the radicalisation of the revolution

Transcription

chapter
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the
radicalisation
of the
revolution
6
(late 1792–mid-1793)
introduction: a new republc
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On 21 September 1792, the new Assembly of France, the National Convention,
met for the first time. The deputies were mostly in their late thirties, nearly half
coming from the legal profession. Of the remainder, there were fifty-five members
of the patriotic or juring clergy, including Sieyès, Grégoire and Rabaut SaintEtienne, who had all been deputies to the original Estates-General. Fifty-one were
public servants. One deputy, Jacques Chevalier, came from the peasant class and
one was a prince, Philippe-Egalité, the former Duc d’ Orléans.1
On that first day, the deputies reiterated their commitment to the sovereignty of
the people and to the protection of all persons and property, and pledged that
they would abolish the monarchy. On the second day, they declared that, from
that day, all public documents should be dated from the first year of the French
Republic, ‘Year One of French Liberty,’ thus creating a new republican calendar.
Three days later, they declared that France was ‘one and indivisible,’ united under
the Republic.2
1 Simon Schama, Citizens:
A Chronicle of the French
Revolution (UK: Penguin,
1989), 647.
2 Schama, Citizens, 641.
3 William Doyle, The Oxford
History of the French
Revolution (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1989), 192.
160
On the day the Convention first sat, the French Army won a victory over the
allied armies at Valmy. General Kellermann and General Dumouriez, with more
men but fewer guns, succeeded in turning back the Prussian troops, thus changing
the course of the war. This led, in turn, to an increase in recruitment to the army,
with 20 000 men volunteering to go into battle to defend the revolution.3 General
Dumouriez now moved to ‘liberate’ Belgium and the Netherlands, the countries
to the north. On 6 November, he won a major battle at Jemappes, while other
French armies invaded the Rhineland and the Italian states of Savoy and Nice.
ACTIVITY
War Minister JeanBaptist Bouchotte used
state funds to distribute
radical newspapers to
the army. At a cost of
118 000 livres, 1 800 000
copies of Hébert’s
Le Père Duchèsne
were handed out to
the troops in order to
educate them as to the
'correct' political views.
While the new deputies reached consensus on these issues, the major challenges
the National Convention faced provoked major confrontations: legislation to
create a successful war effort, how to conduct the trial and execution of Louis
XVI and the establishment of the principles of a new republican constitution for
France. These three issues created fierce debate and dissent between the deputies
of the Girondist faction (the Brissotins) and those of the increasingly powerful
Mountain, the radical deputies of the Jacobins and Cordeliers.
beliefs and attitudes
What beliefs and attitudes underpinned French republicanism and the
decision to restart the calendar at 'Year One'?
factions in the convention:
Girondins and montagnards
In the Convention, power was divided between the two main factions: the
Girondins, and the Jacobins and Cordeliers (also known as the Mountain
or Montagnards because they sat on the highest benches of the hall). The
Girondins and their leaders Brissot, Vergniaud and Roland, some 180 in number,
represented the more conservative and wealthy land-owners and factory-owners,
who lived in the countryside and provincial cities. The bourgeoisie were suffering
Section B: consequences of the revolution
cHAPTER 6: The radicalisation of the revolution (late 1792–mid-1793)
an economic downturn from the war and were antagonised by the way that Paris
was determining the policies for all of France.
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Most of the Girondin deputies came from the provinces, particularly the port
cities whose wealth derived from overseas trade. The Girondins saw themselves
as protecting the liberties of these outlying regions against the more radical
policies of the capital. They wanted a stable, federalist system of government in
which power was shared by all the provinces of France, rather than centralised
power in the hands of the Convention in Paris. The Girondin deputies were also
strongly opposed to the alleged savagery of the sans-culottes – whom they called
the buveurs de sang or ‘drinkers of blood’ – and deeply disturbed by the invasion
of the Tuileries on 10 August and the savagery of the September Massacres, for
which they blamed Marat, Danton and Robespierre.
Bitter antagonism had emerged between the two groups as a result of these
events. The Girondins believed that Robespierre had attempted to have the
10 August Revolutionary Commune arrest them and their leaders, Brissot,
Vergniaud and others, at the time of the prison massacres in September. By
October, the Girondins took action to have Marat placed on trial. On 29 October,
the Girondin deputy, Louvet, accused Marat of creating a personality cult
around himself and having ambitions to become a dictator. This rash attack on
a respected and popular leader led to a counter-attack by the Montagnards, who
accused the Girondins of initiating secret correspondence with the king.4
The Girondins’ attempts therefore backfired, leading to the more moderate
members of the Plain (the deputies who did not belong to a faction) aligning
themselves with the Jacobins and against the Girondins.
After being tested on
sheep and calves, as
well as human corpses
from the poorhouse, the
guillotine was used for
the first time in Paris
on 25 April 1792, to
execute a forger named
Pelletier.
If the Girondins could be seen as representing ‘wealth, commerce and industry,’5
the Jacobins saw themselves as representing the common man and the ‘general
will’ of the people. Robespierre, particularly, saw the journées as a form of ‘direct
democracy,’ arguing that it was the people, ‘the workers, the sans-culottes who
made the revolution; it is they who have sustained it with success; it is they
who will finish it.’6 The Jacobins, 200–300 in number, including Robespierre,
Saint-Just, Couthon, Carnot, and Cordeliers like Danton, Desmoulins, Marat
and Hébert, thus drew their power from their alliance with the Parisian popular
movement – the sans-culottes and urban poor. Where the Girondins believed
in a federalist system, the Montagnard faction believed in strong, centralised
government. In his pamphlet ‘On Revolutionary Government’ (25 December
1793) Robespierre expressed their ideology:
The principal concern of constitutional government is civil liberty; that of revolutionary
government, public liberty. Under a constitutional government, little more is required than to
protect the individual against abuses by the state, whereas revolutionary government is obliged
to defend the state itself against the factions that assail it from every quarter.7
In economic policies, while the Jacobins had initially supported physiocratic
notions of free trade and legislation to prevent combinations of workers, by 1793
the increasing urban poverty due to price inflation had modified their beliefs. On
12 February 1793, the forty-eight Paris Sections petitioned for controls on grain
prices; by September, the Montagnards would bring in the ‘Law of the Maximum’
in an attempt to regulate the prices of essential goods.
The historian David Jordan said of Robespierre:
4 Doyle, Oxford History of the
French Revolution, 223.
5 John Hall Stewart, A
Documentary Survey of the
French Revolution (Toronto:
Macmillan, 1951), 379.
6 David Jordan, The
Revolutionary Career of
Maximilien Robespierre (New
York: The Free Press, 1985),
159.
7 Gwynne Lewis, ‘Jacobinism’
in Kekewich and Rose, eds.,
Self Study at A-level (London:
Longman, 1990), 146.
LIBERATING FRANCE: the revolutionary experience
161
He saw and fought the Revolution as a struggle to the death between the Revolution and
the counter-revolution, ‘them and us’, vice and virtue. He offered no compromises or
accommodation and prided himself on his rectitude.8
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Neither group, however, controlled the National Convention. In the middle
ground were about 250 deputies, known as ‘the Plain’ or Marais (Marsh), who
were uncommitted to either group and voted on an issue-by-issue basis. Thus, the
power of both the Girondins and the Montagnards depended on their ability to
convince the Plain.
The National Convention 1792
Centre
Left
Wing
The Plain
(‘The Marsh’)
The Jacobins
(‘The Mountain’)
Held the balance of
power (about 250
deputies).
Up to 300 in number.
Uncommitted to
either group.
Robespierre the most popular Paris
deputy.
Republicans, supporters of Paris Commune.
Backed by clubs and Sections of Paris.
Championed Paris as centre of the revolution.
Included Dantonists, Hébertists.
Bourgeois, anti-clerical, economically liberal.
8 Lewis, ‘Jacobinism,’ 2.
162
ACTIVITY
Tourists often stop
to photograph the
commemorative
plaque recognising
Robespierre's former
house in Rue St.
Honoré, Paris. In
recent years, scholars
such as Peter McPhee
have questioned
Robespierre's
reputation as the
chief architect and
instrument of the
Terror.
Bourgeois, believed in
economic liberalism.
Deeply distrusted the
popular movement.
Voted on an issue-byissue basis.
Right
Wing
The Girondins
About 180 in number.
Low support among Paris sansculottes but some support from Paris
press.
Supported by provinces.
Federalist – believed in right of provinces to run
own affairs without interference from Paris.
Included Brissotins, Rolandists.
Republican, bourgeois, free trade, anti-clerical.
compare and contrast
Compare and contrast the views of the Girondins, Plain and Jacobins
regarding economics, the Paris Commune and provincial affairs.
a moral and political dilemma:
dealing with the king
The first critical issue which immediately faced the new National Convention was
the problem of what should be done with the deposed king. Could Louis be tried?
If so, did the National Assembly have the right to try him? What should be done
with him if he were found guilty?
Louis XVI’s correspondence with Austria, discovered in a metal cabinet (the ‘Iron
Chest’ in the Tuileries) in November 1792, formed the basis of the trial of the
king. As Austria was France’s enemy, any citizen engaged with the enemy was,
by definition, a traitor. With Louis now a prisoner in the Temple, his guilt was
accepted by the deputies and by the majority of the people of Paris. The verdict
was therefore a foregone conclusion.
The Capet dynasty
had ruled France from
987–1378 and was the
remote ancestor of
Louis XVI, a member of
the Bourbon dynasty.
The Convention ignored
Louis' protestations
that Capet was not his
name.
louis xvi's trial
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On 11 December 1792, ‘Citizen Louis Capet’ was indicted before the National
Convention and accused of ‘having committed a multitude of crimes in the
establishment of [his] tyranny’ and having ‘violated the sovereignty of the
people.’9 Specifically, the indictment mentioned the king's Flight from Paris, the
massacre at the Champ de Mars, a conspiracy with Lafayette and Mirabeau, and
financing counter-revolution within France.
Over the ensuing weeks, the king’s trial became more a matter of public
entertainment than a serious legal battle. L.S. Mercier was a deputy to the
Convention and a Girondin supporter. In 1797, he recalled the atmosphere of the
courtroom:
The far end of the room was transformed into a grandstand, where ladies in the most charming
loose attire ate ices and oranges and drank liqueurs. We went to pay our respects; we returned
to our place. The ushers played the part of attendants at boxes at the opera. They were
constantly to be seen opening the doors of the reserved galleries … The public galleries … were
never less than crammed with foreigners, and people of every class. The betting was open in
every neighbouring café.10
9 Philip Dwyer and Peter
McPhee, The French
Revolution and Napoleon:
A Sourcebook (London:
Routledge, 2002), 71–2.
10L.S. Mercier, The New
Paris (1797), cited in Reay
Tannahill, Paris in Revolution:
A Collection of Eye-Witness
Accounts (London: The Folio
Society, 1996), 75.
the damning 'iron chest'
FEATURE
In this representation, the ‘Iron Chest’ is shown
to be prised open as the Girondin minister
Roland looks on in astonishment. The drapery
displays the Bourbon fleur-de-lys and is
accompanied by a medallion of the king.
The skeleton of Mirabeau, one of those
discredited by the chest’s contents, peers
out of the chest, holding the crown and
a bag of gold. Others discredited by the
find were Lafayette and Dumouriez.
The discovery of the Iron Chest in November 1792
was used by the Jacobins to discredit the king at
the time of his trial. However, in reality, the chest
contained very little of use to prove royal antirevolutionary activities. It was an archive in which
the king appeared to be attempting to preserve
letters of the workings of royal government
in case the monarchy should be restored.
The Opening of the Iron Chest at the Tuileries.
Bibliothèque
Nationalethe
de France.
LIBERATING FRANCE:
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The lawyer who
defended Louis
XVI at his trial was
Malesherbes, known
to all as an honest
man and defender of
individual liberties.
To defend Louis was
dangerous. When asked
by the Convention,
‘What makes you so
bold?’, he replied
‘Contempt for life.’ In
September 1793, the
Malesherbes family
was arrested and
Malesherbes had to
witness his family
being executed before
he himself was put to
death.
How to convict Louis, and the penalty he should pay, proved a source of division.
The Girondins in the National Convention found themselves in a difficult
position. As moderates, they did not wish to vote for the death of the king. The
1791 Constitution had declared Louis’ person to be ‘sacred and inviolable.’ They
believed that the best means of deciding his fate should be by referendum in
order to consult the General Will. In theory, the referendum would help to restore
national unity by destroying the suspicion that Paris was trying to dictate to the
rest of France and, most importantly, it would honour the idea of the sovereignty
of the people.
11Schama, Citizens, 665.
12Mercier, The New Paris, 73.
13George Rudé, ed., Robespierre:
Great Lives Observed
(Prentice-Hall, 1967), 27–8.
14Stewart, A Documentary
Survey of the French
Revolution, 385. The astute
reader will have remarked
that of the 749 deputies in
the National Convention,
only 721 were recorded in
the final vote. A small number
of deputies, terrified at the
gravity of the decision and
the public nature of the vote,
absented themselves on
various pretexts.
15Robert Ergang, Europe from
the Renaissance to Waterloo
(Boston: D.C. Heath and Co.,
1954), 678.
16Michael Adcock and
Graeme Worrall, The French
Revolution: A Student
Handbook (Melbourne:
History Teachers’ Association
of Victoria, 1997), 88.
17Adcock and Worrall, The
164
For the Girondins, the best solution to the problem was that the king should
abdicate the throne, but not suffer the death penalty. Thomas Paine was an
English-born American who had played an important role in the American
Revolution and, having been granted honorary French citizenship, was now an
elected deputy of the Convention. He suggested through his interpreter, for he
spoke little French, that Louis could be exiled to America, ‘where he might be
rehabilitated as a decent citizen.’11
Condorcet argued forcefully that Louis’ death would only benefit France’s
enemies, declaring,
They will tell the people that that the Convention sacrificed Louis only to satisfy its vengeance;
they will paint us as men greedy for blood; they will paint our revolution as leading to anarchy
and disorder. Citizens,that is the real way to harm us, the one that despots hold in their hands …
If we take wise measures, we have nothing to fear.12
This stance, however, opened the Girondins to the charge of being royalists. The
Jacobins and Cordeliers wanted immediate execution. Robespierre, in particular,
pointed out with chilling logic to the Convention on 3 December that the people
had judged the king on 10 August 1792, and that to hold another ‘formal’ trial
was to put the revolution itself on trial, for ‘If the King is not guilty, then those
who have dethroned him are.’13 Tension mounted and the responsibility upon the
deputies was extreme, for they knew that all of Europe was watching them. Marat
further demanded that the decisions be reached publicly, so that the ‘traitors’ in
the Assembly could be known.
the convention passes judgement
On 14 January, three questions were put to the Convention, the first being: ‘Is
Louis Capet guilty of conspiracy against public liberty and of attacks on the
general security of the state?’ On 15 January, the deputies voted unanimously that
he was, although some added qualifications. The same day, the second question
was put: ‘Will the judgement of the National Convention against Louis be
submitted for public ratification?’ The majority of deputies voted ‘No.’ The final
question, ‘What penalty should be inflicted?’ was voted upon after a public debate
lasting twenty-four hours.
The deputies cast their votes verbally and as individuals. This action would mark
each man for the rest of his life as a ‘regicide’ (voting for the execution of the
king), or a ‘non-regicide’ (voting against). The result was a majority in favour
of the death penalty: 387 deputies voted for execution while those opposed to
execution numbered 334, giving a majority of fifty-three to those in favour.14
The Jacobins demanded that the penalty be carried out immediately, perhaps to
stop any rethinking on the part of the moderates in the Convention, with Marat
declaring that ‘The Republic is only a house of cards until the head of the tyrant
falls under the axe of the law.’15
revolutionary compromises
1. Robespierre had been an ardent critic of the death penalty early in the
revolution. Why then did he support the execution of the king?
2. Why did the Convention not ask the people before executing Louis?
ACTIVITY
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The position adopted by the Girondins created the perception, at least in Paris,
that they were traitors. Michael Adcock has argued that ‘it was the resistance
by Girondin deputies that so profoundly alienated the people of Paris and
undermined the credibility of the government.’16 He concluded that the decision
to execute Louis created a lasting division between the Montagnards and the
Girondins, and the Girondins and the people of Paris, leaving ‘a terrible legacy of
bitterness’ in the Convention.17
louis' execution
On 21 January 1793, Louis XVI was to be publicly executed by guillotine. When
he returned to prison, Louis asked to see his family and told them of the verdict.
He spent the night alone. In the morning he asked for scissors to cut his hair, so
that it might not impede the descent of the blade; these were refused him. He
asked to see the Irish priest, Father Edgeworth, who was his minister, and made
his last confession. Then he was escorted by two soldiers to the carriage that
would take him to his death. Father Edgeworth and two policemen accompanied
him. Surrounded by an armed guard, Louis travelled to the Place de la Révolution.
The carriage arrived at 10.10 a.m. By 10.20, he was dead.
The order was given to bind the king’s hands before his execution. Louis protested
against this humiliation and attempted to resist. Father Edgeworth recorded this
testimony:
This was the most agonizing moment of this whole terrible morning; one minute more and
the best of kings would have received an outrage a thousand times worse than death, by the
violence they were about to use towards him. He appeared to fear this himself, and turning his
head, seemed to ask my advice. At first, I remained silent, but when he continued to look at me,
I said, with tears in my eyes: ‘Sire, in this new outrage I see one last resemblance between your
Majesty and the God who is about to be your reward.’ At these words, he raised his eyes to
heaven with an expression of unalterable sadness. ‘Surely’ he replied, ‘it needs nothing less than
His example to make me submit to such an insult.’ Then, turning to the executioners: ‘Do what
you will; I will drink this cup, even to the dregs.’18
His coat removed, his hair now chopped so as not to impede the blade and his
hands pinioned, the king climbed the stairs to the guillotine with difficulty and
attempted to address the crowd:
I die innocent of all the crimes with which I am charged. I forgive all those who are guilty of my
death and I pray God that the blood you are about to shed may never be required of France.19
He was unable to say more. The executioner ordered a roll of drums, drowning
out his voice. He was strapped to the plank and placed in position. The blade fell
and the executioner, Sanson, held Louis’ head up for the crowd to see.
The guillotine was
a merciful death
compared to previous
forms of punishment.
In eighteenth century
Europe, the most
common method of
execution was drawing,
hanging and quartering.
The criminal was first
‘drawn’ on the rack,
then brought to the
place of execution.
Once there, he was
hanged until he lost
consciousness, cut
down before death and
disembowelled, with
his intestines pulled
out of his body. Women
were not subjected to
this punishment, as the
final phase would have
exposed the whole body.
18Tannahill, Paris in Revolution,
76.
77.
77.
165
ACTIVITY
ethical dimensions
Discuss your own personal response to the execution of Louis XVI. To what
extent was it necessary? What other options could have been explored?
Mercier was there and recorded the following:
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His blood flows. Cries of joy from eighty thousand armed men rend the air. The cries are
repeated all along the quays. I see the pupils of the Collège des Quatre Nations raising their
hats on high. His blood flows and there are people who dip a fingernail, a quill ... in it. There is
one who tastes it and says ‘It is vilely salt!’ An executioner at the scaffold sells small bundles of
his hair; people buy the ribbon that tied it. Everyone carries off a small fragment of his clothing
or some other bloodstained remnant from the tragic scene.20
Revolution, 293.
The body of Louis XVI, King of All the French, Citizen Capet, was taken to
the Madeleine cemetery, to be interred between the graves of his Swiss guards,
massacred on 10 August, and the victims of the Champ de Mars Massacre. His
body was put into a grave and covered with quick lime, in order that it dissolve
quickly and leave no relics for royalists to retrieve.
ACTIVITY
source Analysis
Look carefully at the representation and
complete the tasks below.
1. Identify the context in which the
representation was created.
2. Identify what perspective on the
French Revolution appears to be
conveyed by the representation. Give
one or more examples.
3. Analyse the use of graphic or
confronting gestures to convey a
message about the sans-culottes
and/or the old regime.
4. From your broader knowledge,
explain how the French monarchy,
nobility and clergy were being
treated by 1793.
5. Evaluate the extent to which the
representation provides a complete
picture of the consequences of the
revolution. In your answer refer to
historical interpretations.
The Zenith of French Glory. The Pinnacle
of Liberty. Religion, Justice, Loyalty and
all the Bugbears of Unenlightened Minds,
Farewell! By James Gillray.
This satirical view of the radicalism of the
French Revolution appeared in Britain in
February 1793.
166
On 23 January 1793, the Convention issued a Proclamation to the French
People. It announced:
Citizens, the tyrant is no more. For a long time the cries of victims, whom war and public
dissension have spread over France and Europe, loudly protested his existence. He has paid
his penalty and only acclamations for the Republic and for liberty have been heard from the
people.21
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The execution outraged the other monarchies of Europe, already angry over
Danton’s declaration of France’s intention to expand its borders and spread the
revolution throughout Europe.
the european war intensifies
The execution of Louis XVI caused diplomatic relations between France and
the other European powers to be suspended. This signalled the inevitability of
an escalation in the war. Increasingly, the other European leaders felt that the
French Revolution must be crushed before it spread, so that the balance of power
in Europe could be maintained, along with political stability. In February 1793,
rather than waiting for a conflict which threatened to overwhelm it, France
declared war on Britain and Holland, then on Spain. These countries joined
Austria and Prussia to form the Grand Coalition, so that France was facing
the combined strength of the European powers. ‘The Kings in alliance try to
intimidate us,’ Danton declared. ‘We hurl at their feet, as a gage [challenge] of
battle, the French King’s head.’22
France was now surrounded on all sides by enemies who were determined to
overturn the revolution and this, in turn, raised the levels of tension, both in the
Convention and in the wider population. Fears of counter-revolution, of traitors
within France working for its destruction and of betrayals by people claiming
to be patriots, made it increasingly problematic to criticise the actions of selfproclaimed ‘patriots’ such as the Montagnards and their supporters, the sansculottes. The position of the Girondins was undermined: Lafayette had fled France
in late 1792 and, in April, the powerful figure of Dumouriez would also defect to
the Austrian side.
Conscription exempted
married men from
active service. This led
to a marked increase in
marriages throughout
France. Where in the
pre‑revolutionary years
there was an average of
240 000 marriages per
year, in both 1793 and
1794 there were over
325 000.
large-scale Conscription
On 24 February 1793, the Convention ordered the conscription of 300 000
extra men into the Revolutionary Army to meet the demands of the escalation of
the war:
All French citizens from the age of eighteen to fully forty years, unmarried or widowers without
children, are in a state of permanent requisition until the date of the completion of the effective
recruiting of the newly levied 300,000 men hereinafter decreed … To the number of 300,000
men who are to be raised shall be added the numbers of men enrolled for the navy plus the
number of national volunteers presumed to be with the colours, who shall be estimated at
250 per battalion; the total number resulting from this operation shall be divided among the
departments in proportion to their population.23
This levy (levée en masse) was met with protests and riots throughout France,
partly because of a general hostility to the conscription of young men and
22Christopher Hibbert, The
French Revolution (UK:
Penguin, 1980), 193.
Revolution, 402.
24D.M.G. Sutherland, France
1789–1815: Revolution and
Counter-Revolution (London:
Fontana Press, 1989), 167.
167
partly because of other accumulated grievances, both religious and political. The
historian Donald Sutherland has noted that,
Young men tore down liberty trees, burned draft lists, beat up mayors or National Guardsmen,
or constitutional curés [priests] and donned white royalist cockades. North of the Loire …
people armed with hunting weapons and farm tools marched on the towns behind white flags
demanding the abolition of the districts, which were thought to be the source of every evil from
the Civil Constitution to arbitrary taxes.24
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The rebellion was particularly fierce in the four departments to the south-west,
which became known as the Vendée.
counter-revolution in the
Vendée
The population of the Vendée region had long been resistant to direction from
Paris. When the Civil Constitution of the Clergy was issued in July 1790, the
area remained staunchly loyal to the old religion, with ninety per cent of the local
priests refusing to take the Clerical Oath which followed in November 1790.
A letter from the citizens of La Plaine, signed on 6 February 1791, made their
support of traditional Catholicism clear:
The municipal officers of the parish of La Plaine and all other inhabitants of the parish have
the honour to tell you that having learned that there was a decree requiring all curés and vicars
of France to take an oath … not only our parish, but all the neighbouring ones have decided
never to recognise any other priest or vicar but those now in our parishes or their legitimate
successors, and that, for anyone who comes to us from elsewhere, we will not allow him in our
parishes.25
By 9 October 1791, the Legislative Assembly was being informed of armed
uprisings against the state in the Vendée region. This influenced the passing of a
further decree in November, the Decree Requiring Non-Juring Priests to take the
Civic Oath:
The National Assembly, having heard the report of the civil disturbances dispatched in the
department of the Vendée … relative to the disturbances instigated in several departments of
the Kingdom, under the pretext of religion [believe] that for the enemies of the Constitution,
religion is only a pretext [and] … that such motives require that the legislative body take major
political measures to repress the rebels who conceal their plots behind a sacred veil.26
25Letter from the parishioners
of La Plaine in Charles Tilly,
The Vendée (USA: Harvard
University Press, 1976, 237.
Revolution, 276.
Revolution, 277.
168
Priests who refused to take the Oath were ‘deemed suspect of revolt against the
law and of sinister intent toward the Patrie.’27 The penalty was removal of the
priest from his parish and the forfeit of his stipend from the state. Although Louis
XVI vetoed the decree, it came into effect immediately, resulting in the arrest and
imprisonment of non-juring priests. This disturbed loyal Catholics who believed
that the Pope should govern the Church, who were loyal to their priests and the
practices of the Catholic religion.
The execution of Louis XVI in January 1793 added to the flame of counterrevolution. The people of the Vendée were generally conservative and supporters
of royalty. Moreover, the revolution had not resulted in tangible benefits to the
peasants, the sale and redistribution of Church land generally benefiting the more
affluent bourgeoisie.
The trigger for outright rebellion was the military levée of February 1793. The
decree would take the young men of the Vendée away from the farms or their
place of employment. In addition, the law exempted all public officials and
National Guards, who were described as ‘mobilised in place’ and so stayed
home. It seemed then that those who supported the revolution were exempted
from conscription, while those who opposed it were to be drafted into the army.
Because each commune had to produce a quota of conscripts, the men would be
chosen by lot, and this, too, created tensions. The result was counter-revolution.
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The action began in mid-March 1793, breaking out almost simultaneously
throughout the region. (See map at end of chapter.) In Nantes, Poitiers, La
Rochelle and Angers, peasants, priests, local nobles and some townsfolk rose up
to challenge the National Convention or, at least, its local representatives. The
revolt was, at first, localised, decentralised and unco-ordinated, with action aimed
initially at local patriots, Constitutional priests and local officials who took their
orders from Paris.
By 1794, munitions
factories in Paris
were producing 700
muskets a day for the
Revolutionary Army.
At the Commune
d’Armes (formerly Saint
Etienne) in the Loire
Valley, 300 muskets
and sixty pistols could
be manufactured each
day. Six thousand
workshops were set up
to purify the saltpetre,
a necessary component
of gunpowder, while
every shoemaker had to
produce a pair of boots
every two days for the
army.
local revolts: Mauges
What happened in Mauges in southern Anjou is typical of the beginnings of
the Vendée Rebellion. The conscription decree was announced on 2 March
1793. Overnight posters appeared on the walls: ‘Woe to those who announce
conscription!’28 Local workers swore a mass oath to refuse conscription. When
the commander of the National Guard and his five men tried to calm the crowd,
they were overpowered and two of them stabbed. More troops arrived to support
the National Guard. The crowd dispersed, but joined up again on the road
outside the town and marched to the next town, ransacking houses and killing
one man. At Chateau-Thébault, a Constitutional priest was murdered. By 12
March, the date when the conscription was to begin, large crowds of local people
had gathered in most towns in the Vendée to prevent the recruitment.29
Within three months, open revolt in other districts had led to the capture of
Cholet and Saumur, while Nantes was in open revolt. By April, some
20 000–40 000 men had joined the rebel forces. The historian Charles Tilly
saw the rebellion as ‘an interesting combination of common themes and deep
localism.’30 He wrote,
The localism stands out in the way each little group of rebels sought to even the score with its
own particular set of Patriotic enemies …, demands for the redress of entirely local grievances
and the apparent lack of any plans beyond righting the balance in the community, or handful of
communities from which the rebels came … Young unattached men predominated in the earliest
outbreaks. They were the ones subject to the draft.31
As the rebellion spread, the groups became organised along military lines, with
captains and lieutenants. Rebel bands looked for leaders amongst the local
nobility and clergy. Madame Jeanne Ambroise de Sapinaud wrote in her memoirs,
Peasants rose in revolt near Buffelière … They then scattered into the neighbouring parishes and
came to find M. Sapinaud de Bois-Huguet … ‘We take you’ they told him ‘as our general and
you will march at our head.’32
After protesting that their rebellion would be crushed, her brother-in-law, M.
Sapinaud, joined them:
I hate life since I was a witness to all the crimes and barbarities which our unfortunate Patrie
28Tilly, The Vendée, 116.
29Tilly, The Vendée.
30Tilly, The Vendée, 17.
31Tilly, The Vendée.
32Mémoires de Madame de
Sapinaud sur le Vendée
(Paris, 1824), cited in Dwyer
and McPhee, The French
Revolution and Napoleon,
97–8.
33Mémoires de Madame de
Sapinaud sur le Vendée.
34François Furet, History of the
French Revolution (Oxford,
1990), 242.
169
has accumulated and I would rather die at your head, fighting for my God and my King, than be
dragged to some prison as they have done to all my peers.33
Sapinaud’s remark reflected the broader dissatisfactions with government policies,
the general discontent with the path the Convention was following and the failure
of the hopes which had begun the revolution in 1789. Rebellion merged into a
civil war that François Furet has described as ‘the most symbolic conflict, because
it pitched revolution and ancien régime against one another in open country.’34
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the Terror begins
A sign of the increasing
sense of terror was the
attack on Théroigne
de Méricourt, who,
according to popular
mythology, had ridden
her horse at the head
of the march of the
market women to
Versailles in October
1789. Méricourt was
set upon by a crowd of
market women in 1793
and never recovered.
She was confined to a
mental hospital until
her death in 1807.
Théroigne de Méricourt.
35J.F. Bosher, The French
Revolution (Canada: Penguin
Books, 1988), 193.
36François Furet and Mona
Ozouf, A Critical Dictionary
of the French Revolution
(Cambridge, Massachusetts:
The Bellknapp Press, 1989),
140.
37Furet and Ozouf, A Critical
Dictionary of the French
Revolution, 192.
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The execution of Louis XVI, the war with the First Coalition and the emergence
of counter-revolution in the Vendée furthered the atmosphere of suspicion
within France. By early 1793, the organisations which administered the Terror
were being put into place. In October 1792, in response to the September
Massacres, the Committee of General Security had been established. It was
intended, according to Danton, ‘to replace the supreme tribunal of the people’s
vengeance,’35 a reference to the revolutionary journées and, in particular, the ad
hoc and para-legal peoples’ courts which had led to the mass slaughter in the
prisons only months before. The ideology behind the Terror was summarised
by Danton: ‘Let us [the Convention] be terrible, in order that the people are not
so.’36 Thus, the Committee of General Security became a kind of police agency
to bring traitors to justice. On 11 March 1793, the Revolutionary Tribunal was
set up to hasten the trial and execution of suspects. It was to be reorganised for
greater efficiency in September, with sixteen examining magistrates, a jury of sixty
and a public prosecutor with a staff of assistants. Trials were quick, the judges
lacked independence and, in October 1793, hearings were confined to three days
in order to limit the defence. The Tribunal could impose a variety of penalties,
but after the Law of the Prairial (10 June 1794) was enacted, if the suspect was
not freed, there was only one penalty – death. Verdicts were passed by majority
vote after secret deliberations, with the judge stating the grounds for the verdict
publicly.
The position of representative-on-mission was also created in March 1793.
Men serving in this role, who were drawn from the National Convention, were
required to ensure that the spirit of the Convention’s decrees was being followed
in full in the provinces. Initially, there were eighty-two representatives-onmission, whose task was to raise troops for the war effort. However, they became
local agents for the two ‘Great Committees,’ the Committee of Public Safety and
the Committee of General Security, enforcing the dictatorship of Paris. Bosher
has stated that ‘none played a bigger role in terrorising the nation than the
representatives-on-mission.’37 Their numbers were increased in December 1793,
although by then the Vendée and revolts had been crushed.
The establishment of the Revolutionary Tribunal was followed by the creation of
the Committees of Surveillance or Watch Committees, responsible for identifying
and arresting suspects and issuing certificates of civic ‘vertu’ (loyal and patriotic
citizenship). The Committee of Public Safety was created on 6 April, in order to
control the conduct of the war inside and outside France and to maintain supplies
to the army and the civilian population. Thus, it took charge of the country
economically and politically. From July 1793 it had twelve members who worked
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in secret and maintained no minutes of their meetings. From their rooms in the
Tuileries Palace, they issued orders to the representatives-on-mission, who were
given virtually unlimited powers to deal with rebels and counter-revolutionaries.
With the Law of Frimaire (4 December 1793), the Committee of Public Safety
was granted full executive powers by the National Convention. It controlled
ministers and generals, foreign policy and local government. The representativeson-mission reported directly to the Committee, not to the Convention as
previously.
Committee of General Security
Committee of Public Safety
Objective:
Objective:
To protect the Revolutionary Republic
from internal enemies (counterrevolutionaries, non-juring priests,
hoarders and speculators).
To protect the Revolutionary Republic from
its external enemies (foreign armies and
émigrés) and to allow the government to
operate in wartime.
Dates of operation: 2 October 1792 to
1795 (disbanded under Constitution of
Year III).
Dates of operation: 6 April 1793 to 1795
(disbanded under Constitution of Year III).
Key activities:
• initially dominated by moderates, the
committee was increasingly radical from
mid-1793
• maintain internal security
• pursue suspected counterrevolutionaries
• supervise the treatment of suspects
• conduct surveillance for the police
Key features:
• CPS members were Convention deputies
• the Convention renewed its emergency
powers monthly.
• send suspects to Revolutionary
Tribunal.
Key members:
Key members:
• Barère
• Fouché
• Carnot
• Amar
• Saint-Just
• Vadier.
• Couthon.
By mid-1794 the CGS became part of
the opposition to Robespierre. Fouché,
Vadier and Amar were directly involved
in Robespierre's downfall on 9–10
Thermidor Year II (27–28 July 1794).
The committee was restructured in August
1794, following the fall of Robespierre,
severely limiting its power.
• Robespierre (most influential)
Hélène de Montgeroult
was a pianist and
composer, professor
de premiere classe at
the Paris Conservatory
of Music. Arrested
as an aristocrat,
she was made to
demonstrate her
patriotism by playing
the Marseillaise to the
Revolutionary Tribunal.
Her performance was
so engaging that all
present began to sing.
She was found innocent
and released.
There was no clear division between the
Committees of Public Safety and General
Security.
Robespierre and the other revolutionary leaders believed that the dangers to the
revolution demanded strong, centralised government and firm leadership, rather
than the spontaneous terror of 10 August 1792 or the September Massacres.
‘Revolution,’ Robespierre argued, ‘is the war of liberty against its enemies.
Revolutionary governments owe good citizens the protection of the state; to the
enemies of the people, it owes only death.’38
By 5 September 1793, the National Convention was to declare, ‘Let Terror be
the order of the day.’ In this way, it officially announced that the state would
systematically eliminate all threats to its existence through repressive laws
imposed by specially set up institutions. The population was now divided into
38Maximilien Robespierre, ‘On
Revolutionary Government,’
25 December 1793, cited
in Dwyer and McPhee,
The French Revolution and
Napoleon, 105.
171
two: loyal citizens, whose first duty was to save the republic, and ‘counterrevolutionaries,’ those who were actively opposed the republic, critical of
particular policies, indifferent to the fate of the republic, or who retained some
connection with the old regime. These were designated as traitors deserving of
death.
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ACTIVITY
constructing an argument
Using three or four points, write an extended answer on one of the following
topics:
• What was the Terror and how it was implemented in France in 1793?
• 'With France at war in 1793, rebels and counter-revolutionaries had to
be ruthlessly dealt with by the Convention.' To what extent do you agree?
Many women believed
the revolution should
bring equality and
political rights to all
citizens. Over sixty
Jacobin women’s clubs
were formed, partly
as an expression of
patriotism, but also to
petition for the vote for
women. On 30 October
1793, The National
Convention, at this
time dominated by the
Jacobins, banned all
women’s clubs after
an address by Citizen
Amar of the Committee
of General Security.
Amar argued that
‘women should not
leave their families to
meddle in the affairs of
government.’
The radicals gain control of
the convention
By early 1793, the Girondins had lost power to the Jacobins/Montagnards. The
Girondins had come to power both because of their battle with the Feuillants
and their call for war against Austria in 1792. In the Legislative Assembly, the
Brissotins/Girondins had been united with the Jacobins in their condemnation
of the ‘royalist’ commitment of the Feuillants to constitutional monarchy and
aristocracy; however, by early 1793, the rebellion in the Vendée, the expansion
of the war into a five-front struggle against the First Coalition and their
condemnation of the September Massacres earned the Girondins the ire of the
sans-culottes. They were supporters of federalism, of weakening the power of the
central government and of strengthening local government. They opposed the
‘direct democracy’ of the sans-culottes, attacking them as anarchists, buveurs de
sang (drinkers of blood) and accusing the Jacobins of being ‘levellers’ (reducing all
people to a common level).
The actions of the sans-culottes, however, were not solely motivated by political
goals, but also grounded in the deteriorating economic situation. Petitions to
the Convention on 22 and 24 February 1793 to set a maximum on prices were
accompanied by attacks on grocery shops and
wagons carrying foodstuffs. Like the bread
riots of 1789 and the grocery riots of 1792,
these were led mainly by women desperate
to feed their families. Popular action had at
its base hunger and economic suffering, with
the difference between survival and starvation
so minute that any small change in grocery
prices was critical. The assignat had dropped
to only fifty per cent of its face value. Coinage
Club of Revolutionary Women 1793.
Le Sueur brothers.
172
was rare and difficult to get. Food requisitioning for the army and the blockade of
ports by the British navy created shortages of foodstuffs and caused commodity
prices to rise. The food crisis of February 1793 intensified the conflict between
the Girondins and the sans-culottes and their leaders. While the Montagnard
leaders accepted popular protest as legitimate, the Girondins blamed Marat for
inciting violence and Jacques Roux and his Enragés for preaching violence in the
streets from soap-boxes.
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the defection of Dumouriez
The trigger for the fall of the Girondins was the defection of General Charles
Dumouriez to the Austrian camp on 5 April 1793. Dumouriez was a complex
man. He had been a strong supporter of Brissot’s plans for war with Austria and
had been appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs in the king’s Girondin ministry
in 1792. Beyond that, however, he had hoped that war would bring an end to the
revolution and restore Louis to the throne. He had commanded the French army
at Valmy on 20 September 1792, saving Paris by defeating the Prussians, a critical
turning point in the war. However, his goal was not to save the revolution but
France itself.
Dumouriez wanted to defeat Austria by separating her from Prussia, thus ending
the war; this done, he wanted to use his military force to bring order back to
revolutionary Paris and install the young dauphin (now Louis XVII) to the throne.
In March 1793, he was with his troops in Belgium, having defeated the Austrians
at the battle of Jemappes.
But what were his intentions? While all France hailed Dumouriez as a hero,
back in Paris the Committee of General Defence (the inept war committee of the
National Convention, which was soon to be replaced by the Committee of Public
Safety) had received a letter on 15 March from the General which suggested
he wished to restore a constitutional monarchy. Danton travelled to the front
to make further inquiries. The gravest suspicions of the loyalty of Dumouriez
were entertained. Robespierre feared that Dumouriez would use Belgium as his
base and march on Paris. Thus, where Dumouriez had promised an independent
Belgian republic and to preserve its traditional institutions, Robespierre and the
Convention demanded that all public money and the property of the Belgian
Church be confiscated. All revolutionary decrees were to be applied within
Belgium as in France itself.
Despite Dumouriez’s complaints that these actions lost the support of the Belgian
people for France, Robespierre was determined not to allow this brilliant, but
untrustworthy, general to set up his own state. By April, following the defeat of
his troops by the Austrians, Dumouriez had had enough. He began negotiations
for an armistice with the Austrians and attempted to persuade his troops to desert
France, join the allied powers and march on Paris to overthrow the Convention.
When they refused, he and a few of his loyal officers deserted the French lines
and rode to join the Austrians. His treason helped to bring down the whole
Girondin faction.
Adam Philippe, General
Comte de Custine, was
guillotined as a traitor
when he failed to raise
the siege on the town
of Condé L’Escaut, on
the Belgian border.
He went to his death
calmly, saying ‘I have
no more defenders;
they have disappeared.
My conscience charges
nothing against me. I
die calm and innocent.’
His son was also
executed for attempting
to defend him.
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failed attempts to halt the radicals
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Back in Paris, however, war was breaking out between the radical Jacobins/
Montagnards, backed by the Paris Commune and the Sections, and the Girondin
deputies. On 13 March, Pierre Vergniaud had begun the attack on the radicals,
demanding that violence be restrained and the revolution brought to an end. He
argued that the revolution should be stopped, in order to give the people peace
and to ensure that the gains of the revolution be preserved. Characterising the
sans-culottes as ‘idlers, men without work … ignoramuses,’ Vergniaud condemned
the lawlessness of the journées and highlighted the danger to the nation of
continuing the revolution on a path of violence, declaiming to the National
Convention:
So, citizens, it must be feared that the Revolution, like Saturn, successively devouring its
children, will engender, finally, only despotism, with all the calamities that accompany it.39
He finished his speech with a call for peace:
Citizens, let us profit from the lessons of experience. We can overturn empires by victories, but
we can only make the Revolutions for other people by the spectacle of our own happiness. We
want to upset thrones. Let us prove that we know how to be happy with a Republic.40
Marat was probably
afflicted with dermatitis
herpetiformis, which
he may have picked
up after being forced
to hide in the sewers
to avoid arrest in
May 1790. This rare,
chronic skin disease,
characterised by
intense eruptions of
itching pustules and
lesions, typically in
clusters, is said to
have been relieved by
frequent bathing. As
you will see, the most
famous image of Marat
depicts him in his bath.
42Le Patriot Français, No.
MCCCLI: Buchez and Roux,
XXVI: 148–9, cited in
John Gilchrist and William
Murray, eds., The Press in the
French Revolution: A Selection
of Documents taken from
the Press of the Revolution
in the Years 1789–1794
(Melbourne and London:
Ginn and Cheshire, 1971),
189.
174
To the Montagnard leaders, Vergniaud’s speech was a declaration of war against
them. In attacking the sans-culottes and ‘direct democracy,’ he was attacking their
power base and Paris itself. His words would appeal to those who saw Paris as too
radical, who were against the bloodshed which accompanied the revolution and
who wished the political structures to become decentralised. Vergniaud and the
other Girondins became linked with Dumouriez’s defection, the military defeats
France was suffering and the growing anti-revolutionary feeling in the port cities.
The moderates fight back:
Marat on trial
The conflict was reflected in the arrest and trial of Jean-Paul Marat, at this time
president of the Jacobins. In his Journal de la République, Marat had called on the
people to attack the deputies of the Convention, especially the Girondin leaders,
calling them ‘criminal accomplices of royalty,’ ‘enemies of liberty and equality’ and
‘atrocious men … who try to kindle the flames of civil war.’41
The Girondins fought back, demanding that Marat be brought to trial before
the Revolutionary Tribunal for accusing the deputies who had voted for a public
referendum on the king’s execution of being the accomplices of Dumouriez. This
was a poor tactic: Marat was a leader of the sans-culottes and his revolutionary
loyalty was unchallengeable in their eyes. On 24 April 1793, Marat was acquitted.
His supporters turned this into a spectacular personal triumph, crowning him
with laurel wreaths and proclaiming him the ‘father of the people.’ He was
paraded in the Convention, carried shoulder-high, with his supporters chanting
and singing his praises.
Le Patriot Français, a journal produced by the Girondin leader Brissot, reported
this in an extremely sour tone, observing that
The crime absolved and crowned, the audacious
infringer of the laws carried in triumph in the midst
of the sanctuary of the laws; this respectable sanctuary
soiled by the impure gathering of drunken men
and women of ill-fame, a worthy procession for the
triumphant Marat; these are the events of the day,
a day of mourning for all virtuous men, for all the
friends of liberty.42
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Simon Schama has described the failed
impeachment of Marat as ‘a collective disaster
for the Girondins.’43 In ignoring the immunity
to prosecution of a deputy of the National
Convention, the Girondins had destroyed
a principle and created a precedent that, in
only a few weeks time, would be used by their
enemies against them. Moreover, the Girondin
leaders misread the public mood, which saw
Marat as a hero and them as potential traitors.
In the event, Marat was acquitted and the
sans-culottes were determined to exact their
revenge.
The Girondins made further blunders. They,
along with the other members of the National
Convention, had ignored the Paris Commune’s
demands for a price control on grain until they
were forced to act by the Commune’s threat
of revolt against the Convention. They formed
the majority of members on the Commission of Twelve set up by the
Convention to investigate the actions of the Commune. In mid-May, the
Commission had ordered the arrest of René Hébert, the Deputy Proctor of
the Commune and of Jean Varlet, one of the leaders of the Enragés. When
the Commune protested, a Girondin commissioner, Maximin Isnard,
threateningly replied, ‘if these extremists are allowed to have their way and
the principle of national representation suffers, Paris will be annihilated;
and men will soon be searching the banks of the Seine to see if the city
had ever existed.’44 This was, in effect, declaring that the Convention was
at war with the Paris Commune and the sans-culottes. The Convention, as
could be expected from a group of predominantly middle class men, was
more conservative and had moved politically to the right, while Paris was
becoming increasingly radical.
In the streets, it was the Paris Sections that led the demands for the arrest
and trial of the Girondins. On 10 April, the district of Halle et Blé called
for their arrest and the execution of Roland, the former Minister for the
Interior. The sans-culottes from that district called on the Convention to
save the French Republic, at the same time threatening the deputies that
if they failed, the Sections would take matters into their own hands. This
petition was then supported by thirty-three of the forty-eight Sections and,
on 15 April, by the Commune of Paris itself: the Girondin deputies must be
expelled from the National Convention. But who were the dominant voices
The Triumph of Marat.
Le Sueur brothers. ©
Photothèque des Musées
de la Ville de Paris.
After his acquittal, Marat,
in great personal triumph,
was carried shoulderhigh by his sans-culottes
supporters through the
streets of Paris and into
the National Convention.
44Hibbert, The French
Revolution, 198.
45On 10 August 1792, the
journée of the Tuileries Palace,
600 Swiss Guards were
massacred.
46Doyle, Oxford History of the
175
in the Paris Commune? They were the ‘men of 10 August’45 – Danton, Marat
and Hébert. Robespierre was also responsible for the attack on the Girondins
within the National Convention, accusing them of being involved in Dumouriez’s
treason. On 26 May, he called on the people to rise up in anger against the
‘corrupt deputies’46 within the Convention and declared his own stand against
them.
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expulsion of the Girondins
The anti-Girondin riots from 31 May to 2 June 1793 were instigated by the
Cordeliers, particularly Marat. The action had begun on 27 May when an angry
mob had burst into the Convention demanding and obtaining the release of
Hébert, Varlet and the other prisoners, as well as the abolition of the Girondindominated Commission of Twelve. By 28 May, the Commission had been
re-established – although the prisoners remained free – and so the sans-culottes
prepared to take to the streets once more. A new Insurrectionary Committee was
formed, with Varlet as one of its members, and a militia of 30 000 sans-culottes
was raised.
In the absence of Santerre, command of the National Guard was given to
François Hanriot, a former clerk, footman, beadle, and brandy-seller, who had
gained prominence during the storming of the Tuilleries on 10 August 1792. On
31 May, Jean Varlet rang the bell that signalled the start of these revolutionary
journées; dissatisfied with the prevarication of the Convention on that day, a
Friday, it was decided to march again on Sunday 2 June, when all workers would
be free to join the uprising.
Accordingly, on Sunday 2 June, angry crowds, responding to the tocsin rung by
Marat himself, invaded the Convention, demanding that the Girondin deputies be
expelled and the Commission of Twelve be dissolved. They were reinforced by 75
000–100 000 National Guardsmen, who guarded the exits.
The sans-culottes demanded the imposition of a tax on the rich; a maximum
(price-control) on grain; the purging of thirty Girondin deputies; the arrest of
Roland, Clavière and Lebrun, who had been ministers; and the creation of an
army of sans-culottes to deal with all traitors to the revolution, with the payment
of forty sous per day to volunteers. Barère, in the name of the Committee of
Public Safety, refused to recommend the arrest of the named deputies, but by now
it was clear that the Convention was under siege.
ACTIVITY
check your understanding
With a partner, discuss the following points. Then share with the class.
1. What do you see as the fundamental differences between the Girondins
and the sans-culottes by April 1793?
2. Why were the Girondins so despised by late May 1793?
176
revolutionary ‘martyrdom’: Marat
It was the Jacobin painter Jacques-Louis David who
would transform these three into patriotic heroes
who nobly gave up their lives for the freedom of
France and the preservation of liberty. They were the
personification of vertu, the love of the patrie (homeland)
expressed in active citizenship and a replacement
for the old Christian martyrs who represented the
values of the Gallican Church of the ancien régime.
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During the French Revolution, a divide had emerged
between the Catholic religion and the state, so that
by 1793 no patriotic citizen could also be a practising
member of the Catholic Church. The Vendée Rebellion
and the continuing adherence of many citizens to their
old beliefs, however, created a need for the revolution
to create its own heroes, revolutionary ‘martyrs,’
who would symbolise the values of the revolution
and replace the saints of the Catholic Church as
representatives of moral values. Three figures were to
fill this role: Joseph Bara, aged only thirteen, who had
been shot for refusing to hand over horses to rebels;
Le Pelétier de Saint-Fargeau, the deputy who had
been stabbed as he sat in a café the day after he had
voted for Louis XVI’s execution; and Jean-Paul Marat,
killed in his bath by Charlotte Corday in July 1793.
FEATURE
Of the three, it was Marat, the demagogue deputy,
whose death created the most powerful symbol of the
revolution. As in his portrait of the dead Le Pelétier,
Jacques-Louis David drew on Christian symbolism.
In his magnificent oil painting, The Death of Marat,
Marat lies in his bath, bathed in a golden light, his
wound bleeding onto the white sheet. He is caught
in the moment of death, his right hand still grasping
his pen and his left hand holding the letter from
Charlotte Corday that gave her access to him.
Emmet Kennedy claimed that David’s composition
echoed that of Michelangelo’s famous sculpted Pietà
of Christ’s dead body, held in his mother’s lap after
crucifixion. As Christ gave his life to save humanity from
sin, so had Marat given his life for the menu peuple,
the poorest of the poor, and the sans-culottes.47
The painting deliberately portrays Marat as a benevolent
and charitable man, his last moments spent in
ministering to the needs of the people. Corday, however,
had murdered Marat because he represented the bloody
excesses of the Terror. She was a Girondin supporter
from Caen, a Federalist town. On 13 July, at seven
o’clock at night, she gained entry to Marat’s home by
promising to identify traitors to the Republic. Finding
him in the bath, where he often worked in order to
relieve the itch caused by his skin disease, she sat on
a chair next to him. She then took out a knife she had
purchased and, leaning over the bath, swiftly stabbed
him on the right side of his bare chest. After she had
killed Marat, Corday made no effort to escape, but gave
herself up calmly to the authorities. She explained to
The Death of Marat, an engraving after David’s portrait of 1793.
Private collection of Michael Adcock.
47 Emmet Kennedy, A Cultural History of the French
Revolution (Yale University Press, 1989), 286.
177
FEATURE
saints.’49 David wanted to celebrate the death of
Marat with a public ceremony, but the body decayed
so quickly that it could not be placed on display. David
then painted his large and emotive portrait of the
moment of death and this would be reproduced as
an engraving to be distributed throughout France.
Adcock has suggested these images were produced
at times of great crisis and not only expressed
specific grief, but also ‘externalised broader doubts
and fears about the fate of the revolution itself
[through allowing] people to think through and
discuss a painful moment of fear and doubt.’50
Michael Adcock has drawn our attention to the
new type of language David was creating to turn
revolutionary leaders into what he has called ‘secular
48 Schama, Citizens, 737.
49 Michael Adcock, The French Revolution in Art: A
Supplementary Text (Melbourne: HTAV, 1997).
50 Adcock and Worrall, The French Revolution, 70.
U
N
PA C
O
G R
E R
PR E
C
O T
O ED
FS
the police commissioner, Guellard, that ‘having
seen the civil war was on the point of exploding
throughout France and persuaded that Marat was
the chief cause of this disaster, she had wished to
sacrifice her life for her country.’48 She was tried
on 17 July 1793 and went to the guillotine the same
day, showing no repentance or even fear. Marat was
buried in the Panthéon and David’s portrait was
hung in the Assembly, above the 1789 Declaration of
the Rights of Man and Citizen, serving as a symbol
of republican values and to remind the deputies of
the choice they must make: ‘Liberty or Death.’
conclusion
When David presented
the portrait to the
Convention, he told
the deputies, ‘Citizens,
the people were again
calling for their friend;
their desolate voice was
heard: David, take up
your brushes … Avenge
Marat. I heard the voice
of the people. I obeyed.’
178
With cannons aimed at the hall and armed guards at every door, the National
Convention had little choice but to expel the moderate Girondins. It ordered the
arrest of twenty-nine deputies, including most of the Commission of Twelve. The
Jacobins/Montagnards led the vote, while most deputies stayed silent. Vergniaud
offered the deputies a glass of blood to slake their thirst, a metaphor for their
betrayal of the Girondins.
The Girondins were reaping the consequences of abandoning the principle
that representatives of the people were immune from arrest. Their unsuccessful
impeachment of Marat only five weeks before exposed them all to danger. From
this point on, no deputy in the National Convention was safe and over the next
year, successive factions would be arbitrarily arrested and executed. The revolution
had begun to devour its own children.
Threats to the Republic 1793-95
ENGLAND
AUSTRIAN
Dunkirk
Honschoote
NETHERLANDS
Lille
Jemappes
Valenciennes
Longwy (Aug. 1792)
Wattignies
Amiens
L
SH CHANNE
I
L
G
EN
Federalist town in 1793
but the centre of a
Chouan area in 1795
Varennes
Caen
Valmy
(Sept. 1792)
Metz
U
N
PA C
O
G R
E R
PR E
C
O T
O ED
FS
Paris
Granville
Rennes
Carnac
(June 1795)
Savenay
(Dec. 1793)
Versailles
Le Mans
Angers
Nantes
Saumur
Cholet
Poitiers
Strasbourg
Chatillon-sur-Seine
Montbeliard
Bourges
Lyons
La Rochelle
N
Verdun
(Sept. 1792)
SAVOY
BAY OF
BISCAY
Bordeaux
NICE
Mende
Avignon
KEY
City
Dax
Bayonne
Foix
Federalist revolt
Annexed regions
San Sebastian
Vendée rebellion
Department of Vendée
Coalition forces
Critical battle
SPAIN
Marseilles
Toulouse
Perpignan
Le Boulou
Toulon
Federalist from June-Aug. 1793
and then became the centre of a
royalist revolt: Aug.-Dec. 1793
MEDITERRANEAN
SEA
miles 0
km 0
50
100
100
200
179
Test your
learning
chapter review
constructing an argument – essay
Write an essay of 600–800 words on one of the topics below. Your essay should include an introduction,
paragraphs supported by evidence from primary sources and historical interpretations, a conclusion
and a bibliography.
Topics:
U
N
PA C
O
G R
E R
PR E
C
O T
O ED
FS
• 'The execution of Louis XVI was a necessary evil along the path to popular sovereignty.' To what
extent do you agree?
• In what sense did terror become 'the order of the day' from 1793? Who and what constituted the
Terror?
• 'The Girondins made a number of fatal errors between late 1792 and mid-1793.' To what extent do
you agree?
diverse experiences – fact file
Read about women affected by the revolution in this chapter. Find two more stories and present them in
the form of a Fact File.
beliefs and attitudes – glossary
Compile a glossary of terms used to describe people under the new regime in France. Identify possible
consequences for being identified in each group.
Include the following terms:
• buveurs de sang
• sans-culottes
• levellers
• counter-revolutionaries
• aristocrats/royalists
• Montagnards
• Girondins
• menu peuple
• Enragés.
key people – paragraph
Write a paragraph explaining how Jean-Paul Marat, Georges Danton or Maximilien Robespierre
changed French society between late 1792 and mid-1793.

the radicalisation of the revolution

Transcription

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