for value for money as
1017
well.
It is the added `value for money' element of the remit that provides the
grounding for the Commission's management accounting focussed
interventions
into
local
There are other parts of
governance.
managerial
this statement which are value laden, yet pose as commonsensical, taken-forfunds
`facts',
"public
This begs
such
as
need to be used wisely".
granted
the question about who decides the criteria for defining `wisely, and, more
importantly, how those criteria are developed. That is, it elides the issue of
democracy. One of the first managerialist forays into local governance
launched by the Audit Commission in 1984, was to promote uncritically the
findings of the then newly published American management book, "In
Search of Excellence, "'o'8 as the managerial discernments to be followed by
This was picked up by the Local Government Training
local government.
Board, (LGTB), later to become the Local Government Management Board,
(LGMB), a body funded by local authorities and whose brief was to devise
improvement
interventions
for
local
In
practise
a
authorities.
appropriate
joint venture with John Stewart of the Birmingham University based Institute
for Local Government Studies (INLOGOV), a series of seminars for senior
in
local
in
These,
government
was
organised.
a mild criticism of
managers
the Audit Commission, attempted to make "In Search of Excellence" more
for
It
local
the
and
relevant
sector,
public
especially
government.
palatable
between
American
to
reach
a
pragmatic
compromise
attempt
an
was an
The
UK
localist
local
and
a
government.
version of
managerial solution
in
LGTB
"Excellence
Local
the
contained
publication,
and
result,
Government", unfortunately owed a greater intellectual debt to `Excellence',
than to Stewart's then nascent attempts to develop a localist paradigm for
1019
This bears on Dearlove's criticism of university
local governance.
basedlocal governancebodies, like INLOGOV and its leading acolyte
Stewart, whom he describesas acting as if they are limply the "servants of
1020
power".
11.31 Neo-managerialism in the Target Borough
In the target borough `Excellence' formally enteredthe considerationsof
Personnel
the
Division, which
through
the
training
of
section
managers
document
LGTB
the
referred to above, and through the
circulated
550
intervention of the then Leader in the Chief Officers' Team Meeting. This
described
labourist
the
above. At one of the
councillor
oriented
was
invited
he
in
1987
to speakabout the managerial
was
meetings early
direction he wanted the council to go in. This, he achieved by comparing
the content of two books. The first, which he misrepresentedby caricature,
102
Way
Run
Railroad".
"What
This
to
a
a
entitled,
was
was a slim volume
from
left,
from
the
the
too
mistakes
arising
of
organisational
a critique,
based
in
interpretation
and
application
of
collective
working
an
simplistic
highly
`excellence'
Whilst
the
school of
critical
of
organisations.
dismiss
but
forward
it
did
the
tout
management
court,
put
not
management,
be
defined
"crude
that
should
not
as
power or authority,
management
view
but as relative authority which is neededif complex tasks are to be carried
be)...
"1°22
It
(and
to
the
was
whole.
should
accountable
which
out....
however,
being
by
Leader
the
the
then
need
statement
about
as
a
portrayed,
for collective working. The other book was "In Searchof Excellence."
The latter was held up as the way forward. In terms of the audience,all the
Chief Officers and the two headsof the two equality units, it was only the
headsof the two equality units who criticised the approach,pointing out that
his misrepresentationhad createda straw dog which could be easily torched.
Further, it was also pointed out, there were other sourcesof local
local
to
authority,
socialist
government renewal, more amenable an avowed
Finally
like
Stewart.
Hogget,
be
and
even
accessed,
which could
`Excellence' was heavily criticised by the headsof the Race and Women's
Units for its complete lack of any kind of equality dimension. At this point
in
discourse
the
beginnings
neo-managerialism
over
an
overt
clash
the
of
leadership
the
borough
to
and senior
target
were starting emerge,with
key
hand,
the
the
participants
equality advisers and
one
and
management,on
in the local public spheres,on the other.
late
key
findings
is
distillation
Excellence"
the
Search
"In
of a
of
of
by
into
American
the
the
top
undertaken
companies
seventies research
key
the
Waterman.
In
Peters
a near sycophantic summary of
and
authors,
interrogative question, Stewart, in the LGTB paper, says that the "question
do
is
"
This
"what
is
beautifully
excellent run corporations
simple.
posed.. .
have in common which distinguishes them from less well run corporations?
023
The answer comes down to
What is the secret of their excellence? "'
These
key
are:
attributes.
eight
1.Bias for Action i. e. do it, fix it, try it.
2. Closeness to the Customer i.e. listen intently and regularly to the
in
and
reliability
response to the
service
customer and provide quality,
customer need
3.Autonomy and Entrepreneurship i. e. innovation and risk taking as en
doing
things rather than conformity and conversation.
of
expectedway
551
4. Productivi through People i.e. employees are seen as the source of
quality and productivity
S.Hands-on, value drivers i. e. the basic philosophy of the organisation is
well-defined and articulated
6.Stick to the Knitting i. e. Stay close'to what you can do well
7.Single form lean staff i. e.- structural arrangements and systems' are
simple with small headquartersstaff
8.Simultaneous loose-tight properties i.e. centralised control of values,
but operational decentralisation.'°24
As Stewart summarises,the implications of these attributes are, "a central
feature of excellent businesscorporations are the component beliefs and
025
its
"'
The role then of managersis the
cultures.
sharedvalues within
managementof culture. This involves, opines Stewart, "revolutionary
in
local
define
the
their own role."1°26
most
government
way
officers
change
This `revolutionary change' applies only, initially to senior managers. From
be
identified a "strong leader" who, in the initial stages
these
will
amongst
drive
determination
"provide
the
and
and the core values and strategic
will,
is
"
But
to
the
that
meaning
company's activities.
only
vision which give
ideas
be
built
`Excellence'
These
have
the
to
equation.
and
values
of
part
into "the organisation's structuresand information systems,into its
its
incentive
"
into
systems.
and
socialisation
systems,
reward
and
recruitment
Taken together, and they have to be taken together, thesetwo features
developing
holistic
in
The
`excellence'
to
solution
a
organisations.
present
in
its
for
first
to
that
time
time
the
quick
point
out
at
a
were
when,
advisers
history, the institutions of local governancewere being openedup to a
from
local
the
values
communities, that an attempt to
multiplicity of
internal
is
base
the
control
value
of what a
and reduce
artificially create,
In
smacks
of
crypto-fascism.
addition whilst the
organisation,
political
base
be
of
a
private
could
reducedto a
sector
organisation
cultural value
inter-related
day,
because,
there
the
the
of
of
variables
at
end
number
single
be
dominant
i.
the
same
said about a
value,
could not
e. profit,
was only one
local democratically basedorganisation, like local government.
However, it was the NALGO Black Workers Group in the target borough
`Excellence'
the
trenchant
the
most
paradigm.
critique
of
which produced
The issue of management,particularly what was regardedas the insinuation
into
borough,
had
been
debated
in
`Excellence'
the
target
the
the
model
of
looking
into
A
the
undertaken
small
research
project
was
group.
background of the companieslisted in the book, which included ones like
Boeing, Hewlett Packard and Macdonalds. The outcome of this is
in
`Excellence'
from
3:
It
both
appendix
contextualises
reproduced
a
It
from
the local Black
emerged
socialist and race equality perspective.
local
local
the
sphere
of
entered
wider
governance. This
public sphereand
for
`way
doing
things' more relevant
a
of
claim
counter
appropriating
a
was
552
to that of race equality. In a spoof of the LGTB paper's cover, this one was
for
Excellence
Finding
Excrement".
"Looking
and
entitled,
At about the sametime, and unbeknown to the BWG, Silver in a critique of
Excellence as an example of Reaganiteneo-conservatism,was coming to the
1027Pointing out that Excellence was derived from the
sameconclusion.
inspired
Experiment
Hawthorne
the
managerial progeny of
sameschool of
human relations, but with one important difference. Whilst this school of
thought, devoted to showing that improving the quality of life of employees
in work increasedproductivity placed a high premium on participation,
Excellence abandonsthis. Instead it is "the attention to employees,not
028
impact
"'
It
has
dominant
that
the
on
production.
se
work conditions per
in
instil
for
to
try
the
this
creation of ersatzvalues order
and
on
relies
is
intent
lives.
Thus,
Silver
"the
in
to
notes,
as
meaning employeesworking
forces
`unleash
the
thus
to
of
changeworkers' attitudes- and
`psychological
the
meansof production' - without
entrepreneurialism',
job,
increasing
the
the
worker
of
without....
nature
changing
"seeks
it
Reaganism
Temporally
"1°29
to
which
with
accords
participation.
°30
"
roll back the post war gains of working people.
It is difficult to say whether or not this counter critique of `Excellence' both
by the Race Advisers and the Black Workers Group had a bearing on
but,
in
borough,
developments,
the preferred
target
the
subsequent
in
that
thereafter
as
way
crass
a
proffered
so
were
not
managerial changes
literature.
Instead
Search
Excellence"
in
"In
the
a similar
of
contained
form of neo-managerialismwas advocatedby both the political leadership
Orientation',
Service
form
`Public
This
took
the
of
and senior managers.
(PSO). PSO emergedfrom INLOGOV via its chief architect, Stewart, at
brokered
being
`Excellence'
that
time
with
was conceptually
about the same
PSO
intellectual
is
from
that
It
the
of
architectonic
clear
select authorities.
it owes a large cognitive obligation to the key ideas contained in
`Excellence'. It can be arguedthat it representsStewart's attempt to make
`Excellence' more conformable and germaneto the public sector,
is
the
local
There
the
creation
on
concentration
government.
particularly
be
described
the
culture
within
an
ersatz
as
can
of
what
nurturing
and
by
key
defining
the
essential
of a core purpose supported
organisation;
`strong
focussing
through
this
the
values
and
purpose
on embedding
values;
leaders' and value inculcation via selection and socialisation processes;the
identification of the need to develop a closer relationship with the customer.
For Stewart PSO is "based on three simple ideas":
1.Local authorities exist to provide services for the public.
2.A local authority succeedsor fails by the quality of service it provides.
553
3.Quality of service demandsclosenessto the public - as client, customer and
'03'
citizen.
The purpose of local government is then redefined and, in so doing,
contractedby Stewart.
The justification for local government is that it provides a public service and that it
is close to its public in so doing.
PSO is then put forward as a local government panacea.
PSO can help to provide purpose to the workings of local authorities but only if
ideas are turned into action. PSO is an orientation a guiding philosophy or
1032
vision.
PSO is basedupon providing servicesfor the public and not to the public.
In the latter the authority knows best, whilst in the former the authority has
do
It
`customer'.
`client'
the
develop
can
to
or
a closer relationship with
this by adopting the following:
to
to
service received
attitudes
surveys
establish
public
regular
-hold
how
in
to
the
can
services
of
suggest
a
variety
ways
encourage
public
and
-invite
be changedor improved - or new servicesprovided1033
This relationship with the public is the key to developing better quality
Thus:
services.
But the authority can learn and find out if it is close to the public
As client and customer - for the public are entitled to good service
judge
for
the authority
to
the
entitled
public
are
electors,
as citizen The public as client and customer has:is
to
their
to
needs
geared
a
good
service
which
right
-the
buildings
to
to
and
services
access
-the right convenient and easy
helpful
to
reception arrangements,
right
-the
listened to and heard
be
to
right
-the
level
the
information
nature
and
to
about
of services
and explanation -the right
in general and about the treatment of their own individual case.
554
The public as citizen is entitled to more than just a good service. The local
authority should show by its actions that it regards clients and customers not
merely as such but also as citizens who have rights as partners in the
government of the community:know
decisions
has
to
the
the
why
and
are made
right
citizen
what
be
fairness,
justice
is
to
the
met
with
equity
and
citizen
entitled
know
have
to
they
to
the
right
what
services
are
entitled
citizens
how
know
to
they
them.
their
can
enforce
rights
and
are
entitled
citizens
The rights and entitlements of the citizen reinforce the values of service to the
customer and client.
Concern for the customer and client as a citizen requires that:local authority place emphasis on the
the
the
and
procedures
of
practices
citizens rights and entitlements
the
the
that
training
reception
customers
people
who
wait
at
emphasises
staff
desk - are electors and as such are the people to whom all officers and
councillors are ultimately responsible.
it
in
its
the
to
that
expects
the
same
relation
staff
obligations
accepts
authority
its staff to show the public. Staff cannot explain unless they are given an
'°34
explanation.
Finally PSO as a strategy can be achieved if the following is developed.
PSO is about changing the organisation. It requires strategy for change, which
include:
should
key
in
(from
by
the
the
officers
chief
concillors
and
actors
authority
commitment
-a
downwards).
barriers
to
to
the
the
the
public.
service
organisation
and
of
of
understanding
-an
the
culture.
of
understanding
-an
-an analysisof services.
-an actionplan.
1035
from
learn
to
action.
capacity
-a
There was nothing radical or new in the content of PSO. In borrowing
from `Excellence' it displaced `profit' with `services' and erected around
that the need for local governmentto develop a set of limited values. One
of these,again mirroring `Excellence', was that about getting closer to the
555
in
did
The
this
was
constructed
which
relationship
not
way
customer.
inequalities
between
issue
the
the
of
power
service users
address substantial
it
for
local
Instead
the
opted
a
governance.
of
organisations
and
limiting
the
that
role of the citizen to
already
existed
which
of
refurbishment
a passive recipient of rights who can only exercisethe political element
through the ballot box. In Chapter4I had critiqued this localist position as
being `facadic' becauseit offered "a form of democracythat in terms of a
include
Black
people and women nonparticipatively
can
content which
different
from
Further
is
little
what's
available
now".
conventionalisedly,
"it doesnot offer a `re-invention' of what is, but merely a fine tuning." It
local
did
be
the
time,
that
the
at
equality advisers
can argued, as well, as
if
because
just
the
is
that
were
services,
providing
about
not
government
forms
be
to
the
then
of organisation,
why
other
ask
would
question
next
case,
like the private sector ones, couldn't provide them. This reduction in the
being
is
to
a
role and scopeof what a political organisation one of simply
fifties
be
the
to
to
the
time,
an attempt recreate
service provider, seemed,at
image of local government, one that was untroubled and untrammelled by
the `disruptive' influences of race equality.
11.32 Neo-managerialism and Labourist Councillors
Within the contextualisation provided above, we are now in a position to
labourist
drafted
by
defining
then
the
the
set of policy papers
examine
Labour leader which effectively set the seal on the introduction of a form of
The
into
the
control and absorption of race
council.
neo-managerialism
i.
in
just
another variable a greater universalising cause, e.
equality as
two
explicitly
to
the
only
emerging
papers,
main
a
sub-text
was
management,
in a third paper which, though involving all the departmentsin the council,
the
of
participation
without
prepared
clandestinely
and
surreptitiously
was
the equality advisers or committees.
formally
is
borough
in
issue
target
the
first
In the
of management
paper the
the
Commission
Audit
if
the
in
on
to,
paper
of,
not critique
raised response
begins
the
It
local
London
of
analysis
an
with
government.
managementof
Thus:
problem.
Over the last few years there has been a clear expansion of the services that we
increasingly
become
has
It
obvious
provide and a proliferation of new policies.
implement
far
to
policies
so
agreed
that as an organisation we are poorly equipped
let alone adopt yet further policy initiatives. In essence, the Council ..... has
infrastructure
in
invest
failure
the
from
to
so necessaryto put
a serious
suffered
here
I
to
the
into
appalling state of our management
am
referring
practice.
policy
information
financial
systems, telecommunications, staff accommodation and
and
Without
doubt
decision
if
incredibly
processes.
making
cumbersome
any
our
Council
in
in
be
the
is
the
transforming
performance
to
of
made
meeting
progress
be
taken. There is
then
action
consistent
must
and
urgent
community needs
inefficiency,
in
incompetence.....
intrinsically
(and
waste,
or
socialist
nothing
556
therefore).... a great deal still remains to be done to change the organisation into
for
local
becomes
that
socialist policies and practice at a local level.
a
vehicle
one
In effect, we are suffering from the failure to invest in infrastructure services in
....
'036
loss.
faced
1960s
1970s
that
the
with making good
and we are now
and
There is a resonancewith some of the analysis of the problem with that
in
his
1985
head
Race
Unit
by
the
the
review of race equality
of
undertaken
fact
borough.
In
in
the samecouncillor was part of the
target
the
progress
former
Race
Chair
the
the
the
of
with
about
review
preliminary meetings
Relations Committee. However, there is a resonancein parts of the
document.
The
part of not really wanting
another
analysis, as well, with
Officer's
1985
Chief
Personnel
the
paper
more new policies echoeswith
discussedearlier in which he argued- or, in reality, as this councillor had
be
that
there
that
no more should
were sufficient equality policies,
arguedimplementation.
to
that
emphasisshould switch
produced, and
According to this councillor's paper, this version of local socialism was to be
be
"without
that
an
through
can
achieved
nothing
recognising
attained
by
that
officers
members
and
cadre
and
a
recognition
management
effective
instrument
to
but
is
absolutely
necessary
an
evil
not
a
necessary
management
037 Managementis then
"'
achieve policy and service objectives.
inclusively and exclusively defined as follows:
Management is simply getting things done. There is nothing new in managing.
It is our reluctance in power nationally and locally to consider seriously issues
has
implementation
opened our
which
of management change, or policy
has
issue
The
nothing
to
of
management
criticism.
policies and our practice
ideologies
All
do
ideology
and
to
or
philosophy.
with
whatsoever
began,
Since
in
implemented
time
have
be
to
an
effective
way.
philosophies
humans have been 'managing'. The construction of the pyramids, landing on
the moon and World War II are classic feats of management.The problem with
many socialists' views are that they assumethat somehow the need to manage
democracy.
industrial
by
be
control
or
a version of workers'
replaced
can
However, the ultimate in industrial democracy still requires that decisions
by
the
be
have
by
to
the
and
organised
co-ordinated
taken
workers
1038
managers.
The fact of the matter is that it is not so much the failure to get to grips with
full
failure
begin
to,
the
to
to
the
and
parameters
consider
management,as
implications of, what a socialist form of `management'would be. Again
it
be
badly
that
tactic
can
so
edifice
constructed
the specious
of erecting a
dismissal
`industrial
brief
is
done
in
his
down,
to,
torn
and
of
reference
easily
democracy' as a solution. We are left then with managementsimply being
identified
is
A
to
transform
the
then
`neutral'
authority
need
activity.
a
London....
is
(and)
because
"this
class
part
of
working
a
very
managerially
is
less
than a rip off. -)4039
to
well
nothing
money
communities'
use
our
not
....
557
In effect what is being raised and defined there is the issue of political
legitimation defined solely through the potential responseof the white
working class community.
The paper then goes on to repeat,and recommenduncritically, the thinking
behind, and coursesof action identified in, "In Searchof Excellence."
Thus he writes that "change cannot be achievedby desire alone but-through
determined
and consistenteffort to transform the culture of ... the
a
Council". ' 040 And this comesdown to adopting the eight attributes of
`excellent' organisationsidentified in the book.
Whilst this was more of a Group discussionpaper, the subsequentpaper
contained a set or recommendationswhich, if agreed,tied the group, and the
in
to
to
the
a
neo-managerialist
solution
very similar
council,
one outlined
the first paper. What is noticeable in the secondis that the emphasison
`excellence' is now replacedwith an endorsementof PSO as the way
forward. It is worth repeating that in the intervening period the only critical
commentary of the `excellence' model was to be heard from the advisersand
the Black Workers Group. This secondpaper was prepared in June 1987 in
the immediate aftermath of the then general election. The paper attempted
to portray a crisis in the target borough, not only becauseof the Labour
defeat nationally, but also becauseof the Conservative government's
in
local
hinged
interventions
These
government.
on pursuing the
renewed
details of their strategy of nationalisation of local government legitimation
borough
hub
detailed
facing
At
the
target
the
the
above.
of
crisis
concerns,
is
financial
to
the
the
time,
the
paper,
according
position of the
precarious
at
he
"is
Thus
that
there,
wrote
absolutely no possibility that we can
council.
let
immediate
budget
the
year
current
and
making
process, alone the
survive
is
five
the
without
years,
penalty of surchargeunless spending reduced
next
increased.
"'oat
Taken
income
together with the national government
and
interventions the solutions to the problems do not include bringing the
is
into
Any
caricaturedly
strategy
a
wider
campaign.
such
community
dismissed. Thus, despite in his previous paper, portraying the borough as a
he
dismisses
likely
their
class
enclave,
support againstthe
working
government.
"This is not scare talk, it is the reality we face. There is, of course, an
alternative. We could choose to ignore that reality, or to depict it as a
fantastic creation of the capitalist state designed to deflect us from our
steady progress to the socialist millenium. We could offer ourselves in
sacrifice, martyrs to the cause of defending jobs and services in the
interest of "the class". We would, of course, expect and require "the class"
to rise up in our support and defend us from the common foe and, together,
kick
Tories
the
through
come
victorious,
out, and continue on
we would
have
foundation
in the concrete
Such
a
remote
unhindered.
a strategy may
forces
in, say, parts of Scotland,
balance
the
of
of
reality and/or assessment
558
but what does such an objective analysis tell us about the current situation
here in The target borough?" 1042
The answerto the last question is, despitethe fact that Labour won the local
1986 elections with an increasedmajority, very unlikely. One can seeagain
the instrumentalist communicative tactic of erecting a straw person so as to
here.
fact
The
it,
torch
was that there were a plethora of
at work
easily
been
involving
local
have
the
which
communities
could
alternative options
if
it
lifted
from
just
that
an orthodox
which reads as
were
considered,and not
Marxist primer on classwarfare. To support this dismissal of that supposed
is
drawn
Wandsworth
with
an
admiring
comparison
radical alternative,
local
Conservative
determined
it
is
the
government
of
pursuit
opined,
where,
for
in
increased
level
has
that party, so much
of support
resulted an
policies
into
Tory
in
Wandsworth
"have
turning
they,
a
virtually succeeded
so that
borough as we have failed to turn the target borough into a Labour borough."
To support this sophistry attention is drawn to a survey commissionedby the
target borough which examinedpeople's perceptions of the council services.
The poll, undertakenby one of the national companiesusually highlighted at
times of national elections, did not include any particular equality
Black
being
to
than
people were part.
ensure
weighted
other
components,
The Head of the Race Unit attempted,in the preparationsand planning for
brief
included
have
the
to
the survey, to
a section on equalities and widen
is
What
focus.
This
from
the
was unsuccessful.
sole services
away
interesting is not the overall results, becausethey showed the council to be
in
but
from
in
the
the
terms
`middling'
way which
community,
of support
findings.
Thus
the
the
of
one
of
uses
some
selectively
paper's author
findings
that
he
items
the
together
obvious
with
accentuates,
unsatisfactory
is
is
high
like
thus:
did
that
categorised
one
rates,
not
people
Waste money/do not spendon right things/
too much spent on minorities
Further on, in responseto the survey question, "Are there any other groups
for?
",
be
doing
top
Council
the
the
and
think
more
should
you
people
of
3%
Black
to
of
only
people where
most prominent answer category relates
broke
This
for
done
be
that
that
community.
the sample think
more should
down into 1% of white people and 11% of Black people thinking that.
There is a similar breakdown for women. Finally, in answerto a specific
did
know.
30%
loyalties,
there
who
not
were
question about political party
The interpretation placed on this by that councillor is that this indicates a
local
Labour
Party.
Hence:
for
legitimation
the
crisis
profound
"The prospect is such that, unless the government is deeply unpopular in
1990, and if we remain on an unchanged course, we will experience great
difficulty in holding control of the Council. For certain, if we do hold on, the
559
be
for
but
against the government, and
not
voting
us
will
majority of electors
if we do not, I fear that we may never regain power locally. s1044
This potential crisis was occurring despitethe fact that the target borough
has not been slow "to adopt the equivalent socialist local government
first
Tory
"
In
Wandsworth's
the
to
was
overt
ones.
what
policies
indication of support and praise for the work undertakenby the equality
highlight
he
including
to
to
the
prioritisation of equalities, goes on
workers,
the fact that, "The target borough has been in the forefront in promoting
in
in
services,
establishing
equal opportunities policies recruitment and
labour
direct
initiatives,
and other areasof the
and
expanding
employment
045
That laudatory outburst, when examined in
Council's workforce. "'
later,
discussed
be
light
in
the
third
the
was
of
paper, which will
retrospect
for
football
Chair
the
like
the
of
support
of
a
club's
public
expression
rather
despite
by
The
that
the
was
paper's author,
problem, as analysed
manager.
because
implementation
difficult
the
of
was
actual
adopting socialist policies
in
The
the
earlier
of
result,
a
repeat
sclerosis
of
action.
an administrative
Again
deficit
is
diagnoses,
one can
of action.
a surfeit of policy and
paper's
link
the
to
up
excesses
and
gumming
the
equalities
with
policy
attempt
see
have
"we
forward
The
that
made sufficient
must
must ensure
way
works.
Labour
level
have
to
the
victories
to
ensure
support
of positive
won
progress
in both East and West The target borough." This will involve the following:
"The only way we will have a chance of achieving this in the face of an
ideological and clearly directed attack, given our weakness in terms of
lack
current
of support and the shortcomings of our service
our
resources,
delivery is for us to agree upon a clear and relatively simple strategy that we
Members,
identify
officers, craft and manual
and
adopt,
with
can all
for
both
the short term and also
That
strategy, which will serve us
workers.
have
future
for
foreseeable
it
develops
three major elements.
the
would
as
Firstly, a thorough restructuring of the budget; secondly, a bias for action
finally
Members
a
the
and
and
employees;
the
part of
organisation on
within
definite orientation towards public service."1046
formal
key
the
this
to
The paper then goes on recommend,as
strategy,
"
The
"produce
PSO
the
to
support.
results and earn
means
as
adoption of
Stewart's
for
to
borough
then
version of
word
word
committed,
target
was
PSO. Hence:
1.The target borough Council exists to provide services FOR THE
PUBLIC.
2.As a local authority, The target borough succeeds or fails by the
QUALITY OF SERVICE it provides.
3.Quality of service demandsCLOSENESS TO THE PUBLIC - as client,
1047
customer and citizen.
560
Finally, in an effort, like the Conservativenational government's to relocal
legitimacy
the
of
governance,a tactic of political
nationalise
later
ten
some
years
when Labour finally
convergencewhich will echo
achievesan election victory, he concludesthat:
The strategy outlined above provides us with a prospect for survival but
have
far
We
than
that.
a window of opportunity over this next
more
also
period to re-establish local government at the core of socialist activity and
to play our full part in achieving national political power for our Party
1048
beliefs.
and our
Apart from the self congratulatory pat on the back with regard to equalities handed
clapping exercisegiven the actual obstruction to race
one
an almost
is
in
labourist
had
indulged
there
this
no
and
other
councillors
equality
is
in
This
Black
this
a particularly
strategy.
people and women
mention of
identified
in
Labour
the
the
party's
constituencies
as
glaring omission
legitimating bases,and in those with whom they want to consult over the
local
Further
the
with
communities was
everyday
relationship
proposals.
be
to
politically redefined, as more explicitly confirmed,
not so much
through PSO, as that of being no more than a client, customer or citizen with
liberal democratic negative rights. Whilst earlier I had identified the
theoretical and action lacunaeover the issue of administration being shown
by the new left in local governance,in this caselocal socialism was being
deconstruction
and reconstruction of
equatednot with a radical
`management',but with a private sector originated and oriented
improvement'.
A
`service
refurbishment of managementcentred on
being
through
adopting a
ossified
was
communicatively
problem
political
in
later,
fifteen
Some
technical
an
plus years
management.
solution of
deserting
Socialist
intellectuals
French
the
party, one
are
article on why
don't
"politicians
that
needphilosophers any
wrote
commentator
"loa9
(because).
today
of
management.
was
a
matter
politics
more... .
..
The omission of Black people and women was deliberate, a conclusion
in
light
third
by
the
the
the
paper
of
workers
equality
advisers
and
arrived at
by the Labour leader in the target borough, one which also purported to deal
in
Equal
Achievements
"Major
This
`crisis'.
the
one was entitled
with
Opportunities", a title which belied the way in which the report was
1050
backwash
be
in
This
the
to
the
specific
was
contents.
produced, as well
leadership's
Party
Labour
borough
to
the
target
accusationsthat
the
national
in
London
had
damaged
the
`London
the
chances
the
party's
region.
effect'
This was a not so subtle code for actually referring to the equality initiatives,
by
boroughs.
London
fact
In
the
pioneered
equality
ones,
particularly race
initiatives
themselves,
to
the
as to the right wing
so
much
referencewas not
The
distortion
interpretation
these.
report, as the response
of
and
media
from the equality advisers shows, was done in secretwithout consulting the
Because
it
attemptedto provide
equality workers or respective committees.
561
a financial breakdown of what was spent on equalities within individual
departments,it must have involved the relevant senior managersin those
departments,but, deliberately excluded the race advisers. It was only some
two weeks later, after the report went to a particular group meeting, that the
adviserscaught sight of it. Fortunately it was, at that stagea draft report,
from
the rest of the local Labour party.
comments
awaiting
The report's recommendationsattempt to tie in the new service prioritisation
with the identified `need' to curtail any further equalities' expenditure.
Thus:
f
That Members recognise that in view of the general election result and the
restrictions now placed on resources,hard choices will need to be made if this
Council is to survive the next 3 years and win the next local elections,
f
That Members agree that the provision of services should be our priority for
the future and that equal opportunities should be an integral part of service
delivery.
f
That Members recognise that an effective equal opportunity policy rests upon
the commitment, time and effort of management as much as it does financial
financial
the
and
given
on
restrictions
resources Members are asked
resources
to agree that there should be no financial growth in provision for equal
but
a more effective use of existing resources. (My emphasis)'os'
opportunity
By way of backgroundjustification the report's author goes on to reasonas
follows:
f
This Council was elected on a Manifesto committed to a policy of equal
opportunity both as an employer and as a provider of services to the
have
The
Race
Relations
Committee
Women's
Committee
and
community.
established specialist units to work towards meeting the needs of women and
black people both as employeesand in the community.
f
This Council has also allocated substantial resources to ensure
implementation of its equal opportunity policy throughout those services
by
departments
by
the voluntary sector through
those
and
provided
provided
funding
fA
socialist equal opportunity policy has often been seen as wasting money by
the tabloid press and Tory opposition and indeed in the run up to the general
become
known
it
became
has
associated
as the "London
with
what
election
Effect" which has seen traditional Labour Party support deserting the Labour
Party for the SDP and even the Tory party as was shown in the Downham
by-election and the General Election result.1012
The report then went on, using the information provided by departments,to
try to createa picture of immensespending on equalities. In so doing the
deliberately
twisted and misused the information, or
author
either
report's
totally misunderstoodthe nature of the equality initiatives being undertaken
562
in the target borough. For example the Social ServicesDepartment, because
from
its
the most `disadvantaged' sectorsof the
come
service users
many of
local community, is cited as intentional spending on equality. Within this
distortion the position of Black service users is totally over estimated. Thus:
"A large proportion of services provided by the Social Services
Department will be for black people, women, people with disabilities
or gays and lesbians."
The race equality advisersand workers had to formulate a reply within a day
Unit
drafted
by
head
Race
This
the
the
after consultation with
of
was
or so.
the equality workers. Again, using the communicative spacesopened
through the structuring of the race equality infra-structure, the reply was
in
is
Labour
Much
this
to
members.
of
reply reproduced
circulated all
being
it
because
4
the
to
adopted
strategy
contextualise
attempts
appendix
then by the Labour party, how this was, in large part, an attempt to silence
`race' and what exactly the race equality programme and discoursewere
it
In
that
the
representeda racist misuse of
responseargued
sum
about.
information; that after over a hundred years of local government and only
three years of explicit equality initiatives it was extremely premature to
how
is
has
been
done;
"race
that
that
about
equality ....
enough
conclude
Black people at the local level can have a determinant say in the allocation
have
their
everyday
on
effect
a
material
of
resources
which
and reallocation
lives", and that "if a managementis "neutral" or simply about "doing things"
then the greatestfeat of managementwas processingthe twelve to eighteen
five
the
Jews
through
year
a
gas chambersover
and other nationals
million
period."
The responsefrom the Race Advisers then went on to deconstructthe
in
information,
demonstrating
the
that
that
stage
at
of
councillor's misuse
development of the equality programme,just under three years since it was
infra-structure
the
or planned
equality
started, not much was spent on either
Two
initiatives.
elementsof race equality spendingwere
equality
identified.
f
Initiatory race equality resources- that is spending on race equality such
is
initiate
to
change.
purpose
as specialist posts and structures whose
f
Overt and planned allocation and re-allocation of resources to race
is
is
that
which
planned with that
equality
on
race
spending
equality because
likely
in
than
comes
about
of the
more
objective mind and which
initiatory resources.'°53
Information, it was argued, on the last element was difficult to ascertain
becauseof the lack of adequateinformation systems. However, the
developmentof the anti-racist programmeswere a suitable framework within
for
to
example, the amount of time spent on race equality.
which work out,
563
With regard to the former, it was shown that at the time the overall council
budget was £214,000,000,whilst the money spent on the race equality infrastructure was merely £225,000. The conclusion reachedwas that:
In conclusion therefore the actual spending on race equality
according to the information available is minuscule. It will be a few
years yet before we can do the type of exercise Cllr. "X" is
attempting. Any attempts now therefore which aims to prove major
spending on equality opportunities will be premature, misleading
'
54
totally
tendentious.
and
The responsehad the desired effect. As reported back by the then Chair of
Race Relations Committee to the head of the Race Unit, the councillor "X"'s
draft report, becauseof the responsewhich had been circulated to all Labour
members,was withdrawn.
It is clear from the key policy reports developedand agreedby the Labour
Group in the target borough in 1987 that the discourseof labourism came to
embraceand be replaced by a discourseof neo-managerialism. This was
in
develop
legitimation
base
local
to
the
a
strategy
as
a
retain and
undertaken
involved
A
this
trying to assuageracial
substantial
part
of
communities.
fear through curtailing the developmentof race equality in that council. In
hoped
it
limit
doing
to
the profile of race equality through
was
absorb
and
so
better
for
in
It
of
services
everyone.
was, another sense,
a new universalism
the prototype `modernisation' of the Labour Party's labourism. This was a
decision
made against a backcloth of competing political options.
conscious
The race equality discourseand programme were public knowledge,
involving as well the circulation of the appendixedpaper. There was, as
Group
Labour
to
the
radical
alternative
was
circulated
which
well, one other
in
his
leader.
by
These
the
time,
the
were two
same
councillor
role
as
at
by
Paul
Hoggett.
is
That
to say that the
papers
commissioned
specially
local
Fordist
the
of
post
analysis
mid
eighties
problems
of
nascent
likely
deliberations
the
the
of the
also
of
solutions
were
part
and
government
Labour Group.
11.33 Rejecting the Post-Fordist Option
In reading the two papersby Hoggett, it is clear that councillor "X" adopted
'°55
for
There
key
`pic-`n-mix'
to
these.
are,
example,
approach
phrases
a
taken word for word from the two papers,yet used in the councillor's
is
in
that
totally out of context with Hoggett's intentions.
ruminations a way
But, there is another reasonfor finding these earlier papers interesting.
That is that despiteHoggett's attempts at applying to local government the
it,
sort of analysiswhich sees at that time, still mimicking the Fordist scale of
`ends
he
of
and means' basedon the
attempts
an
also
analysis
production,
Frankfurt school of thought. Whilst there is within the papers a certain
564
ambivalenceand ambiguity with regard to the issuesof `organisational
culture' and `management',weaknesseswhich might facilitate selective
is
there
the
an identification of a problem, the
eclecticism on
part of others,
main points of which overlap with my diagnoses. Leaving aside the post
Fordist attempt to read off organisational forms of local governancedirectly
from analysedchangesin the capitalist economy, which I have already
in
3,
Chapter
he
identifies
the
the
that Labour in
nub of
problem
critiqued
general, and its variant local socialism have tried to apply administrative
is
I
to
problems,
political
one
agreewith. It was obviously one
solutions
dismissedby the Labour leader in the target borough at the time.
Thus, for example, Hoggett's mid eighties prognosis is that "local
lumbers
its
that
on,
aware
previous methods of massproduction
government
(viz council estates,comprehensiveschools, etc) have brought standardised
improvements at the cost of much consumerdisenchantment,but not able to
bring itself to conceive of how it needsto changeto becomemore modern";
is
logic
"problem
logic
that
the
the
the
thus
of
welfare
combined
with
of
and
local
just
which
produced
a
centralist
government
was
not
massproduction
056
just
bureaucratic
but
Byzantine."'
There is a
but massified, not
has
be
done.
For
to
theorists
that
something
other
with
convergence
Habermas
provides a more substantivecritique of the welfare state.
example
On the other hand at the more prosaic level of local government in the UK,
Stewart also conceivesof a similar problem. On one thing Hoggett is clear,
though, attempting, at the time, to do a `Wandsworth' on any of the putative
local socialist oriented authorities is not acceptable. Whilst the changesin
the then Tory flagship council were radical, they were not the sort of
initiatives
have
imitate
because,
"Conservative
radicalism socialists should
been greatly facilitated by the fact that it's easierto dismantle or abolish a
disagreeableinstitution than it is to transform it. "1057 The difference then,
have
local
is
Thatcherism
he
that
and
socialism
a
combination
of
as argues,
I
local
Re-politicisation
to
agreewith and
government.
re-politicise
served
have argued for previously. However the de-colonising struggles of local
Black communities have been as much a contributor to the re-politicisation
factors.
Hoggett's
local
argumentsthen that
as
other
governance
of
heart
The
saliency.
of
solutions
are
not
enough
gain
greater
administrative
the problem with this course of action lies within Labour's tradition of
technologising politics. Thus, "for Labour's activists it is but a short step
from talking about the `party machine' to the `machinery of local
"058 What this then leads to is a situation in which, for
government'.
in
GLC,
Livingstone
Labour's
the
to
the
of
power
period
prior
example
thoughts on how it should be run "were confined to the pursuit of `sound
Labour
is,
demonstrate
London
that
that
to
could
run
as
administration',
"1059
business
Hoggett
the
commerce.
and
of
as
party
seesthis as
soundly
the failure to view organisationsa systemsof living culture. There is some
because
this
of my analysis of organisations as
with
agreement
565
communicative structures. However, his failure to develop further this
aspectof his argumentmeansthat it is open to conflation, as councillor "X"
obviously did, with Petersand Waterman's `excellence' conception of
culture. Hoggett's solution, and here he draws heavily on the Frankfurt
school, is for there to be a re-evaluation and re-moralisation of `ends' and
`means'. That is to say, in a severing of the linkage in Labour's thinking
and practice which up to then had made a political virtue of the socialist ends
justifying the means. He is thus very clear that dipping into and borrowing
from the over stocked private sector school of managementis unacceptable.
"A number of'realist' left Labour councils now realise that if socialists
cannot run a local council by'leaving it to the experts', neither can they
do so through bypassing or undermining them. The danger is that they
reach out for help from the 'progressive end' of managementand in the
process inevitably end up misrecognising themselves and the problems
they face......... This split also finds structural expression in an absurd
division of labour within the welfare state itself in which 'ends' become
the domain of politicians and 'means' the domain of managers and
technocrats.As a result Labourism has colluded with and reinforced the
technocratic impulse to exclude questions of values (ie moral questions)
from its agenda.....But we would be mistaken to think that this problem
boils down to the supposed'political neutrality' of the state functionary.
The issue is not simply the espousedpolitical ideology of state officials
(and hence the need to populate state institutions with 'our people') for
we need to challenge the deep and often unconscious technocratic
inform
the practice of socialist and conservative
which
values
functionaries alike."1060
The answer then lies in the re-introduction by Labour of the moral into the
in
is
interest
"an
that
there
meansand
political and administrative systemsso
in
it
is
language,
which neither of administration nor management, which
a
its
for
how
done
(and)...
discover
that
things
own
concern
are
realise
can
...
far
from
being
its
(i.
`ends'),
of
value,
purpose
and
objective
e.
of
questions
become
for
those who work
must
also
a
vital
concern
own prerogative,
find
"1°61
Organisationally
this
the
can
and politically
welfare state.
within
is
in
decentralisation,
bottom
that
there
a
up
substantive
so
expression
development,
in
developing
the
top
policy
and continuing and
approach
blurring betweenthe executive and legislative. In terms of the latter it
beyond
packing the sensitive upper reachesof management
meansmoving
have
i.
I
Labour
Party
`our
already argued that
members.
people', e.
with
the re-politicisation and de-colonisation of local governancerequires a
fuzziness betweenthe relationships betweenthe political systemand the
between
the administrative systemand civil
system
and
administrative
Labour
These
new
right
separations,
under
and under the proto
society.
borough
labour
in
then, were re-enforced
target
the
administration,
new
through the development of strict boundary lines. For example in the target
borough, and later on in Lambeth - and in the latter casethese changeswere
forward
Herman
by
Chief
Executive,
Ouseley- it becamea
the
then
put
566
disciplinary offence for any employeeto initiate contact with an elected
line
the
than
through
strict
management
of authority. Finally,
member other
in what amountsto a plea for more substantivedemocratisationthrough
decentralisationHoggett addressesthe opposition of councillors, like the
Labourist ones.
"Some councillors believe that this will undermine their power to set
in
is
it
is
better
All
I
that
to share ownership of
can
say
reply
policy.
policies that have a chance of being implemented than to retain exclusive
possession of sacraments that do no more than scratch reality's
surface."1062
Whilst Hoggett did not addressthe issuesof race or women's equality in his
be
basis
fact
in
the
could
accusedof
of
a
separate
article
on
and
papers,
local
level,
issues
the
the vision of
those
government
at
misunderstanding
local governanceoutlined in his two articles referred to above is one which
is communicatively more open than that adopted in the target borough.
The notions of the politicisation of the administration, of the moralisation of
have
bottom
democratisation
a greater resonancewith
up
endsand means,of
the aims of the race equality discourse. There are, however, as I have
fault
lines
in
Fordist
the
argument.
post
still
racially
exclusive
argued earlier,
Neverthelessthe consciousdecision to introduce a neo-managerialist
discourse/diskourseinto the target borough as the instrumentalisedmeansto
brought
is
legitimation
form
that
with
of political
preserved,
a narrow
ensure
it an accentuationand augmentationof forms of unjust domination in the
instrumentalised
Cooke
Strategic
argues,raises
action,
as
and
organisation.
063
'
in
is,
It
the
three
the
other
speechact.
validity claims of
only one of
being
`neutral'
Defining
managementas
words a communicative silencing.
is an attempt to immunise those practices from its moralisation and thus to
is
technologisation
the
that
an unquestionable
of
management
confirm
is
further
between
The
the
ends
and
means
rupture of
relationship
absolute.
by
Fairclough
lengthened
between
the
two
the
what
gap
acceleratedand
identifies as the "technologisation of discourse" associatedwith the way in
be
described
this
as a
course of action was adopted;what could
which
double technologisation.
11.34 Pursuing Neo-managerialism
In the target borough from the late 1987 onwards a deliberate programme of
implemented.
The
developed
resources
and
neo-managerialismwas
level
displayed
high
by
the
this,
to
the
of
political
will
profile
and
allocated
leading councillors and Labour group has to be contrastedwith the sporadic
"mood
This
afforded
approach
race
equality.
swing"
contradictory
and
new
diskourse renovated existing patterns of authorial control within the
there
to
that
manage,unquestionably, and
were
managers
so
organisation
567
in
issues,
to
especially
relation
equality
even when questioned,
only post
facto, whilst politicians were invested in the only recognisablepolitical
authority. Externally the relationship with the communities, particularly
those who used council services,was to be reconfigured through a
in
far
model
which
rights
extend
only
so
as that of
customer/consumerist
having a good service, and not that of being involved in the way that service
is structured and delivered. This new consumerisationof the council was
in
decision
devising
to
the
the
through
rebrand
council
a new
exemplified
logo and set of corporate colours. This in effect meant reprinting the
council's stationery, repainting the council's vehicles and signs, and
being
boundaries
the
signs
of
within
of
geographical
repainting other visible
the authority, such as lamp posts. When the race adviserspointed out that
the enormouscosts of such a dubious exercisecould have been better spent
furthering the race equality programme, they in turn were rebrandedas being
`negative.' The beginning of an accelerateddrive to closed own the
began.
by
the
race equality programme
communicative spacesopenedup
This was evidenced in the increasing number of conflicts and clashes
between race equality workers and managementand/or council members.
In one caseit resulted in a Race Adviser pursuing a complaint of race
1064
discrimination againstthe Chair of the PersonnelSub-committee.
Between the end of 1987 and the end of 1988 three other race equality
directly
disciplinary
found
themselves
charges
as a result of
on
workers
differences with management.
Internally the council adopteda limiting range of six `core values' which
These
base
be
the
the
were not
to
authority.
explicit
of
new,
value
were
derived from any consultative or participative processesinvolving employees
leading
by
decided
Rather
they
and
senior
managers
were
and communities.
be
be
to
They
to
the
was
which
action
values around
were also
councillors.
in
it
featured
Equalities,
this
cluster of values, was
whilst
clustered.
'065
be
As
`equal
that
to
shown, equalities
shall
of
opportunities'.
reduced
One
Ia
be
the
that
existing equality workers.
excluded
recast way
came to
"a
NALGO
later,
that
very narrow set of
comment
newsletter
could
a
year
imposed
been
has
that
the
employees' views are
organisation,
on
values
insidious
form
loyalty
that
tests
these,
to
of
a
very
and
against
subject
"1066
In
the
is
that
the
of
public
year
member
same
a
norm.
now
censorship
local
had
that
the
to
the
consultation
complaining
paper
written
parent
and
by
transfer
the
the
of educational
over
authority
undertaken
exercise
"akin
to
the
consultation under the
was
under
enacted
responsibilities
from
far
the core value of being
Ceausescuregime in Romania"1067;
cry
a
One could almost argue that the changesbeing put
`closer to the public'.
into place amountedto the Stalinisation of the administrative and political
first
batch
initiatives
1988
beginning
the
By
the
of
service
of
systems.
developedunder the PSO programmewere agreed. This was also about the
time that the first round of council wide departmentby department anti-racist
568
being
brought
to committees for approval. These
service action plans were
were detailed plans aimed at redirecting and/or reconstructing major tranches
of serviceswithin the race equality programme's parameters. They had
taken two years to develop, being the joint work of the race equality workers,
the unit and the individual departments. The relative easeand celerity of
the appearanceof the PSO initiatives were as much to do with the political
backing they enjoyed as with the superficiality of their content.1068 These
concentratedon the action that neededto be undertaken in order to improve
the service reception areasof the council's departments. They amplified
the `skin deep' criticism made by Hoggett of the `administrating' of political
by
problems Labour.
However, a greaterproblem was being identified by the head of the Race
Unit. This was that the PSO initiatives and work undertaken on the antibeing
programmes
service
were
undertaken,deliberately, by
racist
departmentsas separateareasof action. Six months earlier the Race
Equality Adviser with responsibility for employment had written to the then
Chief Executive warning about the way in which PSO was being
implemented, in particular the training aspect.
The process to achieve excellence is too simplistic and crude to really meet
the complex issues,needsand processeswhich operate in a local authority.
Bias for Action with its emphasison the end product rather than the process
,
into
be
translated
the work of a local authority. The emphasison new
cannot
has
been
always
at the centre of anti-racist work. The need to
management
consult the black community and the need to consult black workers forums
and black employees on service delivery and employment issues has always
been paramount. In employment e.g. it is essential for a new management
integral
issues
that
to good management
ensures
equality
which
are
an
style
and employment practice. The new priority seems to be to create managers
who are 'winners', who will inevitably be white and male. Which race are we
supposedto be winning?........... Recent discussions in various departments
have highlighted the lack of commitment to race and women's equality,
it
is
perceived as being a low priority of council members....... I
as
especially
understand the course (A training course in PSOfor all managers) will be
(who
in
for
PO
the
managers
range
will be in the main, white and
middle
run
male) by two white trainers from the North East London Polytechnic. Are the
needs of the black community again going to be discussed by white people
and how will this course relate to current policies and practices on race and
it
information
is
issues.
My
It is
that
these
not
address
will
equality.
women's
interesting to note that I have been consulted again at a very late stage,where
the only course I have left is a reactive approach, which I believe is being
interpreted as being negative. I am unhappy that having been put in this
position that it will be a purely tokenistic gesture to participate now in
discussionswith the trainers.1069
In fact the PSO was being allocated more departmentaltime and resources.
In one of the final briefing notes to key members,the Head of the Unit
569
from
direction
in
for
the neo-conservatively
away
argued a change
follows:
it
In
PSO.
as
essence argued
constructed
It is clear that the politicisation of local government is no more than that of
is
level
that
this
to
as
one
about
of
government
reconstitute
attempts
democracy and local choice and control over resources. It is certainly within
this framework that the problems of race and women's inequality have been
tackled. That is, if one can attempt to summarise these initiatives in one
in
in
local
the
try
to
to
government
a
power
relationships
restructure
sentence,
in
determinant
Black
the control of
say
a
people
and
women
way which allows
Certainly
their
to
solutions to race and women's
meet
needs.
resource usage
inequality have not been seen in terms simply of being an administratively
technically one in which managementis somehow "neutral". Instead "means"
is
been
have
that
"ends"
change;
a
process
seen as part of a process of
and
democracy,
key
in
the public sector and
the
of
socialism,
values
rooted
community needs.
11.35 The Displacement of Race and Women's Equality
In April 1988 a new leader of the council's Labour group was elected,but
last.
The
the
in
the
processof organisational
as
political
mould
same
one
disengagementfrom the race equality programme continued. There were
Committee
Unit
Race
Relations
Race
for
the
and
a review of
renewed calls
from the labourist councillors on the group. In a related move, but without
leader
the
that
Race
Relations,
Chair
the
then
the
proposed
of
consulting
four
from
be
Committees
two
Women's
to
Race
a
the
cut
and
meetings of
into
brought
this
to
The
that
also
went group proposing
policy paper
year.
it
in
However
the
the
issue
was
it the
council.
work
of
equality
a
review
of
it
in
latter
the
leading
to
the
was
which
way
subsequent
and
action,
up
events
interesting.
It
that
by
the
clear,
was
are
which
report's author,
rationalised
that
the
the
to
advisers,
race
and
particularly
equality advisers,
unbeknown
being
from
disengagement
the
was
race equality programme
the processof
its
in
Thus
by
the
paper notes
assiduouslypursued some councillors.
introduction the following:
Three distinct aspects of the Council's equalities work have come to Group in
Equality
Race
the
First
the
the
of
of
work
of
a
review
question
recent months.
Unit. Second the question of the frequency of committee meetings and thirdly
the unwillingness of Members to serve on the "equalities" committees as
been
dealt
in
items
have
The
third
with
not
second
and
presently constituted.
been
for
have
because
largely
they
seized
on
use
any structured or rational way
in political points scoring exercises. However the paper circulated by
Councillor "Z"in respect to the first issue has raised much more fundamental
have
deal
I
to.
Group
to
given
a
great
of thought
need respond
questions which
heavily
has
I
last
the
most
with
weighed
me.
these
cannot
to
one
very
and
points
in
in
isolation.
for
the
I am
justification
area
of
work
race
our
reviewing
see a
deal
review
which
will
therefore recommending a much wider
with all our
the
Group'070
three
to
of
areas
of
concern
all
and
encompass
equalities work
570
The paper referred to in the above paragraphwas one the head of the race
Unit had to do outlining, yet again, the work undertaken by that unit and the
RaceRelations Committee. Thesewere all committee agreedpolicy and
practice reports, and so should have been common knowledge to Group
had
been
members,all of whom
subject to a briefing sessionby the Unit
when they were first electedsome one and a half years back. It is clear
from the responsefrom the then leader that the call to review the work of the
had
other undertonesand agendasother than a supposedinterest in the
unit
quality of the work. However, later on in the paper, whilst admitting that
"the British Labour Party is a racist Party", he goes on to argue that "we have
shied away from difficult debates.... becauseof a misguided deferenceto
membersof oppressedgroups - this cannot continue - simply being black
doesnot mean being right". 071 Whilst this was symptomatic of what I
have tenonedthe de-moral-ising of race equality - and in this particular
instanceit is the racist atavism of pathologising Black people's interpretation
it
their
experiences-, was also contrary to the council's own then existing
of
policy and procedureson racism. In other words, once again the
into
Black
of
people's
claims
are
called
question, placing them
authenticity
in the sub-humancategory. The council had adopted,not without a major
debatewith the equality advisers,a racial and sexual harassmentcomplaints
in
had
be
the
to
procedure
which
allegation
and
of
racism
sexism
or
policy
taken at face value and treated accordingly. In other words it mirrored,
fifteen
issue
the
this
earlier,
years
recommendations
on
of the
some
Macpherson Report. In a confirmation of the de-politicising and dedemocratisingway in which the formal political institutions of local
in
begins
to explain the current
viewed,
was
and
a
way
which
government
democratic deficit operating in the Mayor and Executive Committee
by
labour,
being
advocated
new right
a speciously argued
structure
justification for reducing the number of race and women's equality
do
is
forward.
This
to
a
samecouncillor went on
committee meetings put
joint project with INLOGOV and the LGMB which proposed and advocated
the adoption of an American style Mayor structure and the creation of one
Executive Committee in the council as the main decision making committee.
Thus:
One of the most empty arguments between socialists must surely be about
Committee structures and I find attempts to gauge the degree of commitment
of individuals to fighting oppression from their views on a particular structure
quite untenable. Council Committee structures are merely vehicles for giving
some formal agreement to political decision. What matters is the policies
decided by the Party and the Group, and the degree to which we provide staff
and resources to implement them. To a large extent the committee structure
1072
Officer
structure
should be a reflection of the
571
With regardto the proposedreview of equalities' work in the council, the
recommendationwas to bring in outside consultantsso that "an objective"
picture could be obtained.
Again it was left to the Race and Women's Advisers to provide a formal
Both
Race
Women's
Advisers rejected
the
the
to
and
proposals.
response
the notion of outside consultantsarguing that:
To speak of bringing in consultants "to obtain a maximum degree of
objectivity" is not only insulting, it is also passing the buck. The Race and
Women's equality Advisers do not and have never provided advice on the
basis of subjective feelings. We are more than capable of advising on
shortfalls and appropriate structural changes...... in terms of our experience,
knowledge base and compared with like in other Local Authorities or so
in
field,
the
then this Council has some of the best advisers in
called experts
the country and that is an objective assessment.It would be extremely
difficult, therefore, to contemplate working with or recommending so called
from
Apart
being
consultants.
a waste of rate payers money, the
outside
opposite is true i. e. we are asked for our advice by outside bodies and this we
give freely. We do not believe in privatising the race equality struggle. At
the end of the day it does not matter which structure you have, or how well
if
it
is,
members are not committed or held accountable to their
resourced
1113
the
then
problems will persist.
own manifesto commitments,
The race advisers,in responding to the two other key issuesraised above,
following
the
points:
made
Black people and women experience not only oppression, but exploitation
level
is
the
societal
at
structurally determined. The experiences which
which
different
lump
from
To
this
to
are
other
which
suffer
groups
oppression.
arise
everything under "oppression" is another way of trying to reduce different
being
definable
The
"simply
to
that
one
variable.......
statement
experiences
Black, does not mean being right", is dangerous. Black people have a history
of experiences encompassing, the racism of oppression and, exploitation and
the accompanying liberation of political struggle. Thus at the individual level
The
Black
that
experience.
person's political socialisation will mediate
a
"truth" that emerges out of any dialogue with a White person will be a
White
depend
the
person's own political
on
which
process
will
complex
appreciation of racism, the linguistic and organisational safeguards to ensure
that "rigorous debate" can take place without downgrading the Black person's
is
he
but
saying.
the
or
she
what
of
addressing
political veracity
experience,
Very often, however, "truth" is determined by those in power. If the systems
determination
Black
for
truth
the
of
peoples
proper
existed which allowed
in
be
in
Borough,
The
Target
the position
not
we
would
experiences existed
in
Cllr.
"Y"'s
from
Apart
the
which
paper came
today.
way
which
we are
itself
belie
it
the
drafting
that
existence of
the
statement
simple
and
of
about,
(about
Such
committee meetings) are only
arguments
such systems.......
is
downgrading
if
the
committee
of
meetings
alongside
a
running
empty
Black
democracy
to
the
aims
give
community a
which
process of participative
determinant say over decisions effecting resource usage. This is obviously not
happening in The Target Borough. Thus like it or not committee meetings are
572
"substantive" in helping to implement and monitor policy decisions. They
are
also, in the absenceof any other democratic process, a visible sign that the
Council still holds race equality as a priority. 10a
Thesecommentshad part of the desired effect becausethe Group did not
agreeto the use of external consultants,but did agreeto a review.coordinated by the Chief Executive.
By October 1988 the increasingly obvious disengagementby the Labour
from
both
the race and women's equality initiatives was plain for
politicians
all to see. The work could not be progressed. A joint letter from both
the Race and Women's Equality Units, and signed by all of the equality staff
was sent to all Labour members. It speaksfor itself.
As Race and Women's Equality Advisers and service specialists working for
The target borough Council, we have taken the step of writing to-you
collectively because of the extent to which this council appears to be
retreating from its equality commitment and responsibilities.
Over the past year it is our considered view, given our area of expertise that
there has been a rapid deterioration in the commitment towards and
implementation of the council's equality policies. This has been compounded
as well by the rumours and counter rumours surrounding the reasonsfor, and
decisions about the proposed "Equalities Review." We feel very strongly that
the purported justification for the review is specious; that it is falsely
structured; and is thus totally unnecessary. It has to be asked therefore why
senior equality advisers were not consulted about the review, and why, when
these officers recommendedthat they take the lead in conducting that part of
the review pertaining to Race and Women's equality (the Chief Executive
having declined to do so) this was rejected by the Leader. Instead it has been
proposed that rate-payers money will be wasted on employing external
consultants to perform a review which the council's own staff are far better
equipped to carry out.
We reject totally the ideas that somehow there are problems in equalities
work in the Council because of inadequate equality structures, "negative
oppositionism" and the "personalities" of individual equality workers.
If there is a problem surrounding equalities in the Council, then it is that of
the lack of political will and courage necessary to carry through such a
programme which by its very nature entails unpopular decisions being taken.
We contend strongly, however, that the proposed review is signalling an
increasing ambivalence on the part of members towards equalities' work at a
time when the most oppressedand exploited in the community are suffering
severely from the effects of central government legislation.
This has been exemplified in some instancesby the unwarranted personalised
attacks on some equality advisers by some members at open committee
meeting, and which is, therefore, contributing rapidly to a situation in which
equality advisers feel that they can no longer function according to the job
descriptions to which they were appointed.
Whilst we recognise fully that it is members' political prerogative to decide
which policies are to be carried forward and that this is being made more
573
difficult by the enormous pressures on local government now and in the
foreseeable future, nevertheless it is our opinion that the action to date is
reneging by default on manifesto commitments made to Black people and
women in the Borough; and is creating an offensively unacceptable working
environment for equality advisers and workers who, apart from having a
personal, professional and political commitment to equality, were appointed
to advise the Council on how best to achieve those very same manifesto
it
be
if
As
things
there were a clear
stand
now
would
preferable
commitments.
political decision which said: "No: We no longer wish to pursue programmes
of race and women's equality."
Consequently becauseof the seriousnesswith which we view this situation
be
is
for
because
there
seeking an
solution,
we
shall
a need
an open
and
'°"
Leadership.
urgent meeting with the
The proposedmeeting with the Leadership did not occur becausethe
developed
diaries'.
No
`full
review took
suddenly
concerned
politicians
its
but
the
two
the
units
and
equality
closure of
a report recommending
place,
by
focussed
broad
the
then
one
was
written
with
a
equalities
replacement
Assistant Chief Executive. As the Adviser's commentedat the time;
On July 25th, 1988 The target borough Labour Group threw out a proposal
in
be
brought
by
Cllr.
forward
`B'
to undertake a
that
consultant
a
put
review of equalities issues, but agreed that a Council wide review should
take place and that the Chief Executive should co-ordinate this review. No
by
draft
Thus,
has
the
the
taken
written
report,
place.
such review
Assistant Chief Executive, that we have been asked to comment on is not
the result of a professionally constructed review process,but seemingly the
Group
Labour
The
report on the
opinion
of
one
officer.
previous
subjective
by
Chief
Executive,
(5.12.88),
the
then
was also a subjective
written
subject
opinion, with no attempt made to research or consult on the contents.
Indeed, attempts were made to keep those contents secret from us and other
interested parties. We view these actions as appalling practice and in direct
'076
Authority.
conflict with the stated core values of this
Both the senior managersconcernedclaimed that were acting under
instruction from the Labour Group. But, as the adviserswere quick to point
the
the
the
council,
of
and
protocols
of
conditions
employment
out, under
Labour Group is an outside body and cannot instruct employeesto do
is
is
important
However,
to
this
situate what was
stage,
at
what
anything.
happening within my overall contention that the communicative force of the
deliberative
down
by
blunted
discourse
the
the
of
closing
was
race equality
in
it
had
the
up
organisation.
opened
previously
spaces
communicative
This pattern of re-assertingdominancethrough ossification is, in part,
demonstratedagain by the way in which this report recommending closure
from
i.
in
the
equality
prevented
advisers
way
which
e.
a
was prepared,
Group,
in
to
future
the
the
as
well
proposals
and
critiques
placing counter
fold
the
of neo-managerialism. It is
overall
siting of equalities within
in
direction
in
further
the report for equalities
the
recommended
evidenced,
574
to continue in the council, and in the background to the chief actors made
responsiblefor carrying this out.
The Assistant Chief Executive, at the time, had, nine months previously,
been a lowly policy officer in the Central Policy Unit of the target borough.
However he had also been a Labour councillor in a neighbouring borough up
to the mid eighties. His entry into the council as a policy officer also post
dated the two headsof the equality units. His suddenelevation through the
from
policy officer to Assistant Chief Executive was questionedat the
ranks
time by the equality advisersas being further evidence of the still prevailing
hidden system of positive discrimination for white males. At the time the
his
Labour Party connectionswere
the
that
advisers
were
of
view
equality
for
his
promotion, just as they were convinced that thesewere
responsible
the samereasonsfor him taking on the responsibility for the report, and for
the recommendationsthat followed.
In effect the report recommendedscrapping the Race and Women's Units,
and the two equality adviser posts in Personnel;and demoting the two race
in
Housing
Social
Services
and
posts
so that they now reported to a
adviser
lower tier of managementand lost the accessto members.1077 In the place
level
be
two
the
the
units
central
would
one equality unit which, on
same
of
of resourcesas the Race and Women's Units would cover race, women, gay
lesbians,
inequality.
disability
There
pensioners
and
and
areas
of
men
be
head
have
unit
a
of
which
automatic accessto members,
would not
would
but would have to go through the line management. Further, the remit of the
in
the two departments,would only be services. The
advisers
unit and other
equality staff would not be allowed to work on employment, or deal with
individual employee or community complaints. It was, thus, an actual
diminution in the real and communicative resourcespreviously available to
fact
the
that the work of the authority had
especially
given
race equality,
in
doubled
in
the
size
with
assumptionof education responsibilities
almost
that sameyear. It was, in effect, an edifice basedon communicative closure
in which the political systemis kept sterile, away from any direct claims to
justice,
and administrative systemcontains and controls the work on
racial
from
from
thereby
preventing
such
claims
arising
any
within that
equalities,
firmly
Work,
then,
well.
as
on
equalities
was
sited within the overall
system
discourse,
and the specific element relating to
council neo-managerialist
PSO. In Chapter 5I had arguedthat the moral status of equalities in local
have
I
termed the period of positive racialisation, was
post
what
government
that of being a virtual reality entity. The transmogrification of equalities in
the target borough achievedjust that; a form of race equality which was
it
from
the
people was supposedto `benefit'. It
communicatively closed off
becamea technical problem, amenableto managerial solutions, and thus,
only ever able to make one of the three validity claims. This was made
symbolically, as a legitimating gesturethat the council was still interested in
575
equalities, but without any substance. This trend towards communicative
bureaucratic
hierarchical
control, erecting a cordon
closure - re-asserting
from
direct communicative claims, neosanitaire around politicians
into
key
`our
posts - continued
putting
people'
equalities,
managerialising
with the appointment of the first head of the new equalities' unit. This was
head
in
The
Labour
Party
internal
the
end.
new
was
a
appointment,
an
in
local
had
been,
another
authority, a co-opted member of a
member and
committee. Shehad worked in the Central Policy Unit of the target borough
for
developing
been
had
PSO
the
the
given
responsibility
programme.
and
A NALGO newsletter issuedjust before the new head was appointed, made
the critical point that there was a climate in the council in which that post
in
"equality
"nu-speak"
through
the
neo-managerialist
of
advertised
was
but,
fast
hands
then this
track
on
experience...
and
management....
quality.....
is also a climate in which recruitment to `fast track' managementposts
..
being
hidden
have
to
a member
a number of
selection criteria, such as
appear
in
Party,
Labour
the
preferably someprevious capacity as a councillor, or
of
078
"'
being
friend
a
personal
of membersor senior manager.
and/or
co-optee
11.36 Conclusion
The fate which befell the race equality programme, structuresand discourse
in the target borough was unique only in the way in which it was played out.
Between the late eighties and mid nineties, similar processesof de1987,
in
local
In
the
at
authorities.
other
equality
occurred
race
establishing
initiation of the head of the race unit in the target borough together with
local
borough
in
the
target
other
and
other race advisersand workers
the
nascentpublic spherearound race
were
using
made,
attempts
authorities,
from
develop
local
to
race
more solidaristic responses
governance,
and
happening
be
in
local
to
to
authorities what appeared
equality workers other
in their and other councils. A briefing note, as an introduction to the subject
issues,
discuss
invitation
being
the
to
hand,
to
was
a
meeting
as
an
well
as
at
circulated.
This Conservative government has already announcedits intention to continue
be
inner
This
Labour
will
onslaught
city authorities.
the onslaught on
run
directed at those very two areas which underpin our work: viz. curtailing the
level
local
democratisation
the
and curtailing the
government
at
process of
level of resourcesavailable. Whilst not denying the reality of the crisis, this is
being compounded by the Labour Party's accommodationist response as
its
Their
terms.
the
to
national election
own
on
attacks
opposed confronting
is
loudly
trying
to
the
class
echoing
working
at the
white
refind
strategy of
local authority level as Labour councillors look: to the forthcoming local.
by
inner
is
There
these
now
many
of
attempt
city Labour
a
conscious
elections.
left",
"loony
image
to
non
profligate
non
of the
produce a sanitized
groups
down
do
To
their commitment to race
they
scaling
so
requires
run.
councils
equality on the assumption that something as vague as "equal opportunities" is
in
Birmingham
for
Thus
the blame for losing
to
example
easier sell electorally.
576
five Labour seatsat the May 87 local elections is being laid at the doors of the
Race and Women's committees. These have now been abolished and replaced
do
Equalities
Personnel
to
plans
are
committee
whilst
afoot
and
a
with
likewise with their Race and Women's Units. In Camden there were plans
discussed before the national election to the effect that if Labour lost the
be
first
to
the
then
go
would
a number of the
posts
some of
general election
Race, Women's and other equality advisers' leaving a small rump which would
be formed into an equal opportunities unit. Similar discussions are now taking
boroughs.
inner
In
London
in
addition measuresare
other,
of
a
number
place
have
disastrous
being
effect on many race
a
will
considered
which
also
equality initiatives being undertaken. In sum the reactionary side to the
in
light
is
be
the
to
a way which will
given
green
pressureson our work going
1079
functionaries.
Bantustan
reduce our role to that of
That was written in 1987. By the early to mid nineties, of the eight inner
London Labour run boroughs which had establishedsome form of race
intact.
had
including
that
infra-structure,
a central unit, only one still
equality
All of the rest had either wholly or substantially disestablishedtheir internal
in
left
broad
based
the
At
centre.
was
rump
equalities
a
most
structures.
Out of the five outer London Labour run boroughs, which had also erected
is
This
had
to
bar
them.
presented
extirpated
all,
one,
similar structures,
borough
in
happening
target
the
to
was
not
that
equality
race
was
what
show
justifications
in
is
the
form
made
of aberration; a claim which redolent
some
by the councillors primarily responsible for its destruction. Thus, for
find
face,
dramatic
in
councillors, who previously could not
volte
example, a
fault with the work of the two equality units, even though they did not like
briefing
the media to the effect that the changes
the operational style, were
delivering',
`were
the
because
forced
the
them
and/or
not
units
upon
were
boroughs
in
beastly'loao.
Yet,
`too
the
mentioned
other
all
of
were
advisers
from
the
expulsion
and
eventual
of
marginalisation
above, a similar process
differing
had
being
Whilst
these
each of
enacted.
organisation, was
discourse
they
suffered
eventually
styles,
all
and
operational
race
structures,
here
being
What
fate.
was not a collection of
witnessed
was
the same
had
implementation
but
similar
the
many
which
a
strategy
of
coincidences,
ingredients as those in the target borough. This is not to shout `conspiracy'
facilitated
indicate
a set of changing circumstanceswhich
so much, as to
from
borough
the
What
target
the
out,
apart
stand
makes
those actions.
discourse
the
discursive
programme
race
equality
the
underpinning
of
nature
fact
is
it
that
these
diskourses
the
like
the
encountered,
razzia
and
boroughs.
At
be
the
taking
to
of
other
place ahead
contestationsappeared
limited
the
level
the
utopia of welfare
the
of
rejection
the meta
outcome was
labourist
included
the
the
consensus,
as
well
as
closing
which
compromise,
down of the race and women's equality utopias. At the macro level it was
had
theseutopias at
which
problem
the neo-managerialisationof a political
its heart. At the micro level it was what occurred in the target borough.
Thus it moved from a brief period of repoliticisation and decolonisation, in
form
local
inclusive
of
governancecould be
which glimpses of a racially
577
gleaned,to an administrative re-assertionof party control through
depoliticisation and recolonisation. What occurred in that target borough
can be seento be replicated at national level in the new government.
One and a half years after the destruction of the race and women's equality
programmesin the target borough, the Independentran a praising article
entitled, "The Borough Where Labour is Working. "los' This noted that the
council had cut its workforce by some 2000, including its refuse collection
from
160 to 60 "forcing the dustmen to work so hard
workforce which went
that residents are treated to the sight of men stripping to the waist literally
borough
the
emptying the council's new wheelie bins."1082
running round
The then Leader, the samewho posed the need for a permanentquestion
interpretation
Black
people's
of their experiences,responseto this
mark over
hard
it,
he
had
thinking
that,
about
after
come to the conclusion that
was
083
dustmen
four
In this
"making our
times as hard is a socialist act."'
work
dislocation of meansand ends,the echoesof `freedom through work' and
`Gulag(ing)' for the motherland resonate.
11.37 Epilogue - Post 1990
The de-politicising and re-colonising trends identified in the researchabove
closing,
medium
silencing
of
race,
a
neo-managerialist
communicative
-a
for promoting `better services' as the new universalism bonding all
facade
a
virtual
reality
of technical good governanceas a
communities,
for
democratisation,
its
from
critical
equalities
cut
off
substitute
base
instrumentalised
thus
and
sign existing as an
communicative
described
his
Ouseley
In
the
one of
more prescient observations,
continues.
in
in
local
the mid nineties, as
race
government
vis-ä-vis
equality
situation,
1084
in
This much is true of
having regressedto the situation the seventies.
the way in which equalities, particularly race equality, retrocededin the
target borough in the nineties. This can be briefly outlined with regard to
four facets: the race equality infra-structure, which had been theorised as
being a key catalyst for opening up the communicative spaces;the
for
the
agent
new power coagulating
entrenchmentof neo-managerialismas
loudly
by
the
the
the wearing of
reality
of
so
announced
changes
councillors;
the `new clothes'; and the fate of Black people within and outside of the
organisation.
The structure of the new central equalities set up was already characterised
by the distorting forces re-imposed over its operation, viz. the scaling down
its
into
formal
its
re-insertion
equality
components,
respective
a
of
its
hierarchy,
ligaturing
the
of
communicative channelswith its
managerial
supposedconstituencies. There were, as well, other aspects. For example,
Race Relations Committee was reducedto two meetings a year. Its agenda,
been
had
substantivecovering a multi-levelled scope, as
always
which once
578
outlined in the earlier sections,was substantially reduced. Non-voting cooptees,in the mid nineties, now consistedof membersof the manual trade
local
CRC
from
from
CRO
the
the
the
a
and
representative
unions,
1085
The ex-RaceAdvisers noted that if they had
Forum.
Pensioner's
have
they
would
run the serious risk of
an
agenda,
produced so meagre
formal censure.1086 In terms of content, one that was now limited to service
issuesand grant funding, the former had relapsedinto project mode, one that
Whereas
intermittent.
the anti-racist service programmes,which were
was
framework
discarded,
which
were createdwithin a cross council
now
in
back
the vein of ad
changes,
services
were
again
promised substantive
hoc, one off projects. Responsibility for generatingthe race equality
dimension to employment fell to the PersonnelDivision. One of their first
for
back
the achievementof the employment
the
time
to
period
acts was put
targets. The result was that by 1994 the target of achieving 21% Black
1087
from
The
the
now
recommendation
original
stood.
still
employees
defunct Race Unit was the achievementof the sametarget by 1988. The
anti-racist employment programmesand action plans were rewritten, and
`ameliorated', into positive action plans. In thesethe primary sorts of
The
for
Black
be
training
to
managers.
ones,particularly
action appeared
detailed action of the previous plans, which addressedsubstantial
Action
and evaluation were now
were
omitted.
organisational change,
limited to monitoring and praise for departments. Above all the language
back
The
`ethnic
term
to
the
minorities' replaced
seventies.
of race went
`Black'. In terms of the infra-structure, the race adviser post in Social
Servicesbecamevacant in 1989. It was never refilled. By 1994the
Equalities Development Unit, which had replaced the Race and Women's
Units, had merged with the Central Policy Unit to becomethe Central Policy
1088
became
Unit
head
the
Unit.
The
the
Equalities
also
equalities
of
and
head of the new unit. By 1998 it had reverted to the generic Central Policy
Unit, losing all aspectsof an explicit equalities dimension. In the early
local
had
decided
the
to
crc,
the
and
re-fete
refocus
council
nineties
including the public awarding of a council `honour' to the CRO, the very
Party
dominated
Working
the
had
tried
to
the
new
sabotage
and
samewho
Race Unit. By 1999 the crc was closed becausethe council had withdrawn
1089
On the council website, in 1998, the then Leader of the council,
funding.
the very samewho had pushedthrough the neo-managerialistchanges,could
1090
boast that at long last they had rid themselvesof the equality structures.
In the nineties a plethora of neo-managerialistsub-diskoursesand associated
techniqueswere introduced into the running of the target borough: quality
displacement
the
of `personnel' by
techniques;performance management;
`human resources'; appraisal and supervision procedures;businessplanning.
In this the target borough was being matched by other local authorities as
introduced
similar programmesof controlling the
and
more
more
For
local
in
governance.
example,
of
systems
a three year
administrative
579
time lag, Lambeth introduced the sametype of managerialist programmes
together with a complete erasureof their internal equality structures. As
with the target borough there was a heavy investment in managerial training.
These changesin other boroughs reflected, as well, the internal changesin
the Labour Party nationally with its adoption of the `new' preface,
distinguishing it from its old, bad past, which were, at that time being played
out in the local parties. In Lambeth, for example, from the mid nineties
local
Labour Party was firmly in the hands of new
the
control
of
onwards
Labour supporters. This, in turn, was manifested in the political outlook and
calibre of Labour councillors running the council. There were similar
in
local
the
authority directly to the west of the target borough. In
changes
borough
but
the
target
particularly
where thesemanagerialist
all,
had
been
in
operation the longest, the relationship with the
restructuring
local populace was now mediated through the publication of visible signs
that the council was performing. This took the form of performance
targets, measuresand evaluations of how the council was achieving those
goals. All this expressed,at the technical signifying level, was that, as with
the nationalisation of legitimation processes,there were hidden costs. Both
the'neo-managerialisationof a political problem and one aspectof that
problem, viz. privatisation, whilst premissedon the three `Es' of resourcesas
be
than
the
they
to
cost
actually
more
resources
were
supposed
a solution,
in
For
example, the target borough, new managerial accounting
saving.
be
developed,
for,
implemented.
in
had
These,
to
terms of
paid
and
systems
the amount of time afforded to employeeand financial control, increased
boundaries
This
the
extension
of managerial action and
of
significantly.
devolution
built
the
were
of previously centrally
on
expectedcompetence
human
finance
responsibilities,
such
as
resources
and
and on the
controlled
technoligisation of managementas a discourse/diskourse. Privatisation of
local
did
government
services,
such
as
refuse
collection,
not remove
certain
the cost of those services from local government, or, as was claimed, make
those services cheaperto run. Compulsory Competitive Tendering (CCT)
by
1988
Government
introduced
Local
Act
the
specifying a rolling
was
local
had
be
to
government
services
which
of
put out to
programme
1091
The first batch affected areas,such as cleaning, catering, refuse
tender.
in
fact
in
those
etc.,
all
which the majority of workers were
collection
introduced
based
It
organisational split
also
a
quasi-market
manual.
whereby that part of the organisation concernedwith specifying the context
to, level and quality of service was called the commissioner, and that part
With
the
the
contractor.
regard to the
with
providing
service,
concerned
servicesmentioned the contracting side was referred to as the Direct Service
Organisation (DSO) which, along with outside contractors had to bid for the
tender. Apart from the ethically dubious practices which now grew up
loss
leaders,
or bribes, the council
around public sector contracts, such as
for
the services,even though a private firm might have
was still responsible
been bought in to run it. This meant that the local authority had to invest
580
heavily in the creation of a `shadow' bureaucracywhose function was to
monitor and evaluatethe way in which the contract was being executedby
the contractor. Thus, for example, a contract for cutting the grass in public
parks required, as part of the specification, a clear indication of the height of
had
be
by
This
to
measured
and
checked
council
grassexpected.
in
borough,
however,
is
What
the
target
the extent to
stands
out
evaluators.
in
import
both
to
the
embraced,
relation
was
of
which privatisation
domain
the
techniques
previously
sole
of the private sector, and
managerial
in relation to actually privatising what were regarded as constituency fodder
is
by
latter
By
those
the
meant
services
which
were
viewed
services.
labourist councillors as being significant in the political legitimation battles.
Most of the staff in theseserviceswere, what was classified in local
`manual
The
"work
them
terms
as,
workers'.
strategem
of
government
harder for socialism" was taken to its next stagewith the use of the
by
legislation
certain councillors and senior
and climate
privatisation
i.
DSO,
to
e.
not
a
which then won the
a
private
company,
managers establish
tender to provide key council services,like the refuse collection service.
The main councillor concernedwas the ex-Leader who had been mainly
instrumental in bringing in the neo-managerialistchanges. As then
directors of the new company the senior managershad to resign from the
in
The
company was successful subsequentlywinning a number of
council.
in
The
these
councillor concerned,
service
areas.
contracts
other councils'
however, remained in his political post causing senior staff in the legal
departmentand the then chief executive to advise of the potential dangersof
image.
harm
do
interest
the
that
to
the
council's
and
would
a conflict of
Whilst the councillor concerneddid eventually resign, in the late nineties he
borough.
Leader
the
back
of
and now putative mayor
as a councillor,
was
This is not just a rupturing of the welfarist utopia; it's a jettisoning of it and
does
different
by
totally
not rely on any
which
relationship
replacement a
In
the
the
surrounding
war
or
consensus.
phoney
compromise
of
notion
labour
in
introduce
intention
the
the
to
mid eighties,
privatisation
announced
borough,
in
including
Leadership
the
target
those
the
were
of
movement,
it
bad
how
demonstrating
dedicated
information
to
would
network
part of an
be for workers under a privatised regime. It is ironic, therefore, that those
indicators
identified,
such as worse employment conditions
samewarning
discrimination,
increased
hours,
longer
lower
of
chances
pay,
and contexts,
indices
being
labourist
transmogrification,
this
of
used
as
new
are, under
by
in
fact
In
the
to
work
mid
nineties
able provide cheaperservices.
LGMB1093,
EOC1092
those
the
the
earlier warnings
confirmed
and
academics,
likelihood
discrimination
for
the
of
worse
and
pay
more
of worse conditions,
is
form
But
in
CCT
there
the
of
privatisation.
another
workers caught up
.
dimension to this, which is that it presageda now common belief in bringing
in the private sector to running local government on a formal acknowledged
basis. This partnership with the private sector is informally negotiated
through explicit networks, such as the new local government network, and
581
involves politicians, local and national, key new, modernising local
governmentacademicsand private sector organisations. It is a partnership
in a trade which, in 2001, could yield the private sector £30 billion extra
revenuea year. A critical member of Labour's national executive
commentedin a recent article that one of the academics"Corrigan sharesan
interestwith the putative mayor of the target borough, Councillor "X", a
former director of local government contractorsAb, in promoting the idea of
electedmayors and local cabinet style government.... (which)... has its
in
by
think
yellowing
pieces the late, and aridly Thatcherite,
provenance
former minister Nicholas Ridley."1094 This convergenceof right and left
far
from
being
local
government,
a `third way' reflects the recursive
over
local
being
that of municipal services.
government
of
as
simply
notion
Thus:
"The fusing of businesswith government may still confuse Labour supporters.
They may find themselvesthrown by the managementgobbledegook that is the
network's stock in trade. By now it may be dawning on some that any notion
of `conflict in interest' is as old fashioned as clause four of the Labour Party
They may conclude that private greed has simply replaced
constitution.
public need as the new, yet also very old, ideology.s1095
At another level it could be arguedthat this makes formally respectableand
informal
between
the
the
the public and
corporatism of
seventies
acceptable
by
Smiths
Poulsons
T.
Dan
the
the
evinced
sectors
activities
of
and
private
of the time.
These instrumentalisedchangesrequired, and generated,a dynamic branding
its
interface
the
with
visibility
council
mediated
with
which
and re-branding
the public. The local communities now have to negotiate glossy media
learn
interact
borough,
trend
target
to
very
a
about,
with
or
even,
productions
in
local
is
But
this
other
symptomatic of, and
authorities.
much evident
feeds into, a growing specific oeuvre of `public sector management'
from
knowledge
different
levels
in
the
categorisationof
at
society,
mirrored
this at university levels, including associatedqualifications, to the numerous
in
dedicated
the
tendency's
that
to
this
recognition
subject
and
publications
bookshops.
There
bookshelves
in
labelled
are even
academic
separate
itself
`marketing'
the
this,
with
one of which concerns
sub-disciplines within
local
derives
This
`public
local
of
governance
relationing'
government.
of
from the decisions taken to reconfigure a political relationship with the local
This
is
is
into
that
new
relationship
one
consumerised.
given
communities
de-democratisingsanction in the new political structuresbeing pursued by
in
being
form
borough,
through
the
the
target
pushed
and
of
some, as
legislation, by the national government. Cabinet style government and
deliberative
from
local
component
substantial
a
electedmayors removes
in
governmentwhich existed the old style committees. But this form of
in
late
the
there
eighties
and
early
seventieswhen
critique was already
582
Dearlove, correctly, identified that those calling for an abolition of the
committee structure for being "too slow and cumbersome" did so on the
1096
flimsiest of reasons.
Further this form of reductionist restructuring
simply replaced what had been a comparatively horizontal form of control
through multiple decision sites, with a single hierarchically structured
decision and accesspoint. Thus those multiple democratic accesspoints to
local government have been reducedto one. Even within that solitary all
decisions
taken are merely the rubber stamping of
encompassingcommittee,
decisionistic action of previous groupings, not open to the public, such as
scrutiny committees which are attachedto the new cabinet. The meansof
Black
that
the
communities were present,visible and even
ensuring
participating at service, or other committee meetings,where important
be
discussed
decisions
happened
to
taken,
and
were
policies
as
previously,
have disappeared. Important public political spaceshave been closed
down and replaced with virtual reality `signs of progress'. Yet, despitethis
refurbishing, revamping and renovating of the organisation to createa more
visually palatable product so that the consumers,at the local election, can
`buy', the end results are still minimal. In a scenarioof being hoist with
their own petard, the Audit Commission's annual releaseof local authority
league tables showing how they have performed against a variety of
indicators
borough,
Lambeth
that
the
target
reveals
with
performance
1097
bottom,
is
in
lowest
A
the
the
till
up
rungs.
recent,
very
much
propping
this millennium, report showed that its refuse services,still being run by the
is
in
because
it
is
trouble
company
mentioned
not
above,
sameprivate
1098
is
One
likely
targets.
outcome that more resourceswill
meeting agreed
have to be invested in the neo-managerialinfra-structure, as well as the
is
`what-we-have-done-to-resolve-the-problem.
"
There
an
of
marketing
here
Habermas'
with
argumentsabout the public relations exercises
overlap
displacing communicative democratising impulses and Debord's notion of
1099
My contention is that this atteststo a wider political
the `spectacle'.
democratisation
by,
to,
of
yet
postponed
a
not
amenable
problem
technicisation of the solution, just as racism atteststo trans-epochal
fulfilling
key
to
unresolved communicative problems whose solutions are
modernity.
The fate of Black people in the target borough, and other local authorities in
the nineties, was being sculpted as a processpresenting itself as the town
halls `re-whitewashing' themselves. The sub-text to this, as exemplified in
the redefinition of equalities by the target borough, was to presentthe period
of the eighties as the profligate excessesof equal opportunities. Problems
happened
in
in
Lambeth,
the
nineties,
as
often
were portrayed as
encountered
from
borough,
legacy
In
the mid nineties onwards,
this
the
of
eighties.
a
there appearedto be an assiduousprogramme of ridding the organisation of
people, especially managers,who were too closely associatedwith the
having
in
in
then,
terms
terms of support for the
of
worked
or
eighties, either
583
equality policies pursued then. One Black managerinterviewed, swearsat
having seenat the centre in the then Chief Executive's office, a list of
`suspect' managers,many of whom were Black. " 00 Whether true or not, the
fact is that in this authority most of the Black managersappointed in the
eighties and early nineties had, through one meansor another, left by the mid
to late nineties. In one Directorate, which had been very successfulin
appointing Black employeesthroughout every level of the hierarchy, over a
three year period, lost most of their Black managersthrough processesof
redundancy,resignation or disciplinary action. There were a few who
simply resigned becauseof the changesoccurring, without having another
job to go to. There was a very strong atmospheregeneratedby the
done
through
what
was
and said, felt by Black employees,that
organisation
those appointed under the equalities period, were suspectin terms of their
suitability for the job. Reorganisationsof work areasmanagedby Black
displacement
their
were common. Their replacements,for the
people and
just
had
In
borough,
I
the
target
white.
were
part,
most
as
argued
increase
in
that
an
complaints of racism by Black people can be
previously
level
in
increase
in
as
a
sign
one
of
confidence
at
appropriation,
so
read
an
the disciplining of Black people is an indication of silencing. By the mid
nineties, according to their own internal monitoring figures, over 30% of
'
101
disciplined
being
The appointment rate for Black
those
were Black.
decrease
from
that
time,
the period when
at
same
showed,
a
marked
people
the two separateequality units existed, so much so that their own monitoring
it
is
its
in
"for
that
the
targets
to
not
sufficient
concluded
council meet
report
the foreseeablefuture."
But the fate of Black people in the organisation can be best represented
through the experiencesand testimonies of Black people themselves.
Earlier in this chapter, I had drawn attention to the appointment of a senior
Black managerto run the section dealing with voluntary sector grants at
Regarded
time
the
two
the
same
equality
units
came
stream.
as
on
about
being
liked,
by
both
as
well
membersand management,
competent,
as
very
his career trajectory through the organisation can be contrastedwith the
latter,
Women's
Unit
head
The
the
the
time.
as
appointed at
same
of
white
head
to
the replacementequalities set up at the centre,
above,
went
on
shown
then the Central Policy Unit, and then endedup as assistantChief Executive.
The last two promotions were through re-organisational sleight of hands and
were not subject to any equal opportunity considerationsof advertising
inviting
One
Black
and
applications.
employee,who worked
externally
covering one of the new race posts at the time the new equality unit merged
her
Central
Policy
Unit,
the
questioned
openly
equality credentials
with
given the way in which she then cameto acquire the enhancedmanagement
'
102
head
Equalities.
Under the previous
of Central Policy and
post of
equality arrangementsthis sort of critical interrogation was part of the job, as
Unit's
by
Race
the
the
questioning of the appointment
shown
ex-headof
584
for
decision
the then Assistant Chief Executive. He, on the
process and
issued
hand,
disciplined
and
other
was
with a final written warning, i. e. any
further organisational transgression would result in dismissal. However,
over this same period of the nineties, the Black head of community affairs
found himself, despite showing and performing well according to the
indicators'
`performance
subject to various reorganisation's own
in
himself and his section being moved to two
organisation which resulted
departments,
in
being
demoted.
the
and
separate
process,
effectively
other
Eventually, in the late nineties, a final re-organisation made him
1103 He
in
to
the nineties of
was
able
confirm
a
growing
pattern,
redundant.
Black voluntary groups having their funding withdrawn by the council. In
fact no new Black group was funded in the sixteen years that he worked for
the council. He highlighted a growing culture of not accepting criticism by
the council, both internally and externally. Organisations in the voluntary
informally,
it
told,
that
that
visitors
are
shown
were
when
around
sector
from
is
be
there
to
to
them
that
complain
not enough grant
wise
would not
Further, with the advent of the executive style structure and
the council.
decision making, spending decisions were delegated to groups not accessible
to the public. His professional assessment, was that a significant factor in
deciding who gets funded is the evaluation by these members of those who
had
have
Thus
the
ever
whilst no groups
political mainstream.
support
their funding withdrawn for not upholding their equality conditions of grant,
This,
for
them
the
as
such
council
action.
of
now
would
qualify
criticism
the local law centre found to their cost, is nu-speak entitled `reprovisioning',
i. e. shifting the provision of those services to new organisations, which
in
long
but
This
be
the
term
ones.
critical,
essential
service
private
might
local community, has been cut, and its services advertised under
for
local
had
locally
been
It
to
enabling
people
a
means
reprovisioning.
In
the
those
their
council.
rights, even
of appropriation against
claim
Croydon, as another example, the private provision of race equality services
local
Black
being
the
groups, as a
wishes
of
considered,
much
against
was
is
is
local
His
CRC.
that
there
the
a
view
means of re-constituting
like
is
look
based,
"modernising
to
them
make
which
agenda
convergence
team new Labour. "
Another Black manager,working in "X" Social Servicesin the nineties
job,
a
without
new
stating that she would rather work washing
resigned,
dishes etc. than carry on. Her observationswere that the target borough was
factitious
like
itself
through
representations,
extremely good at promoting
brochures,and other media forms, but that the reality of working in the
intolerable.
She
Black
too noted that the vast
person
was
organisation as a
'
104
majority of appointmentsto other managementpositions were white.
There are other testimonies, as well. The key point is that the details of
thesedraw attention to the technical learning for dominancetrends identified
585
in the body of this chapter. Theseare to do with the depoliticisation and relocal
the
of
governance,one of the main impetusesfor
sphere
colonisation of
fear'.
Under the changesidentified above in
`racial
that
which was
of
be
to
the
sector
can
seenthe authoritarian attempt to close
voluntary
relation
down the local public spheres,particularly the subaltern ones, so that the
identified
by
important
in
Labour
the new
citizenship,
new
as
active
is
dimensionally
in
arrangements, constituted one
accordancewith new right
Labour's protocol of what is good participation. We are back in the
field
"house
"
territories
of
and
niggers.
anthropophagii
586
Chapter 12
Race and Local Governance - The Case of Cape Town in South
Africa
12.1 Introduction
Making
Connections
the
-
The meta-, meso- and micro-level contextualisation of empirical data
prefacing the chapter on the UK is very much that which will be applied to
the information on the South African casestudy. Thus in the section on
`methodology' I argued that because"race `internationalises' the core issue"
it "tests the main theoretical explanatory framework, i. e. Habermas' theory,
both at the `real' level of global application, and given its universalist
level",
`norm'
is
the
a comparison made with a local authority in
principle,
It is still the case,as it was for the chapter on the UK that:
South Africa.
"the data, and organisation thereof, thus seeksto support a critical, multilevel epistemological frame of referencewhich can be expressedin the sense
flowing
following
the
concentric
outwardly
categories:
of
circles covering
race, local governance,race and local governance,the state and multi-racial
society, the meta-theoreticalconsiderationsto thesemediated through
Habermas and the argumentswith post-modernism,and finally, Habermas
in
"
However,
as argued the chapter on methodology, becauseof
and race.
the time and spatial disjunctureswrought by racism, there is not a time
between
international
is
Rather
the
two
the
cases.
comparison
synchronicity
basedon the similarities betweenthe types of race equality problems and
in
local
level
being
the
changes
at
governance
pursued the
proffered solution
two countries in differing time periods. The emergenceof this at in
different time zonesattestsnot only to the uneven developmentof racism as
but
phenomenon,
also to the need to make this more explicit
a global
in
Habermas'
model of societal evolution, especially given my
normatively
contention that unresolvedproblems of race are the touchstoneto the
both
between
In
that
completion
a
of
modernity.
scenarios,
substantive
`developed' country and that betweena `developing' one, progressis
foundationalist
to
teleological notion of progress,
not
according
a
measured
but rather that of progresstowards a deracialisedpost conventionalisation.
This framework moves beyond, though it also includes a consideration of,
the orthodox comparative model which examinesstates,societies and
policies.
The details of the theoretical complementsto key social reality correlates
provided in the UK chapter are relevant as well in this one. However, there
is one major qualitative difference. Whilst the empirical data in the UK
section had large component derived from a `researcherin situ' component,
587
the samecan not be said for South Africa. Instead data was collected from
field
trips combined with the marshalling of relevant secondary
a number of
sourcesin both countries. As such this chapter is not as comprehensiveas
the last one, being more concerned,becauseof those practical
considerations,with providing the outlined basesupon which a comparison
being
draw
be
to
to
able
certain conclusions. There is,
as
pointers
can made
is
that the changesreferred to are still
consideration,
which
as well, another
is,
in
in
Africa.
There
South
later
anticipation
of
a
argument,
unfurling
being
decision
the
crossroads
of
a
confronted,
scenario
with
about
another
being
debated.
to
take
still
which route
12.2 Key Contextualisation Issues
Whilst the framework employed in this chapter includes, without repeating,
the theoretical componentsto key social reality correlates,it will, as well,
briefly examine both the history of the South African state and the major
including,
frameworks
the
thus, either
theoretical
state,
of
progressive
directly, or by implication, the local state,available as the knowledge baseto
the emancipatorily oriented part of the changespectrum. This is done, in
in
9,10
Chapters
that
the
undertaken
and
similar
exercise
acknowledgement,
11 were oriented more to the UK experience. On the other hand, as shall
be shown, the overlaps and similarities in the nature of the theoretical
begin
to
that
the
strengthen
argument
a comparison and
constructions
figuring
is
denoting
the
of
conclusion
possible,
as
well
as
convergent
Further
these
the
paradigms were,
nature
about
of
globalisation.
arguments
knowledge
the
reservoir of
available to those concernedwith
and are, part of
There
in
South
Africa
the
the
through
are a
at
moment.
changes
working
be
important,
but
the
can
put,
questions
which
prefacing
obvious,
of
number
in
different
frameworks.
indicated
the
to
are
outlined
or
answers which
Hence:
f Is there, in South Africa, a trans-epochal unresolved problem of
race?
f Is this reflected in the history of the state and in the role of the state
as the resolver of socio-integrative problems?
f In the late, positive attempt to fulfil this role, is there an immanent
inclusive
state?
model of a substantively racially
f Is there, therefore, an identified period of a cross roads in which
learning
for increased
i.
technical
that
the opposite route, e.
of
dominance, is also visible?
Whilst the framework I am going to briefly outline is derived from one
have,
its
I
have
already
multiple
references
or
accessed.
source,many of
The framework, derived primarily, though not exclusively from O'Meara's
588
key
debates
framing
the
theoretical
recent
of
epistemological
of the apartheid
because
he
is
usesthe samemeta-level categorised
state convenient mainly
"°5
do.
Thus he "focuses on three aspects the ontological,
I
matrix as
....
106
"'
There is another similarity with
the epistemological and the normative.
in
is
Chapter
4
the
argument
which that O'Meara reflects
my structuring of
his analysisof the key theoretical debatesoff the mirror of the weaknessesof
the orthodox Marxist interpretations of the South African polity which
differences
however,
The
in
1970's.
the
with
mine,
are twofold:
emerged
the first is that my argumentwas shapedwithin the context of the
Habermassiancontentions about the limitations to the universals of human
development posed by the social labour, not a term he uses,variant; and the
is
despite
is
the actual real situation, an explicit
that
race not,
second
his
identified
I
therefore
trends,
shall
use
some,
not
all,
of
consideration.
In
1970s
the
these
with
some
among white
of
my
own.
and supplement
between
debate
in
African
South
universities a vigorous
ensued
a
academics
"disparate group of Marxist scholars", not to mention amongst themselvesas
liberal
those
the
thesis on
their
who upheld
protagonists who were
well, and
South Africa. I use the qualifying `white' description not as a form of
disparagement,but as a statementof fact. This `fact' atteststo the reality
that, in the seventies,those universities locked into the Anglophone
international knowledge and human resourcenetworks were almost
A
to
then
the
these
up
revisionists
of
number
of
radical
white.
exclusively
dominant liberal historiography were able to complete their researchstudies
in the metropolitan countries through this network. One of the first is in
fact a Canadian. At the sametime it atteststo the reality that those Black,
by
South
African
Marxists
were,
university educated,and sometimessited,
institutional
because
being
the
this
racism of
of
network and
part of
not
Anglophone
in
Africa
South
the
centres,effectively excluded
and
academia,
from this debate. O'Meara's own work of that period, whilst critical even
is
by
Marxists,
the
oriented towards the state and
omissions structural
then of
is,
history
Saunders
There
key
or analysis
as
points out, not a
the
players.
1107
But
in
this
the
this
Black
peculiarity of
exemplifies
context.
actors
of
in
`race'
the theoretical construction of alternatives
the status and situating of
by theseprogressiveswhereby `race' and `racism', as I have argued in
Chapter 1, are treated as epiphenomenalto more substantivesocietal
determining forces. In the caseof the Marxists mentioned, this is the
labour.
development
the
to
social
of
universals
reduction of societal
Whilst O'Meara is critical of their reductionism as well, this criticism does
He
is
the
include
the
subsumption
with
of
race.
associated
reductionism
not
fault
lines
in
in
identifying
however,
their
three
reductionist
right,
functional
being
to
the
treating
capitalist system;
apartheid
as
arguments:
instrumentalising the state as a vast monolithic, uni-dimensional entity; and
being
fractions
to
that
of
specific
classes
agents
or
of
of
reducing actors
those classes. O'Meara identifies a later eighties and nineties group of
South African state theorists the aim of whose work is primarily concerned
589
Here
flag
democratisation
the
to
the
state.
again,
prefatorily
of
up this
with
issue,the resolution of the problem of democratisationand race is reducedto
that of the achievementof a universal, unqualified, non discriminatory
franchise. But then this accordswith the African National Congress'
is
it
doctrine
to
through
their
to
which
wish
away
racism
approach race and
level
is
because
At
`non-racialism'.
such
a
response
understandable
one
of
the enormity and obvious `in-your-face', everyday reality of racism and the
oppressingracist stateprovokes a counter replication of race and racism as a
is
just
doing
However,
`non-racialism'
that;
screen.
smoke
masking
is
disaffirmation
It
the
communicative
of
nothing about race and racism.
"
in
"I
As
to
talk
such,
says
am
not
going
about
race.
effect,
race which,
despite O'Meara's criticism of the liberal paradigm which basically argues
foisted
South
upon
that race and racism were, and are, some aberration
African society by misinformed and bad faith actors, in this casethe
Afrikaaners, he, the Marxists and state democratisershe identifies, actually
be
by
is
That
doing
they
treat
the
race as a product which can
same.
end up
is
found.
deeper
In
the
to
the
the
caseof
cause
solution
once
resolved
liberals the market, unfettered by the shacklesof `apartheid' are the key. In
in
Marxists,
that
the
the
the caseof
rise of capitalism South
who argue
Africa is intertwined with the creation of statesystemsof racial dominance,
the
the
state
as
a
means
of
controlling
seizure
of
and
exploitation,
oppression
in
Black
through
war
which
people are
a
class
production
means of
Black
the
the
class,
and white working classes
working
or
with
synonymous
`unite and fight', is the answerto the democratisationof both the state and
the economy. O'Meara's later arguments,which are a Gramscian
in
Marxist
the
thus
the
and
not
so
simplistic
on
analyses,
sophistication
be
dealt
in
he
theoretical
the
the
main
examination
of
with
sees,
will
solution
arguments.
12.3 Origins of the South African State
In detailing the origins of the South African statemost of the commentators
theorists - start with the systemic edifice
sociologists,
political
-historians,
introduced by the Europeancolonists. In part this is due to the reasoning
from both liberals and Marxist radicals that racism developedafter the state
did,
the
taking
start of mineral exploitation
with
off
only
really
and economy
late
industrialisation
in
twentieth
incipient
the
and
early
nineteenth
and
by
few
Very
that
this
the
was an artifice
reasoning
start
analysis
centuries.
foisted upon the then existing indigenous meansof resolving sociointegrative problems. I have argued earlier in this researchpiece that "I see
integrative
that
systemic
and
social
of a wedge.... of new
this processas
between
is
bifurcation
Black
in
there
white
and
a
sharper
which
at
actions
the socio-integrative level.... (whilst).. systemically new structures of
imposed
these
were
on
power
societies which
and
administrative
economic
traditional
the
systemsaccording to priorities
some
of
realigned
and
ruptured
590
determinedby a dynamic located elsewhere,.....social integrative institutions
just
by
disrupted
the penetration of new
as
well
not
were
and processes
forms of systemic action, but by the imposition of social integrative action
that consensualisednorms hierarchicalising white over Black, which were
instrumentally applied, and therefore experienced,and therefore experienced
domination.
"
The
be
have
in
direct
to
the
same
process
can
seen
applied
as
South African case. In examining colonial South Africa and the origins of
the racial order, Keegan arguesas follows:
"In a European dominated world in which race came to permeatethe social orders
it
by
is
colonial
regimes,
superfluous to argue about the origins of the
established
South African racial order. Racial hierarchies were present from the beginnings
of settlement at the Cape. Europeancolonisers brought with them stereotypesand
prejudices which did not amount to a racial ideology so much as an inherent
ethnocentrism. These were activated into a social system of racial hierarchy by
the struggle for control of resources against native peoples, and by the labour
108
based
depend.
"'
on coercion, on which the colonisers came to
systems,
This accordswith my argumentsabout the nature of trans-epochal
is
It
thus with this contextualisation of the
problems
of
race.
unresolved
in
be
defined
to
the
as the resolver of
process
which
state
comes
racialising
key
the
strandsto
systemic-integrative
one
of
problems,
white socio-and
briefly
is
I
Black
that
to
the
the
want outline
exclusion of
peoples,
which
from
imposed
South
African
to
the
the
systems
state
of
colonial
evolution
democratic
constitutionalism.
of
state
The South African state,that is a political entity with political authority over
the geographical span known as South Africa and peoples therein, was
from
legal
1909
South
Africa
Act,
the
the
the
auspicesof
created,under
four
Cape,
in
1910
the
the
then
self
settler
colonies:
of
governing
merger
Natal, Transvaal and the OrangeFree state. The state becameknown from
that date as the `Union of South Africa'. Klug arguesthat what this created
because
Constitution
bifurcated
"the
Union
granted the white
state
was a
it
democracy,
the
on
other
subjugatedthe
parliamentary
while
minority
109
"'
South
Black
Africans
to autocratic administrative rule.
majority of
There were contained in the 1909Act defined "differential spheresof
110
for
"'
`European'
`Native'
populations within one territory.
and
citizenship
The latter together with their lands and where they were to live were to be
the subject of the exerciseof authority by the `Governor general in council'.
Up to 1931 with the passing of the Statuteof Westminster by the British
Union's
by
the
the
parliament
was
restricted
sovereignty
of
parliament,
legislation tying it to the British state. Thereafter, even with `full
dominion
in
being
the
theory,
parliament of South
granted
sovereignty'
Africa remainedprocedurally bound by the entrenchedclausesof the Union
Constitution. Two of the important entrenchedclauses,the outcome of
four
in
between
the
the original
participating
colonies
compromises
591
conferencegiving rise to the 1909Act related to the Cape franchise and the
legal parity of English and Dutch (later Afrikaans). Repeal or changeof any
of thesewould require a two thirds majority of the parliament. In effect the
judicial
be
to
subject
review. In 1961 the Union became
constitution could
a republic when it left the Commonwealth. In terms of the "western
derived constitutional arrangements"this changewas not the simple
replacementof the Governor general with a President,as presentedby
O'Meara. Rather, as Klug argues,it reflected the end of a long term
for
by
Government
National
the
time
the
of
parliamentary
struggle
judiciary.
four
The
the
over
settler colonies which came
sovereignty
together to form the South African statehad differing and different
influences.
In
Cape
Natal,
the
arrangements
and
and
with the
constitutional
influence of English constitutionalism, a qualified, supposedlynon-racial
franchise had been introduced basedon property rights. This, as Klug
for
in
immigration,
European
a
context
of
encouragement
was,
shows,
Black
In
Cape,
to
to
the
manipulation
people.
constant
with
regard
subject
for example, in the late nineteenth century, allocation of individual plots to
African families was, through legislation, divorced from the criteria for the
franchise. In Natal the different conditions attachedto the franchise meant
that in 1907 99% of registeredvoters were white. In the Cape the
franchise, whilst giving the majority of white adult males (and later in the
1920s) females the vote, also enfranchiseda growing number of Coloured
Cape
Franchise
This
In
the
was
constitutionally
entrenched.
people.
former Boer republics the franchise, despitebeing constitutionally defined as
before
law,
the
equal
and thus unqualified, was constitutionally
males
all
difference
level
At
to
the
this
white
adult
males.
another
reflects
restricted
between, what was to becomea folkloric remembranceand retelling of,
English and Afrikaaner racism. Despite this constitutional guaranteeof
limited Black political participation through the ballot box, from 1910
limited
to
this
the
parliament
assiduously
attempted
remove
onwards
franchise. In this the battle betweenthe courts and parliament for
legislative
In
1950s
the
attemptsto remove
sovereignty was played out.
Coloured voters from the roll by allowing a simple majority vote in the
From
Court
by
Supreme
the
struck
as
unconstitutional.
was
out
parliament,
there on the government resortedto a number of strategieswhich included
legislation allowing them to pack the Appellate court with their sympathisers
in
Act
1956
South
Africa
Amendment
the
which excluded
of
and culminated
the jurisdiction of the courts and reinstatedthe 1951 SeparateRepresentation
for
from
Black
Act
Voters
the
the
of
which
allowed
voters
removal
of
1956
Act
Key
that
relating to the sovereignty
paragraphs
of
common roll.
""
included.
the
courts
were
over
of parliament
It can be arguedthat challengesto the legitimation of the state's authority
through pursuing to its logical conclusion the limited normative potential of
the Constitution was one strategy employed by Black people. For example
592
the legal challenge to the 1951Act was launchedby four `Coloured' voters,
in
in
their
them
own right the subalternpublic sphereof
active
each of
11
12
'
On the other hand it mirrored, as well, the then
`Coloured politics.
its
legitimation
base,
in
to
this caseby expelling
government's need control
because
The
legitimation
their
of
race.
concern
with
opponents
potential
describes
it,
O'Meara
the South African statepost 1910
that
whilst, as
means
"enjoyed a long notoriety as the incarnation of constitutionally entrenched
did
dismissal
this
to
constitutional
entrenchment
not
give
rise
a
racisms1113,
for
legitimation
the
amongstthe Black populations; the
requirement
of
is
legitimation
Rather
requirements
which
outright
repression.
of
corollary
`constituencies:
three
the white electorate,amongst
covered
and strategies
for
divided,
Nationalist
Party
the
was
support
and certainly not
whom
Black
the
populations whose political and economic aspirations
monolithic;
had to be controlled through meansother than just repression;and, related to
this, the international community whose growing repugnanceof and hostility
towards the racistly violent excessesof apartheidthreatenedthe economic
clientalist status of the country.
The relevance of the above is that it had a direct bearing on the post Second
in
Thus,
South
African
1959
the
state.
and
of
world war evolution
Government
Self
Promotion
Bantu
1961,
the
of
apace
after
rapidly
continued
This "took the logic of land reservation a step by setting
Act was passed.
islands
Union
Constitution
lands
the
those
as
cast
reserved
which
same
aside
in
in
future
Africans
`tribal'
the
exercise
areas which
would
governanceas
of
their political aspirations... .as foreign citizens exercising full political rights
114
framework.
"'
In
South
African
the
other words
constitutional
outside of
the start of `Bantustanization'. The position of other formally designated
legitimating
like
`Coloureds'
the
the
on
remained
groups,
population
look
different
Whilst
to
up
government commissions,set
political agenda.
into this, rejected the notion of a separate`homeland', a potential answerwas
in
1984
the
constitution.
proffered
The 1984 constitution abandonedthe Westminster model. It was the direct
Nationalist
in
legitimating
the
the
government
of
strategies
result of changes
both
the
time,
the
within and outside the
changing scenes
reflecting
of
itself
The
the
constitution
were
constitutional changesand
country.
language
in
technocratic
of expertise and
portrayed a new
local
to
government, talked about
and
with
regard
even,
professionalisation,
`participatory democracy'. Though the latter's meaning under the
Nationalist party nu-speakwas entirely different to common notions about
describes
democracy.
O'Meara
the new constitution as "a
participation and
highly centralised and complex presidential regime built around an executive
legislature
defined
tri-cameral
and a nebulous advisory
presidency,a racially
body with limited powers known as the President's Council. "" is
Additionally the Provincial Councils, which had allowed for a limited degree
593
of federalisedautonomy, were done away with and the powers of those
by
assumed the President. The racially segregatedtri-cameral component
representedthe attempt by the apartheidregime to bring into the national
government fold the `Coloured' and Indian peoples through allowing those
groups to elect their own MPs to their own separatechambersin the new set
for
The
thesewere boycotted by the different groups.
elections
up.
Finally the new constitution of South Africa, finalised in 1996, allows for a
quasi-federalistpresidential government in which the previous four
have
been
provinces
expandedto nine. This is a two house legislature
elected on a mixture of proportional and regional representation. What is
important is that parliament doesnot have sole sovereignty. Instead the
constitution has establisheda constitutional court to `watch over' the
Rather
being
than
there
constitution.
a democratic constitutional state,
there should be, so the theory goes, a state of democratic constitutionalism.
The details of this will be broachedlater with regard to local government.
12.4 Recent Theories of the South African State
O'Meara identifies six broad tendencies in the new literature on the South
African state and the change potentials associated with these. I want to
four,
including
his
on
own, which I regard as being more
concentrate
germane to this study. However, I want to add one other which is hinted at,
'116
from
O'Meara's
In addition in summarising his
but missing
study.
`summary', I want to re-examine, briefly, his meta-level critique through the
interrogator of `race', which he does not do. In fact a reader would be hard
how
feature
`race'
in
he
`racism'
to
the
understand
and
analyses
pressed
looks at, other than the obvious statements, here and there, that this was a
is
for
But
this
that
the
that
the
not
surprising
given
state.
references
racist
book, as well as the ones he examines, have very few devoted to either race
or racism.
In the trends he identifies O'Meara deals with the South African variant of
Since
he
the
criticisms
voices are similar to mine post-Fordism.
functionalist and economically determinist -I am not going to include that.
The implied dimension of race within the post Fordist explanation of societal
changewhich I outlined in Chapter...applies even more in the context of
South Africa. The key question is what does it mean for the Black person
interface
between
her/his
lifeworld
the
colonising
and the economic and
at
"into
the
systems
emancipatory
or
absorption
action
political
generalities
of the exploitation contained within the valorisation of labour." This,
however, is a question which can be put to all of O'Meara's identified
tendencies.
594
12.5 State-centric analyses1117
Theseanalysesprovide a more sophisticatedexamination of the way in
is
which power garneredand usedwithin the state apparatus;that is it is not
reducedto an almost automatic reflex of capital. For O'Meara this
because
it
has
takes real politics seriously allowing for an
merit
approach
examination of the real politics of the apartheid state rather than the
imposition on thesepolitics of the "abstract logic of the author's own
theoretical model." However the weaknessof this approachis that it
accords,and comes close to the liberal school of politics, too much power to
individual actors. This perhapslies in the concomitant weaknessof the
main theoretical source,Theda Skocpol. Skocpol breaks with what O'Meara
describesas explanations of the stateas manifestations of social relations
between collective actors. Insteadthere are three principles guiding her
conception of the state: a non-voluntarist structural perspective,the
framework
of state action, and the potential autonomy of the
geopolitical
state. The weaknessesrelate firstly to her adoption uncritically of the neoHobbsian, ahistorical realist school of thinking on the state and international
is
international
In
"anarchic
this
there
an
systemin which
relations.
8
locked
in
deadly
for
a
struggle
survival and power."
egotistical statesare
Within this realist perspectivethis systemis absolutely autonomousfrom
In
terms of O'Meara's on tological and
outside.
social actors
interrogations,
he
comesto the conclusion that with regard
epistemological
to the former, that such an approachhas not adequatelytheorised the
because,
be
the
autonomy
of
politics
within
state
as
can
supposed
demonstratedunder apartheid, autonomy is relative, rather than potentially
because
With
latter,
to
the
regard
analysesare only ever post
absolute.
facto retrospective, Skocpol unwittingly appearsto subscribeto the rational
Policy Model of explanation whereby statepolicy permutations are "more or
less the purposive acts of unified governments."
Be this, as it may, the insights O'Meara garners from the state-centric
his
little
by
critique
and
offer
way of advancing the questions
approach
for
inclusive
form
the
conditions
realising
a
racially
of governance,
about
includes
democratisation
the
areas
of
obviously
associated
and
which
institutions.
bifurcated
deliberate
In
the
there
the
state
racially
was
political
hierarchicalisation
and
of two on tologies and
construction
social
Black
begging
that
that
the
of
white
people
and
of
people,
epistemologies,
how
differences
the
of
manufactured
could be resolved.
normative question
The most obvious criticism that can be made of the state-centric approachis
that it cut itself off from the experiencesof subjugatedBlack to the state and
how the staterespondedto this. This responsewas not just physically
in
for
the caseof the state's reaction to the 1976 student
as
example
violent,
boycott of and demonstrationsagainstthe Afrikaanerisation of school
lessons,but also involved a range of long term, violent colonising intrusions
595
into the lifeworlds of Black people, including those of reformist based
designed
legitimating
to accommodateBlack people to
strategies
political
Counter
domination.
responsesto conventionalisation cannot, as I
racial
have argued before, be predicted, and thus cover a range of possibilities,
including post-conventionalisation.
12.6 Discourse Analysis1119
O'Meara's categorisation of this trend testifies to the growing, yet still very
have
drawn
theorists
who
on the `linguistic turn' to try
small, group of social
to analyses the South African condition. As he observes the category he
1120
by
far
disparate
difficult
Part
identifies "is
the most
to categorise. "
and
key
derives
from
his
the
this
own
misunderstanding
of
confusion
of
theoretical influences. He thus lumps together post structuralists, post
Marxists
and critical theorists, and concludes that they share
post
modernists,
a consistent epistemological orientation with a paradigm that privileges
discourse and symbolic rituals. In terms of the singular most important
theoretical source, this lies in the work of Foucault. However, as I have
is
diskourse,
in
is
discourse
there
there
and
other
chapters
and
argued
Habermas and there is Foucault, and whilst the twain do meet, it displays an
ignorance of their differences and thus of the conditions under which they do
As
I
them
together.
to
try
and
simply
shall show and argue
merge
overlap,
in my own category, there is a critical theoretic version of the South African
influenced
but
Habermas
based
theorists.
and
other
on,
not
exclusively,
state,
These, then, need to be extracted from O'Meara's messy inclusion. In terms
determining
is
Foucault
I
his
there
the
agree
with:
over
much
critique of
of
from
i.
discourse,
the
e.
experience of a mugging
and constituting powers of
behind, the consequent absence of space for a politics of change, and, a point
he does not make, the related impossibility of a normative perspective.
However, not all of the Foucauldian derived insights can be dismissed out of
hand as not resonating "with a real sense, or feel for what politics (or life)
"
His
like
apartheid.
was, after all, a privileged white experience
under
was
does
Foucauldian
based
Norval,
life.
analysis
grand
scale
who
attempt
a
of
developments,
discourse,
1990
the
on
argues,
an
eye
post
with
of apartheid
that a radical notion of the democratic politics of difference "would refuse to
imposed
by
limits
itself
the structural requirements
to
unambiguously
resign
"1121
There
are, within this, echoes of my point
order.
particular
of any
about resolving the on tological and epistemological antinomies of the
bifurcated state, as well as the earlier arguments about the principle of
constitutionalism rather than that of constitutional patriotism.
12.7 O'Meara's "non-deterministic, materialist theory of politics. "1122
At one level there is much in O'Meara's attempt to derive a nondeterministic theory of politics and the stateto recommend it. There are,
596
key
the
moments which echo the earlier
elements
various schematic
within
like
he
Habermas,
have
theorists,
when
must
grappled
concernsof critical
historical
legacy
However,
O'Meara's
the
theoretical
of
materialism.
with
insistenceon signing off with what amountsto classical historical
Black
the
question
over
position
a
mark
and
role
of
still
poses
materialism
his
his
The
in
his
to
materialist
aspect
of
analysis
relates
analysis.
people
insistencethat before discussion,i. e. communication, human beings need to
in
human
beings
feed
that,
themselves,
and
various
ways
which
clothe and
"to
themselves
ensurethe production and reproduction of
organise
these...necessarygoods shapesthe conditions under which they live their
lives, develop ideologies, engagein politics. "1123 On the basesof this,
then, specific answersto specific questionsabout specific historically
South
African
the
the
state
circa
as
situations,
such
political
contextualised
late 1980s,for example, cannot be theoretically pre-given, but can only be
"arrived at through detailed empirical analysis." But, on the other hand,
in
help
by
themselves,
they
showing us
can
theories, whilst
are not an answer
for
look
the answers.
to
where
There then follows an exposition of the four key constituent elements to his
be
briefly
These
the
theory
summarised
very
will
of
state.
reworked
because it is not so much their details which are in question, as the overall
theoretical framework. The first is the historical specificity of the modem
individual
framework,
in
the
that
of
specificity
state general, and, within
This
the
The
to
the
state.
of
structure
and
autonomy
second relates
states.
is tied to the first element because they will influence, for each state, the
"complex, evolving, inter-dependent inter determinate totality" from which
for respective states the "structural limits of state power and autonomy can
be read. The third element is to do with the processes of agency, power and
from
in
O'Meara,
In
to
this
situate change away
an attempt
representation.
the over determinism of structural accounts of the capitalist state, reasons
different
between
the
the
and
the
state and civil society
that
relationship
types of power the two sectors can mobilise, are crucial to understanding
Within
this the socio-political and socio-economic action areas of
change.
The final
bureaucracy and class have to be investigated empirically.
The
itself
term
the
and
change.
of
crisis
notions
with
concerns
element
`crisis' needs to be carefully thought out and applied if the problem, he
identifies in some analysts, of circular reasoning, i. e. the chicken and egg
bifor
he
Gramscian
be
To
is
that
to
opts
a
end
avoided.
conundrum,
differentiation of crisis as being separately organic and conjunctural. The
first calls into question "the overall structure of society, the state and
"incessant
the
to
the
and persistent efforts to
second relates
economy, whilst
defend..
to
the
these
and
conserve
or
structural contradictions
overcome
.
"
order.
existing
597
I am not going to repeatthe critiques, put forward in earlier chapters,of
Marx's historical materialism and its universalist base,social labour,
Sufficient
to
to say that these apply as well
these
race.
relate
especially as
to O'Meara's historical materialist framed theoretical outline. Ultimately
there is a teleology of progresshidden within this in which changerelates to
based
historical
`enlightenment'
consciousness
of
subjects,
a philosophy of
defined.
In the crucial arena of emancipatory
if
these
are empirically
even
democratisation
from
his
I
to
then,
work
relates
assume
which
change,
- and
the question of whether or not this is still solely state focussedremains to be
is
his
key
how,
the
parametersof
paradigm, the question
within
answeredinclusive
form
local
in
South
of
governance
a
racially
of what constitutes
Africa, to be answered? My view is that the "objectivating attempt to
in
has
teleology
ultimately
a
productivist
which
governance
ground .....
immense difficulty in reconciling the subjectivist experiencesof those
(still
level
determining
forces
in
deeper
this
playing out of
participating
...
has gaps through which)..... Black people fall.. " The answer to this
is
in
last
South
African
lies
the
theory
the
statewhich a
of
problematic
critical theoretic one.
12.8 A Critical Theory of the South African State
The previous theory of politics and the state in South Africa readsas if it is
falling
into
form
to
the
succumbing
over
a
of
post
modernism
or
of
verge
on
the temptations of out right empiricism. Holding it theoretical cohesion
together is an admixture of `autonomy' and specifically defined specific
is
is
is
because
That
`empiricism'.
to
move
what
a
required
of
episodes
historical
Habermas'
level
to
abstraction.
attempt
reconstruct
of
another
based
his
theory
the
capitalist
on a
of
modem
state
materialism, and
linguistically framed bi-action abstraction,is one. This I have used, as set
local
UK
1,5,6,7,
11,
in
the
to
state
and
and
re-examine
out chapters
The
the
of
colonialism.
well
as
re-think
structuring
as
government,
despite
Habermassian
the
the
contrary,
of
criticisms
of
a
approach,
strengths
is that "he has outlined a detailed theory that attemptsto link individual, and,
under certain circumstances,collective agency,with wider structuresand
forces." As I interpret it, from life world to system. Within this his
dominating
being
authorial
power
or
of
as
either
power
conceptualisation
in
bottom
for
to
a
up approach analyses which the possibility
power allows
is
less
likely.
falling
His
the
theoretical
Black
through
gaps
people
of
theorisation of the inadequaciesof social labour, and its organisational form,
the `mode of production' in explaining social evolution, and thus the need
for a complementarytheorisation of social interaction, is key becauseit
foregroundshis social integration-systemintegration, communicative action
distinctions.
The
between
type
relationship
the
action,
rational
-purposive
two arenasof action are not pre-determinant. However, becausethis is
from
historical
level
of abstraction
materialism, but one that
posed at another
598
privileges communicative action, it doesmean that theoretical outlines are
even more accountableto empirical fallibilism. My reading of this, as I try
to outline in the methodology chapter, is that this calls for a critical form of
empiricism, one in which the claims of `emancipatees',so to speak, are built
in. Within the limitations, therefore, of this project, whilst this will be but a
theoretical outline subject to further empirical validation, it is one the
democratic potential of which will be used, as was done with the UK, as a
comparative referencepoint to South African state developmentsand to their
interpretations. The key question I posed in the Introduction, regarding the
basesfor complementarity and which is more eloquently put by Amy
Gutman, is again relevant to South Africa's past and present,providing of
differentiated
the
also
consider
my
rider
of
unjustly
society.
coursewe
"What does it mean for citizens with different cultural identities, often based on
in
to
the way we are
or
race,
gender
religion
recognise
ourselves
as
equals
ethnicity,
124
in
"'
treated politics?
The key argumentsraised in the chaptersquoted above can be briefly
basis
South
to
tentatively
theory
the
a
outline a critical
of
summarisedas
African state. Firstly with regard to Habermas' theory of the statehe argues
that the modem capitalist state can be understoodin relation to internal and
internally
is
"result
the
the
where
of the
aspects
modem
state
external
differentiation
of an economic systemwhich regulatesthe
economic
(and)...
through
the conditions
the
process
organises
market
production
....
under which the citizens as competing and strategically acting private
125
"'
The
the
statethus vouches safe
on
production
process.
carry
persons
the conditions - civil law, money systemetc. - for the continuing existenceof
free
from
depoliticised
economic process
moral norms and use value
a
because
Externally,
of the nature of the evolution of the
orientations.
European state,the political autonomy of the state "is basedon a reciprocal
force...
despite
is
by
the
the
threat
that
of
military
sanctioned
recognition
international
law...
for
is
"
The
the
that of
problem
core
state
of
agreement
legitimacy which is "the worthiness of the political order to be
being
its
devolves
"1126
This
to
the
state
able secure social
upon
recognised.
integrative responsibilities at the sametime that it guaranteessystemic
integration.
Colonialism I have theorised as being a socio- and systemic integrative
in
forcefully
dynamics
the
country,
metropolitan
reside
and
wedge, whose
invasively thrust into other societies. This results in a number of possible
deleterious socio-integrative outcomesfor the indigenous societies from total
displacements.
This
invasive
to
of
socio-integrative
a
spectrum
collapse
form
`colony'
the
the
takes
organisation,
of
a
socio-political
process
which
dominating,
exploitative relationship between the
a
overseesand mediates
`colonial
This,
the
for indigenous
that
society,
relationship'.
and
metropole
599
depoliticised,
bureaucratic
is
through
a
mixture
of
out
played
people,
administrative meansand the naked violence of military superiority. Where
in
is
delegated
degree
to
the
colony, terms of direct
of autonomy
a
dominating rule, and/or a degreeof internal democracythrough a
franchise,
for
then
the
the
conditions exist
conditional, qualified
development of a colonial state. This globalisation of racial dominance, one
learning
forms
first
the
the
globalism,
represents
underbelly,
shadow
of
of
dominance,
forces
the
technical
expansion
of
productive
which
of
processes
is overseenby the developmentof new forms of social learning in the
but
one's which are
metropole's political, social and cultural spheres,
disabled by the exclusionary processesof the former. This is exemplified
in the position of white citizens of `empire' but Black subjects. Finally this
involving
lifeworld
is
the
a colour
racially mediated
colonial colonisation of
integrative
forced
hierarchical,
systemic
socioand
re-alignment
of
coded,
implosion
intra-psychic
is
There
a range of possible outcomes:
processes.
defensive
internalised
ethnic consolidating
assimilation,
and acquiescence,
in
indirect
rule, offensive ethnic counter assaults,
preservation, as
`etnikfied'
claims, coventionalised social
nationalism,
coventionalised
movements,post conventional social movements.
The beginning of this critical theoretic outline of the South African state
transitional
that
the
the
was
replaced
with
nineties
version
early
with
starts
Keegan
describe
This
I
1994
the
state.
as
a
colonial
elections.
one after
has argued that whilst the origins of the hierarchies of racial order came with
South
did
the
these
over
of
not remain,
evolution
the white colonisers,
African societies, in their atavistic state. Rather they changedwith the
intertwining of the developmentof capitalism and the South African state.
My argument would be that whilst the form in which such racism was
themes
that
the
their
can
means
core
character
recursive
changed,
presented,
be traced back. So it is as well with the colonial state thesis. The
dominant
follows.
The
be
the
of
order
political
as
can
constructed
argument
dual,
latter's
because
the
yet contradictory socio- and
of
capitalist state,
in
legitimating
develops
integrative
to
tasks,
remain
strategies
order
systemic
in power. The evolution of the capitalist state from the sixteenth century
in
in
hand
hand
the
evolution of a world system which
with
onwards goes
Black people are exploited and dominatedwith the periphery of the
in
form
This
being
the
time,
the
of
colony.
situated,
over
state
metropolitan
dominating rule is sanctionedby the interplay between a social learning
humans
developed
in
the
are
whilst at the
potential of white
process which
learning
learning,
technical
the
time
productivist
processesare the ones
same
to which Black people are subjugated. The colony's value orientation and
The
is
between
the
towards
metropole.
relationship
the
systemic alignment
land
in
`foreign'
indigenous
this
the
and
socio-political organisation
society,
human
denotes
is
`civilised
the
where
sub-human,
as
which classed
west is
600
defined by the capitalist's state's demandfor recognition, sanctionedby a
range of violent forces, and thus ultimately military force. Even where the
into
develops
a colonial statewith a degreeof internal democratic
colony
processesand institutions, theseare reservedfor white people with the
Black
being
defined
in accordancewith the
the
people
still
with
relationship
violent principle of recognition the metropolitan state demandsof external
nations. In other words Black people are foreigners in their own lands.
They are subject to rule, and do not have the statusof being participants in
the defining of governanceof that society, or for that matter the metropolitan
Vestiges
of that relationship continue today whereby citizens of
society.
living
descent
British
overseas,who retained their citizenship, can cast
white
their vote in British national elections yet certain Black people resident in the
UK cannot participate. From the experienceand view of Black people in
South Africa, the relationship betweenthem and the South African state,
be
described,
1994,
to
therefore, as colonial. Further this, if
can
right up
combined with Habermas' thesis of life world colonisation, is a double
edged colonial relationship. The growing subjugation of Black people in
South Africa, reaching its acme under the formal apartheid years with the
bureaucratisation
between
the
them
of
race
as
mediating
experience
extreme
and the state, means that this can be interpreted as a conscious attempt by the
life
in
Whereas
their
to
the evolution of the capitalist
world.
colonise
state
state the separation out of the steering sub-media of money and power occurs
beyond
just
the conscious threshold of participants and against a
almost
is
homogenous,
imposition
background
the
which
mostly
growing
of
value
the colonial state is a visible forced entry into Black people's life worlds.
This is a racially and racistly mediated violent transposition and relocation of
integrative
`alien'
to
processes
on
an
socio-integrative process.
systemic
Violent, in some case because of the physical force involved, but violently
intra-psychic
damage
inflicted.
forcible
because
The
the
of
removal
always
from traditional lands and catapulting into an indentured and for wage labour
bureaucratically
location
in
job
the
steered
a
racially segregated
system,
defined,
bureaucratically
the
racially
managed progress through
market,
second and third rate educational systems, were socio-integratively
in
is
for
South
Africa
believed
this
that
many white people
who
consensual
be
For
Black
from
the
that
reaction
can
and
right.
people
amongst a
natural
indigenous
Whilst
do
socio-integrative
set
out
above.
value
systems
range
intact,
they are not subject to the constant attack from
not, obviously, remain
in
imperatives
background
the
come
same
which
clothed
values.
system
Hence the strong possibility of ethnic or etnik mobilisation against such
is
systemic pressure always there.
Keegan's analysis of the origins of the racial order in South Africa which
focusseson the Cape Colony, is interesting becausehis indepth historical
help
illustrate
to
pointers
which
many
provides
study
my argument. The
first
the delegation of powers
then
colonial
state
with,
nascent
colony, and
601
through a gubernatorial office, and then, combined with that a limited
franchise and assembly,pursuedthe racial subjugation of black people for
capitalist gain through a number of techniques,e.g. military, indirect rule,
forced labour etc. Habermas' identified the tasks of the modern capitalist
being
business
"shaping
that
as
of
a
state
policy that ensuresgrowth,
influencing the structure of production in a manner oriented to collective
needs,and correcting the pattern of social inequality."1127 In its mid
form
in
the
the Cape could be seento be
century
colonial
state
nineteenth
first
the
two. The last one, on terms of being key to
grappling with
legitimation strategiesfocussing on the evaluation of the electorateon
is
the
political order worthy of being recognised,comesto
whether or not
important
increasingly
the
growing
question
amongst
economically
play a
stratified white constituency. It's resolution lies in the growing economical
benefits
bottom
to
those
the
accruing
at
of the white class
and psychological
hierarchy from the racial segregationof the economy. I am here using
from
base
from
into
the
to
nineteenth
century
as
a
which
extrapolate
pointers
the twentieth century, simply becauseof project limitations. But there is a
in
is
This
this.
that with the growth of the white
cardinal point contained
fairly
development
into
the
the
twentieth
century
of
a
complex,
and
polity
institutional
developed
state
a
arrangements
replete
with
sophisticated
infra-structure
by
and
a
mass
public
sphere
serviced
national
economic
for
legitimating
that
strategies the various political orders of
media, meant
the South African stateplayed an increasing important role. The simple
idea of maintaining a racially unjust order for private gain required
increasingly complex legitimating interventions. There are three aspectsto
this. Internally the class and cultural cleavageof white South African
but
homogenous
legitimation
had
to
that
society,
serve not a
society meant
The
how
differing
the
to
order.
maintain
notions
about
racial
one with
history of the internal differences betweenthe Afrikaaner communities and
the Anglophone white communities, not to mention the sub-differences
dominant
to
testify
that
the
those,
classes
within
arrangement,
and
of
within
that. Externally there are two dimensions,one outward looking, the other
internal. Externally the original linkage with the colonising metropolitan
legitimate
to
the colonial statewith that external
the
need
and
country
into
developing
becomes
displaced
the
time
arenaof
over
constituency
international law. Thus that relating to racial discrimination post second
United
Nations,
do
international
institutions,
the
the
such
as
world war, and
home
influence.
Nearer
the
to
recognising sanction of military
some
exert
is
in
But
but
Angola.
is
this
the
an extension of
case
of
as
used,
violence
the seconddimension which relates to the fact that the Black people in the
in
`foreigners'
The
height
their
own
country.
are
effectively
of this
country
logic is contained in the creation of the Bantustanswhich facadesdemocracy
for certain `culturally' distinct `African' peoples through formally
designatingthem foreigners to the South African state. Whilst recognition
is sanctionedthrough violence, this cannot be the only strategy for pragmatic
602
in
from
Others
Black people
to
which
are
put
place
attempt
seek
reasons.
the recognition of the white South African state,not as citizens, but outside
fact
legitimate
itself as being fit
The
that
the
to
try
to
state seeks
subjects.
to rule with Black people doesnot mean that Black people accept the
legitimate,
being
a conflationary basedcriticism made by
political order as
historical materialists of other attemptsto createa legitimating explanatory
1128
One
legitimating
African
South
the
can
see
state.
such
paradigm of
South
African
in
developing
in
the
the
political
order
of
action
and
attempts
implementing their `Total Strategy' of the late seventiesand eighties.
Encasedin a technocratic, supposedlyneutral language,it attemptedto
its
1984
the
as
constitution,
such
with
racial tricameral
changes,
portray
included
in
light
to
the
a potential audiencewhich
structure, a progressive
Black population.
In many ways the planning and implementation of that strategywould fit in
These
description
discourse.
Fairclough's
the
technoligisation
of
of
with
differences,
then, within the white polity and against the white
political
in
be
terms
the
their
can
of
concept of
pursuit
examined
and
polity,
`discourse' as used in the previous chapter. That is `discourse', unlike the
Foucualdians, is not all, but is subject to changeand reflexive distancing by,
diskourses
There
thus,
the
various
were,
part of, participants.
and on
domination
Black
the
the
populace, as
and
of
unjust
racialisation
supporting
There
liberal
from
the
advocating
change.
perspective,
within
well as ones,
`discourses,
them,
of emancipation,such as
against
ranged
well,
as
were,
Within
by
Consciousness
Movement.
ANC
Black
the
the
or
those pursued
thesewere the potential to develop a discursive model, as conceptualised
in
Differing
if
it
that
time
the
way.
not
articulated
was
at
previously, even
diskoursesof race managementwithin the South African context of the
fact
African
in
South
that
the
the
the
state are evident
political order of
led
in
inception
1910,
Afrikaaner
Union
from
the
the
was
of
government,
diskourse
Party
The
in
fifty
Nationalist
the
of
rule.
six
years
of
culminating
latter was apartheid, self consciously describedby that party as "the
Afrikaaner's divine mission in Africa. " What is very evident in applying
this form of theorisation to the South African state, an interpretation which
in
is
forward
that
these
the
chapter..,
put
originally
contention
supports
diskourses,particularly that of the National Party government, remained
hegemonic becausethe statewas increasingly adept at keeping close, or
had
down
the potential to enlarge,
that
those
or
opened
shutting
from
in
discursive
the
polity
which a challenge to that
spaces
communicative
hegemonycould be enlarged. The most obvious example is the assiduous
Second
World
War,
the
to
crisis,
post
constitutional
point
of
even
of
pursuit,
the limited number of Black people who still had, under the qualified
franchise, the right to vote. The white opposition was limited, by legal
form
liberalism.
It is
to
that
of
pursuing a very narrow
proscription,
in
the
to
talk
white polity, and even subaltern
sphere
a
public
about
possible
603
for
public spheres those espousingchangewithin the parametersacceptedby
the government. In terms of the latter, exemplified concretely in examples
like the liberal press, such as the Rand Daily Mail, their subaltern nature
meant running the risk of closure and/or contraction becauseof state
interference. However, there is another dimension to the public sphere
have
to
those
to operateoutside of the repressivelegal
who
which relates
framework of the state, and which involved often, an international
dimension. This impinged more on the legitimating aspectsof the state
from
derived
international
law and approval. It
the
to
accountability
which
discursive
fluid
helped
the
amniotic
provide
within which post or trans
also
be
is
To
this
could
raised.
given the term `samzidat'
apartheid alternatives
democracy,
Difference
sphere.
within the milieu of apartheid South
public
Africa, then takes on a different hue to that outlined in Chapter... This is
deliberate
does
that
not
acrossdifference, but instead talks about
one
differences.
On
hand
the
other
within the normative vision of
essentialised
the liberal opposition, and for that matter the ANC, as well as the Marxist
is
South
African
theorising
the
state,
about
a version of
and neo-Marxist
democracy that deliberatesacrossdifference by eliminating differences.
Within the formal white polity of South African society it is still possible to
talk about secondaryand primary level legitimation, as was done for the UK,
day,
former
the
to
the
the
the
refers
of
political
order
of
recognition
where
institutions
latter
to
the
the
the
the
recognition
of
principles
of
political
and
Africa,
There
South
their
a
was,
within
apartheid
organisation.
and
development
level
legitimation,
the
as
uneven
of
secondary
modicum of
between
Cape
in
Town
City
the
conflicts
council and the national
evidenced
implementation
the
of certain pieces of apartheid
over
government
legislation, as well as the notion of `the liberal tradition' in Cape Town.
However the managementof race, as a legitimating strategy for the white
its
the
requisite over
economy,with
constituency and sectorsof
bureaucratisation- three parallel administrative structures for each of the
`non-white' population groups - as well as the over militarisation to sanction
internally and externally the recognition of `foreigners', induces crises
tendencies. This is becauseof the burdensomecost to the state and because
for
in
turn,
those strategies,
motivational cries amongstthe
are responsible
Black populace leading, again, to reactionswhich require further state
intervention. It can be argued that the changesin the early nineties were not
brought about becauseof primary level motivational crises amongstthe
level
but
had
the
of
secondary
ones
which
acme
as the
constituencies,
white
leaving
African
South
liberal
the
the economy
the
state,
reform
of
solution
hands.
Amongst
in
the radical opposition, as opposedto
white
still mainly
the liberal opposition, could be discernedan alternative proposal which
level
degree
This
crises.
motivational
of
primary
of
a
alternative was
spoke
form
in
of socialist state and society conceived very much
some
structured
by
ANC's
lines,
the
nascentproposals.
as
evinced
along orthodox
604
Habermashas argued that legitimation can either be technocratic or
legitimating
be
It
that
the
said
strategiesof the South
can
participative.
African state, given its racial divide from the outset of those who should
bestow recognition of the political order, was technocratic, not only because
it
but
because
Greenberg
`techniques'
the
sought,
also
as
employed,
of
illegitimate.
The
legitimate
the
to
crises provoking the changes
argues,
for
its
had
1990
the
therefore
within
purviews
option
considering a
post
deracialising reconstruction of the state, and thus local government. This
in
South
African
the
the
context.
cross
roads
marked
opportunity
window of
Whether or not, and this is germaneto the post 1996 South Africa, there was
the conception, therefore, not so much of a post-colonial society but of a
trans-colonial society, remains to be seenbecausethe latter would require
thinking about deliberative democracyacrossdifferences without eliminating
them.
In conclusion, then, this very brief outline of what a critical theoretic
it
is
African
South
that
tries
to
the
to
show
statewould cover,
approach
back
from
life
to
theorise
to
again without
world system,and
possible
is
bring
Black
do
To
to
the
to
experiences
so
resorting notions of autonomy.
into play as a central consideration,something the state down approachesof
in
do,
do
than
the way of attempting
Marxists
other
not
the
and neo-Marxists
to postulate the importance of the Black proletariat. However, other
South
legitimation
based
have
to
of
analysis
attempted construct a
theorists
Africa, using, in differing degrees,Habermas. But, apart from Ray, the
failure to inquire more deeply into the theoretical basesto Habermas' work
degree
have
tended
the
that
of
exhibit
a
resulting analyses
means
functionalism in which the key actors are those within the white polity. This
it
level
blue
At
functional
is
this
can
print.
preliminary piece of work not a
bearing
in
for
further
the
empirical
mind
consideration,
areas
out
map
only
fallibilism qualification, but always attemptsto provide markers to how
domination
and shadowing of communicative action contains
systemic
One
these
it
the
areas,
possible.
of
changes
outline
of
normative
within
interface
the
was often with
systemic-life world
given that under apartheid
local
how
is
local
to
than
show
government,
with
the national state,rather
in
form
of
political mediation
governancecontent and structuresoffer a
be
better
inclusive
can
realised.
politics and governance
which racially
Atkinson's summary of the situation as follows, is therefore correct.
"There is no strong tradition of city basedpolitics in South Africa. National
have
issues
1910
concerned the central structures of
since
political
Until
1980s,
the
the
the
of
state.
mid
ownership
ethnic
and
city
government
identity
their
too
within nation wide
concerned with
residents were
129
dwellers
identity
"'
thought.
much
as city
movementsto give their
The following section therefore looks at the history and context to local
focussing
Cape,
Cape
Western
in
Town.
the
particularly
on
governance
605
12.9 The Context to and Specificity of Race and Local Governance in
the Western Cape
The Western Cape, and Cape Town in particular, are apposite choices for
because
for
this
the
geographical
area
marks
entry
point
white
examination
into
South
Africa.
here
It
that the sociowas
penetration
colonialist
first
developed
into
the
then
of
colony
was
erected,
structure
which
political
the nascentcolonial state in the Cape in the eighteenthand nineteenth
centuries. Within this the political sub units of municipal governancewere
forms
The
this
creation of
stateand early
of municipal
also created.
it
be
from
in
the
the
separated
race
and
way
which
governancecannot
is
be
development
This
that
to
the
of
state
and
social
order.
permeated
both
because
the
advancement
of
was predicated upon the racial
expected
Black
people.
of
subjugation
12.10 Origins of Local Government in the Cape
In the late seventeenthcentury, the Dutch East India Company through
Cape
first
the
the
was exercised,
colonial
of
white
occupation
which
form
`landdrost'
`heemraden'
the
to
system
which
was
a
and
established
basis of a rural systemof local government in the Cape. These,thus, later
demise
Councils
into
Divisional
the
to
the
of
which existed up
evolved
formal apartheid. In 1867, under the auspicesof British colonial rule, Cape
Town was the first local authority to be granted full municipal status. At
Council
Cape
Town
City
the
the
covered
time
new
geographical
span
of
that
foot
Table
harbour
immediately
to
the
the
of
the area
and up
surrounding
Mountain. Over the following thirty years separatemunicipalities were
in
the
settlements
series
of
consecutive
running
along
a
established
by
Cape
Town.
However,
1927
these
to
the
were
west
of
and
peninsular
later
Council.
In
Cape
Town
City
years separate
amalgamatedunder
in
to
the
the
to
the
of
city
either
north
reaction
created
were
municipalities
high property rates or the more liberal political stanceof the Council. In
fragmented
by
Cape
Town,
the
the
mid
eighties
systemof
a
terms of
greater
local government existed with different parts of what should have been one
local
Divisional
Council,
by
City
Council,
the
and
smaller
city administered
1130
authorities.
12.11 The 1910 Settlement and Local Governance
Heymans summarisesthe legal statusof local government in South Africa,
in
between
1910,
formal
tiers
the
government
of
other
with
and relationship
incorporation of the four separatecolonies into a unitary state, and 1983 as
follows:
606
From 1910 until 1983 the de jure relationship between the various tiers of
follows:
acts of parliament promulgated what power;
as
government was
had.
Provincial
ordinances created local authorities and
councils
provincial
defined the scope of their legal jurisdiction. The regulation and control of
municipal affairs occurred through such provincial ordinances Local authorities
could make laws only within the parametersof this legislation. The doctrine of
ultra vires was strictly applied; viz. that local authorities may perform a statute
only if it is specifically authorised by a higher tier of government. This doctrine
existed to prevent local authorities from exceeding their powers or from
spending money without authority. No court of law was competent to pass
judgement on the nature of powers that had been devolved down to local
authorities. This applied equally to acts of parliament and provincial
ordinances........ Unlike certain countries such as West Germany, where the
in
local
the constitution, the South African
are
government
enshrined
rights of
local
has
had
form
government
never
any
of constitutional
of
system
safeguards. Neither the South Africa Act of 1909 nor the 1961 Constitution
'
131
local
to
to
the
right of
government exist.
made reference
Different provinces were delegateddifferent powers leading to differing
local government forms. In the Cape,however, the Provincial administrator
had a number of powers over the local authority. He/she had to approve all
by-laws;
fixed
the monthly allowances of councillors; controlled
municipal
determined
lend
the pay of the
to
grants;
money
or
allocate
authorities ability
town clerk; could dictate to a council to passa by-law which if not done,
in
for
by
Town,
In
Cape
be
the
example,
province.
promulgated
would
1981 the Provincial Council passeda by-law taking away from the CTCC the
The
Province
to
the
their
to
power
own
staff.
assumed
appoint
right
CTCC's
Service
Commission,
Chair
Manpower
the
the
the
of
appoint
Subsequently
body.
a government supporterwas appointed.
personnel
This measurewas taken as a direct result of the CTCC's perceived antiThis
overall picture of a parliamentary sovereign, strong
stance.
apartheid
by
been
directing
local
has
intervening
compared,
and
government
state,
in
UK.
the
the
situation
as
resembling
some commentators,
In terms of structures councils either developedor adoptedthe management
decision
had
the
the
main
making committee
aforesaid as
committee, which
in
there
the
structure
which
were
or
a
multiple
committee
council,
of
numerous committees, each one coinciding with a specific area and service
had
CTCC
bureaucracy.
Up
the
to
the
sixties
a multiple
mid
section of
forced,
it
Thereafter
to
the
under
protest,
adopt
was
structure.
committee
direction
the
of the provincial council.
managementcommittee set up at
In terms of finance white local authorities had to be largely self financing,
fixed
from
derived
income
being
taxes
the
their
on
properties, sale of
with
licensing,
fines
water,
and
and rental.
services and goods, such as electricity
607
12.12 Cape Specificities and Post 1910, Pre 1948 Developments
Historically there are three areas,two contextual to local governancein the
Cape,and the third the inter meshing of those two with the processof
brief
detailing.
They are relevant to the way in
which
require
governance,
which the changeoptions post 1990were posed and pursued. These areas
are the history of the political discourseof Cape liberalism, the history and
local
Black
i.
the
politics,
of
e. those of the `Coloured' people, and
contours
the way in which the two aforementionedareasinteracted with, and
influenced the growth of racial segregationin the Cape.
Up to 1990 one can speakof a political discourseof Cape liberalism which
had a direct impact on the direction of Cape Town City Council. Within
the context of white apartheidpolitics it occupied the acceptablelimits to
`opposition'.
fairly
Even
the
as
was
regarded
orthodox Marxist
what
local
governancein the Cape acknowledgethe influence of such
analysesof
it
`ideology',
being
to
theorise
without
able
properly within the
a political
description
logic
However
their
thinking.
the
of
of `acceptable
overall
implies,
fundamental
there
under
apartheid
as
actually
was,
a
opposition'
heart
discourse.
the
this
at
of
contradiction
Davenport, in a text examining the immediate contextualising milieu of
South African liberalism, one that aroseout of an academically focussed
liberalism,
for
Marxist
framework
to
criticisms
of
outlines
a
reaction
liberalism,
Cape
he
which
regards as a unique political
understanding
form. 1132 The argument is that whilst there are European origins in the four
basic elements of liberalism - access to justice, freedom of speech, economic
freedom and political rights - these acquired a particular trajectory in the
Cape.
The period of Dutch colonial rule up to 1795 was marked by an overt racial
based
indigenous
but
in
the
not
only
of
also
centre
on
slavery,
peoples,
order
imported slaves,primarily from the Dutch East Indies. At the periphery it
by
forcibly
it
Black
the
to
attempt
subjugate
came
people
characterised
was
into contact with. The changesbrought by the assumptionof British
be
Liberal
in
four
the
to
the
can
seen,
according
argument,
rule
colonial
firstly
Thus
there
the
century
was
abolition of,
early nineteenth
elements.
the slave trade, and then the actual emancipation of the Khoikhoi, followed
by the slaves. This contributed to ensuring that the principle of accessto
justice was there for all the people. Equality before the law proved
found
because
freed
different
the
themselvesin a highly
slaves
altogether
disadvantagedsocio-economic and political situation. For Davenport the
humanitarian solidaristic resourcesand impulses to liberalism were provide
by the presenceand activities of the evangelical missionaries in the cape at
that time. In terms of freedom of speech,this was certainly a principle and
608
Cape
to
members
of
society, and exemplified in the
practice open white
growing number of periodical andjournal publications by the close of the
nineteenthcentury. Economic liberation, by which Davenport means
freedom of trade, was achievedby 1860 in the Cape. In the twenty years
after that the Cape government actively promoted Black entrepreneurial
if
it
linked
"especially
was
with the erosion of pre-colonial political
activity
deemed
to endangerthe security of the white community."
then
structures
Representativegovernment was granted to the Cape in 1853 basedthen on a
franchise
linked
to property rights. Whilst there is some argument
qualified
about the extent to which race featured in the original calculations, the actual
distribution of electoral power lay overwhelmingly with the white
community. Further, with the incorporation of two densely `African'
in
Cape
later
the
Ciskei
ten
to
thirty
the
areas
eastern
some
years
populated
level
Transkei
the
of qualification was progressively raised so as to
and
`African'
By
the turn of the century,
effectively
representation.
exclude
with the re-emergenceof Dutch/Afrikaaner political power in the Cape,the
Black franchise, both `African' and `Coloured', increasingly becamethe
for
jockeying
the
power of the two white communities. In 1909,
pawn of
Cape
Assembly,
debating
South
bill
draft
Africa
(the
1910
the
the
was
when
in
its
liberal
for
it,
bloc
the
entirety
political
spoke
so much so
constitution)
that even Davenport could conclude that the "liberals were more concerned
in the final resort to preservethe dignity of the Cape in its relations with
blacks.
"
than
the
rights
of
colonies
other
Keegan, however, provides a differing assessmentof Cape liberalism
in
its
"rhetorical
there
that
was
an
ambiguity
reflected
commitment
arguing
to equality and freedom''and yet "its fundamental compatibility with cultural
133
domination...
"'
His study shows
imperialism, class
and racial subjugation.
how, for example, the London Missionary Society "the seedbedof
humanitarian thought" in the 1820sand 1830sin the Cape,had, by the 1850s
become "infected with racial sentiment."1134 His conclusion is that "the
humanitarian vision of a society in which indigenous peoples were free of
in
in
dream
a colony which a substantialwhite
oppressionwas always a pipe
dominant
itself
had
already
established
as
a
class,with control
population
135
dispossessed
labour.
"'
and
resources
over
If there is, then, to be a distinctive colouring to Cape liberalism, one that was
1990
heirs
the
to
to
political
and
when
up
spiritual
apparent
right
certainly
Cape liberalism had control of Cape Town City Council, it is the
full
towards
the
granting of political rights to Black
ambivalence shown
fundamental
the
the
political principles they
context
of
within
people
in
been
has
This
exemplified the compromisesand
espouse.
have
had
to reach with a systemof extreme racial
they
accommodations
subjugation.
609
The largestpopulation group in the Western Cape are the so called
`Coloureds', a term devised by and applied by the South African state and its
disparately
heterogeneous
It
to
refers
a
colonial predecessors.
group of
in
from
Khoisan
descended
the
original
people the Cape, the east and
people
West African, Madagascanand Dutch East Indian (an area roughly
day
Indonesia)
to
slaves,as well as the miscegenated
equivalent modem
offspring of the relationships with white colonists and slave owners.
Lewis, in his study of `Coloured' politics defines them, using another
individuals
heterogeneous
"a
collection
as
of
commentator's observations,
`lumped together for administrative purposes' by a white supremacist
136
in
1930s
"'
Two
the
commissions,
one
and the other
government
state.
in
failed
to agree on a
the
the
the
of
apartheid
state
seventies,
auspices
under
definition of a `Coloured'. The problem of definition for a racially
heterogeneous
in
knowing
the
the
caseof
make
where,
segregatedstatewas
began.
1950
`white'
`African'
The
the
ended
and
community,
up of
Population Registration Act which attemptedto divide up the population into
defined `racial' groups, confirmed through the mandatory racially coded
identity card, could only define the group in question by referenceto
bureaucratically
Kafkaesque
The
now near mythical,
physical appearance.
`pencil test' whereby those in the twilight zone between `Coloured' and
`white' would have a pencil put in their hair by state officials to seeif the
basis
in
has
in,
i.
i.
`Coloured',
`white',
fell,
some
e.
e.
or
stayed
out,
pencil
reality.
If the term `Coloured' exists as an ersatzcreation of the South African and
identity?
The
is
it
to
talk
about community and
possible
colonial states,
fixed
identity
in
is
the
that
and
are
not
sense
community
answer only
forms
dependent
but
contingent, moving contentsand
essentialisedentities,
level
historical
At
that
the
contexts.
socio-political and economic
upon
However,
the
the
use,
at
sounds
meta-level,
obvious.
observation
an
such
`Coloured'
the
term
provides an almost perfect case
of
ownership
abuseand
life
Habermas'
demonstrating
for
the
world colonisation
of
relevance
model
base
history
`Coloureds'
describes
Lewis
the
and
of
so
called
thesis.
value
however,
This,
being
that
was no simple caseof
acculturalised.
of
as
Rather
my contention that within colonising
of
white
values.
assimilation
displacement,
is
it
is
to
talk
which
a
socio-integrative
possible
about
contexts
better way of explaining the situation. Within a history of state forcible
differentiating interventions basedon racialised conventionalisation and
differentiating
strategies,there was a swell a
socio-economic
associated
displacement
Some
and
appropriation
reactions.
socio-integrative
of
range
For
had
these
example whilst many within the
groundings.
religious
of
`Coloured' `community' becameChristians of every conceivable
denomination, there was also a sizeableMuslim community at whose core
imported
from
from
descendants
the
the old Dutch East
those
slaves
were
Indies. The Dutch in the eastIndies had a tendency to enslave and export to
610
the Capethose who opposedtheir colonial rule. This is still known as the
CapeMalay community. The history of the political reaction to this
in
both
to,
prior
and the subsequentperiod of the
processof colonisation
formation of the South African state, is thus as varied, ranging from the
innovatory to out right conservatism. This in effect mirrors what I would
describeas the first political attemptsto go beyond increasing official
boundariesbeing defined for so called `Coloureds' to try to forge a greater
Black collectivity, to onesthat acceptedthe strategic need for a `Coloured'
These
two
the
thus
tag,
state.
accommodation
with
racist
and
ethnic
tendencies,and the range of `moderate' options in betweenthem characterise
the history of `Coloured' politics in South Africa. This is the summary
by
term
that
the
to
the
commentators
made
other
observation
context
`Coloured' is detestedand hated by most, but not all, of that identified group
' 137 The detailed history of this is beyond the scopeof this
of people.
in
been
has
This
two recent
than
covered
more
adequately
project.
historical endeavours. Lewis provides a detailed historical analysis of the
history
focusses
Goldin
the
thrown
on
up,
whilst
politics and organisations
`Coloured'
the
to
the
the
creation
of
and
economic
contexts
political
of
identity. I want to use these as the basesfor briefly sketching out the con
in
1948,
Cape
development
Black
to
the
the
with
up
tours of
of
politics
local
its
the
state.
on
with
relationship
particular emphasis
The first Black political organisation in the Cape, the African People's
Organisation (APO) founded in 1902, reflected the dual tendenciesidentified
in
`coloured',
late
Cape
In
the
term
the
to
the
nineteenthcentury
mid
above.
to
to
Goldin
refer
all people who were not
was
used
generically
shows,
as
`European'. In this it reflected the American usageof that term. Yet a
franchise
in
interventions
the
and
political spheresof
combination of state
in
Social
Darwinism
together
the
rise of
with
rights and economy,
by
for
had
justification
the
thinking
segregationist
policies,
as
a
government
`Coloured'
`coloured'
the
the
of
with
accelerated
conflation
turn of
century
from
For
`African'
the
that
the
thus
category.
example
of
exclusion
and
had
British
the
to
the
elicit
made
great
efforts
government
and
state
colonial
during
Boer
`Coloureds'
the
the
to
their
promise
war
with
cause
of
support
kept
because
This
terms
the
of
was
not
promise
enfranchisement.
greater
of
in
fact
left
the
that
undecided,
matters
and
such
the settlementof
conflict
implications were that the white society would benefit more politically and
founding
background,
brief
APO,
With
the
the
this
the
of
as
economically.
founding
its
principles, reflect the changing circumstancesaffecting the
and
`Coloured' `community', as well as holding out hope of a greater `coloured'
both
"unity
Those
talk
the
about
promoting
principles
constituency.
between coloured races", as well as defending the "Coloured People's social,
138 In effect its political aims were to
"'
pursue the
political and civil rights.
justice
liberties
and
economic
rights,
of
political
contained
normative vision
liberalism.
Over
Cape
the
the
next thirty years the APO
of
promise
within
611
immediate
institutions,
its
through
the
political
pursued aims
such as the City
Council, and through attempting to link up with other emerging Black
ANC.
because
This,
the
such
as
of the `Coloured'
political organisations,
focus of the APO and the Africanist perspective of the then ANC proved
fruitless. Unfortunately it is in its dealings with the state that the interests
of the `Coloured' `community' were either promoted or secured,above those
This
done,
`African'
the
people.
was
either
consciously
of
or
interceding
in the attempts
the
their
attained
as
outcome
of
compromisingly
by the stateto impose some form of blanket segregation. Thus for example,
their first intervention in municipal matters was against attemptsby the Cape
Town City Council, influenced by Social Darwinist type stereotyping of
i.
diseased
and
people's,
e. those who were not European,to
criminal
introduce residential segregation. At this time the APO could use as a
bargaining chip the enfranchised`Coloured' voters. They securedthe
from
intended
for
`Africans'
the
that
the
authorities
segregationwas
promise
`Coloureds'.
the
not
and
Whilst this limited franchise was sufficient to securethe APO five
by
Cape
1920s,
Town
the
the
the pattern of the state
on
council
councillors
interventions
in
to
the economy to secure
preferring adopt social engineering
the white community's recognition continued. This was particularly
in
in
War,
First
World
the
the
the
aftermath of
and the
ending of
apparent
long decline of the world economy right up to the beginning of the Second
World War. Thus, for example, in the 1920sthere were a seriesof
legislative acts which in effect excluded `Coloureds' from employment
job
for
After
the
time
those
the
areas
whites.
same
reserving
at
whilst
in
`Coloured'
1924
these
the
and
of
acts
percentage
of
of
one
passage
`African' workers in the public sector, including the council, fell
dramatically, whilst the percentageof white workers rose equally
dramatically. Throughout this increasingperiod of state sponsored
became
APO
to
the
trying
that
the
more
and
more
role
of
of
segregation
by
`Coloureds'.
little
the
the
gains
secured
political
and
economic
protect
Its tactic was to ally itself with the dominant liberal white political party in
influence
from
It
Lewis
that
to
position.
was,
change
as
an attempt
but
one that tried to extract
racism,
an
acceptance
of
white
observes,
however,
Afrikaaner
By
the
the
thirties,
rising
nationalism
mid
concessions.
fuelling the growing racial segregationin all walks of life together with the
`Coloured'
the
community meant that the
position
of
worsening economic
APO's relevancewas coming increasingly under question.
Those most vociferous in their questioning were a group of young radicals,
like the leadershipof the APO, drawn from the `Coloured' elite. They had
liberalism,
Cape
but
in
in
1910
the
the growing
of
pre
era
not grown up
Most
segregation.
of them were drawn
of
racial
and
reality
atmosphere
from what Lewis describesas "the upper echelonsof the Coloured
612
community in Cape Town"; at that time primarily from the ranks of teachers,
being
them
graduates. In summarythe difference between
with many of
their political aims and the APO were that the latter's "choice between evils
in
of
collusion
preserving white privilege at the expenseof the
smacked
interestsof all blacks", whilst the former aimed at "complete social, political
139
for
Europeans.
"'
Thesenew
non-Europeanswith
and economic equality
founded
an organisation called the National Liberation League.
radicals
Their intellectual outlook was influenced by the wider socialist debates
occurring elsewhere,and with in the organisation itself two factions
favoured
The
one
a more theoretical approach,influenced in the
emerged.
main by the writings of Trotsky. The other had a more pragmatic outlook
by
evidenced their working alliance with the Communist Party of South
Africa and their willingness to adopt a seriesof practical interventions in the
South African polity. These included the pursuit of political office, such as
important
The
member
and
even
member
of
parliament.
point,
council
however, is that the politics espousedby the NLL marked a changefrom the
Underpinning
this was a seriesof political principles
period.
previous
but
the
the
only
marked
out
not
nature
of
change,
were also the reason
which
for factional differences within the League. The first was the championing
democratic
for
irrespective
full
rights
all
of race and without any
of
`civilising' conditions. The secondwas the insistenceon the membership
being open to all races. The third was the principle of non-collaboration
with racist state structureswhilst racial segregationwas still in place and/or
being promoted. In and around this were conducteda number of secondary
debatesfeeding into political practice, such as the call by the pragmatic
between
black
for
the
unity
white
and
working classes,and the
section
insistence by one element of the radical wing that leadershipof the League
hands.
in
be
Black
The
in
`Coloured'
this
upshot
of
realignment
should
interventions
in
dimension
the
that
the
took
was
polity
on
another
politics
included
that of trade union organisation and the new one of
which
from
institutions.
All
racially
segregated
political
of this was
withdrawing
back
in
had
introduced
the
ground
which
government
a
set against
increasingly stringent controls over the influx of `Africans' into the western
facto
de
`Coloured'
thereby
establishing
an
almost
preferencepolicy.
cape,
One of the highlights of the League's existencewas its ability in the late
thirties to organise massopposition to Nationalist Party inspired Provincial
local
issue
forcing
by
to
to
authorities
an
ordinance
segregate
race
attempts
their residential areas. Part of this programme of opposition included
Cape
Town
City
the
council to vote against the ordinance.
persuading
However, throughout the war years and into the immediate follow up of that
introduced
increasing
Party
United
the
government,
an
conflict
number of
economic and social segregationalmeasureswhich, such as the segregation
has
have
been
described
beaches,
to
amounted
what
might
of
as petty
but
also compoundedsignificantly the acts of humiliation daily
apartheid,
613
in
intellectual
by
`Coloured'
those
the
people,
especially
experienced
elite.
In 1943the UP government announcedthe intention to separateoff that part
dealing
Coloured
the
with
people and to establish a
administration
of
Coloured affairs department,and a nominated Coloured Advisory Council
which would advise the government accordingly. Initiated as a gesture of
thanksto the `Coloured' people for what was regardedas their support and
loyalty during the SecondWorld war, it actually enragedmany in that
`community'. This was seenas further evidence of the state's segregationist
intent with regard to `Coloureds'. Two organisationswere formed,
fight
had
NLL,
from
to
those
through
the
this
who
come
amongst
primarily
Non
Anti-Coloured
Affairs
Department
These
the
the
and
were
move.
EuropeanUnity Movement. By 1944, according to Goldin, the "Anti-CAD
had penetratedvirtually every Coloured community and claimed the support
140
had
"'
The
NEUM
Coloured
the
of
people..
a more radical
majority
of
black
"forge
to
a
united against all segregatory
of
seeking
programme
into
draw
by
"to
the
the
trying
community
struggle,
prepare
measures"
in
fight
direct
for
them
the
onslaught against oppressionand ally
masses a
141
"'
In this the `Coloured' identity would be submergedin a
for liberation.
hand
On
Black
the
there were also moderatemembersof
other
one.
greater
the community, again drawn from amongstthe ranks of teacherswho opted
for a strategy of engagementwith the reality of the CAD and its allied body
former
doing
Advisory
Council.
In
the
Coloured
these
people, who
so
the
in
denounced
`quislings'
`collaborators',
effect accepted
as
and
organisations
by
being
`Coloured'
identity
the state.
moulded
the
of
Thesetwo tendencieswithin `Coloured' political reactions to state sponsored
beyond
the
the
to
move
manufacturednotion
one
seeking
segregation,
racial
box,
ballot
the
tinged
`Coloured'
through
or
which
action
rejected
racially
of
that
form
to
the
other
seeking
confirm
representation;
and
proxy
of
any
identity through engagementwith the `dummy' institutions, comesto
to
the
to
the
mid
segregation
up
right
of
opposition
nature
characterise
issue
focussed
because
Anti-CAD
In
the
of sole
on an
effect,
eighties.
because
NEUM
Coloured
to
the
the
to
was
unable
and
community
concern
front
Indians,
Africans
its
to
of
and
a
united
translate commitment
`Coloureds' into reality, and thus largely mobilised `Coloureds', Goldin
heighten
both
to
the
that
also
notion of a
contributed
unintentionally
argues
`Coloured' identity. Further its membershipand strata from which it drew
its activists were, on the whole, from the enlarging middle professional class
in the `Coloured' community - primarily graduateteachers,but also doctors
Its
lawyers.
the
to
cross
section
wider
of
a
community
mobilise
ability
and
being
CAD
last
the
the
campaign
probably
with
effective
was sporadically
it
support
could muster.
successfulgarnering of cross community
Irrespective of that, the political aims of the organisation at least had within
its normative vision a wider Black collectivity. At the time its analysis,
mobilisation of people against specific government measures,praxis
614
principle and concomitant tactics employed were certainly more radical than
that of the ANC. In terms of the local council, however, apart from the
increasing
few
Black
the
councillors,
state and provincial
presenceof a
direction of local authorities with regard to racial segregationinitiatives,
locally
the
the
to ward
power
community
could
wield
political
neutralised
By
1948
left
that
such
racism.
all
was
effectively
or
attenuate
was the
off
limited, qualified franchise. Even the worth and merit of this was, by the
late forties, coming under attack from political organisations like the NEUM
who argued that participation in this racially basedtruncation of full political
form
be
It
of collaboration. can argued that the
rights as simply another
CTCC, through its differentiated responseto stateracism vis-a vis the
`Coloureds' and `Africans', and through its own initiative measures,such as
the creation of municipal housing schemesfor lower income `Coloureds'
`Coloured
to
the
as
well
notion
of
a
community' as a
only, contributed
distinct ethnic group.
There is another level of argumentwhich highlights the secondarylevel
in
facing
UP
legitimation
the
government through the thirties
crisis
growing
increasing
forties.
The
enlargementof the white constituency eligible
and
to vote, increasing pressurefrom the growing Afrikaaner nationalist
Black
to
the
above
and
perceived need protect white people over
movement,
depression,
factors
deleterious
from
the
the
which when
are
effects
of
people
South
African
the
the
racialisation of
overall
context
of
within
considered
local
intervention
in
increasing
the
of
affairs
meant
state
rationalisation
like
local
in
Cape,
This
the
the
where
so
regions,
was especially
governance.
Black community had managedto organisesome degreeof local influence
liberalism
the
that
the
the
of the ruling
normative potential of
council so
over
have
We
be
in
to
their
needs.
political party could realised relation some of
legitimation
in
here
to
costs are
race,
where again relation
a situation
full
level
that
to
the
political
problems,
such
as
transferred
national
so
democratic rights for Black people, can be `solved' through administrative
prescriptions.
12.13 Post 1948 Developments
The Nationalist Party came into power in 1948 with racial identity as its
leitmotiv, in particular the divine right of the Afrikaaners to rule and their
divine mission to determine a racially shapedfate for Black people in South
Africa. More strategically, however, it also came to power with only a five
it
limited
being
`Coloured'
key
The
as
was,
was
seen
as
vote,
majority.
seat
in sevenseats. Furthermore thesevotes invariably went to the then
`Coloured'
With
UP.
to
the
the
people, the
regard
opposition party,
fixing
disenfranchisement,
`Coloured'
the
threefold:
ersatz
was
strategy
identity through legislatively backed geographical, social, welfare and
biologically restrictive measures,as well as economic differentiating ones,
615
and seeking recognition through a mixture of repressionand political
in
Disenfranchisement
was
achieved
relation to national
placebos.
in
by
1956,
and relation to municipal elections only by 1971; a
elections
in
itself
local
to
the
the
to
extent
which
on
state
was
able
control
comment
fix
With
to
the
to
the `Coloured' population in
regard
attempt
government.
intention
framework,
Nationalist
Party
the
the
of
was not to undo
an ethnic
the previous government's racial segregationalmeasures,but to extend them.
In this regard key to their strategywas to control the residency and
into
For
`Coloured'
Black
areas.
people this
people
urban
movement of
be
be
to
through
to
pass controls, which was
achievedprimarily not
was
for
but
Group
Areas
Act
`Africans',
the
which codified the
reservedsolely
There
were other racially restrictive
of
urban
areas.
segregation
racial
like
life,
accessto education,public
all
aspects
of
affecting
measures
transport, leisure etc. Fixing the biological boundaries of the `Coloured'
Africans,
`down'
i.
`up'
to
to
the
was to
whites,
or
e.
movement
population,
be achieved through the legislative meansof the Population Registration
Act, Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, and the Immorality Act.
Securing the recognition of the political order was to be accomplished
through a mix increasing the repressivepowers of the state and coursesof
from
`African'
buy
`Coloured'
designed
to
people
off economically
action
for
job
but
segregation whites.
within a context preferential
people,
Generally this was disparagingly referred to as the `amper baas' (almost
boss) strategy. Key amongstthese sorts of action was the legislation
defining in the 1950sa Coloured labour preferencepolicy in the Western
Cape together with state ordinanceswhich restricted severely the influx and
Areas
Act
Group
Politically
in
`Africans'
the
that
samearea.
residency of
back
ideological
Nationalist
cloth which was
party
envisaged,against a
homeland,
idea
`Coloured'
that those residential areas
the
of a
toying with
designatedfor `Coloureds' only would becomethe geographical sites for
`Coloured' specific local government structuresin the future.
The reaction from the local Black population to this barrage of racist
forties
fifties
late
in
by
the
the
and
split along
state
segregationalaction
ideological grounds. The NEUM stuck to its principle of non-collaboration
denied
form
boycott
that
that
its
the
of
action
arguing
and weapon of choice
the state the meansto target participants. The ANC and CPSA attemptedto
This
front
hoc
broad
specific
measures.
was
ad
campaignsagainst
organise
in
the
the
against
community
mobilising
successful
marginally
disenfranchisementmoves on the part of the state. By the sixties, however,
banned
had
fled
into
leading
their
or
arrested
or
either
activists
were
most of
by
largely
NEUM
The
unaffected such repressivemeasures,a
was
exile.
their
their
of
political
condemnation
strategy,
or
of
vindication
ineffectiveness. However, taken together with the ANC's decision in the
late fifties to concentratetheir campaigning efforts on the pass laws, thereby
by passing the immediate concernsof the `Coloured' people, it meant that
616
the NEUM, up to the mid eighties, becamethe de facto leading oppositional
in
Western
Cape.
the
political group
In relation to local government in the Cape, three themes emergewhich
The
to
the
the
growing political
up
mid
eighties.
characterise period
disengagementof the local state from the Black population both as a result
democratic
legitimation
basis,
to
the
create
a
white's
only
state's attempt's
of
is
focus
The
Black
theme.
the
organisation,
of
political
one
political
and
local
`dummy'
is
the
the
government
state's parallel,
nature of
second
institutions for `Coloured' people and their almost total rejection of these.
The third is the role of the official, liberal political order in the local
Taken
Cape
Town.
to
together
they
a
up
added
all
of
governance
for
both
`Blacks
legitimacy
the
only'
sponsored
state
substantiveproblem of
local government structures,as well as the `liberal' Cape Town City council.
The 1962 Group Areas Amendment Act set out how local government
from
developed
be
in
`Coloured'
to
residential areaswere
structures
full
later
to
and
consultative committees partially representative
full
becoming
finally
representative
representativemanagementcommittees,
CTCC
the
to
Whilst
the
the
oppose
was
of
approach
councils.
municipal
its
feet
dragging
its
Areas
Act
Group
through
and amendment
substantive
Cape
by
is
fact
implementation,
that
the
its
the
the
sixties
mid
matter
of
over
Town was totally segregatedresidentially as the act intended. Todes and
Watson are right to describethe attitude of the council towards segregation
1142
by
However,
too
'ambivalent.
they
functions
its
store
much
put
as
of
In
from
liberal
the
many
the
councillors.
stanceof
the opposition resulting
Province
by
the
the
or
state
of
expediency
was
overcome
opposition
cases
different
implement
in
to
aspects
the
relevant powers order
simply assuming
became
local
The
government structures
parallel
of the apartheid strategy.
in
by
local
those
because
the
these
the
areas,
people
of
of
rejection
moribund
both
low
by
the
voters
actual percentageof eligible
something acknowledged
for
in
the
committees
the
taking
management
elections
part
and
registered
different
by
CTCC,
jurisdiction
the
government
and
of
under the
in
looking
into
`Coloured
the
the
mid seventies.
question'
commissions
There is a similar trajectory of advisory and then partially representative
for
`Africans',
though
established
were
structures
which
urban council
details
beyond
historical
full
frame.
this
The
different
time
are
of
within a
local
to
the
than
context
overall
noting, as part of
this project, other
World
War,
Second
in
South
Africa
that
they
too
were
post
government
Local
Authorities
Black
Act
1982
For
the
totally rejected.
example
financial
responsibility to `African'
transferred administrative authority and
'
143
However the absenceof a sufficient commercial and
local authorities.
industrial tax basemeant that they were almost entirely dependenton service
inherent
income.
This,
for
their
together
with
unpopularity
chargesand rent
617
becausethey were viewed as part of the apartheid structures, ensuredthat
they had very little legitimacy in the `African' urban areas.
The effect of all of this was that white local authorities, which provided
servicesto Black communities via these `dummy' structures, as well as the
proxy administration of sectionsof the apartheid strategy, were, in terms of
disengaged
from
those communities. This was a
political structures,
indirect
of
rule and, at the sametime, a political space
colonial relationship
waiting to be filled.
12.14 Post 1980's Developments
The 1976 uprisings and subsequentstaterepressionof that set in motion
three chains of eventswhich have a bearing on local government in South
Africa which are, in parts, still germaneto the changesin local governance
impetus
for
in
These
the
there.
are,
not
any
order
of
priority,
occurring
by
Nationalist
Party,
the
the
reform
of
apartheid
state
constitutional
including local government; the emergenceof the `Civic Movement' in
Black urban areas;and allowing in the eighties the environment to develop
in which radical alternative proposals for local government changecould be
made.
Taken together, the government's surprise at the scale of the 1976 uprisings,
the repressionof that and the international condemnation,the development
`Coloured'
Consciousness,
Black
the
people with
of
alignment
many
and
of
the latter movement, causeda major strategic shift in the thinking of the
Nationalist Party. This emergedas the `Total Strategy', one of the key aims
domestic
included
the
to
of
reform
substantial
commitment
a
which
of
legitimating processesof white rule. Thus:
Through policies that substantially altered the apartheid edifice-what
its
to
commitment to reform-Pretoria pursued
government referred as
four primary objectives (1) to free the economy from the bottlenecks
imposed by apartheid; (2) to black socioeconomic strata with material
and status interests that would be threatenedby radical transformation;
(3) to co-opt a significant segment of the black population into the
for
by
framework
available
opportunities
making
of power
existing
black economic and social advancement and by ameliorating living
conditions of the urban black townships; and (4) to "normalize" South
Africa's status internationally by bringing its domestic sociopolitical
"44
international
into
line
standards.
with
arrangements
The 1983 new Constitution with its tricameral, consociational arrangements
for the three racial groups of `white', `Coloured' and `Indian', can be seento
be directly derived from that earlier vision of `domestic reform. ' Invested in
that reform is a notion of group rights stemming from the Nationalist Party
in
80s
South
Africa
the
as a society of minorities. This
re-intellectualising
618
brings to mind Habermas' rejection of group rights as essentialising and
conservative. However, containedwithin the whole package of
constitutional reform was a substantialreworking local government basedon
the devolution of administrative functions. The corner stone of this was the
establishmentof Regional Service Councils at the metropolitan level which
key
by
local
twenty
then
take
one
services
controlled
over
authorities.
would
Governmentjustification at the time turned on the need "to achieve
increase
by
duplication
the
and
efficiency
reducing
of
scale
of
economies
joint
basis
improve
infra-structure
by
in
to
them
the
on
a
providing
services
Black communities and to facilitate multi-racial decision making."I145
Other commentators, however, concluded that they were "an elaborate
holders
level
at
central
control
whereby
power
will gain crucial
of
system
influence at local level (relying on)... co-opting subordinate elites into new
...
decision
"1146
making
structures.
multi-racial
What is important is not the details of the then new constitutional reform of
horizon,
because
by
1990
the
when real changeappearedon
government,
RSC's were not fully implemented. Apart from which Black people
in
The
boycotted
those
structures.
any substantialparticipation
effectively
importance lies in the fact that thesechangesprovided the climate in which
both
could
critique the proposals and proffer more
other commentators
democratic alternatives. These are consideredlater on.
Feeding into that expressedneed for alternatives was the developmentof the
Civic Movement in South Africa. Murray tracesthe developmentof the
Civic Movement to the immediate aftermath of the Black Consciousness
Movement with their emphasis"on inward looking strategiesof community
development..(which).. crystallised in a flowering of `self help' grassroots
147
level"!
Three
the
township
of
early, and most
at
organisations
In
Cape.
Elizabeth
in
Port
Soweto,
the
and
prominent, were established
Again,
Action
Committee.
Housing
Cape
location
last
this
the
was
the
Murray seesthese local movementsas making popular "the idea of non
interests
the
of ordinary people
partisan popular organisationsrepresenting
148
The
1984-'86
lives.
"'
directly
their
that
uprisings
affect
on matters
because
into
the
the
the
agenda
many of
political
middle of
civics
pushed
them affiliated to the United Democratic Front (UDF). In the Cape rejection
the
tricameral
the
constitution
and
the
state
of
strategy
municipal
parallel
of
helped fuel the 1984-'86 uprisings. Not only was there a branch of the
UDF, but also another "mass basedBlack unity alliance, the National Forum.
The UDF, the larger of the two, broadly followed the lines of the ANC
Charter. It contained a broad range of ideological viewpoints, which,
`non-racialism',
tenet
the
actively sought white
central
of
convenedaround
into
its
It
burgeoning
the
membership
also
pulled
and
participation.
support
Black trade union movement. Its aims, modestly framed, were for a `free,
democratic South Africa'. The National Forum, on the other hand, pursued
619
a more Black Consciousnessline which excluded whites from positions of
leadership. It was opposedto "ethnic divisions amongst Blacks, and
suspicious of the collaborative tendenciesof the black middle class."1149 It
rejected outright the new constitution, as well as capitalism and apartheid
it
inextricably
intertwined.
It proposed the "establishment of
which saw as
a democratic anti-racist worker republic in Azania", its name for South
Africa. One can seein the Cape how the two major tendenciesin radical
opposition to the racist South African state also manifested itself in the civic
movement. One cannot draw a straight genealogical line from the NEUM to
the New Forum, but simply point to the overlaps in similar political outlook;
that is apart from the use of the term `Azania'.
The importance of the civic movement is threefold. Firstly, as Murray
persuasively argues,civic associationswere social movements,a definition
justified
be
according to three criteria. Their executiveswere
which can
directly
local
to
their
accountable
elected and
membersand supporters.
Their organisational structureswere basedon active grassrootsparticipation
by their membership whilst their resourceswere derived directly from
help
donations.
Lastly "they alone possessedthe capacity to
and
voluntary
define local grievancesand assumesole responsibility for deciding which
150
local
"'
Further,
context.
strategiesand actions were appropriateto the
local,
issues,
these
associations
organised
around
specific
such as
whilst
had
demands
they
to
transpose
these
etc.,
also
on to a wider
services, rent,
linked
to the changing of the apartheid regime; a task
political plane
facilitated through co-ordinating organisationslike the UDF and NF. The
importance
is
that these civics came to assumemuch of the
of
area
second
de-legitimated
by
the
apartheid municipal
abandoned
responsibilities
in
by
These
the
covered a range of administrative,
put
place
state.
structures
decision
judicial
functions.
They
making,
policing
and
representative,
local
in
The
Murray
third
then
as
concludes,
a
government
waiting.
were,
important element is that from within the civic movement, basedon their
local
different
came
vision
a
radically
of
government, one
experiences,
local
For
in
interviewing
into
the
example
nineties.
which carried over
in
had
had
Cape
the
contact with the civics they
who
government planners
local
that
two
governmentwere on the table: the one
clear
versions
of
were
from the ANC favoured a larger metropolitan structure governed through the
from
liberal
democratic
the
the
process;
whilst
other,
orthodox
representative
favoured
local
government structuresgoverned
movement,
smaller
civic
through a participatory form of democracywhere representativeswould be
directly accountableto the people and subject to immediate recall should
151
This dichotomy will be expandedupon in
they not perform as mandated.
the following sections on options for local government change.
620
12.15 The Situation at the Turn of the Eighties/Nineties Decade
In the immediate period in the run up to the turn of the above decadethere
level
legitimation
for
Nationalist
the
secondary
crisis
a
new
so
much
was not
Party's political order, as a heightening of that which gave rise to the `Total
Strategy'. There was, as two commentatorshave put it, "a beleaguered
52under pressureexternally from the international
siege economy"'
from
internally
the near ungovernability of the Black urban
community, and
had
leant
legitimating
In
those
who
powerful
previously
addition
areas.
for
Afrikaaner
those
the
capital, were now
controlling
government,
support
key
factors
for
As
those
there was a
change.
a result of
also clamouring
for
in
"the
in
ruling
group
opted
an
a
sea
change,
which
shift strategy,not
inclusive ideology". This would see,and has seen,political power pass into
Black handswhilst economic, bureaucratic and military power is either still
in white hands, or does,and will, rely heavily on that community for some
time. In many ways it echoesthe experiencein many American cities in the
the
the
term
advent of
which
saw
civil
movement
rights
of
aftermath
medium
Black mayors and other senior city officials whilst the economic power still
from
is,
itself
in
This
and was, a resonance
remained under white control.
the formal de-colonising experiencein African countries whereby
did
not guaranteecontrol over economic
assumptionof political power
it
be
To
to
that
the
that
used
analogy
colonial
argued
can
extent
power.
describethe relationship betweenthe state and Black people internally
however,
This
"negotiated
during
time,
the
revolution".
and after
continues
it is appositeto talk about a neo-colonial relationship, one in which
dominance and oppressionare mediated through a Black elite controlled
largely
divisions
in
therefore,
the
exist as an
still
old racial
polity, and which
begs
is
There
the
thus
which
question
an
opportune
unresolved problem.
in
the
the
to
early
settlement
of
negotiated
won
out
who
exactly
answer
nineties.
With regard to local government and race equality in South Africa the
highlighted
in
the
early nineties,
of
changes,
political
promise
and
prospect
in
in
UK
far
the
than
that
the
greater
of
opportunity
window
provided a
delegitimation
Africa
South
In
late
the
effective
seventiesperiod.
similar
Black
by
to
those
apartheid,
opposed
especially
of the whole state apparatus
people, offered the real possibility of a radical restructuring within a
dead
because
the
time,
weight
of
which
something,
relatively short spaceof
in
Even
UK.
the
tradition,
possible
not
was
simply
of orthodoxy and
limited
inertial
drag
for
the
the
continuance of white privilege
of
allowing
into
built
the
the
possibility of creating a
settlement,
negotiated
was
which
be
local
form
inclusive
there
to
still
was
realised.
governance
of
racially
Forms of this possibility are hinted at, or are implicit, in some of the options
for local government changewhich emergedduring this period. Other
because
however,
the
racial enormity of apartheid, were
of
options,
change
621
liberal
democratic
satisfied with a
re-jigging of the apartheid state. Both,
however, are limited by their under theorisation of `race' and the
underestimationof the extent to which the racial legacy would endurepostby
lack
their
of critical attention to the instrumentalising
apartheid,and
processesof local government. Given the extent to which the
`neutralisation' of the latter has, and does, contribute(d) to the maintenance
in
of colonial relations the sphereof local governancein the UK, it can be
askedwhether or not this would also be true of South Africa in its period of
change.
12.16 Cape Town City Council at the Turn of the Decade - Key
Contextual Issues
In relation, therefore, to local governance, and particularly that of Cape
Town City Council, in the period being considered, it reflected the local
reality of the consequences of a racially structured siege economy. A study
in
Cape
Town
latter
the
the
area
part of the eighties concluded that "the
of
life
by
large
of
experienced
a
proportion of Cape Town's population
quality
is extremely poor, and in the short term, at least, is worsening. "1 1S3 Given
the deteriorating trend of the South African economy through the nineties it
be
life
that
those
the
argued
aspects
of
quality
of
relating to economic
can
hardship have continued. The study referred to above identified three
for
development
Cape
Town
the
problems
metropolitan area:
major
increasing unemployment and poverty, housing supply, and spatial
inequalities.
In terms of unemployment in the immediate period leading up to the nineties,
this was increasing amongstthe Black population. The primary causeof
this the study puts down to the weak economic baseof the city, the result of
being predominantly service industry focused, in itself the legacy of a
historical
development
interventions
by the apartheid state.
of
and
mixture
The key facts at that time, were however, that there was evidence of
`Coloured'
Thus
`African'
the
amongst
and
poverty
populations.
extensive
"some 97% of `African' and 74% of `Coloured' headsof household received
54
below
datum
line.
"'
incomes
a poverty
Like other metropolitan areasin South Africa, Cape Town's Black
housing
There
problems.
experienced
severe
were two
populations
dimensions to this: actual housing shortages,and conditions affecting then
direct
housing.
Housing
were
a
shortages
result of the apartheid
existing
Group
Areas
Act
the
which gave rise to the destruction
particularly
policies,
housing
levels
`Coloured'
stock, and to the attempt by the
of
of significant
levels
in
Black
Cape
the
the
to
through restricting
of
population
control
state
housing resources. The actual cost of running such housing is
high.
in
This,
terms of actual rent paid and the fact that
proportionately very
622
the majority of `Coloured' and `African' housing schemeswere, as a result
located
on the periphery of the Cape Town City area,
of apartheid policies,
meant that the infra-structural costs, such as transport to work etc., were
high.
actually
Cape Town's urban structure in the late eighties, a structure which endures
today is characterisedby a high degreeof spatial racialised inequality "which
imposessignificant costs on the lower income groups"' 55,i. e. Black people.
This is the result of a combination of four factors: the state's apartheid
policies of residential segregationand industrial de-concentration,so as to
discouragethe influx of Black workers; the urban land market; and the
legacy of a history of town planning practices which favoured a multiple
large
Consequently
tracts of
to
city,
approach.
suburban, as opposed a one
the city, mainly those for Black people, are, in effect, dormitory areaswhich
leisure
distant
from
of
work,
and shopping, and poorly
and
areas
are separate
"are
hand
in
On
the
the
terms
transport.
white
areas
other
of public
served
facilities
in
located
to
general
and major
relation
work
opportunities,
well
56
The ever increasing reliance on the private motor car
transport routes."'
key
linking
developed
to
these
the
white areas
motorway system
well
and
like
leisure
terminals,
the airport, means
transport
and major
sites of work,
that those differences are even more exacerbated. The effects of this state
is
differences,
to
not
reinforce
racial
sponsoredcreation of racial ghettos
only acrossthe socio-economic spectrum,which the study referred to
divide
but
the
and within
socio-psychological
also across
concentrateson,
the `camps' so established. In the areasdifferentiated out and marked by
in
is
thus
there
reduction,
a proportionate reproduction, and
racial criteria,
terms of allocated resourcesand quality of key servicesranging downwards
Theseare education,health and other welfare
from white to `African'.
services.
623
624
By the late eighties this reality of urban racial segregationand concomitant
deleterious socio-economic consequences,was aggravatedby Black people's
de-legitimation of racialised local government structuresthe government
inclined
its
liberally
in
Despite
to
political stance,
attempted put place.
Cape Town City Council was effectively disestablishedfrom its `Coloured'
from
its
legitimation
`African'
garnering
resources
only
communities,
and
the white population. Thus, although the council had publicly announced
its opposition to key elementsof the state's apartheidpolicies, like the Group
Areas Act, SeparateAmenities Act, the removal of `Coloured' voters from
the roll, etc., thereby challenging the colonial relationship local government
had to have with its Black communities which was being foisted upon them,
the reality was that this relationship could, under the apartheid system,only
had
being
`paternal'.
That
to
to
change.
state
of
affairs
progress
ever
By the turn of that decadeCape Town City Council's formal political
division
based
the
of
city, eachwith
ward
upon
a
seventeen
was
structure
devolved
The
the
upon an
of
city
two councillors.
political administration
four
standing committees each
were
executive committee under which
the
under
administrative
services
of
relevantly
grouped
a
range
covering
is
below
The
represented
structure
control of a senior manager.
diagramatically.
--------sari
<< iý}Nf4:
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ýX UTIrýaowrrn
RIUNNWAL
c{
s{y.
OOIAMý
It
4c.
r
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ýý º.
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625
SLMSs
In addition tacked on to the structure was the `ManagementCommittee' set
up for four `Coloured' areas.
The council employed over 15,000employees. Racially there was a sharp
division betweenthe white collar administrative staff and the manual worker
former
in
The
the
was
predominantly
white,
especially
sections.
latter
100%
Black, with the
the
whilst
was almost
managementechelons,
largest grouping under that categorybeing 'Coloured'. ' 159 Certainly in
terms of the white collar side, the fact that recruitment was under the control
inhibitory
factor
in
Services
Commission
Manpower
the
was
an
of
employing more Black people.
The services, as is evident from the detail of the diagram, were mainly
`technical' ones, as opposedto `human' services. This representeda mix of
discretionary
Despite
this technical slant, many
services.
ones
and
statutory
if
developmental
framework,
these
within
a
can
services, contextualised
of
be seento be essentialto the overall welfare of local citizens, and, in the
South African case,subjects.
In sum, by the end of that decade,allowing for the racialised structuring of
local governanceas outlined to date, the key resultant problems facing Cape
Town local government can be briefly bullet pointed as follows:
f Across the wider metropolitan area of Cape Town, a structure of
fragmented local authorities separatedby political complexion and
race
f Effective delegitimation of all of these structuresby Black people
f Fragmentation of servicesacrosslocal authorities and different tiers
differential
accessto, or receipt of,
as
well
as
racially
of government,
such services
f Core principle of self sufficiency to municipal authorities means
Black
parallel
oneswould never achieve that status,whilst
racially
larger,
benefit
from
to
more
unable
were
smaller separatewhite ones
financially sound ones, like CapeTown City Council.
f Democratically unhealthy powers of intervention in local
levels
by
held
the
provincial
of the state.
and
central
government
fA potential Black constituency in which race is denied, either
through organisationslike the UDF where race is `non-race', or
through organisationslike the National Forum where race is
universalised through a class analysis.
626
12.17 Change Options at the Turn of the Decade
In 1988 an academiccommentatoron local government could put the
problem of local government in South Africa concisely in terms of "here"
Here
"there".
was:
and
f -the existence of separate,racially defined local authorities;
f"
the lack of political legitimacy accorded to the black local
authorities by most black residents of townships-this is shown by low
voting polls, attacks on the persons and property of councillors, rent
boycotts, the collapse of several black town and city councils, and the
establishment of alternative organisations to represent the political
aspirations of black communities;
f"
unstable, inexperienced, ineffective and financially deprived black
municipalities;
f"
coloured and Indian managementcommittees, reluctant to accept
from
but
prevented
assimilating with the
autonomous municipal status,
nearby white municipalities;
f"
white municipalities, who face a problem of popular apathy,
financial difficulties and an inability to respond appropriately to the
political pressuresemanating from the nearby townships;
f"
vast disparities in wealth and standard of living between the
different racially defined communities; and
f"a
lack of communication, comprehension, co-ordination and cooperation within each town, due to the existence of totally separate local
institutions. ' 160
On the other hand "there" would be:
f"
Political legitimacy: any government depends on the willing coif
its
the
participation
and
possible,
enthusiastic
of
subjects. The
operation,
has
demonstrated
black
local
the
amply
of
authorities
experience
difficulties causedby popular frustration and apathy.
f"
Democracy: local governmentscannot satisfy the needsof residents
unless councillors and administrators know what those needs are. Nor can
local rulers' actions be constrained unless they are accountable to their
constituency. Furthermore, in the context of 20th century political values,
democracy is a sine qua non for governmental legitimacy.
f"A
minimum of political stability, ensured by the ability of strong,
legitimate and accessible local institutions to deal with conflict quickly and
into
disagreements
erupting
violence, civil
without
effectively,
disobedienceor passive resistance.
f"
The decentralisation of political power and administrative control,
to allow greater community participation in the shaping of local institutions
627
and decision-making. This may also help to ensure stability, as it would
expedite the resolution of conflict. Issues would not have to filter through
the bureaucratic empires of the central government.
f"
The removal of racial discrimination in local government,
according to a constitutional formula acceptable to the majority of local
inhabitants. Again, the context of generally accepted political values in the
imposed
legally
discrimination
today
rules
out
of any kind.
world
western
f"A
minimum of administrative efficiency and financial
effectiveness, and the elimination of duplication, waste and red tape. This
implies the dismantling of racially defined municipal institutions, which are
expensive to maintain.
f"
Redistribution of wealth, to ensure a reasonable standard of living
to underprivileged communities. This would enable those communities to
make a more sophisticatedcontribution to the political, social and economic
life of towns.116'
Whilst the `negatives' of the `here' characteristicsaccord with my
in
Cape
local
towards the end of the eighties
the
of
government
assessment
decade,the general framework provided by this version of the `fact' and
`norm' of local governancealso summarisesthe parametersof changethen
differing
frameworks,
but
Similar
with
political emphases,can
envisioned.
be identified for different setsof participants in the general debate. Thus
local
ANC's
look
briefly
the
studies,
of
vision
some
academic
at
we can
form
local
the
this
time
the
of
of
civics
position
on a new
and
governanceat
Cape
Town
be
This
to
the
contextual precursor examining
will
governance.
City Council's own responseto the emerging changeagendain the late
1996,
interregnum
to
the
the
through
up
negotiations, and
period of
eighties,
the year in which the first `non-racial' local elections occurred.
At the academiclevel Watson's approach,at that time, bearshighlighting
becauseof the proposals for changeshe outlines and becauseher empirical
1162
in
her
is
Marxist
Whilst
done
Cape.
the
origin analysis
on
work was
in a class basedsociety local government servesto maintain capitalist social
level
if
that
the
capture
of state
class
working
relations which can change
her
follow
logic
from
do
her
the
of
not necessarily
solutions, which
power her
interesting.
There
two
to
vision
are
aspects
theoretical underpinning, are
first
is
in
developmental
to
The
that
situation,
applies
which
a
change.
of
South Africa, local government can play a critical role in trying to ensure
justice,
for
local
framework
is
the
there
and
political
that
socio-economic
a
former through redistributive measuresand the latter through substantive
democratisation. Achieving this will turn on changesto the systemsof
local government representationand financing, as well as the need to define
local
level
What
the
of
government.
she
geographical
apposite
properly
internal
in
fact
both
`representation'
the
structure and processes
terms
covers
in
is
local
the
to be
which
political
way
well
control
as
as
government
of
favours
latter
In
the
she
a more participatory, non-hierarchical
exercised.
628
form of representation,which is immediately accountableto a range of
in
full
turn
through
the
exercise
executive
control
which
council,
groups,
kind
intermediary
than
through
of
any
managementcommittee. For
rather
this she draws primarily on the immediate post war Yugoslavian experience
body
"a
but
local
of
self
as
managing
community",
also on the
of
governance
forms
of the civics. Under the former model services
emerging organisation
were organised as self managing entities run by committees of producers, i. e.
the workers themselves,and those who use the services. The key point to
this was to have a form of local governancein which the citizen's
is
participation paramount, rather than that of the political representative. In
terms of local government finance, whilst not having specific proposals for
is
local
"the
the
that
spelt
out
principle
authority should be able to
change,
facilitate a redistribution of resources"1163.This links into the final aspect
is
do
to
with the appropriate geographical and political level of local
which
Thus,
though acknowledging that re-organisation into larger
government.
in
itself
is
inimical
is
democratisation
to
a
solution
and
not
greater
and
units
level
local
for
be
favoured
the
government
metropolitan
of
can
autonomy,
like
financial
base,
first
functions,
the
tier authorities
with
smaller
some
covering other areas.
The last point, given the more radical participatory elementsof her proposals
is puzzling. However it is clear that in interviewing her in 1990 that at that
local
in
debates
the
emerging
on
government changes South
time many of
Africa were being done with an eye on, and with the hope of catching the ear
likely
be
force
in
ANC
to
the
the
main
political
was
as
which
recognised
of,
the changing South Africa. During the eighties the ANC favoured a
local
disparate
because
the
authority
of
metropolitan structure, not only
it
because
but
had
be
to
was
also
rationalised,
structures and systems
local
At
for
that
transformation.
point,
sized
vehicle
a
suitably
as
regarded
1990, the ANC as a political organisation emerging into political legitimacy
in South Africa becauseof the `unbanning', but with leading figures who
had spent a considerabletime in exile, had a wary eye on the civics with their
demandsfor a more participatory form of local governance. Nevertheless
for
internal
had
the civics, as
the
ANC
to
of
and
support
power
the
recognise
be
This
like
UDF.
in
the
seen
can
rapprochement
represented organisations
in the first conferenceon local government organisedby the ANC in 1990.
Participants in this conferenceincluded the academiccommentatorsreferred
for
local
formal
first
The
the
recommendations
to above, as well as
civics.
in
from
ANC
the
the
to
new political climate
emerge
government changes
1164
framed
to
those
therefore
outlined above.
similarly
very
were
At this time the resolutions for change,as with all of the options being
included
the
the
ending of all racial
of
precondition
considered,
discrimination as a sine qua non. I want to concentrateon those concerning
democratisation,finance and levels of local government structures. In terms
629
of democratisation,which was pre-conditioned to the principle of `nonbe
based
to
this
on the `one person, one vote' principle of
was
racialism',
balance
Further
be
that,
whilst
a
suffrage.
should
universal
maintained
between local and national governments,local issuesshould be delegatedto
local authorities. Added into the recommendationson democratisationwas
one which committed the ANC to programmesof affirmative action in that
sphereof government. It remained to be seenwhether or not `affirmative
democratisation
be
to
elements
of
as
a
political
was
action'
realised, or
interesting
it
The
technical,
as
managerial activity.
whether would emerge a
There
to
the
the
role
of,
and
relationship
with,
relates
civics.
were
section
three recommendations. Theseset out that: civics should be autonomous
independentof local government, but could enter into political alliances with
issues
improve
that
to
the life of the
on
seek
political organisations
community; they should act, on behalf of communities, as watchdogs over
local government; and People's Assemblies should be establishedas open
forums outside of local state institutions to facilitate public participation on
1165
implementation.
from
development
It
this that the
was
clear
and
policy
direct
being
the
was
seen
as
outside
of
civics
power configurations
of
role
in
be
left
decision
to
to
the
political
party
making
which
was
affecting
In
limited
Participation
this the
to
was
effectively
consultation.
power.
Yet
Watson's.
less
democratically
than
substantive
proposals were even
in
for
the
the
conference
opted
what they termed a three
workshops
of
some
tier model in which local governmentrepresentativesare elected from civics,
local
from
governmentwill emergecentral government representatives.
and
In this way accountability lines run from the civics via local government, to
-ý,
finance
back.
The
city
were
recommendations on
national government, and
finances,
better
base,
for
tax
such
public scrutiny of
a single
general, calling
desired
from
In
for
to
the
relation
national government.
subsidies
and
forward.
level
local
level
the
metropolitan
was put
of
government,
structural
This was because it could "accommodate urban growth, reintegrate urban
for
be
facilitate
city
co-ordinate
and
responsible
redistribution,
communities,
broader
development
for
democratic
over
control
wide services and allow
166
decisions. "'
The best context againstwhich to comparethe ANC's initial local
is
its
to
yardstick,
so speak, that of
government changeproposals, normative
its own Freedom Charter. Adopted in 1955 at a Congressof People, "it
in
South
history
first
African
for
the
time
the
authoritatively
concretised
belief in a nation united in a unitary, non-racial, democratic South
167
It was taken as the founding principles for the new South
"'
Africa.
Africa in the early nineties. Six core principles are identified: that of
democracy;
democracy;
that of a pluralist
that
of participatory
representative
human
that
that
action;
of
rights and the
of equality and affirmative
society;
democracy.
Against
benchmarks,
it
law;
these
that
of
social
and
can
of
rule
be arguedthat the local governmentproposals appearto be meeting the
630
democracy
and pluralism, where pluralism here
principles of participatory
democratic
"plurality
to
the
organs of self
and
autonomy
of
refers
bodies
trade
collective
and community enterprises"
unions,
government,
between
The
to
this
extent
which
early
apparent
schism
superficially.
only
the perceived need to have in place political structures of control over local
local
desire
for
by
the
participatory recognition
expressed
urban areasand
by
from
is
be
the
proposals
emanating
real
can
gauged
citizens,
constituent
the civics and the reaction to these from the ANC throughout the nineties.
The civics marked not only a new chapter in the history of opposition to
in
South
Africa,
they also, within the specific
and
apartheid
segregation
Cape
dimension.
different
In
Cape,
the political
the
the
added
a
context of
identifies,
from
`Coloured'
Lewis
the
to
community,
as
opposition apartheid
for
both
ANC
from
This
`middle
true
the
the
classes'.
was
came mainly
focussed
The
NEUM
the
ones.
rise of the civics
and
centred opposition
formal
into
the
the
the
oppositional political
spotlight on
emergence
marked
There
the
was, as well, the other
working
classes.
ordinary
arenaof
independent
the
trade
the
whose
sphere
merged
at
unions
of
arena
political
boundarieswith that of the civics. In the mid eighties in Atlantis, one of the
Cape Town periphery dormitory areascreatedfor lower income `Coloured'
by
National
African
by
South
the
the
state,
a
rally
organised
at
people
Forum, the principal researcherwas able to witness the testimony of ordinary
`Coloured' people, those whose voices in the past were normally silent. By
for
involving
the
this
organisations,
the early nineties
movement of civic
developed
had
Black
a national co-ordinating
people,
most part ordinary
This
(SANCO).
Civic
Organisation,
National
South
African
the
structure,
local
in
key
the
to
government
affecting
negotiating
process
part
was play a
in
future
Murray
in
three
the
scenarios
possible
outlined
nineties.
changes
the mid nineties in the face of the then likely development of parliamentary
democracy: on the basesof a coherent developmentand democracy
local
to
to
a
watchdog;
of
government
acting
as
outside
remain
programme
into
to
similar
or
remain
parties;
with
politically
alliances
strategic
enter
for
local
to
themselves
to
unaffiliated any political party and enter candidates
1169 Both Murray and Fine, who identify the new
government elections.
interest in the theory and practice of the discourseof civil society in the
future
likely
describe
Africa,
South
that
three
of
option
changing society of
the civics in terms of a `cleft stick' dilemma. Murray askshow this
liberal
`framework
be
fine
the
theories
of
of
under
might
which
approach,
democratic rights' can be "reconciled with not only the deeply entrenched
but
forging
institutional
the
also
challenge
of
power
realities of class and
diverse and sometimesrival interest groups into a common socialist
170
in
limitations
Fine's
betrays,
The
"'
the
case,
certainly
question
project..
Marxist,
the
etatist privileging approach,as well as the
orthodox
of
its
is
bases.
labour
The
theoretical
which
of
social
answer
universalisation
is
is
This
them,
three
that
a
combination
or
of
options,
possible.
all
of course
631
is certainly true if the communicative discursive potential of the civics is to
be realised. This would have direct implications for the form and content
democracy,
beyond
limitations
the
which
ones
move
of
of parliamentary
democracyas conceived of by the ANC. To this end, Mayekiso, first chair
leading
in
SANCO
Johannesburg'sAlexandra Township
and
a
activist
of
civic, points to many civics' participants calling for the establishmentof a
1171
lines
Brazilian
This occurred
of the
one.
workers party, along the
becauseof the perceived concessionsthen being made by the ANC in
because
the ability of the South African Communist to
negotiations and
forms
New
that
was
questionable.
of political organisation were
achieve
because
of the need to securethe "development of a vast network of
needed
democratic organs of popular participation in both the economy and the
leadership
the
of the working class."
political systemand
Whilst there is a similarity in the key aspectsof local governanceidentified
be
if
to
those
need
which
changed,
even
within the approachesoutlined
as
differences
in
there
are
emphasesaccordedto specific elementsor
above,
is
these,
there
one overall aspectwhich appearsto be the
combinations of
is
in
`race'
This
to
that
the
which
notion
of
employed
applies
all
same.
three approaches. Race is not so much dealt with, as also dealt away with,
by the qualifying sine qua non used in all three, that non-discrimination will
be the norm, a moral framework which allows for the specifying of 'nonSimply
be
that
stating
racism
municipalities.
and
race
will
not
racial'
determining forces in the new local governance,and substituting a new
being
`non-racial',
brokering
the
this through
of
state
of
or
even
universalism
the subject of the `worker', as some of the civics did, appearsto be
identification
No
recognition
of
racism
and
racialised
group
as
sufficient.
how
beyond
is
to
that,
or
analyses
problem,
of
move
provided.
an ongoing
Yet, as can be seenwith the `Coloured' people in the Cape, and will be
is
issue
be
later,
by
this
the
an
ongoing
which
cannot
wished
away
shown
is
declaration
South
Africa
`non-racial'.
level,
it
be
At
that
one
can
simple
like
blind
too
this
the
sounds
of
much
a
renovation
colour
approach.
argued,
To that extent the absenceof an anti-racist and anti-discriminatory mode in
thinking and `doing' about race, which has the advantageof transitivising the
here and now to the object of the norm of `non-racial', also betokensthe lack
local
in
for
dimension
the
the
government
of
recognition
options
change.
of
All three approachesare concernedprimarily with the powers of
its
disposal,
local
have
at
government can
and with the
redistribution
democratic meansto achieve this. But, building in the dimension of
be
because,
like
it
they
whether
should
essential
or not, claims
recognition
for racial justice by ordinary people will be mediated in the short to medium
term, through the racialised identities of the South African milieu. This
in
local
for
form
discursive
the
which
communicative
of
governance
a
calls
for
This
allow
would
a processof consensually
spacesare maximised.
basedlegitimation in which ethnic and etnik claims can be discursively dealt
632
We can seenow the extent to which Cape Town City Council's
with.
in
responses the nineties to the changeagenda,and the national framework
to local governance,put in place by the 1994ANC dominated government of
`national unity', actually met those conditions.
12.18 Cape Town City Council in the Interregnum
The `liberal' political tradition in the Cape,which has been examined earlier,
was a phenomenonmade great play of by the white liberal political parties
which came to control the Cape Town City Council. By 1990 this was in
the form of the Democratic Party. In a politically sanctioned `fact-finding'
UK
in
by
USA
1989
the
the
tour
two of the leading managers,a
and
of
city
series of resulting proposalswere adoptedto try "to meet and acceptthe
172
in
Cape
Town.
"'
These
challengesof re-integration a post-apartheid
included the need for the council to continue to promote its 'nondiscriminatory' stanceand to develop the role of moral leader in relation to
non-discrimination. Public council promotional publications of the time
history
on
portraying
a
premium
an
almost
unbroken
of opposition to
placed
by
its
from
days
the
to the then present.
council
earliest
racial segregation
As has been shown, this is only partially true, with Watson describing the
being
best
`ambivalent'.
to
the
apartheid
over
years
as
approach
at
council's
However, by 1990 the council had "firmly believed that the only acceptable
form
local
is
direct
of
government
representationof all its
and workable
irrespective
City
Council
the
present
of their race, and without
citizens on
173
kind.
"'
discrimination of any
However, interviews with two of the leading white councillors at the time,
independent
liberal,
ex-mayor
and
and the other the then
one an alderman,
Democratic
Party,
the
and
member
of
mayor
reveal a slightly
current
There was a
different complexion to their concept of non discrimination.
free
force
in
discrimination
to
the
to
market
as
a
ending
racial
commitment
the extent that they opposed the tactic of economic sanctions. Further, in
in
South
Africa
Cape
`affirmative
to
the
the
emergence
and
of
relation
ills,
the
to
they stressed the
of
strategies
past
social
redress
action' as one
based,
be,
its
for
have
to
this
to
at
core,
meritocratically,
and
any
not
need
in
discrimination.
forward
But,
terms
their
of
carrying
of
reverse
elements
intentions on non racial local government, the impression was gained that the
1174
DP was awaiting its cue from the ANC.
The interregnum period, from the onset of negotiations in 1990 through the
1994 first national `non-racial' election and the sanctioning of an interim
first
`non-racial'
the
to
through
municipal
government of national unity,
by
for
interim
in
1996
in
CTCC
the
was
seen
councils,
main
actors
elections
for
local
`non-racial'
the
governance. Within this
preparation period
as
interim
legislation
to
the
was
enacted
oversee
arrangementsfor local
period
633
included
This
ensuring that there were elected councillors
government.
from the Black communities previously disenfranchised. Given, however,
temporarynature of that set up, there was still a great degreeof questioning
The
legitimacy
those
the
political
structures
and
arrangements.
of
overall
of
in
key
documents
the
then,
the
as
stated
one
of
council's
at
council
aim of
the time, was to develop amongstall the people in its constituency
"75
To this end, given also the
boundaries,the legitimacy of the council.
kept
ANC,
being
the
there were three main elementsto this
on
watchful eye
development
legitimacy.
These
the
of a strategy of
were
programme of
development
the
the
of an affirmative action
civics,
engagementwith
in
towards,
the
and
of
a
council,
and
evolution
position
programme
in
level
local
Cape.
for,
the
of
government
a
metropolitan
proposals
Complementing this, and influencing it at key moments,were a series of
from
ANC.
These
developments
the
the
were
new
stemming
national
South
Africa,
the
the
of
equality and antiemergence
of
constitution
discriminatory legislation, the quick evolution of a radical programme of
developmentalreform, and the developmentand concretisation of the ANC's
local
There
were, and still are, certain elementsof
government.
on
position
legislative
like
level
the
constitution, equality
the national
programme,
developmental
the
programme which provide a normative
components,and
backdrop against which to measurethe changesto local government.
Achieving progresson the new legitimacy for Cape Town City Council was
dependenton the interplay betweenthe new forces in South Africa, which
in
DP
ANC,
this
the
the
the
the
case
and
old
establishment,
and
civics
were
bureaucracy,
Cape
bureaucracy.
Apropos
the
the
the
region
council's
and
branch of the South African Municipal Workers' Union describedthe
its
follows:
there,
and elsewhere,as well as position, as
situation
SAMWU, as the largest Union in the municipal sector, has a very
in
interest
the
restructuring
of
municipal
special
has
in
fact
The
power
meant
of
political
seizure
administrations......
bureaucracies
because
the
to
the
old
remained
masses
nothing
intentions
frustrate
intact
the
to
political
good
able
and were
virtually
SAMWU
At
time
the
the
same
the
as
and
ruling
party
new
of
........
debate
issues,
democratic
to
these
the
starting
are
movement
rest of
the existing authorities are busy restructuring the internal
it
be
This
to
allowed
continue
and
cannot
obviously
administrations.
both
by
the
trade
progressive
union
a
massive
push
require
will
halt
forces
Let
democratic
to
this
process........
movement and other
levels
two
this
viz. staffing policies/practices and
on
address
us
decision making/control. The working conditions of our members
throughout South Africa range from absolutely horrendous to fairly
acceptable. The wage gap and other conditions of employment
between black and white local authorities, rural and urban local
differently
graded municipalities all contribute to a
and
authorities
Add
definitely
but
to this the
situation.
unacceptable
confusing
very
have
labour
and
you
a situation crying
relations practices
very archaic
634
In respect of the structure, the
out for drastic restructuring..........
traditional form of administration is highly bureaucratised with an
extremely fragmented job classification(designation) and a very sharp
is
in
The
Town
Clerk
the
this system
central
power
pyramid.
grading
with Heads of Department having almost equal power within their
own domains. Empire building is not an uncommon feature within
local authorities. This bureaucracy determines the goals and the
it's
on
own. Skills enhancement, participation- in
products
service
decision making, advancements are almost non-existent for the
majority of local authority workers. The treasury is also centralised
and exercises a major influence over the activities of the different
departments. 1176
There is a real sensein which the criticisms voiced above echo those made
by the Race Advisers of the bureaucracyin the target borough in the UK.
Yet, just as in the UK casestudy, there were in Cape Town City council also
key people with the communicative spaceto act. Whilst the upper
bureaucracy
Black
there
the
one
were
almost
entirely
white,
was
of
echelons
function,
in
the
who
used
space
of
a
small
policy
and
research
charge
person,
degree
Whilst
to
catalytic
great
of
power.
not a
a
exercise
available
independent
he
described
himself
ANC,
the
socialist with
as
an
member of
leanings towards the NF position. Additionally there was the planning
departmentwhich, with its job requirementsto consult the public, attracted a
from
the
university of
emerged
planners
who
primarily
politicised
of
number
Cape Town's planning department. The latter had conducteda number of
influential studies of Cape Town City council and the options for change,
including the one referred to earlier. One of the key staff in the council's
branch,
local
ANC
department
the
member
of
was also a prominent
planning
by
body
One
Forum,
City
its
being
the
set
up
a
representativeon
as well as
future
in
discussions
involve
the
the
to
of
about
relevant parties
the council
local governance. This is mentioned to show how the growing public
local
local
`non-racial'
the
state.
overlapped
with
government
spherearound
In some ways this was similar to that which occurred in the UK over race
identified
These
to
local
play an
above
came
people
government.
and
between
in
interpreting,
like
the
mediating
council and
and
role
griot
almost
local people's organisationsover the proposals for changeand how these
important
implemented.
They
be
to
members
critical
of
also
were
were
internal working parties and committeesset up to develop the council's own
how
i.
local
the
to
`non-racial'
was
on
council
e.
government,
on
position
legitimacy
Black
its
people.
with
establish
12.19 Engagement with the Civics
In the eighties CTCC's political leadershipstill made claims for legitimacy
based
limited
franchise
for
involve
the
the
to
on
people,
all
of
which sought
its
`Coloured'
the
opposition to some
people and on
certain sectionsof
legislative aspectsof apartheid. Despite this then, as Todes and Watson
635
point out, it had done very little to nothing about establishing new forms of
contact with the `Coloured' and `African' communities. In the rapidly
changing scenarioof South Africa in the late eighties this was acknowledged
by the white politicians as an oversight which neededto be changed
urgently. In pursuit of that a consultant was engagedto both begin
establishing the processof constructive dialogue with the civics in the Cape
and to advise the council of the changesnecessary. The consultant, who
was white, had worked as a political journalist and in organisationslike the
"77
Sash.
Her work, which had begun when the eighties state of
Black
emergencywas still in place, initially came up against the twin difficulties of
the fact that some key organisationswere bannedand the strong noncollaboration culture of `Coloured' political struggles in the Cape. Whilst
the local white politicians displayed a lot of good will, there was little
politicisation. As a result of both the factors above, a lot of `toing' and
`froing' negotiations took place betweenthe civics and the council mediated
through the consultant, resulting in a gradual thaw as the changeevents
began
decade.
importance
The
to
the
turn
that
unfold
at
of
nationally
of
this work is that it resulted in the first formal structuresbeing established
between the civics and the council, such as the internal Constitutional SubCommittee, and in terms of an external focus the `One City Forum', as well
initiatives.
Above
of
other
all the messagethat came out of the
number
as a
be
by
to
accepted the politicians at the time, was that this
civics and seemed
had
be
to
of
engagement
participatory.
process
One of the key subsequentdevelopmentswas the decision to establish a
Community Liaison Unit in the council in 1993.1178This was very much the
initiative of the senior Black officer mentioned above, drawing together the
linked
initiatives,
of
other
such as the work of the consultant.. This
strands
in
line
it
developed
the
that
view
with
council's
perceived "liaison with
was
the broader community to be of importance, especially during the transition
integrated
it
City.
s1179
However
to
was acknowledgedthat the
an
period
main thrust of the Unit's work would be directed to those sectorsof society
had
been
from
previous
under
governments,
systematically
excluded
which,
is
i.
Black
What
communities.
noticeable is that the
governance, e.
justificatory report omits the race dimension, but talks about "working class
it
initially
"
However
was
only createdon a temporary basis. The
areas.
had
three core elements:public involvement, a
the
strategy underpinning
unit
communication campaign, and a sub-strategyto make Council servicesmore
180
In reality, as the review outlined below showed,
`customer' oriented."'
the work devolved upon a range of activities: capacity building, facilitating
liaison
between
conflict
resolution,
participation,
civics and council
public
officials, researchfor both the latter, co-ordinating needs' analyses.
Three years on, in 1996, a formal review and evaluation of the unit's work
"8' The
framework
review's
acknowledged firstly that the
was undertaken.
636
challenge facing civil society at that time in South Africa was how to make
an impact on the "formal political systemand to ensurethat demandsare met
through channelsof government,particularly local government."l lag
Secondlywith regard to the latter, local government neededto strengthenthe
"organs of civil society" and both neededto "work towards creating a space
where communities can impact on the functioning of local government.."1183
Thirdly the framework whilst acknowledging the inherited problems from
the apartheid era local governmentswere facing, `deadwood' in `dead'
bureaucraciesand the racially basedspatial `mal-structuring' of cities,
situated the main goal of community participation as being that of
transferring power to disadvantagedgroups. The evaluation of the CLU
be
in
therefore,
should,
seen terms of the extent to which it had succeededin
trying "to remove power from politicians and bureaucratsand place it in the
hands of communities." Thus because"elected representativescannot, or
do not, adequatelyserve communities, another goal of community
is
foster
from
to
a
gradual shift
representativedemocracyto
participation
1184
democracy.
"
participatory
The details of the review are both interesting and important. There are
issueswhich are identified which have a strong resonancewith the critical
ones raised through the attempt to develop a race equality discourse
in
borough
in
the
target
the UK. This is not so surprising
programme
becausethe CLU in CTCC was very much involved in trying to open up
in
communicative spaces the council so that local Black people could make
justice
for
racial
which would be both redistributive and recognition
claims
based. The one key difference is that, unlike in the UK, there was no
internal
framing
interventions.
Both, however, seea
those
policy
strong
merging of civil society and the administrative and political systemsat the
boundariesto give a new form of democratisation. Thus overall the review
had
CLU
that
the
come to win the trust and support of the
concludes
communities, and were able to work with the community. They were seen
by the communities as "a facilitator of community particiation in civil
185
local
"'
The
government.
society, and ... a changeagent within
be
issues,
had
to
worked through with the
oneswhich
contentious
in
to
to
those
that
the UK.
appear
very
similar
emerged
constituencies
Firstly there was the need to `unromanticise' the community. The Black
diverse,
communities were
presenting a number of potential obstacles:the
lack of representivity of certain civics; self appointed `leaders' acting as
gatekeepers;conflicts arising out of party politics; crooks, thieves and
doorway
targeting
to state resources.
as
a
what was seen
vagabonds
Secondly there was the issue of the relationship between the CLU and the
hand
`biting
Again
the
that feedsyou' emerged. As
the
trope
of
council.
the review states,"the CLU exists within the council but acts on behalf of
the communities.... (and this)... often places them in the precarious position
637
186
There were two aspectsto
of criticising their employer, the council."'
this: that pertaining to their relationship with the bureaucracyand that to
their relationship with councillors. With the bureaucracythe litany of
critical factors relating to the administrative systemseemvery familiar. The
CLU was seenas a threat becausethe boundariesand content of the
administrators' accountability was being changed. The council was
physically inaccessible. Officials in the council were too conservative,still
living in the old South Africa, and thus ignorant of the parametersto change
then being pursued. There was as well the problem of professionalism and
territorialism, leading to the criticism of the CLU's employeesas not being
"technically qualified in a whole range of professions in which they
operate."1187 Finally the CLU was perceived to lack status in the
organisation, especially one in which there was a rigid hierarchical pecking
This
helped
by
the temporary statusof the employeesin the
was
not
order.
unit.
The review identified the main difficulty with the then elected councillors as
the fact that "the CLU seeksto extend participatory democracywhile we
have a representativedemocratic democracyin place."' 188 Achieving the
former would mean that accountability for councillors would be a continuous
process. There were thus similar issues. For example new councillors were
`suckered' by the systemand viewed the CLU as troublesome becausetheir
failed
those
to link effectively with the community.
who
work exposed
Civics identified that where the councillor failed to link with the
communities, the CLU, through providing effective information, filled that
gap.
In conclusion the review argued for an expansion in the role of the CLU to
take as well an overview of the budgetting process,equality and race
equality, and work with the councillors to transform the bureaucracyso that
it does not "run government irrespective of elected councillors."
There is a final dimension to the state of play with the civics by 1996, the
time of the first, proper non racial municipal elections in the Cape. This is
to do with the development and adoption by the 1994 government of the
Reconstruction and RedevelopmentProgramme,(RDP). Marais notes that
the "RDP emergedas the most concertedattempt yet to devise a set of social,
economic and political policies and practices that could transform South
Africa into a more just and equal society.... (which)
aimed
at
completely
.....
189
"'
There were to this, five
re-ordering politics, the economy and society.
basic
Meeting
Needs;
Developing
Human
Resources;
sub-programmes:
Building the Economy; Democratising the State,and Implementing the RDP.
The RDP originated from the trade union movement, building in, as it
by
It
ANC
its
the
the
civics.
was
adopted
as core framework for
evolved,
legacies
the
of apartheid shortly before the 1994 election. In
overcoming
638
the CapeANC canvasserswere issuedwith leaflet size guidelines to the
I
9o
Saul, cited by Marais, notes that the RDP changedfrom being the
RDP.
democratic
forces
becoming
framework
for
to
the
a
policy
programmeof
doing
became
In
"less what it is,
the
so
programme
national government.
191
it
become.
"'
In other words despite the compromises
than what might
forced on the RDP through `governmentality', it still had enormous
As
Marais
"...
base
document
(of
the
the
summarises,
potential.
normative
RDP) remains both relevant and valuable, not as a blue print but as a
benchmarks
development
that arose from a consultative process
complex of
distilled
ideals
had
in
the
that
propelled the
and which, many respects,
192
in
"'
Further,
an areawhich representsmy
struggle against apartheid.
democratising
between
local
the
the
overlap
public spheres,
argumentsabout
local
is
the
state,which also contra the conservative
civil society and
interpretation of Habermas,he concludesthat approachesfrom below, i. e.
those from civil society have "to penetrateand build alliances with the
(progressive)
(because)...
that
counter-poses
civil
a
schema
strictly
state....
is
bankrupt
theoretically
to
the
and practically self
state
society
193
The implementation of the RDP at the local level relied on
"'
defeating.
1194
the establishmentof RDP forums which drew directly from the civics.
In the interregnum period in the Cape when the council embarked on its
local
CLU,
legitimacy,
through
the
the
work
of
especially
programme of
RDP forums were the prime mediating organisations for council access to
both
in
Cape,
These,
the
ranged across
communities and vice versa.
`Coloured' and `African' communities, including those of Cross Roads and
Khayelitsa, the unofficial squatter camps. In concluding this section on the
it
be
1996,
in
CTCC
the
that
to
the
can
argued
up
period
and
civics
beginnings of a process of democratisation of the local state had begun.
More particularly the search for new and better forms of legitimacy had
fora
for
Black
development
in
the
people and
new
communicative
resulted
the linkage of these to the communicative channels influencing the local
both
democracy
locally
The
and
arguments around participatory
state.
RDP,
in
South
Africa,
the
through
such
assumed
as
programmes
societally
that this form of democratisation would shift the relationship from
`influence' to actual `change'. Whilst there is no explicit mention of
deliberative democracy as part of this democratising change, the discursive
in
I
the
that,
notion of participatory
resides
would
argue,
of
potential
democracy, and is evident in the examples of engagement with the civics.
12.20 Affirmative Action and CTCC
'Affirmative action' enteredthe lexicon, policy and practice of South
African local government through a number of routes, some of them interknowledge
Access
to
the
available
of race remedial
global
connected.
GB
in
USA
the
were available to politicians,
and
measuresundertaken
639
in
helping
Its
ANC.
to restructure a changed
the
potential
unions, and
SouthAfrica was being mooted by the ANC in the eighties. In terms of
local governmentthe developmentof anti-apartheid declarations,policies
local
but
London
by
UK,
authorities, within the overall
mainly
and practices
into
fed
those
the visions of the
of
councils,
race equality programmes
by
developed
ANC.
Durban
City
being
In
the
the
case
of
alternatives
Council, returning ANC activists who had been exiled in the UK, assisted
local trade unions in brokering an affirmative action policy with that council.
In that casethe policy actually read like a UK local government equality
UK's
1976
for
Race
the
of
of
word adoption parts
policy, replete with word
195
'
Act.
Relations
In relation to CTCC the drive for an affirmative action policy derived as
for
forms
legitimacy,
liberal
from
the
of
search
new
white
politicians
much
There
largely
SAMWU.
from
Black
it
did
trade
the
municipal
union,
as
Employees,
Association
Municipal
South
African
the
of
was another union,
(SAAME) which served only the white employees,and which was
facts
legacy
However
the
the
this.
of
of apartheid
silent
over
particularly
into
divided
CTCC
bureaucracy
for
The
themselves.
seven
of
was
spoke
hierarchical bands,which when defined in terms of pay, showed that 94% of
those in the two lower bandswere Black, whilst 100% of the highest band
1196
late
highest
band
The
95%
the
eighties visit
were white.
second
of
and
by key senior managersto the UK and USA came back with specific
By
the
turn
affirmative
action
policy.
an
on
establishing
recommendations
institutional
decade
the
the
obstacleto establishing such a
one major
of
CTCC
the
regaining the control over their
overcome
with
was
policy
from
Manpower
decisions
the
services
selection
recruitment and
Commission. To affect the creation of an affirmative action policy,
both
the
to
research
subject area and come up
were
employed
consultants
1197On the basis of this CTCC agreedan Equal Employment
with proposals.
Opportunity and Affirmative Action Policy in 1991, with a commitment to
in
the
trade
this
unions; a negotiated agreementonly secured
with
negotiate
1994.1198
The policy is telling, both by the limitation of its application and by the
in
UK.
The
EEO
AA
developed
the
those
and
policy
similarities with
development.
It
to
employee
and
selection,
applied only recruitment and
identified three target `disadvantaged'groups, where `disadvantage'was
defined in terms of those "deprived of rights, career, ... inadequate
discrimination
the
to
on
grounds of race, gender
past
or
subject
schooling...
199
in
`equity
EEO
The
"'
disability.
employment through actively
meant
or
is
AA
discrimination",
temporary
at
aimed
measuresto
whilst
prohibiting
improve
discrimination
the
representativenessof employees
and
past
redress
in CTCC according to race and gender. At the heart of this policy was the
incorporation of the concept of `merit', which meant "the capacity or
640
200
job.
"
The implementation
competencyto meet the requirementsof the
be
to
the
sought through the establishmentof an Affirmative
of
policy was
Action Board comprised of equal numbers of relevant managersand
function
from
the
trade
unions,
whose
would be to oversee
representatives
the developmentof the policy; the appointment of a specialist `Affirmative
Action Officer', basedin the Personneldepartment;and the creation of
targeting evaluation and monitoring system.
There are two major problems with the EEO and AA policy, the first of
it
has
borrowed
from
fact
is
that
the
uncritically
other national
which
it
developed
field.
is
The
in
this
that
was
without any
second
experiences
being
to
considerations
and
changes
pursued.
wider
political
reference
Apropos this last point one of those interviewed in the council criticised it
for its apolitical foundation and purported technical character. As the
it
became
in
in
Africa
South
the
nineties
awashwith
unfurled
changes
in
The
ANC
both
internally
from
the
of
world.
and
other
parts
consultants
the eighties was as unpreparedfor governanceas the Nationalist party was
for relinquishing power. The net result was that there was, in the
is,
heavy
degree
for
of uncritical application
a
changes,and still
preparation
knowledge
The
`affirmative
hand
technologies.
notion
of
of second
is
in
A
South
Africa
those.
one
of
critical commentary
as
evolving
action',
is
CTCC
but
Durban
to
the
the
one,
applicable
equally
policy,
which
on
described it as "inadequately thought out... and disempowering"; this in
be
by
`E's"
three
to
underpinned
should
policies
which
contradistinction
described
"1201
What
was
as
empowerment,emancipation and enablement
"Mynah bird" policy developmentwould prove disabling in the South
African context. Pointing out that similar policies developedin the UK
bureaucracies
large
fine
"are
USA
tuning
so that racial minorities
about
and
(in
"Black")
the
term
Black
the
can
sense
of
possible
widest
people
of
White
for
jobs...
(and)...
terms
with
people
or
near
equal,
on
equal,
compete
it
Black
is
to
majorities
of
people who are so
racial
relevant
whether or not
treated is another matter... (becausethere is)... the question .... whether or
not this particular type of changewill simply entrench the rights of a
1202
"
It goes on to to
historically privileged White minority community.
identify the marginalising conceptualapparatusand practice of `affirmative
be
in
UK
USA,
that
the
should
unquestioningly
why
and
and asks
action'
transposedon to the South African context. Thus use of terms, such as
`disadvantaged', `merit', `affirmative action', etc. all give the impression that
in
human
in
terms
policy
and
practice, and terms of
of
resource
what exists
the bureaucratic structure, are normal, requiring only a few tweaks , here and
language
Further
Black
in
the
to
people.
there, order accommodate
of the
date
drafted
to
that
unwittingly pathologise and
up
affirmative action policies
`victim' Black people so that, for example, the inference can be drawn that
Black people thus require `additional training' before they can work in such
There
in
far
additional
problems,
were
ups.
as
set
well,
so
as
administrative
641
therewas an unquestioning adoption and implementation of a race
monitoring systemwhich relied on the apartheid racial categories,a move
which had the potential to entrench further conventionalised identification.
Those sorts of criticisms set out above actually speak of a greaterproblem,
which is the way in which the EEO and AA appearsto be divorced from the
wider changes,such as the RDP. One of the weaknessesidentified by the
review of the CLU was that it was not properly contextualised and
structurally situated in an equalities environment tackling the whole council.
The samecan be said of the EEO and AA policy, viz. that it doesnot seek to
changethe conditions of inequitable and unjust employment policies,
practices and structures,but rather fine tune them. In other words equality
basedemployment policies and practices should becomethe norm, not the
addedon exception. It's answer to racism is the BBOS approachwhich,
whilst desirable, can never be the solution. Post 1996 there are thus
important questionsto be askedof the EEO and AA, especially in the light of
the country's constitutional and equality legislative developments.
12.21 Pursuing the Metropolitan Option
The metropolitan level of local government, by which is meant deciding on
the degreeof amalgamationof the many, fractured local authority structures
by
into
the
apartheid
years
one, was favoured by the ANC and, in
generated
their preliminary deliberations, CTCC as a vehicle for legitimacy. In this
caselegitimacy arosemainly out of the ability of such a structure to play a
developmental
The
role.
extent to which the civics, the only
substantial
base
of Black people at that time, actually supportedthat
real organisational
is questionable. To that extent the proposalsput forward by CTCC in the
first part of the nineties have to be assessedin relation to its democratising
for
it
be
legitimation
involving
through
those
that
would
processes
proposals
the communicative participation of all concerned,would be enacted.
The actual proposals emerging from CTCC covered four main areas:the
in
democratic
form and content; the
tiers
the
the
new set up;
number of
1203
financial
framework.
I want to
systemsand
services, and the
first
the
two. In terms of the number of levels to the
on
concentrate
for
the
there to be two tiers
structure,
was
metropolitan
recommendation
local
level
of
primary
and
a
metropolitan
authorities
comprised
which would
have a co-ordinating role and responsibility for certain services. The
degreeof devolution or decentralisationwould the outcome of negotiations.
Above all, with regard to the relationship, the CTTCC came down to
concluding that "becauseof the perceived need that accountableand
its
local
government
at
optimum when it is constructed
works
participatory
is
there
community
clusterings,
coherent
a strong casefor the
around
local
in
the metropolitan area."1204 In terms
authorities
retention of primary
642
local
democratisation
the
the
of
new
of
government arrangements,three
forms of democracywere considered:representativedemocracy,
democracy
delegate
democracy.
The
last
and
participatory
one, used at that
time in the Witswatersrand metropolitan area,requires that delegatesare in
before
their
with
constituents
continuous communication
articulating a
responseto policies. CTCC recommendedthat "democratic practice would
be best servedby a combination of all three models in a public culture
....
1205
"
Likewise a
which maximises public participation and accountability.
`hybrid' of electoral systemswas recommendedcomprised of a fifty-fifty
being
first-past-the-post
through
a
elected
mode, and
split of candidates
proportional representation. Accountability of those mandatedwould be
securedthrough a number of possible mechanisms:recall elections,
plebiscitory petitions, referenda,a code of ethics for elected officials, `open
be
laws,
This
the
would
existence
of
an
ombudsman.
government'
complementedthrough action to support the council's belief that "if civil
it
democracy,
in
be
is
to
a
will
a
participatory
play
meaningful
role
society
build
the organisational capacity of communities and
to
necessary
leadership."1206
The extent to which these very radical proposals - radical in relation to what
in
light
UK
before,
the
the
of
and radical when considered
existed
in
in
local
Cape
the
the
were
actually
government
actioned
experience interim
in
South
African
the
the
affecting
period
processes
negotiating
is
for
CLU's
is
debatable.
There
that
the
no
evidence,
example,
work
polity,
included
issue
future
detail,
the
the
of
metropolitan
actual
programme and
ideal
have
been
for
Yet
this
would
an
vehicle
pursuing that
structure.
like
forums,
One
City
Forum
Whilst
the
there
which
were
other
agenda.
involved the civics, the actual substantive negotiating forum was that of the
Cape Metropolitan Negotiating Forum. This was established under the
instructed legal auspices of the 1993 Local Government Transition Act
framework
legislative
to the work of unification of the
the
which set
1207
Part of this unification work allowed for the
fragmented structures.
be
interim
for
`non-racial'
there
would
which
of
councils
establishment
for
local
in
Cape.
in
The
1996
the
other
governments
act allowed
elections
in
forums,
including
the
to
participate
and
civic
observers
and organisations
local
the
structures of political
associations, residents' associations and
local
from
Cape,
In
the
the
of
participation
political parties,
apart
parties.
inclusion of the other organisations was variable. Bond is less sanguine
He
"because
his
that
that
notes
of
period.
national
characterisation
about
ANC negotiators were wary of grassroots democratic instincts", they adopted
the code of `building trust' to "justify the highly circumscribed character of
interim
"1208
The
in
transition.
the
arrangements,
as
set
out
elite municipal
legislation, were designed "to force together powerbrokers from white
for
five
into
radical
camps,
straitjacketed
years
unsatisfying
conservative and
"1209
compromises.
643
By 1996,the time of the first `non-racial' local elections in the Cape, even if
the structure of local governancewas still to be determined, it can be argued
that there was in place, in terms of a framework of intent, locally and
incipient
in
terms
the
of
practices evolving, the basesfor a
nationally, and
legitimation of local government the discursive inclusion of those affected.
To that extent the voice of CTCC, if not the actual practice, was speaking
form
legitimation.
Given the history of the Cape in
totally
new
of
about a
relation to the growth and separationsof racialised populations, as well as
the concomitant political responsesfrom thesepopulations, this discursive
inclusion would have to involve questionsof recognition and how these
is
issue
It
to
the
not only
of posing such
related questionsof redistribution.
having
heard
but
For
them
also
and
resolved.
example, one of
questions,
the contributors to the CLU evaluative process,who was from a local RDP
forum basedin an `African' area,statedthat: "you get poor whites, poor
disadvantaged
blacks,
but
the
was the poor
most
coloureds and poor
blacks... (and)... therefore government needsto focus on the basic needsof
the most disadvantagedblack areas."121° Here was an example of how the
it,
in
develop
in
I
"Black",
that
the
signifying wrongs
sense
collectivity of
done to, at the sametime invites the discursive resolution of identity claims
de-colonisation
is
in
It
this
that
the
the
those
sense
constituents.
who are
of
I
between
Black
`colonial'
the
the
which
state
and
subjects,
relationship
of
be
discursively
the
and
earlier,
can
apartheid state
existed under
deconstructed;a processdemocratically more substantivethan mere
in
for
elections
representativepolitical officials.
participation
12.22 Post 1996 - Beyond the Crossroads?
With the advent of the first `non-racial' local government elections in the
Cape in 1996 for a local government which had the potential for a discursive
legitimation as outlined above, it would be expectedthat the direction taken
However
towards
the
enhancement.
communicative
would
crossroads
at
this was not to be the case. The window of opportunity presentedby not
having to be imprisoned by the tradition of local governance,as in the case
in
developments
by
UK,
the
the
civil society, was
and as confirmed
of
lies
in
1996.
The
this
the
to
why
occurred
answer
actually closing post
in
ANC
developments
the
nationally which came to over shadow
political
the route taken by CTCC.
12.23 National Developments
Bonds, and separatelyMarais, provide a well argued charting of the ANC's
downward spiral into the arms of economic neo-liberalism. Bond argues
that "macro-economic managementduring the 1989-1993late apartheid
644
depression became a model for post-apartheid policy. 91211 Part of the
reason for this is because "when the ANC was unbanned in 1990, it had no
for
an eight decade old liberation
economic policy, a peculiar situation
organisation despite the efforts internationally to train a cadre of ANC exile
initial
s1212
Its
economic response was contained in the mantra
economists.
`growth through redistribution', reflecting the influence at that time of the
However, into this economic vacuum stepped the
SACP and COSATU.
surrogate priests of neo-liberal economic orthodoxy: the economists of South
African corporate business, the World Bank and the IMF.
The extent to
filled
be
by
Kentridge's conclusion,
this
was
can
gauged
which
vacuum
quoted by Marais, that by late 1993 "the language and tone [of ANC and
business policy documents] are so similar that at times they appear
1213
Whilst Marais is unsure of the factors that led to the
interchangeable".
ANC's apostasy and fall into neo-liberalism, Bond locates this as residing
in
1990
"plethora
the
post
unleashing
of
a
of corporate scenario
primarily
1214
by
leading
business
South
African
the
conglomerates.
planning exercises"
These, according to Bond, "reflected the desire of the masters to and
hand
deal
to
than
picked
participants
come
up
with
a
rather
a
carefully
1215
Their prime concerns were to get accepted: the "shared
good analysis. "
demand that economic policy had to become grounded in relationships of
trust, negotiation and consensus building... "; "the need for macro-economic
in
efforts at social restructuring, an outward oriented
restraint
stringency,
facilitating
(as
and
a
opposed to regulating) state.."; the economic
economy
Ishmael status of "any attempt to ground economic future policy in the
dynamic
of growth and redistribution. s121 My
mutually reinforcing
be
`being
that
this
the
reflected
another
variation
would
of
argument
ANC
In
by
the
the
situations
of
power,
which
system'
syndrome.
suckered
found itself in, which are underscored by a legitimating process of' leader'
discursive
form
but
the
not
popularity,
and nature of the peer
popularity,
its
This
facilitated
by
the
mutual
accountability,
changes.
was
and
group,
largely ex-exile make up of the ANC's leadership. For those more used to
the comradeship of activists in the seventies and eighties apartheid South
Africa who were drafted into the negotiating set up, the transmogrification
by
from
The
that
that
changed
greater.
peer
group
characterised
much
was
`jeans' to that characterised by `suits'. Likewise legitimation from that new
degree
importance.
That
greater
of
peer group assumed a greater and
transformation is that much more highlighted where access to state power
leads to increased economic privilege and wealth. This was exemplified by
funeral
journal
Robben
Island
business
time
the
report
of
of
a
one
prisoner,
a
turned merchant banker: "Once Andrew Mapheto's comrades would have
dresses.
in
jeans,
T-shirts
Indian
Now
they watched
and
print
arrived
bans
in
dark
A
behind
twin
sets.
phalanx of BMWs
ray
suits and
silently
"217
former
A
Mercedes
the
cemetery
verge.
stood
on
activist attending
and
is quoted: "I am a good capitalist precisely becauseI was such a good
Adam
"1218
et al note that the elite of the ANC "borrowed the
communist.
645
definition of equality from the whites... anything less than a white bourgeois
lifestyle (was).. unequal."1219 This phenomenonof the imitative and
...
in
simulatedequality appearedas well the period of the race initiatives in the
UK when criticisms from Black workers about race advisers chasing higher
from
the
with
response
salarieswas met
one of the best known that no one
complainedwhen white managersobtained more money. Bonds sums up
this transformation by referenceto Fanon: "In its beginnings, the national
bourgeoisieof the colonial country identifies itself with the decadenceof the
bourgeoisieof the West. We need not think that it is jumping ahead;it is in
fact beginning at the end. It is already senile before it has come to know the
fearlessness,
the
or the will to succeedof youth."122°
petulance,
The ANC had, belatedly, set up the Macro-Economic ResearchGroup,
(MERGE), in 1991 to develop a more relevant model for South Africa in line
with the party's then thinking. By the time `Making Democracy Work' was
delivered in 1993,much of the ANC's leadershiphad already been seduced
by the blandishmentsof corporateneo-liberal South African business,and
this died an unnatural death. In 1996, as if to confirm that the only growth
in the South African economywas the increaseof acronyms,the government
its
"drawn
by
own
macro-economic
strategy,
up
a coterie of
published
"1221
This was called `Growth, Employment and
economists.
mainstream
Redistribution', (GEAR). It was drawn up, however, without any
in
COSATU,
the
party,
or
with
allies,
such
as
outside of the
consultation
despite
fudge
It
issue,
to
the
was,
government
attempts
a neo-liberal
party.
dissimilar
to the previous apartheid regime's late eighties, early
not
strategy,
The
hinged
investment,
plan
on
major
proposals.
private
and thus
nineties
Some
in
spending.
of the core elements
a
reduction
state
concomitantly
drastically
to
this
therefore,
to
research
were,
cut state
more relevant
by
to
encourage
wage
restraint workers, to createa more `flexible'
spending,
job market, and to speedup privatisation. However, more importantly, the
development
implementation
it
RDP
the
the
to
and
on
of
was
saddle
effect
brake.
The
contextual
a
macro-economic
government's 1994 RDP
with
dilution
base
document,
the
which.
as
a
of
epitomised this, was
white paper,
in
disfigured,..
incoherent
"...
a
critical
commentary
as,
and
summarised
1222
"
Marais arguesthat in the government's "RDP's post
fragmented.
1994 theory and practice was a perspectivethat predicated reconstruction
free
development
liberalisation,
markets and the cultivation of
on
and
investor confidence..... (and that).... developmentand reconstruction would
1223
"
in
occur terms of those priorities.
There were, then, two versions of equality developing in the new South
Africa of the nineties - the one redistributive basedand centred on the RDP,
have
`white
labelled
it, based
the
commentators
equality',
as
other
other,
and
Whilst
both
liberal
fail to take in
the
notion
of
equality.
classical
on
properly the other core component of equality, recognition, the tensions
646
betweenthe two equality versions are reflected in the main equality
legislation enactedby the South African government in the nineties. At the
1224
1996
South
Africa.
the
this
In many
centreof
stands
new constitution of
ways this is a remarkable,radical constitution. Its founding provisions
include the recognition of eleven official languages,establishing as well an
institution to develop thesetogether with the Khoi, San and sign languages.
It also calls for the promotion and respectof other named community
languages,such as Hindi, Arabic and Hebrew. The cornerstoneof the
constitution, and democracy,is the inclusion of a Bill of Rights. This has
direct applicability to some t 25+ different areas. I want to concentrateon
two sections. Firstly its specific equality component defines equality in
law,
defined
to
the
enjoyment
of
rights, and the rights not to be
relation
discriminated against on a number of grounds, including race. The only
last
is
discrimination
is
in
form
the
the
to
one
where
of measuresto
caveat
redresspast or presentunfair discriminatory practices. Secondly, whilst
local government and its powers, duties, membership,terms etc are clearly
defined in the constitution, as crucially is its autonomy vis-ä-vis the
levels
important
the
national
of
government,
and
element relating
provincial
to participation by citizens is disappointingly restricted. Thus, local
involvement
"encourage
the
should
only
of communities and
government
community organisationsin the matters of local government."
Post 1996, and up to 1998, there were two further excursionsby the South
African government into the arenaof anti-discriminatory legislation. Both
intention
to pursue affirmative action remediesin the private and
reflected an
intellectual
The
both,
however,
sectors.
architectonics
owe a great
of
public
debt to the British consultantsbrought over through the auspicesof the
British government to co-ordinate and help with their drafting. The first
Employment
Equity
Act
1998.225
This
the
of
act requires that
was
by
actively
promote
equal
opportunities
eliminating unfair
employers
discrimination. Those employerswith over 50 employeesand a turnover
that exceedsthe defined threshold, are subject to affirmative action. The
latter is structured within a targeting framework as the basis for the
development of measuresto ensurethat suitably qualified employeesfrom
Black communities, where the act defines `Black' as those from the African,
Coloured or Indian communities, have equal opportunities and are equitably
levels.
1998
The
White
Paper
all
was
a
government
at
second
represented
1226
in
Service.
Action
Public
That
Affirmative
the
paper sets out the
on
defined
in
for
in
the
service,
action
public
almost
solely
affirmative
need
terms of representivity, as well as providing a detailed framework for
developing and implementing affirmative action strategiesand plans. Two
key aspectsare telling. Firstly the justification for affirmative action is cast
in businessterms. Thus "the casefor affirmative action must be firmly
department's
business
(which
in
the
goals...
core
will require)..
rooted
sustainedeffective marketing and communication... (to enable).. staff to see
647
for
tool
achieving the organisation's core
affirmative action as a positive
businessgoals."1227 Secondly the intellectual content, languageand
like
bought
from
UK.
the
the
a
off
shelf
solution
read
remedial prescriptions
In this casea solution which is framed in terms of the technicised `business
in
indication
in
Further,
for
the
an
of
way
which
opportunities.
equal
case'
in
inequality
being
to
to
appeared
proffered
a neo-managerialistsolution
implementation
the
of affirmative action was
prescriptions,
government
framework,
firstly
`human
a
resources'
and within that a
situatedwithin
`performancemanagementone. It has to be questioned,whether or no,
in
framing
in
USA,
UK
developed
initiatives
their
the
the
and
which
equality
had
implementation
tension
to
the
of marginalisation
contradictory
ride
and
be
become
to
to
trying
applied
should
so
uncritically
a
mainstream,
whilst
for
the
there
establishing equality policies as
was
opportunity
situation where
it
be
To
that
the
the norm, and not
extent, can arguedthat these
exception.
'BBOS'
The
initiatives
transformative.
not
and
were additive,
equality
bureaucracies.
did
transformation
and
of employment
not envisagea
solution
There was no linkage, for example,with the RDP. Equality, in this case,
be
individuals
down
the
to
to
the
grounds of
on
selected
solely
right
of
came
further
did
In
for
this
the
not
go
any
equality measures
employment.
merit
than the CTCC equal opportunities and affirmative action policy of the early
nineties.
12.24 CTCC -1996 to 1998
By 1998 the potential for reconstructing a more inclusive form of local
but
have
in
1996,
had
been
to
all
appeared
evidenced
governancewhich
disappeared. Interviews with those I had tentatively identified as playing a
in
interpreting
developing
CTCC
type
and
role within
similar griot
in
drastically
local
to
situation
changed
governance,revealed a
alternatives
1998. There were three key, inter-linked dimensionsto what can be
describedas a retrograde transformation of `transformation', all of them
from
imported
being
in
other national and
characterised, some way, as
to
the
then
current milieu of
uncritically
applied
and
contexts,
sector
private
local governancein the Cape. Thesethree dimensions were the rise of neodemocratising
decline
to
the
complements
alternatives
or
of
managerialism,
denial
`race'
democracy,
the
based
of
persisting
and
representative
party
through the adoption of diversity conceptualisations.
The senior Black manager,mentioned earlier, who had been involved at the
legitimacy,
1990
initiatives
CTCC
at
creating
the
aimed
a
new
post
core of
including being responsible for establishingthe CLU, describedthe 1998
benign
Thatcherism,
form
being
the
in
that
of
result, as
a
as
council
situation
he analysedit, of the negotiations between "the oppressedelite and the elite
key
highlighted.
A
"1228.
changes
were
of
number
of the oppressors.
What had been the City Administrator post, equivalent to the Chief
648
Executive in the UK, had been changedby the new incumbent into a `City
Manager' post. He was describedas white, and an `ANC man'. He was
for
drafting
the
and negotiating the local government
also
person responsible
in
The
in
the
change
emphasiswas exemplified
constitution.
new
chapter
by his insistenceon `outcomes', that the `talking was now over', and that
`inputs' were therefore less important. This approachto `doing things',
`getting things done' strikes a ten year echo with the `managementis neutral'
in
borough
in
leading
UK.
There,
the
target
the
the
councillor
of
arguments
again, that approachwas predicated on the contestableassumptionthat there
were/was enoughpolicies/talking, and all that was required was action
departmental
A
`doing'.
tranche
towards
of
senior
new
managers
oriented
had been recruited, all of them from outside of local government. These
directors',
`executive
where the prefix was
as
and
rebranded
were retitled
Again
the
to
similar changes
orientation.
meant emphasise action/doing
directors
in
Lambeth
the
when
associatedwith
early
nineties
were pursued
the `old, bad, equality era' Lambeth were displaced and replacedwith
`executive directors', on vastly increasedsalaries,but also with enhanced,
Lambeth
Many
`manage/do'.
these
to
of
changes,
powers
neo-managerial
including the new Chief executive who misrecognisedBlack people as
`coloured', came from outside local government. In CTCC, at that time,
in
framed
being
form
the
generally terms of
of neo-managerialismwas
be
from
`centralised,
that
to
would
regulationist' approach one
a
moving
1229
One seesin this form of problem analysis and
`interactive and flexible'.
derived solution the direct influence of post-Fordism, which, as Bond argues,
Sussex
in
Raphael
Kaplinsky
1990
in
Africa
South
of
with and when
arrived
1230
University came to co-direct COSATU's Industrial StrategyProject.
Thereafter the South African version of post Fordism, in which apartheid
in
ANC
Fordism',
`racial
to
part
came
play
a
prominent
was re-analysedas
`global
There
thinking.
emphasis
on
was an over
post-apartheid
fascination
hallmarks
the
the
of
with
concomitant
and
a
competitiveness'
facaded
(my
i.
term)
workplace
e.
product
quality,
era,
post-Fordist
democracy,such as `quality circles', and Japanesestyle production and
inventory control techniques,such as `Just-in-Time'. In the target borough
in the UK, at the time when the neo-managerialdiscoursewas gathering
being
in
techniques
these
the
of
sorts
were
mid eighties,
momentum
introduced and pushedthrough the DLO, the leading councillor's power
base. Within the South African context, and the specific one of CTCC at
that time, an emancipative gloss was given to these sorts of managerial
`transformational
labelling
the
them
the
through
skills',
with
as
of
changes
`executive directors identified above, being categorisedas well, in differing
1231
This
`transformational
managers'.
was very
as
managerial scenarios
`liberation'
Peters
the
term
in
to
of
the
mis
appropriation
of
mode
much
1232
he
describethe form of management was then extolling and advocating.
As Alvesson arguesthis makes use of a mystification metaphor, in this case
`liberation', and `creativity' to make promises that those ideas being pushed
649
can "`liberate' managersand employeesfrom the drudgery of traditional
ideas
in
impose
(yet)...
these
a new set of
effect
patternsof work...
disciplines upon employeeswho are encouragedto equateprocessesof
liberation and creativity with unequivocal dedication to corporate values and
fellow
induce
their
to
they
employees
regard
workers as
objectives as
in
language
Certainly
CTCC
`nu-speak'
"1233
the
new
was
and
customers.
displacement
from
to
the
statements,
core
values,
mission
of `users'
evident,
by `customers', both internal and external. This trend was given extra
impetus by the employment of a consultant recruited direct from IBM to
CTCC
departmental
the
at that time.
and managerialrestructuring
oversee
Her approach,as describedin her interview, was through a project
`unbundle'
the old set up and reconstitute the new
to
structure,
management
CTCC organisation via `clusters' of areasof responsibilities. This was not
into
bureaucracy
hierarchical
transformation
something more
of a
a
democratic, but a reconfiguration of departmentaland inter-departmental
Underpinning
into
hierarchy.
these
changesas
a
new
relationships
power
the overt expressionof the CTCC's policy planning and implementation
1234
One
framework, was the adoption of the `businessplanning' model.
business
UK
the
the
the
where
experiences
parallels with
can seeagain
local
is
de
most
authorities.
with
rigueur
planning model now
Despite the statedintention to want to move away from centralisation to a
`leader'
flexible,
the
the
cult
of
was
structure,
manager
as
creative
more
identified as emerging. The new City managerwas seento be over keen to
favourably
decision
the
the
to
of
city
status
quoting
making,
centralise
want
in
invested
in
is
deal
Zealand
New
of power
cities where a great
manager
their hands. The Black managerconcerneddescribedthis as a variant of
freedom'
in
`speculative
the
`super
which
the
surveillant state'; one
for
local
in
his
the
the
post apartheid
planning
role
associatedwith
His
in
to
the
was
now
severely
curtailed.
mid
nineties
early
government
be
his
to
then
unfortunately
situation,
realised one
current
of
own assessment
forced
There
he
being
later,
the
that
are
out
of
organisation.
was
was
year
in
borough,
UK,
the
target
the
and
others,
not so much
with
again
parallels
`Race
Advisers'
those
to
the
with
play a
as
who
come
of
posts
specific
with
in
irritant
such organisations.
role
catalytic,
However, it is with the area of substantivedemocratic enhancement,as
by
CTCC
for
in
the
the
government
adopted
metropolitan
proposals
outlined
had
These
had
that
the
retreat
the
occurred.
significant
most
nineties,
mid
of
the potential, I contend, for not only influencing the steering of local
for,
but
Dryzek
the
argues
need
actually
generally
also,
as
government,
deliberative
local
local
the
through
participation
of
government
steering
in
1996,
had
by
local
forums,
RDP
1998
The
active
very
communities.
been allowed to stagnate. The expressedattitude and opinion of the city
it
talking
time
to
that
about participation and to start
stop
was
was
manager
650
'doing'. 1235This was backed up by the argument that becausethe
defining
local
had
included
the RDP and
of
government
not
constitutional
spokeonly of `encouragingparticipation', a definition he had had a hand in,
the RDP, or for that matter wider forms of political participation, could not
be consideredas `core business'. Even where participation was raised
formally through the policy process,this was effectively strangled in its
implementation stagebecauseit had to be force fed through the neoin
hand.
For example the senior Black manager
then
managerialprocesses
had developeda policy paper on public participation, structuring it very
initiatives.
had
been
in
light
RDP
This
type
the
of previous
approved
much
by the council. Yet, in having to translatethe into the then current
`actionese' of a businessplan, it had emerged,as he himself describedit, as a
Thus:
gobbledegook.
of
piece
The Development Facilitation Unit (DFU) is meant to support the
Community Development Cluster in achieving its Mission/Objectives in
terms of the Organizing Principles and Core Values that inform the
Cluster's purpose. The DFU constitutes the "glue" that holds the Cluster
together. The Community Development Cluster (intra cluster) and
Council (inter cluster) as a corporate entity requires a functional
means/mechanismto ensure that its responsesto the various dimensions
of city life maintain an internal coherence.The DFU as facilitating agent
ought to perform such a role. This role has been defined by the
workshops and discussions that produced the Interim Strategic
Development Framework. It must be emphasizedthat the DFU's role as
facilitator apropos the comments from the Institutional Transformation
Managers on 1997-06-27 must be seen as being supportive of line
functionaries and not as an encroachmenton their duties and obligations
1236
keepers
"gate
vis-a-vis communities". ,
and certainly not as
This approachhad been reinforced by the new councillors, who the Black
interviewed,
Black
thought not to
employees
and
other
mentioned,
manager
be of a `high calibre'. In their assessmentthe new councillors, apart from
in
democracy.
interested
be
This
to
two,
was not
not
appeared
or
one
helped by the remuneration systemwhereby councillors were actually paid.
They were, thus to all intents and purposes,employeesof the local state,
in
At
1998,
had
R10,000
time,
that
they
mid
a
month.
also
some
earning
In
the
themselves
early nineties critical
car
allowances.
awarded
South
African
equal opportunity policies mentioned
nascent
commentary on
difficulties
had
that
the
political
would emerge
warned
author
earlier,
between catalyststype posts and the political system,not then, but with the
This
through
one
person,
vote
a
one
system.
councillors
was
election of
identified,
by
Black
A
be
that
true.
to
was
growing
schism
proving
had
been
between
through
the party system,and
those
elected
who
manager,
betweenthose who had been, and were then still, active in the civics and
RDP. In many casesthe former were unknown to the latter. Generally,
if
identifies,
key
it
Marais
there
was
any
siphoning
off
of
civics
personnel,
as
651
in
One
the
the
towards
public
services.
sector
paid
can seeagain the
was
in
similar problem emerging a representativedemocratic set up whereby
thoseBlack people selectedthrough the party system,and eventually elected,
in
best,
UK,
the
can, at
only make rhetorical claims
as occurred, and occurs,
to representthe Black communities. Consequentlytheir accountability to
those communities is always mediated through the potential side tracking
by
being
`suckered
the system'.
processesof
By 1998 it was clear that the EEO and AA policy had been "ineffectually
implemented."1237 The sporadicprogresswas due to a number of reasons.
Firstly, as the critical commentarymentioned earlier had warned against,
direct
from
Affirmative
Action
Posts,
a
copy
establishingunquestioningly
the UK experience,would lead to those posts being dumped with the
This
implementing
the
policy.
certainly occurred
responsibility of actually
in CTCC where a combination of managersnot wanting to assume
had
being
for
for
two
the
years,
vacant
equality and
post
responsibility
in
lack
Secondly,
IBM
the
the
as
consultant, to whom
of
progress.
resulted
the responsibility for that policy had beenpassed,had confessed,equalities
had been `put on the backburner' becausethe priorities over the previous two
including
local
been
had
the
the
of
six
previous
authorities,
absorption
years
1238
The policy, and new post
two `African' ones, into the CTCC structure.
holder, were to be integrated into the new project managementsystems.
But, there was another dimension to the policy, and to race generally, which
both
being
itself.
This
that
were
subsumedunder the
was
presented
`managementof diversity' category'; a category that was far from being
in
diversity'
The
`management
defined.
term
of
appeared
properly
`South
the
of
on
equality,
under
catch-all
and
acts
government white papers
.Africa is diverse
it,
being
interviewees
It
the
put
as
one
of
society'.
was,
a
interrogating
by
Deputy
President,
Mbeki.
In
this
the
then
promoted
holder,
Affirmative
Action
the
the
new
post
consultant
and
with
concept
different
`appreciation
the
that
this
on
of
cultures'
variation
out
pointing
if
is
ideology,
further
like
that
the
too
all
and,
old
apartheid
much
sounded
diverse then there is no diversity, it was clear that, from their answers,this
borrowed
from
being
that
uncritically
other
one
was
concept was another
1239 This was confirmed by the solution sought to a problem which
contexts.
had manifested itself in the council. Tension ridden differences between
`Coloured' workers and `African' workers were beginning to emerge. In
`valuing
diversity'
training
to
this
courses
on
were
potential problem,
answer
bought in from external consultants,who, as their course content revealed,
had brought and bought in the training content from the USA. Their core
legacy
far
from
the
racism,
apartheid
addressing
and the
recommendation,
"participants
had
South
Africa,
identities
that
concluded
of
a
enduring
information
lack
"124°
cultural
about
and
one
personal
another.
of
general
Yet, there were other solutions to this problem which were, at that time,
being explored. In an earlier interview one of the Black employeeshad
652
voiced the opinion that racism was never openly discussed,and that the issue
Another,
`skirted
who worked as a training officer in the
around'.
was
humanresourcesdepartment,was of the opinion that the new regime,
in
issue
had
locally
`fudged'
the
the
council,
and
of race and
nationally
racism. In trying to addressthat, and using the communicative spaceshe
had through the union and her own post, she was using the dimension of
by
Black
to
to
racism
attempting
establish
a
women's group.
gender address
This was seenas the best meansof discursively addressingthe apartheid
legacy socially constructeddifferences between `Coloured' and `African'
bases
from
which to engagewith
as
providing
a
solidaristic
women, as well
the organisation. In sum, in talking to those responsible for the EEO and
AA policy it was clear that `valuing diversity' provided a means,one fully
forge
to
a common
co-terminus with a neo-managerialistapproach,
doing
it
identity
for
In
logical
CTCC
so
was
a
employees.
organisational
from
`non-racial'
the
conceptualisationof a post-apartheid
progression
deny,
because
both
by
ANC
the
assumean absenceof, or
society employed
deleterious
legacy
its
the
of
offspring of group
racism, and underestimate
identities heavily influenced by the history of South African racialisation.
Yet the equality legislative and constitutional framework to South Africa,
RDP,
the
such
as
provide a normative
and associated programmes,
framework against which the government can, and should be made
for
In
relation to
civil
as
rallying
principles
society.
as
well
accountable,
local governance in 1998, the government published its white paper on local
1241 The intent
by
described
the
the
of
white
paper
was
government.
Institute for Democratic Alternatives in South Africa as, "local government
in all regions of the country must have the administrative and financial
justice
its
to
constitutional obligation of social
effectively meet
capacity
through the practice of good governance. "1242 It defined developmental
local government in terms of its redistributive and capacity building role,
dimensions.
both
latter
to
the
socio-economic
and
community
referred
where
More importantly, in relation to democratisation, it stresses "that councils
by
democracy
and
participation
marginalised groups,
promote
must actively
both
it
RDP
back
"1243
To
the
this
up
makes
mention
of
especially women.
between
documents,
if
As
tension
the
the
these
two
GEAR.
to
play
out
and
democratic power of local government is assigned almost totally to the form
internal
local
democracy,
the
processes
of
whilst
of representative
`performance
be
through
to
management' and
structured
government are
indicators'.
is
The
key
`performance
developing
then
through
question
develop:
in
South
Africa
local
towards
governance
will
way
which
instrumentalised systemic steering, or communicative systemic steering, as
framework.
in
the
normative
promised
653
12.25 Conclusion
In assessingthe radical interpretation of the trajectory of race through South
African history, especially over the last decade,it can be argued that the
has
Marxist
orthodox
position
silenced race both through the social labour
baseduniversalisation, and thus tactically as a responseto the oppressive
racialisation of the South African state. There has been another silencing as
latter
inability
to
the
to predict the changesthat
analyses'
well, which relates
occurred, and seemingly `omerta' over subsequentdevelopments. One
Black academichas chargedsome of the once leading Marxist academic
critics of apartheid of becoming apostatepolicy `wonks' for the ANC's neoliberal embrace,either becauseof their work for the government, or because
1244
is,
in
his
ANC
inexcusable.
their reticence over criticising the
view,
With that in mind, and my previous criticisms of the Marxist approach,
in
especially relation to its faulty theorisation, and inclusion of race, I want
to argue that the empirical analysisprovided above supportsa Habermassian
type theory as the better interpretive framework, both specifically vis-a-vis
the UK and South Africa, and comparatively. This Habermassiantype
theory is the variation I have tried to develop which is fully inclusive of race
is
in
tied
that
that
explicitly and centrally with a
resolution
of
problem
so
discursive modernity still to run its full path.
The three inter-linked part analysis of the UK experienceof race and local
in
for
deI
the
eighties
whereby argued
a colonisation,
governance
framework,
is
similarly applicable to the
and
re-colonisation
colonisation
in
in
local
Cape
South Africa. This is a
the
governance
scenario of race and
`colourisation' of the extent to which `race' negatively or positively can steer
the system. Under colonisation there is a direct, negative racialisation of
de-colonisation,
discursive
a
positive,
steering
mechanisms;
under
steering
discursive
influencing
the
the
of
system,
under
re-colonisation,
part
whilst
or
is silenced and there is a facadic positive influencing of the system. The
differences between the two geographical scenarioslie in the temporal arc of
the different phases. Thus up to the late eighties it can be arguedthat there
was an extendedphaseof colonisation of Black people in South Africa.
From the late eighties to roughly the mid nineties, there was a period of dein
in
colonisation which which previously oppositional civil society, and the
in
spheres
were a position to
previously samzidat and/or subalternpublic
begin the continuous processof the discursive engagementwith and
transformation of the local statethrough a discoursewhich had the potential
for a discursive democratisation. Within the potential of this, I would argue,
lay the potential discursive resolution of `race' in South Africa. The period
is
forming,
refers to the mid nineties onwards
of re-colonisation, which still
implementation of neo-liberalism, and its technicised progeny, neoThis
seesnot only the withdrawal of the state from key
managerialism.
its
discursive
control
and
abandonmentto the economic
areasof potential
654
democratisation
but
to that of representative
the
narrowing of
system,
also
democracy. Within the latter processparticipation, which still commands
literature,
is
in
government
reducedto consultative
mention official
influence. Across the discursive gaps causedby this communicative closure
is thrown the accountability bridge of neo-managerialistfinancial
accountability discoursesand systems. Legitimation comesnot be based
on a discursively grounded consensus,but on various instrumentalised
including
`diversity
tactics,
management'.
strategiesand
The ANC's embraceof neo-liberalism, and the Fukuyama model of
modernity, has not been without the severestcriticism from within and
its
for
legitimation
Black
i.
Yet
the
people,
claims
amongst
e.
party.
outside
to be recognised,can still draw on the high credit levels accruedduring the
it
importance
its
legitimation seeking
But
to
the
attaches
apartheidyears.
from the South African corporate sector, the international financial
institutions, Western governments,like the USA and UK, and its elite peer
high
levels
in
is
the
of clientalism, corruption,
group, publicly exhibited
1245
bling'
displays of wealth.
hyper sensitivity to public criticism and `tiling,
There is a question mark, then, about the extent to which the `enjoyment' of
this particular configuration of statepower can over ride the calls for more
if
lack
intervention
in
the
the
economic
system,
especially
state control and
in
heed
to
these
calls results a re-animation of those extra parliamentary
of
forces mobilised in the eighties againstthe apartheid state. The ANC is in
danger of using up a large part of this credit becausethe legitimation tactics
`non-racial',
homogenising
the
whereby
exemplified
adopted
strategy
rest on
in the appealsmade to the generic `oppressed',`people' and `community',
has inscribed in it "the very categoriesthat it sought to transcend." This
has not only been shown in the Cape,as Marais contends,becauseof the
in
`Africans,
but
between
`Coloureds
tensions
and
also
supposedexplicit
has
ANC
`African'
the
tended
to
treat
them
to
the
as
where
people
relation
in
has
been
Cape,
What
the
expressed
with a
an undifferentiated mass.
large number of `Coloureds' supporting the Nationalist Party or Democratic
Party, was simply the historical reality of differences which were present in
the processof the social construction of racesand identities in the Cape. In
terms, then, of the political profile, there would have been many `Coloureds'
left
ANC
in
tradition
the
and
of
positions,
of non-collaboration
also, who,
have
Black
the
above,
who
would
mentioned
manager
senior
such as
Suppressing
differences
for
left
these
party.
voted
a
minority
abstained,or
through communicative closure, and increasing the facilitation of lifeworld
lead
Marais
to
society
mobilisation,
civil
as
and Bond
more
colonisation, can
hope for, becausethe Black communities' and those who fought against
fresh.
On
hand
it
the
that
other
could also
are still
apartheid memories of
lead to increasedetnik, modernity averring claims, as in the political
Muslim
in
Inkatha,
the
those
sectors
of
certain
community
or
responsesof
the Cape, or to the continuation of racism, or, paradoxically to claims of
655
facadic
Thus,
rallying
point.
within an article which contextually
racism as a
backgroundsthe silence over the killings in the early nineties of Black hostel
dwellers in Natal by Inkatha impis as racist, Heywood makes the following
observationsabout the ANC government:
"When the ANC and its allies fought apartheid and turned it into a global
it
fought
for
life,
highlight
tried
to
every
racism,
every
against
struggle
indignity.
But before the current champions against racism, particularly
....
those in our government and the plethora of human rights commissions
jump up and agree: read on.
Particularly tragic is the way in which the
longer
domain,
`whites
a
only'
which
elite,
no
new political and economic
does have the power to both prevent and repair, seemsto have internalised
is
it
into
that
towards
transmuted
peoplecallousness
poor
a
or
racism little different in its consequences. By default it now mimics the actions of
its predecessors.
s1246
On the other hand, a Bishop, who had been active in the churchesantifor
"being
too ready
the
current
government
struggles,
excoriates
apartheid
to pull out the race card when criticised, when making a messof
things.... (and that).. .whilst it has been customaryto describethe
`critical
between
the
the
of
and
church
as
one
government
relationship
it
be
to
theologically
speakrather
appropriate...
more
would
solidarity', ...
"1247
but
the
the
poor.
government,
with
of our critical solidarity, not with
Finally Seepe,concludesa similar line of criticism of the ANC government
by quoting from Cornel West:
Moral and logical reasoning is required if we are to liberate ourselves from the
dubious
black
leadership.
Such
an approach
morally
racial guilt of opposing
will lead to `a framework that encouragesmoral assessmentof a variety of the
black
based
black
held
by
those
on
views
people and selects
perspectives
dignity and decency that eschew putting any group of people or culture on a
pedestal or in the gutter. Instead of a closing-ranks mentality, a prophetic
framework encouragesa coalition strategy that solicits genuine solidarity with
those deeply committed to anti-racist struggle'. (Cornel West on The Pitfalls of
Racial Reasoning).1248
In sum then, in responseto Alexander's identification of a solution lying in
the forging of a substantivecitizenship, as the West quote above also talks
Habermas'
Marais
communicative refinement
approvingly recommends
of,
on citizenship that:
the nation of citizens does not derive its identity from some common ethnic
...
from
but
the praxis of citizens who actively
rather
and cultural properties,
1249
exercise their civil rights.
656
Chapter 13
Conclusion
Reflexively looping back to the "Introduction", this `conclusion' can be
crystallized around the two key featuresof that initial exploratory section.
The first relates to the key stone question about the basesfor
complementarity and commonality betweenthe claims to differing forms of
life
that are racialised, and the secondflows from the answersto that,
social
which, following Habermas,should be "structurally related to possible
in
"
There
terms of this thesis, three parts to those
are,
emancipation.
answers. Theseare a gutting and refurbishing of key parts of Habermas'
theory from a perspectivewhich puts race centre stage,thereby critically
inclusiveness
his
the
of
universality; an exploration of the
examining
institutional implications of the insights gained in which a substantively
form
local
is
inclusive
of
governance
postulated as a crucial means
racially
to realise the communicative programming of the centre from the periphery;
life,
in
`testing'
these
the
claims
of
new
validity
empirical,
real
and,
local
by
two
casesstudies of race and
governance,separated
experiencesof
distance,time and history.
In a sensethen the more prosaic aspectsof `conclusions' write themselves,
in this case. The theoretical insights gained from a `racialised' theorisation
key
Habermas,
the
theoretical
to
complements
garnered
social reality
as
of
have
institutional
implications
for
local
the
governance
correlates,and
been
in
set out Chapter 9, as a prelude to the two casestudies. The
already
has
diminished
those
the
two
studies
not
of
concrete
case
exploration
theoretical contentions. If anything they have reinforced and under girded
them in outlining the real life playing out of counterfactualities, whether they
be those of learning for social domination, or those of learning for
emancipation,within the context of race equality and local governance.
Moreover they have supported,and not detractedfrom my claim for a transcolonial modernity basedon my contention that the resolution of `race', as a
trans-epochalunresolvedproblem, is the touchstoneto the proper completion
of modernity. Further the conclusion to the South African casestudy argues
that the colonising, de-colonising, and re-colonising paradigm developed
from the racialisation of Habermas' work, can be applied as a comparator
framework to local governancesituations of changesome six thousandmiles
in
different
if
time periods. There are,
these
were occurring
apart, even
however, two additional theoretical areaswhich had to be, respectively,
developed
in
the course of examining the empirical evidence.
and
enhanced
657
The first relatesto the brief enhancingexcursuson `discourse' and
`diskourse', a shorthandneologism I use to distinguish between enabling and
constraining discourses. Within the contexts of Dryzek's notion of
discursive difference democracybeing about the contestation of discourses
imagining
it
in
Bohman's
that
of a reflexive administration, was shown
and
both casestudy scenariosthesebattles took place. Thesewere around the
local
idea
race
equality
and
governancemeans,and about
core
of what
whether or not this was ultimately emancipatively enhancing or dominatingly
constraining. Further the dialectical relationship between `discourse' and
`diskourse' is exemplified when the `discourse' of race equality in the
diversity
in
i.
becomes
`diskourse'
the
the
nineties,
e.
of
eighties,
essentialiseddifferences shorn of rights. This transmogrification, as
opposedto transformation, occurs becausethe communicative spacesopened
by pursuit of discourseof equality, which allowed those principally affected
to participate substantively in the debate,are closed down. This was
local
in
in
UK
to
the
the
equality
race
and
case
relation
certainly
be
South
Africa,
to
there
to
a similar
appears
government, and, with regard
have
described
I
being
As
this
all,
enacted.
a
catch
now
scenario
in
both
Thus
discursive
`MBA
the
convergence'.
action as
ossification of
by
some six thousandmiles, the reseparated
geographically
contexts,
imagining, or refantasising of good local governance,where `good' is in
in
is
limited
`audit
inclusive,
to
that
the
society'
of
some measure,racially
by
is
democratic
the
transforming
accountability
substituted
a
which
technocratic meansof neo-managerialistcontrolled financial accounting
development
dominance
between
distinction
The
the
of this
and
systems.
`orthodoxy' in local governanceand previous ones,as outlined in Chapter
11, is that this all embracing `way of doing things' is politically sanctioned
but
both
driven,
such
changes,
also as a means
as a meansof advancing
and
in
is
There
a
real
sense
which the public sector,
of silencing alternatives.
develop
knowledge
it
legitimate
in
to
a
of
repository
once an area which was
in
from
distinct
the
sector,
which,
private
and
and practices which were
terms of its value base,held out the hope of a more democratic
by
its
is
being
that
totalitarianally
to
private
colonised
citizens,
accountability
is
displacement
Africa
South
the
In
the
of
public sector ethos metal
sector.
louder
because
that
radical alternatives to apartheid are
more
wrenchingly
into
limited
horned
a
neo-liberal
shearedoff as changeoptions are shoe
As
an example of this phenomenonof globalised reduction, the
paradigm.
local
in
both
scenarios
of
governanceare now
policy and planning processes
limitingly framed within the national governments' sanctioned`business
incompatibility
between
democracy
It
the
and
reinforces
planning model'.
by
by
be
the
absorptive
steering
of
one
resolved
capitalism which can only
the other. Moreover, in both the UK and South Africa there is an official
diskourse
`racial
the
to
the
subliminal
which
extent
of
of
underestimation
fear', where in each scenariothis was, in their own ways, a reaction to the
fear of the processof emancipation from racialised communicative forces,
658
played a key motivating force in initiating and/or accelerating this
conflationary, communicative spaceclosing process. Both converge into
common strategiesof race managementwhich find their expressionin the
1250
`diversity'.
neo-conservativenotion of
The secondhas to do with the introduction and development of the term
`griot' to describethe role of the equality workers in the sphereof local
interpreters
`griot'
"who mediate the interface
the
are
governance,where
betweennot only colonial, but also reformist anti-colonial, discoursesand
the people", and helps generate"generation of a common vocabulary of
disputation and concertedaction: universal understandingsof contestable
1251. This is the antithesis of the elitist notion of leader,whether in
claims"
its national political context, or, as is now being assiduouslydeveloped in the
`modernising' debateabout the meansof control in the public sector, in its
is
different
`feminise'
It
to
to
the
attempts
context.
also
neo-managerialist
the diskourse of managerial leadershipinto the acknowledgementand
1252
intuitive
'leading'.
Both
of
more
ways
of
examplesomit
acceptance
from their perspectivesthe cardinal emancipative issue of democratised
in
`griot'
In
UK
the
term
the
whilst
was
used
casestudy,
authorial power.
in
this
to
the
was
no way a reserved,exclusive
equality workers,
relation
if
Black,
in
There
the
who, not
organisation, many
were other workers
role.
by dint of formal job description, but by meansof being able to excavate
in
to
similar
roles pursuit of race
communicative space,managed play
in
bears
Beck's
This
that
the
type
contention
on
of activity
equality.
individualised society eachperson has to be responsible for his or her actions
disadvantage,
to
and that the equalities and
so
as
avoid
consciously,
freedomswhich potentially inhere in this individualisation can be realised if
there is an orientation towards a solidarity, especially that which emerges
1253
In Cape Town City council it can be seen
from sub- and counter-politics.
that one of the key Black managers,whose experiencesthroughout the
in
device,
found
himself
tracking
caught up
nineties was used as a change
being
`griot'.
We
a
can seethe
of
similar
circumstances
comparatively
flickering developmentof this in the activities of individuals, all white, in
their Town Planning department,who in the eighties' apartheidyears,
in
inhering
the
the
consultative requirementsof
potential
normative
pursued
inclusive
form of local
the
to
their work, put on
agendaa more racially
by
in
Black
It
the
training
the
attempts
echoes,
as
well,
governance.
discursive
Black
to
as
group,
a
communicative
women's
manager establish a
legacy
the
of apartheid's racialised
continuing
meansof overcoming
But
theseare not the preservedactivities of the
conventionalisation.
have
I
Therefore,
argued.
perhaps,more
subject,
as
collective
essentialised
importantly, bearing in mind the need for an inclusive modernity's journey,
into
focus
it
brings
factual
`modernising'
the
trip,
to
counter
as opposed a
discursively
democratised
local
in
the
those
a
of
administration
role of
form
`reflexive'
local
The
tours
this
of
con
of
governanceand
government.
659
administration, one that is racially inclusive, is briefly sketched out in
Chapter 7. This standsin contrast to the `modernised' role being mapped
out for the public sector employeewhich appearsto be curtailed to that of
being the over audited cipher, as part of the legitimation fodder for national
government. Within this `equality' becomes`diversity', becomessimply
`good for business'.
The question then is whether or not these escalating social reality correlates
learning
for
dominance
technical
prove Habermas' conservative stance
of
when it comesto the issue of transforming democratically the administration,
is
if
this
conservatism one of pragmatism and not principle. After all
even
in both situations, but particularly in the UK, the democratic pursuit of race
dislodged
from
institution
the
and systemic steering
equality was
strengthened. The answerto this must be "no". If one examinesthe paltry
disproportionate
impact thesehad
to
the
committed
race equality,
resources
on the institution, and the way in which it took the full weight of the
establishmentto re-assertthe statusquo, then within this de- and rebe
colonising processcan seenemancipative counter factualities. These can
be realised by a regenerationand realignment of solidaristic resources,and if
inclusive
is
be
`must'
the
aim,
modernity
realised. This stressed
a racially
developed
`colonial'
I
the
gains
greater
saliency
when
paradigm
obligation
in the course of this work in the nineties, is `measured'against the playing
is
My
before
it
that
argument
recent
global
events.
of
a
globalisation,
out
became `fashionable', has long beenpart of Black people's experiences
becauseof the time, place and spacevectoring forces of racism. This
has
found
its
in
imperialism,
concrete
expression
colonialism,
globalisation
forced migrations, and in the learning techniquesand technologies sustaining
those practices. The `new' globalisation, new only in the sensethat it is
foremost
in
it
is
Western
the
consciousness,
consciously
whilst
now
triumphantly celebrated,or simply pragmatically acknowledged as `fact',
but
be
`new',
that
to
a re-inscription of old globalisations, all of
not
appears
them structured in some way through race. Both pre- and post the 11`"
September,2001, commentatorson the international politics of the new
1254
have
'colonial'
Labour government
pejoratively to describe
used the term
the pursuit of a communitarian basedvision of a new world order in which
the `moral' is not discursively derived, but imposed- particularly on third
`spade,
foreign
Calling
`spade'
a
senior
a
a
policy adviser
world countries.
to the new Labour government has come out openly in advocating a new
is
In
"what
the
to
this
stability.
answer
world
as
ensure
needed
colonialism
is a new form of imperialism, one compatible with human rights and
is
because
"1255
Of
this
not
new,
course
values.
such rights in
cosmopolitan
the West have always gone hand in hand with colonial domination. What is
being consciously occluded in the re-iteration of a lop sided modernity is the
fact that "occidental rationalism also produced the cognitive positions that
Eurocentrism.
towards
"1256
take
to
attitude
a
self-critical
allows us
660
Internally this modernising modernity is replicated in the government's
interventions
on questionsof citizenship, refugees and criminality
moralistic
deliberative
without
recourseto those so affected. This, as I argue, is part
of the processof recolonisation. Thus it is that "the geographical and
lines
of oppressionand exploitation that were establishedin the era of
racial
colonialism and imperialism have in many respectsnot declined but
increasedexponentially." 1257 Given that I have argued that this
domination
debt
to the technical learning derived
of
owes
a
reinscription
from the era of colonialism, it is pertinent to ask, and in so doing also
learning
level
Black
to
to
the
extent
manage
of local
contend, what
people at
in
helps
inform
UK,
the new international colonial
the
governance
level
description,
At
I agreethen with
the
of
general
alignments.
Bhattacharyyaet al's summation of the current state of play vis-a-vis global
racism.
"Globalisation has reconfigured social relations and there have been some
losers as a result, but whiteness in its new global guise remains powerfully
intact.
Some of the old codes associated with privilege may have been
language
dress)
but
(e.
around
and
g.
many of the mechanisms of
questioned,
white privilege.. remain. '1258
The facadeof `equality' to this `mechanismof white privilege', often
legitimating
foil
`diversity',
to accusationsof
as a counter
expressedas
is
racism or colonialism, maintained through the control and closure of
Hardt
Negri
spaces
and
resources.
and
voice a similar
communicative
imperial
by
"the
lives
they
that
write
machine
producing a
when
conclusion
forward
to
complexities,
put
of
equlibria
and/or
reducing
pretending
context
intensifying
the
toward
this
citizenship
and
end
a project of universal
its
intervention
over every element of the communicative
effectivenessof
local
"1259
(My
In
to
relation,
more
emphasis)
pertinently
relationship..
by
body
UK
the
to the
census
of
councillors
successor
a
recent
governance,
Local Government ManagementBoard, found that modern councils were
"old, white, male, and irrelevant". Its findings showed that the proportion
fallen,
had
Black
those
caring
responsibilities
councillors and
with
whilst
of
the proportion of white male councillors had increasedto 71%. Further the
Local Government Association had warned that "even those councils who
have
female
trouble
to
councillors
minority
and ethnic
managed attract
keeping them... (because)... the aggressivenature of politics and the
increased
have
that
under the new political
racism and sexism
perception
in
All
"1260
this
the
of
within
a
context
which the
culprits.
structureswere
but
in
in
day
South
Africa
UK,
the
the
applicably
also
of
where
government
in
being
`public
the
relations'
new, my opinion
pursued,
similar changesare
de-democratised,local governmentpolitical structures of streamlined
improving
local
democracy,
mayors
as
and
elected
executive committees
diversity.
promoting citizenship, and valuing
661
However, the question of democratisationand what it meansboth globally
and locally, or locally and globally, should be an inherent and explicit part of
any responseto the recursive expressionof the old anthropohagii.
Unacceptableas thesenew forms of old dominating practices are, it is simply
not enough to counter accusewith chargesof racism and colonialism,
dragging in with thesethe reprise of the victimed, collective subject. In
other words, it is not just a `white problem'. One cannot strive against
by
image
upholding
a
mirror
conventionalised subject.
conventionalisation
Thus, for example, whilst the criticism of Zimbabwe by the West contains
leave
it
is
to
those opposing
the
not
sufficient
colonialism,
old
vestiges of
1261
level
issues
There
interventions at that
are substantive
of critique.
of
democratisationwhich have to be addressedwithin that particular context of
despotismin which all of those affected have to participate. Likewise in
the UK, colonially crassas the interventions are by the government into the
issues
there
religion,
are,
as
well,
substantive
arenaof citizenship, race and
have
Black
identity
democratisation,
communities
and participation which
of
to address. These, for example, find expressionnow in the claims and
counter claims around religion and criminality affecting two particular
1262
What these speakto, both locally and globally, is a
`communities'.
in
processof post conventionalisation which the answer to the question of
being
fought
is
incorporative,
dominatingly
it
be
out.
still
whether or not will
In both casestudies, in the UK and South Africa, others have referenced
their acknowledgementof the problem via a recourseto Habermas,
indicative of the need for a recourseto universality, whether on the grounds
face
in
the
of the reality of global
or
pragmatism
of principle,
interconnectedness.Marais' posing of the problem of the processof
defining South African citizenship through Habermasconcluded the chapter
future
UK
In
Africa.
the
South
the
of
a recent extendedexamination of
on
but
issue
to
the
of
politics
and
representation,
with
regard
race concluded,
it
looked
I
that
there
to
the
other
areas
at,
argue
with
regard
would
equally
local
"district
the
governments
a
commissioner"
part of national and
was on
is
in
"the
Black
there
the
towards
of
which
approach
communities
mentality
favours
who
men rather than women, elders rather than the
colonial officer
90263
It
development..
than
tradition
offered, as a solution,
rather
young and
democracy
follows:
Habermassian
of
as
referenced
enriching
a
"Genuine deliberation involves acknowledging the realities of such mistrust
is
just
it.
Democracy
than
to
taking
system
more
steps
reduce
conscious
and
for organising the election of governments. It is also a theory that all
citizens are of intrinsically equal worth and that all should be able to
264
"'
decisions
in
that affect them.
participate the making of
Edifying, as that is, a racially inclusive, non incorporative form of post
keep-in-the-forefront
linked
trans-colonial
to
a
conventionalisation,
from
I
theorisation
as
argue
my
and research,a more
requires,
modernity,
for
discursive
dethe
the
of
conditions
proper
and
reconstruction
radical
662
inclusion of the other. This will need to be built upon a critical research
programme,one, as the term `critical' implies, and as this researchattempts
to do, builds in the political practical intent, but also qualifies it through
empirical fallibilism. In particular the following areascan be highlighted:
f The contingent collective subject, for which I would still argue
the relevance of the term `Black', as a basis for identifying
done
`wrongs
to' and as a discursive
racialised
collective unjustly
resourcein the public sphere.
f Linked to this the active pursuit of race and gender inclusive
procedures,practices and structures in the sphereof governanceand
the public sector which reinforce the aim of a discursive
democratisation, not managerialisation, in the administration,
between
in
the
the two.
relationship
structures,
and
political
f The development, therefore, of subaltern public spheres `joining
up' sectors of civil society, academia and activists to explore
democratic alternatives to the technicised, auditing accountability of
forward.
being
the
only way
presentedas
governance
f In a racialised world order, examining the conditions for
developing counter discursive solidaristic resources as part of the
for
inclusive,
democratised
substantive
global
struggle
an
governance.
These are modestproposalstowards practically realising a deracialisedtransin
is
fleeting
the
captured
radicalnessof which
colonial modernity
Habermas' reflections, and to whom the last word is given.
"My reflections point towards the thesis that the unity of reason only remains
perceptible in the plurality of its voices - as the possibility in principle of
how
from
language
to
that,
another
passage
one
no
matter
passing
-a
occasional, is still comprehensible. This possibility of mutual understanding,
is
is
and
realised only transitorily,
now guaranteedonly procedurally,
which
forms the background for the existing diversity of those who encounter one
"1265
fail
to
they
each
other.
understand
another - even when
663
Appendix 1
Responseby Race Equality Advisers to First Attempts by Members to
Review Equality Structures
RACISM, THE REVIEW AND RACE EQUALITY
IN THE TARGET BOROUGH,
STRUCTURES
1. Introduction
The seemingly innocuously entitled "Review of Race Equality Advisory
Posts" belies the substantial issue of racism and how the target borough,
it.
in
Indeed
the
tackling
to
are
committed
majority group,
and particular
the review has been constructed on a falsely grounded "objectivity"
has
been
hallmark:
institutional
the
of
white
responses to
which
perceived so-called "race problems" Such a review therefore goes beyond
instead
but,
poses serious questions
a simple administrative exercise,
intentions
this
council's
on race equality.
about
This is therefore written as an open responseto this initiative-- open in
the senseof not adhering to the normal local authority protocol practice
that operates between officers and members; a protocol which in the
been
has
define
debate
to
equality
often
used
of
race
out
of
context
is,
It
therefore,
about
majority
group
racism and
polices.
questions
germaneto pose a number of questions about the origins of this exercise.
Thus
.
f
Why only two and a half years after the establishmentof the central race
is
and women's equality units such a review necessary.(Especially given
the fact that The target borough was one of the later boroughs to establish
such units)
f
Why is this taking place at the same time that rumours are circulating
based
Equal
the
embracing
all
equality
of
an
establishment
about
Opportunity Unit.
f
Why was this decision taken without reference to the Race Equality Unit,
Race Equality Advisers, or, more importantly, Race Relations
Committee.
f
Why has responsibility for the review been placed in the hands of
handle
to
this?
not
qualified
managementwho are
664
f
Why have the arrangementsfor the review been framed in such a way
that minimises the input of the Race Equality Advisers'?
f
Why on such a crucial issue of race equality are all and sundry, i. e.
being
to
comment,
consulted
qualified
not
people
The answersin general point to this exercise not being divorced from the
wider socio-political context of the British Labour Party political
local
On
the
that
to
stance.
group's
and
within
majority
responses racism
the other- hand the answersin particular point to this being a calculated
in
institutional
racism.
exercise
2. The wider context of the Labour Party and racism
The Labour Party's responseto racism has been late, and in most cases
because
is
despite,
in
formulated.
This
being
little,
too
of
or more aptly,
Britain's colonial and imperial past. Previous Labour governments'
legacy,
have
been
the
positive
one
abysmal with
records on race equality
limited as it is, being the 1976 Race Relation's Act. The parametersof the
debatecan be characterisedby a three point matrix:
down
the
numbers
-keep
best
uniqueness
cultural
or
at
appreciate
-assimilate.,
inequalities
by
caused
structural
problems
possible
social
-assuage
through "race relations" exercisese.g. Urban Aid
These have been and still are the parametersof "acceptableracism" or as
has been statedeven at the target borough level, "at least the Labour party
is less racist than others". Gradations of racism as an option has become
it
is
late
i.
But
Labour
then
the
only
of
e. the mid
process.
political
part of
both
"racism"
that
conceptually and as a political
seventies onwards
ideology in practice has forced its way into the considerations of the
Labour party. Forced insofar as the debate has been set by the struggles
local
level
(No
Black
the
the
at
community
of
Saul-on-the-road-to-Damascus-conversionon was this! ) Having been
forced out of the national political scenepost 1979 it is only at the local
Labour
Party
has
been
in
inner
level
that
the
areas
urban
city
and
political
both
Black:
bosses
The
workers
of
against
struggles
politically active.
incursion
Black
the
trade
the
the
unions,
of
of
racist responses
and
importantly,
in
Party,
into
Labour
the
the
the
more
and,
uprisings
activists
665
Black: community have tattooed the problem of racism on to Labour's
political agenda.
Whilst it t is s true that post 1979 has seenthe debateabout socialism and
into
in
the
open the Labour party and that this
socialist practice emerge
has been reflected in particular at the local authority level, it is the
described
has
milieu
above
which
seen race equality
particular political
being defined over the past six years or so as a political priority in many
inner city local authorities. In so doing the experiences of Black people
have been brought into the equation; experienceswhich are forged daily
in the fight against racism. There is a twofold but interconnected,level to
this - that of Third world struggles and the way in which Black peoples
struggles in the Metropolitan countries have used this as their framework:
As such there is a history of radical politics which differs to that of white
into
bringing
By
this
the labour movement Black
working class politics.
its
helped
have
re-radicalise
vision of socialism to meet their
people
needs.
The responseof the Labour Party on the other hand has been to re-define
the problem, to accommodateit within its traditional parametersof race.
In essenceto attempt to ligature the defining of the problem by Black
people and by so doing to try to sanitize the necessarysolution
The latest variant hovers between white academicderived ethnicity not
.to mention that amorphous stepchild "the ethnic minority" - and
in
horizontal
inequality
a
spectrum of equal value
swamping race
inequalities. Common interests are then prescribed for all through the
"discrimination".
Firstly,
of
ethnicity
sophistry
and
political.
reductionist
framework
Black
the
this
a
means
promotes
of
articulating
within
does
in
issue
the
not
address
a
way
which
of a structural
presence
inequality which is systematically maintained. Secondly a broad equality
approachprovides a neat and superficial attractive meansto reconcile the
demandsof Black: people with traditional, often reactionary interests of
the white working class whilst at the same time allowing other interest
(but
discrimination
not exploitation) the means
might
suffer
who
groups,
to ride the coat tails of Black peoples fight for equality. Thirdly
"discrimination" allows the exploitation and oppression of Black people
What is
to be reduced simply to one of perceived difference.
is
discrimination
in
deliberately
is
that
case,
some
racial
misunderstood,
but one of the effects of an exploitative racial capitalism; that Black
history
have
dynamic
its
this
a
and
of
against
struggles
own;
people's
that the strategies derived from this differ to those arising out of, for
lesbians,
disabled,
the
or
gay
men
women,
and
white
precisely
example,
becausethe reasonsfor racial discrimination differ substantively. Finally
666
in no way can this forced collectivisation of discriminations be justified
banner
"socialism".
the
of
under
Catchwords as a formulaic response to substantive political issues is a
left.
failing
British
lazy
full
Thus
the
of
white
whilst a
common and
blown discourse on socialism is not appropriate for this issue, if, on the
be
highlighted,
hand,
to
of
socialist
political
practice
are
elements
other
for
ill
banner
justification
this
thought
then
the
out
move,
cannot be
as a
for
that matter, wrong ones that are
the
wrong ones, or
unfurled on
If
as
well.
we are to spotlight that which would summarise
misconceived
it
is
is
then
that
about the oppressed and exploited
which
socialism,
having control over society in a democratic way that satisfies their
individual group's collective needsfor equality. If therefore such socialist
it
be
denies
Black
struggles
and
aspirations,
will
no
effectively
practice
more than another version of a Militant Tendency type prolet-Aryan
is
designer
In
the
socialism what we are seeing
an era of
solution.
being
class
struggle
repackaged to
male
working
conventional white
bring into the fold on a falsely constructed consensual basis not only
Black people and white women, but post-modem liberal "Yuppies", and
discrimination
but
degrees
of
not exploitation.
groups who suffer varying
However such an assortment can only voice common interests on the
basis of political alliances which recognisesthe mutual right to differing
from
derive
differing
because
needs
particular
which
of
strategies
basis
from
is
far
This
the
of
cry
collectivisation on
a
struggles.
discrimination. Otherwise the idea of such a misconceived all welcoming
Black
for
is
managing
manipulating
and
a
strategy
equalities approach
international
in
Internationale
for
the
that
the
ensuring
people; and
Eurocentric.
skewedly
remains
3. Local context
It is pertinent therefore to look at the dynamics of race equality structures
borough
in
level
local
the
target
the
within
particular
and
authority
at
this.. The experiencesof race equality advisers, and especially the Black
key.
These
be
be
can
charitably
race advisers and workers, are
inability
by
on the part of the majority group and
an
characterised
broad
its
to
terms
to
commitment to race equality
with
organisation come
is
far
As
implications
Black
detailed
this.
the
of
out
possible
arising
and
in
define
have
terms
the
to
solution
of an anti-racist
sought
race workers
is
derived
from
the political
to
which
and
equality
race
approach
Black
people to racism.
of
experiences
The response from the majority group and the organisation has been to
into
this
to
acceptable and unacceptable racism and
redefine
attempt
conversely acceptable and unacceptable strategies; or more pointedly
667
"good" and "bad niggers". (For Black people however racism like death
is indivisible) Key to this response have been the attempts to manage
behavioural
through
practices bordering on, and, in
some race workers
into,
harassment.
Whilst
over
crossing
race workers have on
some cases
the agenda freedom from oppression, the organisational responseseems
to be acceptably managing oppression. The talk therefore of a broad
basedequality unit and committee must bows seen as the latest move to
by
blunting its political edge.. Such a
thrust
the
of
race equality
control
be
backward,
but
institutionally
only
not
politically
also
would
move
inequality
become
inequality
in
Race
therefore
would
not only one
racist.
a pot-pourri of other "equal value" inequalities, but also, as previous
deprincipled
has
and depoliticised negotiating
shown, a
experience
element.. "O.K. I'll trade you good industrial relations for an equalities
Not
from
this
will
race
equality".
only
cut
off
race
equality
package sans
Black people's political experiences,it will remove the moral precept of
"non-negotiable" which the minimum parameters of social justice
demands. On the other hand this could simply be a pre-emptory and
in
the
to
the
motion the
on
part
of
majority
group
set
move
cynical
back:
level.
disguised
to
the
this
of resourcesto
cut
on
as
review,
process,
losing
in
Labour
Party
the
the
the
event of
race and women's equality
it
far
fetched
is
This
sounds
as
not as conspiratorially
general election.
has
document
Camden
to that effect.
that
prepared
already
given
With the run-up to the national election this tendency within the Labour
Party will be exacerbated.Oft quoted Kinnock's new realism meansjust
that; a reality void of conflict. Hatches will be battened down. Readily
identified excrescences(no McGoldrick's here) lopped off and individual
is
if
launched
Black
And
the
or
earmarked.
vote
careers
parliamentary
delivered, it will have worked. But it will work: only if the mistaken and
is
little
Black
that
people
are
children waiting to
racist assumption made
be led.
An equality unit will be seentherefore for what it is -a cynical and racist
is
that
to
manipulate and manage race equality within a way
attempt
in
The
to
way
which the group and the
white society.
acceptable
it
be
There
has
this.
simply
confirms
must
a
gone
about
organisation
the
ability of white managersto carry
over
mark
placed
question
serious
furthers
in
that
the
substantively
addresses
or
a
way
out such a review
legitimacy
the
therefore
over
of such a review.
causeof anti-racism; and
In fact it has to be seenfor what it is - an institutionally racist responseto
the political struggles of Black people.
4. Race Equality Structures in the target borough
(a) Background
668
In the target borough Race Equality Advisers have not been "welcomed"
into the organisation. Any influence and structural location of
influence
insofar
is
it
decision making
to
as
able
significance, significant
in the organisation has had to be bitterly fought for. Prior to the
establishmentof the Race Equality Unit and additional race worker posts,
and apart from the two previous lone Race Adviser posts in Housing and
Social Services, the maximum acceptance afforded the issue of race
equality was bounded by the Labour Group and senior management's
tolerance of it, provided of course it did not threaten their workings. Such
a framework therefore generatedexpectations of not only a race equality
strategy subordinateto expediency,but also of race equality workers who
would subordinate their experiences of, and expertise on, racism to the
pragmatic considerations of members and management. The fact that
Race Equality Advisers and workers have not been preparedto mortgage
their principles for nothing more than an easy life and regular "pay
has
in
to
situation
given
rise
a
which advisers are subject at
cheques"
times to treatment from both members and management which is
institutionalised racial harassment.If one posits as a working definition
institutional
racism the structures,, policies, practices and procedures
of
harass
discriminate
exploit,
against
organisation
which
oppress,
and
of an
Black people, whether intentionally or not, then the behaviour of certain
Labour members towards race equality issues -issues which manifesto
backed - shows that the fight against institutional, racism has to be taken
into the Labour group itself. This behaviour has been characterisedby a
deliberately
to
thwart
the
of
power
which
attempts
cynical exercise
development and pace of race equality in the council. Examples of this
have
been:
three
the
years
past
over
f
deliberately under-resourcing race equality structures in terms of staff
and budgets.
f
from
Race
implementing
Relations Committee
advice
policy
stalling on
f
deliberately manipulating council structures sand procedures, such as
decisions
to
secure
which prevent the open
council committee meetings
discussion of race equality issues.
The effects of such actions against Black workers, who are Race
Advisers too, actions which other senior white management are not
harassment
to,
and oppression.
constitute clear racial
subject
The Labour group seems unable to realise that it cannot cut itself off
from the local authority as an institution (if we are addressingthe issue of
669
institutional racism) on the assumption that it is disinfected by its
itself
is
integral
because
intent,
the
an
group
part of that
socialist
institution.
It is not surprising therefore that the approach from some members, in
Direct
Labour
in
Personnel,
Leadership,
the
those
and
particular
has
been
by
its
deliberate
lack
characterised
management
committeesand
despite
Thus
imagination.
the
the
perceived
pronouncement
about
of
been
have
to
to
mangers
quite
content
allow
members
nirvana,
socialist
in
divine
"
to
their
the
manage" and so
right
shibboleth of
operate under
doing have displayed their own preoccupation with short term issues
detailed
the
than
goal of new managementstructures and
pursuing
rather
demand.
the
equality priorities
practices which
(b) New Management
The concept of "new management"has arisen over the past 5 to 10 years
higher
by
both
the
educational. establishments
relevant
realisation
out of
local
forward
thinking
government practitioners that the nature, role
and
10
have
local.
functions
the
years plus
past
overgovernment
of
and
Whilst
far
the
change.
a
reaching
undergoing
undergone and are still
from
interplay
derived
for
the
the
of national and
change are
reasons
local statesand the economic system, what is important for the purposes
form
demand
is
that
the
a
view
this
such changes
awareness
paper,
of
is
The
local
to
and
content
scope
government: management.
sand content
for
it.
Suffice
being
books
therefore
written about
can and are
such that
the purposes of this report to point out that the role, structure and
functioning of Race Equality Advisers falls within this paradigm. "New
based
is
local
the
to
traditional
on
government
management"as opposed
following
the
to
realities:
need cope with
f
greater degreeof uncertainty
f
financial constraints due to :Little or zero growth growing state
centralisation
f
increasing unemployment and poverty
f
from
Black
the
oppressed
groups
e.
g.
system
political
greater pressureon
community
f
local
the
therefore
government context
of
greater politicisation
670
There is, in summary, a new polity in which choices cannot be solved by
the easy option of growth,, but instead, solutions have to be proffered on
the basis of political decisions about the reallocation of existing
is
Nowhere
this more pertinent than to the issue of race
resources.
local
Such
the
that
out
of
a
management
arises
realisation
equality.
based
is
NOT
sector
and
market
organisation, and
government a public
therefore managementhas to expressthe values of a local government in
be
These
changes
cannot
confined to past
environment.
a changing
limits
and culture.
organisational
Traditional managementis incapable of doing this becauseit is based on
the passive politics of consensus grounded as they are in structures
false
hierarchical
through
to
control
a
universalism of
geared
"professional expertise and knowledge". The key operational principles
hierarchical
bureaucracy
through
that
and
control
of
organisational
are
therefore fitting problems to a functional framework of thinking. Such an
deal
flexibility
learning
to
the
with a
and
necessary
organisation prevents
for
local
The
in
there
government.
certainties
are
no
clear
situation which
in
is
is
based
terms
that
the
of
set
agenda
on
ensuring
management
new
the following objectives:
f
to breachpowerful traditional organisational walls
f
to bypasshierarchies which will or cannot learn
f
to open up therefore countervailing channelsof communication
f
to treat politics as the policy directive
to recognisetherefore the politicisation of the structure
f
f
have
be
to
to
tasks
that
rise
new
which
give
new priorities
above all
tackled through new organisational forms..
It is true that the organisation has recognised that there is a problem
is
be
has
to
that
necessary
yet
what
achieved.
about management; and
However this necessity has not been defined in a way which seeks a
long
between
the
term objective of
and
organisational change
continuity
local socialism; but rather has been framed in a reactive way which seeks
in
the
to
term
problem
of
electoral
popularity
solution
a
a quick short
is
It
led
not surprising therefore that
criticisms.
period of government
the reaction to the recent Audit Commission report on local authorities
has been such that it accommodated rather than confronted Tory
ideology. If the prescription for management is therefore being sought
671
through an American based study of dubious intellectual pedigree. "In
Search of Excellence" is an American book which arose out of a survey
of the most successful firms in America; and what exactly contributed to
their success. (These included MacDonalds and Disneyworld! ) The fact.
that solutions are being sought through Reaganite management is
lamentable. The fact that the conclusion of the book-which incidentally is
its
lack
by
complete
of reference to equality, equalcharacterised
is
Black
that the most successful
people
and
womenopportunities,
companies are those whose management practices come, closest to the
Japanese, should be worrying. (Unless "working for the community" now
imposed
through
such
a
common
goal
consensus,
an
means obtaining
)
Marks
Spencers
MacDonalds
mentality
and
all.
and
and
neo-fascist
designed
be
but
their
this is
at
a
cleverly
marketing
good
of
wares,
might
in
industrial
the
which unions are non existent
relationship
cost of an
at
in
which organisational norms are generated and maintained through
and
industrial
Take
Leader
to
us
your
paternalism.
post
authoritarian
an
is
dangerous
This
altogether.
assumes
a
new
meaning
shortcut.
a
action
The target borough is not only a public sector authority it also supposed
,
to be a socialist led one. Solutions to problems, even management ones
,
have to be defined in those terms. It is cheap sophistry to try to dismiss
this as impracticable on they basis of a comic book, anarcho-syndicalist
'266
style.
It is within the context of new management that the Race Equality Unit
has sought to establish and redirect the race equality structures in the
body
In
to
the
not
as
some
alien
entity
on
other
words
grafted
council.
local government, but as the precursor to the new organisational forms
and managerial content necessary to meet the council's priority of race
have
The
racist
actions
and
which
greeted these
marginalising
equality.
for
the superficiality of
only
volumes
speak
not
at
restructuring,
attempts
but
to
commitment
race
equality,
also about
members' and management's
the crude racist assumptions made about the reasons for advisers pushing
have
been
based
These
assumptions
on not wanting
such restructuring.
to engage with the issue in a substantive political way, but instead have
individual
issue
traits
to
the
that
of
personality
of
advisers -a
reduced
"
the
uppity-nigger - with-the-chip-on - the shoulder"
on
variation
is
is
because
Perhaps
there
the subliminal premise that
that
syndrome.
Black people are incapable of rationalising their demands in the fight
in
a way which not only addresses the political agenda of
against racism
local
in
but
Britain
the
of
context
government
specific
also
socialism,
today.
(c:) Basis to race structures
672
The key features to the race equality structures can be summarised as
follow:
f All race equality workers to have a crucial catalytic role for race equality
change
f Race advisersto have direct accessto members
f Race workers(other than Advisers) to have a direct managerial link: to
the highest point of managementand direct accessto DMTs
f Race equality workers to determinetheir work priorities
f
The Race Unit to have a co-ordinating link: with race workers
Thesehave been done with the following objectives in mind:
f
Race Advisers achieving a critical/independent role to management
f Race advisersbeing able to bypassblockages
f
Race workers being able together to articulate a political strategy to race
is
based
the
in
the
of
the
aspirations
on
political
which
council
equality
Black community
f
functioning
the
be
To
organisation's
able to scrutinise every aspectof
f
To be able to advise accordingly
To ensurethe organisation delivers
f
f
To secure therefore the political priority of race through the necessary
structural, procedural and policy changes
f
To bring into the decision making process therefore a politically
Black.
presence
articulated
In the absenceof any precedencesuch structures have given rise to post
holders needing a range, and level of skills and to carrying out a range of
The
in
posts.
actual problem of the
other
tasks which are unmatched any
development of race equality structures has been recognised by those in
has
been
done
Work
by
themselves.
DAMN
i.
field
the
workers
race
the
e.
Race Equality Advisers across the count y (and in which The target
borough was formally represented)together with the Local Government
Training Board on this issue. Quote " the role will need to be developed
673
by the post holder according to her or his experience and the issues and
,
in
is
be
"
This
to
expected a changing environment in
context analysed.
developmental.
is
by
It
their
nature
:
are
a pity therefore,
which such posts
that some memberswish to curtail deliberately that development because
interests
do
term
to
the
of
short
political
which
are
with the
expediency
of
largely
white electorate and trade union set up.
advantageof placating a
The decisions that have been prematurely and racistly put about race
in
have
been
done
a way which will elicit a response
structures
equality
likely to regressthe advancesso far made. It is likely that the council will
low
it
level
that
and
so
structures
a
of
resources
race
equality
end up with
is bound to fail and achieve nothing more than a flag wave in the gestural
be
This
Labour
the
will
group.
a new neo-colonial set up
of
politics
designedto manageand assuagethe demandsof Black people. The irony
is
left
trumpet
the
that
those
the
who
wing causeof the group
situation
of
issue,
done
have.,
this
the
the
so
conscience
socialist
on
of
guardians
in a way which places them in an unholy alliance with the real-politik
both
for
broad
based
Both
to
approach;
call
equalities
moderateactivists.
have devised a strategy which will not empower Black; people, but
managethem.
5. The Way Forward (SeeAppendix for further details)
The structure and terms of reference of the. review effectively prevent an
best
honest
the
of
means to strengthen the race
assessment
open and
local
If
in
the
the
authority
council.
race
equality
at
structures
equality
level is about redirecting resources to the Black community then the
have
be
done
initiated
to
to
the
on
secure
above
organisational changes
is
basis
thought
the
out anti-racist strate and not, as the
of a clearly
hoc
basis
the
ad
adaptive responseto national
an
of
either
case now, on
basis
localised
initiatives
to
securing
a
coalitions of
or
as
government
ARE
THESE
BLACK
PEOPLES
LIVES
in
Labour
the
group.
power
THE ORGANISATION IS PLAYING WITH.
For the purpose therefore of strengthening the race equality structures in
the council immediate action should be (indeed as advised it should have
been taken a long time ago) taken in the following areas:
f
f
Making Race Relations Committee a full subcommittee of Policy and
Resourceswith the equivalent powers of Personnel Subcommittee
Increasing the executive powers of Race Relations Committee by
initiate
budget
to
action
sufficient
a
-allocating
its terms of reference to include powers to demand reports
-expanding
from departmentsand to summon Chief Officers to account
674
f
Strengtheningand increasing the level of Race Advisers in the council; as
advised
f
Strengtheningand increasing the level of Race workers in the council as
advised.
f Allocating initiatory budgets for all race workers
f Member led backing for race initiatives and staff which create a
framework for trip non harassmentof such workers..
f
Reaffirmation of race and women's equality as THE equality priorities
It is within this framework that a review should be mounted; with
consultation targeted on existing race workers, Black employees and the
Black community. RACE EQUALITY WAS PUT ON THE AGENDA
OF THE COUNCIL BY BLACK PEOPLES' STRUGGLES: IT ISN'T
THE LABOUR GROUP'S OR MANAGEMENTS RIGHT TO TAKE IT
OFF.
(This report has the support and help of other- Race Advisers in the
council.
3rd February, 1987.
675
Appendix 2
Key Memoranda from Equality Advisers to Labour Members on Equal
Opportunities Working Party
1.
"We have made it clear to members in the past that we
consider it essential to establish a broad based equal
forum.
The experience of other Councils,
opportunities
notably the G.L. C. has been that such a group is vital to
the developmentof equal opportunities. We have proposed
that such a body should consist of representativesfrom the
Trade Unions, equality workers and representativesfrom
the departmental black staff forums and women's groups.
We therefore wish to re-state our advice that such a broad
based group, which should be a non-negotiating body, is
essential if the Council's commitment to equality is to be
effectively put into practice. Such a body is essential to
develop a co-ordinated approach to equal opportunities.
The constitution of the present working party effectively
silences the equality workers. We are not prepared to
have
body
service a
at which we
no representation and
therefore no right to speak. We have not even been
formally notified of the working party's existence, its
We
terms of reference or matters discussed so far.
limited
that
the
composition of the equal
consider
opportunities working party, can only serve to confuse the
development of equality policies and practices. It is not
clear to us what the status of the new group is and how it
relates to the established committee structure or existing
trade union negotiating machinery."
2.
"There are however a number of crucial points arising out of
the meeting of the E.O.W.P. on the 4th March, which need to
be considered within the context of this council's own political
commitment to race equality.
1) Questionnaire 1 do not agreethat the question on race should
be shifted to the penultimate slot. The point isn't simply to elicit
the information; of equal importance is the way in which it is
done. As pointed out in our report on monitoring the
Council's
the
should
reflect
priorities i. e. race and
questionnaire
help
if
doesn't
key members publicly
It
therefore
gender.
confirm to certain unions apparatchiks their prejudices that in
676
their minds race, and for that matter race equality, is a
controversial question. I must advise therefore that the position
in
the
must
of
question
remain as set out the draft questionnaire.
In tackling racism the council cannot afford to operate on the
basis of hidden agenda for to do so would be compound the
institutional
Strategically
therefore the
of
racism.
politics
continual holding up of a certain Conservative borough's E.O.
by
as
good
practice
some members is not conducive to
practices
arriving at that which would be regarded as appropriate for The
target borough The equal opportunity strategiesof that borough
reflect very much the political context in which those strategies
be
developed.
As
have
to
a Labour authority, and therefore
now
in
terms of Socialist political practice, the
presumably
in
Labour
this area are of more
authorities
of
other
experiences
if
it
is
felt
necessary to hold up good models of
relevance;
Equal Opportunities Policies and Practices.
2) Priorities: In ensuring that the Equal Opportunities Working
Party works properly as originally advised, members will need
to remember that they ultimately are responsible for the
implementation
Council's
the
of
race equality
successful
strategy. Within a forum such as the E.O.W. P. members will
in
determining
leading
to
the pace and outcome
a
play
role
need
business
depend
This
the
upon,
of
such
meetings.
will
of
however, the following:
members having a clear idea about the priorities in
terms of race equality and women's equality.
f members having a clear idea about the strategies
being developedto achieve these.
f members having a clear commitment to a timetable
dates
for
therein
target
and
achieving these
objectives.
f
This would be a far better framework within which to assess
from
hoc
that
to
came
unions at such
proposal
and respond ad
R.
E.
U.
The
the
and
advisers
are already
race equality
meetings.
back
framework,
bone
is
the
of
within
such
a
which
working
the report on the CRE Code of Practice. It does help prevent a
keenjerk responseto union requestsfor reports etc. Where such
be
therefore
these
the clear
should
are
necessary,
reports
Department.
Where
Personnel
the
such reports
of
responsibility
have or demand a clear race equality dimension, the race
have
in
strategic
advisers
will
a
role
advising the
equality
677
Personnel Department on achieving that: but not in actually
doing all of it, lock stock and barrel."
678
Appendix 3
Responsefrom Target Borough's NALGO Black Workers Group to
Council's `Excellence' Initiative
RUMOURS OF EXCELLENCE
Local authorities are under attack in a way which threatens to
level
local
the
this
choice which government at
politics of
eliminate
is, or at least should be, all about. Self proclaimed socialist councils
from
twofold
tension:
that
therefore
generated
under a
operate
from
be
that
the
generated
should
and
what
pressures,
external
logic
the
of their political commitment
principled action which
dictates. What is one therefore to say of such "principles" or "logic"
diagnosed
having
let
"politics"
"commitment",
a
when,
alone
or
is
in
"management"
the
solution
sought
what amounts to
of
problem
for
Perhaps
American
song
multinational
capitalism.
a valedictory
that it is the same old story of the Labour Party reeling under the
blows of the right-wing shadow boxing, seeking desperately to
hot
left"
ideological
"loony
the
and the audit
air
of
accommodate
in
these
than
a way which seeks a
confronting
commission rather
continuity between socialist principles and socialist practice.
However such an abrogation of political responsibility by Labour
it
is
have
to pick up the
that
us
as
workers
who
means
councillors
tab; becauseit is precisely us who will bear the brunt of this attempt
to foist American style big private corporation managementpractices
on the workforce.
So what exactly does this entail? Well it goes under the name of "In
Search of Excellence", and it is a book done by two American
itself
based
into
book
The
was
on
a
survey
managementconsultants.
the twelve most successful companies in America in an attempt to
distil the key reasons for that success. A basic framework of
diagnose
to
an effective organisation and whichused
concepts was
lock,
later
used
stock and cliches
uncritically
surprise! surprise!- was
by the Audit Commission. At a general level apart from elevating
the commonplaceand trite into "grand theory" the book is marked by
its complete lack of referenceto- and I'll put it in alphabetical orderBlack
American,
Afropeople, equality, equal
affirmative action,
discrimination,
discrimination,
trade unions
sex
opportunities, race
and women.
The question then is what is all the fuss about? Well these are given
below. They represent the eight crucial attributes of excellent
679
r-
companies. Or in sum "excellent corporations are characterised by
having organisational cultures which carry and sustain sets of ideas
for
One
excellence".
should ask therefore at
and values necessary
this stage "Which are these excellent companies?" and "What is the
evidenceof their excellence?"
Contextualising excellence
The companieslooked at included the following:
Bechtel, Boeing, Caterpillar tractor, Dana, Delta Airlines, Digital
Equipment, Emerson Electric, Fluor, Hewlett and Packard, IBM,
Johnsonand Johnson,MacDonalds
These companies share another common characteristic-apart that is
from making bucks and more bucks-and that is that they are all
in
Excellence
therefore
shines
out
a world economy
multinationals.
facing its gravest economic crisis since the 1930's because such
global corporations are able to shift capital resourcesrapidly around
the globe, cut workforces while increasing output and not worry
has
Excellence
the
effects on workers consumers and others.
about
For
it;
those
to
the
of
product
eight
attributes.
end
another side
law
by
national
example such organisations are almost unfettered
be
chosen which offer the greatest advantages.
and countries can
More often than not these are Third World countries offering the
female
large
workforce and/or corrupt regime to
a
of
advantages
keep labour in check. Above all such corporations use their mobility
lines
international
to weaken national union action
production
and
through:
f
transferring production overseas
f threatening to move to countries with lower labour costs and a more
controlled workforce
f dividing workforces in different countries
f discouraging the formation of unions in the workplace
Post industrial action therefore "In Search of Excellence" seems to
be -but then perhaps that is giving the kitchen cabinet more nous
than they deserve.(A reference here to council wide strike in 1987 in
)
housing
workers.
of
support
If excellence goes in searchof low wages and lax controls here are a
few examples of how some of the listed corporations hit the news
recently.
IBM
in
South
Africa.
based
Even
largest
U.
S.
the
operation
eighth
---is
disinvestment
local
than
to
the
more
no
a
sellout
much publicised
in
IBM
the
company
which
new
will
still
sell
and
management
wares.
680
Hong
Kong
firm
for
factories
in
through
a
an
order
------placed
Malaysia, then cancelled leaving both out of pocket andjobs
in
Guatamala
liquidation
the
company
major
where
military
------a
of trade unionists ensuresa quiescentworkforce
being
for
leak
as
responsible
a
major
of poisonous
------cited
in
chemicals Silicon Valley California. In Silicon Valley 80-90% of
jobs
labour
are done by women of whom 45-50% are
operative and
of Hispanic and Asian origin.
Digital Equipment
largest
Pushes
Japanese
third
computer
manufacturer.
-----World's
in
far
techniques
east plants. Workers condemn this as
management
divide
to
and manipulate workforce.
attempt
Caterpillar Tractors
(2)
in
loss
U.
S.
down
Scotland(l)
the
and
shut
with
of
--------Plants
3000 jobs. Internatonal Metalworkers Federation condemns
managementincompetence
Bechtel
for
South
Korean
government
construction of
-----Overcharges
nuclear power stations by 6000,000 dollars
in
but
Indonesia
using migrant workers
------Construction projects
for
In
trouble
they
subsequent
makers.
were
screened
only after
dispute allowed military to intervene against workers. Now laying
off workers.
Boeing
increase wage gap between skilled and
contract
which
-----forces
leaked
from
U. S. Air Force
At
time
workers.
same
memo
unskilled
Secretary says that government will make every effort to ensure that
they do not pay negotiated wage settlements to weapons producers
Hewlett and Packard
U.
S.
85
In
Singapore
to
plants
cope
closes
all
with
slack.
-----In
leave
6
to
to avoid cutbacks.At the
months unpaid
offers workers up
implemented
10%
time
cut
pay
company
wide
same
Silicone
Valley
producer.
------
The list of corporation practices on a day to day basis can go on.
"Excellence" and its total irrelevance to a socialist led public sector
detailed
by
look
best
be
has
been
more
a
can
shown
at
what
authority
described as the archetypal "In Search of Excellence" corporationIBM.
IBM
IBM has a workforce of 405,000 and a reputation for virulent anti
is
Its
simple, almost naive, but which
which
philosophy
unionism.
has
has
status
of
a
cult
according to a multinational
something
also
681
trade union study severe negative consequencesfor its workforce.
The three basic tenetsto this are
for
individual
the
-respect
highest
the
to
the
standard
of
customer
-service
life
the
attainment
of
excellence
as
way
of
-the
Sound familiar?
In reality as one IBM worker put it "You have to give up a little of
in
here".
In other words a narrow
come
when
you
yourself
is
it
But
to
the
then
corporate philosophy.
made clear that
conformity
be
discharged
the
company's
ethics
will
violates
who
any worker
longevity.
is
It
a corporate culture close to
regardlessof position or
the Japanesemodel. IBM argue that the absence of a trade union
levels
However
the
company.
wage
signifies worker satisfaction with
it
is
difficult
determine
to
treated
whether
as
a
company
secret
so
are
found
Richard
Hudson
IBM
this out
the
rate.
pay above
going
or not
to his cost. He was an employee for 17 years with IBM and an
dismissed
in
in
Workers
Alliance.
US
IBM
Black
He
the
was
activist
1983 for distributing confidential IBM wage guideline documents in
discriminating
Black
IBM
to
that
was
against
prove
an attempt
in
determination
is
There
no collective method of pay
employees.
IBM.
IBM claim to have a full employment philosophy. In practice this is
incentive
freeze,
vacancy
out
what
with
a
retirement
not working
labour.
doing
the
of
subcontracted
away
and
schemes
IBM operatean appraisal scheme which has been describedby IBM
Workers United thus: "the whole point of the appraisal system is to
fearful
degrading,
is
intimidating,
that
that
tone
the
and
makes us
set
is
if
indebted
IBM.
It
to
that
made
clear
we want a good
and
better
had
play the game...........when the company
appraisal we
but
from
IBM
talks
teamwork
and co-operation,
us
wants something
its
in
then
one-to- one the privacy of the
when we want something
but
filled
Internally
through
advertised
are
not
are
vacancies
office".
drawn
by
lists
based
suitable
people
of
up
on
promotion
do
have
form
in
IBM
Employees
not
any
of collective
management.
for
handling
therefore
negotiated
procedures
no
and
representation
involve
Personnel
close monitoring of
policies
grievances.
it"...
Lunch
breaks
42
As
are
minutes
put
one employee
employees,
filling
they
out time sheets and checking
are sticky about
exactly...
has
Chief
"(So
of
a
sudden
our
all
own
why
notice...
written
without
Executive taken to playing the flying flexitime monitor?) Finally
IBM says it is committed to an international set of principles that
foster the highest standardsof businessconduct in each country that
it has business in. The practice is different, since a number of its
industrial relation practices are not in conformity with the minimum
OECD
ILO
declaration
the
guidelines
and
of
on
provisions
682
As
a one time corporate personnel
companies.
multinational
it
from
day
I
"It
the
was
clear
arrived that being union
executive put
free was one of IBM, s objectives." The Black Workers Alliance of
IBM employeeshas waged a long battle against IBM's mistreatment
in
is
(Perhaps
IBM
Black
that
workers
wages
and
promotions.
why
of
there is no mention of equal opportunities in the search for
fights
is
key
One
their
of
against the company practice
excellence).
during
"involuntary
attrition"
which
recession times means that
of
Black workers are more likely to be fired than whites.
This then is the concrete reality of the management and industrial
identified
in
"In
the
eight
attributes
arising
out
relation actions
Search of Excellence." If one strips the hype away from the rusty
is
left
is
lying
then
a managementphilosophy
what
underneath
glove
that is anti worker organisations, anti Black and women, crypto
fascistly paternalistic and a good flag wave for Ronnie and Maggie's
ON
DOING
THE
HELL
IS
IT
WHAT
industrial
BUT
order.
new
THE AGENDA OF A SOCIALIST LED PUBLIC SECTOR
ORGANISATION?
683
Appendix 4
Responsesfrom Equality Advisers to Labour Members' Attempts to Curtail
the Equality Initiative
"Race Equality Advisers' response to `Major Achievements in Equal
Opportunities.'
f
f
f
f
f
1.0 Introduction.
1.lAs Race Equality Advisers employed to provide advice on the
best meansto achieve the target borough Labour Party's Manifesto
bound commitment to race equality, we wish to express our
dismay
and revulsion at a travesty of a report entitled
profound
"Major Achievements in Equal Opportunities" and circulated by
Cllr. "X". It is a pity therefore that none of the equality advisers
before
or after the report was completed.
were consulted either
Indeed it is only by accident that one of the equality advisers
it
had
been
the
circulated to
a
week
after
report
obtained a copy of
the Labour Group and Party. Given the acute implications this
further
development
has
for
the
and achievement of race
report
fact
information
formally
Council
the
that
the
was
and
equality
be
disingenuous
departments
it
from
would
not to conclude
sought
that the omission of the equality advisers was deliberate. This
in
latest
Cllr.
in
"X"
to
the
the
claims
of
stark contrast
stands
he
(internal
journal)
"Briefing"
that
council
employee
edition
financial
the
the
staff
about
crisis and
openly
with
consult
would
the way forward.
1.2The recommendations of the report rest on an inaccurate and
initiatives
information
in the Council;
on
equality
racist misuse of
and above all a misconception of race equality within the context
detail
in
Comments
local
are therefore provided
government.
of
below and these are in two parts.
falsely
the
constructedassumptionsto the report
on
details
the
of the report
resource
specific
on
2.OFalseAssumptions:
There are four key assumptionsimplicit in the report. These are:
that there have been major achievementson equal opportunities in
the target borough
that local government is simply about providing services
that race equality at the local government level is just about
faces
Black
"bums"
Black
and
seats
on office
at public
counting
desks
counter
684
f that "loony left" equal race equality, therefore why not bury it.
2. Major Achievements in Equal Opportunities.
All the race equality advisers and race equality specialist workers
are agreedthat there have been some achievementin this area since
the inception of a strategic and co-ordinated working about three
it
is
But
certainly not a situation about which it can be
years ago.
said that major achievements have occurred. There are four
benchmarksagainstwhich such a judgement is made:
(i)Feedback from Black employees in the Council and Black
Groups outside indicate a high degree of dissatisfaction with the
claims the Council makes on race equality - like Cllr. 'X's report
does- and the actual reality.
(ii)We are talking about trying over the past four years to change
institution
to meet the needs of the Black community. An
an
institution which has behind it over a century of evolved tradition
basedon not even recognising race as an issue, In other words the
work had only just begun.
(iii)Other inner London local authorities and some outer ones have
achieved more becausethe political will has been there to ensure
that there is a greater level of race equality resources and that the
implemented.
The same cannot
equality
changesare
resultant race
be said of the target borough.
(iv)Finally the experience of both the Race and Women's Equality
Advisers to date has been such that the achievementsin the target
borough cannot be describedas "major. "
2.2Simply the provision of services?
(i)To hold that local government is solely about providing services
and, inter alia, the better our services the longer "we stay in power
is
to give credence to the notion that these services are
strategy"
commodities which can be bought off the shelf. It is to capitulate to
is
before
till
the
rung up. Local government is
cash
privatisation
much more than that. It is about how people at the local level
On
the race equality front it is
their
choice of politics.
exercise
level
local
have
determinant
how
Black
the
can
people
at
a
about
have
in
the
of
resources
allocation
and
reallocation
which
a
say
lives.
their
everyday
material effect on
To put race equality on the agenda of the local authority is to say
that the issue of power is going to be addressed- the power that
institutional
Solutions
have
to
to
this
to be
racism.
gives rise
based
like
the Black
of
group
on
an
analysis
needs,
collectivist
is
distinct
from
This
the private sector
quite
community's.
individual orientated consumerist approach. We cannot run a
685
like
led
a private firm. So for
organization
public sector, socialist
in
is
for
30%
Black
care
not
a
cause
children
celebration
example
is
That
logic
intentional
the
type
equality.
spending
on
race
of
of
deal
Black
that
get
a
good
out of the
people
argue
would
which
immigration service or that Jewish people got a good deal out of
the Third Reich because of all the money spent on the
it
Inter
means that the organization and
camps.
alia
concentration
but
is
is
if
it
to
this
that
subject
change,
not
neutral,
managementof
is to bring into the fold of its decision making mechanisms the
in
like
differing
Black
the
community's
experiences
wealth of
the wider community. After all if a management is "neutral" or
feat
"doing
things"
then
the
greatest
of management
about
simply
was processing the twelve to eighteen million Jews and other
five
the
through
year period:
chambers
over
a
gas
nationals
Likewise the management practices which have made the top
American multinationals so rapaciously successful especially on
the backs of Black people in 3rd world counties- like the anti-trade
is
"In
Search
Excellence"
IBM
those
of
out of which
union
- are
distilled and which have now landed on our door step under the
"
Service
Orientation.
"Public
of
guise
(ii) To get back then to Black Children in Care, a 30% figures
indicator
Black
loud
be
that
people are actually
a
warning
should
here.
disservice
Remedial
action would therefore require
a
getting
from
first
Black
the
that
contact
with
service
particular
a review of
family to release from care of the particular child but within the
framework which involves Black groups, Black Social and
residential workers, relevant management and race equality
decisions
in
the
and
changes,
policy
resource
review,
workers
key
The
the
objective to the remedial
plan,
of
remedial
monitoring
Black
in
be
the
to
of
children
care
proportion
reduce
plan would
30°/
to
that
to
currently resourcesallocated maintain a
and ensure
in
Black
care are used with a maximum
children
proportion of
level of Black participation over its use to keep Black children out
intentional
This
type
qualify
as
spending
of action would
of care.
on race equality.
2.3 Is race equality at the local government level just about
faces
Black
"bums"
Black
at counter
and
seats
office
on
counting
desks?
To a large extent the answer to the above question has already been
Nevertheless
it
is
in
the
services.
on
section
preceding
provided
it
is
that
to
simplistic nonsense to assume that
state
necessary
becausex% of employeesare Black and y% of service consumers
686
Black that therefore The target borough has achieved race equality.
It is the type of specious, reasoning which gives rise to the
in
"The
Race Relations Committee and
that;
the
report
statement
Women's Committee have established specialist units to work
towards the needs of women and Black people both as employees
and in the community. " This is not only wrong, it is a totally
marginalising concept of race equality in which the Race Relations
Committee and Unit become a "stuck on" Bantustan entity which
will "meet the needs of the Black community. " It is the type of
logic which at another level could treat race equality as a luxury.
Firstly both the Committee and Unit have been created because of
the local Labour party manifesto commitment; and secondly the
directed
both
towards changing the rest of the Council
are
work of
Council
the
that
can meet the needs of the Black community.
so
Race Equality at the local government level in inner city areas is
local
Black
to
the
the
authorities
meet
restructuring
need
of
about
bases
if
Black
the
that
the
on
community's needs are
community
it
is
likely
being
that the white disadvantaged
than
met
more
not
being
Race
Equality
the
community
are
not
met
either.
sectors of
is
then
about redirecting resources equitably to the
quintessentially
Black community and at the same time about the democratic
in
itself
builds
that
process which
on the limits of
control over
representative democracy vis-a-vis the Black community by
increasing the level of Black participation in and access to decision
just
if
begun
has
This
task
the
especially
only
we
put
making.
hundred years plus of municipal government against the three years
of overt recognition of race equality as priority and the pitiful
resources allocated to race equality structure against the overall
budget of the Council. There is no justification therefore for the
lot
has
been
that
a
spent on race equality and that
smug conclusion
therefore there should be no further growth. Likewise it is a short
sighted and culpable underestimation of the problem of achieving
level
local
to trumpet continually
the
at
government
race equality
that "we have all the policies, all that is required now is the
implementation. " One is yet to hear that said about any other area
is
it
is
The
Council's
then
why
question
possible
responsibilities.
of
to conceive of a problem of community participation and resource
like
decentralisation
the
solutions
and yet
control and come up with
in
Black
to
the
the
posed
relation
are
same
problems
when
it
becomes
a question of too much extra
suddenly
community
liability.
resources and/or electoral
687
2.4 The assumptionthat "loony left" equalsrace equality, therefore why
bury
It.
not
Paragraph 3.4. of Cllr. "X"s paper is telling in way it illustrates
how the Labour Party has not sought to engagewith the right wing
left,
but
has
"loony
"
it.
In fact the
colluded
of
with
propaganda
paragraph is triple coded. Firstly and secondly it talks about the
London Effect: and one does not have to articulate it to know that
London Effect = Loony left = stage managed anti-racism "white
backlash." Thirdly the paragraph is left hanging there in the paper
inviting
but
draw
to
their own
out
of
context,
readers
completely
conclusion about how to get back the "traditional Labour voter. "
This is a collusion with racism. It is also a collusion based on a
mythologising of traditions past; perhaps the workerist post
is
furniture.
This
Yuppies
the
stripped
of
version
pine
modernist
1987 - not 1945. Attempting to set the clock back by recreating an
image
Council
the
of
as a provider of municipal services
upmarket
is to play straight into the hands of the racist right. Within the
it
the
paper gives credenceto the lie that high rates =
context of
is
"politically
There
on
extremist"
race
equality.
a way
expenditure
builds
this
that
on
with
sort
of
right
wing
propaganda
engaging
of
the forward looking basis to socialism and which does not
compromise the principles of the manifesto bound commitment to
That requires a carefully thought out strategy
race equality.
involving those at whom the equality initiatives are aimed. Cllr.
"X"'s paper doesnot do that."
688
Appendix 5
Race Equality Unit's Briefing Paper to Members on the Incompatibilities
between the Race Equality Service Initiatives and those Promoted by the
Council under the PSO Initiative
1.Background to changesin local government
(i)Local
government over the past 15 years has and is undergoing
profound changes. Detailed reasons for this lie in interplay of factors
effecting national, local states and the economic system but which
nevertheless can be crudely reduced to two key characteristics.
*Growing politicisation of local government
*Growing centralisation arising out of attacks on local government by
national government.
(ii)One commentator has seen this as giving rise to a move away from
the bureaucratic paternalistic model of local government to three new
1267
below.
basic models which are set out schematically
Bureaucratic
Paternalism
Public Service
reform (nonbased
market
2 .%
Privatisation
(market based
approaches)
Consumerist
solutions
........ _........... ,.4.-. -. _._._._._._._._
Consumerist
Collectivist
solutions
solutions
689
(iii)It is clear that the politicisation of local government is no more
than that of attemptsto reconstitute this level of government as one
that is about democracy and local choice and control over
framework
is
It
that
the
this
problems of
within
certainly
resources.
if
is,
inequality
have
been
That
tackled.
one can
race and women's
in
initiatives
these
to
one sentence, to try to
summarise
attempt
in
in
local
the
a way
government
power relationships
restructure
in
determinant
Black
the
say
people and women a
which allows
Certainly
to
their
to
solutions
needs.
meet
usage
resource
of
control
in
have
been
inequality
seen terms simply of
not
race and women's
being an administratively technically one in which managementis
been
have
"ends"
"means"
Instead
"neutral".
seen as
and
somehow
key
in
is
the
that
rooted
part of a process of change; a process
democracy,
the public sector and community
socialism,
of
values
needs.
(iv)The attacks on local government in inner city areas from
have
by
the
those
the
media
misled
media and
government,
local
Labour
directly,
but
because
initiatives
these
threatened
not
best
deciding
"means"
in
to
the
achieve an
wavering
are
groups
"end" of electoral viability. There are, therefore, two basic ways
forward:
*to push ahead with race and women's equality as a priority and
include
"loony
This
the
tackling
will
the necessarychangeprocess.
left" propaganda.
or
*to go for an administrative solution to achieve a perceived end of
in
that
the
thrust
of race and
means
which
and
power
staying
down.
is
women's equality work played
(v)It seems clear now that The target borough with its uncritical
Excellence"
"In
Search
as a management
of
steamrollering of
ideology and "Public Service Orientation" as a strategy for
improving the image of the Council as a good provider of services
has adoptedthe latter.
2.Background to Public Service Orientation.
(i)PSO is being treated as a new revelatory means to improve the
Council's stock with the electorate. Yet the fundamental basis to
has
services
covered the very
on
work
race and women's equality
in
is
in
but
tune
that
more
substantively
a
way
with a
areas,
same
690
borough
led
PSO
than
the
version
of
currently being
socialist
bought in. In The target borough the baseline to work on services
by the equality advisers has been the working principle that if the
being
Black
and
women
people
are not
met, then it is
needs of
disadvantaged
likely
that
the
than
needs
of
other
white
more
In
the
are
not
either.
community
other words such work
sectors of
is the foundation of good service provision across the Council.
Such work is based on meeting group needs and collectivist
build
democratization
to
which
on
greater
problems
of
solutions
local government.
(ii)This stands in contrast to the current version of PSO which is
being so assiduously pursued in the Council. These are the
problems:
(a)It derives its central tenets from "In Search of Excellence". The
latter is a book done by two American consultants, the content of
for
from
derives
the success of
the
on
reasons
a
survey
which
America's top multinationals.
A basic framework of concepts was used to diagnose an effective
later
surprise:
and
which
was
uncritically
organisation
-surprise:
by
At
lock,
the
commission.
audit
and
cliches
stock
a general
used
level apart from elevating the commonplace and trite into "grand
theory" the book is marked by its complete lack of reference to in
it
I'll
alphabetical order - affirmative action,
repeat
and
Afro-American, Black people, equality, equal opportunities, race
discrimination, sex discrimination, trade unions and women.
Eight, basic attributes were arrived at, which characterised
in
found
turn
the
to mirror
authors
and
which
companies
excellent
The
looked
Japanese
companies
philosophy.
management
closely ,
Boeing,
Caterpillar
following:
Bechtel,
included
tractor,
the
;at
Dana, Delta Airlines, Digital Equipment, Emerson Electirc, Fluor,
Hewlett and Packard IBM Johnson and Johnson, MacDonalds.
Most are multinationals which have maintained their "excellence"
in
Third
World
More
backs
Black
the
countries.
people
of
on
tellingly the activities of Caterpillar in Scotland are examples of
done
into
been
like
has
Much
companies,
research
excellence.
IBM, by Labour organisations and trade unions. The following has
been revealed:
f its corporatevalues are very close to "In Searchof Excellence"
f it is virulently anti-trade union
f its managementstyle is authoritarianly paternalistic
691
f evidence suggests it discriminates against Black employees in
terms of pay, promotions and who gets laid off in times of
is
(there
a Black Workers Alliance of IBM employees).
recession
The list of malpractices goes on. In sum however, this is not the
type of management ideology which public sector organisations
be
should adopting.
(b)It gives rise to a private sector model of service provision - the
builds
bridging
between
This
the
on
gap
public
consumeristmodel.
forms
but
that
assumes
of
provider
existing
and service
largely
remain. However whilst
organisation and management
is
essential to service provision this type of
communication
good
model:
issue of power
the
address
not
-does
have the same power to
that
consumers
public
sector
-assumes
changeas private consumers
the
needsof groups of consumers
cope
with
-cannot,
This is in stark contrast to what race and women equality is about
level.
local
the
government
at
3.Background to PSO in The target borough
There are a number of problems associatedwith the way in which
this has come about in The target borough. These are:
(a) it is being used as a meansto secureelectoral victory at the next
local elections at the same time that attempts are being made to
initiatives.
women's
equality
curb race and
(b)it ignores and treats as separatethe work on service initiated
through Race and Women's committees and which is a better and
more relevant model.
(c)not surprisingly the equality advisers have been deliberately
bypassed in the discussions surrounding the introduction of this
into
Council.
PSO
the
version of
(d)plans - for which there are no papers but have involved the
Leader, C.E., CPO and CTO - are being implemented to train all
have
been
in
Again
PSO.
equality
advisers
middle managers
drain
be
This
on training resources and
will
a massive
excluded.
from
detract
the existing policies on race and women's
will
is
There
the
training,
and anti-racist action plans.
equality
Already
is
training
that
change.
evidence
equals
assumption
"commitment
to
this
public services"
using
of
managers
emerging
in a way that is detrimental to equal opportunities.
692
(e)attemptsby the Race Unit to get Departmentsto merge the work
they are doing on PSO with the work they should be doing on the
service component to their Departmental Anti-Racist Programmes,
have shown that Departments are treating these as separate
activities and in some cases are claiming they do not have the
do
to
the action plan.
resources
(f)to summarise,therefore, it appearsthat, this "brave new" PSO is
going to marginalise further race and women's equality initiatives.
4.Way forward
Improving services has never been in question; but just as there is an issue of
democracy and trade unions we would not adopt the Tebbit solution. There
appearto be two basic options:
*to scrap the current PSO initiatives and start again
or
*more realistically if failing that to ensurethat Race and Women's
Committee have a determinant role in the direction and content of
initiatives
builds
which
on the current race and women's
such
equality work on services.
693
Appendix 6
Hierarchy of Employees in Target Borough in 19851268
Principal Officer and
above:
White: 776
Black: 52
Below Principal
Officer:
White: 2653
Black: 430
Manual and Craft Workers:
White: 3697
Black: 717
Appendix 7
Interviews Conducted
Target Borough
For the `target borough', theseare interviews conducted over and above the
information gleanedwhilst the primary researcherwas actually working for
that local authority.
Ex-Race Equality Workers,including Advisers
Ex-Women's Equality Advisers
Black managers
Race equality workers in four other boroughs, both
current and ex
Voluntary sector activists in target borough
Councillors from three boroughs
X5
X2
X4
X5
X4
X3
Cape Town
Mayors
X2
Alderman
Chief Executive/Town Clerk
Head of Human Resources
Community Consultants
Civic Organisations
X1
X1
X2
X3
X3
Trade Union
Management consultant
X1
x1
Black managers
Affirmative Action Officer
Academics
Local Governmentspecific NGO
X3
X1
X3
x1
695
Appendix 8
Key to Main Abbreviations Used
ANC
APO
BBOS
BCM
BFN
BPF
CAD
CLU
COSATU
CPSA
CRC
CRE
CTCC
DLO
DP
GEAR
GLC
ILEA
LBMB
LGTB
MERGE
NALGO
NEUM
NF
NLL
pF
PREA
PWEA
RDP
REA
REU
RSC
SACP
SAMWU
SANCO
TCA
UDF
UP
WEU
African National Congress
African PeoplesOrganisation
Black-bums-on-seats
Black ConsciousnessMovement
Between Facts and Norms
Black PeoplesForum
Coloured Affairs Department
Community Liaison Unit
Congressof South African Trades Unions
Communist Party of South Africa
Community relations Council
Commission for Race equality
Cape Town City Council
Direct Labour Organisation
Democratic Party
Growth, Employment and Redistribution
Greater London Council
Inner London Education Authority
Local Government ManagementBoard
Local Government Training Board
Macro-Economic ResearchGroup
National Association of Local Government Officers
Non EuropeanUnity Movement
National Forum
National Liberation League
Post Fordism, or Post Fordist
Principal Race Equality Adviser
Principal Women's Equality Adviser
Reconstructionand Development Programme
Race Equality Adviser
Race Equality Unit
Regional ServicesCouncil
South African Communist Party
South African Municipal Workers Union
South African National Civic Organisation
Theory of Communicative Action
United Democratic Front
United Party
Women's Equality Unit
696
WYSIWYG
What-you-see-is-what-you-get
697
NOTES
Notes on the `Introduction',
pages 1-16
IA tongue in cheek term used by Habermasto describe collectively the phalanx of postPost-Metaphysical
Thinking
(1992)
Polity
Press.
J.
Habermas,
theorists.
modernist
2 N. Adams, Aspects of Tanzanian Underdevelopment,(1981) University of Bradford.
3 Adams, (1981)
4A reworking of the question posed in White, S., The Recent Work of Jurgen Habermas,
Cambridge University Press,(1988), pg. 154. White, follows Habermas in conceiving of
these differences solely in terms of culture and without, apparently, giving proper weight
to the way in which differences are constructedthrough distorting communicative forces,
like racism, and thus also to the way in which the background lifeworld can become over
colonised.
s Spencer,L., Postmodernism,Modernity, and the Tradition of Dissent, in `TheIcon
Dictionary of Postmodern Thought', (1998)
'Black" is used throughout this researchin its widest political senseas a signifier of
those who experienceracism but from which cannot be presumedthe way such people
describe their cultural identity. I want to go further however and say that the use of the
term "Black" by a person should be both a signifier of those who experienceracism
becauseof perceived differences of colour, and of potential heterogenity. It is thus an
invitation to engagein inclusive communicative discourse and not presumea definite
identity. For example in one local authority there is a person originally from Southern
Italy, who, becauseof her experiencesas an identifiable "not white" person in the
by
Black
Workers
Group.
herself
defined
Black
the
was
accepted
and
as
organisation
7 Lewis, G., 'Race, Gender, Social Welfare, Polity Press,(2000), pg. 15
8SeylaBenhabib, Situating The Self, (1992) Polity Press,Chapter 2
9 J. Habermas,Autonomy and Solidarity, (1986) Verso, pg 143
10Situating The Self, Introduction, pg. 5
11"Interview with J. Habermas". Interviewed by D. Horster and W. van Reijen. New
German Critique 18 (Fall 1979)
12J. Habermas, Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 2 (1987) Polity Press,Chapter
V1,(1)
13TCA, Chapter VI, (2)
14TCA, Chapter, VI, (1)
15TCA, Chapter VI, (1)
16Post-Metaphysical Thinking, Chapter 6
698
17Post Metaphysical Thinking, Chapter 6
18Post-Metaphysical Thinking, Chapter 6
19Post-Metaphysical Thinking, Chapter 6
20S.K. White, The Recent Work of Jurgen Habermas, (1988) Cambridge University Press,
Introduction
21J. Habermas, Theory and Practice (1973) Heinneman Books
22Term coined by Primo Levi to describe those who becametotally subjected in the
camps.
23H. Dubiel, Domination or Emancipation in Cultural Political Interventions in the
Unfinished Project of Enlightenment, Edt. A. Honneth, T. McCarthy, C. Offe, A. Wellmer
(1992) MIT
24Cambridge,A., Feuchtwang, S., Edt. Anti-Racist Strategies, Avebury, (1990)
25Situating The Self, Introduction, pg. 14
26See, for example, Foucault, M., Power/Knowledge, Harvester Wheatsheaf,(1980);
Derrida, J., Of Grammatology, The John Hopkins University Press,(1976), and, Lyotard,
J-F., The D? erend, Manchester University Press,(1988)
27T. McCarthy, On Reconstruction in Contemporary Critical Theory (1991) MIT
28M. Foucault, "Politics and Ethics: An Interview", The Foucault Reader(1984) Berkley
29Situating the Self, Introduction, pg. 16
33The Southall Black Sisters is a volintary organisation comprised of Asian women who
define themselvesas Black, and which works to support women caught in the
`contentious' areasof black Asian life in Britain, such as arrangedmarriages, domestic
violence, etc.
31Guardian article on the ethnic apartheiding of an American university's dormitories
March,
1994
for
Hispanics
Americans,
for
African
etc.
one
one
32Aziz Al-Azmeh, Islams and Modernities, (1994) Verso
Notes on Chapter 1, pgs. 17-76
33 J. O'Neill, The Poverty of Postmodernism (1995) Routledge, pg. 1.
phenomenological Marxist critique of post-modernism.
This is a
34An Afrikaans term meaning, "Ah! Shame!", and used in contexts of the user expressing
empathy with someone's plight.
699
35A term first used by JamesBaldwin as a sarcasticaside about those Black African
American nationalists who were criticising his definition of himself as a writer who
happenedto be Black, rather than as a Black writer.
36SeeChapter.. on methodology.
37What-you-see-is-what-you-get,(WYSIWYG)
38B1och,E., The Principle of Hope, 3 Vol. s, Blackwell, (1986), Bloch, E., A Philosophy of
the Future (1970) Herder and Herder; and, Bronner, S., Of Critical Theory and Theorists
(1994) Blackwell, and, Apel, K-O., Is the Ethics of the Ideal Communication Community
between
Utopia,
in,
Ethics,
Critique
Utopia,
Relationship
On
The
Utopia?
the
of
and
a
`The Communicative Ethics Controversy', (1990)
39Bronner, S., Of Critical Theory and Theorists (1994) Blackwell, Chapter 4
40AnthonyGiddens Modernity and Self-Identity (1991) Polity Press
41Giddens, Modernity and Self Identity, Chapter 7
42Pieterse,J. N., Emancipations, Modern and Postmodern, Sage,(1992), pg. 14.
43Ibid., page, 15.
44Martin Jay Fin de Siecle Socialism (1988) Routledge
45Jurgen Habermas TCA, Chapter VIII, (3)
46Jay Fin de Siecle Socialism, pg. 13
47Bronner, S., Of Critical Theory and Its Theorists, Blackwell, (1994), pg. 67
48Quoted in a conference review article in Radical Philosophy, Summer 1993
49D Massey,A Global Senseof SpaceMarxism Today, June 1991
soJurgen HabermasStrugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State
(1994), in C. Taylor Edt Multiculturalism (1994) Princeton University Press
51J. Habermas, Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol 2 (1987) Polity Press,Chapter VIII,
(2A)
52Ibid.
53Ibid.
54Ibid.
ssIbid.
56Ibid.
57Hillel Ticktin, The Politics of Race: Discrimination in South Africa, (1990) Pluto Press
58Ibid.
700
59 Ibid.
60Stuart Hall et at Policing the Crisis: Mugging, The State and Law and Order (1978)
I am well aware that Hall's position has changed from this early quoted
MacMillan
one. However my jury is still out on whether or not a Gramscian inspired post-Marxist
analysis, somewhatä la Laclau and Mouffe resolvesthe problem.
61Ibid.
62Robert Miles Racism (1989) Routledge., pg 64
63Jurgen HabermasCommunication and the Evolution of Society (1984) Polity Press,
Chapter 3, pg. 95
64Ibid.
65Miles Racism, Chapter 1
66Ulrich Beck Risk Society (1994) Sage,Preface
67Miles Racism, Chapter 1
68Ibid.
69Ibid.
70Ibid., Chapter 2
71Ibid., Chapter 3, last page.
72HabermasCommunication and Evolution, Chapter 4, pg. 134.
73Ibid.
74Ibid.
75Ibid., Chapter 4, (II)
76Ibid., Chapter 4, (IV)
77A suspicion which is confirmed via my late acquisition of Eder's book. SeeKlaus Eder
The New Politics of Class (1993) Sage. At another level it is a suspicion which informs
the "end of reason" sceptical post-modernism.
78HabermasTCA, Chapter VIII, (3)
79Habermas Communication and Evolution, Chapter 4 (III)
S0Ibid.
81The question now in contexts which have had "an equal opportunities culture" for some
time and where it can be shown that racism still flourishes, is to what extent a limit has
701
been set on the vision of the good life i. e. the normative boundaries of equality, which still
between
"promise"
EOP
This
the
the
Black
of
contradiction
people'svisions.
excludes
immanence
that
limits
the
constitutes
the
commitment/practice
organisational
of
and
high
CRE
for
that
shows
a
which
research
a recent piece of
which might account
local
from
Labour
"good"
tribunal
authorities
with
cases
stem
race
related
proportion of
equal opportunity policies.
82HabermanCommunication and Evolution
83J. Kovel, Racism: A Psychohistory, Allen Lane Penguin, (1970)
84HabermasCommunication and Evolution, Chapter 3, (II & III)
85Ibid.
86Ibid.
87David Goldberg Racist Culture (1993) Blackwell
88HabermasCommunication and Evolution, Chapter 3, (II & III)
89Homi Bhabha The Location of Culture (1994) Routledge
90HabermasCommunication and Evolution, Chapter 3, (IV)
91Ibid.
92Ibid.
93Furtado, C., Development and Underdevelopment,University of California, (1971)
94Alavi H., The State in Post-colonial Societies in Pakistan and Bangladesh NLR July,
,
(1972).
9sGoldberg, Racist Culture, (1993)
96A term originating in East Africa to describe the new Black political elite in their
in
informs
locals
Harare,
humour
A
the
Mercedes
of
sense
similar
cars.
shining new
Zimbabwe who have taken to describe the practice of sealing off the streetsto allow the
blaring,
as "There goes
to
through
Presidential cavalcade sweep
unimpededwith sirens
Bob Mugabe and the Wailers."
97Arendt, H., The Origins of Totalitarianism Harvest, (1948), Chapter 5, (II)
98The attempt to graft on past oriented ersatzvalues, somewhat akin to the popularly
described post-modernist trend of gutting pubs and refurbishing them with an eclectic mix
like
the
inherent
has
somewhat
strand,
authoritarian
an
styles,
victorian
of'30s and
imposition of colonialist socio-integrative systemson organic ones.
99Jurgen HabermasStrugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State
(1994), in C. Taylor Edt Multiculturalism, Princeton University Press,(1994)
702
10°
Optiz, M., Oguntoye, K., and Schultz, D., Showing our Colours -Afro-German Women
Speak Out, Openletters, (1992)
101Chatterjee, P., The Nation and Its Fragments, Princeton University Press,(1993)
102HabermasTCA, Chapter VI
103Outhwaite, W., Habermas, a Critical Introduction, Polity Press,(1994) Chapter 6,
pg.
87
104Ibid., pg. 91
105
Nancy Fraser, Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse and Gender in Contemporary
Social Theory, University of Minnesota Press,(1989)
106HabermasTCA, Chapter VIII, (3)
107Outhwaite, (1994), Chapter 6
108Harry Kunneman Der Warheitstrichter: Habermas und die Postmoderne(1991)
Frankfurt Campus,cited in Outhwaite
109The Collins English Dictionary
110Honneth, A., Conceptions of Civil Society in Radical Philosophy Summer 1993
1" Outhwaite Habermas,Chapter 6, pg. 100
112HabermasTCA, Chapter VIII, (2C)
113Adams, N., Black Children in Care, L. B. Lambeth, (1981)
114Outhwaite Habermas,Chapter 7, pg. 119. There are some who include Foucault in the
despite
I
theorists
so
sure,
acknowledging the added clarity
school.
am
not
critical social
his analysis of power provides, that he is not beyond the "bucket."
115"Young-upwardly-mobile-Muslims", in Aziz Al-Azmeh Islams and Modernities (1994)
Verso
116HabermasTCA, Chapter VIII, (3)
117Gilroy, P., The Black Atlantic, Verso, (1993)
118Henry Louis Gates Colored People, Viking, (1995)
119Seealso Howe, S., Afrocentrism, Verso, (1998)
120Bauman,
Z., Modernity and The Holocaust Polity Press,(1989)
121Teun A. van Dijk Elite Discourse and Racism Sage,(1993)
122David Harvey quoted in Radical Philosophy Summer 1993
703
'23From experience in the target borough.
124Bhabha The Location of Culture
125Goldberg, D. T., edt., Multiculturalism, Blackwell, (1994)
126Eder, K., The New Politics of Class, Sage,(1993)
127Habermasin C. Taylor edt. Multiculturalism
128Tzvetan Todorov On Human Diversity, Harvard University Press,(1993)
129An example from the prime target borough in this piece of research
130Likewise
131And again
132Eder, K., (1993)
133Cohen, J., and Arato, A., Civil Society and Political Theory, The MIT Press,(1992)
134Ibid., Chapter 10.
135This was written some years before the "11`x'September". It has an even greater
saliency now.
136Eder, K., (1993)
137Offe, C., and, Preuss, U., Democratic Institutions and Moral Resources, in, Held, D.,
(1991)
Press,
Polity
Today,
Theory
Political
edt.
138AmyGutman Introduction to C. Taylor Edt. Multiculturalism
139Habermas in Multiculturalism
140Ibid.
141Ibid.
142Ibid.
143Ibid.
'44Ibid.
145Ibid.
'46Cohen and Arato Civil Society, Chapter 10.
147Habermas in Multiculturalism
148Audrey Thompson Last Bastion Community Care 26 Jan-1 Feb., 1995
Notes on Chapter 2, pgs 77-88
149What-you-see-is-what-you-get
704
150For example quite a few of those associatedwith the post Fordist school of local
in
form
Labour
have
to
one
or
another
acted
as
consultants
run
analyses
government
heart
Stoker
the
at
of the academic resourcesunderpinning new
stands
authorities.
Labour's thinking on, and restructuring of local government in the UK.
151For example, see Stoker, G., The Politics of Local Government, Macmillan, (1991)
'52R. A. Morrow, with D. Brown, Critical Theory and Methodology, SagePublications,
1994.Page41
133Ibid., page 47
154Responsesfrom councillors of the `labourist discourse' persuasionin the main target
borough for this research,who were seeking to slow down and halt the pursuit of equality
measures.
'" Adams, N., Black Children in Care, London Borough of Lambeth Social Services,
1981
156Responsefrom the white managerof the Social Services Directorate's researchsection.
157These are not new to the UK, having found their expression first in the 1980's
in
Zealand
Labour
New
local
that
where
country's
government
government
experiencesof
liberal,
`de-welfarisation'
the
of
public
right
monterist,
new
of
a
programme
on
embarked
sector.
158Responsefrom the Black Workers Group in the target borough to the introduction of
local
that
the
authority's processes.
of
this element of
explicit neo-managerialism
159This is best summedup in Agger's very recent book entitled, "Public Sociology" in
desiderata
key
he
three
relating to sociological writing which
sociological
out
sets
which
because
`author
the
presentwriting refuses to cleansethe text of
author
must: reveal
both
fingerprints...
(but)..
the
text
that
constructs the world and
acknowledges
authorial
intervenes in it deliberately; engagein self translation by `disclosing its animating
interests;
intellectual
its
and
social
and, addressmajor public
confessing
and
assumptions
issues, `attempting to influence the public and policy. ' Agger, B., Public Sociology,
Rowman and Littlefield, (2000), pg. 258.
160Habermas,J., Knowledge and Human Interests, Beacon Press,(1971)
161Morrow, Critical Theory and Methodology, (CTM) pages7-12
'6zHabermas,J., On the Pragmatics of Social Interaction, Polity Press,(2001), and,
Habermas,J., The Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 1, Heineman, (1984), Habermas,
J., The Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 2, Polity Press,(1987)
163Morrow,
CTM,
164Ibid., pages 151-153
165Ibid.
'66Ibid.
167Apel, K-O., Is the Ethics of the Ideal Communication Community a Utopia? On The
Relationship betweenEthics, Utopia, and the Critique of Utopia, in, `The Communicative
Ethics Controversy', (1990)
168This is one of the ill founded critiques of theorists like Habermasby post Marxists like
Laclau.
169There-is-no-alternative, commonly attributed to Margaret Thatcher as her stock refrain
to criticisms of her policies.
170Leader of the Labour Group in the target borough in the mid to late eighties. Seealso
Chapter 11
171Morrow, CTM, chapter 2
Notes on Chapter 3, pgs 88-105
172Key texts in this are Hoggett, P., Modernisation, Political Strategy and the Welfare
State, Studies in Decentralisation and Quasi-markets, SAUS, University of Bristol,
705
(1990), Burrows, R., and Loader, B., edt., Towards a Post-Fordist State?, Routledge,
(1994), Stoker, G., The Politics of Local Government,Macmillan, (1991), and, Amin, A.,
Post-Fordism; A Reader, Blackwell, (1994)
173
Aglietta, M., A Theory of Capitalist Regulations, New Left Books, (1979)
174Clarke, S., Overaccumulation, Class Struggle and the Regulation Approach, Capital
and Class, 36, (Winter, 1988)
'7s Ibid.
176 Ibid.
'77Ibid.
178Ibid.
179 Ibid.
180Hoggett, P., Modernisation, Political Strategy and the Welfare State, Studies in
Decentralisation and Quasi-markets, SAUS, University of Bristol, (1990)
181Ibid.
182Ibid.
183L. B. Lambeth
184Lambeth, Brent and now de rigueur in many local authorities.
issLondon Borough "X"
186Paul Hoggett's work was influential amongstcertain leading councillors in the target
borough during the eighties.
'$' Target borough
188Hoggett, P., (1990)
189Stoker, G., The Politics of Local Government, Macmillan, (1991)
'90Williams, F., Social Policy; A Critical Introduction, Polity Press,(1990)
19'Some analysts, like Pieterse,have attempteda fusion of post-Fordism and postin
the
the de-narrative metaphor
through
similarities
pointing
out
general
modernism,
is
both;
this
though
a syncretic endeavouror merely eclectic
whether
underpinning
becauseboth have the prefix `post', is open to query. SeePieterse,J., edt.,
Emancipations, Modern and Postmodern, Sage,(1992)
192Thompson, S., and Hoggett, P., Universalism, Selectivism and Particularism: Towards
(1998)
Social
Policy,
Social
Policy,
Critical
Postmodern
a
193Ticktin, H., The Politics of Race, Pluto Press,(1991)
'9aHoggett, P., WasteDisposal; Municipal Socialism, New Socialist, March, 1987
'95Burns, D., Hambleton, R., and Hoggett, P., The Politics of Decentralisation,
Macmillan, (1994)
196Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996), Chapter 7, pg. 297
197Burns et al, (1994), Chapter 10
198Ibid.
Notes to Chapter 4, pgs 106-124
'99Morrison, T., edt., Race-ing Justice, En-gendering Power, Chatto and Windus, (1993),
Introduction, pg. 1
200Margaret Hodge, erstwhile Leader of Islington Council, and the apostasyfrom local
local
`realist'.
to
socialist
201Cochrane,A., WhateverHappened to Local Government, Open University Press,
(1993)
202Gyford., G., The Politics of Local Socialism, George,Allen and Unwin, (1985),
Chapter 1, pg. 18
203Cochrane,
A., (1993), Chapter 2
204Stoker, G., (1991)
205Lansley, S., Goss, S., and Wolmar, C., Councils in Conflict, Macmillan, (1989)
706
206Stoker it was, who referred the principal researcheron to Hoggett who, in turn, referred
the researcheron to a Black researcherlooking at a minor aspect of race and local
government.
207J. Stewart's work epitomisesthis.
208Stewart, J., and Greenwood, R., Excellence and Local Government, Local Government
Training Board, 1985
209Seefor example, Gaster, L., Quality in Public Services, Open University Press,(1995)
210Quote from Gaster, in discussion on quality and equality.
211See.Power, M., TheAudit Society: Rituals of Verification, Oxford University Press,
(1997)
212Cochrane,A., (1993), Chapter 4
213Clarke, M., and Stewart, J., Community Governance, Community Leadership and the
New Local Government, JosephRowntree Foundation, (1998)
214Beck, U., Risk Society, Sage,(1992), and, Beck, U., The Reinvention of Politics, Polity
Press,(1997)
215SeeClarke, J., and Newman, J., The Managerial State, Sage,(1997), Chapter 8
216Ibid.
217Interview with senior Black managerin target borough.
218Target borough via interview with Black manager.
219Mehta, U., Liberal Strategies of Exclusion, in Cooper, F., and Stoler, A., Edt., Tensions
(1997)
Press,
California
University
Empire,
of
of
'0 Dhaliwal, A., Can the Subaltern Vote?Radical Democracy, Discourses of
Representationand Rights, and Questionsof Race, In `Radical Democracy', (1996).
ul Ibid.
= For example, in addition to Lambeth and the target borough, others like Camden, have
displacing
human
the
`diversity
as
a
resources,
context
overall
of
within
policies',
adopted
discourse around what used to be equalities.
223Interview with relevant Black manager
224Target borough and interview with senior Black manager
225Stewart, J., The New Management of Local Government, Allen and Unwin, (1986)
226Relayed to principal researcherby the then Chair of Race Relations after discussion
borough.
in
leader
target
then
with
22'This is also the primary target borough for this research
228Ibid.
229In this employees' `rights', as defined legislatively and through internal organisational
initiatives, like equality programmes,are communitarianally off set against a corps of
defined
`responsibilities'
managerially
23°Lambeth, one of the source boroughs in this study
21'Target borough
Notes on Chapter 5, pgs 125-183
232Outhwaite, W., Edt., The Habermas Reader, Polity Press,(1996), General Introduction,
%. 2
'ý3 Ibid.
234Habermas,
J, and, Nak-chung, P, Korean and German Unification, New Left Review,
Polity
Press,
(1994)
Future,
Past
The
J.,
Habermas,
1996),
(Sept/Oct.,
as
219,
and,
235Gutman, A.., Edt., Multiculturalism, Princeton University Press,(1994)
236Habermas,J., A Berlin Republic: Writings on Germany, Polity Press,(1998), Questions
Theory
Political
of
237Ibid.
707
238Habermas,J., Communication and the Evolution of Society, Polity Press,(1991),
Chapter 5, Legitimation Problems in the Modem State
739Ibid.
240Ibid.
241Ibid.
242 Ibid.
243Ibid.
244Outhwaite,(1996), General Introduction, pgs. 19-20
245Habermas,J., Communication and the Evolution of Society, Polity Press,(1991), pg.
119
246Ray, L., Rethinking Critical Theory, Sage,(1993), Chapter 3.
247Ibid., pg. 50, and seealso Habermas,J., The Structural Transformation of the Public
Sphere, Polity Press,(1989)
248Outhwaite, (1996), General Introduction, pg. 8
249Habermas,J., TCA, Vol, (1987), Chapter VIII
250Outhwaite, W., (1996), General Introduction, pg. 13
251Ray, L., (1993)
252Outhwaite, W., (1996), General Introduction, pg. 18
253Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996)
254Outhwaite, (1996), General Introduction, pg. 12
255Habermas,J., (1996), Rehg, W., Translator's Introduction, pg. ix
256Ibid., pg. xi
257Ibid., pg. xiii
259Ibid., pg. xix
259Ibid., pg. xxiii
260Benhabib,S., Introduction, in Democracy and Difference, (1996)
261Habermas,J., Three Normative Models of Democracy, In `Democracy and Difference',
(1996). Seealso Habermas,J., BFN, (1996), Chapter 7 Deliberative Politics, for a full
deliberative
is
liberal
better
than
the
the
politics
and
a
prime
reasons
why
of
consideration
BFN.
distinction
This
`third
throughout
occurs
way'
versions.
republican
262Habermas,J., Three Normative Models of Democracy, In `Democracy and Difference,
(1996)
263 Ibid.
264Ibid.
265Ibid.
266Ibid.
267 Ibid
268Ibid.
269Ibid.
270Ibid.
271Habermas,J., BFN, (1996), Chapter 7, pg. 301
272Ibid., Chapter 9, Paradigmsof Law
273Habermas,J., Strugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State, In
`Multiculturalism', (1994), and, Habermas,J., The Inclusion of the Other, The MIT Press,
(1998)
274Spivak, G., Can the Subaltern Speak?,in, Chambers,I., and Curti, L., edt., The PostColonial Question, Routledge, (1996)
275Said, E., Culture and Imperialism, Chatto and Windus, (1993)
276Honneth, A., The Strugglefor Recognition, Polity Press,(1995)
277Habermas,J., Strugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State, In
`Multiculturalism', (1994)
278Ibid.
708
279Ibid.
280Taylor, C., The Politics of Recognition, In `Multiculturalism', (1994)
281Habermas,J., Strugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State, In
`Multiculturalism', (1994)
282Ibid.
283See also Habermas,J., BFN, (1996), Chapter 9
284Habermas,J., Strugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State, In
`Multiculturalism', (1994)
285Taylor, C., The Politics of Recognition, In `Multiculturalism', (1994)
286.Habermas,J., Strugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State, In
`Multiculturalism', (1994)
287Ibid.
288Ibid.
289Ibid.
290Ibid. seealso, Habermas,J., The Inclusion of the Other, The MIT Press,(1998),
Chapter 4., and, Habermas,J., The Past as Future, Polity Press,(1994), the Asylum
Debate
291Butcher, H., Law, I., Leach, R., and Mullard, M., Local Government and Thatcherism,
Routledge, (1990)
292Ibid.
293Lansley et at, (1989)
294Gamble, A., The Free Economy and the Strong State, Macmillan, (1988), Jessop,B.,
Bonnett, K., Bromley, S., and Ling, T., Thatcherism, Polity Press,(1988), and, King, D.,
The New Right, Macmillan, (1987)
295Gamble, (1988), pg. 11
296Ibid., pg. 29
297Ibid., pg. 31
298Ibid., pg. 50
299Ibid., pg. 14
300For example, Local Government Acts 1985 and 1988, Local Government Finance Act
1982
301 Ditto
302Widdicombe Report, 1986, and Local Government and Housing Act, 1989
303For example the Housing Act 1980 and Housing Planning Act 1986 facilitated the
housing
stock.
selling off of council
I HMSO, The Internal Management of Local Authorities in England, (1991), and The
Widdicombe Report, (1986)
305Leader in target borough. For more details seeChapter on Target Borough
306Atkinson, R., and Moon, G., Urban Policy in Britain, Macmillan Press,(1994)
307Hall, S., et at, Policing the Crisis: Mugging, The State and Law and Order (1978)
Macmillan
30sGilroy, P., The End ofAnti-racism, in, Ball, W., and Solomos, J., edt., Race and Local
Politics, Macmillan Press,(1990)
309Hall, S. et at, (1978)
310Habermas,J., Communication and the Evolution of Society, Polity Press,(1991),
Chapter 5
311Habermas,J., A Reply, In `CommunicativeAction', (1991)
312Habermas,J., A Reply, In `CommunicativeAction, (1991)
313Ibid.
314Ibid.
31sHonneth, A., and Joas,H., Introduction, in, `CommunicativeAction', (1991)
316Habermas,
J., A Reply, In `CommunicativeAction', (1991)
709
317Habermas,J., Communication and the Evolution of Society, Polity Press,(1991),
Chapter 5
318A good analysis of this processof embracing, guiltlessly, capitalism by new
right
Labour is provided in Panitch, L., and Leys, C., The End of Parliamentary Democracy,
Verso, (2001)
319Habermas,J., The New Conservatism,Polity Press,(1989), Chapter 2
320 Ibid.
321Ibid.
322Ibid.
323Ibid.
324Comments made by councillors of both political persuasions,i. e. Labour and
Conservative, at Lambeth committee meetings in the mid nineties.
325Habermas,J., The New Conservatism,Polity Press,(1989), Chapter 2
326Ibid. and Habermas,J., The Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 2, Polity Press,
(1987), Chapter VIII
327Habermas,J., The New Conservatism,Polity Press,(1989), Chapter 2
328Ibid.
329Ted Knight's assessmentof the worth of his first Principal Race Relations Adviser,
Ouseley.
330Habermas,J., The New Conservatism,Polity Press,(1989), Chapter 2
331Arendt, H., The Origins of Totalitarianism, Harcourt Brace and Co., (1975)
332Habermas,J., The New Conservatism,Polity Press,(1989), Chapter 2
333Offe, C., Modernity and the State, Polity Press,(1996)
334Ibid.
33'Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996), Chapter 7
336 Ibid.
337See Panitch, L., and Leys, C., The End of Parliamentary Democracy, Verso, (2001),
Heffernan, R., and Marqusee, M., Defeatfrom the Jaws of Victory, Verso, (1992), and,
Ball, W., and Solomos, J., edt., Race and Local Politics, Macmillan Press,(1990)
338Clarke, J., and Newman, J., The Managerial State, Sage, (1997)
339Ibid., Chapter 1
''Clegg, S., and Palmer, G., Edt., The Politics of ManagementKnowledge, Sage,(1996),
Introduction, pg.6
341An answer is provided as well in Du Gay, P., In Praise of Bureaucracy, Sage,(2000)
342Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management,SagePublications,
(1996), Introduction, pg. 1
343Peters,T., and Waterman, R., In Search of Excellence: Lessonsfrom America's Best
Run Companies,New York, Harper and Rowe, (1982)
344Peters, T., Thriving on Chaos, Macmillan, (1987)
MSAlvesson,M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management, SagePublications,
(1996), Chapter 1, pg. 28
346Ibid., Chapter 1
347 Ibid.
348Ibid.
349 Ibid.
350Ibid.
351Ibid., Chapter 4
352Habermas,J., A Reply, In `CommunicativeAction , (1991)
353Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management, SagePublications,
(1996), Chapter 1
354Ibid.
355Ibid., Chapter 4
710
356Ibid.
35'Ibid., Chapter 5
358Ibid., Chapter 4. In the target borough the introduction of such service initiatives
was
for
in
by
training
courses
senior
managers
which the `team huddle', together
preceded
forward
Yowzer!
'
`Yowzer!
type
exhortations
were
put
as one of the ways to induce
with
team spirit. Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management, Sage
Publications, (1996)
359L. B. Lambeth
360Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management, SagePublications,
(1996), Chapter 4
361Ibid.
362 Ibid.
363Ibid.
364The latter was an actual defence put forward by representativesof a Black social
in
disciplined
for
hitting
the care of that authority.
was
a
child
who
worker
365L. B. Lambeth
366Beck, U., The Reinvention of Politics, Polity Press,(1997). In this he contendsthat in
Western democracies,in the absenceof substantivedemocratisation, the status quo is
increasingly up held through exerciseswhich are no more than facadesof democratic
practice.
367Many local authorities now have specialisedmarketing personnel and/or sections. See
also Walsh, K., Public Servicesand Market Mechanisms, Macmillan, (1995)
368Dews, P., edt., Autonomy and Solidarity: Interviews with Jurgen Habermas, Verso,
(1986), Dews, P., Postscript to the Introduction, pg. 37
Notes to Chapter 6, pgs. 184-276
369Matustik, M., Jurgen Habermas,A Philosophical Profile, Rowman and Littlefield,
(2001). Pg. 264
370See Dryzek, J., Deliberative Democracy and Beyond, Oxford University Press,(2000),
Dryzek, J., Discursive Democracy, Cambridge University Press,(1990), and, Dryzek, J.,
Democracy in Capitalist Times, Oxford University Press,(1996). Also McCarthy, T.,
Complexity and Democracy: or the Seducementsof SystemsTheory, In `Communicative
Action', (1991)
371Dryzek, J., Discursive Democracy, Cambridge University Press,(1990), Introduction,
20
Dryzek, J., Democracy in Capitalist Times,Oxford University Press,(1996), Chapter
2, pg. 34
373McCarthy, T., The Critical Theory of Jurgen Habermas, MIT Press,(1978)
374McCarthy, T., Complexity and Democracy: or the Seducementsof SystemsTheory, In
`Communicative Action', (1991)
375Ibid.
376Ibid.
377 Ibid.
378 Ibid.
379Ibid.
380See Forester, J., Critical Theory, Public Policy and Planning Practice, State University
G.,
Edt.,
Habermas,
Critical
(1993),
Scambler,
Press,
Theory
York
New
and
also,
and
of
Health, Routledge, (2001)
381McCarthy, T., Complexity and Democracy: or the Seducements of Systems Theory, In
`Communicative Action', (1991)
392Habermas,J., A Reply, In `CommunicativeAction', (1991)
711
383McCarthy, T., Complexity and Democracy: or the Seducements SystemsTheory, In
of
`Communicative Action', (1991)
384Ibid.
385Bohman is another who draws attention to the essential difference between BFN
and
Legitimation Crisis. In the former, as opposedto the latter, he finds that Habermas "has
between
the
the justification of moral norms and democratic
analogies
abandoned
decision making.". Bohman, J., Critical Theory and Democracy, In Rasmussen,D., edt.,
The Handbook of Critical Theory, Blackwell, (1996)
386Joas, H., The Unhappy Marriage of Functionalism and Hermeneutics, in
`Communicative Action', (1991), and, Joas,H., The Creativity ofAction, Polity Press,
(1996)
387Joas, H., The Creativity ofAction, Polity Press,(1996)Introduction, pg. 4
388Ibid, Chapter 2, pg. 103
389Ibid., Chapter 2, pg. 105
390Habermas,J., and Luhman, N, Theorie der Gesellschaft oder Sozialtechnologie,
Frankfurt/Main: Surkamp, (1971), quoted in Joas,H., (1996), Chapter 4, pg. 217
391Ibid., Chapter 4, pg. 218-219
392Ibid., Chapter 4, pg. 218
393Ibid., Chapter 4, pg. 219
394Ibid., Chapter 4, pg. 222
39'Another theorist who arguessimilarly with regard to discourse ethics and the
organisational impact on the polity is Cohen. Cohen, in line with Habermas,puts forward
that existing liberties can only be defendedby more democratisation and that the
realisation in practice of the principle of discourse ethics is one of the key discursive
however,
in
Cohen,
derives
that
attaining
goal.
a useful procedural principle
processes
is
it
involve
that
the
consensus
over
a
norm
which
must
symmetry, reciprocity
underlying
formalistic
Cohen
the
that
structure of DE meansthat "no single
maintains
and reflexivity.
institutions
flows
from
democratic
the theory", to the extent that, "the principles
of
model
legitimacy
imply
basic
democratic
they
the
which
ground
rights
and
an open-ended
of
forms
formalistic
democratic
DE
Cohen
that
the
maintains
structure
of
of
plurality
.".
institutions
democratic
flows from the theory", to the
"no
that
single
model
of
means
democratic
legitimacy
basic
"the
the
that,
principles
of
and
rights which they
extent
democratic
forms
imply
Cohen
that
the
an
open-ended
plurality
of
maintains
ground
..
formalistic structure of DE meansthat "no single model of democratic institutions flows
from the theory", to the extent that, "the principles of democratic legitimacy and the basic
democratic
forms.
imply
Cohen,
J.,
they
plurality
of
ground
an
open-ended
which
rights
Discourse Ethics and Civil Society, In `Universalism vs. Communitarianism', (1995)
396Beck, U., The Reinvention of Politics, Polity Press,(1997)
397Cooke, M., Language and Reason,The MIT Press,(1997, Chapter 1, pg. 6)
398Habermas,J., The Theory of Communicative Action, Vol. 2, Polity Press,(1987),
Chapter VI, 2
399Honneth, A., The Fragmented World of the Social, State University of New York
Press, (1995), Introduction and Chapter 15
`0 McClaren, P., Critical Pedagogy and Predatory Culture, Routledge, (1995)
401Habermas,J, BFN, (1996), Chapter 8
402Habermas,J., The Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 2, Polity Press,(1987),
Chapter VIII
403Alvesson, M., Communication, Power and Organisation, Walter de Gruyter, (1996)
4°4Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Edt., Critical ManagementStudies, Sage,(1992)
405Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996), Chapter 9,9.3.3
4°6Ibid.
407Ibid., Chapter 9,9.2.3
712
408Ibid., Chapter 9,9.3.2
409Ibid.
410Modood, T., and Werbner, P., Edt., The Politics of Multiculturalism in Europe, Zed
books, (1997), Introduction
411Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996)
412Taylor, C., The Politics of Recognition, In `Multiculturalism', (1994)
413Wolin, R., Introduction, in, Habermas,J., The New Conservatism, Polity Press,(1989)
414Ibid.
415Habermas,J., TheNew Conservatism,Polity Press,(1989), Chapter 2, The New
Obscurity
416Rehg, W., Translator's Introduction, in, Habermas,J., Between Facts and Norms,
Polity Press,(1996)
417Ibid.
418Goldberg, D. T., Racist Culture, Blackwell, (1993), pg. 220
419Varikas, E., The Burden of Our Time: Hannah Arendt and the Critique of Political
Modernity, Radical Philosophy, 92, (Nov. /Dec. 1998)
420Ibid.
421Ibid.
422Ibid.
4'3Ibid.
424Lazare holds that the constitution was devised "to minimise the dangersof elective
in
(by).
in
to
particular...
elaborately
and
slaveholders
property
general,
government
.. .
.
dividing power between the executive, legislative and judiciary, by personalising
by
in
in
fashion,
by
Senate
the
over-representation
and
monarchical
power
executive
handing crucial veto powers to the SupremeCourt." Lazare, D., The Constitution Cult,
New Left Review, 232, (NovJDec. 1998)
als Habermas,J., A Reply, In `CommunicativeAction', (1991)
426Varikas, E., The Burden of Our Time: Hannah Arendt and the Critique of Political
Modernity, Radical Philosophy, 92, (Nov./Dec. 1998)
427 Ibid.
42$Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996), 9.3.3
429Preuss,U., Constitutional Revolution, Humanities Press,(1995), Chapter 6, pg. 115
430Ibid., pg. 124
431Ibid., pg. 124
432Benhabib, S., Introduction, in Democracy and Difference, (1996)
433Benhabib, S., Toward a Deliberative Model of Democratic Legitimacy, In `Democracy
(1996)
Difference',
and
434Dews, P., edt., Autonomy and Solidarity: Interviews with Jurgen Habermas, Verso,
(1986), Introduction
aasEze, E. C., The Colour of Reason: The Idea of Race in Kant's Anthropology, In
`Postcolonial African Philosophy', (1997)
436Ferry, L., and Renaut, A., Heidegger and Modernity, University of Chicago Press,
(1990), and, Wolin, R., The Heidegger Controversy, The MIT Press,(1993)
437Eze,E. C., The Colour of Reason: The Idea of Race in Kant's Anthropology, In
`Postcolonial African Philosophy', (1997)
438Ibid.
439Ibid.
440Benhabib, S., Introduction, in Democracy and Difference, (1996). There is also
like
by
Dussel,
is
debate
dimension
to
the
someone
provided
who argues
which
another
is
idealist
(including
Philosophy,
tradition),
"Western
the
and
critical
that
is
dominating
the
the
philosophy
and
a
class...
of
a
region
articulation
of
subjectivist,...
713
in
Critical
Poststructuralism,
Kellner,
D.,
".
Quoted
theory,
and the
subjectivity..
Philosophy of Liberation, Illuminations web Page,(2002)
441Ibid.
442Ibid.
443Habermas,J., Strugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State, In
`Multiculturalism', (1994)
444Benhabib, S., Introduction, in Democracy and Difference, (1996)
"S Ibid.
446Habermas,J., Three Normative Models of Democracy, In 'Democracy and Difference,
(1996)
447Ibid.
448Benhabib, S., Toward a Deliberative Model of Democratic Legitimacy, In `Democracy
(1996)
Difference,
and
449Young, I., Communication and the Other: Beyond Deliberative Democracy, In
`Democracy and Difference', (1996)
450Ibid.
451Ibid.
452Ibid.
453Ibid.
454For example in Lambeth in the early eighties one of the race remedial employment
both
by
devised
the
of
equality advisers,contained a recommendations
programmes
literacy classesand the recognition of non-standardforms of English. This apparently
from
the more cynical white managers
of
mirth
provoked outbursts
455Young, I., Communication and the Other: Beyond Deliberative Democracy, In
`Democracy and Difference', (1996)
456Ibid.
457Benhabib, S., Toward a Deliberative Model of Democratic Legitimacy, In 'Democracy
(1996)
Difference',
and
458Ibid.
459Ibid.
460Ibid.
461Ibid.
462Ibid.
463 Ibid.
464Ibid.
465Ibid.
466Ibid.
467Ibid.
46sHabermas, J., Reply, In `Habermas on Law and Democracy: Critical Exchanges',
(1998)
469Benhabib, S., Toward a Deliberative Model of Democratic Legitimacy, In `Democracy
(1996)
Difference',
and
470Ibid.
471Habermas,J., Reply, In `Habermas on Law and Democracy: Critical Exchanges',
(1998), and also in, Habermas,J., A Berlin Republic: Writings on Germany, Polity Press,
(1998), Questions of Political Theory.
472Habermas,J, BFN, (1996), Chapter 8, and, Habermas,J., A Berlin Republic: Writings
Theory.
Political
Questions
(1998),
Press,
Polity
Germany,
of
on
473Habermas,J., A Berlin Republic: Writings on Germany, Polity Press,(1998), Questions
Theory
of political
474Ibid.
475Ibid.
714
476Forester, J., Critical Theory, Public Policy and Planning Practice, State University
of
New York Press,(1993)
477Ibid.
478Dryzek, J., Democracy in Capitalist Times,Oxford University Press,(1996), Chapter
3, pg. 42
479McCarthy, T., Legitimacy and Diversity: Dialectical Reflections on Analytical
Distinctions, In `Habermanon Law and Democracy: Critical Exchanges', (1998)
480Ibid.
481Ibid.
482 Ibid.
483Habermas, J., Reply, In `Habermas on Law and Democracy: Critical Exchanges',
(1998)
484See, for example, Crenshaw, K., Gotanda,N., Peller, G., and Thomas, K., edt., Critical
Race Theory, The New Press,(1995), and, Delgado, R., edt., Critical Race Theory,
Temple University Press,(1995)
485Habermas, J., A Berlin Republic: Writings on Germany, Polity Press,(1998), The
Adenaur Restoration's Debts
486Ibid.
487Sekyi-Otu, A., Fanon's Dialectic of Experience, Harvard University Press,(1996),
Prologue, pg. 3
488Ibid., Chapter 4, pg. 200-204
489 Ibid.
49°Ibid. pg. 196
491Ibid.
492Ibid.
493Ibid.
494McCarthy, T., Philosophy and Critical Theory: A Reprise, In, `Critical Theory', (1994)
495Ibid.
496Habermas, J., Strugglesfor Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State, In
`Multiculturalism', (1994)
497Ibid.
498Ibid.
499Fraser, N., From Redistribution to Recognition? Dilemmas of Justice in a "Post
In `Theorizing Multiculturalism, (1998)
Socialist"Age,
500Ibid.
so' Ibid.
502Ibid.
503Bringing the moral back into the equation raises again the question of motivation.
Kavoulakos, on a related issue is correct as well to criticise Habermasfor the inadequacy
for
his
to
the
example, professional politicians and party
question
of
answer
why,
of
bureaucrats should enter into discursive processes. Habermas' answer is to the effect
by
later
do
because
"obliged
their
them
to
could
voters
punish
that such actors are
so
is
in
Germany
"
He
the
that
their
state
not motivated
points out as well
vote.
witholding
towards supporting an autonomouscivil society. In fact it is those "alternative projects
have
been
institutionalised
(which)..
to
and entered
collaborate and compromise ...
willing
the political arena.... (whilst)... radical political groups and alternative projects (e.g.
from
have
been
the public
suppressed
and
excluded
violently
squatters' movements)
K.,
Constitutional
State
"
Kavoulakos,
and
sphere of political communication.
Democracy: On Jurgen Habermas' BetweenFacts and Norms, Radical Philosophy, (July,
1999)
5°4Honneth, A., The Strugglefor Recognition, Polity Press,(1995), Anderson, J.,
Translator's Introduction.
715
505Ibid., Chapter 3
506Ibid., Chapter 8
507Ibid.
508Ibid.
509Ibid.
510Ibid.
sl' Ibid.
512Ibid.
513 Ibid.
514Ibid.
515Ibid.
516Ibid.
s" Ibid.
StsHabermas, J., The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Polity Press,(1989)
519Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996), Chapter 8,8.3
520Ibid.
521Ibid.
522Ibid.
523Fraser, N., Justice Interruptus, Routledge, (1997), Chapter 3, Rethinking the Public
Sphere.
524Ibid.
525Ibid.
526See also Negt, 0., and Kluge, A., Public Sphere and Experience, University of
Minnesota Press,(1993)
52'Fraser, N., (1997)
528Rehg, W., Insight and Solidarity, University of California Press, (1994), Chapter 1
529Mayhew, L., The New Public, Cambridge University Press, (1997), Chapter 1, pg. 3
530Rehg, W., Insight and Solidarity, University of California Press, (1994)
531West, C., Race Matters, Beacon Press,(1993)
532Ritzer, G., Modern Social Theory, McGraw-Hill, (1996), Chapter 10
513Dallmayr, F., Introduction, In `The Communicative Ethics Controversy', (1990)
534Ibid.
135Wellmer, A., The Persistenceof Modernity, MIT Press,(1993)
536Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996), Appendix II, pg. 500
S3.Habermas,J., The Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 2, Polity Press,(1987)
538Quoted in Guardian article, 1999
539McCarthy, T., Philosophy and Critical Theory: A Reprise, In, `Critical Theory', (1994)
540Habermas,J., Reply, In `Habermas on Law and Democracy: Critical Exchanges',
(1998)
541Ibid.
542For example, Lewis, G., 'Race, Gender, Social Welfare, Polity Press,(2000)
543Hughes, G., and Lewis, G., edt., Unsettling Welfare: The Reconstruction of Social
Policy, Routledge, (1998)
544Habermas,J., The Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 2, Polity Press,(1987),
Chapter VIII, 2
545Habermas,J., The New Conservatism,Polity Press,(1989), Chapter 2, The New
Obscurity
546Cohen, S., Anti-semitism, Immigration Controls and the Welfare State, In Critical
Social Policy, (1996)
54'Ibid.
548Habermas,J., TheNew Conservatism,Polity Press,(1989), Chapter 2
549Ibid.
716
550Ibid.
551Ibid.
552Habermas,J., The Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 2, Polity Press,(1987),
Chapter VIII, 2
553Ibid.
554Seealso Honneth, A., The Social Dynamics of Disrespect: Situating Critical theory
Today, In Dews, P., edt., Habermas, A Critical Reader, Blackwell, (1999)
555Habermas,J., The Theory of CommunicativeAction, Vol. 2, Polity Press,(1987),
Chapter VIII, 2
556Foster, R., Recognition and Resistance:Axel Honneth's Critical Social Theory,
Radical Philosophy, (March, 1999)
557Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996), Chapter 9
558Ibid.
5s9Foster, R., Recognition and Resistance:Axel Honneth's Critical Social Theory,
Radical Philosophy, (March, 1999)
560Ibid.
561Habermas,J., BetweenFacts and Norms, Polity Press,(1996), Chapter 9
562Ibid.
563Ibid.
56° Ibid.
565Ibid.
566Leonard, P., Postmodern Welfare, Sage,(1997), Chapter 7
567Collins Dictionary Collins Dictionary of the English Language, (1986)
568Quoted in Guardian article, 2000
569Preuss,U., Constitutional Revolution, Humanities Press,(1995), Chapter 6
570Ibid.
571Ibid.
Notes to Chapter 7, pgs 276-316
572Fukuyama, F., The End of History?, The National Interest, (Summer 1989)
573Horkheimer, M., BetweenPhilosophy and Science,The MIT Press,(1995)
571See also Bhattacharyya, G., Gabriel, J., and Small, S., Race and Power: Global Racism
in the Twentieth First Century, Routledge, (2002), for an argument about the ramifications
in
a global society.
racism
of
515Target borough's one time leader
576Osterhammel, J., Colonialism, Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, (1997), Chapter I,
pg. 5
'' Ibid., Chapter II, pg. 16-17
578Ibid., Chapter III, pg. 25
579Ibid., Chapter III, pg. 26
580Ibid., Chapter II, pg. 16
581Arendt, H., The Origins of Totalitarianism, Harcourt Brace and Co., (1975), Chapter 7,
Race and Bureaucracy
582
Ibid.
583Osterhammel,J., Colonialism, Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, (1997), Chapter
V, pg. 57
584Ibid., pg. 58
585Ferro, M., Colonization, Routledge, (1997)
516Osterhammel,(1997), pg. 58
587Osterhammel,J., Colonialism, Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, (1997), Chapter
V, pg.61
717
588Arendt, H., The Origins of Totalitarianism, Harcourt Brace
and Co., (1975), Chapter 7
589Osterhammel, J., Colonialism, Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, (1997), Chapter
IX, pg. 110
590ibid., pg. 111
591Arendt, H., The Origins of Totalitarianism, Harcourt Brace
and Co., (1975), Chapter 7
592Furedi, F., The Silent War, Pluto Press,(1998), Introduction,
pg. 1
593Ibid., pg. 2
594Ibid., pg. 2
595Ibid., pg. 4
596Ibid., pg. 4
597Ibid., pg. Chapter 8, pg. 223
598Ibid., Chapter 9, pg. 236
599Gilroy, P., The B1ackAtlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness,Verso, (1993)
600Jacobs, J., Edge of Empire: Postcolonialism and the City, Routledge, (1996), Chapter
1, pg. 1
601Ibid., pg. 2
602Ibid., Chapter 2, pg. 14
603Ibid., pg. 23
604Ibid., pg. 20
605Ibid., Conclusion, pg. 162
606Osterhammel, J., Colonialism, Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, (1997), Chapter
X, pg. 119
607See Mehta's argument about Millian democracy and colonial Britain's civilising
mission to impose Western order on the chaos of India. Mehta, U., Liberal Strategies of
Exclusion, In, `Tensionsof Empire , (1997), also Osterhammel, (1997)
608Mayhew, L., The New Public, Cambridge University Press,(1997), Chapter 4,
pg. 87
609Ibid., pg. 117
610Ibid., pg. 117
611Ibid., Chapter 10, pg. 269
612Magnusson, W., The Search for Political Space, University
of Toron to Press, (1996)
613Ibid., Introduction, pg. 21
614Ibid., Introduction, pg. 13
bis Ibid., Chapter 2, pg. 68
616Qoted in, Epstein, B., Radical Democracy and Cultural Politics: What
about Class?
What about Political Power?, In `Radical Democracy', (1996).
617Ibid.
618From Mail & Guardian, South African on-line paper, 2000
619Dhaliwal, A., Can the Subaltern Vote?Radical Democracy, Discourses of
Representation and Rights, and Questionsof Race, In `Radical Democracy', (1996)
620Epstein, B., Radical Democracy and Cultural Politics: What about Class? What
about
Political Power?, In `Radical Democracy', (1996)
621Kavoulakos, K., Constitutional State and Democracy: On Jurgen Habermas' Between
Facts and Norms, Radical Philosophy, (July, 1999)
622Rosenfeld, M., Can Rights, Democracy and Justice be Reconciled through Discourse
Theory? Reflections on Habermas' Proceduralist Paradigm of Law, In 'Habermas on Law
(1998)
Democracy:
Critical
Exchanges',
and
623Habermas,J., Reply, In 'Haberman on Law and Democracy: Critical Exchanges',
(1998)
624Kavoulakos, K., Constitutional state and Democracy: On Jurgen Habermas' Between
Facts and Norms, Radical Philosophy, (July, 1999)
718
625Bohman, J., Critical Theory and Democracy, In Rasmussen,D., edt., The Handbook
of
Critical Theory, Blackwell, (1996)
626Ibid.
627 Ibid.
628Ibid.
629Magnusson, W., The Searchfor Political Space,University of Toron to Press,(1996),
Conclusion, pg. 302
630Bohman, J., Critical Theory and Democracy, In Rasmussen,D., edt., The Handbook
of
Critical Theory, Blackwell, (1996)
631Kavoulakos, K., Constitutional State and Democracy: On Jurgen Habermas' Between
Facts and Norms, Radical Philosophy, (July, 1999)
632Dhaliwal, A., Can the Subaltern Vote?Radical Democracy, Discourses of
Representation and Rights, and Questionsof Race, In `Radical Democracy , (1996)
633Ibid.
634Kavoulakos, K., Constitutional State and Democracy: On Jurgen Habermas' Between
Facts and Norms, Radical Philosophy, (July, 1999)
635Letter to Guardian, 2000
636Foster, R., Recognition and Resistance:Axel Honneth's Critical Social Theory,
Radical Philosophy, (March, 1999)
637Ibid.
638Arato, A., Procedural Law and Civil Society: Interpreting the Radical Democratic
Paradigm, In `Haberman on Law and Democracy: Critical Exchanges', (1998)
639Neocleous, M., Radical Conservatism,Radical Philosophy, 93, (March/April 1999)
640Deetz, in, Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Edt., Critical ManagementStudies, Sage,
(1992)
64'Zanetti, L., At the Nexus: The Transformative Practice of Public Administration, Paper
first
Critical
Studies
Conference,
Management
1999, at Manchester
to
the
presented
School of Management,UMIST, (1999)
642Cook, B., The Flag on the Cover, Part One: Once a Slavedriver, Paper presentedto the
first Critical ManagementStudies Conference, 1999, at Manchester School of
Management, UMIST, (1999)
643Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management, Sage,(1996), Chapter
4, pg. 105
Notes to Chapter 8, pgs. 318-355
644Alvesson, M., Communication, Power and Organisation, Walter de Gruyter, (1996)
645Rick, J., Tamkin, P., Pollard, E., and Tackey, N., The Organisational and Managerial
Implications of Devolved Personnel AssessmentProcedures, Institute of Employment
Studies, (1999)
646Bohman, J., Habermas, Marxism and Social Theory: The casefor pluralism in Critical
Social Science,In Dews, P., edt., Habermas,A Critical Reader, Blackwell, (1999)
647Ibid.
" Scheuerman,W., BetweenRadicalism and Resignation:Democratic Theory in
Habermas' 'BetweenFacts and Norms, In Dews, P., edt., Habermas, A Critical Reader,
Blackwell, (1999)
649Ibid.
650Ibid.
651Honneth, A., The Social Dynamics of Disrespect: Situating Critical Theory Today, in
Dews, P., edt., Habermas, A Critical Reader, Blackwell, (1999)
652Ibid.
653Ibid.
719
654Ibid.
655Ibid.
656Ibid.
657Goldhagen, D., Hitler's Willing Executioners, Abacus, (1996)
6ssFairclough, N., New Labour, New Language?,Routledge, (2000)
659Referenceto late nineties Home Office Minister responsible for refugees.
°Honneth,A., The Social Dynamics of Disrespect: Situating Critical Theory Today, In
(1999)
Blackwell,
Critical
Reader,
A
Habermas,
P.,
Dews,
edt.,
66'Ibid.
662Ibid.
663Ibid.
66"Ibid.
665Ibid.
666Ibid.
667Ibid.
668Ibid.
669Habermas,J., Communication and the Evolution of Society, Polity Press,(1991)
670Honneth, A., (1999)
671Morrow, R., and Brown, D., Critical Theory and Methodology, Sage,(1994), and,
Brunkhorst, H., Critical Theory and Empirical Research,In Rasmussen,D., edt., The
Handbook of Critical Theory, Blackwell, (1996)
672Harvey, L., Critical Social Research,Unwin Hyman, (1990)
673Harvey, (1990), Chapter 1, pg. 1
674Ibid.
675Ibid., pg. 6
676Ibid., pg. 8
677Ibid., pg. 19
678Ben-Tovim, G., Gabriel, J., Law, I., and Stredder, K., The Local Politics of Race,
Macmillan Press,(1986)
679Ben-Tovim et al, (1986), Introduction, pg. 6
680Ibid., pg. 10
681Scheurich, J., ResearchMethod in the Postmodern, Falmer Press,(1997)
682Ibid., Chapter 7, pg. 139
683Ibid.
684Ibid., pg. 143
basMills, C., The Racial Contract, Cornell University press, (1997)
686Ibid., Chapter 1, pg. 11
687Ibid., pg. 16
688Ibid., pg. 17
689Scheurich, (1997), Chapter 4, pg. 84
690Rick, J., et al, (1999)
691Scheurich, (1997), Chapter 4, pg. 90
692Mills, (1997), Chapter 3, pg. 129
693Habermas,J., Knowledge and Human Interests, Beacon Press,(1971)
694Morrow and Brown, (1994), Chapter 6, pg. 146
695Ibid., pg. 150-151
696Ibid., pg. 149
697 Ibid.
698Ibid.,
699Ibid.,
70°Ibid.,
701Ibid.,
pg. 152
pg. 155
Chapter 7, pg. 184
Chapter 9
720
702Ibid., Chapter 7, pg. 183
703Ibid., Chapter 9, pg. 231
704Ibid., pg. 186
705Ibid., Chapter 8, pg. 221
706Ibid., Chapter 9, pg. 228
707Ibid., quoted in Morrow on page226
708Ibid., Chapter 9, pg. 242
709Ibid., pg. 232
710House, E., and Howe, K., Values in Evaluation and Social Research, Sage,(1999),
Chapter 6
711Based on a re-interpretation of Denzin and Lincoln's paradigm/theory matrix of
interpretation in Denzin, N., and Lincoln, Y., Edt., Collecting and Interpreting Qualitative
Data, Sage,(1998)
712Morrow and Brown, (1994), Chapter 10, pg. 251
713Ibid., pg. 251
714Ibid., pg. 252
"s Ibid., pg. 253
716Ibid., pg. 254
717Ibid., pg. 257
718Ibid., pg. 256
719Ibid., pg. 257
720Ibid., pg. 257
721Ibid., pg. 262
1 Roberts, J., Philosophising the Everyday: The Philosophy of Praxis and the Fate of
Cultural Studies, Radical Philosophy 98, (Nov./Dec. 1999)
723Johnson, S., Doing Critical Organisational Research: An Examination of
Methodology, Paper presentedto the first Critical Management Studies Conference, 1999,
(1999)
UMIST,
Management,
School
Manchester
of
at
724Ibid.
725Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management, Sage,(1996), Chapter
7, pg. 160-163
Notes to Chapter 9, pgs. 356-359
rz6`Diversity', and it does seemto have its intellectual roots in post modernism, has come
because
its
in
`equalities'
of
organisations,
primarily
antimany public sector
to supplant
being
less
`conflictual'.
because
it
is
as
perceived
collectivist notions and
727Seechapter.. on methodology.
728Guardian, 6t' June, 2000
729Quoted in Guardian article, 2000
730Scheuerman,W., BetweenRadicalism and Resignation:Democratic Theory in
Habermas' 'BetweenFacts and Norms', In Dews, P., edt., Habermas, A Critical Reader,
Blackwell, (1999)
731Dryzek, J., Deliberative Democracy and Beyond, Oxford University Press,(2000)
732,Bohman, J., Public Deliberation, The MIT Press,(2000), Chapter 4, pg. 188, and,
Bohman, J., Critical Theory and Democracy, In Rasmussen,D., edt., The Handbook of
Critical Theory, Blackwell, (1996)
733Ibid., Bohman, (2000), pg. 190
721
Notes to Chapter 10, pgs. 367-415
734Dunleavy, P., and O'Leary, B., Theories of the State, Macmillan, (1987), Chapter 5,
pg.
267
735Dearlove, J., The Reorganisation of British Local Government, Cambridge university
Press,(1979), Chapter 1, pg. 3
736Interestingly in the eighties researchersin South Africa also made use of Dearlove's
in
template
an analysis and critique of Cape Town City Council, used as an
analytical
local
South
African
wrong
with
government.
exemplar of what was
737Dearlove, (1979), Chapter 1, pg. 4
738Ibid., Chapters 2,3, and 4
739Ibid., Chapter 2
SaoIbid., Chapter 2, pg. 36
741Ibid., pg. 37
742Ibid., Chapter 5.
743Ibid., Chapter 5
744Ibid., Chapter 5
gasIbid., Chapter 5
746Cockburn, C., The Local State, Pluto Press,(1978)
747Dearlove (1979), Appendix 2
748 Ibid.
749Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management, Sage,(1996)
7s0Ibid., Chapter 1, pg. 11
751Ibid., pg. 17
752Ibid., pg. 18
753Ibid., pg. 19
na Ibid., pg. 21
IssAn insight gleaned and reinforced through pursuing race equality in Lambeth. See
System,
The
Runneymede
Silverstone,
D.,
The
Trust and South
H.
Ouseley,
and
also
London Equal Rights Consultancy, (1983)
756Dunleavy, P., and O'Leary, B., Theories of the State, Macmillan, (1987), Chapter 5
757Dryzek, J., Deliberative Democracy and Beyond, Oxford University Press,(2000)
758Dunleavy and O'Leary, (1987), Chapter 5
759Ibid.
760Ibid.
761Ibid.
762O'Connor, J., The Fiscal Crisis of the State, St. JamesPress,(1973)
763Dunleavy and O'Leary (1987), Chapter 5
764Dearlove, (1979), Chapter 9, pg. 215
765Bennington, J., Preparing for Power: Local Government and Local Administration in a
New South Africa, The Local Government Centre, Warwick Business School, University
(1992)
Warwick,
of
766Cockburn, (1978)
767Ibid.
768Saunders,P., Urban Politics: A Sociological Interpretation, London: Hutchison,
(1979)
769See Wainwright, H., Labour, A Tale of Two Parties, The Hogarth Press,(1987)
170Stoker, G., The Politics of Local Government, Macmillan, (1991)
771London Edinburgh Return Group, In and Against the State, Pluto Press,(1980)
772 Ibid.
773Gyford, J., Citizens, Consumersand Councils, Macmillan, (1991)
722
774Gyford, J, The Politics of Local Socialism, London: Allen and Unwin, (1985),
and,
Boddy, M., and Fudge, C., Local Socialism, Macmillan, (1984)
ns Gyford, (1985)
776Lansley, S., Goss, S., and Wolamr, C., Councils in Conflict, Macmillan, (1989)
'" Information gleaned from work experience in Lambeth, as well as from interviews with
ex-Lambeth staff.
778From interviews with relevant ex-Lambeth staff.
779From discussion with Black councillor in Haringey.
780Stoker, G., The Politics of Local Government,Macmillan, (1991)
781Bakshi, P., Goodwin, M., Painter, J., and Southern, A., Gender, Race and Class in the
Local Welfare State: Moving Beyond Regulation Theory in Analysing the Transition from
Fordism, Unpublished paper, University of Wales, Aberystwyth
782Habermas, J., A Berlin Republic: Writings on Germany, Polity Press,(1998), Questions
of Political Theory
783Ibid.
784Omi, M., and Winant, H., Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to
the 1980s, Routledge Kegan Paul, (1986)
785Solomos, J. and Back, L., Introduction, in, Theories of Race and Racism, Routledge,
(2000)
786Ibid.
787Gilroy, P., The End ofAnti-racism, In, `Raceand Local Politics', (1990)
788Rex, J., and Tomlinson, S., Colonial Immigrants in a British City, Routledge and
Kegan Paul, (1979)
789Sivanandan,A., Challenging Racism: Strategiesfor the 80s, Race and Class 25(2),
(1983), and, Sivanandan,A., Communities of Resistance:Writings on Black Struggles for
Socialism, Verso, (1990)
790Miles, R., Racism After `race relations', Routledge, (1993)
791Katznelson, I., Black Men, White Cities, Oxford University Press,(1973)
792Solomos, J., and Back, L., Race Politics and Social change, Routledge, (1995)
793Cited in, Solomos, J., and Back, L., Race Politics and Social Change, Routledge,
(1995)
794Goulbourne,H., Race Relations in Britain Since 1945, Macmillan, (1998)
795Solomos, J., and Back, L., Race Politics and Social Change, Routledge, (1995)
796Katznelson, I., Black Men, White Cities, Oxford University Press,(1973)
797Lustgarten, L., Legal Control of Racial Discrimination, Macmillan, (1980)
798Lester, A, The Race Relations Act in Retrospect, in, `Race and Britain', Parekh, B.,
(2000)
edt.,
799Katznelson, (1973), Chapter 11, pg. 186
800Lester, (2000)
soyKatznelson, (1973), chapter 11
802Ibid., pg. 176
803Ibid., pg. 177
$04Ibid., pg. 178
805Jacobs,B., Black Politics and Urban Crisis in Britain, Cambridge University Press,
(1986)
806Jacobs, B., Black Politics and Urban Crisis in Britain, Cambridge University Press,
(1986), Chapter 1, pg. 38
807Ibid., Chapter 4, pg. 98
808Katznelson (1973), pg. 178
809Sivanandan,A., Challenging Racism: Strategiesfor the 80s, Race and Class 25(2),
(1983)
810Katznelson, (1973), and, Jacobs,(1986).
723
811Ouseley, H., Silverstone, D and Prashar,U., The System,The Runneymede Trust and
The South London equal Rights Consultancy, (1983)
812Ibid., Appendix 4, pg. 186
813Edwards, J., and, Batley, R., The Politics of Positive Discrimination, Tavistock, (1978)
814Atkinson, R., and Moon, G., Urban Policy in Britain, Macmillan Press,(1994) Chapter
10, pg. 229
813Ibid., Chapter 2, pg. 36
816Quote from M. Stem, head of a school establishedon a deliberate multi-racial basis in
Swaziland and in opposition to existing apartheid educational practices in South Africa
in
Swaziland.
ones
segregated
colonial
and
817Stewart, M., and, Whitting, G., Ethnic Minorities and the Urban Programme, SAUS,
Bristol University, (1983)
818Ibid.
s'9 Ouseley, Silverstone et al, (1983), Appendix 5, pg. 189
820Atkinson and Moon, (1994), Chapter 10, pg. 232
821Ibid., pg. 235
822Ibid., pg. 236
823From Ouseley and Silverstone, (1983), interviews with ex-staff of Lambeth, existing
Group
Worker
Black
staff, and
824Ousley, Silverstone et al, (1983)
825L. B. Lambeth, Race Relations Structures,(1978)
826Ouseley. Silverstone et al, (1983), pg. 22
827Ibid.
928L. B. Lambeth, Social ServicesDirectorate, Black Children in Care, (1981)
929Interviews with key participants.
830Ibid.
Notes to Chapter 11, pgs., 416-585
831General information provided by the target borough's Valuer's department,and later
the new Directorate of Economic Development
832Target borough's Planning Department's report on the 1981 Census
833Interviews with ex- and existing staff in target borough.
934Interviews with Black groups and individuals at the time.
835Interviews with Black activists
136Commission for Racial Equality, Local Governmentand Racial Equality, (1982)
,
837Ouseley, Silverstone, et al. (1983), pg. 18
838L. B. "X", Working Party on Race Relations, Final Report, (1982)
839Interview with ex-managementcommittee member of the local CRC.
&10L. B. "X", Job Descriptions for RaceAdvisers in Housing and Social Services
Departments.
&41As retold in relevant interview
842From interviews with relevant activists, and from accompanying report.
143Interview with staff in Community Affairs Unit
"4 Ibid.
s'SInterviews with activists
'46 Interview with ex-CRC managementcommittee member
847Ouseley, H., in, Boddy, M., and Fudge, C., Local Socialism, Macmillan, (1984)
18 Phillips, A., The Politics of Presence,Oxford University Press,(1995)
849Ouseley, (1984)
850Ouseley, as recalled from GLC's Ethnic Minority Unit organised conference in 1988.
724
851Ball, W., and Solomos, J., edt, Racial Equality and Local Politics, In, `Race
and Local
Politics', (1990)
852Young, K., Approaches to Policy Development in the Field of Equal Opportunities, In,
`Race and Local Politics', (1990)
853Gilroy's hasty concluding term basedon his limited work experience at the GLC, and
as expressedin, Gilroy, P., The End ofAnti-racism, In, `Race and Local Politics', (1990)
854Silverman, M., Facing Postmodernity, Routledge, (1999)
855Jewson, N., and Mason, D., The Theory and Practice of Equal Opportunity Policies:
Liberal and Radical Approaches, The Sociological Review, 34(2), (1986)
856Forester, J., Critical Theory, Public Policy and Planning Practice, State University of
New York Press,(1993), and, Bohman, J., Public Deliberation, The MIT Press,(1996)
857McCarthy, T., Introduction, in, Habermas,J., The Philosophical Discourse of
Modernity, Polity Press,(1987)
858Ibid., pg. xv
859Ibid, pg. xvi
860Ibid., pg xvi
861Ibid., pg. xvi
862Ibid., pg. xvii
863Reisigl, M., and Wodak, R., Discourse and Discrimination, Routledge, (2001), Chapter
2, pg. 35
864Ibid.
865Dryzek, J., Deliberative Democracy and Beyond, Oxford University Press,(2000)
866Ibid., Chapter 1, pg. 18
967Ibid., Chapter 1, pg. 29
868Ibid., Chapter 3, pg. 75
869Hindess, cited in Dryzek, (2000), pg. 75
$'0Fairclough, N., Discourse and Social Change, Polity Press,(1992), Chapter 7
871Fairclough, N., Language and Power, (2001), Chapter 8, pg. 163
872Ibid., pg. 201
873Ibid., pg., pg. 207
874Norval, A., Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse, Verso, (1996)
875Dryzek, (2000), Introduction, pg. 3
876L. B. "X", Race Equality Unit: First Work Programme, (1984).
877L. B. "X", Administrative Procedureon Race Terminology. (1984)
878Interview with Lambeth staff member.
879London Borough of "X", Race Equality Unit Work Programme, July, 1984
880Negt, 0., and Kluge, A., Public Sphere and Experience, University of Minnesota Press,
(1993)
881L. B. "X", Central Race Unit job descriptions.
882L. B. "X", Terms of Referencefor Race Relations Committee, (1983)
883L. B. "X", Structure and Functioning of RaceAdvisers, (1984)
884Alvesson, M., and Willmott, H., Making Senseof Management, Sage,(1996), pg. 116
885Ibid., pg. 116
886Ibid., pg. 118
887Ibid., pg. 118
888Young,K., and Gay, P., The Race Relations Adviser in Local Government, LARRIE,
(1986)
889Interviews with ex- and existing staff of target borough
890L. B. "X", Code of Practice for Section 11, (1984)
891Comments from target borough's chief officers to Code of Practice for Section 11
892L. B. "X", The Race Dimension to Reorganisations, (1987)
893 HMSO,
1976 Race relations Act, (1976)
725
894Interview with ex-GLC Equal Oportunities Unit employee.
895L. B. "X", CRE Code of Practice: Implications for Borough "X", (1984)
896L. B. "X", Recruitment and selection Code of Practice, (1984)
897L. B. "X", Race Equality Targets, (1984)
898As reported back by that managerin subsequentmeetings with the equality
advisers
899L. B. Lambeth, Equality Targets, (1981), and GLC, Equality Targets, (1983)
900L. B. "Y", Race Equality Targets, (1986)
901L. B. Lambeth, Positive Action Programmes, (1980)
902L. B. "X", Antiracist Programmesfor Departments, (1985)
903Ibid.
904
Ibid.
905L. B. "X", Service Monitoring Audit of Services, (1985)
L. B. "X", The Race Dimension to Reorganisations, (1987)
907L. B. "X", Antiracist Programmesfor Departments, (1985)
908Ibid.
909Best value source
910LB "X", Antiracist Programmesfor Departments, (1985)
911L. B. "X", First Conference for Black Employees,(1984), preparatory material for
p1articipants.
2 L. B. "X", Race equality Unit, written notes of reactions to conference.
913Sound recording of conference.
914L. B. "X", Race Equality Unit: Optionsfor Choosing Co-opteesand Observers, (1984)
915Ibid.
916Ibid.
91' Commission for Racial Equality, Local Government and Racial Equality,, (1982)
918L. B. "X", Race relations Committee, Ant-iracist Conditions of Grant, (1985)
919Interview with said ex-staff member.
920L. B. "X", Anti Apartheid Declaration, (1985)
921L. B. "X", Equality Advisers' Memorandum, (1988)
922L. B. "X", Sexual and Racial Harassment Procedure,(1987)
923L. B. "X", Memorandum Responseto Leader of Council from Head of Race Unit,
(1988)
924L. B. "X", Report basedresponseto Equality Unit proposal from equality advisers,
(1988)
925Local Government Training Board, TheAppointment and Management of Race
Euality Advisers, (1987)
92?From regular contacts and networks of Race Advisers at the time.
927L. B. "X", NALGO Newsletter, (June, 1990)
928Alvesson, M., Communication, Power and Organisation, Walter de Gruyter, (1996)
929Flyvbkerg, B., Rationality and Power, The University of Chicago Press,(1998)
930Ibid., Chapter 20, pg. 234
93"Stewart, A., Theories of Power and Domination, Sage,(2001), Chapter 2, pg. 39
932Ibid., Chapter 1, pg. 21
933Ibid., Chapter 2, pg. 45
934Ibid., pg. 45
935Flyvbjerg,(1998),Chapter20, pg. 236
936Fairclough, D., (1992), Chapter 7, pg. 215
93'Appendix 1
938The Black Public SphereCollective, Edt., The Black Public Sphere, The University of
Chicago Press,(1995), Preface,pg. 1-3
939Stewart, (2001), Chapter 7, pg. 203
SaoMeer Syal, interview in Guardian, (2000)
726
941London Wide Race Workers' Forum, (1988)
942From contacts and representationsfrom groups and individuals at the time.
943Commentary letter and responseto Equality Units' reorganisation from one Black
employee in 1989
944From interviews with then current and ex-Black employees.
945L. B. "X", Role of Race Equality Advisers in the Disciplinary Process, (1984)
946Sekyi-Otu, A., Fanon's Dialectic of Experience, Harvard University Press,(1996)
947Young, K., and Gay, P., TheRace relations Adviser in Local Government, LARRIE,
(1986)
948Sekyi-Otu, A., Fanon's Dialectic of Experience, Harvard University Press,(1996),
Chapter 4, pg. 183
949Ibid., pg. 183
950Ibid., pg. 185
951Ibid., pg. 175
952Ibid., Chapter 4, pg. 157
953From interviews with ex-staff of target borough.
954Sekyi-Otu, A., Fanon's Dialectic of Experience, Harvard University Press,(1996),,
Chapter 4, pg. 210
955Ibid., pg. 179
956Ibid., pg. 172
957Ibid., pg. 203
958Ibid., pg. 180
959Swindal, J., Reflection Revisited, Fordham University Press,(1999), pg. 186
960Ibid., pg. 186
961Ibid., pg. 187
962Sekyi-Otu, A., Fanon's Dialectic of Experience, Harvard University Press,(1996), pg.
184
963 Ibid.,
pg. 203
964Ibid., pg. 206
965Garber, J., The City as a Heroic Public Sphere, In, `Democracy, Citizenship and the
Global City', (2000)
966Stewart, A., Theories of Power and Domination, Sage,(2001), Chapter 7, pg. 202
967Ibid., pg. 202
968Ibid., pg. 203
969Ibid., pg. 177
970Ibid., pg. 177
971Ibid., pg. 178
972Ibid., pg. 179
973Ibid., pg. 180
974Ibid., pg. 181
975Isin, E., Edt., Democracy, Citizenship and the Global City, Routledge, (2000), and,
Magnusson, W., The Searchfor Political Space,University of Toron to Press,(1996)
976For example, Panitch, L., and Leys, C., The End of Parliamentary Democracy, Verso,
(2001)
977For example, Knowles, C., Race, Discourse and Labourism, Routledge, (1992)
978Overheard by the then Head of the Women's Unit who was at the sameconference.
979L. B. "X", Equal Opportunity Monitoring of DLO, (1984)
980L. B. "X", CRE Code of Practice, "X" Response,(1984)
981Ibid.
982L. B. "X", Minutes of Equal Opportunities Working Group, (1985)
983L. B. "X", Memorandum to councillors from Equality Advisers, (1984)
984L. B. "X", Memorandum to councillors from manual trade unions, (1984)
727
985L. B. "X", Memorandum to councillors from Equality Advisers, (1984)
986L. B. "X", Memorandum to councillors from then Chief Executive, (1984)
987L. B. "Z", Manual Trade Unions' Responseto proposed Council Race Monitoring,
(1986)
988L. B. "X", Race Equality Targets, (1984)
989Comment by Labour councillor and seventiesex-Leader to Race equality
reports
presentedto committee he was sitting on.
L. B. "X", Briefing note to councillors on targets by head of Race Unit, (1985)
99'Justification used by the then Chief PersonnelOfficer when tackled by the equality
advisers.
992L. B. "X", Unpublished paper by then Chief personnel Officer on equal opportunities,
(1985)
993Jay,M., Fin De Siecle Socialism, Routledge, (1988), pg. 13
994L. B. "X", Unpublished paper by then Chief personnel Officer on equal opportunities,
(1985)
1195
Ibid.
996Ibid.
997Ibid.
998Notes by head of Race Unit on CPO's equal opportunities paper.
999CPO's paper
1000
Ibid.
loo'This borough came to be, by the end of the eighties, new labour's flagship for a
modernised local governance. Many of the practices and policies now being introduced
level,
the
were guinea pigged in this local authority. In terms of this particular
national
at
be detectedthe nascent `white' art of spin.
can
episode,
1002
Ibid.
1003
Ibid.
10°4 Ibid.
1005
Seventeenyears on, Blunkett, at the national level, re-iterates a similar one with
regard to refugees;the recursive nature of racism.
1006
Ibid.
1007
As reported back by the then Chair of Race Relations Committee
1008
Dearlove, (1979)
1009
Alvesson and Willmott, (1996), pg. 18
1010
L. B. "X", Review of Race Equality in Borough "X", (1985)
'o"
Ibid.
1012
Ibid.
1013
Ibid.
1014
Fairclough, (1992), pg. 215
1015
Housing Act, (1980) and, Housing Act, (1988)
1016
Local Government Planning and Land Act, (1980), and Local Government Act, (1988)
lot?Audit Commission, Calling the Tune: Performance Management in Local
Government, 1995
'o's Peters,T., and Waterman, R., In Search of Excellence: Lessonsfrom America's Best
Run Companies,New York, Harper and Rowe, (1982)
'0'9 Stewart, J., and Greenwood, R., Excellence and Local Government, Local
Government Training Board, 1985
1020
Dearlove, (1979), Appendix 2
1021
Landry, C., Morley, D., Southwood, R., and, Wright, P., What a Way to Run a
Railroad, Comedia, (1985)
1022
Ibid., pg. 62
1023
Stewart and Greenwood, (1985)
728
1024
Ibid.
1025
Ibid.
1026
Ibid.
1027
Silver, J., The Ideology of Excellence: Management and Neo-Conservatism, Studies in
Political Economy, 24, (Autumn 1987)
1028 Ibid.
1029
Ibid.
1030
Ibid.
1031
Stewart, J., Public Service Orientation: SomeKey Ideas and Issues, Institute of Local
Government Studies,University of Birmingham, April, 1987.
1032
Ibid.
1033
Ibid.
1034
Ibid.
1035
Ibid.
1036
"X" Labour Party, Leader's Report: In Search of Local Socialism, or are Wea
Radish?, 1987
1037
Ibid.
1038
Ibid.
1039
Ibid.
1040
Ibid.
1041
«X" Labour Party, Leader's Report: Coping with the Crisis, the First Steps,, June,
1987
1042
Ibid.
1043
Ibid.
1044
Ibid.
1°45
Ibid.
1046Ibid.
1047Ibid.
1048Ibid.
1049Guardian, 2001
1050
"X" Labour Party, Leader's Report: Major Achievements in Equal Opportunities,
1987
1051
Ibid.
1052
Ibid.
1053
Ibid.
1054
Ibid.
1055
Hoggett, P, Problems of Implementation, Unpublished paper, June, 1987, and,
Hoggett, P., The Problem of "Means " within the Labourist Tradition, Unpublished paper,
July, 1987
1056
Ibid.
1057
Ibid.
1058
Ibid.
1059
Ibid.
1060
Ibid.
1061
Ibid.
1062
Ibid.
1063
Cooke, M., Language and Reason,The MIT Press,(1997)
1064
Interview with relevant ex-employee of borough "X"
1065
As quoted in Leader's papersand in Stewart's PSO paper.
1066
"X" NALGO Newsletter, (June 1990)
1067
"X" Mercury, 1990
1068
London Borough of "X", The "X" Service Programme, 1988
729
1069
London Borough of "X". Memorandum on Middle Management Training from Race
equality Adviser on Employment,, Sept., 1987
1oo "X" Labour Party, Leader's Report, Equalities Work, July, 1988
1071 Ibid.
1072
Ibid.
1073
London Borough of "X", Comments by the equality advisers on the Report Entitled:
"Leader's Report - Equalities Work", July, 1988
1074 Ibid.
1075
London Borough of "X", Letter to Councillors from All Equality Advisers on
ProposedEqualities' Review, Oct., 1988
1076
London Borough of "X", Comments by All the Equality Advisers on Final Report on
Equality Development Unit, Feb., 1989
1077
London Borough of "X", Equalities Development Unit, 1989
1078
"X" NALGO Newsletter, (June 1990)
1079
London Wide Race Workers' Forum, Agenda and Papersfor June 1988 Meeting,
June, 1988
1080
One is struck by the similarities with the mis-briefings the new lLabour government
indulges in when they are displeasedwith either M. P.s of their own party, or those who
work for them as civil servants.
1081
IndependentNewspaper, The Borough Wherelabour is Working, (June 1990)
1082
Ibid.
1083
Ibid.
1084
Said at a Birkbeck College organised seminar on race and local government.
1085
London Borough of "X", Race Relations Committee Agenda and Reports, 1990-1996
1086
Interviews with ex-Advisers
1097
London Borough of "X", Positive Action Measures and Equality Targets, 1994
1088
Interview with staff of Equality Unit
1089
Interview with Black managerresponsible for council grant funding
1090
L. B. "X", Website (1998)
1091
HMSO, Local Government Act, (1988)
1092Escott, K., and, Whitfield, D., The Gender Impact of'CCT in Local Government, Equal
Opportunities Commission, (1995)
1093
Local Government ManagementBoard, Equalities and the Contract Culture,, (1995)
1094
Guardian article by Tribune member, 2001
1095
Ibid.
'°96Dearlove, (1979)
1097
Audit Commission Local Authority PerformanceTables, (1999)
1098
Municipal Journal, (2000)
1099
Debord, G, The Society of the Spectacle,Black and Red, (1976)
1100
Interview with ex Lambeth Social Servicesmanager
1101
L. B. "X", Positive Action etc. (1994)
1102
Interview with ex-staff in equalities unit, (2000)
1103
Interview, (2000)
1104
Interview, (2001)
Notes to Chapter 12, pgs., 586-655
1105
O'Meara, D., Forty Lost Years,Ravan Press,(1996)
11°6
Ibid., page 426
1107
Saunders,C., The Making of the South African Past, David Phillip, (1988)
108Keegan, T., Colonial SouthAfrica and the Origins of the Racial Order, Leicester
University Press,(1996), pg. 281
730
1109Klug, H., Constituting Democracy
Globalism
South
Africa's
Political
and
-Law,
Reconstruction, Cambridge University Press,(2000), pg. 30.
1110 Ibid.
1111
SeeLoveland, I., By Due Process of Law, Hart Publishing, (1999), which documents
the legal history of racial discrimination in South Africa between 1855 to 1960.
1112Ibid.
1113
O'Meara (1996), pg. 420.
1114
Klug, (2000), pg. 40.
1115
O'Meara, (1996), pg.420.
1116
O'Meara, (1996), the whole of his theoretical appendix, entitled, "Understanding the
Politics of the Apartheid State", to his book deals with this area.
1117
Ibid., pg. 431
1118
Ibid., same section
1119
Ibid. pg. 440
1120
Ibid.,
same
section
1121
Norval, A., Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse, Verso, (1996), pg. 303
1122
O'Meara, (1996), pg. 466
1123Ibid.,
same section
1124
Gutman, A.., Introduction, In `Multiculturalism', (1994)
1125
Habermas,J., Communication and the Evolution of Society, Polity Press,(1991),
Legitimation Problems of the Modem State
1126
Ibid.
1127 Ibid.
1128
For example, Greenberg,S., Legitimating the Illegitimate -State, Markets and
Resistancein SouthAfrica, University of California Press,(1987)
1129
Atkinson, D., One-city Initiatives, pg 271, in, Swilling, M., Humphries, R., and
Shubane,K., edt., Apartheid City in Transition, Oxford University Press,(1991)
1130
Todes, A. and Watson, V., Local GovernmentReorganisation: GovernmentProposals
and Alternatives in Cape Town, Urban Problems ResearchUnit, University of Cape
Town, (1986); Dewar, D., Watson, V., Bassios,A., and Dewar, N., The Structure and
Form of Metropolitan Cape Town: Its Origins, Influences and Performance, The Urban
Problems ResearchUnit, The urban Foundation, (1990); Watson, V., and Wilkinson, P.,
Local GovernmentRestructuring in Cape Town, in James,W., and Simons, M., edt., The
Angry Divide, David Philip, (1989)
1131
Heymans, C., The Political and Constitutional Context of Local Government
Restructuring, pg. 34, in Heymans and Totemeyer, edt., Government by the People, Juta
and Co. Ltd, (1988).
1132
Davenport, R., The Cape Liberal Tradition to 1910, in Butler, J., Elphick, R., and
Welsh, D., edt., Democratic Liberalism in South Africa, Weslyan University Press,(1987)
1133
Keegan, (1996), pg. 282
1134
Ibid., pg. 127
1135
Ibid., pg. 127
1136
Lewis, G., Between the Wire and the Wall, David Philip, (1987), pg. 2
1137
Goldin, I., Making Race: The Politics and Economics of Coloured Identity in South
frica, Longman, (1987)
Africa,
138Lewis, (1987), pg. 20
1139
Ibid., pg. 180.
1140
Goldin, (1987), pg. 57
1141
Ibid, pg. 58
1142
Todes and Watson, (1986)
1143
Cited in Swilling, M., Taking Powerfrom Below: Local Government in a Future
South Africa, in Heymans and Totemeyer, (1988)
731
1144
Price, R., TheApartheid State in Crisis, Oxford University Press,(1991), pg.85
1145
Swilling, (1988)
1146
Ibid.
1147
Murray, M., The Revolution Deferred, Verso, (1994), pg. 168
1148
Ibid., pg 169
1149
Lewis, (1987), pg. 281
1150
Murray, (1994), pg. 177
1151
Interviews in 1990, and 1994
1152
Adam, H., and Moodley, K., TheNegotiated Revolution, JonathanBall Publishers,
(1993)
1153
Todes and Watson, (1986), pg. 11
1154
Ibid.
1155
Ibid.
1156
Ibid.
157Ibid., pg. 17
1158
Cape Town, a Survey, Supplementto Financial Mail, (April, 1988)
1159
Gildenhuys, J and Schwella, E., Report on an Equal Opportunity Policy and
Affirmative Action Programmefor the City of Cape Town, City of Cape Town, (April,
1991)
1160
Atkinson, D., How do we getfrom Here to There?, in Heymans and Totemeyer, (1988)
1161
Ibid.
1162
Todes and Watson, (1986), Watson and Wilkinson, (1989), and Watson, V., Towards
New Forms of local Government in South Africa, in Heymans and Totemeyer, (1988)
1163 Ibid.
1164
Botha, T., Younge, A., Chetty, K., and Motshekga, M., Report on the ANC
Consultative Conference on Local Government, Centre for Development Studies,
University of the Western Cape, (1990)
1165
Ibid.
1166
Ibid., pg.40
1167
Steytler, N., The Freedom Charter and Beyond, Community Law Centre, University
of the Western Cape, (1991), pg. xii
1168
Ibid., pg. xiv
1169Murray, (1994)
1170
Ibid., pg. 178
1171
Mayekiso, M., Township Politics, Civic Strugglesfor a New South Africa, Monthly
review Press,(1996)
1172
Cape Town City Council, Towards an Open City, (1989)
1173Ibid.
1174
Interviews, 1990, and 1994
1175
Cape Town City Council, Metropolitan Restructuring, (1991)
1176
South African Municipal Workers Union, Municipal Administrations - Restructuring
for Democracy, (December, 1992)
"" Interviews, 1990 and 1994
1178
Cape Town City Council, Proposed Community Liaison Function, (1992)
1179Ibid.
1180 Ibid.
1181
Le Roux, A., The Challenge of Community Participation in Local Government,
Poverty Reduction Monitoring Service, Institute for Democratic Alternatives in South
Africa, (Nov., 1996)
1182 Ibid.
1183 Ibid.
1184
Ibid.
732
1185
Ibid.
"86Ibid.
1187
Ibid.
1188
Ibid.
1189
Marais, H., South Africa: Limits to Change, Zed Books, (1998), pg. 177
1190
ANC election leaflet, Western Cape Branch, (1998)
1191
Marais, (1998), pg. 187
1192
Ibid., pg. 193
1193
Ibid., pg. 194
1194
Republic of South Africa, Government Gazette,No. 16085, White Paper on
Reconstruction and Development, (November, 1994)
1195
Durban City Council, Agreement to End Discrimination in Local Government
Employment, Including a Programme ofAffirmative Action and Guidelines Towards a
Human ResourceDevelopment Policy and Single Conditions of Service, (April 1992)
1196
Gildenhuys and Schwella, (1991)
1197
Ibid.
1198
South African Municipal Workers' Union, South African Association of Municipal
Employees, Cape Town Municipal Professional Staff Association, and Cape Town City
Council, Affirmative Action and Human ResourcesDevelopment Agreement, (April,
1994)
1199
Ibid.
1200
Ibid.
1201
Adams, N., Commentson Paper Entitled "Affirmative Action Policy and Human
ResourceDevelopment Guidelines", (Feb., 1993)
1202
Ibid.
1203
Cape Town City Council, Position Paper by the Cape town City Council on the
Restructuring of Local Government in the Cape Peninsula Area, (Aug., 1993)
1204
Ibid.
1205
Ibid.
1206
Ibid.
1207
Republic of South Africa, Government Gazette,No. 15468,Local Government
Transition Act, (1993)
1208
Bond, P., Elite Transition, Pluto Press,(2000), pg., 106
1209
Ibid.
1210
Le Roux, (1996)
1211
Bond, (2000), pg. 17
1212
Bond, (2000), pg. 53
1213
Marais, (1998), pg. 163
1214
Bonds, (2000), pg. 56
1215
Ibid.
1216
Ibid.
1217
Adam, H., Van Zyl Slabbert, F., and Moodley, K, Comrades in Business,International
Books, (1998), pg. 166.
1218
Ibid.
1219
Ibid., pg. 160
1220
Bond, (2000), pg. 46
1221
Marais, (1998)
1222
Ibid., pg. 190
1223
Ibid., pg. 192
1224
Republic of South Africa, Government Gazette,No. 17678, Constitution of the
Republic of South Africa, (Dec., 1996)
1225
Republic of South Africa, Government, Employment EquityAct, (1998)
733
1226
Republic of South Africa, Government Gazette,No. 18800, White Paper on
Affirmative Action in the Public Service, (April, 1998)
1227Ibid. '
1228
Interview, (1998)
1229
Interview, (1998)
1230
Bond, (2000), pg., 65
1231
Interviews with Black managersand managerial consultant brought in to develop
changes.
1232
Peters,T., Thriving on Chaos, MacMillan, (1990)
1233
Alvesson and Willmott, (1996), pg. 100
1234
Interview with consultant, (1998)
1235
Interview with Black managerto whom it was said.
1236
Cape Town City Council, Public Participation, (May, 1997)
1237
As admitted by the consultant in interview
1238
Ibid.
1239 Ibid.
1240
Development Dynamics, Report to Cape Town City Council on a Valuing Diversity
Course,
(March,
1998)
Training
Gender
and
1241
Republic of South Africa, Government Gazette,No. 18739, The White Paper on Local
Government, (March, 1998)
1242
Institute for Democratic Alternatives in South Africa, Web-site commentary on White
Paper on Local Government, (1998)
1243
Ibid.
1244Desai, A., Race Class and the Intellectual Left in South Africa's Democratic
Transition, paper presented to Racializing Class, Classifying Race -A Conference on
Labour and Difference in Africa, USA and Britain, (July 1997)
1245
Afro-American term originating in rapper street culture to describe the `gold chains'
displays
`rolex
of wealth.
ostentatious
watch',
and
1246
Heywood, M., WhenRacism Goes Underground, Daily Mail and Guardian, (6
September,2001)
124Russell, D., Bishop, The Poor are Under Attack, Daily Mail and Guardian, (6
September, 2001)
124Seepe,S., The Pitfalls of Racial Reasoning, Daily Mail and Guardian, (18 May, 2001)
1249
Marais, (1998), pg. 257
Notes to Chapter 13, pgs 656-662
1250
In the UK the Chartered Institute of PersonnelDevelopment developed a position
it
`old'
in
in
that
the
the
argued
equalities model
explicitly
was
mid nineties which
paper
because
it
did
diversity
that
too
approach,
not rely on group
a
conflictual and
was
better
individual,
business
but
the
was
a
means
of
realising
on
concentrated
stereotypes,
`equalities'
its
depiction
However,
the
model relied on caricature and the
of
objectives.
based
A
the
that
this
on
pursuit
solely
of
positive
action.
similar
almost
was
stereotype
be
then
torching
them,
models,
and
can
equality
peopled
creating
straw
of
pattern
discerned in the development of diversity in the USA.
1251
From chapter 11
1252
For example, Paris, G., Get in Touch with Your Feminine Side, People Management,
(21$`March, 2002)
1253
Beck, U., Risk Society, Sage,(1992)
1254
For example, Milne, S., Colonialism and the New World Order, Guardian, (7thMarch,
2002)
1255
Cooper, R, Why WeStill Need Empires, Observer, (7`hApril, 2002)
734
1256
Habermas,J., A Berlin Republic: Writings on Germany, Polity Press,(1998)
1257
Hardt, M., and Negri, A, Empire, Harvard University Press,(2000), pg. 43
1258
Bhattacharyya, G., Gabriel, J., and Small, S., Race and Power, Routledge, (2002), pg.
11
1259
Hardt, M., and Negri, A, Empire, Harvard University Press,(2000), pg. 34
1260
Simmons-Lewis, S., Modern Councils: Old, White, Irrelevant, Local Government
Chronicle, (22°dFebruary, 2002)
1261
For example, Milne, S., (2002)
1262
For example, James,L., How did this huge talent slide into a gansta life?, Observer,
(24`x'March, 2002)
1263
The RunnymedeTrust, The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain, Profile Books, (2000), pg.
234
1264
Ibid.
1265
Habermas,J., Postmetaphysical Thinking, Polity Press,(1992), chapter 6, pg. 117
Notes to Appendices
1266A reference to `What a Way to Run a Railroad' which the then leader of the council
had, in a key meeting with Chief Officers on management,caricaturedly contrasted with
`In Search of Excellence' as not being the way forward.
1267The diagram is based on a then interesting article done by Hambleton and Hoggett on
the theoretical and political weaknesses of the individualised consumerist model of
services. Hambleton, R., and Hoggett, P., Beyond Bureaucratic Paternalism, (1987)
1268
L. B. "X", Workforce Survey, (1985)
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,
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