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NL-339 (r. 88/04) c
Canada
Public Celebrations in
Victorian Saint John and Halifax
by
Bonnie L. Huskins
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
at
Dalhousie University
Halifax, Nova Scotia
August, 1991
(tjCopyright by Bonnie L. Huskins, 1991
National Library
of Canada
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ISBN
Canada
0-315-71513-8
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table of Contents
iv
Figures and Photographs
vi
Abstract
Abbreviations
Vll
Acknowledgements
lii
1
Introduction
Chapter 1: Organization
26
Chapter 2: The Lieutenant-Governor
59
Chapter 3: Public Feasting and Drinking
101
Chapter 4: Children's Demonstrations
145
Chapter 5: The Respectable Tradition:
Civic Parades and Trades Processions
176
Chapter 6: The Antirespectable Tradition:
218
Burlesque Processions
Chapter 7: Memorials
250
Chapter 8: Sports
281
Chapter 9: Commercialization and Tourism
310
Conclusion
338
Appendix 1
346
Appendix 2
358
Appendix 3
374
Bibliography
385
iv
Figures
Figure 3.1
Menu of Prince of Wales' Marriage Feast, 1863
104
Figure 4.1
Golden Jubilee Children's Demonstration, 1897
165
Figure 4.2
Diamond Jubilee Children's Demonstration, 1897
166
Figure 5.1
Coronation Parade, 1838
181
Figure 5.2
Centenary Parade, 1849
182
Figure 5.3
Prince of Wales' Parade, Halifax, 1860
183
Figure 5.4
Prince of Wales' Parade, Saint John, 1860
184
F i g u r e 5.5
Lord L o m e ' s P a r a d e , 1878
185
Figure 5.6
Railway Celebration Parade, 1853
199
Figure 5.7
Confederation Parade, 1867
203
Figure 5.8
Loyalist Centennial Parade, 1883
205
Figure 6.1
Polymorphian Procession, 1881
231
Figure 6.2
Polymorphian Procession, 1882
231
Figure 6.3
Polymorphian Procession, 1883
232
Figure 6.4
Polymorphian Procession, 1887
233
Figure 6.5
Polymorphian Procession, 1897
234
ABSTRACT
Public
celebrations
study
changing
social
urban
society.
In S a i n t
John
encouraged
orders
roasts
ox
however,
these
response
to
the
and
and
urban
middle c l a s s
and
"respectable"
attempted
to
eradicating
the
created
alternatives.
emphasis
to
of
instead
By
public
aesthetic
the
of
the
class
fragmented
late
in
the
VI
reformers
celebration"
and
of
animal
and
sports-instructive
century,
fron
the
physical
celebrations
to
to
spectator
these
spectacles,
by
"traditional"
shifted
a l t e r n a t i v e s
commercialization.
emerging
Urban
nineteenth
adapted
the
while
exclusive
discerning
participant
participating
advantage
more
as
celebrants
informally
rowdyism,
in
through
aspects
gratification,
Nonetheless,
decline,
among
"respectable
lower
mid-century,
to
activities.
had
from
the
Urbanization
celebrations
transformed
of
By
social distance
the
to
Victorian
urbanization,
a desire
objectionable
by p r o v i d i n g
early
begun
of
which
early Victorian displays,
celebrations—drunkenness,
and
had
celebration
create
in
nineteenth-century
Halifax,
reformism.
to maintain
in
sports.
pressures
differentiation
arenas
participation
folk
t h e communal a t m o s p h e r e of
class
and
activities
the
development,
useful
relationships
celebrations
in
are
were
events.
changes
and by
c r e a t e d
by
taking
by
Abbreviate ons
Colls.
Collections
NAC
National Archives of Canada
NHS
Natural History Society
NBHS
New Brunswick Historical Society
N.B. Museum
New Brunswick Museum
NSHS
Nova Scotia Historical Society
USPS
Nova Scotia Philanthropic Society
PANS
Public Archives of Nova Scotia
SPC
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty
SPCA
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
Animals
SJRL
Saint John Regional Library
YMCA
Young Men's Christian Association
vii
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Judith Fingard for her untiring
encouragement and supervision. David Sutherland has also
provided many helpful suggestions, as have members of the
Halifax
History
Group, and
the
Dalhousie
History
Department faculty-graduate seminar. The staff at the
Public Archives of Nova Scotia, the National Archives of
Canada, the New Brunswick Museum, and the Saint John
Regional Library have been very patient and supportive. I
would not have been able to reproduce the thesis without
the cheerful assistance of Tina Jones. Finally, I wish to
thank Darryl for enduring my trials and tribulations, and
for keeping me sane.
vii 1
INTRODUCTION
The
special
such
celebration
occasion,
activities
spectacles,
partakers
is
event,
as
all
fetes,
these
a "pre-existing
normal
there
"action".
that
rituals,
ceremonies,
e l e m e n t s " . 1 Some c e l e b r a t i o n s
are
b u t most
As M i l t o n
"cultural
which
Singer
Victor
are
separates
has
without
performances"
it,
"pre-formance".2
The
Turner,
generally
has a l s o
passage,
religious
rites,
work
argued
connected
and
observances,
with
individual
cycles,
seasonal
and c o m m e m o r a t i o n s
of
community. The c e l e b r a t i o n can t h e r e f o r e be l o c a t e d
an i n d i v i d u a l ' s
the v i l l a g e ,
life-cycle,
the c i t y ,
The c e l e b r a t i o n s
tne
or t h e
from
put
s h a r e d e v e n t s " , such ys
de
them
succinctly
"expectable, culturally
rites
a
and
anthropologist,
social
marks
extravaganzas,
script"
celebrations
which
and may encompass
holidays,
can be no p e r f o r m a n c e
prominent
act
or p e r s o n a g e ,
spontaneously-generated,
have
symbolic
"festivals,
pageants,
of
a
family,
the
the
within
neighborhood,
nation.3
discussed
in
this
thesis
took
place
1
R i c h a r d D o r s o n , as q u o t e d in V i c t o r
Turner
"Introduction",
in V i c t o r Turner (ed.) CelebrationS t u d i e s i n F e s t i v i t y and R i t u a l ( W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 8 2 ) ,
p. 23.
2
M i l t o n S i n g e r a s q u o t e d i n J o h n J . MacAloon
" I n t r o d u c t i o n : C u l t u r a l P e r f o r m a n c e s , C u l t u r e T h e o r y " , in
J o h n J . MacAloon ( e d . ) R i t e , Drama, f e s t i v a l . S p e c t a c l e .
R e h e a r s a l s Toward a T h e o r y o f C u l t u r a l P e r f o r m a n c e
(Philadelphia,
1984), p .
9.
-* T u r n e r " I n t r o d u c t i o n " ,
1
p . 12.
2
w i t h i n the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y urban c o n t e x t of H a l i f a x
Saint
John,
notably
and
royal,
analysis
commemorated
national,
begins
in
and
1838 w i t h
shared
local
the
community
events,
anniversaries.
celebration
and
of
The
Queen
V i c t o r i a ' s c o r o n a t i o n , and ends with t h e m o n a r c h ' s diamond
jubilee
in 1897. In t h e i n t e r v e n i n g y e a r s , S a i n t John and
Halifax a l s o c e l e b r a t e d o t h e r r o y a l o c c a s i o n s - " - t h e
marriage
1860,
in
1840,
the
Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
visits
of
birth
golden
of
the
Prince
jubilee
in
of Wales
1887,
the
celebration
regular
cities'
of
centenary
Confederation
a r r a y of l o c a l ,
occurred
In
and r o y a l
commemorative
interesting
frequently
arose
Contemporaries
for
between
argued
that
celebrations
transcended
social
all
of
the
the
Lome
and
addition,
the
a
anniversaries
rhetoric
forged
and p o l i t i c a l
Prince
celebrations
discrepancies
by b r i n g i n g
commemorative
resident
1867.
the
annually.
particularly
visit
in
in
milestones
anniversaries,
national,
Nineteenth-century
the
and
the P r i n c e of Wales in 1860, and of Lord
and P r i n c e s s Louise in 1878. Local and n a t i o n a l
included
Queen's
are
which
and
reality.
people
together,
a consensus
boundaries.
of Wales to H a l i f a x
which
During
in 1860, a
commented:
Tho' p o l i t i c a l f e e l i n g s run awfully h i g h !
Tho' each p a r t y for power g o o d - n a t u r ' d l y t r y !
Yet amidst o t h e r f l a g s t h a t surmounted t h e s p r u c e ,
Was t h e b e s t of them a l l — t h e glad e n s i g n of t r u c e ,
Which c a u s ' d us t o throw e v ' r y d i s c o r d a s i d e ,
And go h e a r t and soul with t h e p o p u l a r t i d e .
3
Then h i p ! h i p ! h u r r a h for both mother and s o n ,
Nova S c o t i a n s r e j o i c e , w e ' l l n o t be o u t d o n e ,
H e r e ' s a h e a l t h t o t h e P r i n c e , d o u b l e h e a l t h to t h e Queen,
Let us b a n i s h a l l s q u a b b l e s , and l i v e — " q u i t e s e r e n e ! " 4
Functional
theorists
have
adopted
v a l u e . French s o c i o l o g i s t ,
this
imagery
G.S. Metraux has argued
at
face
that:
T r a d i t i o n a l f e a s t s and f e s t i v a l s r e c a l l
the
o r i g i n s — w h e t h e r m y t h i c a l or h i s t o r i c a l — o f a
c o m m u n i t y of m e n . They a r e o c c a s i o n s when
c u l t u r a l and n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y can be r e a s s e r t e d
and f e e l i n g s of s e l f - a w a r e n e s s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n
in common e x p e r i e n c e s r e a f f i r m e d . 5
This
analysis
festivities,
is
but
applied
also
well-known
functional
celebration
is
to
not
modern
analysis
Edward S h i l s 1
Queen E l i z a b e t h
II's
only
to
"traditional"
celebrations.
of
a
royal
perpetuation
ceremonial
and Michael Young's s t u d y of
Coronation
in 1 9 5 3 .
Drawing
t h e o r i e s of Emi..a Durkheim, t h e s e two E n g l i s h
interpreted
The most
on
sociologists
t h e ceremony as a c o l l e c t i v e r e a f f i r m a t i o n
of
such as c h a r i t y ,
"sacred"
loyalty,
values
embodied
the
and
in t h e monarchy,
and a " r e a s o n a b l e
respect"
for
4
L i n e s p i c k e d up under one of t h e Triumphal Arches
in G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t , b e i n g d e d i c a t e d w i t h o u t p e r m i s s i o n ,
t o t h e Mayor and C o r p o r a t i o n , by a d e v o t e d a d m i r e r of the
P r i n c e of W a l e s - - E v e n i n g E x p r e s s A u g u s t 1 5 , I 8 6 0 . For
o t h e r r e f e r e n c e s t o t h e u l t i m a t e h a r m o n y of
the
c e l e b r a t i o n , s e e Evening Express August 8, 1860; Morning
J o u r n a l A u g u s t 6 , 1 8 6 0 ; A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r September 8,
1860.
5
G . S . Metraux "Of F e a s t s and C a r n i v a l s " , C u l t u r e s ,
V o l . 3 , n o . 1, 1 9 7 6 , p . 7. S i m i l a r l y , J e a n D u v i g n a u d
" F e s t i v a l s : A S o c i o l o g i c a l Approach", Cultures, Vol. 3,
n o . 1, 1976, p . 21 a r g u e s t h a t commemorative c e l e b r a t i o n s
" s e r v e to d r a m a t i z e a founding a c t in o r d e r t o r e a n i m a t e
t h e s p i r i t u a l l i f e of t h e community by r e c a l l i n g i t s b a s i c
c o v e n a n t or t h e s a c r i f i c e of a l e a d e r " .
4
authority, which
together.6
they believed
held
British
society
Episodes of excess and behavioral license are
understood within the functional perspective as temporary
safety-valves to let off steam, and thereby preserve and
strengthen the status quo.7
The functionalist perspective is not without merit,
for some nineteenth-century commemorative celebrations did
generate a degree of consensus. However, this emphasis on
concord does not take
into account
the complexity
of
celebrations or of the nature of the modern social order.
Revisionists of the last two decades have depicted modern
celebrations
as dialectical
and
dynamic
operating in a complex and conflict-ridden
their study of Victorian festivities,
processes,
society. In
Elizabeth Hammerton
and David Cannadine emphasize the dialectical
nature of
the celebration, as an event which embodies the "tensions
° E. Shils and M. Young "The Meaning of the
Coronation", Sociological Review, New Series, Vol. 1,
December 1953, pp 64-78. In the American literature,
commemorative celebrations are discussed as manifestations
of "civil religion"--Robert N. Bellah and Phillip E.
Hammond (eds.) Varieties of Civil Religion (New York,
1980; Wade Clark Roofe (ed.) "Religion in America Today",
The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science, Vol. 480, July 1985.
7
For a discussion of the safety-valve explanation,
see Barbara A. Babcock "Introduction", in Barbara A.
Babcock (ed) The Reversible World. Symbolic Inversion in
Art and Society (Ithica, 1972), pp. 22-32; Frank Abbott
"Cold Cash and Ice Palaces: The Quebec Winter Carnival of
1894", Canadian Historical Review, Vol. 64, no. 2, p. 170;
Natalie Zemon Davis "Women on Top", in her Society and
Culture in Early Modern Europe (Stanford, 1975), p. 130.
5
and
conflicts"
as
well
as
the
"links
and
shared
assumptions of... society".8 Frank A. Manning identifies a
"radical contrast within celebration" between the "ritual
mode" of celebration, which replicates and upholds the
social order, and the "play mode", which reverses and
inverts "ordinary reality".9 According to
Victor Turner,
the celebration is a manifestation of symbolic pluralism:
it can be "multivocal" , speaking in "many ways at once";
"multivalent", having "various meanings or values"; and
"polysemous" , having
or being "open to several or many
meanings".10
The celebration
can also be understood both as an
"interpretative" statement about the social order, and as
an "instrumental" arena for the mobilization of social and
personal objectives. Steven Lukes, a political scientist,
assigns an instrumental role to celebrations as "symbolic
strategies] used by different groups under
specifiable
structural conditions to defend and attain power vis-a-vis
other groups", by
"draw[ing] people's
attention
and
8 Elizabeth Hammerton and David Cannadme "Conflict
and Consensus on a Ceremonial Occasion: The Diamond
Jubilee in Cambridge in 1897", The Historical Journal,
Vol. 24, no. 1, 1981, p. 146.
9 Frank E. Manning "Cosmos and Chaos: Celebrations in
the Modern World", in Manning (ed.) The Celebration of
Society. Perspectives on Contemporary Cultural Performance
(Bowling Green, Ohio, 1983), p. 21. For a discussion of
social inversion, see Babcock The Reversible World.
10
Turner "Introduction", p. 16.
6
invok[ing]
evoked
their
representation
order".11
Myerhoff
towards
of
Similarly,
Sally
and e x i s t i n g
reorganize
Roberto
them
DeMatta
pointing
out
that
the
c o h e r e n t or f u n c t i o n a l ,
social
F.
political
and
Barbara
not only "mirror
even
these
powerfully
and
Moore
modes of
and
merges
a certain
the
argue t h a t c e l e b r a t i o n s
arrangements
to
loyalties
thought",
help
to
celebration
existing
but
"can
create
various
interpreting,
perspectives
"does
not
have
While
social
scientists
complexities
of
festivals
and
rituals
have been
relatively
studies
of
base.
resource
other
silent
d e a r t h of h i s t o r i c a l
a poor
continue
contemporary
of
social
to
by
to
and can c o n t a i n e l e m e n t s which
and r e a l i z i n g
act
them".12
c o m p e t i t i v e or c o n c u r r e n t , which e x p r e s s d i f f e r e n t
seeing,
G.
be
are
ways of
structure".13
ferret
out
the
celebrations,
and
the
cultures,14
about
such
occasions.
is c e r t a i n l y not a
Indeed,
in
historians
1897,
The
reflection
the
Acadian
1 1
S t e v e n Lukes " P o l i t i c a l
R i t u a l and
Social
I n t e g r a t i o n " , i n h i s E s s a y s i n s o c i a l t h e o r y (London,
1977), pp. 52-73.
12
S a l l y F. Moore and B a r b a r a G. Myerhoff " S e c u l a r
R i t u a l : Forms and M e a n i n g s " , i n S a l l y F . Moore and B a r b a r a
G. Myerhoff ( e d s ) . S e c u l a r R i t u a l (Amsterdam, 1 9 7 7 ) , p . 5;
Manning, " P r e l u d e " , in The C e l e b r a t i o n of S o c i e t y , p . x .
-L3 R o b e r t o D e M a t t a " C o n s t r a i n t a n d L i c e n s e : A
P r e l i m i n a r y Study of Two B r a z i l i a n N a t i o n a l R i t u a l s " , i n
Manning The C e l e b r a t i o n o f S o c i e t y , p . 2 5 4 .
14
essays
Turner
S e e t h e two r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t c o l l e c t i o n s of
e d i t e d by Manning The C e l e b r a t i o n o f S o c i e t y , and
Celebration.
7
Recorder
jubilee
there
the
commented
that
a "full
would be "work"
for
were ample m a t e r i a l s
"prominence"
of
the
for
public
"sufficiently
recondite"
historians,
or
celebrations
has
that
to
to
"future
fragmentary
documentation.16
culled
from
newspapers,
a
published
and
indeed,
h i s p e n " . 1 5 I t may be
that
"suit
of
variety
accusations
the
secular,
historical
not
tastes"
of
triviality.
But
nature
programs,
many
dimension"
of
evidence
been
of
for h i s t o r i a n s
discrete
historical
for
of
has been
the
this
rich
thesis
is
sources,
including
government
documents,
of
literature
focusses
England.
celebrations
sixteenth-century
anniversaries
has
r e c o r d s , c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , and d i a r i e s .
pre-Vlctorian
national,
of
on c e l e b r a t i o n s
commemorative
the
"popular
the
diamond
for
dispersed
pamphlets,
institutional
Most
and
the
historian",
probably the g r e a t e s t d i s i n c e n t i v e
the
of
festivities
the
led
account"
be
and
and d y n a s t i c
the
Protestant
d e l i v e r a n c e s . 17
has
on e a r l y modern
Indeed,
can
England,
that
the
traced
the
Europe
genre
back
to
emergence
calendar,
monarch,
This
been
based
and
emphasis
of
late
of
on
a
the
symbolic
on
the
15 Acadian Recorder June 26, 1897.
16
J e f f r e y L. L a n t " F o r w a r d " in h i s I n s u b s t a n t i a l
P a g e a n t . Ceremony and Confusion a t Queen V i c t o r i a ' s Court.
(New Y o r k ,
1980).
17 David Cressy Bonfires and Bells. National Memory
and the Protestant Calendar in Elizabethan and Stuart
England (Berkeley, 1989). Also see Natalie Zemon Davis
8
celebrations
prevalence
secular
and
and
communal
less
of
celebrations
as
and
the
as
part
calendar.
of
the
reflects
of
The
the
created
the
of
the
Indeed,
historical
vitality
are
much more
examined
mismanagement
rural
became
to stage
and
urbanization
and
the
image of
fragmented
evangelicalism
of
popular
amusements.
later
Victorian
of
obscure.
Jeffrey
of
Victoria's
Queen
Queen V i c t o r i a
same c e l e b r a t i o n . 1 9
attention
from
Elizabeth
to
and
Lant
The diamond
Hammerton
as
it
emerged
jubilee
and
David
has
and
has
golden
j u b i l e e in London,18 w h i l e Thomas R i c h a r d s h a s s t u d i e d
commercial
and
of
accounts
celebrations
contemporary
largely
a more c o m p l e x
influences
dampened
their
e a r l y modern p e r i o d
processes
reformism
the
Europe
and p r o b a b l y more d i f f i c u l t
industrialization
society,
modern
importance
religious
frequent
study,
early
the
during
received
Cannadine,
S o c i e t y and C u l t u r e i r E a r l y Modern F r a n c e ( S t a n f o r d ,
1 9 7 5 ) ; P e t e r Burke Popular C u l t u r e i n Early Modern Europe
(London, 1 9 7 8 ) ; an a n a l y s i s of e a r l i e r c e l e b r a t i o n s i s
found in C. Phythian-Adams "Ceremony and t h e C i t i z e n : The
Communal Year a t C o v e n t r y , 1 4 5 0 - 1 5 5 0 " , in P. C l a r k and P.
S l a c k ( e d s . ) C r i s i s and Order i n E n g l i s h Towns, 1500-1700
(London, 1 9 7 5 ) , p p . 5 8 - 8 0 ; for a d i s c u s s i o n of l a t e r r o y a l
o c c a s i o n s , s e e Linda C o l l e y "The A p o t h e o s i s of George I I I :
L o y a l t y , R o y a l t y , and t h e B r i t i s h N a t i o n , 1 7 6 0 - 1 8 2 0 " , Past
and P r e s e n t , V o l . 102, F e b r u a r y 1984, p p . 9 4 - 1 2 9 .
1° L a n t ,
Insubstantial
Pageant.
I 9 Thomas R i c h a r d s "The Image of V i c t o r i a in t h e Year
of J u b i l e e " , V i c t o r i a n S t u d i e s , V o l . 3 1 , n o . 1, Autumn
1987, p p . 7 - 3 2 .
9
who have analyzed
its celebration in Cambridge.20 In a
more general vein, Patrick Joyce has briefly
touched on
the role of late Victorian royal events in furthering town
patriotism in northern England.21 There are a few analyses
of national observances in the United States, particularly
independence day and memorial day.22
context, the Quebec winter
in the Canadian
carnival of 1894 has been
analyzed,23 and a master's thesis has been written on
Queen Victoria's diamond jubilee in Winnipeg.24
These
important
analyses
for
of
detailed
individual
celebrations
are
insights, but it is only by
studying celebrations over time that one can
understand
the process and dynamics of celebration. Useful studies of
the historical development of celebrations include David
z
™ Hammerton and Cannadine" Conflict and Consensus",
pp. 111-46.
21 Patrick Joyce Work Society, and Politics (London,
1980), pp. 278-79.
22
William H. Cohen "A National Celebration: The
Fourth of July in American History", Cultures, Vol. 3, no.
1, 1976, pp. 141-56; analyses of memorial day in the
United States are often discussed xn a more modern
setting, and within the context of civil religion—for a
review of the literature, see Roofe "Religion in America
Today". For an analysis of civic celebrations at the turn
of the century, see David Glassberg, "Public Ritual and
Cultural Hierarchy: Philadelphia's Civic Celebrations at
the Turn of the Twentieth Century", Pennsylvania Magazine
of History and Biography, Vol. 107, July 1983, pp. 421-48.
23
24
Abbott "Cold Cash and Ice Palaces".
Thomas W. Dickens "Winnipeg, Imperialism, and the
Queen Victoria Diamond Jubilee, 1897", M.A. Thesis,
University of Manitoba, 1982.
10
Cannadine's
examination
performance
of
of
changes
monarchical
in
ritual
the
in
meaning
London
and
between
c . 1 8 2 0 and 1 9 7 7 , 2 5 and W i l l i a m H. C o n n ' s d i s c u s s i o n of
the
changing d e f i n i t i o n s
the
of
July
4th
celebrations
into
the
evolving
gleaned
Ryan
specific
women
in
light
public
which
of
on r e l a t e d
on
the
the
United
and
and
can
Insights
also
experiences
by d e l v i n g
in
be
into
of
the r o l e
a
of
nineteenth-century
Bailey's
study
Robert
recreations,29
nature
States.26
for
t o p i c s . For e x a m p l e , Mary
changing
Peter
England,28
of p o p u l a r
to p l a c e
Also,
ceremonial"
celebrations
celebrations
cities.27
Victorian
analysis
the
g r o u p of c e l e b r a n t s ,
in
American
in
nature
from s t u d i e s
throws
"appropriate
W.
provide
evolution
of
leisure
Malcolmson's
a framework
of
in
celebratory
1
-> D a v i d C a n n a d i n e "The C o n t e x t , P e r f o r m a n c e , and
Meaning of R i t u a l : The B r i t i s h Monarchy and t h e I n v e n t i o n
of T r a d i t i o n , c . 1 8 2 0 - 1 9 7 7 " , in E r i c Hobsbaum and T e r e n c e
R a n g e r ( e d s . ) The I n v e n t i o n o f T r a d i t i o n
(Cambridge,
1 9 8 3 ) , pp. 1 6 5 - 2 0 9 ; a l s o P . S . Baker "The S o c i a l and
I d e o l o g i c a l R o l e of t h e M o n a r c h y in L a t e V i c t o r i a n
B r i t a i n " , M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of L a n c a s t e r , 1 9 7 8 ;
B o n n i e Huskins "Royal O c c a s i o n s in C o v e n t r y : 1887, 1897,
1 9 0 2 " , M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Warwick, 1 9 8 6 .
26
Cohn "A N a t i o n a l C e l e b r a t i o n " ,
pp.
141-54.
2
? Mary Ryan " C e r e m o n i a l S p a c e . P u b l i c C e l e b r a t i o n
a n d P r i v a t e Women", i n h e r Women i n P u b l i c . B e t w e e n
Banners and B a l l o t s , 1825-1880 ( B a l t i m o r e , 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 1 9 57.
28
P e t e r B a i l e y L e i s u r e and C l a s s i n V i c t o r i a n
England. R a t i o n a l R e c r e a t i o n and t h e C o n t e s t f o r C o n t r o l ,
1830-1885 ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 7 8 ) .
2
9 R o b e r t W. Malcolmson Popular R e c r e a t i o n i n E n g l i s h
S o c i e t y , 1700-1850 ( C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 7 3 ) .
11
events.
a
Susan G. Davis c o n c e n t r a t e s
particular
mode
of
celebration
p r o c e s s i o n s in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y
Celebrations
of
the
early
the
late
resembled
those
of
centuries,
with
their
drmking",
However,
more
just
as
rational
reformers
in
her
period
sixteenth
and
illuminations,
middle
and
provide
more
largely
"health-
bonfires.31
class
r e c r e a t i o n s , 32 c e l e b r a t i o n
to
strove
for
organizers
and
respectable
a p p r o p r i a t e p u b l i c c e r e m o n i e s and e v e n t s , in honour of
venerated
symbols of monarch
and a r t i c u l a t i o n
nature
uniform
of
and m e a n i n g
and c o u n t r y .
the r e s p e c t a b l e
of
respectability
t o c l a s s s i t u a t i o n and
The
itself,
indeed,
and
the
definition
celebration,
t h r o u g h o u t s o c i e t y but v a r i e d ,
according
of
seventeenth
on b e l l r i n g i n g ,
the Victorian
attempted
study
of
Philadelphia.30
Victorian
emphasis
feasting,
on t h e d e v e l o p m e n t
like
was
the
"not
conflicted,
experience".33
Jy
Susan G. Davis Parades and Power. S t r e e t Theatre
in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1986).
31 C r e s s y B o n f i r e s and B e l l s , p . x i i ; f o r s i m i l a r
c e l e b r a t o r y e v e n t s in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , s e e Conn "A
National C e l e b r a t i o n " , pp. 144-45.
32
33
B a i l e y L e i s u r e and C l a s s .
N e v i l l e Kirk " R e s p e c t a b i l i t y " , in h i s The Growth
o f W o r k i n g C l a s s Reformism i n M i d - V i c t o r i a n England
( U r b a n a , 1 9 8 5 ) , p . 1 7 5 ; F . M . L . Thompson The R i s e of
R e s p e c t a b l e S o c i e t y . A S o c i a l H i s t o r y of V i c t o r i a n
B r i t a i n , 1830-1900 (London, 1 9 8 8 ) , p . 360. B r i a n H a r r i s o n
h a s a l s o p o i n t e d out t h a t " r e s p e c t a b i l i t y was a l w a y s a
p r o c e s s , a d i a l o g u e with o n e ' s f e l l o w s , never a fixed
p o s i t i o n " - - B r i a n H a r r i s o n " T r a d i t i o n s of R e s p e c t a b i l i t y in
B r i t i s h L a b o u r H i s t o r y " , i n h i s P e a c e a b l e Kingdom:
S t a b i l i t y and Change in Modern B r i t a i n (Oxford, 1 9 8 2 ) , p .
12
"Class s i t u a t i o n "
economic
allows
is
position
for
nature
and
a degree
necessary
of
i s defined
association.
of
elasticity
when d i s c u s s i n g
class
in
the
the
in
members
of
imperial
officials,
leading
citizens
committees
and
middle c l a s s "
frequently
new w h i t e
lesser
collar
professionals,
whom s h a r e d
well
administrators.
forces
on
of
These
celebration
The
empioyees--clerks,
civil
"lower
the
petty
and
servants--all
economic
often
celebrations
voluntary
sometimes
strata".
and
referred
A grey
shopkeepers
establishments,
and
to
area
master
mixed
with
skilled
and
collectively
certainly
artisans
though a number of
as
the
existed
who o p e r a t e d
factors
of
social
tradesmen
organizations,
the
managers,
m a r g i n a l i t y to t h e e s t a b l i s h e d b o u r g e o i s i e . Members of
lower m i d d l e c l a s s
as
officers,
two main g r o u p s ,
position
term
merchants
as
entertainments.
and m i n o r
a similar
The
and s m a l l b u s i n e s s m e n ,
salaried
which
formative
century.
and H a l i f a x ,
joined
of
b o u r g e o i s i e of s h o p k e e p e r s
and
elite"--military
in e x c l u s i v e
comprised
flexibility,
transient
and p r o v i n c i a l
socio-
criterion
to t h e p r o m i n e n t
John
"governing
is
The l a t t e r
nineteenth
Saint
in t e r m s of
and
the
"middle c l a s s " i s used to r e f e r
and p r o f e s s i o n a l s
both
and
the
in
are
"middling
between
their
own
differentiated
1 6 1 ; P e t e r B a i l e y d i s c u s s e s r e s p e c t a b i l i t y as a r o l e P e t e r B a i l e y , " ' W i l l t h e Real B i l l Banks P l e a s e Stand Up?'
T o w a r d s a Role A n a l y s i s of M i d - V i c t o r i a n W o r k i n g - C l a s s
R e s p e c t a b i l i t y " , Journal of S o c i a l H i s t o r y , V o l . 12, n o .
3, S p r i n g 1979, p p . 3 3 6 - 5 3 .
13
the
artisans
from
w o r k e r s enjoyed
white
collar
workers.
White
collar
t h e promise of some kind of s a l a r y
and more r e l a t i v e
security
than
the a r t i s a n ,
scale,
whose
income
was r e l a t e d f a r more to v a g a r i e s of t h e t r a d e c y c l e ,
employment
fluctuations,
overtime.
latter
The
former
and
also
generated
the craft
class,
can
an
pride
tradesmen
of
the
ideology
distinguished
celebrations,
themselves
lower
at
of p e r s o n a l
study
Thus,
"the
populace",
"the
poor".
case
J 4
for
they
general
"the
John
s t u d y of
chosen
salaried
support
lifestyle
whereas
structure
of
identity.34
and g e n d e r
certain
and
times
thu
Whi Le
identities
during
the
t h e s o c i a l c o m p o s i t i o n of t h e c e l e b r a n t s who
in r a t h e r
Saint
as
the
mobility,
a t t e n d e d many of t h e l a r g e p u b l i c a t t r a c t i o n s
to d i s c e r n .
from
middle-class
racial,
and
The i n d i v i d u a l i s m
a more c o r p o r a t e
as e t h n i c ,
injuries,
consciousness
workers.
and c o l l e c t i v e
created
as w e l l
be
a status
non-manual
f a m i l y - c e n t e r edness
and
distinguished
by c u l t i v a t i n g
employees
illness
local
are
and H a l i f a x
comparison
described
and vague t e r m s l i k e
lower
public
necessarily
orders",
provide
celebrations.
because,
as
is
"the
"the
difficult
in
this
crowd",
plebeians",
and
the
context
for
this
The
two c i t i e s
were
the
two most
populous
G e o f f r e y C r o s s i c k "The E m e r g e n c e of t h e Lower
Middle C l a s s in B r i t a i n - - A D i s c u s s i o n " , i n G. C r o s s i c k
( e d . ) The Lower M i d d l e C l a s s i n B r i t a i n , 1 8 7 0 - 1 9 1 4
(London, 1 9 7 7 ) , p p . 1 2 - 5 1 .
14
centres
in
the
similarities
of
the
Maritimes,
and d i f f e r e n c e s .
to
visit,
Halifax
illustrate
scenery"
touted
before
its
the
entertained
levee
grand
and
impressive
scenery
to
Halifax
Tne
to
of
the
as
London
"wild
displays
of
and
naval
In S a i n t
John,
were t h e " f e a t u r e s
several
symbols
visit
in
1860
the
conventions,
and
suite.35
Local
of
Halifax's
Government
as
also
they
Times,
vessels,
the
appreciated
watched
a
the
regatta
Lodge in B e d f o r d ,
Gardens.
Nicholas
described
romantic".36
most
House and
t h e N o r t h w e s t Arm, on t h e i r
the
the
Military
decked
out
and
trip
Augustus
scenery
of
reviews,
in
and
flags
and
celebrants.
"commerce,
capacity
and
paraded before v i s i t o r s " , 3 7
of
of
During
royal
two
the P r i n c e ' s
Zoological
bunting, also greeted
of
in
visitors
Basin,
t h e panoramas of
Down's
John
factors.
and h i s
held
t h e Bedford
a steamer
Andrew
Woods
the
of
number
t h e P r i n c e and h i s companions a t a
ball,
Building.
rode
these
public buildings—the
Province
and S a i n t
"institutions,
Prince
a
The c e l e b r a t i o n of t h e
some of
dignitaries
admired
exhibited
P r i n c e of Wales t o H a l i f a x
helps
and
they
commercial
progress.
capabilities"
in t h e
form
One of
the
3 5
B o o s t e r s and
the
A c a d i e n s i s , V o l . 6,
36
in
C.M. W a l l a c e " S a i n t John
R a i l r o a d s in M i d - N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y " ,
n o . 1, Autumn 1976, p p . 7 2 - 7 3 .
N i c h o l a s A u g u s t u s Woods The P r i n c e of Wales
Canada and t h e United S t a t e s (London, 1 8 6 1 ) , p . 1 4 .
37
W a l l a c e " S a i n t John B o o s t e r s " , p p .
72-73.
15
foremost
symbols of
Suspension
commercial
Bridge
over
the
progress
reversing
was S a i n t
rapids,
John's
which
P r i n c e c r o s s e d a c o u p l e of t i m e s d u r i n g h i s s o j o u r n
city.
The
Prince
Robertson
in
manufacture
Saint
also
Carleton,
deals.
John's
province,
by s e n d i n g
entourage
and
the
to
ride
fertile
stuck
to h i s
part
of
original
the
was
in t h e
of
shown
to
resources
railway
to
boost
and
to p e r s u a d e
John
how
tried
European
natural
the
North
of
the
the
Prince
on
his
and t h u s s e e Sussex V a l e ,
the
province.38
plan
sawmill
organizers
a deputation
way t o P r i n c e Edward I s l a n d ,
most
he
partially-completed
railway,
his
the
where
Celebration
American
and
visited
the
of
to S h e d i a c
Although
travelling
to
the
Prince
P.E.I,
via
Windsor and P i c t o u , he r o d e t h e new r a i l w a y to Rothesay en
r o u t e to f r e d e r i c t o n ,
"Prince
of
Wales"
accommodated in a l a v i s h l y
car,39
moving
a
" c r e d i b l e s p e c i m e n s of S a i n t John
The
boosters
symbols
reflect
John and H a l i f a x
of
were b o t h
trade.
38
3
Saint
with
John
Halifax
t h e West
extracted
exhibition
the
Saint
John
n a t u r e of t h e c i t y .
Saint
commercial
by
entrepots
in
the
r e l i e d on t h e s a l t f i s h
trade,
Indies,
import
and a g e n e r a l
and p r o c e s s e d
Morning News June 7, 1860.
9 woods The P r i n c e of Wales, p. 49.
40
of
manufacture".40
promoted
t h e commercial
nineteenth century.
particularly
progress
decorated
Freeman August 4, 1860.
timber
from a
16
large wooded
hinterland
along
the St. John
River, and
engaged competitively in an international timber trade and
ship building industry. Saint John was a larger centre than
Halifax
at
mid-century.
Between
1851
and
1861,
the
population of Saint John (and Portland) grew from 31,174 to
38,000,41 while Halifax was a good deal smaller, at
20,000
in 1851, increasing to slightly over 25,000 in 1861.42 One
Haligonian noted in comparing Halifax with Saint John: "Both
cities engage largely in commerce, but in our city it holds
a secondary place, in the other it is everything".43 i n
1860, Nicholas Woods agreed that Saint John was the superior
commercial centre:
St John's [sic] which is the real, though not the
legislative capital of New Brunswick, is one of
the most picturesque and flourishing cities of the
North American Provinces... there is an air of
business and prosperity about the place very
different from the languor that ordinarily
prevails at Halifax.44
Woods' comments ignited the fires of civic rivalry between
Saint John and Halifax. The Saint John Morning News gloated:
^ x C M . Wallace "St. John", Urban History Review, No. 175, 1979, p. 15.
42
43
Census of Canada, Halifax, 1861.
As quoted in Wallace "Saint John Boosters", p. 73.
44
London Times in Freeman September 13, 1860. The
Toronto Leader also thought that Halifax could not compare
with Saint John—P.B. Waite "A Visit to Nova Scotia and
Louisbourg in 1860", Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly, Vol.
2, no. 2, 1972, p. 131.
17
we a r e not a l i t t l e amused a t t h e c a v a l i e r way
i n w h i c h h e t r e a t s o u r r i v a l c i t y , when
comparing i t t o S t . J o h n . Our f r i e n d s over t h e
way w o n ' t l i k e i t , b u t i t i s fun f o r u s , and we
h o p e t h e y w i l l n o t t h i n k h a r d of S t . J o h n
b e c a u s e t h e l e a d i n g p a p e r of t h e w o r l d s a y s
(through i t s correspondent)
"On t h e w h o l e ,
however,
t h o u g h l a r g e and
flourishing,
s t r u g g l i n g H a l i f a x seems in every way i n f e r i o r
b o t h in b e a u t y and i m p o r t a n c e and w e a l t h to S t .
J o h n ' s [ s i c j , New B r u n s w i c k . 4 5
By
the
1890's,
response
decline
to
of
industry,
other
Saint
the
the
timber
outmigration,
experienced
a
began
pressures
problems.
Halifax's
John
fall
and
the
ship
net
1881
and
1891,
of
province
as
an
administrative
allowed
and c o n v e n t i o n s
In a d d i t i o n ,
the
station
generated
military
the
spectacle
John's after
city
population,
institutions
city's
the
of
s t a t u s as t h e p r o v i n c i a l
the
the
before
major
city
administrative
to parade
the v i s i t o r s
large military
and
6.6%.46
and
British
particularly
whereas
garrison
displays.
exceeded
its
in
1860.
and
naval
Halifax's
that
of
Saint
1870, when t h e B r i t i s h army withdrew from
Canadian b a s e s e x c e p t for H a l i f a x , where i t remained
1906. The c o n t i n u o u s i n f l u e n c e of t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l
Halifax
the
building
loss
m i l i t a r y c e n t r e e n s u r e d a minor growth of
centre
in
and t h e G r e a t F i r e of 1877, among
diversification
Halifax's
behind,
industrialization,
trade
Between
5.3%
of
to
stimulated
several
service
45
Morning News August 29, 1 8 6 0 .
46
Census of Canada, H a l i f a x ,
until
army in
industries,
1881-91
all
and
18
profoundly affected
social l i f e ,
the n a t u r e of t h e c i t y ' s p a g e a n t r y and
as o f f i c e r s
became e n t r e n c h e d
in t h e r a n k s of
t h e l o c a l e l i t e . Woods, t h e Times c o r r e s p o n d e n t ,
that
the
"secures
N
termed
the
presence
to
good
the
of
society'
than
of
also
naval
of
what
in any o t h e r
soldiers,
close
Halifax
station
more of
can be found
comprised
population
and
Halifax
Rank-and-file
between 2 0 0 0 - 4 0 0 0 ,
male
garrison
inhabitants
provinces".47
resident
the
commented
in
to
the
is
of
numbering
25% of
the
nineteenth
century.48
S a i n t John was d i s t i n g u i s h e d
the
Orange
Lodges
Lodge expanded
protecting
Protestant
Irish
during
in S a i n t
British
jobs
during
the
eventually
47
Irish
erupted
John
1860 v i s i t . 4 9
the
The
Protestantism,
encroachment
of
thousands
i m m i g r a n t s who descended on t h e
potato
in
famine.
1845,
1847,
Collective
of
Orange
in t h e 1 8 4 0 ' s as a means
institutions,
from
Roman C a t h o l i c
the
by t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n
of
and
of
city
violence
and 1849, between
the
Woods The P r i n c e of Wales, p p . 1 4 - 1 5 .
48
J u d i t h Fin.gard The Dark S i d e of L i f e i n V i c t o r i a n
H a l i f a x ( P o r t e r ' s Lake, 1 9 8 9 ) , p . 15; F i n g a r d "Beyond t h e
H a l i f a x B a r r a c k s : The S o c i a l C o n t e x t of L a t e V i c t o r i a n
Army L i f e " , t h e MacNutt Memorial L e c t u r e , U n i v e r s i t y of
New B r u n s w i c k , 1 9 8 3 - 8 4 , p . 3 .
49
The s c a l e and n a t u r e of t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n a r e
unknown, s i n c e t h e n e w s p a p e r s r e f u s e d c o v e r a g e for f e a r of
e n c o u r a g i n g it—Freeman September 8, 1 1 , 1 5 , 1860; Morning
News September 7, 1860.
19
Protestants
and
celebration
Orangemen's
P r i n c e of
Irish
of
July
Orange
Roman C a t h o l i c s
symbolic
12th
Patrick's
(William I I I )
1856,
but
initiated
of
the
also
besides
by t h e
the
public
primarily
the
victory
the
a t t h e B a t t l e of
Roman C a t h o l i c s '
day.50 Halifax
Catholicism,
holidays,
anniversary
in 1690, and t h e I r i s h
during
of
t h e Boyne
o b s e r v a n c e of
endured an e l e m e n t of
the
"Gourlay
protests
of
Shanty
Irish
St.
anti-
Riot"
Roman
of
Catholics
over Crimean War r e c r u i t m e n t , most of i t was r h e t o r i c a l
nature.
Halifax's
nineteenth
century
probably
because
Protestants
anti-Catholic
movement
was
less
violent
of
the
smaller
in t h e c i t y ,
than
in
Saint
numbers
and t h e r e l a t i v e
the
in
mid-
John's,
of
Irish
weakness of
the
Orange L o d g e . 5 1
Saint
John
more c o l o r f u l
the
form
of
demonstration,
also
differed
from
skilled
in
exhibiting
working-class pageantry during the v i s i t ,
a
trades
the
latter
procession,
of
which
working-class organization called
participation
Halifax
of
workers
the
in
trades
Saint
a
burlesque
was o r c h e s t r a t e d
the Calithumpians.52
reflects
John's
and
the
primacy
commercial
in
of
by a
The
the
development.
5(
2 S c o t t W. See "The Orange Order and S o c i a l V i o l e n c e
in M i d - N i n e t e e n t h Century Saint John", Acadiensis, Vol.
1 3 , n o . 1, Autumn 1 9 8 3 , p p . 6 8 - 9 2 .
51 A . J . B . J o h n s t o n " P o p e r y and P r o g r e s s : A n t i C a t h o l i c i s m in Mid- N i n e t e e n t h - C e n t u r y Nova
Scotia",
D a l h o u s i e Review, V o l . 6 4 , 1984, p p . 1 4 6 - 6 3 .
52
See Chapter 6„
20
The city's dock laborers also cultivated an active role in
civic affairs through the considerable bargaining power
attained by the seasonal pressures of the timber market.53
Furthermore, the early establishment of the Saint John
common council
in 1785, provided
the lower middle and
upper working classes of that city with a longer legacy of
participation
in public life than their counterparts in
Halifax, who did not form a corporation until 1841. The
eighteenth-century incorporation of Saint John also meant
that the common council had already worked out many of its
responsibilities
century, unlike
Halifax, who
and powers by the early
the aldermen
nineteenth
and city councillors of
had just begun to define and negotiate their
powers and privileges.
Although only a handful of Indians appeared in the
nineteenth-century census records for Halifax
and Saint
John,54 because of seasonal migration and segregation in
the reserves,55 the former city made greater use of its
53
Ian McKay "The Working Class of Metropolitan
Halifax, 1850-1884", Honours Essay, Dalhousie University,
1975, pp. 174-75.
5* According to census records, no Indians resided in
Saint John from 1851-81, and only two were noted in
Halifax in 1881. A few appeared on the Northwest Arm and
in Dartmouth, and also in Saint John's neighboring city of
Portland, and the nearby communities of Indiantown,
Lancaster, and Simonds—Census of Canada, Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick, 1851-81.
55
According to Elizabeth Hutton "Indian Affairs in
Nova Scotia, 1760-1834", in H.F. McGee (ed.) The Native
Peoples of Atlantic Canada (Ottawa, 1983), p. 80, the
21
aboriginal
three
population
private
during
citizens
the
1860 v i s i t .
In
opened a s u b s c r i p t i o n
Halifax,
in
1860 to
p r o v i d e " t r a d i t i o n a l costumes" for a d e p u t a t i o n of Micmacs
to
appear
in
the
representatives
c e r e m o n i e s . 56
were the f i r s t
These
to r e c e i v e
aboriginal
the
Prince
of
Wales w i t h an a d d r e s s in Chebucto Harbour, and p r o v i d e d an
escort
of
wharf.57
canoes
Micmacs
participated
on
the
to lead
also
the
royal barge
appeared
at
the
in bow and arrow c o m p e t i t i o n s
common,59 and
to t h e
Halifax
levee,58
and foot
in canoe r a c e s d u r i n g
the
and
races
regatta.
The Micmacs p e r s o n a l l y p r e s e n t e d t h e P r i n c e with a number
of
crafts,
fourteen
Micmacs
the
including
a quilled
placemats.60
in H a l i f a x ' s
proximity
of
"broad o u t l i n e "
S c o t i a by 1834.
public
the
of
The
box and l i d ,
greater
containing
visibility
of
ceremony may be a r e s u l t
Micmac camp a c r o s s
the r e s e r v e s
the harbour
was " o p e r a t i v e "
56 For e l a b o r a t i o n , s e e Chapter
the
of
in
in Nova
7.
57
Woods The Prince of Wales, p. 21.
58
Acadian Recorder August 1 1 , 1860.
59
See Chapter
8.
60 F o r a d e s c r i p t i o n , s e e R.H. W h i t e h e a d "Micmac,
M a l i s e e t , B e o t h u k C o l l e c t i o n s i n G r e a t B r i t a i n " , N.,S.
Museum C u r a t o r i a l r e p o r t , n o . 62, J a n u a r y 198 8, p . 12. The
c o l l e c t i o n , p p . 1 3 - 1 6 , a l s o l i s t s a number of o t h e r items
w h i c h w e r e e i t h e r r e p r e s e n t e d to t h e P r i n c e of Wales in
1860, or t o P r i n c e Arthur in 1 8 6 9 , i n c l u d i n g a t o b a c c o
p i p e and p i p e s t e m , f o u r c a n o e m o d e l s and wooden
f u r n i s h i n g s , two male and t h r e e female d o l l s , and a p a i r
of m o c c a s i n s .
22
Dartmouth.61
The
less
visible
participation
aboriginals
in S a i n t J o h n ' s p u b l i c c e l e b r a t i o n
a
of
product
disregard
the
for
its
New B r u n s w i c k
native
indebtedness,
occurred
Indians
John's
Saint
the
a
pattern
in
social
also
played
historical
"Liverpool
of
the
honorary
other
hand,
Cornwallis'
1749.
and
the
Indeed,
1860 as t h e
significance
presentation
British
look b a c k ,
of
of
of
of
a portrait
which
of
as
role
well.62
in
civic
it
American
centred
referred
image
Loyalists
In H a l i f a x ,
on
the
largely
in
in t h e w i l d e r n e s s
to
the
as
Provinces".
on t h e
figured
Halifax
Saint
identity.
and commercial
North
Micmacs
of
in
of t h e P r o v i n c e " . 6 3 The
symbolism
of
Scotia,
undoubtedly
affairs
sense
representatives
aboriginal
Nova
I n d i a n l a n d s and
small
people
one H a l i g o n i a n
"real
Unlike
the c i t y .
native
establishment
general
cultural
a relatively
founders
government's
neglect
memory and
the
probably
regarding
John had a f o r w a r d - l o o k i n g
Wnen t h e c i t y d i d
as
of
the
is
population.
New Brunswick had no s a f e g u a r d s
of
is
reflected
Mary C h r i s t i a n n e
by
the
(Morris)
P a u l , Micmac a r t i s t and m o d e l , t o t h e P r i n c e of Wales as a
61 Woods went a c r o s s t h e h a r b o u r t o v i s i t t h e camp
d u r i n g h i s s o j o u r n in Halifax—Woods The P r i n c e of Wales,
p. 36.
6 2 L.S.F. Upton "Indian Affairs in Colonial New
Brunswick", Acadiensis, Vol. 3, no. 2, Spring 1974, pp. 326.
63
"A Highlander" in Morning Sun July 20, 1860.
23
memento
of Nova
Scotia.64 Visitors
also
identified
the
participation of the Micmacs as a peculiar characteristic
of
Halifax's
celebration
in
1860.
The
London
Times
correspondent devoted much of his commentary on Halifax to
descriptions of the native people and their role in the
festivities.65
In both cities, direct participation
largely restricted
ball in Halifax,66
for women was
to elite entertainments and the grand
a
pattern which continued well into the
late nineteenth century. Children had also been relatively
neglected in celebrations until the visit in 1860, when a
concern over the free reign of large numbers of children
led celebration organizers
in Saint John and Halifax to
contain them in a separate children's demonstration.67 Saint
John and Halifax also experienced the effects of evangelical
Protestantism, which saw children as inherently innocent,
and thus contributed to the sentimentalization of childhood
and the need to segregate children in a morally correct
D
R.H. Whitehead "Mary Christianne Paul", Dictionary of
Canadian Biography, Vol. 11, p. 679.
65
Woods The Prince of Wales, pp. 14, 21, 26, 34, 35-
66
See Chapter Three.
67
See Chapter Four.
37.
24
environment.68
Public celebrations provide an insightful arena in
which
to
study
interweaving
social
relationships
in
nineteenth-century Saint John and Halifax. The first chapter
of
the
thesis
examines
the
social
composition
of
the
celebration organizers, and the tensions and conflicts which
arose in the process of orchestrating the celebrations. The
focus then shifts to the instrumental role of celebrations,
and their utilization by certain parties in Nova Scotia to
question and challenge the powers and privileges of the
Lieutenant-Governor,
the
most
prominent
member
of
the
organizational elite. This discussion of the "movers and
shakers"
is
relationships
followed
and
by
an
developments
analysis
embodied
of
in
the
social
celebratory
events. Chapter 3 examines public drinking and feasting, and
the factors which contributed to the demise of traditional
ox
roasts.
After
public
feasts
fell
out
of
favour,
spectacles became the primary mode of celebration. Chapters
4 and 5 discuss demonstrations and processions as rituals
which inculcated patriotic values and presented orderly and
respectable versions
culture
of the social order. A contrasting
of celebration
is offered
in Chapter
6, which
Janet Guildford " N I often run in the streets of
Halifax': Middle Class Attitudes to Children in Halifax,
1850-1870", unpublished paper presented to the facultygraduate seminar, Dalhousie University History Department,
1989, p. 1.
25
focusses
inversion
on
in
the
antirespectable
burlesque
tradition
processions.
The
of
idea
social
of
the
"respectable celebration" found its most extreme expression
in the desire of some middle-class men and women to shift
the emphasis of celebration from short-term pageantry to the
founding of long-term memorials, as discussed in Chapter 7.
By the late nineteenth century, the respectable celebration
had to share the stage with the commercialized celebration.
Chapter 8 traces the development of celebratory sports from
public contests to organized spectator sports, while Chapter
9 centres on the role of the entrepreneur as the provider
of commercialized alternatives, and the creator of tourut
attractions. This thesis concludes that, in the course of
the reign of Queen Victoria, celebrations were transformed
from participant to spectator events, organized by experts
with scant respect for folk customs.
CHAPTER 1
ORGANIZATION
Historical
celebrations
for
the
and s o c i o l o g i c a l
as v e h i c l e s
perpetuation
reinforcement
of
it
the
obscures
celebrations,
constituent
Cannadine
by m i d d l e - c l a s s
bourgeois
complexity
as
well
of
as
the
within
the
and E l i z a b e t h
paradoxes
necessary
of
often
describe
organizers
values,
the
the
competition
leadership
Hammerton a r g u e
true,
organization
of
that
David
in o r d e r
r e c o n c i l e , and e x p l a i n t h e " c o n t r a d i c t i o n s
which
obtrude
to p i e c e
at
together
the
the
level
of
"actual
theory",
way
on
celebrations
the
in
organization
Saint
John
and
of
of
various
group.
in
community p l a n n e d and enjoyed" c e l e b r a t i o n s . 2 T h i s
focuses
and
t h e s t a t u s q u o . l While t h i s may be
elements
understand,
used
studies
to
and
it
which
is
a
chapter
nineteenth-century
Halifax,
especially
the
changing c o m p o s i t i o n of t h e o r g a n i z i n g c o m m i t t e e s , and t h e
debates
the
and
conflicts
which a r o s e
over
the
financing
of
festivities.
1 F o r e x a m p l e , s e e N. B i r n b a u r a " M o n a r c h s and
S o c i o l o g i s t s : A R e p l y t o P r o f . S h i l s and Mr. Y o u n g " ,
S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, New S e r i e s , Vol 3 . , 1955, p p . 5 - 2 3 ;
Thomas D i c k e n s " W i n n i p e g , I m p e r i a l i s m , and t h e Queen
V i c t o r i a Diamond J u b i l e e C e l e b r a t i o n , 1 8 9 7 " , M.A. T h e s i s ,
U n i v e r s i t y of M a n i t o b a , 1982, p p . 7, 9, 70, 94, 234, 2 3 5 ,
239, 240.
2
E l i z a b e t h Hammerton and David Cannadine " C o n f l i c t
and C o n s e n s u s on a C e r e m o n i a l O c c a s i o n : The D i a m o n d
J u b i l e e i n C a m b r i d g e in 1 8 9 7 " , The H i s t o r i c a l J o u r n a l ,
V o l . 24, n o . 1, 1 9 8 1 , p . 146.
26
27
CELEBRATION COMMITTEES
An " o r g a n i z a t i o n a l
in
Saint
John
nineteenth
the
elite"
and
Halifax
century.
Leading
organizational
administrators,
military
in
the
members
of
The lower
middle
and
the
of
imperial
civic,
and
merchants
respectabLe
councils,
comprised
of
the r a n k s
provincial,
prominent
were p r i m a r i l y
half
filled
c l a s s e s were r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e c i v i c
mid-century,
celebrations
including
the
and
most
first
citizens
elite,
authorities,
professionals.
planned
and
working
which,
by
of
shopkeepers
and
usually
proclaimed
and
tradesmen.3
The
lieutenant-governor
initiated
royal c e l e b r a t i o n s .
Victoria
in
John,
1837,
received
office,
a letter
instructing
forthwith
Civic
Robert
proclaimed,
authorities
celebrate.5
Upon t h e a c c e s s i o n
F.
from
him
to
Hazen,
the
the
"cause
needed
Queen
Mayor of
Saint
Lieutenant-Governor's
Her
with...ceremonies
usually
of
at
little
Majesty
Saint
to
be
John".4
prodding
to
S a i n t J o h n ' s common c o u n c i l o r g a n i z e d most of
3
T.W. Acheson S a i n t John. The Making of a C o l o n i a l
Urban Community ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 7, 3 3 , 3 4 - 3 5 , 7 7 - 7 8 ;
J a n e t G u i l d f o r d " P u b l i c S c h o o l Reform and t h e H a l i f a x
Middle C l a s s , 1850-1870", Ph.D. T h e s i s ,
Daihousie
U n i v e r s i t y , 1990, p . 145.
4
W i l l i a m J . Odell t o Mayor R o b e r t F. Hazen, August
5, 1 8 3 7 , i n R o b e r t F. Hazen, M a y o r a l t y p a p e r s , N.B. Museum.
5 L i n d a C o l l e y "The A p o t h e o s i s of King George I I I :
L o y a l t y , R o y a l t y , and t h e B r i t i s h N a t i o n , 1 7 6 0 - 1 8 2 0 " Past
and P r e s e n t , V o l . 1 0 2 , F e b r u a r y 1984, p . 1 2 5 .
28
the c i t y ' s
1838,
celebration
of
Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
coronation
in
and her m a r r i a g e in 1840. S i n c e S a i n t John had been
incorporated
which
John's
did
by r o y a l
not
charter
become
more
had,
by
ingrained
followed
council
took
the
unlike
until
Halifax,
1841,
Victorian
tradition
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for p r o v i d i n g
Halifax
1785,
a corporation
common c o u n c i l
longer,
in
period,
and
festivities
for
Saint
a
sense
the
of
citizens.
t h e S a i n t John p r a c t i c e when i t s new c i t y
over
the
celebration
of
the
birth
of
the
up w i t h
the
P r i n c e of Wales in 1 8 4 1 .
Military
officers
sometimes
teamed
lieutenant-governor
to
particularly
the residence
.governor
in H a l i f a x ,
of
Nova S c o t i a ,
garrison
and
commented
in 1849 t h a t
and p u b l i c
naval
appliances"
in
and t h e
station.
departments
celebrations
entertainments,
site
of t h e
of
The
the
should
for
they
had
t h o s e of h e r
celebrations
son,
organized
of
Prince Albert
Courier
garrison,
involved
the
beyond
British
and
be d i r e c t l y
"altogether
t h e only o f f i c i a l l y
nuptial
a large
Times
mere c i v i l i a n s " . 6 The l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r
furnished
lieutenant-
the l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r ,
Halifax,
which were
provide
"means
our
in
as
military
attractions
in 1 8 6 3 , which
and
reach
and t h e
Queen V i c t o r i a
in
during
1840
and
included
a
b a l l d u r i n g b o t h o c c a s i o n s , a m i l i t a r y r e v i e w in 1840, and
Times and Courier April 10, 1849.
29
a
sleigh
that
ride
in
"we can g e t
1863.7
in
1863 H a l i g o n i a n s
n o t h i n g up i n H a l i f a x
the m i l i t a r y " „ 8 Military displays
only v i s i b l e
Queen
observances
Victoria's
of
birthdays,
natal
authorities
t i r e d of w a i t i n g
to
act
held
day
in r e g a r d
their
to
and
t h e diamond
own m e e t i n g ,
and
anniversaries
day.9
the Halifax
jubilee
appointing
The
the
royal
military
city
council
in 1897, so
a committee
of
like
coronation,
dominion
for
without the aid
sometimes comprised
annual
accession
complained
to
they
confer
w i t h t h e Mayor.10
\t
other times, voluntary organizations i n i t i a t e d
proceedings.
instigated
settlement
The
the
of
Nova
Scotia
celebration
Halifax
in
of
Philanthropic
the
1839.11
anniversary
National
the
Society
of
societies
the
also
' A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r A p r i l 1 1 , 1840; Times A p r i l 1 4 ,
1 8 4 0 ; M o r n i n g C h r o n i c l e March 1 2 , 1 4 , 1 8 6 3 ; E v e n i n g
Express March 1 1 , 1863; H a l i f a x Reporter March 1 7 , 1863;
Morning Sun March 1 1 , 1 8 6 3 ; B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t March 12,
1863. C i v i l i a n s organized o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s a t a l a t e r d a t e .
8
" T h i n g s Talked
March 1 4 , 1 8 6 3 .
of
m
Halifax"
in H a l i f a x
Reporter
9
G a r r i s o n O r d e r s , S a i n t John , N . B . , 1 8 5 5 - 6 1 , RG 8,
I " C " S e r i e s , Vol 1195K, M i c r o C 3 5 1 8 , PAC; I n d e x t o
G a r r i s o n O r d e r s , H a l i f a x , 1 8 7 0 - 8 7 , RG 8, I "C" S e r i e s ,
V o l . 1194V, M i c r o C 3 5 1 3 , PAC; G a r r i s o n O r d e r s B o o k ,
H a l i f a x , 1 8 6 2 - 9 3 . RG 8, V o l . 1194Z, Micro 3514 and C 3515;
Index t o G a r r i s o n O r d e r s , H a l i f a x , 1 8 5 5 - 6 9 , V o l . 1 1 9 6 ,
Micro C 3519, PAC.
1 0 D a i l y Echo May 6, 7, 1 8 9 7 .
•11 F o r t h e f i r s t
"Nova S c o t i a n F e s t i v a l " ,
see
N o v a s c o t i a n J u n e 12, 1839; s e e D.C. Harvey "Nova S c o t i a
P h i l a n t h r o p i c S o c i e t y " , D a l h o u s i e Review, V o l . 19, October
1939, p p . 2 8 7 - 9 7 , for d i s c u s s i o n of some of t h e o r i g i n a l
30
furnished
the bulk
celebration
dinners
of
attractions
the
poor,
the
Society held a p r o c e s s i o n ,
t h e Micmacs,
while
dinner,
ball
and
1849
was
Halifax's
in 1840: t h e C h a r i t a b l e I r i s h
for
special
for
the
and
also
societies.13
St.
British,
Irish,
initiate
the
North
organized
and
diamond
St.
Scotia
George's
Society
centenary
primarily
a joint
jubilee
by
of
Societies
a
celebration
national
the
North
to
in H a l i f a x
in
committee
to
in
helped
aldermen
a
hosted
the
to the c i t y c o u n c i l ,
appoint
a
celebration
committee
George's
for
enjoyed
Society
1897, by s e n d i n g a l e t t e r
to
provided
Philanthropic
B-ritish
Halifax's
Furthermore,
Society
c h u r c h s e r v i c e , and a f e a s t
the
banquet.12
Nova
marriage
confer
urging
the
with
the
societies.14
The c o m p o s i t i o n of H a l i f a x ' s
reflects
While
Charitable Irish
t h e membership of t h e s e b e n e v o l e n t
the
Irish
society
government o f f i c i a l s ,
about
fifty
1840's
it
years
began
to
boasted
a high
military officers,
after
its
attract
members, and t h e o r i g i n s of N a t a l
organizations.
proportion
of
and m e r c h a n t s
for
in
the
founding
a broader
Society
1786,
in
cross-section
of
day.
1 2 Acadian Recorder May 2 , 9, 184 0;
7, 1840; Times A p r i l 2 8 , May 5 , 1 2 , 1 8 4 0 .
N o v a s c o t i a n May
13
T i m e s and C o u r i e r A p r i l 1 0 , 1 7 , 1 8 4 9 . The
C e n t e n a r y A n n i v e r s a r y of t h e S e t t l e m e n t of H a l i f a x , June
8 , 1849 ( H a l i f a x , 1 8 4 9 ) .
i4
Halifax City Council, Minutes, December 10, 1896,
pp. 112-13, PANS.
31
society,
including
half
the
of
collar
society
groups,
servants,
artisans
and
the
such
as c l e r k s ,
just
over
membership,
nearly
60%.
leadership
responsible
discuss
a
t h e major
in
Saint
meeting
in
John
and
white
civil
artisans.
artisans
to 41%
rose
membership,
(those
celebrations)
By
to
the
who
were
remained
elites.15
often
held
public
meetings
The p u b l i c m e e t i n g
t h e views of t h e most p r o m i n e n t
Halifax.16
For
example,
to
served
elements"
the
public
in S a i n t John for t h e v i s i t of t h e P r i n c e of Wales
1860 was
members
attended
of
Similarly,
the
primarily
common
in H a l i f a x ,
these
committees
meetings,
to
help
by l e a d i n g
council
"toadies"
d o m i n a t e d t h e 1860 m e e t i n g .
At
the
societies
celebrations.
and
over
and m i n o r
to
broadening
organizing
initiators
as a "forum for
editors,
t h e w o r k e r s and
p r i m a r i l y in t h e hands of t h e
These
1838,
to p r o f e s s i o n a l
one-third
national
for
In
and w h i t e c o l l a r g r o u p s f e l l
and
Despite
of
workers.
belonged
1848, t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l
of
and
in
of
and
citizens,
and
l e g i s 1 a t u r e . 17
the
reform
government
citizens
often
appointed
18
the
the
organization
of
the
1 5 T e r r e n c e M. Punch "The I r i s h i n H a l i f a x , 18361 8 7 1 : A S t u d y i n E t h n i c A s s i m i l a t i o n " , M.A. T h e s i s ,
D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y , 1976, p p . 1 3 9 - 1 5 0 .
16 Acheson S a i n t John, p p . 55, 185.
1 7 Freeman June 28, 1860.
1 8 Acadian Recorder May 26, 1860.
32
celebrations.
dominated
The
Members of
the
committees
organizing
in H a l i f a x
dignitaries
and l e a d i n g
the
such
William
couple
Robert
By
of
some
Black,
and
executive
assemblyman,
J.J.
Sawyer,
L.
V.
merchants,
by t h e b a r r i s t e r
for
officials
similarly
celebration
committee
and
the
Queen's
of
the
government
the
citizens'
committee
1860.
by
Jack,
the
Saint
mayor,
of
the
and
ex-
John's
1860 v i s i t . 2 0
also
a
occupation.
pieces
in
Prince's
19 T h e n a m e s of t h e i n d i v i d u a l s
c o m m i t t e e s can be found i n Appendix 1.
Morning News J u l y 9,
William
officials
predominated
for
and
and
a barrister
very
shipbuilders,
Thurgar,
officials,
and
citizens
Hazen and W i l l i a m
moving
the
provincial
leading
committee
civic
chessboard",
20
provincial
the
Archibald,
chaired
who was a l s o
1860
coronation
Jeffrey,
Sheriff,
John
Robert
"unfortunate
the
as
leading merchants
Corporation
Halifax,
period.
James Boyle U n i a c k e . 1 9 The
physicians,
F. Hazen,
Victorian
in S a i n t John in 1 8 4 0 , were a l s o
encompassing
barristers
usually
Queen's
such
G.W.
celebration
elitist,
Wright,
citizens,
and b a r r i s t e r s ,
marriage f e s t i v i t i e s
as
the
W. W a l l a c e ,
executive councillor,
to
early
elite
in 1838 was c o m p r i s e d of
Samuel
Charles
appointed
for
Judge and High
attorney-general,
businessmen,
the
M i c h a e l Tobin and T.N.
W i l l i a m Young,
treasurer
in
committee
celebration
councillors,
the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l
In
embraced
on m o s t
of
the
33
members of
well
as
the
provincial
a number
professionals,
complained
the
and
that
prominent
in
journalists.
Halifax:
on p u b l i c
The
committee
anniversary
of
representatives
respectable
delegates
lawyers,
exert
from
the
general's
customs,
the
of
Recorder
monopolized
p e o p l e . . .make
in
their
forward,
of
the
companies
usual
lower
middle
and
tradesmen,
and
and
agent,
Ronald
Ross,
A.C.
the
of
of
aldermen,
continued
golden
B.
Rifles,
to
jubilee
Lane,
collector
the
of
orchestrated
W.J.
J.D. Mackintosh, I t .
the Halifax
more
military
Edwards,
assistance
few
the
citizens
on H a l i f a x ' s
William
the
a
contingent
Col.
Halifax's
drew
Shopkeepers,
1887.
with
organize
1862
Prominent
and s i l v e r s m i t h ,
63rd B a t t a l i o n
2
fire
insurance
to
ranks
classes.
aid-de-camp,
and
Acadian
organizers
in
hegemony
committee
celebration,
jeweller
the
and m e r c h a n t s .
of
businessmen,
push t h e m s e l v e s
appointed
assisted
a degree
executive
the
from
as
airs".21
settlement
working
volunteers
The
"These
occasions,
and t a k e t o t h e m s e l v e s
administrations,
merchants,
these middle-class
celebration
appearance
of
and c i v i c
Stewart,
c o l . of
the
and Matthew Condon,
1 Acadian Recorder June 9, 1860. A correspondent
warned t h a t " I f i t s h o u l d be made a Barnurn a f f a i r , and t h e
P r i n c e be s u r r o u n d e d w i t h t h e m i l i t a r y and o t h e r o f f i c i a l s
of t h e Government, t o t h e e x c l u s i o n of t h e p e o p l e , then I
say i t w i l l m o s t c e r t a i n l y be a s a d
affair"—"Malachi
M a l a g r o w t h e r " in
Morning Sun May 30, 1860. The Evening
Express August 15, 1860, t h o u g h t t h a t t h e government
s u r r o u n d e d t h e P r i n c e w i t h an o v e r - a b u n d a n c e of " s t a r c h
and e t i q u e t t e " .
34
captain
of
the
Sutherland
continued
of
the
Union
argues
Engine
that
wholesale
to dominate H a l i f a x
nineteenth
the
Halifax
organization
during
Halifax's
this
comprised
the
of
lawyers
in t h e l a s t
quarter
"middling
working-class
of
in
did
the
move
John
and
the
time
of
by
voluntary
in
1897,
organizations
celebration
committee,
r e p l a c i n g t h e "most d i s t i n g u i s h e d p e o p l e " , who appeared
have
got
"out
of
that
"most d i s t i n g u i s h e d
committees
because
line
people"
of
and
increasingly
white
a loss
of
Perhaps
withdrew
celebration
the
from
enormous
volume
prestige,
workers.
The g e n e r a l
j u b i l e e committees in S a i n t Johr
lower
middle
boasting
as
their
usurped by t h e upwardly m o b i l e
collar
class
in
to
altogether".23
g e n e r a t e d by t h e l a r g e r c e l e b r a t i o n s of t h e l a t e
period,
of
Saint
celebration
various
backbone
strata"
citizens
Indeed,
jubilee
D.A.
and
of c e l e b r a t i o n s
diamond
representatives
the
period.
Although
merchants
society
century,22
lower m i d d l e - and upper
into
Company.
the
not only p r o f e s s i o n a l s
work
Victorian
places
were
artisans
and
composition
reflect
late
of
the
of
t h e growth of
nineteenth
and m e r c h a n t s ,
the
the
century,
but
also
22
D.A. S u t h e r l a n d " H a l i f a x , 1 8 7 1 : " P o o r m a n ' s
c i t y ? " , paper p r e s e n t e d t o t h e f a c u l t y - g r a d u a t e s e m i n a r ,
D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y H i s t o r y D e p a r t m e n t , March 1, 1991,
pp. 11, 2 1 .
1
23
The Acadian Recorder J u l y 3 , 1897, commented t h a t
t h e e x c l u s i o n of t h e s e e l i t e s from t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of
c e l e b r a t i o n s was l i k e unto t h e " a t t e m p t e d m a n u f a c t u r e of
b r i c k s minus t h e s t r a w " .
35
the
petit
bourgeoisie
druggists),
(shopkeepers,
representatives
of
sector
(clerks,
handful
of upper w o r k i n g - c l a s s
bookkeepers,
The need f o r
the
civic,
provincial,
visit
in
Halifax
provincial affair,
partite
Caldwell,
1860.24
imperial
the
Wier),
the
programs:
the
and
of
Wales'
visit
was a
of
three
tri-
representatives
(Joseph Howe, W i l l i a m Young,
city
council
(mayor
Samuel
salutes,
that
Guards of
comprised
executive
remaining
other
Honour,
celebration
of
arrival
and
general's,
and
(Mather B. Almon, Andrew M. U n i a c k e , and John
1)
and
a
authorities
Prince
Since
consisting
T o b i n ) . 2 5 The H a l i f a x
the
and
the c i t i z e n s ,
and aldermen W i l l i a m Twining and Hugh B e l l ) ,
the c i t i z e n s
landing
and
t h e p r o c e e d i n g s were o v e r s e e n by a
committee,
Benjamin
collar
accountants),
between
during
from t h e e x e c u t i v e government
and
white
and
tradesmen.
military
evident
growing
and
collaboration
became p a r t i c u l a r l y
to
the
grocers
of
public
three
the
admiral,
consisting
the
Prince
t h e Dockyard,
naval
at
observances;
of v a r i o u s
Similarly,
N o v a s c o t i a n June 1 1 , 1860.
2
14,
6 Acadian Recorder J u l y
16, 1 8 , 2 0 , 2 3 , 2 7 , 3 0 , 1 8 6 0 .
I860;
the
royal
majorthe
and;
3)
of
the
from
the
all
committees
The t h e m e of c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s
d i f f e r e n t v e i n i n G u i l d f o r d " P u b l i c School
^
of
the
review,
covering
24
major
observances,
military
committee's,
events.26
2)
military
and a s p e c i a l
managing
encompassed
explored
Reform".
Morning Sun
in
a
July
36
provincial
government
and
city
celebrate
the
of
Wales'
Prince
council
nuptials
1863. S a i n t J o h n ' s L o y a l i s t c e n t e n n i a l
organized
by
the
polymorphians
cooperation
common
and
the
continued
as Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
in
and
council,
private
1897
the
were
with
firemen.27
in H a l i f a x
and
largely
from
the
of
nineteenth
and diamond
government,
m
pattern
late
organized
to
Halifax
help
This
the
golden
jointly
provincial
in
in
in 1883 was
council,
century,
1887
collaborated
by
jubilees
the
city
committees
of
citizens.
Women
also
collaborated
with
male
organizers,
p r i m a r i l y as a " s i l e n t working a r m y " , 2 8 making c o s t u m e s or
decorating floats
the
firemen's
proved
that
were " n o t
the
for p r o c e s s i o n s .
turnout
on
"fingers
i d l e " . 2 9 After
The " s u p e r i o r
Halifax's
of
the
natal
wives
the L o y a l i s t
and
z/
of
thanks
to
the
women
for
firemen
their
in
1862
sweethearts"
centennial
t h e S a i n t John f i r e b r i g a d e and P o r t l a n d
a card
day
t a s t e " of
in 1883,
published
assistance
in
See C h a p t e r s 5 and 6.
28
Mary Ryan Cradle of t h e Middle C l a s s : The Family
i n Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge, 1 9 8 1 ) ,
p . 1 1 0 . For d i s c u s s i o n of t h e D o r c a s m e e t i n g and t h e
" e n d l e s s r o u n d of s t i t c h i n g a n d s e r v i n g " , s e e F.K.
P r o c h a s k a Women and P h i l a n t h r o p y i n 19th Century England
(Oxford, 1 9 8 0 ) , p . 1 1 .
29
" P h o e n i x " in Acadian Recorder June 2 3 , 1862; Mary
P . Ryan Women i n P u b l i c . B e t w e e n B a n n e r s and B a l l o t s ,
1825-1880, ( B a l t i m o r e , 1990), p . 43,
37
trimming
the
engines.30
made or p r o c u r e d
as
a means of
John
banner
to t h e S t .
their
stand
during
diamond
their
a
George's
for
loyalty.
of
male
birthday
Society,
celebration
in
frequently
organizations
The women of
colours
the Queen's
jubilee
auxiliaries
and c o l o u r s
showing
presented
volunteers
the
flags
Women's
to
the
in
Saint
military
1 8 6 7 , 3 1 and a
t o be u n f u r l e d
1897 in
during
testimony
loyalty.32
Women a l s o s e r v e d as h o s t e s s e s , which improved
organizational
hostess
and
administrative
was a " s t a g e
manager",
and m a i n t a i n i n g
Jeremiah
30
the g e n t e e l
Francis
Kenny,
skills.
responsible
c o n d u c t , as w e l l as t h e d e c o r a t i o n s
Mrs.
of
Indeed,
the
for
own
and p h y s i c a l
politeness
of t h e
a prominent
their
her
setting,
occasion.33
woman
in
late
D a i l y Sun May 2 1 , 1 8 8 3 .
3
1 Morning News May 27, 1867. Minnie" in Morning News
September 24, 1860, urged t h e l a d i e s t o do a l l t h e y c o u l d
f o r t h e v o l u n t e e r s . I n d e e d , women were urged t o n u r t u r e
t h e i r men as f i g h t e r s - - L e t t e r to e d i t o r in D a i l y Sun May
18, 1885.
32
D a i l y Sun June 20, 1887; Souvenir of t h e Queen's
J u b i l e e : An A c c o u n t of t h e C e l e b r a t i o n a t t h e C i t y of
S a i n t J o h n , N . B . , i n t h e Year of t h e Reign of Her Most
G r a c i o u s M a j e s t y , Queen V i c t o r i a ( S a i n t J o h n , 1 8 8 7 ) , p p .
9 - 1 2 . The female - f r i e n d s of t h e n e w l y c r e a t e d V i c t o r i a
D i v i s i o n , Knights of P y t h i a s , S a i n t J o h n , p r e s e n t e d them
w i t h c o l o r s i n 1 8 8 7 — D a i l y Sun June 17, 1887.
33
Karen H a l t t u n e n Confidence Men and Painted Women.
A Study of M i d d l e - C l a s s C u l t u r e i n America, 1830-1870 (New
H a v e n , 1 9 8 2 ) , e s p e c i a l l y C h a p t e r on " S e n t i m e n t a l C u l t u r e
and t h e Problem of E t i q u e t t e " ; Leonore Davidoff The B e s t
C i r c l e s . S o c i e t y E t i q u e t t e and t h e Season (London, 1 9 7 3 ) ,
pp. 41-48.
38
Victorian
Halifax
merchant
and
society,
insurance
and
wife
salesman,
of
a
dry
goods
designed
the
table
decorations
for t h e d i n n e r g i v e n in honour of t h e v i s i t
the
of
Prince
Wales
to
1890.34 she a l s o h e l p e d
dinner
to
commented
of
Prince
Government
for
and
wrote
faults".35
the
"essential"
to
lieutenant-governor's
hostess
in
extending
the
colonies,
to
Government House d u r i n g
By t h e
became
their
wife,
invitations
late
involved
menu,
which
husband's
probably
the
the various
career.36
most
she
skills
were r e c o g n i z e d
was u l t i m a t e l y
as
The
prominent
responsible
attractions
held
for
in
celebrations.37
nineteenth
in
October,
The h o s t e s s i n g
t h e wives of h i g h r a n k i n g o f f i c i a l s
being
in
to d e c o r a t e t h e H a l i f a x Club for a
George,
"accounts
House
of
century,
founding
middle-class
celebration
women
memorials,
34
S k e t c h e s and m e a s u r e m e n t s of an e l e g a n t 38 f o o t
long t a b l e i n d i c a t e t h e p l a c e m e n t of m i r r o r s , c a n d e l a b r a s ,
f e r n s , o r n a m e n t s , and l a m p s - - S c r a p b o o k of J . F . Kenny, n o .
60, a l s o s e e n o . 51 for p l a n of S u p p e r T a b l e , p r o b a b l y
used a t H a b e r d a s h e r s ' H a l l in 1889, PANS.
35
S c r a p b o o k of J . F .
36
Davidoff
37
Kenny, n o . 6 0 .
The B e s t C i r c l e s , p . 3 2 .
A f t e r i n q u i r i n g why he and h i s w i f e w e r e
not
i n v i t e d t o a s p e c i a l g a r d e n p a r t y a t Government House in
1894, J. Chipman, a wholesale merchant, complained t h a t
Mrs. Daly had n o t even been t o c a l l on h i s wife t o s e e i f
s h e was a " p r o p e r p e r s o n or n o t " . He was informed t h a t
i n v i t a t i o n s were s e n t o n l y t o t h o s e l a d i e s and g e n t l e m e n
who had " f a v o r e d M r s . D a l y by c a l l i n g upon h e r " - - J .
Chipman t o C o l . C l a r k e , p r i v a t e s e c r e t a r y ,
Halifax,
August 2 1 , 1894, in RG 2, V o l . 1 2 , n o . 2 7 6 3 , PANS.
39
including
also
charitable
began
to
celebration
appear
committees
commented
that
gentlemen
associates
Halifax's
and
"the
golden
artistically
cultural
more
frequently
secure
John's
ladies
especially,
assisted
jubilee
ball
"a
perfect
and s o c i a b l y . " 3 9 F u r t h e r m o r e ,
council
representatives
on
t h e diamond j u b i l e e
official
by
the
in
was
given
general
1897.
paradise,
a s p a r t of
to urge l o c a l
on v a r i o u s
permission
celebration
the
° See C h a p t e r
39
Saint
to
have
committee
committee
of
of
the
committee.41
The i n c r e a s i n g c o l l a b o r a t i o n between d i f f e r e n t
j
the
councils
civic boards,40
The l a d i e s
free public l i b r a r y also joined
in t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n
their
on t h e c o m m i t t e e of management" made
representation
local
on
They
with t h e men. The Acadian Recorder
N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of Women's e f f o r t
to
institutions.38
of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y
groups
celebrations
in
Seven.
Acadian Recorder June 22, J u l y 4, 1887.
40
V e r o n i c a Strong-Boag The Parliament of Women: The
N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of Women of Canada, 1893-1929 (Ottawa,
1976), p . 188-89.
41
See Appendix 1 . There i s some e v i d e n c e of female
i n v o l v e m e n t in p r e - V i c t o r i a n c e l e b r a t i o n s . C o l l e y "The
A p o t h e o s i s of George I I I " , p . 125
mentions considerable
female i n v e s t m e n t in r o y a l c e l e b r a t i o n s d u r i n g t h e r e i g n
of G e o r g e I I I , due t o h i s d o m e s t i c i t y , and a r i s e in
f e m a l e p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . Thomas W. L a q u e u r " T h e Q u e e n
C a r o l i n e A f f a i r : P o l i t i c s as Art in t h e Reign of George
I V " , Journal of Modern H i s t o r y , V o l . 54, September 1982,
p p . 4 4 2 - 4 7 , d i s c u s s e s t h e p r e v a l e n t r o l e of women i n
d e f e n d i n g Queen C a r o l i n e a g a i n s t a c c u s a t i o n s of s e x u a l
p r o m i s c u i t y , and in o r g a n i z i n g t h e i r own c e l e b r a t i o n s upon
her a c q u i t t a l .
40
Saint John and Halifax did not necessarily mean harmonious
and unanimous cooperation. Dissension frequently occurred
over financial responsibility and the preferred mode of
fund-raising .
FINANCING
Before
1860,
celebrations
were
s u b s c r i p t i o n s or c i v i c a s s e s s m e n t .
incorporated
until
1841,
funded
by
private
Because H a l i f a x was n o t
citizens
subsidized
Queen
V i c t o r i a ' s c o r o n a t i o n and m a r r i a g e c e l e b r a t i o n s by p r i v a t e
c o n t r i b u t i o n s . 42 Even
celebration
financed
Saint
the
1840,
birth
private
cadged
expenses
John's
frequently
for
also
the
The S a i n t
the
through
societies
defray
of
after
earlier
financed
for
of
incorporation
of
although
Prince
voluntary
Halifax's
celebrations
and m a r r i a g e
Wales
in
that
through c i v i c
enthusiasts
opened
was
to
1849.44
it
more
assessment.
the c i t i z e n s
festivities
the
national
subscriptions
meant
taxed
1841,
The
centenary
incorporation
boating
of
colleetions.43
John common c o u n c i l
coronation
the
in
to
pay
in
1838 and
a
private
4/
E x c e r p t in Acadian Recorder June 20, 1887; Times
June 1 2 , 1 8 3 8 . In 1 8 4 0 , t h e n a t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s p r o v i d e d
the e n t e r t a i n m e n t s .
21,
43
N o v a s c o t i a n December 1 6 , 1 8 4 1 .
44
Times and C o u r i e r
1849.
May 24,
1849; N o v a s c o t i a n May
41
subscription for the coronation regatta.45
During the visit of the Prince of Wales in 1860,
conflicts
ensued
in Saint John
and Halifax
over
the
financial responsibilities of the city and province, and
the method of raising money for the event. In the case of
Saint John, the city's responsibility to provide for the
celebration
seemed
to be accepted
without
incident,
probably because of the established practice of the city
council in providing festivities for the inhabitants. At a
special meeting
in Fredericton, the mayor of Saint John,
the provincial secretary of New Brunswick, and a couple of
government members discussed cooperation between the civic
and provincial authorities in organizing the reception. It
was generally agreed that the city would
decoration
of the streets and
take care of the
squares, the firemen's
procession, and other purely civic affairs, while the
provincial
government
would
finance
the rest of the
reception.46 Having agreed on the nature of the city's
4
^ New Brunswick Courier June 9, 1838, May 16, 23,
1840; Saint John Common Council Minutes, June 7, 15, July
5, 1838, March 12, May 13, 1840, N.B. Museum.
4
6 Morning News June 1, 1860; Freeman June 2, 1860.
On June 1, I860, the Saint John common council requested
that a bill be brought forward in the legislature to raise
money for the decoration and "ornamenting" of the city,
and "other preparations"--Samt John Common Council
Minutes, June 1, 1860. At Saint John's public meeting to
discuss the celebration, it was reported that the province
had contributed money to provincial events—Freeman June
28, 1860. In the council meeting of June 26th, several
communications from the provincial secretary were read
regarding the "arrangements" which the Government "is
42
responsibilities
from
Saint
for
John's
the
celebration,
common c o u n c i l
representatives
and
the
e x e c u t i v e c o u n c i l met l a t e r
in F r e d e r i c t o n
amounts
the
to be expended
city's responsibilities
for
Prince's
provincial
to d i s c u s s
the
reception.47
The
were e s t i m a t e d a t L1500, which t h e
common c o u n c i l r e s o l v e d s h o u l d be r a i s e d by a s s e s s m e n t .
D e s p i t e S a i n t J o h n ' s t r a d i t i o n of t a x a t i o n
celebrations,
and
p r i m a r y u n i t of
opposed
the
finance
assessment
emergence
of
the
"city"
and o r g a n i z a t i o n , 4 8
because
they
objected
for
public
as
the
some c i t i z e n s
to making
the
poor pay for c e l e b r a t i o n s . The common c o u n c i l a t t e m p t e d
circumvent
taxes
of
the
problem by a s s e s s i n g
L5 o r
m o r e . 49 The mayor
committee
assessment,
to
raise
but
the
money
in
were u n s u c c e s s f u l ,
only
and
those
citizens
anticipation
who
to
paid
formed
of
so t h e y r e t u r n e d
a
the
the
d i s p o s e d to a d v a n c e to c o v e r " t h e n e c e ssa r y e x p e n s e s - S a i n t John Common C o u n c i l M i n u t e s , June 26, 1860, p . 3 7 3 .
47
48
James Brown's J o u r n a l , June 2 8 , 1860, N.B. Museum.
Acheson Saint John, see
C o u n c i l " and " P o l i t i c a l Reform".
49
chapters
on
"Common
See r e s o l u t i o n s of common c o u n c i l , r e q u e s t i n g t h e
members of t h e c i t y and c o u n t y of S a i n t John t o g i v e t h e i r
a s s e n t t o t h e b i l l for a s s e s s m e n t , t o be b r o u g h t forward
a t t h e n e x t s e s s i o n of t h e l e g i s l a t u r e - - S a i n t John Common
C o u n c i l M i n u t e s , June 1, 1 5 , 1860. I t was e s t i m a t e d t h a t
t h e L1500 would be c o v e r e d by a b o u t 540 r a t e p a y e r s , i n
t a x e s v a r y i n g from 30s t o L30, or even more for a s e l e c t
few—Morning News June 4 , 1860; Freeman June 2, 5, 1860.
43
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to t h e c o r p o r a t i o n . 50 The c i v i c
authorities
were d e n i e d a p r o v i n c i a l g r a n t b e c a u s e former a d v a n c e s had
not
been
also
r e p a i d . 5 1 An e l e m e n t
played
the l o a n .
to
Saint
a role
John,
merchants),
common
of
John A. Mace i m p l i e d
(mainly
comprised
in
and
using
council
c o n t r o l of t h e p u b l i c
celebration
resented
the
probably
to
refuse
the P r i n c e of Wales
the
provincial
professionals
(dominated by
shopkeepers)
the
tension
decision
that
of
saw t h e common c o u n c i l
artisans
interested
the
province's
In h i s poem on the v i s i t
government
mobile
in t h e
of c l a s s
as
upwardly
"upstarts"
to g e t
provincial
and
ahead,
only
while
government's
purse:
L e g i s l a t i n g men of j u s t i c e
F r i e n d l y meet our C i v i c b o a r d ;
Do not be a f r a i d t o t r u s t u s ,
And your gold in c o f f e r s h o a r d .
Help t o ornament our c i t y —
R a i s e t h e Royal a r c h of fame,
We've no p l o t l i k e the b a n d i t t i ,
Only t h i n k t o g a i n a name.52
-5M The c i t y r e c o r d e r r e p o r t e d t h a t t h e r e would be no
d i f f i c u l t y in r a i s i n g t h e m o n e y - - S a i n t John Common C o u n c i l
M i n u t e s , June 15, 1860.
51 The mayor r e q u e s t e d a c o n f e r e n c e w i t h
the
p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t - - S a i n t John Common C o u n c i l M i n u t e s ,
J u n e 1 5 , 1 8 6 0 ; d r a f t of a p e t i t i o n to t h e G o v e r n o r - i n C o u n c i l for a l o a n of L l 5 0 0 - - S a i n t John Common C o u n c i l
M i n u t e s June 1 9 , 1860; t h e government c o u l d not a c c e d e t o
t h e r e q u e s t , so t h e c o u n c i l a s k e d t h e mayor t o c a l l a
p u b l i c m e e t i n g - - S a i n t John Common C o u n c i l M i n u t e s , June
2 3 , 1860; Freeman June 2 3 , J u l y 5, 1860. The n a t u r e of t h e
c o r p o r a t i o n ' s unpaid a d v a n c e s a r e not s p e c i f i e d .
52
John A. Mace "LINES. Composed upon t h e a p p r o a c h i n g
v i s i t of H.R.H. t h e P r i n c e of Wales t o New Brunswick" in
Morning News J u l y 30, 1860.
44
The common council eventually authorized mayor McAvity to
raise L500 for the East Side celebration committee and
L100 for the West Side committee, by borrowing on the
security of the L4000 Water Debentures, to be raised the
following year by assessment.53 Eventually, in 1862, the
expenses of the Prince's reception, which came
to $986,
were defrayed by assessing persons paying over $12 in
taxes . 54
Like their Saint John counterparts, the Halifax city
council formed a committee to confer with the provincial
government
over
the
organization
reception.55 Ac the public meeting
Caldwell
to
discuss
the
of
the
Prince's
convened
by mayor
eelebration,56
government member Joseph Howe put forward
executive
a resolution
that the corporation be authorized and requested to make
suitable preparations for the reception. Tory opposition
5 3 Saint John Common Council Minutes, July 17, 1860.
54
"Street Committee Report" in Saint John Common
Council Minutes, April 9, 1862.
55 Acadian Recorder May 12, 1860; Morning Journal May
9, 1860; British Colonist May 9, 1860; Evening Express May
7, 1860; Morning Sun May 11, 1860. Meeting of city council
to discuss resolutions with the provincial government —
Morning Sun May 28, 1860; letter from Joseph Howe to the
mayor, May 14, 1860, regarding the appointment of the
executive council committee, and a meeting scheduled with
the Mayor and friends on May 15th—RG 1, Vol. 160, 1860,
p. 24, PANS.
5
6 Requisition requesting the mayor to convene a
meeting-- Morning Sun May 23, 1860; Evening Express May
23, 1860; Morning Journal May 23, 1860.
45
members and s y m p a t h i z e r s ,
Tobin,
Dr.
Johnston,
Charles
like
Tupper,
argued t h a t
Judge J . J .
Stewart,
Andrew M. U n i a c k e ,
the province
should b e a r
e x p e n s e s , s i n c e t h e v i s i t was a p r o v i n c i a l
provincial
vote
of
parliament
credit
subsidization
to
of
the
and
all
an
the
and t h e
unlimited
lieutenant-governor
a public
J.W.
of
affair,
had unanimously p a s s e d
John
for
the
Prince
of
how t h e money s h o u l d
be
reception
for
the
Wales.57
Disagreement
raised.
over
also
Members of
assessment,
arose
the
over
opposition
arguing
that
favoured
the
subscription
citizens,
particularly
t h e poor who c o u l d not meet t h e i r c u r r e n t e x p e n s e s ,
n o t be t a x e d . John Tobin f e l t
should
t h a t i t would not be f a i r
tax t h e H a l i g o n i a n s t w i c e , once for t h e p r o v i n c e , and
for
the
city.
J.W.
meeting
was not
year's
expenses.
increasingly
judgement,
Johnston
contended
representative
enough
As d a r k n e s s
impatient,
successfully
John
that
to
descended,
Tobin,
moved
that
assess
his
then
present
for
and p e o p l e
against
the
the
to
next
got
better
resolution
in
->' P a r l i a m e n t ' s unanimous v o t e of c r e d i t — M o r n i n g Sun
May 2 3 , 1860; N o v a s c o t i a n May 1 4 , 1860. On May 7, 1860,
t h e h o u s e of a s s e m b l y s e n t t h e v o t e of c r e d i t t o t h e
l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n e I 1 - - M o r n i n g Sun J u n e 8 , 1 8 6 0 . The
l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r gave t h a n k s f o r t h e g r a n t d u r i n g h i s
p r o r o g a t i o n speech—Morning Sun May 14, 1860; N o v a s c o t i a n
May 1 4 , 1 8 6 0 ; Morning J o u r n a l May 1 4 , 1 8 6 0 ; B r i t i s h
C o l o n i s t May 1 7 , 1860.
46
favour of civic contribution be passed.58
The press also echoed this debate over the financial
responsibilities
of
the city
and province, and
the
preferred ineans of fund-raising. The Tory British Colonist
accused the Liberal government cf throwing the expense and
responsibility of the celebration on whomever wanted to
assume it.59 The Liberal Novascotian, on the other hand,
complained that the citizens who wanted the city to host
the reception, but the province to pay for it, had the
"most extraordinary ideas of the relative importance and
rights of their city in comparison with the rest of the
province", and treated the province as a sort of preserve
for their own uses. The resolution to make Halifax bear
some of the expense
followed
a reassessment
of
the
financial difficulties of the administration, and the
realization
that Halifax
would
receive
most
of
the
benefits of the visit.60
In a letter to the editor of the Evening Express, "An
Economical
Citizen" argued
that "the poor
should
be
protected, and I think it would be wrong to impose an
additional tax on that which he is now bound to pay". A
58 Accounts of the public meeting—Novascotian May
28, 1860; Morning Sun May 25, 1860; Morning Journal May
25, 1860; Evening Express May 25, 1860; British Colonist
May 31, 1860.
59
British Colonist May 24, 1860.
60
Novascotian June 11, 1860.
47
subscription,
are
on t h e o t h e r
now s u c k i n g
chance
to
"A
effectively
shut
the
out
larger
would be c a l l e d
night's
attraction
was
extravaganza.62
a
loyalty"*61
in
maintained
upon a few
who, a l t h o u g h
This
wished
meager
gifts
donations
of
the
affluent.
Assessment
t o c o n t r i b u t e r e g a r d l e s s of means,
that
even
liberal
they
their
at
that
amounts.
put
in t h e ceremony. "A Right
the
about
amusement
fell
province dry,
to
upon for
the c e l e b r a t i o n ,
their
substantial
poor,
and gave them an i n t e r e s t
estimated
the
t h e men who
ashamed
permitted every c i t i z e n
Citizen"
"give
Citizen"
usually
the
were
of
show
Loyal
who d i s p e n s e d
to c o n t r i b u t e ,
beside
Right
and
subscriptions
individuals
would
very v i t a l s
contribute
response,
voluntary
the
hand,
poor man taxed
one s h i l l i n g
the
same
better,
Hall,
for
Some c o r r e s p o n d e n t s
assessment,
such a s t h a t
assessment
was o n l y
enacted
levied
in
shillings
and t h r e e pence
amount
Temperance
ten
Loyal
it
expended
and
was
the
a
Saint
on t h o s e
a
proposed
day
a modified
John,
who p a i d
for
three
advocated
for
in
taxes
which
over
L5.63
bl
"An Economical C i t i z e n " in Evening Express
J u n e 6, 1860. He c r i t i c i z e d t h e i m p e r t i n e n c e of
i n i t i a l l y p r o p o s i n g t h e t a x a t i o n of H a l i f a x , and
t h a t t h e c i t y c o u n c i l would be u n f i t for o f f i c e
succumbed t o t h e government on t h i s i s s u e .
6 2 "A R i g h t Loyal C i t i z e n "
May 30,
Howe in
declared
if they
in Morning Journal May 30,
1860.
6 3 Acadian Recorder June 9, 1860.
48
As
the
Tory
controversy,
ironed
out
Halifax's
withdrew
celebration
agreed
cleaning,
that
the
city
ornamentation,
eventually
The
be r e s p o n s i b l e
for
illumination
of
s t r e e t s and c i v i c b u i l d i n g s , t h e e r e c t i o n of l o c a l
and i n v i t a t i o n s
was
to n e i g h b o r i n g m a y o r s , w h i l e
accountable
for
public buildings,
the
levee.64
determined,
borrowing
as
The
method
the
city
of L1000 f o r
Financing
in
over
the
arches,
of
council
their
to
In S a i n t
amount
was a c i v i c
authority
committees,
64
of
the
of
event,66
civic
n o t over
province
decoration
of
state
dinners,
and
agreed
part
arches,
and
fund-raising
to
was
also
authorize
in the r e c e p t i o n ,
be
a bone
the
of
the
to be
contention
John
and H a l i f a x ,
the
expenditure
V i c t o r i a ' s golden j u b i l e e c e l e b r a t i o n
jubilee
the
city
1861.65
continued
celebrations.
arose
renovation
provincial
a s s e s s e d and r e p a i d
later
the
the
disagreements.
should
and
from
committee
the various money-related
committee
the
antagonists
government
disputes
for
Queen
in 1 8 8 7 . B e c a u s e
divisions
occurred
and
responsibilities
the
over
the
the
citizens'
of t h e
Committee M e e t i n g s J u n e 4 , J u l y 7,
of t h e M e e t i n g s of t h e C o m m i t t e e f o r t h e
H.R.H. t h e P r i n c e of W a l e s , 1860.
in
province
1860, Minutes
R e c e p t i o n of
6 5 Evening Express May 3 0 , June 6, 1 8 6 0 . Morning Sun
J u n e 4, 1 1 , August 20, 1860; B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t June 7,
September 2 7 , 1860; N o v a s c o t i a n O c t o b e r 1 , 1 8 6 0 . The t o t a l
e x p e n d i t u r e s of t h e c i t y c o u n c i l s l i g h t l y e x c e e d e d t h e
a u t h o r i z e d amount, a t L1175.
66
Herald May 3 , 1887; Acadian Recorder May 3 ,
1887.
49
and city as during the 1860 visit.
In Saint John, the citizens adopted
their public meeting, which required
proposed
a program at
$1750-$2000. They
to ask the common council for only $1500, the
remainder of which was to be raised by subscriptions. 67
However, when the jubilee committee submitted
the report
to the common council for approval, controversy erupted
over
the size of the amount
councillors contended
requested.
Some
common
that $1000 was sufficient, while
another proposed that no assessment should be made because
of the
"depressed
original
state of business". Eventually
the
request for $1500 was passed, but only by a
margin of one vote. 68
A much more serious dispute arose in Halifax over the
financing of the golden jubilee. John Allison Bell, an
elderly Haligonian, commented regarding the celebration:
There has been much squabbling about it for some
months back, how and when it was to be done, who
should have the management or it, and the
foremost places in it, how much should be spent
and who should spend it.69
A few months before the celebration, a city council report
67
Daily Sun May 24, 1887.
68
Daily Sun May 2 4 , 1887 thought that the
recommendation of $1500 would not meet the approval of a
majority of the taxpayers, who would draw the line at
$1000. Along with the council's $1500, the citizens also
subscribed $926, which made a total of $1926 for the
celebration—Daily Sun June 28, 1887.
69 Diary of John Allison Bell, June 23, 1887, PANS.
50
containing
recommendations
for the event was adopted
without amendment at a public meeting. The citizens of the
meeting
instructed
the city council
to apply
to the
legislature, requesting the power to borrow $8000, $3000
of which was for the founding of the Victoria School of
Art and Design, designated as a jubilee memorial, and the
remainder for the rest of the jubilee program.
some disagreement
over
the
size
of
Despite
the grant, the
legislators passed the bill.70 Shortly after, the general
organizing committee adopted the same report.71 However,
when the jubilee finance committee
general committee)
(the executive of the
presented their proposal to the city
council, several aldermen opposed what they considered to
be an overly large expenditure, and proposed
various
alternatives, all of which were rejected. In the end, the
council
appointed
a special
committee
to discuss
the
celebration expenditure with the citizens' committee.72
A degree of class tension arose as prominent members
of the general organizing committee, like Col. Ronald B.
Lane and William Ross, aligned themselves against the
tradesmen of the aldermanic committee, accusing them of
70
Citizen May 3, 1887; as related by A.C. Edwards
in a letter to the editor of Citizen and Evening Chronicle
May 31, 1887; Critic March 18, 1887; Herald May 3, 1887;
Acadian Recorder May 3, June 2, 1887.
7i
72
Herald May 3, 1887; Acadian Recorder May 3, 1887.
Acadian Recorder May 24, 1887; Herald May 24,
1887; Citizen May 24, 1887.
51
disloyalty because of their
refusal
to grant a large
expenditure. However, the composer of a letter to the
Acadian Recorder did not think that the "extent of our
loyalty"
should
be
"gauged
by
the
amount
of
our
expenditure". He advocated a modest appropriation, to be
supplemented by a subscription if desired.73 The editor of
the Acadian Recorder agreed: "we should regret to hear the
word Nloyalty' too much bandied about in relation to this
celebration". He also urged moderation:
We must respectfully beg our enthusiastic
friends of the committee to go slow. Perhaps
everybody is not as enthusiastic over the matter
as their dear selves... Nothing very marvelous is
going to happen anyhow. We must not make
ourselves ridiculous by a bombastic attempt at
something very large, when in reality there
x
ain't nothin' to it'.74
Rumours
developed
that the organizing
wanted a large expenditure
to help
private festivities. Initially,
fund had been earmarked
finance
committee
their own
$325 of the celebration
for "incidentals". "The
Tax
Payers" sent a letter to the Acadian Recorder, raging: "He
must be a thick-headed person who does not know what this
means. A Jollification all to themselves by the committee
and their particular
friends."75 Another correspondent
requested that the committee be more explicit
73
"V.P." in Acadian Recorder May 26, 1887.
74
Acadian Recorder May 24, 28, 1887.
regarding
75 "The Tax Payers" in Acadian Recorder May 24, 1887.
52
the
incidentals:
least
let
us
financial
"If
our money i s going
know
what
statement
"incidentals",
allocated
it
forI"76
did
is
not
Since
include
probable
f o r more e x p l i c i t
t o be w a s t e d ,
a
that
council
program f o r
city
erupted
in
eventual
category
this
money
committee,
was
a serious
c o m m i t t e e and
way when an
and
published
in
the
the
amended
$3000 was adopted a t a p r i v a t e m e e t i n g
council
for
expenses.77
Hard f e e l i n g s between t h e c i t i z e n s '
city
the
at
of
the
Acadian
Recorder.78 At a j o i n t m e e t i n g of t h e c o m m i t t e e s , a number
of
citizens,
council
including
committee
authority
William
had gone beyond
in d r a f t i n g
the
Sumichrast,
a representative
Yacht
and W.S. F i e l d i n g ,
p o i n t e d out t h a t
honour
of
go
they
members
thought
76
if
that
and
of
the
the
Royal
the
jubilee
Nova
provincial
committee
entirely.
Fielding
could
the
program
change
that
the
or
was t o
and
see
reduce.
functions
of
if
Scotia
to
the
on
its
that
they
there
was
Several
the
Prof.
secretary,
renege
suggested
the
intended
by t h e c i t y c o u n c i l ,
angry
citizens'
" v . P . " in Acadian Recorder May 26, 1 8 8 7 .
77
"City A u d i t o r ' s Report"
Report, 1 8 8 7 - 8 8 , p . 6 5 , PANS.
78
power
Although
the
through
anything
thought
would be even more h u m i l i a t i n g
Halifax
responsibilities
should
it
its
program.
c o m m i t t e e . h a d been " o v e r - r u l e d "
Club,
Ross,
Acadian Recorder May 2 7 ,
in C i t y of H a l i f a x ,
1887.
Annual
53
committee
had
executive
council,
been
should
but
discussion
taken
resign
the
away.
and
motion
It
leave
was moved
the
the
city
withdrawn.
The
the matter
was e v e n t u a l l y
went on u n t i l
that
well a f t e r
to
midnight, with
little
resolved.79
The c o u n c i l committee defended
the
city
council.
forgotten
the
legislature
the
They
veto-power
had p a s s e d
approval
argued
of
of
the
the
that
the
act
council,
itself
the
civic
for
a t a m e e t i n g of
the
citizens
authorities;
loan,
stipulating
subject
that
only
" n e c e s s a r y " p a r t of t h e amount was t o be e x p e n d e d .
citizens
had
"unauthorized",
city
council.
that
the
the
money
into
Alderman
action
Worrall
committee
a fund
for
planning,
it
was a c o n t e m p t
repeated
intended
private
the
other public s e r v i c e s .
streets,
to d i v e r t
incidentals.
roads,
water,
of
much
particularly
" c o u r t end" of t o w n , 8 0 t h r e a t e n e d
from
to
the
the
was
the
of
He could
when
they
lighting
and
The c o m m i t t e e a l s o p o i n t e d o u t
rate-payers,
the
accusation
a l a r g e e x p e n d i t u r e on a s p e c t a c l e ,
t h e money f o r
prominent
extensive
and t h e i r
executive
not j u s t i f y
needed
done
If
had
Ward One,
t o hold p r o t e s t
/y
that
the
meetings
For a c c o u n t s of t h e m e e t i n g , s e e Acadian Recorder
May 28, 1887; C i t i z e n May 28, 1887; Herald May 2 8 , 1887.
80
Guildford,
" P u b l i c School Reform", p . 4 9 .
54
if a large expenditure was permitted.81 Furthermore, the
poor, who paid the "bulk" of the taxes, undoubtedly did
not wish
to "see
jollifications m
their
hard
earned money wasted in
which they had no part".82 The city
council passed an amendment that a council committee
be
appointed to work with the general committee in planning a
program, the cost of which would not exceed $3000.83
A simultaneous meeting of the citizens' committee
incurred
further animosity. After hearing of the city
council's decision,84 the citizens agreed
to pass the
entire affair into the hands of the city. Again playing
the role of the mediator and pacifier, W.S. Fielding added
that the amendment should not be understood as a defiant
gesture, but
as an act which was made
in the best
interests of the city and the celebration, a statement
which undoubtedly did not represent
the views of all
members. Fielding also did not wish to exclude those who
still wanted to be involved in the celebration, adding to
8
1 "The Tax Payers" in Acadian Recorder May 25,
1887. Also see reports of the city council committee
meeting in Acadian Recorder May 27, 1887.
82
"V.P." in Acadian Recorder May 26, 1887.
83
Acadian Recorder May 28, June 1, 1887; Herald June
1, 1887; Citizen June 1, 1887.
84
"A Member of the Executive Committee" criticized
the condescension of the council committee, only half of
whom turned up at the citizens' meeting, which meant that
the citizens' committee ended up waiting on the former,
instead of vice versa—Citizen May 31, 1887.
55
the amendment
that the celebration
be left
to the city
council "and such citizens as they may wish to associate
with them for that purpose". The Citizen and the Halifax
Herald recorded a unanimous vote for the amendment, but the
Acadian Recorder sensed no particular interest "pro or con",
as the motion was hurriedly put and passed, and the meeting
confusedly "broke-up".85 The council committee reported back
to the city council with the decision of the executive, and
with the
recommendation that the mayor and aldermen form
the committee of management.86 The city council unanimously
passed the recommendation, and formulated a program on a
$3000 limit. 87
The Critic saw the transfer of responsibility as the
best move for all involved,88 but the Halifax Herald blamed
the resignation of the citizens' committee on the "vicious
element"
of
the
city
council, who
"caviled"
over
and
obstructed the progress of the committee, preventing any
continuation
with
their
self-respect
intact. The editor
feared that certain events, like the sports and races, which
"require skill and experience in their management, such as
00
Citizen June 1, 1887; Acadian Recorder June 1, 1887;
Herald June 1, 1887.
86
Citizen June 4, 1887; Acadian Recorder June 4, 1887;
Herald June 4, 1887.
87
Morning Sun May 24, 26 , June 28, 1887, for wrap up of
financial matters.
88
Critic June 3, 1887.
56
the city council does not possess",
suffer.89
Edwards,
would consequently
The secretary of the executive committee, A.C.
submitted
a
couple
of
letters
to
the press,
explaining the position of the committee. He contended that
what particularly provoked the citizens' committee was the
sudden negation of their authority and hard work, and its
replacement with a hurriedly drawn-up proposal.90
As
the
details
of
the
1887
debacle
illustrate,
collaboration during public celebrations often degenerated
into conflict. The rhetoric of public occasions usually
painted
a
neo-Durkheimian
image
of
celebrations
as
ceremonial activities which "tend[ed] to promote a good
understanding among persons of all classes", and encouraged
men to "forget their political feuds, and their sectional
oy
Herald June 1, 1887.
g0
Secretary Edward's letter in Citizen May 31, 1887;
Herald May 31, 1887. Also see letter in Citizen June 2, 1887;
Herald June 2, 1887. Similar issues were discussed in the
letter submitted by "A Member of the Executive Committee" in
Citizen May 31, 1887. In 1897, the Nova Scotia government
refused Halifax a grant for the diamond jubilee celebration-Acadian Recorder May 14, 1897; Daily Echo May 14, 1897. The
Daily Echo worried that the $1500 raised by the city council
in 1897 was too small, and that Halifax would be outdone by
other colonial cities—Daily Echo May 8, 12, 1897. The "City
Auditor's Report" in City of Halifax, Annual Report, 1897-98,
p. 67, notes that the council voted $1500 for the diamond
jubilee celebration. The eventual expenses came to $1732.43,
the difference being charged to the contingent account.
57
jealousies".91
indeed,
by an i n c r e a s i n g
imperial,
collaboration
and
organizations,
by 1860,
military
and c i t i z e n s '
celebrations
of
the c i v i c ,
provincial,
authorities,
voluntary
committees,
which had widened by t h e l a t e V i c t o r i a n
women and members of
classes.
However,
the
led
to d i s a g r e e m e n t ,
the
celebrations.
tensions
and
respectable
the
lower m i d d l e
cooperation
particularly
The
disputes
conflicts
between
working-class
were marked
the
period
the
over
money
working
often
financing
lower
middle-
the c i v i c
government,
as between c e l e b r a t i o n o r g a n i z e r s
organizational
was not
but
unitary
This
elite
and
indeed
and c o h e s i v e
was c o m p r i s e d
individuals,
dissension
often
suggests
provincial
that
the middle c l a s s
in
the
of
a number
of
at
cross-purposes
nineteenth
competitive
w i t h each
the
century,
groups
other.
As a p u b l i c and p a r t i c i p a t o r y
phenomenon,
c e l e b r a t i o n i s u n u s u a l l y open to c o n f l i c t i n g
c l a i m s . S o c i a l r i v a l s contend for
power,
p r e s t i g e , and o t h e r o b j e c t i v e s w i t h i n t h e
c o n t e x t of c e l e b r a t i o n and beyond i t . Like o t h e r
cultural productions, therefore,
celebration
does not s i m p l y ' r e f l e c t ' t h e p o l i t i c a l
field.
I t i s i n t e g r a l l y , and i n f l u e n t i a l l y , p a r t of
1858.
and
itself,
Frank E. Manning has commented:
N o v a s c o t i a n May 24,
and
councils,
and m e r c h a n t e l i t e s of t h e
rate-payers.
of
instigated
and t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l
as w e l l
of
include
these groups
over
members of
to
and upper
of
the
latter
and
As
58
it."92
An a n a l y s i s
public
of
the
celebrations
lil-defined
92
of
the V i c t o r i a n
of
the
reinforces
nature
responsibilities
during
role
of
the
the
lieutenant-governor
the
competitiveness
respective
authorities
and
powers
the
in
and
and
citizens
period.
F r a n k E. Manning "Cosmos and C h a o s : C e l e b r a t i o n in
t h e M o d e r n W o r l d " , i n F r a n k E. M a n n i n g
(ed.)
The
C e l e b r a t i o n of S o c i e t y . P e r s p e c t i v e s on C o n t e m p o r a r y
C u l t u r a l Performance (Bowling G r e e n , Ohio', 1 9 8 3 ) , p . 2 8 .
Chapter 2
THE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR
In
the
early
nineteenth
governor
functioned
the
of
head
executive
ruling
and
the
as
the
colonial
councillors
oligarchy.
attended
century,
imperial
and
levees,
(with
him)
celebrations,
and
reception
and
transmission
the
the
he
hosted
exercised
royal
p r e r o g a t i v e s , such as t h e p r o c l a m a t i o n of p u b l i c
the
and
He a p p o i n t e d
who c o n s t i t u t e d
public
lieutenant-
representative,
establishment.
During
balls
the
of
holidays,
congratulatory
a d d r e s s e s , and t h e p a r d o n i n g of p r i s o n e r s . By m i d - c e n t u r y ,
however, c o l o n i s t s
had begun to q u e s t i o n
the character
of
t h e e x i s t i n g g o v e r n m e n t . Lower m i d d l e - c l a s s s h o p k e e p e r s
in
Nova S c o t i a hoped for more p o l i t i c a l
new c o r p o r a t i o n
disappointed,
control
of
maintain
of
Halifax
as members of
the
first
in
the
civic
representation
1841, but
ruling
government
largely
oligarchy
assumed
in
hegemony.
The
Stephen B i n n e y ,
and f e l l o w
Tory members of
the
Jomviile
usurp
vice-regal
and
expand
new c o r p o r a t i o n .
represented
including
of
the
and t h e b i r t h of
the
governor,
the
celebration
the
and
visit
their
promoted
realignment
of
Halifax,
the
the
to
oligarchy,
Prince
de
the P r i n c e of Wales in 1841 t o
prerogatives
In
an e f f o r t
mayor
of
the
were
their
used
first
in
personal
this
59
forces
the
lieutenant-
powers and
context,
"dynamic
of
of
the
political
and
those
of
celebration
processes,
interests
within
60
the body politic".! The lieutenant-governor suffered serious
challenges
a
few
years
later,
as
the
achievement
of
responsible government in 1848 officially reduced his status
to that of an impartial arbitrator. The strengthening of
party lines meant that attacks on the lieutenant-governor
became largely partisan in nature. Members of the opposition
frequently attacked the lieutenant-governor during public
celebrations
as
a
means
of
administration. Confederation
publicly
eventually
censuring
his
transformed
the
lieutenant-governor from a royal representative to a federal
officer, thereby removing his royal privileges.
This analysis of the changing role of the lieutenantgovernor focusses on Halifax, the residence of Nova Scotia's
imperial representative, and the seat of the provincial
government.
provincial
Since
Saint
politics
in
John
New
was
not
Brunswick,
the
the
centre
of
lieutenant-
governor was not as visible and thus not as politically
controversial. Furthermore, Saint John's incorporation in
1785 meant that the common council had ironed out its civic
responsibilities
guarding
its
much
civic
earlier
than
Halifax,
territory
from
the
jealously
incursions
of
"proprietorial families", the garrison, and even the
Frank E. Manning "Cosmos and Chaos: Celebrations in the
Modern World", in Frank E. Manning (ed.) The Celebration of
Society. Perspectives on Contemporary Cultural Performance
(Bowling Green Ohio, 1983), pp. 9, 24.
61
lieutenant-governor,
although
in e s s e n c e ,
t h e mayor
t h e g o v e r n o r ' s man by v i r t u e of t h e c i t y ' s
In
any
case,
experience
for
power
the
the
Saint
John
same d e g r e e
and r e c o g n i t i o n
common
royal
with
charter.
council
of v u l n e r a b i l i t y
did
in
the p r o v i n c i a l
was
not
struggles
government
and i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s d u r i n g t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ,
as
d i d t h e r e l a t i v e l y new H a l i f a x c i t y c o u n c i l , which had y e t
t o c h a r t out i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and p o w e r s . 2
The emergence of
1841 s e r v e d
the
to c h a l l e n g e
lieutenant-governor.
been
governed
by
affluent
jury,
to
magistrates,
or
of
who were
by
lot
Halifax
the
dominated
from
the municipal
craftsmen
administration
yet
of
were
not
governmental
structure.
security
as a r e s u l t
of t h e hard
also fostered d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n
a demand
2
Halifax.
for
more
the
t i m e s of
the
reform
These
master
increased
The l o s s
the
the
accommodated
existing
and
the
In t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ,
and r e t a i l e r s had e x p e r i e n c e d
accumulation,
by
a
co-option,
among
" s h o p o c r a c y " of H a l i f a x c u l t i v a t e d a d e s i r e for
of
had
by
appointed
of
in
province's
Halifax
through a process
chosen
rate-payers.
of
incorporation,
gentry,
lieutenant-governor,
a grand
the a u t h o r i t y
Prior
merchant/professional
and
new c o r p o r a t i o n
of
property
within
the
income
and
the
mid-1830's
with t h e m e r c h a n t
community,
liberalization
of
the
gentry-
T.W. A c h e s o n S a i n t J o h n . The Making o f a C o l o n i a l
Urban Community ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 4 4 - 4 6 .
62
dominated
Anglican
an i n f l u e n t i a l
the leading
as
an
d r y goods r e t a i l e r ,
Nova S c o t i a n
attempt
gentry.
Tory a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
to
Despite
corporations
Howe's
would
was swayed by E n g l a n d ' s
which
reorganized
manner.
That y e a r ,
letter
condemning
police.
Both
during
bill
March
but
21,
were
1837,
by
elite
Thomson
about
the
(Lord
some
Reformers
to
positive
for
seats
1836.
he
Act,
liberal
publishing
to
to
as
the
in
the
reformers
assembly
January
a
on
1839,
expense
and t h e
a
and
They p r e s e n t e d
1838, and
approval
Halifax
action.
created
in
and
hinterland's
elective
Howe for
his
in
visit,
of
Nova
Scotia,
entrance
Lord
the
between
and
institutions
t h e d e t a i l s of i n c o r p o r a t i o n
lieutenant-governor
bring
Nova S c o t i a ,
municipal
his
Poulett
could
government
Conservatives
to
Charles
1840
During
a coalition
to J o s e p h
He l e f t
oligarchy",
a more
Governor-General
Sydenham)
as a concession
coalition.
of
and m o d e r a t e
gave g e n e r a l
that
aggrandizement".
visit
governor-general
won
opposition
urban
the m a g i s t r a t e s
Halifax
14,
the
Corporations
suit
of i n c o r p o r a t i o n ,
s u s p i c i o n of " u r b a n
of
in
of
in
of
February
potential
Only
election
incorporation
met
levelling
government
corruption
of
reservation
1835 M u n i c i p a l
Howe and F o r r e s t e r
the
incorporation
the boundaries
Howe won a l i b e l
the
adopt
"strongholds
local
the p r o v i n c i a l
for
to
initial
remain
Forrester,
e n c o u r a g e d J o s e p h Howe,
reformer,
penetrate
Thomas
into
the
to t h e new
Falkland.
The
63
coalition went to work behind the scenes and on April 10,
1841, Halifax was incorporated.3
Controversy
eventually
erupted
over
the
qualifications for voters and office-holders.4
narrow
voters had
to own or lease a dwelling house having an annual value of
£20, which limited the franchise to about 800 of HaliEax's
2500
ratepayers.
The
city
council
positions
were
restricted to those owning or occupying a dwelling house
having an annual value of £30, and possessing
real and
personal property valued at E-500, while the aldermen and
mayor had to meet the parallel qualifications of £50 and
£1000. Only about 100 residents were subsequently eligible
to run for civic office.5
Despite declared opposition to
municipal reform, "considerations of self-preservation"
forced members of the merchant oligarchy to contest for
J
This discussion of the developments leading up to
incorporation is based on D.A. Sutherland "Thomas
Forrester", Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. 7, pp.
307-09; D.A. Sutherland "The Incorporation of Halifax",
unpublished paper (I wish to thank David Sutherland for
sharing his research); and J. Murray Beck The Evolution of
Municipal Government in Nova Scotia, 1749-1973. A Study
Prepared for the Nova Scotia Royal Commission
on
Education, Public Services, and Provincial-Municipal
Relations, September, 1973, Chapters 2 and 3.
4
Beck The Evolution of Municipal Government p. 14;
Sutherland "The Incorporation of Halifax, 1841", p. 16;
Sutherland "Thomas Forrester", p. 308.
-" Sutherland "The Incorporation of Halifax",
16,17; Beck The Evolution of Municipal Government, pp.
15. In 1849, the position of the city councillor
abolished, and E.500 of real or personal property above
encumbrances was prescribed as the qualification
mayor, aldermen, and assessors.
pp.
14,
was
all
for
64
seats
during
the
first
civic
election
on May 12,
1841.6
According to William C. Borrett:
the most bitter opponents of that principle
[incorporation] were among the first to offer
themselves as confidantes, and thereby get
control of the new civic government, and so
their own interests, and maintain their old
policy of social and political exclusiveness.7
In the first civic election, merchants
captured
the
mayorship, as well as all of the aldermanic positions,
eleven seats on the city council, and four of the city
assessors' posts. The shopocracy picked up the remaining
eight positions as assessors, and
seven
seats on the
council. Thus, incorporation served to "modify" but not
"terminate"
the
tradition
of
m e r c h a n t / g e n try
"ascendance".8
The disputes over incorporation seemed to disappear
by June 8, 1841, as the celebration of the founding of the
city was combined with the celebration of incorporation.
At the joint festivities, the new mayor, aldermen, city
council,
and
recorder
enjoyed
a procession
and
enthusiastic reception. After a boat cruise, an escort of
° D.A. Sutherland "The merchants of Halifax, 18151850: a commercial class in pursuit of metropolitan
status", Ph.D. Thesis, University of Toronto, 1975, p. 353.
7
William C. Borrett "The First Mayor. A Pompous
Gentleman", in East Coast Port and Other Tales Told Under
the Old Town Clock (Halifax, 1944), pp. 83-84. For names
of men on the first council, see Acadian Recorder January
17, 1872.
8
19.
Sutherland "The Incorporation of Halifax, 1841", p.
65
approximately
and o f f e r e d
3,000
cheers
waited
for
new m a y o r ,
Falkland.
Their
seemed
ensure
to
established
Newton
excise
over
by
over
married
the
merchant,
married
his
on
the
other
factional
rivalries".
the
"die-hard
clique"
in
Falkland
9
Nova
described
from
of
Hibbert
impost
was
later
a
and
taken
Stephen
Pryor,
an
Binney
prominent
Newton
W. A . B l a c k .
Binney,
10
Lord
aristocrat,
with
who " l a c k e d
adroitness,
pliancy,
to
a
of
the
such
Binney
be
an
skillful
He l o a t h e d
Scotia,
came
father,
Stephen
was
backgrounds
Binney
which
of
between
an
or
Tories
and
brother.
family
detachment
politicians
job
government.9
Lieutenant-Governor
His
William
hand,
temperament",
self-effacing
a
residence,
developed
collector
brother,
merchant
colonial
of
of
the
"egocentric
the
Stephen's
daughter
while
and
Stephen
years,
Binney,
new c i v i c
family.
as
into
Falkland,
and
Anglican
fifty
his
personalities
antagonism.
served
at
a feud
Binney,
respective
Tory
Edward
however,
Stephen
Binney,
for
t h e mayor
him and h i s
A few m o n t h s l a t e r ,
the
on
as
the
old
as
"a
adept
manager
moderator
of
an
of
their
"upstart
pretensions"
official
and
merchant
Binney.
Indeed,
Stephen
weak
vain
man,
proud
of
Borrett "The First Mayor", pp. 82-83.
1 0 B i n n e y ' s nephew, son of t h e Rev. H i b b e r t B i n n e y ,
l a t e r became B i s h o p H i b b e r t B i n n e y — E n t r y u n d e r
"Hibbert
N e w t o n B i n n e y " , i n "New E n g l a n d e r s i n Nova
Scotia",
C r o w e l l ' s S c r a p b o o k , p . 2 2 4 , PANS; S u t h e r l a n d
"The
m e r c h a n t s of H a l i f a x " , p . 3 5 7 ; C. A l e x a n d e r
Pincombe
" S t e p h e n B i n n e y " , D i c t i o n a r y of Canadian Biography", V o l .
10, p. 66.
66
his
office,
with
somewhat
ultra
ideas
of
his
own
importance".11
The d i s p u t e
in q u e s t i o n
began when t h e mayor r e f u s e d
restrictions
visiting
to
French
Philippe
of
allow
the
Prince
de
France),
1 8 4 1 . 1 2 The p r i n c e
restriction,
occasion,
Although
the
prince,
land
he
should
of
and
ships
of
Binney
a couple
of
been
declined
invited
the
Louis
on September
to
way t o t h e b a l l
of
King
events
Binney
Binney
quarantine
lieutenant-governor
and M r s .
have
(son
Halifax
a number
House on t h e i r
Mayor
in
and
the c i t y ' s
Joinville
a ball
new mayor
Prince,
believing
held
to l i f t
Falkland
smallpox-infested
and t h e
including
the
Government
to
and
to
between
were
defied
the
mark
the
dinners.
invited
t o be
the
6,
to
presented
invitation,
to d i n e
with
the
s i n c e , as he p o i n t e d o u t , he was n e x t in power and
authority
impertinence
to
Lieutenant-Governor
angered
Falkland,
Falkland.
who p r o c e e d e d
to
This
dismiss
11
N o v a s c o t i a n November 4 , 1 8 4 1 ; Lord F a l k l a n d to
Lord John R u s s e l l , D e c e m b e r 2 0 , 1 8 4 1 , a s q u o t e d
in
S u t h e r l a n d "The m e r c h a n t s of H a l i f a x " , p . 354. Even a
c o r r e s p o n d e n t who s u p p o r t e d Mayor Binney a d m i t t e d t h a t t h e
mayor c o u l d be an " o f f e n d i n g and o b n o x i o u s . . . i n d i v i d u a l " - "A C i t i z e n " in t h e H a l i f a x Times J a n u a r y 1 8 , 1842, p . 2 3 .
For t h e d e s c r i p t i o n of F a l k l a n d , s e e P e t e r B u r r o u g h s
"Lucius Bentinck Cary, 10th Viscount F a l k l a n d " , Dictionary
o f C a n a d i a n B i o g r a p h y , V o l . 1 1 , p p . 1 5 5 - 5 6 ; Thomas H.
R a d d a l l a l s o n o t e s t h a t Lord F a l k l a n d had no t a c t when i t
came t o d e a l i n g w i t h " c o l o n i a l s " , and t h a t he was t h e l a s t
of a long l i n e of g o v e r n o r s w i t h t h e same p r o b l e m - - T h o m a s
H. R a d d a l l H a l i f a x Warden of t h e North (London, 1 9 5 0 ) , p .
194.
Sutherland "The merchants of Halifax", p. 354.
67
Binney
from
replaced
his staff as militia
by Captain
aid de camp, to be
John McNab, a relative of Joseph
Howe's wife. Howe played down the significance of the
office, and Binney's predicament, joking that 99 out of
100 Haligonians could not have cared less "whether Colonel
Binney or Capt . McNab cut up the Governor's Turkies or
[led] Dowagers into Dinner". 13
Although the Mayor later
presented an address to the prince, and was invited to the
regatta ball, he reportedly
"never
forgave the social
affront of ranking him below the members of the Provincial
Government".14
In the aftermath of the prince's visit, anti-Falkland
papers, such as the Halifax Times, began a tirade against
the lieutenant-governor
for
his
treatment
of
Mayor
Binney.15 in response, Lord Falkland contended that since
the "Prince de Joinville affair", Binney had become a tool
of a party opposed
to his administration, and had also
shown considerable bitterness to the lieutenant-governor
personally.16 Joseph Howe, who had the personal confidence
1 3 Novascotian September 30, 1841, as quoted in J.
Murray Beck Joseph Howe. Conservative Reformer 1804-1848
(Kingston, 1982) , p. 233.
1 4 Borrett "The First Mayor",p. 85; Sutherland "The
merchants of Halifax", p. 354.
1 5 Borrett "The First Mayor", p. 85.
16 Novascotian December 23, 1841; Times December 7,
14, 1841; Falkland to Russell, December 22, 1841, RG 1,
Vol. 116, pp. 126-29, PANS.
68
of Lord F a l k l a n d a t t h i s t i m e , commented t h a t Mayor Binney
"considered
the
city
insulted,
wrote
impertinent
and kicked up a deuce of a row [ i n t o ]
of c o u r s e ,
having
mayors
were
as
which I was dragged
to defend F a l k l a n d who d i d not know how
to defend h i m s e l f " .
Howe a c t e d
notes,
As well as b e i n g F a l k l a n d ' s
"protocol
listed
in
officer",
the
pointing
Colonial
defender,
out
Office's
that
no
Table
of
P r e c e d e n c e . He commented:
I p r o v e d , c o n c l u s i v e l y , t h a t b e i n g o n l y Mayor of
one town, he had no r i g h t to t a k e rank among t h e
P r o v i n c i a l o f f i c e r s , and t h a t t h e r e w e r e
h u n d r e d s of p e r s o n s who in E n g l a n d would be
asked t o meet a f o r e i g n p r i n c e b e f o r e t h e Mayor
of London or B r i s t o l . 1 7
The N o v a s c o t i a n ,
a reform
several
instruction
pages
of
e t i q u e t t e of i n t e r n a t i o n a l
The
antagonism
intensified
Prince
of
during
Wales
celebration,
t h o u g h t by t h e
prerogatives
the
Mayor
Binney
Binney
celebration
months
and
later.
exercised
held
on
the
and p r o v i n c i a l
by t h e
imperial
of
During
certain
the
this
privileges
authorities
of t h e l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r .
the a u t h o r i t y
publish
Falkland
of t h e b i r t h
t o be
By a t t e m p t i n g
usurp t h e s e powers, Mayor Binney q u e s t i o n e d t h e
of
to
courtesy.18
Binney
imperial
proceeded
for
between
three
Mayor
organ,
to
legitimacy
representative
and
1 7 As q u o t e d
i n B e c k , J o s e p h Howe p .
233.
Unfortunately,
I c o u l d f i n d no o r i g i n a l t a b l e o f
p r e c e d e n c e f o r t h i s p e r i o d in Nova S c o t i a .
1 8 B o r r e t t "The F i r s t Mayor", p . 8 5 .
69
his administration, and showed the lack of confidence in the
definition of the government's powers at this time.
Initially, the celebration seemed to proceed relatively
harmoniously.
At
a
public
meeting
to
discuss
the
festivities, most disagreements revolved around the mode of
celebration: many objected to holding a ball and called for
more
common
premature
amusements.
in opening
The
city
council
a subscription
Joseph Howe, in an effort to smooth
Falkland, his
administration, and
was
deemed
for a public ball.
the waters between
the explosive mayor,
voiced his approval of the actions of the city council. In
the end, a unanimous vote placed the organization of tne
celebration in the hands of the corporation, and Joseph Howe
called for cheers for the city council and their efforts.I9
The harmony of the celebration disintegrated when the
mayor offered to present congratulatory addresses to Queen
Victoria in person, instead of going through the lieutenantgovernor,
the
usual
channel
for
such
affairs.
The
Novascotian saw the mayor's offer as part of a Tory plot to
"play off a mayor outspokenly
hostile
to the political
changes that had taken place against the governor who had
made the changes". 20 The paper also contended
that the
Novascotian December 16, 1841.
Novascotian September 30, 1841, as quoted in Beck,
Joseph Howe, p. 234.
70
Tories
play
attempted
off
mayor,
political
him
consulted
Alexander
to
their
a National
Holiday,
to
Using
influence
as
to
him with
the
city
council
address,
but
only
after
a separate
discussions
of
his
convince
with Lieutenant-Governor
present
In t h e i r
with
of
tricks".21
B i n n e y managed
entrust
to
"under cover
Falkland,
and
congratulatory
the career
of
Stephen
of
him with t h e i r
this
incident.
transmit
domination
They c o r r e c t l y
that
resolution
efforts
well
the
the
2
city
St.
had
favour
addresses
Society,
and h i s b r o t h e r
little
difficulty
of mayoral
council,
of
the
national
the c o n t r o v e r s y . 2 3 The T o r i e s '
George's
president
Binney
in
explain
a d d r e s s , but t h e y o v e r l o o k B i n n e y ' s
as
of
the
entrust
Binney a s a v i c e
the
C.
to
s o c i e t i e s , which i n s t i g a t e d
like
address.22
Binney,
B i n n e y ' s s u c c e s s in c o n v i n c i n g t h e c i t y c o u n c i l
meant
resolved
Pincombe and William C. B o r r e t t s h o r t - c h a n g e
significance
to
they
they
with
as
treasurer,
in
passing
transmission,
also
agreed
Stephen
to
a
although,
present
a
1 N o v a s c o t i a n December 16, 1 8 4 1 .
2<:i
N o v a s c o t i a n December 16, 1841; Times December 14,
2 1 , 28, 1 8 4 1 , J a n u a r y 4, 1842. To no a v a i l , t h e Hon. Hugh
B e l l , a b r e w e r , who had l o s t t h e m a y o r s h i p to B i n n e y ,
presented his personal p r o t e s t regarding the mayoral
t r a n s m i s s i o n of t h e c o u n c i l a d d r e s s - - N o v a s c o t i a n December
30, 1 8 4 1 .
23
Pincombe
F i r s t Mayor", p p .
"Stephen
86-87.
Binney",
p.
66;
Borrett
"The
71
separate
address
to
Falkland thought i t
mayor
to p r e s e n t
to C o l o n i a l
those
the
St.
"express
Lord R u s s e l l ,
the m a y o r ' s
irregular,
that
transmission
Society
was
of
the
an
design
that
of
this
residents
casting
of
for
but
the
the
declared
actions
of
address
of
the
attempt
Tory f a c t i o n
d e s e r v e d more a t t e n t i o n
explained
that
was
to
induce
although
of S i r
the
from
Halifax",
was
Russell
that
number
and
the
Robert P e e l ,
Russell
they
Falkland
Stephen
position
and
part
"the
Society
of
own
failure
to
of
his
feelings
the
colony,
almost
to
the
that
surrounding
for
was
a
Falkland
Lord
responsible
group
for
on m y s e l f " .
coterie
a considerable
better
and
would c o n v i n c e Lord
constituting
cultivate
Halifax"
t h a n was w a r r a n t e d .
"respectable
and
in
reproach
t h e Tory a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
Binney
albeit
in England t h a t my Government i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y
the majority
and
Lieutenant-Governor
t h e a d d r e s s of h i s c o u n c i l ,
George's
"belief
feared
reasonable,
Secretary
backing
Falkland.24
in
"insignificant
entirely
devoid
of
character",
he
in
assured
point
of
political
influence".25
Stephen
Binney's
gift
of
L5 to
the C h a r i t a b l e
Irish
^ 4 N o v a s c o t i a n December 2 3 , 1 8 4 1 ; Times December
2 1 , 2 8 , 1 8 4 1 ; S u t h e r l a n d "The m e r c h a n t s of H a l i f a x " , p p .
3 5 4 - 5 5 . A c c o r d i n g t o B e l c h e r ' s Almanac, 1 8 4 2 , p . 5 4 ,
Binney was an a s s i s t a n t v i c e p r e s i d e n t , w h i l e h i s b r o t h e r ,
Edward B i n n e y , was a t r e a s u r e r , a l t h o u g h the Novascotian
d e s c r i b e d him as a s e c r e t a r y .
25
F a l k l a n d t o R u s s e l l , December 22, 1 8 4 1 , RG 1, V o l .
116, p p . 1 2 6 - 2 9 ; N o v a s c o t i a n December 2 3 , 1 8 4 1 .
72
Society
did
through
not
him;
convince
instead
them
to
convey
they agreed
that
it
their
address
should
be
through the usual channel, Lieutenant-Governor
The mayor
Society
also
and
according
attempted
the
to
Highland
the
influence
Society
Novascotian,
shrewd and i n t e l l i g e n t " .
by Joseph
to
Howe and
his
with
the
supporters,
Stephen B i n n e y ' s
proposal
division
the
Philanthropic
disliked
among
Society.
political
Society
as
Scotian
natives,
loyalty,
a
Beamish
non-partisan
p e r s u a s 1 0 n s . 28 The
of
the
but
were
too
dominated
to g i v e Mayor
addresses.27
considerable
of
the
of
point"
members
issue
refused
Murdoch,
"centre
British
"Scotchmen
described
"rallying
containing
North
a L5 d o n a t i o n ,
caused
members
intrigue,
a
Falkland.26
The S c o t t i s h s o c i e t i e s ,
Binney p e r m i s s i o n t o t r a n s m i t t h e i r
and
the
sent
of
the
Nova
a
all
Scotia
lawyer
who
Philanthropic
union"
for
strife
Nova
for
Nova
Scotian
political
transmission
of
c o n g r a t u l a t o r y a d d r e s s d i v i d e d t h e members. Howe a r g u e d
favour
of
contending
transmission
that,
transmission,
since
through
the
no p r e c e d e n t
the
in
lieutenant-governor,
existed
for
mayoral
Binney would p r o b a b l y n o t be a c c e p t e d by t h e
2
6 C h a r i t a b l e I r i s h S o c i e t y Minute Book, December
1 5 , 1 8 4 1 , PANS; N o v a s c o t i a n December 16, 2 3 , 1 8 4 1 ; Times
December 2 1 , 2 8 , 1 8 4 1 ; Acadian Recorder December 1 8 , 1 8 4 1 .
27
N o v a s c o t i a n December 2 3 , 1 8 4 1 ; Times December 2 1 ,
2 8 , 1 8 4 1 , J a n u a r y 4, 1842; North B r i t i s h S o c i e t y M i n u t e
Book December 14, 1 8 4 1 , p . 34, PANS.
28
Times December 2 1 , 1 8 4 1 .
73
colonial secretary. The mayor and his supporters waxed
eloquent about Nova Scotians being "serfs and slaves",
becoming very "indignant at anybody supposing that he [the
mayor] could not make his way to the Throne", whether the
colonial secretary would
"let him or not". Eventually,
William Sutherland, a friend of Binney, moved that there
be duplicate copies of the address, one sent through the
lieutenant-governor and the other through the mayor, which
was carried by a majority of about fifteen members.29 The
protests of Howe and his colleagues gave rise to another
meeting, where the members expressed more hard feelings on
the subject. Beamish Murdoch, who had not been present at
the previous meeting, worried about the "welfare" of the
society, fearing that trie "array of forces and feelings on
each side threatened
its dissolution". He acknowledged
their difficult position,
resolution
from
for
the previous
if
they
meeting
retained
the
to provide a
duplicate address for the mayor, they risked slighting the
lieutenant-governor, but if the resolution was rescinded,
they would offend Mayor Binney, an honorary member of the
society. In an attempt to restore peace, and as proof that
they meant no disrespect to Falkland by giving an address
to Binney, he moved that instead of rescinding the former
resolution, they pass a resolution of respect for Lord
^ y Novascotian December 16, 23, 1841; Times December
14, 1841.
74
Falkland,
and m a i n t a i n t h e i r
moved
that
they
present
asking
him to t r a n s m i t
trust
an
in B i n n e y .
address
their
address
to
to
It
was
also
Lord
Falkland,
Queen
Victoria.
These r e s o l u t i o n s were p a s s e d u n a n i m o u s l y , and t h e members
reportedly left
in a good humour.30
The i n v i t a t i o n
the
mayor
and
of
Lord F a l k l a n d
citizens
also
to a b a l l
generated
some
Government members saw t h i s as a measure
lieutenant-governor
and h i s
Times, which s u p p o r t e d
that
the
executive
to embarrass
t h e mayor and h i s
However,
friends,
"warred
executive
supporters
actions,
felt
that
calling
for
so
they
councillors
strongly
issued
a p u b l i c meeting
against"
the
Joseph
the m a y o r ' s e f f o r t
to
supported
by o t h e r
to
his
with t h e
Howe moved
Binney's
the
coalition
to
celebration.32
a
resolution
which
J.W.
Johnston,
government
members.
N o v a s c o t i a n December 2 3 , 1 8 4 1 ; Times December 2 1 ,
1841.
1 "Office
32
mayor,
attempts
transmit addresses,
was seconded by t h e m o d e r a t e C o n s e r v a t i v e ,
3
of
government
Stephen
to d i s c u s s
At t h e p u b l i c
censuring
other
a requisition
feelings"
meeting,
and
about
mix " p a r t y and p e r s o n a l
30
the
council.31
The
and
the
argued
m a y o r ' s b a l l , as an a t t e m p t t o s a b o t a g e t h e c r e d i b i l i t y
the c i t y
by
controversy.
administration.
councillors
given
Lover" in Times
January 11, 1841.
Novascotian December 2 3 , 1 8 4 1 .
75
Beamish
Murdoch
contending
such
tnat
"serious
Scotia
disapproved
Binney's
efforts
As d u r i n g
Pn 1 1 a n t h r o p i c
Society,
Victoria,
of
but
an
address
not
a
elevate
Binney
party
and
Falkland
as
reported
that
when
they
households
that
the
by
resolution.33
government
The
not
their
a more c o n c i l i a t o r y
to
the
their
smallness
of
the
the
In any c a s e ,
t h e mayor
his
who c a r r i e d
friends,
through
meeting
the
city
to
resolved
"citizens"
of
to
no v o t e
33
Beck J o s e p h Howe, p .
34
Times December
and
the
for
head
of
and
234;
21 1 8 4 1 .
The
his
friends
voting
to
Joseph
to
£.20
that
the
dump
the
forth
but
and
the meeting
in
the
address
with
victory
remaining
Victoria
due
contested.34
shoulders
Those
and
Howe's
by p u t t i n g
be
it
one
another.
darkness,
another
Queen
1841.
Queen
mayor,
contended
to leave
residence.
to
the
could
him on t h e i r
transmit
Halifax
the
(Beamish M u r d o c h ' s ) ,
proceeded
his
supported
motion
impending
building,
of
resolution
amendment
confusion,
as
supported
c o n d e m n a t o r y and c o n t r o v e r s i a l
Nova
own w e a l t h y c l i q u e ) ,
however,
lost
of
for
the
the
Binney
restrict
Times,
supporters
him
head
majority
trifling"
Falkland
of
Mayor
words,
remaining
Lord
the
"too
Murdoch
casting
could
(in other
to
resolution,
the meeting
condemnation
would
Novascotian
Howe's
were
actions".
transmission
left
of
at
the
from
the
through
N o v a s c o t i a n December
the
30,
76
lieutenant-governor,
into
and a p p o i n t e d a c o m m i t t e e
to c a r r y
it
effect.
The Times q u e s t i o n e d
the
committee, contending t h a t
legitimacy
of
this
t h e y had u n d e r t a k e n m e a s u r e s
f o r c e heads of d e p a r t m e n t s and c l e r k s of o f f i c e s
names
to
the
destroyed,
signed
address.
believed
transmit
Consequently,
that
of
the
"various
political
under
t o be conveyed
to
append
was
circulated,
opinions",
should
such c i r c u m s t a n c e s .
Mayor B i n n e y ' s camp composed a r i v a l
to
address
address
lieutenant-governor
addresses
While
this
and a more r e p r e s e n t a t i v e
by p e o p l e
address
who
be used
In
to
response,
"citizens'"
address,
through the mayor.35
the
coalition
government
supported
Falkland during these i n c i d e n t s ,
the Halifax
to
The Times a r g u e d
t h e d e f e n s e of Mayor B i n n e y .
executive
councillors
conflicts,
not
the
and
mayor.
commentator c o n s i d e r e d
supporters
In a l e t t e r
Times
Lord
rallied
that
instigated
the
to the e d i t o r ,
i t a t r o c i o u s t h a t t h e "whole
the
one
weight
and i n f l u e n c e " of an a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s h o u l d be b r o u g h t down
upon one i n d i v i d u a l .
in
the e s t i m a t i o n
especially
Howe,
of
In t h e i r e f f o r t s
the c i t y " ,
influenced
the
t h e s e g o v e r n m e n t members,
North
d e c i s i o n a g a i n s t mayoral t r a n s m i s s i o n ,
Philanthropic
35
Society's
protest
t o " l e s s e n t h e Mayor
British
Society's
and t h e Nova S c o t i a
meeting,
but
were
not
N o v a s c o t i a n December 2 3 , 30, 1 8 4 1 ; Times December
2 1 , 2 8 , 1 8 4 1 , " C i v i t u s " in J a n u a r y 4, 1842; F a l k l a n d t o
R u s s e l l , December 2 2 , 1 8 4 1 , RG 1, V o l . 116, p p . 1 2 6 - 2 9 .
77
entirely
successful
instance.
in b a n n i n g
The n e w s p a p e r
supported
transmit
a d d r e s s e s by n o t i n g
against
the
government
practice.
misconstrued
Falkland
to
the
t h e mayor
the
in
absence
of
to
the mayor's
invitation
ball;
the
rather
a "tender
of
reconciliation".
accused
the
provincial
Times,
than
delaying
the communication
of
the
of
to
the
purposely
city
clerk,
neglecting
not
to
to
invite
Lord
an
i t was meant
the
paper
"intentionally"
P r i n c e of Wales'
t o t h e c i v i c a u t h o r i t i e s , and when they d i d , of
it
of
the
being
Furthermore,
executive
to
precedents
According
citizens'
labter
the m a y o r ' s r i g h t
a t t e m p t to e m b a r r a s s t h e l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r ,
as
the
birth
announcing
t h e mayor,36 and a l s o
t h e mayor
to
of
Government
House to c e l e b r a t e t h e b i r t h .
In any c a s e , the Times hoped
that
attempt
this
would be t h e
"last
of
Lord
Falkland's
R e s p o n s i b l e C o u n c i l l o r s , to s e t t h e m s e l v e s as a power over
t h e heads of
did
not
affairs,
a feeling
the
the c i v i c
have
the
authorities
"least
right
to
of
intermeddle
for
in
they
civic
e x c e p t to v e t o an o r d n a n c e " . The newspaper voiced
of i n c r e d u l i t y and anger a t the " e f f r o n t e r y "
executive
government
in
telling
members of s o c i e t i e s and as c i t i z e n s ,
manage t h e i r own a f f a i r s .
ib
Halifax",
This p o s i t i o n
of
Haligonians,
as
t h a t they could
not
was seen to be a t
James S t e w a r t C l a r k , C i t y C l e r k , from L i e u t e n a n t G o v e r n o r ' s o f f i c e , December 7, 1 8 4 1 , r e g a r d i n g B i r t h of
t h e P r i n c e on November 9 t h , 1841, in RG 1, Vol. 151, p .
7 1 , PANS.
78
variance with
the principle of popular
rights, which
Joseph Howe had formerly advocated.37
During the celebration
itself, the ball seemed
to
pass off without much incident, despite the lieutenantgovernor's refusal to attend.38 The societies proceeded to
Government House, where
the St. George's Society and the
city council presented
congratulatory addresses to the
lieutenant-governor personally (since their congratulatory
addresses to Queen Victoria were being
Mayor Binney), while the other
requested
transmitted by
societies
respectfully
him to dispatch their addresses to the Queen.
Despite the dissension over the mode of transmitting the
addresses, the procession and presentation were reportedly
"not disgraced by a word or an act".39
However, Stephen Binney had yet to perform his piece
de resistance. Toward the end of the celebration of the
birth of the Prince of Wales, Mayor Binney waltzed into
the Bridewell, the city prison, and promised to pardon the
prisoners. Royal clemency was often extended during public
celebrations, as a symbol of humanitarianism, as well as
37
Times December 21, "Civis" in December 21,
December 28, "Une Voix" in December 28, 1841, January 4,
"Civitus" in January 4, "A Citizen" in January 18, 1842.
38
There were aspersions of a little disorder-Hovascotian December 16, 28, 30, 1841; Acadian Recorder
December 25, 1841.
39
The Scottish societies presented their addresses
earlier—Novascotian December 30, 1841; Times December 28,
1841, gives texts of addresses.
79
to
alleviate
carceral
the
facilities.40
prerogative,
practiced
prison
overcrowded
in
reality
liberate
Binney
While
it
by m a g i s t r a t e s
committee.41
went
an
ad
hoc
Mayor
a
royal
procedure,
the
Binney's
seem
pubLio
aldermanic
promise
unusual.
to
However,
c o u n c i l would f i n a n c e t h e d e b t s of poor d e b t o r s o u t of
the
celebration
any
prisoners,
the
the
with
inmates,
the
sanction
reported
including
The s h e r i f f
away, much to t h e i r
that
pardon",
and
the
they
of
those
went
deserving
lieutenant-governor.
t h a t Binney t r i e d
convicted
inmates
surprise.42
promised
if
selection"
to f r e e
and
Joseph Howe a l s o
an
to g i v e them 10s so
when t h e y g o t o u t . 4 3 i n
all
awaiting
when t h e mayor
t h e mayor gave t h e p r i s o n e r s
be d e s t i t u t e
Binney's
of
then,
managed to s a v e t h e d a y , by
keys on t h e B r i d e w e l l
later
and
a "judicious
t h e paper
sentence.
Novascotian assumed
subscriptions,
t o make
Instead,
The
officially
members of
not
the
the
of
far.
does
in
that
further,
too
was
and
Thus,
the prisoners
conditions
turning
turned
asserted
"unconditional
they would
not
t h e c o n t e x t of Mayor
previous actions during the c e l e b r a t i o n ,
critics
40
J u d i t h F i n g a r d The Dark Side of L i f e in V i c t o r i a n
H a l i f a x ( P o r t e r ' s Lake, 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 4 7 - 4 9 .
4i
42
F i n g a r d The Dark S i d e of L i f e , p. 46.
N o v a s c o t i a n December
Morning News J a n u a r y 5, 1842.
43
30,
1841;
reprinted
in
N o v a s c o t i a n J a n u a r y 6, 26, 1842. For r e b u t t a l s ,
s e e A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r J a n u a r y 1 6 , 1 8 4 2 ; "Mag" in Times
J a n u a r y 4, 1 8 , 1842.
80
interpreted his Bridewell incident as an effort to "seize
upon and
trample under his feet the highest and most
hallowed prerogative of the Crown".44
Mayor
different
Binney, on
the
other
hand, had
quite a
story. He asserted that the civic authorities
had forgotten to make the requisite application
to the
proper authorities for royal clemency, so he proceeded to
the Bridewell with the intention of releasing a few worthy
debtors, but decided against it when the jailor wavered in
identifying
supporter
the prospective prisoners. According
to a
of Mayor Binney, the sheriff, who allegedly
turned the key on the inmates, was not even present during
the incident. 45 Mayor Binney admitted that he may have
been a bit overzealous in the emotion of the moment, but
contended that this could not be construed as a "trespass
on the privileges of others", or a misconception of his
own. The mayor
ultimately blamed
the incident on the
legislature's poorly drawn-up charter of incorporation for
Halifax, which did not clearly lay out the rights and
responsibilities of the newly incorporated city.46
44
The
N o v a s c o t i a n December 3 0 , 1 8 4 1 .
45 " f a i r P l a y " in Times J a n u a r y 1 1 , 1842; B o r r e t t
"The F i r s t Mayor", p . 87, a c c e p t s the Novascotian*s
v e r s i o n a t f a c e v a l u e . J o s e p h Howe s a i d he knew s e v e r a l
g e n t l e m e n who c o u l d r e f u t e B i n n e y ' s s t o r y — N o v a s c o t i a n
J a n u a r y 6, 2 6 , 1 8 4 2 .
46
L e t t e r from B i n n e y i n Times
Acadian Recorder J a n u a r y 1, 1 8 4 2 .
January
4,
1842;
81
Times
not
governor,
few
surprisingly
the
lieutenant-
n o t i n g "how e a s y i t was for a Governor
poor
devils
q u a r r e l with the
After
for
implicated
their
liberty,
if
he
had
to b a l k a
a
personal
Mayor".47
being p r e s e n t e d with a t e s t i m o n i a l , Binney
England on J a n u a r y
3 , 1842 to p r e s e n t
his
addresses.
The c o l o n i a l s e c r e t a r y had informed Lord F a l k l a n d
corporation
but
that
address
the
other
communication"
that
would be l a i d
before
a d d r e s s e s had
to be s u b m i t t e d
lieutenant-governor,
as
between
the
Queen
"authorized
Nova
Scotians
D e p a r t m e n t " . 4 8 A l t h o u g h Lord F a l k l a n d
left
the
Victoria,
by
the
medium
of
and
transmitted
"this
most
of
t h e a d d r e s s e s , 4 9 Stephen Binney p r e s e n t e d
t h e a d d r e s s e s of
the
Society,
city
assured
council
and
t h e new c o l o n i a l
i n t e n d e d no d i s r e s p e c t
47
the
St.
George's
secretary)
Lord S t a n l e y ,
toward F a l k l a n d „ 5 0 After
having
that
he
hearing
of
Times J a n u a r y 1 8 , 1842.
48
S t a n l e y to F a l k l a n d , J a n u a r y 2 8 , 1842, RG 1, V o l .
8 1 , p p . 1 0 - 1 1 . Binney was p e r s o n a l l y informed t h a t he had
t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o t r a n s m i t t h e a d d r e s s from t h e c i t y
council at the next levee at St. James' Palace--G.W.
S t o k e , on b e h a l f of Lord S t a n l e y , t o B i n n e y , March 5,
1842, RG 1, V o l . 8 1 , p . 2 9 .
49
A d d r e s s e s e n c l o s e d in F a l k l a n d ' s d i s p a t c h t o
Russell,
December 2 2 , 1 8 4 1 , RG 1, Vol. 116, p . 126; Lord
S t a n l e y ' s a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of a d d r e s s e s t o F a l k l a n d ,
J a n u a r y 2 8 , J u l y 2 2 , 1842, RG 1, V o l . 8 1 , p p . 1 0 - 1 1 , 1 3 3 .
50 The a d d r e s s e s from the A f r i c a n F r i e n d l y S o c i e t y
and t h e Youths Nova S c o t i a P h i l a n t h r o p i c S o c i e t y were a l s o
o f f i c i a l l y acknowledged as coming from B i n n e y — F a l k l a n d to
R u s s e l l , December 2 2 , 1 8 4 1 , RG 1, Vol. 116, p p . 1 2 6 - 2 9 ;
S t a n l e y t o F a l k l a n d , March 10, 1842, RG 1, Vol. 8 1 , p . 3 3 ;
i
82
Binney's
successful
Tory g e n t r y
victory.
of
presentation
of
St.
Society drank
the
When J . B .
George's
Uniacke,
the
Falkland's
addresses,
v
expired
leave
of
no F a l k l a n d ' s
absence
from
in March, and the c o u n c i l
the
elected
that
to p r e s e n t
hardships
he may have d e c i d e d
the
addresses,
of a p e r s o n a l
but
city
council
Edward Kenny as
away from
He had e n t e r e d
p a r t n e r s h i p w i t h Michael W a l l a c e P o r t e r
be c o n d u c t e d
same month
community.
merchants
returned
under
that
the
firm
a recession
The r e s u l t i n g
into
of
credit
bankruptcy.53
to H a l i f a x , 5 4
but
it
52
in
only
financial
into a co-
in June 1 8 4 1 ,
(to
S. Binney and C o . ) , 5 2
the
hit
Halifax's
merchant
s q u e e z e d r o v e a number
is
not
known when
in F e b r u a r y 1843, h i s
S u t h e r l a n d "The m e r c h a n t s of H a l i f a x " ,
5 1 As q u o t e d
Halifax", p . 356.
absence
to go o v e r s e a s n o t
to get
nature.
with
here'".51
t h e i n t e r i m Mayor. Mayor B i n n e y ' s e x p i r e d l e a v e of
suggests
of
he was g r e e t e d
of p l a t e s — s t a m p i n g of f e e t — t h u m p i n g
h a n d s - - a c c o m p a n i e d by c r i e s of
Binney's
toasts
solicitor-general,
proposed t o a s t s to the l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r ,
by a " " r a t t l i n g
the
Sutherland
of
Binney
business
p . 355.
"The
merchants
of
N o v a s c o t i a n June 17, 1 8 4 1 .
^3 Sutherland
"The m e r c h a n t s of H a l i f a x " , p p .
325-32.
54 i n May 1842, Stephen B i n n e y , a s w e l l as two of h i s
b r o t h e r s , w e r e l i s t e d a s s h a r e h o l d e r s of t h e Bank of
B r i t i s h N o r t h A m e r i c a , a l b e i t o n l y w i t h one s h a r e e a c h ,
and t h u s n o t e l i g i b l e to v o t e — A l p h a b e t i c a l l i s t of t h e
P r o p r i e t o r s of t h e Bank of B r i t i s h North America On t h e
3 1 s t May, 1 8 4 2 , p .
7,
MG 1 0 0 , V o l .
106, n o . 4 1 b ,
PANS.
83
went b a n k r u p t ,
and
he
fled
d e b t o r " . 55 By November
Moncton,
N.B.,
contribution
where
to
the
the
20,
city
as
an
"absconding
1843, Binney was r e s i d i n g
he s u b s e q u e n t l y
economic
and
made a
cultural
posibive
life
c i t y , as a w h o l e s a l e m e r c h a n t , a p r o p o n e n t of t h e
and a l e a d i n g member of t h e Anglican
While
Stephen
Binney's
his
office,
to enhance
he d i d
not
the
act
of
the
railway,
Church.56
actions
were
probably
m o t i v a t e d by p e r s o n a l f a c t o r s , such as f i n a n c i a l
and t h e d e s i r e
in
"dignity"
entirely
distress,
and " s t a t u s "
on h i s
of
own b e h a l f .
B i n n e y ' s Tory c o l l e a g u e s u n d o u b t e d l y "egged" him on,57
for
his
the
attacks
coalition
support
on F a l k l a n d
government,
of
prerogatives,
the
usually
expect
getting
which t h e y l o a t h e d .
mayor's
the
l o c a l government,
were a way of
Tories
assumption
pressed
for
from
the
a d e b a t e over c i v i c p r i v i l e g e ,
powers
for
what one would
royalist
Binney a l s o
including
their
imperial
greater
stereotypically
As t h e head of t h e new c o r p o r a t i o n ,
Through
of
which i s t h e o p p o s i t e of
at
Tories.
instigated
the power of
p r o v i n c i a l e x e c u t i v e t o meddle in t h e a f f a i r s
the
of t h e c i t y ,
55
S u t h e r l a n d "The m e r c h a n t s of H a l i f a x " , p . 384,
e n d n o t e 2 1 ; Beck The E v o l u t i o n of Municipal Government, p.
1 5 . The H a l i f a x Guardian F e b r u a r y 1 7 , 1843 n o t e s t h a t
B i n n e y ' s c o - p a r t n e r s h i p was d i s s o l v e d on F e b r u a r y 1 4 ,
1843. Although t h i s r e f e r e n c e in noted on a PANS b i o g r a p h y
c a r d , t h e a c t u a l newspaper for t h i s d a t e i s no l o n g e r in
existence.
56
pincombe "Stephen B i n n e y " , p p . 6 6 - 6 7 .
5^ Beck The E v o l u t i o n of Municipal Government, p. 15.
84
and
the
extent
of
the
prerogatives
governor.
Incorporation
"voice
their
of
own",
had
and
of
provided
had
the
lieutenant-
Haligonians
"brought
[them]
with
a
into
a
c l o s e r a p p r o x i m a t i o n w i t h t h e t h r o n e " , a new c h a n n e l
t h e y would c o n t i n u e to guard with
After
Falkland
the
the
Tories
Binney
and
died
jealousy.58
1841 c o n t r o v e r s i e s ,
continued
to e n d u r e
the
in
Binney
August
Lieutenant-Governor
a barrage
family.
1842,
which
a
of c r i t i c i s m
When H i b b e r t
number
of
from
Newton
prominent
merchants p e t i t i o n e d
to have t h e c o l l e c t o r s h i p a s s i g n e d
Stephen's
Edward
father's
argued
assistant
that
Stephen,
Lord
brother,
Edward's
as
part
Falkland.59
Liberals
for
and
After
Falkland,
a
sixteen
candidacy
who had
years.
had
The
been
as
Novascotian
engineered
of
"harass"
As p a r t y
strengthened
between
lines
Conservatives,
Falkland's
and t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s
Conservative
the
by
to
patronage
coalition
t o o k power
appointment
Howe and t h e L i b e r a l s t u r n e d a g a i n s t him,
powers
his
campaign"
up t h e c r y of s i n g l e p a r t y g o v e r n m e n t ,
the
acted
of a " c o n t i n u i n g
experiment d i s s o l v e d ,
1843.
Binney,
to
t h r e e y e a r s of p e r s o n a l
insults,
Having
Falkland l e f t
58
" C i v i s " in Times December 2 1 , 1 8 4 1 .
59
Sutherland
"The m e r c h a n t s of H a l i f a x " ,
60 B u r r o u g h s "Lucius
F a l k l a n d " , p . 156.
Bentinck
Cary,
by
taking
and a r e d u c t i o n
lieutenant-governor.60
in
in
endured
for
England
pp.
357-58.
10th
Viscount
85
in 1846 to t h e sound of a s i n g l e d e f i a n t
The L i b e r a l s c o n t i n u e d
government,
and
in
t h e i r c r u s a d e for
1848 managed
on a v o t e of n o n - c o n f i d e n c e ,
cabinet
elite
system
of
known as
to o u s t
salute.61
single
the
British
government.
officials,
A local
professionals
b u s i n e s s m e n e n t e r e d t h e p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t and
realized
that
exert ions".62
they
Under
lieutenant-governor
were
this
"dependent
on
new s y s t e m ,
the
power
waned a s t h e b a l a n c e of
the
assembly.
Harvey,
was
The new
instructed
provincial
government,
arbitrator
to
deter
monitor
but
it
colonial
partisanship.
Having
to
"blatant
p o l i t I C l a n s " . 63 AS a
conciliator,
and
to
Whig,
became
as
Harvey
majority
politics
because
"practically
powers" as l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r ,
Sir
John
with
the
impartial
of
colonial
attempted
increasingly
the
the
an
breeches
of
shifted
interfere
act
own
power
lieutenant-governor,
not
and
suddenly
their
from a c h o s e n c o u n c i l to a c a b i n e t r e f l e c t i n g
in
party
Conservatives
and t o i n a u g u r a t e t h e
responsible
middle-class
Tory
to
be
difficult
of
abrogated
a
to
increasing
any
real
Harvey became a c i p h e r
of
61 D.A.
Sutherland
"J.W.
Johnston
and
the
M e t a m o r p h o s i s of Nova S c o t i a n C o n s e r v a t i s m " , M.A. T h e s i s ,
Dalhousie U n i v e r s i t y , 1967, p p . 145-46.
6 2 W.S. MacNutt The A t l a n t i c P r o v i n c e s . The Emergence
of C o l o n i a l S o c i e t y , 1712-1857 ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 7 7 ) , p . 2 3 6 .
63
S u t h e r l a n d "J.W. J o h n s t o n " , p p . 1 5 0 - 5 1 ; P h i l i p A.
Buckner The T r a n s i t i o n t o R e s p o n s i b l e Government. B r i t i s h
P o l i c y in B r i t i s h North America, 1 8 1 5 - 1 8 5 3 ( W e s t p o r t ,
1985),
p.
297.
86
the
executive
the eyes
of
government,
and t h u s became a p a r t i s a n
the o p p o s i t i o n . 64 A f t e r
the appointment
number of L i b e r a l s to t h e m a g i s t r a c y ,
Tory o f f i c i a l s ,
opposition"
The
Conservative
to Harvey and h i s
Conservatives
celebration
in
opposition
to
administration.
plans
the
for
a
1849
as
public
p a r t y began
a
that
the p u b l i c
n a t u r e of
of a p p r o b a t i o n
cheer
government.65
used
the
Halifax
a medium
for
the c e l e b r a t i o n
oration
and
t h e government
centenary
expressing
Harvey
the
him,
and
requested
that
the
centenary
for
was " t a k i n g
unveiled
procession,
for
of
[Harvey]
whom such an o p i n i o n
above e x p r e s s e d " . 6 7 According
of
was
"profanation
of
the banners
it
a
Colonist
them i n t o
One
is
to
to
salute
entertained
them
citizen
from
considered
of
a show
by making
withdraw
society
of
advantage
his ministry.66
Conservatives
his
presentation
t h e day" to e n t r a p
thus
their
and
organizers
for t h e l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r ,
for
of
"factious
a d d r e s s e s on t h e common, t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e B r i t i s h
complained
of a
and t h e d i s m i s s a l
Lieutenant-Governor
After
in
as
the
be
a
one
that
to t h e N o v a s c o t i a n , a member
6 4 Beck a r g u e s t h a t " f o r t u i t o u s c i r c u m s t a n c e s " , n o t
" n a t u r a l prowess as a d i p l o m a t " d e t e r m i n e d a l i e u t e n a n t g o v e r n o r ' s " n e u t r a l i t y " — J . Murray Beck The Government of
Nova S c o t i a ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 5 7 ) , p p . 8 7 - 8 9 .
65
p.
Buckner
The T r a n s i t i o n t o R e s p o n s i b l e
303.
66
British Colonist May 29, 1849.
67
British Colonist June 7, 1849.
Government,
87
of
the l a t e
C o n s e r v a t i v e government
informed
the Sons of
Temperance t h a t he would not p r o c e s s with them for fear of
a row.68 The C o n s e r v a t i v e s a l s o r e s e n t e d the
call
to c e l e b r a t e
depression
and
suggested
that
when t h e colony s u f f e r e d
out-migration.69
the
centenary
One
government's
from
economic
correspondent
committee
solicit
s u b s c r i p t i o n s from t h e members of the government, t h e only
inhabitants
prospering
other
the
hand,
"croakers",
during
the
depression.70
Novascotian c r i t i c i z e d
who c o m p l a i n e d
of
hard
the
times
On the
opposition
and
clothed
t h e m s e l v e s in " s a c k c l o t h and a s h e s " , y e t " b u t t o n [ e d ]
p o c k e t s , shut up t h e i r bowels of compassion, and
their
refuse[d]
t o a i d by t h e i r means, t h e Centenary c o m m i t t e e " . 7 1 D e s p i t e
t h e c o n c e r n s of t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s , no d i s o r d e r plagued
celebration,
and
while
governor on t h e common,
cheering"
feared.72
some cheered
for
the
t h e r e was none of
Lieutenant-Governor
the
lieutenant-
the
"obnoxious
Harvey
attempted
to c o n c i l i a t e t h e p a r t i s a n antagonism of t h e colony in h i s
celebration
speech
by r e f e r r i n g
to the c e n t e n a r y
68
Novascotian June 11, 184 9.
69
British Colonist May 24, 1849.
70
"Theta" in British Colonist May 22, 1849.
7i
Novascotian June 4, 1849.
72
as an
British Colonist June 12, 1849; Novascotian June
11, 1849.
88
occasion
the
"to
lay
aside
British Colonist
o u t of
all
continued
the c e l e b r a t i o n ,
Honorable
Joseph
Government
Shout",
Party feuds".73
with
Howe's
which
Nonetheless,
to make p o l i t i c a l
the
publication
Centenary
mileage
of
"The
Poem," e n t i t l e d
"WAS to have been
"The
delivered
on
t h e day of t h e C e n t e n a r y , but WASN'T".74
Lieutenant-Governor
Harvey in
to
be
a
forced
1852.
LeMarchant r e p l a c e d a d e m o r a l i z e d
Mid-century
was not an a u s p i c i o u s
lieutenant-governor,
to
contemplate
with B r i t a i n ,
handling
of
the disruption
affairs
"fashionable
assume t h a t
inhabitants
were
of commercial
ties
in
Washington,
and p o l i t i c a l l y
t h e p r o v i n c e s were competent
a s p e c t s of p u b l i c a f f a i r s " .
governor
as
and a growing d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h
colonial
increasingly
for
came u n d e r
politicians,
influence
increasing
who l e c t u r e d
of
The o f f i c e
alien
fire
audiences
governors
from
period
Britain's
it
became
profitable
to
to d e a l with
all
of t h e
from
on t h e
across
lieutenantConservative
"dangerous
the
water,
e s p e c i a l l y upon t h e u n n e c e s s a r y l u x u r i e s of gold b r a i d
cocked
hats,
the public
of
frills
purse".75
and f o i b l e s
Indeed,
and
t h a t t o l d h e a v i l y upon
in 1856 t h e Acadian Recorder
73
H a r v e y ' s r e p l y t o c o n g r a t u l a t o r y a d d r e s s from
c i t i z e n s , MG 100, V o l . 1 5 3 , no. 1 0 , PANS. Harvey was a
" p e a c e m a k e r " a t h e a r t — s e e P h i l i p A. Buckner " S i r John
H a r v e y " , D i c t i o n a r y of Canadian Biography, V o l . 8, p . 384.
74
B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t June 16, 1849.
75
MacNutt The A t l a n t i c P r o v i n c e s , p p . 258, 262.
89
reported
that
"universal
for
there
would
be
no m i l i t a r y
review
t u r n out of t h e C h a r i t a b l e and o t h e r
Halifax's
Excellency'
natal
celebration
"to
and bedaub him w i t h s o f t
or
societies"
N
sycophantise
His
soap".76
Lord Mulgrave, who r e p l a c e d LeMarchant eis l i e u t e n a n t governor
in
politicians.
1858, had an even rougher
his
1860, a f t e r
confidence,
governor,
efforts.
but e x t r e m e p a r t i s a n
77 when t h e
defeating
public
Conservatives
office.
alleged
favour
of
t o look
their
party.
that
because
However,
committees a p p o i n t e d
in
Liberals
took
truly
rivalries
office
t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s on a v o t e of
members should be d i s q u a l i f i e d
of
colonial
Like Harvey, Mulgrave a t t e m p t e d to be a
constitutional
marred
time with
certain
they
the
were
non-
Liberal
holders
Liberal-dominated
into the a l l e g a t i o n s
The
in
furious
decided
Conservatives
demanded a d i s s o l u t i o n of g o v e r n m e n t , which M u l g r a v e , as a
constitutional
therefore,
loyalty
76
77
governor,
refused
during
the
to
denied.78
render
universal
approaching
visit
Conservatives,
cooperation
of
the
Prince
and
of
Acadian Recorder May 24, 1856.
Beck The Government o f
P e t e r Burroughs "George Augustus
E a r l of M u l g r a v e and S e c o n d
D i c t i o n a r y of Canadian Biography,
78
The
Nova S c o t i a , p p . 8 8 - 8 9 ;
Constantine P h i p p s , 3rd
M a r q u e s s of Normanby" ,
V o l . 1 1 , p . 686.
S e e w r i t t e n a d v i c e of e x e c u t i v e
Mulgrave,
F e b r u a r y 4, I 8 6 0 , in
RG 2, V o l .
12, PANS.
council
1, Misc.
for
no.
90
W a l e s . 79
The Acadian Recorder f e a r e d
t h a t t h e " p e o p l e of
t h i s P r o v i n c e were never in a worse humour for
i n a n y t h i n g l i k e a J u b i l e e , " for
a
representative
faction
who " u p h e l d
in t r a m p l i n g
bad
feelings
used
and
part
t h e i r Queen had s e n t them
a
wretched
unprincipled
upon t h e r i g h t s and l i b e r t i e s of
p e o p l e and o u t r a g i n g
In t h e e v e n t ,
taking
t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n of t h e
the p r i n c e ' s
partisan
the c e l e b r a t i o n
visit
rhetoric,
as a c a t a l y s t
During t h e r o y a l s u i t e ' s s o j o u r n
country".80
not o n l y
but
for
engendered
politicians
political
in H a l i f a x ,
secretary,
Mulgrave's refusal
Newcastle
the leader
would
attend
with
to
Johnston
Newcastle,
that
action
the
nature
of
his
the
matter
as
soon
E n g l a n d . 81 U l t i m a t e l y ,
79
Duke of
to d i s s o l v e t h e g o v e r n m e n t .
informed
incompatible
the
the
Duke of
of
visit,
as
he
also
action.
t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s , J.W. J o h n s t o n , had an a u d i e n c e with
colonial
the
to
of
the
discuss
The Duke of
any kind
but
was
that
he
returned
to
Newcastle
supported
B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t May 3 1 , 1860.
80
A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r May 1 9 , 1 8 6 0 . T h e r e was a
c o n s i d e r a b l e amount of a b u s e of t h e l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r in
t h e p a p e r s : "An Economic C i t i z e n " g e n e r a t e d a wave of
h o s t i l e r e t o r t s t o h i s c o n t e n t i o n t h a t t h e r e were some who
would not c o n t r i b u t e a c e n t t o the p r o c e e d i n g s , b e c a u s e of
t h e c o n d u c t of t h e 1 i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r - - M o r n i n g Journal
May 30, June 1, 1860; Evening Express May 30, 1860, June
1 , 4, 1860.
8
1 F o r l e t t e r w r i t t e n by J o h n s t o n , s e e "Change of
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " i n RG 2, V o l . 1 ,
misc
n o . 1 4 , PANS;
a u d i e n c e w i t h t h e Duke of N e w c a s t l e - - A c a d i a n Recorder
A u g u s t 4, 1860; B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t August 9,
1860;
N o v a s c o t i a n October 1, 1860.
91
Mulgrave's policy of non-interference, pointing out that
governmental
appointments
were
in
the
hands
of
the
assembly.82
Lieutenant-Governor Mulgrave and the executive council
also
came
under
attack
for
their
treatment
of
the
legislature during the visit. The opposition had proposed
that the legislature should come together to receive the
Prince of Wales, but much to their chagrin, the legislature
had prorogued without resolutions for a joint congratulatory
address. 83
Howe sent out a circular on behalf of Lord
Mulgrave, stating that it was "unnecessary officially to
summon
the
Legislature
at
a
season
which
may
be
inconvenient", but welcomed members from both branches of
the legislature to Halifax, offering them accommodation at
the Dockyard for the prince's landing ceremony.84
Tupper, one of the leading opposition members,
Charles
would not
accept the invitation, clearly angered that the people were
not permitted to "receive their Royal visitor
°^ For reply of Newcastle, see August 30, 1860, RG 1,
Vol. 104, pp. 286-292. A few months previous, Newcastle had
written in support of Mulgrave's moderation— Newcastle to
Mulgrave, March 4, 1860, RG 1, Vol.104, pp. 67-68.
83
British Colonist May 31, June 7, July 12, 1860.
Assuming that an address was necessary, the British Colonist
complained that another meeting of the assembly would cost
about €,1000.
84
Acadian Recorder July 7, 1860; British Colonist July
5, 1860; Evening Express July 6, 1860; Novascotian July 9,
1860. See circular in Provincial Secretary's Letterbook, June
30, 1860, RG 1, Vol. 160, p. 43, PANS.
92
in any o f f i c i a l
a
situation
and
thus
"wanting
recognized
in r e s p e c t
discreditable
Scotians".85
had "no
capacity
Similarly,
intention
Legislature
the
guests."86
The
usurping
disgruntled
of
Nova
Scotia
at
Legislature
the
the
of
and
contended
as
Wales,
Nova
that
he
a Member
of
t h o s e who have d e n i e d
of
officially
assembly
Mulgrave and t h e
of
Constitution",
Prince
Dockyard
of
opportunity
the p l a c e s
the
Johnston
the
invitation
Lieutenant-Governor
to
the
J.W.
t o be a t
Assembly upon t h e
of
to
by t h e
legislature
landing,
and
receiving
members
executive
in
the
accused
government
and t h e
people
presenting
a d d r e s s on b e h a l f of them, in which t h e y had no p a r t . 8 7
an
it
°-> A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r J u l y 7, 1860; B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t
J u n e 1 4 , J u l y 5 , 1 8 6 0 ; E v e n i n g E x p r e s s J u l y 6, 1 8 6 0 ;
N o v a s c o t i a n J u l y 9 , 1 8 6 0 . "A M a r v e l " t h o u g h t t h a t t h e
C o n s e r v a t i v e members of t h e l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l and t h e
h o u s e of a s s e m b l y s h o u l d s e n d t h e i r own a d d r e s s ,
e x p l a i n i n g t h e s i t u a t i o n - - A c a d i a n Recorder J u l y 14, 1860.
The B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t J u l y 12, 1860, c o n t e n d e d t h a t t h e r e
were few e x c e p t t h e c i r c l e a s s o c i a t e d with t h e C h r o n i c l e ,
who d i d not e n d o r s e T u p p e r ' s o p i n i o n s . H o w e v e r , s e v e r a l
C o n s e r v a t i v e s on the c e l e b r a t i o n committee r e p u d i a t e d t h e
n o t i o n t h a t t h e B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t and A c a d i a n Recorder
spoke for t h e e n t i r e party—Morning Sun J u l y 1 3 , 1860.
86
B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t J u l y 12, 1 9 , 1860; Morning Sun
J u l y 1 3 , 1 6 , 1 8 6 0 . The N o v a s c o t i a n J u l y 16, 1860, was
d i s g u s t e d w i t h t h e r e p l y , anr1 would o n l y p u b l i s h one
s e n t e n c e of i t . Some were c o n c e r n e d about having t o
pay
t h e i r own e x p e n s e s , and were a l s o i n s u l t e d t h a t they were
p r o v i d e d w i t h t h e same accommodation as e v e r y o n e e l s e in
t h e Dockyard—Acadian Recorder J u l y 7, 1860.
87
The B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t J u l y 1 2 , August 9 , 1860. The
E v e n i n g E x p r e s s J u l y 9, 1860, commented t h a t
the
government p l a t f o r m a t t h e l a n d i n g would be f i l l e d w i t h
" b e a u t y and f a s h i o n " , u s u r p i n g t h e l e g i s l a t u r e from t h e i r
p r o p e r p l a c e . The a d d r e s s i t s e l f was c o n s i d e r e d to be
e g o t i s t i c a l and n o n - r e p r e s e n t a t i v e - - A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r
93
was s u g g e s t e d t h a t p e r h a p s t h e e x e c u t i v e government
losing
their
"blue
ribbons"
l e g i s l a t u r e was c a l l e d
Joseph
Howe,
provincial
of
royal
feared
favour
if
the
together.88
as
spokesman
for
Mulgrave
and
as
secretary,
contended
that
the
provision
of
accommodation for t h e members a t t h e Dockyard was a m a t t e r
of
personal
together
too
courtesy.
The
t o p a s s an a d d r e s s ,
long,
England.89
and
in
there
legislature
because
it
was no p r e c e d e n t
any c a s e ,
the
for
and o p p o s i t i o n ,
the
and
Government
the
were n o t on t h e government p l a t f o r m .
The o p p o s i t i o n
members
of
inconsistent
the
with
press
did
not
legislature
their
it
here
taken
or
out
were p r e s e n t
House, a l ' . n o u g h
in
that
at
they
90
see
as
previous
called
have
Novascotian pointed
government
at
not
would
most members,
Dockyard,
was
the
attendance
being
comments.
in
of
any
way
Those
who
August 4, 1 8 6 0 .
88
B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t May 3 1 , 1 8 6 0 . Members of t h e
p r o v i n c i a l p a r l i a m e n t were a l s o i n c e n s e d t h a t t h e y w e r e
n o t even p e r m i t t e d in t h e i r own p a r l i a m e n t b u i l d i n g t o s e e
t h e d e c o r a t i o n s - - A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r August 4, 1 8 6 0 . They
were a l s o a n g r y a b o u t p a y i n g for t h e b a l l , y e t n o t b e i n g
p e r m i t t e d any i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h t h e P r i n c e of W a l e s - B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t August 9 , 1860.
89
N o v a s c o t i a n J u l y 9 , 1860; B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t J u l y
12, 1860. The Evening Express J u l y 9, 1860, r e t o r t e d t h a t
t h e r e was no p r e c e d e n t for a s s e m b l i n g , b e c a u s e t h e y had
never had such an o c c a s i o n b e f o r e .
N o v a s c o t i a n J u l y 16, August 20, 1860.
94
a t t e n d e d t h e l a n d i n g had not come a t M u l g r a v e ' s
but upon t h e
respect
with
to
invitation
the
public
by p r o v i d i n g
toward
things,
and
loyalty
the
local
could
who showed
tickets
and a d m i t t i n g
Furthermore,
attitudes
separate
Rear Admiral M i l n e ,
legislature
appointments,
platform.92
critical
of
request,91
them
to
to
to H r a i s e d
the
prince
government
easily
those
and
were
co-exist
two
without
compromise.93
Seven
years
later,
lieutenant-governor
Confederation
transformed
from a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e
of
t h e Queen
a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e Dominion. The l o s s of r o y a l
led
to a r e a s s e s s m e n t
prerogatives,
including
lieutenant-governor
inquired
of
governor
still
and
if
of
his
the
clemency.
of Nova S c o t i a ,
any o t h e r
the
prerogative
parties
c o n d i t i o n s .94 C o l o n i a l
whether
had s i m i l a r
Secretary
to
royal
1868,
S i r C. H a s t i n g s
attorney-general
had
In
to
status
lieutenant-governor's
royal
the
the
Doyle,
the
lieutenant-
pardon
prisoners,
powers under
Cardwell
and
certain
Lord
Monck
91 The B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t J u l y 1 9 , August 2 3 , I 8 6 0 ,
c o n t e n d e d t h a t Mulgrave d i d not r e a l l y have t h e power to
i s s u e such an i n v i t a t i o n , s i n c e t h e Dockyard was under t h e
a u s p i c e s of t h e i m p e r i a l n a v y .
9 2 The g e n e r a l p u b l i c was a d m i t t e d w i t h o u t t i c k e t s to
t a k e up t h e r e m a i n d e r of t h e " d i s p o s a b l e s p a c e " on t h e
ground l e v e l — B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t J u l y 1 9 , 1860.
93
16,
Evening Express J u l y
1860.
94
6,
9,
1860; N o v a s c o t i a n
July
H a r r y Moody t o Col . F r a n c k l y n , May 14, 1 8 6 8 , r e :
assumed e x e r c i s e of p r e r o g a t i v e by c o m m i s s i o n e r s , RG 2,
V o l . 6, n o . 1044, PANS ; Moody t o a t t o r n e y - g e n e r a l , May 8,
95
argued
that
the
duty
lieutenant-governors,
could
British
devolved
upon
appointed
However, Martin K. W i l k i n s ,
the, a t t o r n e y - g e n e r a l ' s o f f i c e
the
be
s i n c e they were no longer
d i r e c t l y by the Queen.95
under
not
North
of
Nova S c o t i a ,
America
Act,
from
argued
all
that
judicial,
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , and m i n i s t e r i a l powers were to c o n t i n u e as
before,
which
included
lieutenant-governors,
executive
officers.
those
who
powers
were
by
the
administrative
Thus, he d e c l a r e d
t h e "power or p r e r o g a t i v e
exercised
in q u e s t i o n
and
w i t h o u t doubt
is
still
that
vested
in
the L i e u t e n a n t Governors of t h e r e s p e c t i v e P r o v i n c e s " , and
that
to
the l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r
remit or commute the
i s confined
"and he a l o n e has t h e
sentences
under which a p r i s o n e r
whatever t h e offence may have been
of a c r i m i n a l
power
if
it
was
matter".96
1 8 6 8 , r e : l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r ' s powers of mercy, RG 2,
Vol. 6, no. 1045; S t i p e n d i a r y M a g i s t r a t e Henry P r y o r , to
Mayor S t e p h e n T o b i n , May 1 8 , 1 8 6 8 , r e : d i s c h a r g e s in
p r i s o n , RG 2, Vol. 6, n o . 1046. An i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o t h e
commutation of s e n t e n c e s a t Rockhead p r i s o n in H a l i f a x in
1868, r e v e a l e d t h a t only four of t h e t h i r t y - e i g h t Rockhead
prisoners
d i s c h a r g e d e a r l y had been r e l e a s e d by t h e
L i e u t e n a n t - G o v e r n o r — F i n g a r d The Dark Side of L i f e , p . 47.
95
Martin J. Wilkins, a t t o r n e y - g e n e r a l ' s office,
Moody, May 2 2 , 1 8 6 8 , RG 2, V o l . 6, n o . 1 0 5 1 ; John
Saywell The O f f i c e of the Lieutenant Governor. A Study
Canadian Government and P o l i t i c s ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 5 7 ) , p p .
10.
96
to
T.
in
9-
W i l k i n s t o Moody, May 2 1 , 22, October 7, 1868, RG
2, V o l . 6, n o s . 1 0 5 1 , 1 1 1 5 . In S e p t e m b e r 1 8 6 8 , t h e
l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r did not pardon a p r i s o n e r because i t
was "not y e t decided whether t h e pardoning i s v e s t e d in
t h e L i e u t e n a n t G o v e r n o r or t h e G o v e r n o r G e n e r a l " - - H .
C r o s s k i l l , dy p r o v i n c i a l s e c r e t a r y , t o J o s e p h W e e k s ,
96
Despite
this
public
proclamation,
royal
e v e n t u a l l y devolved
upon t h e g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l ,
representative
of
the
instructions
1878 a s c r i b e d
prisoners,
advice
of
in
although
Queen.
advised
direct
governor-general's
cases
indeed,
Halifax's
the
to him t h e power to
for c a p i t a l
of h i s m i n i s t e r s . 9 7
justice
The
clemency
he was
in
golden
1887,
pardon
to seek
the
jubilee
the
minister
celebration
committee t h a t he would not a d v i s e the g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l
release
prisoners
incarcerated
offenses
during
specific
cases.98
royal
the c e l e b r a t i o n ,
clemency
the
public order,
late
a
"unfortunate
it
the
though he would
of
century.
the p r e r o g a t i v e
gaol
way of c e l e b r a t i n g
releases
The
petty
consider
to
by an i n c r e a s i n g
which made p r i s o n
"general
and
lieutenant-governor
was accompanied
nineteenth
described
drunkenness
The t r a n s f e r e n c e
from
governor-general
for
for
as
concern
in
minister
the
the Queen's J u b i l e e " ,
" l e t l o o s e in t h e community t h e r u f f i a n i s m
of
the
unpopular
justice
delivery"
to
most
for
now confined
in t h e p e n i t e n t i a r i e s " . 9 9 No p a r d o n s marked t h e golden and
September
PANS.
23,
1868,
in RG 5,
Series
GP, Vol.
5,
no.
39,
97
D r a f t of I n s t r u c t i o n s passed under t h e Royal Sign
- - M a n u a l and S i g n e t to t h e G o v e r n o r G e n e r a l o f t h e
D o m i n i o n of C a n a d a , O c t o b e r 5 , 1 8 7 8 , i n Dominion of
C a n a d a , I n s t r u c t i o n s for t h e Lieutenant Governor of Nova
S c o t i a , 1890, PANS.
98
Herald May 3 , 1887; Acadian Recorder May 3, 1887.
99
C r i t i c June 17, 1887.
97
diamond j u b i l e e c e l e b r a t i o n s
1887 and
1897,
meaning of
man
his
family".100
Queen V i c t o r i a ,
celebration
in
of
colonial
after
and
after
however,
invoked
during
the
not
to
senior
from
biblical
every
unto
part
his
of
liberation
her g o l d e n
counterparts
also
after
the
to
jubilee
of
Nova
his
in
the
head
of
the
governorthe
Scotia
British
also
and Quebec. 102
the B r i t i s h
royal
fell
the
commanding
in O n t a r i o
e i g h t e e n months of C o n f e d e r a t i o n ,
lost
official
a position
officer
only
but
the
The l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r
his
man
by e x t e n d i n g
sailors
the
to " r e t u r n
and...every
Confederation,
precedence,
and
considering
in
1887.101
hierarchy,
general
troops.
jubilee
John and H a l i f a x
"jubilee",
lieutenant-governor
prerogatives
table
of
soldiers
The
ironic,
possession,
meaning
deserted
is
t h e Hebrew law of
unto
original
which
in S a i n t
came
Within
government
I 0 0 L e v i t i c u s 2 5 : 1 0 , in The Holy B i b l e , King James
V e r s i o n . The o r i g i n a l meaning of t h e Word has been l o s t ,
and i n s t e a d i t has come t o mean t h e a c t of c e l e b r a t i o n - Malcolm Chase "From M i l l e n n i u m t o A n n i v e r s a r y : The Concept
of J u b i l e e in L a t e E i g h t e e n t h and N i n e t e e n t h - C e n t u r y
E n g l a n d " , P a s t and P r e s e n t , V o l . 1 2 9 , November 1 9 9 0 ,
e s p e c i a l l y pp. 133, 134, 142, 146.
l0i
Herald June 28, 1887; C r i t i c J u l y 1,
1887.
102 T a b l e of P r e c e d e n c e , i n I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r t h e
L i e u t e n a n t G o v e r n o r , 1 8 9 0 . The g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l
also
usurped t h e l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r ' s f o r m e r t i t l e of " H i s
E x c e l l e n c y " , l e a v i n g t h e l a t t e r w i t h "His H o n o u r " — " T i t l e s
Under C o n f e d e r a t i o n " , B u c k i n g h a m and C h a n d o s , Downing
S t r e e t , t o Governor t h e Right Hon. V i s c o u n t Monck, J u l y
2 4 , 1 8 6 8 , i n I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r t h e L i e u t e n a n t Governor,
1890.
98
had
repealed
the
salutes
and o t h e r
as
Queen's
the
imperial
the
lieutenant-governor
Queen,
as
permitted
prohibited
during
the
the c e l e b r a t i o n
holding
of
the
which he had
the
of
of
of
the
and
of
closing
of
the Queen's b i r t h d a y ,
and
in
the
part
the
d i r e c t l y on b e h a l f
opening
levees.104
playing
first
to
received
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , 103 a l t h o u g h by 1872
Anthem when he was a c t i n g
parliament,
the
of
marks of r e s p e c t
authorities
National
the
right
1894,
the
National
War
Anthem
Office
for
the
l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r , b u t the C o l o n i a l Office i n t e r c e d e d
1895, a g a i n managing
bars.
Nova
salute
at
jubilee
to s e c u r e t h e p e r m i s s i o n
Scotia's
Lieutenant-Governor
the m i l i t a r y
celebration
review during
in 1897.
According
to p l a y
Daly r e c e i v e d
Halifax's
to Lady
in
six
a
diamond
Aberdeen,
in a t t e n d a n c e a t t h e ceremony:
The G e n e r a l [ C o m m a n d e r - i n - C h i e f of B r i t i s h
t r o o p s in H a l i f a x ] had been i n s t r u c t e d to o f f e r
t h e s a l u t e t o t h e L i e u t e n a n t - G o v e r n o r by
c o u r t e s y , and he a c c o r d i n g l y was t h e g r e a t man
of t h e d a y , which seems b u t p r o p e r , a s h i s
i n s t r u c t i o n s s a y t h a t a t t h e o p e n i n g o£
P a r l i a m e n t , t h e Q u e e n ' s B i r t h d a y e t c . , he i s
d i r e c t l y to r e p r e s e n t the Queen.
She n o t e d , however,
that
" t h e General and Mrs. Montgomery
1 0 3 Buckingham and Chandos to V i s c o u n t Monck, October
19, 1 8 6 8 — I n s t r u c t i o n s for the Lieutenant Governor, 1890.
L i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r s were not e n t i t l e d to s a l u t e s from Her
M a j e s t y ' s s h i p s and f o r t i f i c a t i o n s , RG 2, Vol. 6, no.
1140, PANS.
1 0 4 Lord Kimberley t o Lord L i s g a r , November 7, 1872,
and S i r Richard A i r y , War O f f i c e , t o Under S e c r e t a r y of
S t a t e for the C o l o n i e s , October 9, 1872, in I n s t r u c t i o n s
for the Lieutenant Governor, 1890.
99
Moore d i d not l i k e i t " ,
get
all
and t h a t i t was " v e r y d i f f i c u l t
arrangements
to
Governor, the General,
occasion,
they are
w e l l as i t
suit
the Admiral".
all
"exercise
nice
of
Lieutenant-Governor
Confederation
augmented
"good
responsibilities,
In any c a s e , "on
this
people,
and work t o g e t h e r
but
$9000.107
Though t h i s
lieutenant-governor's
politics
and
responsibilities
not
Organizers
of
salary,
colony".106
which
was i n c r e a s e d
$7000
c r y from
celebrations,
his
not be u n d e r e s t i m a t e d .
looked
under
celebrations
remained
from
is a far
social
i n v o l v e m e n t and p r o m i n e n c e
to
and s u p p o r t
feasible
a
his
former
"missionaries"
initiation
in
not
role
the
solely
to
the
in
social
Social
and
lieutenant-governor
of c u l t u r a l
also
by
t h e p r i m a r y means of
lieutenant-governor's
public
must
identified
the
social
as
circumstances".105
was
understanding
unchanged u n t i l 1 8 7 2 , when i t
causes
the
Harvey a s one of
a
the
dignitaries,
hospitality"
cultivating
for
three
i s p o s s i b l e t o do under s a i d
The
cultural
the
to
local
requested
and
benevolent
auspices.108
the
attendance
1 0 5 Lady A b e r d e e n ' s J o u r n a l , J u n e 2 2 , 1897, NAC; f o r
d i s c u s s i o n of c e r e m o n i a l o b s e r v a n c e s , s e e S a y w e l l The
O f f i c e of t h e L i e u t e n a n t Governor, p p . 1 5 - 1 7 .
106
pp.
Buckner " S i r John H a r v e y " , p . 3 8 2 .
1 0 7 Saywell
19-20.
The O f f i c e
of
the Lieutenant
Governor,
1 0 8 Saywell The Office of the Lieutenant Governor,
pp. 19-20; R.H. Hubbard "Viceregal Influences OP Canadian
Society", in W.L. Morton (ed.) The Shield of Achilles
(Toronto, 1968), p. 262.
100
of the lieutenant-governor, for his presence gave the events
an
aura
of
considered
respectability.
Elites
and
an invitation to celebrate
would-be
elites
at the Government
House as "the door of entrance into social life", and "an
introduction into good Society".I09
Throughout the nineteenth century, public celebrations
served
as
vehicles
lieutenant-governor
representative
celebrations
to
challenge
authority
of
the
and his administration. The imperial
particularly
which
the
coincided
came
under
with
fire
three
during
political
watersheds: Halifax's incorporation, the introduction of
responsible government in Nova Scotia, and Confederation.
The erosion of the lieutenant-governor's
prerogative to
liberate prisoners particularly affected the poor, who were
most frequently affected by pardons. The decline of drinking
and feasting as a mode of celebration constituted a further
loss for the lower orders. Indeed, the reformation of the
political
administration was accompanied
by a desire to
reform society, most notably to eradicate the evil power of
drink.
lwy
R.G. Haliburton to His Excellency, Sir R.G.
MacDonnell, August 17, 1864, RG 2, Vol. 4, no. 488, PANS; J.
Chipman to Col. Clarke, Private Secretary, August 21, 1894,
and attached reply, in RG 2, Vol. 12, no. 2763, PANS.
CHAPTER 3
PUBLIC FEASTING AND DRINKING
Feasting
celebration
at
and
all
drinking
social
was
levels
however,
had come under
attack
temperance
advocates.
the g r e g a r i o u s
gorging
feasts
for
were
because
the
of
eventually
poor
their
declined
over
in
response
reformers,
as
well
influences,
as
to
the
gentry,
Public
the
attacks
of
erosion
of
drinking
English
differentiation
and
campaigned
susceptible
of
of
Victorian
evangelicals
the urban
course
the
form
and
reformers
nature.2
the
and t h e c l a s s
which accompanied
from
of
most
public
century,
feasting
Although
againnt
popular
in t h e e a r l y
p e r i o d . 1 By m i d - c e n t u r y ,
increasing
a
and
to
the
attack
feasting
nineteenth
the
moral
cultural
alienation
urbanization.
1
P e t e r B u r k e h a s s h o w n t h a t a c o m b i n a t i o n of
g o r g i n g and d r i n k i n g was one of t h e p r i m a r y f u n c t i o n s of
f e s t i v a l s in e a r l y modern E u r o p e , i n c l u d i n g C a r n a v a l in
s o u t h e r n Europe and autumn f e a s t days i n B r i t a i n - - P e t e r
B u r k e P o p u l a r C u l t u r e i n E a r l y Modern Europe (London,
1 9 7 8 ) , pp. 178, 1 8 3 , 186, 1 9 3 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 6 . " S u s t e n a n c e " as
w e l l as " s o c i a b i l i t y " were i m p o r t a n t components of p u b l i c
c e l e b r a t i o n s in e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y A m e r i c a - - B a r b a r a Karsky
" S u s t e n a n c e and s o c i a b i l i t y : e a t i n g h a b i t s in e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y America", Annales, Vol. 40, n o . 5, SeptemberOctober 1985, p p . 5 1 - 5 2 . By t h e time of King George I l l ' s
j u b i l e e in 1 8 0 9 , t h e B r i t i s h
expected a "free meal"
d u r i n g c e l e b r a t i o n s - - L i n d a C o l l e y "The A p o t h e o s i s of
G e o r g e I I I : L o y a l t y , R o y a l t y , and t h e B r i t i s h N a t i o n ,
1 7 6 0 - 1 8 2 0 " , Past and P r e s e n t , V o l . 102, F e b r u a r y 1984, p .
119.
2
Social
F.M.L. Thompson The Rise of R e s p e c t a b l e S o c i e t y . A
H i s t o r y of V i c t o r i a n B r i t a i n , 1830-1900 (London,
1988), p .
308.
101
102
Leading
partaking
dinners
grand
citizens
celebrated
of e x c l u s i v e
and
the
balls.
exclusivity
celebration
indoor
banquets
A Saint
of
feasts,
which
John
such
special
such as
frequently
citizen
events
occasions
corporation
accompanied
objected
during
the
by
to
the
coronation
in 1838. He commented t h a t a
dinner to f i f t y p e r s o n s , including the c o r p o r a t e
body i s n o t i n form o r i n t e n t i o n a p u b l i c
festival,
but merely a p r i v a t e
concern
a p p a r e n t l y t o answer some p a r t y , and t o g r a t i f y
a few p e r s o n s a t t h e e x p e n s e of the p u b l i c . 3
at
Attendance
extending
these
events
was
usually
subscription
or
Organizers of
the
of
restr icted
6
by
invitations to a cl lque of local , imperial , and
military di gnitarles, and by char ging
honour
restricted
the
ad m i s s i o n
ba 11
visit
and
of
price
banquet
the
adm i ss i on to
Pri nee
250
a
relatively high
for <everyone
held
else .
in Hal if ax
of Wales
invitations
in
in
1860,
and
1000
" C o r p o r a t i o n D i n n e r , a l i a s Humbug!!" by " D . " in
Weekly C h r o n i c l e J u n e 2 2 , 1 8 3 8 , p . 3 , June 2 9 , 1838. For
c o p y of " L i s t of G u e s t s f o r C o r p o r a t i o n d i n n e r
at
C o r o n a t i o n , 1 8 3 8 " , s e e Robert F. Hazen, M a y o r a l t y P a p e r s ,
Box 2 , S h e l f 3 6 , F o l d e r 1 5 , n o . 2 9 , N . B . Museum. The
A c a d i a n Recorder J u n e 2 3 , 1862, commented t h a t t h e o n l y
one who would oppose "such an o u t l a y " a s t h e n a t a l day
c o r p o r a t i o n d i n n e r i n H a l i f a x was some " j e a l o u s m o r t a l "
who " d i d not g e t an o p p o r t u n i t y to t a k e t h e c r e a s e s o u t of
h i s d r e s s c o a t " . A c o r p o r a t i o n d i n n e r in e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y r u r a l E n g l a n d was d e s c r i b e d by an o l d man i n
Thomas H a r d y ' s The Mayor of C a s t e r b r i d g e (London, 1 9 6 2 ) ,
p . 3 9 : " ' t i s a g r e a t p u b l i c d i n n e r of t h e g e n t l e - p e o p l e
and such l i k e l e a d i n g v o l k — w i ' t h e Mayor in t h e c h a i r . As
we p l a i n e r f e l l o w s b a m ' t i n v i t e d , they l e a v e t h e w i n d e r s h u t t e r s open t h a t we may g e t j i s t a s e n s e o ' t out h e r e . "
103
tickets,4 priced
at
two
sovereigns
for
a man
and
one
sovereign for a woman.5 According to the Evening Express,
these prices kept the attraction "a rather more aristocratic
affair than it otherwise would have been".6 The lieutenantgovernor, the vice-admiral, and other notable officials and
residents also hosted
organizations
like
private dinner
the
national
parties. Voluntary
societies,
militia,
volunteers, and firemen dined in the neighborhood hotels,
restaurants, and drinking establishments.
The menus at these events consisted of several courses
and many delicacies
(See Figure
3.1). Much
alcohol was
consumed. For the Prince of Wales' banquet in Halifax in
1860,
the
sherries,
organizing
thirty-one
committee
dozen
high
selected
quality
twelve
dozen
champagnes,
including twenty-three dozen of "Mumm's", and twenty-eight
dozen of the cheaper wines.7 After eating,
at least half a dozen toasts were proposed,
composed of the very finest wines, and this was
in many places simply an overture to the
festivities which were to follow. Celebrations
Meeting of the Acting Committee, June 21, 1860, in
Minutes of the Meetings of the Committee for the Reception of
H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, 1860, PANS.
Morning Journal July 27, 1860; Morning Sun July 27,
1860.
Evening Express August 3, 1860.
7
Meeting of the Acting Committee, July 10, 1860, in
Minutes of the Meetings of the Committee for the Reception of
H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, 1860.
104
Figure 3.1
Menu for the Prince of Wales* Marriage Feast,
Halifax Hotel, 1863
SOUP
Julienne Soup
Mock Turtle Soup
FISH
Filet of Haddock
Salmon
ENTREES
Grenadm de veau,
Sauce Tomatte
Curry of Chicken,
Indienne
Timball de Macaroni,
Milanaise
Pates aux Huitres
Crumesky de volaille
Pied de Veau de Marmade
RELEVES
BOILED
Round of Beef
Hams and Tongue
Turkey
Leg of Mutton
ROAST
Sirloin of Beef
Saddle of Mutton
Turkey
Filet of Veal
ROTS
Galentine
Pate a la Parisienne
Lobster Salad
Wild Goose
Lamb
Plum Pudding
ENTREMETS
Genoise
Compotte of Apples
Pastry
Jelly Macedonie
Biscuit Savoie
Confectionery
Coffee
Jelly au vin
Charlotte Russe
Bavarois
Blanc Mange
Tortois
Plum and Sponge Cakes
Ice Cream
DESSERT
(Public Archives of Nova Scotia)
105
rarely dissociated before the early hours of the
morning of the next day.8
Although
the ball
activities
was
one of
the
only
celebration
in the early Victorian period in which women
could actively participate^ they usually retired from the
banquet table before the toasts began, for public drinking
was primarily a male ritual. 10 The men often raised their
glasses in honour of the women, but such "accolades" were
only "minor and perfunctory exercises".11
The public celebration also served as the occasion
for "great outdoor
feasts where massive quantities of
meat, game and liquor were consumed". 12 The Nova Scotia
Philanthropic Society inaugurated the custom of having an
annual picnic to celebrate the founding of Halifax.13 The
° George A. Campbell "Social Life and Institutions of
Nova Scotia in the 1830's", M.A. Thesis, Dalhousie
University, 1949, p. 187.
9
Morning Sun July 27, 1860.
1 0 Halifax Sun June 11, 1845; Novascotian August 20,
1860. In San Francisco in 1855, women were invited to
observe the elaborate preparations for a banquet, but were
then expected to leave "demurely"—Mary P. Ryan Women in
Public. Between Banners and Ballots, 1825-1880 (Baltimore,
1990), p. 18. In court circles. Queen Victoria tried to
avert excessive drunkenness by insisting that gentlemen
not be left on their own for too long-- Alan Delago
Victorian Entertainments (London, 1971), p. 12.
11 Ryan Women in Public, p. 135.
i2
Karsky "Sustenance and sociability", p. 61.
I 3 D.C. Harvey "Nova Scotia Philanthropic Society",
Dalhousie Review, Vol. 19, October 1939, p. 292. The
Charitable Irish Society had their first picnic in 1846—
Robert P. Harvey "Black Beans, Banners, and Banquets: The
106
first natal day picnic at the Prince's
consisted
liquor
Lodge
in 1839
of an "abundance of viands and lots of good
to moisten them".14 Similarly, during
the 1845
picnic, approximately 300 people enjoyed a feast of "fish,
flesh, and fowl", with various seasonal delicacies.15
Larger
outdoor
commons catered
feasts
in the public
squares
and
to the general public. Sometimes these
feasts featured pig and sheep roasts, but most often oxen
comprised the favoured entrees.16 The popularity of the ox
can be partially explained by its capacity to feed a large
number of people. Ritual and symbolism also played a role
in selecting the animal. Feasts were based on "mythical or
historical
events", which were
"re-enacted ...through
symbols and allegories".17 According
to Hugh Cunningham,
roast beef, plum pudding, and ale revived images of John
Bull and Merrie England, and were considered part of the
Charitable Irish Society of Halifax at Two Hundred", The
Nova Scotia Historical Review, Vol. 6, no. 1, 1986, pp.
22-23.
1 4 Novascotian June 12, 1839.
1 5 Halifax Sun June 6, 11, 1845.
16 "Doesticks" in Acadian Recorder July 10, 1897
recalled that sheep and oxen were roasted at the
coronation celebration in Halifax. During Saint John's
marriage celebration for Queen Victoria in 1840, hams were
consumed, as well as beef—Morning News May 25, 1840; New
Brunswick Courier May 30, 1840.
1 7 G.S. Metraux "Of Feasts and Carnivals", Cultures,
Vol. 3, no. 1, 1976, p. 7.
107
English
"birthright".18
in
the
latter
half
of the
nineteenth century, Victorians adopted these staples as
"sacraments"
in a "continuing
mythology
of national
superiority and class identity".19 Ritual significance was
also attached
to the practice of roasting
the ox. In
proposing an ox roast for the poor on the Grand Parade in
Halifax in 1838, a correspondent referred
to it as "an
imitation of good old English hospitality".20 The ox roast
also had pagan roots, and was tied to the traditions of
the butcher's trade. As such, it exhibited ritualistic
behaviours and
traits developed
through
custom
and
precedents . 21 Before the barbecue, participants adorned
the
ox
with
ribbons
in
garlands", and processed
imitation
of
"sacrificial
with the animal,22 as during
pagan sacrificial rituals. In Saint John in 1838, the ox
±a
Hugh Cunningham "The Language of Patriotism, 17501914", History Workshop Vol 11, 1981, pp. 11, 18, 21; for
images of John Bull, see Patrick Joyce Culture, Society,
and Politics (London, 1981), pp. 286-87, 295.
19 Peter Bailey Class and Leisure in Victorian
England. Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control,
1830-1885 (Toronto, 1978), p. 89.
20
Times May 29, 1838. The Times April 28, 1840
commented re: a dinner and dance given by the St. George's
Society :"For once John Bull forgot to grumble, and did
his best to honour his Patron by proving the strength and
tension of his digestive faculties, qualities in the
composition of Englishmen, which, where roast beef and
plum pudding are concerned, are said to be of no mean
order".
2
1 Metraux "Of Feasts and Carnivals", p. 8.
Daily Telegraph April 21, 188 3.
108
was led on its cortege by a black man named Jim Brown,
probably a butcher, for later he carved the ox after it
had been slaughtered and roasted.23 Butchers often marched
with
oxen
during
trades
processions,
afterwards
slaughtering them and distributing the meat as alms.24
During the barbecue, the entire body of the ox was
roasted on a spit; it took one man to roast and baste the
animal, and two men to crank the handle of the spit. Five
to eight cords of wood were required to roast the ox,
which took over a day to cook.25 Organizers of the Halifax
coronation celebration in 1838 distributed ox meat and
bread to people on the common. 26 in Saint John in 1838,
the servers laid three roasted oxen on large tables in the
main civic squares, cut them up and distributed the meat
to the populace, as well as barrels of bread baked into
small half-pound loaves, plum pudding, and two hogsheads
of ale. 27 in Carleton, a circular table set up in Queen
23
Excerpt in
Daily Sun June 18, 1887.
24
Susan G. Davis Parades and Power: Street Theatre
in Nineteenth Century Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1986),
p. 121. I am unsure \nether the meat was distributed
cooked or uncooked.
25
St. John Globe May 17, 188 3; Weekly World May 24,
1883, in Scrapbook C27, p. 133, SJRL.
2
6 Excerpt in Acadian Recorder June 20, 1887.
27
New Brunswick Courier June 30, 1838; Weekly
Chronicle June 29, 1838; Saint John Common Council
Minutes, June 7, 15, 1838, N.B. Museum; reminiscence in
Daily Sun June 18, 1887. There was also a rumour that
Charles Simonds would provide, at his own expense, an ox
109
Square s u p p o r t e d enough food for 1500-2000
Other
foodstuffs
accompanied
diners.28
the beef,
plum p u d d i n g ,
a l e , and b r e a d . During t h e Q u e e n ' s m a r r i a g e c e l e b r a t i o n
S a i n t John in 1 8 4 0 , t h e p e o p l e on S a i n t
John's
consumed
r o u n d s of
thirty-six
corn b e e f ,
hams,
and a l a r g e
thirty-five
quantity
of
cheese,
east
side
boiled
as w e l l
e i g h t r o a s t e d s i r l o i n s , one t h o u s a n d two hundred and
pounds of b r e a d ,
wine
and a l e .
distributed
and one h u n d r e d
In King
a l a r g e wedding
In e i g h t e e n t h ox
roasts
provided
on such
t h e common
farmers,
occasions
historical
and
as
servers
of
c u t up and
nineteenth-century
instruments
people
of
as t h e c o m p l e t i o n
of
England,
paternalism
by t h e B r i t i s h
and members of t h e l o c a l
patriotic
fifty
gallons
also
as
cake.29
and e a r l y
functioned
for
well-to-do
Square,
and t w e n t y
in
gentry,
government,
the h a r v e s t ,
annlversaries.30
in
and
mid-
f o r P o r t l a n d , and t h a t s e v e r a l of t h e banks of t h e c i t y
i n t e n d e d t o p r o v i d e an ox f o r " t h e p o o r " t o show t h e i r
g r a t i t u d e for t h e "long l a t e i n d u l g e n c e s a f f o r d e d t o them
in s u s p e n d i n g s p e c i e p a y m e n t s " , b u t t h e r e i s no f u r t h e r
e v i d e n c e of t h e m - - " P o r t l a n d " in Weekly Telegraph June 3 ,
1838.
28
"A L o o k e r On" in New Brunswick Courier J u l y
1838; a l s o s e e D a i l y Sun June 18, 1 8 3 8 .
7,
29
Morning News May 25, 184 0; New Brunswick Courier
May 3 0 , 1840. In C a r l e t o n , a g r e a t d e a l of food was a l s o
eaten.
30
Malcolmson Popular R e c r e a t i o n s , p p . 5 9 - 6 5 ; Metraux
"Of F e a s t s and C a r n i v a l s " , p . 8. For a d e s c r i p t i o n of a
h a r v e s t s u p p e r in r u r a l England in t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h
c e n t u r y , s e e Thomas Hardy Far From t h e Madding Crowd
(London, 1 9 6 7 ) , p p . 2 4 0 - 4 6 .
110
Victorian
New B r u n s w i c k ,
paternalistic
feasts
were
p r o v i d e d by r u l i n g m e r c h a n t s in s i n g l e i n d u s t r y towns
Chatham,
where J o s e p h Cunard p r o v i d e d
for
poor
the
mercantile
In
inhabitants
dependent
free
food
on h i s
like
and
drink
saw m i l l s
enterprises.31
t h e more complex
Halifax,
the
resided
with
urban
responsibility
civic
centres
for
leaders
of
Saint
providing
and
John
public
prominent
aldermen,
council's
marriage
festivities
Carleton's
distributed
of
ox
135-37,
32
in
roasts
for
Most
Victoria's
1838
and
citizens.
for
the
the
food
Graeme
167.
the
in
their
central
of
public.32
aldermen
Wynn Timber C o l o n y
of
the
on
cut
(Toronto,
the
1838,
up and
the
common
the
and
toward
in
In
common
coronation
constituency
role
the
1840 w e n t
two aldermen and a s s i s t a n t
symbolizing
J l
assistants.
appropriation
provision
side,
and
and
feasts
S a i n t J o h n , t h e onus for such meals l a y p r i m a r i l y w i t h
mayor,
and
west
council
1981),
pp.
A sum of £332 16s 3 %d was a l l o c a t e d for t h e ox
r o a s t s d u r i n g the c o r o n a t i o n c e l e b r a t i o n , £115 for a
c o r p o r a t i o n d i n n e r , and L7 10s for a d i n n e r in t h e c i t y
j a i l - - S a i n t John Common C o u n c i l M i n u t e s , June 7, 1 5 , J u l y
5 , 1 8 3 8 , March 1 2 , 1840; e x c e r p t in t h e D a i l y Sun A p r i l
1 2 , 1 8 8 7 . Of t h e £ 2 5 0 f o r t h e m a r r i a g e c e l e b r a t i o n i n
S a i n t J o h n , £>210 was earmarked for t h e ox r o a s t s , £30 for
d i n n e r s in t h e p e n a l and c h a r i t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s , and £10
f o r powder f o r t h e m i l l t i a - - S a i n t J o h n Common C o u n c i l
M i n u t e s , May 1 3 , 1 8 4 0 , March 1 9 , 1 8 4 2 ; New B r u n s w i c k
C o u r i e r May 16, 1840; e x c e r p t in D a i l y Sun A p r i l 1 2 , 1887.
The c o r p o r a t i o n was c o n g r a t u l a t e d i n 1 8 4 0 f o r
their
" l i b e r a l i t y " — M o r n i n g News May 2 5 , 1840.
ill
in
providing
"victuals".33
As
Halifax
was
not
incorporated until 1841, private citizens organized and
financed
the events in 1838 and 1840. In addition, the
Nova Scotia Philanthropic Society sponsored outdoor feasts
for the Micmacs in 1840, and during the Halifax centenary
in 1849.34 During
council
its first year, the new Halifax city
conformed
to the
Saint
John
practice
by
superintending a spread for the poor.35
The
providers
predecessors, wished
their
of
these
to gratify
own popular i ty. 36
feasts,
like
their
the masses and ensure
it was believed
that a full
stomach ensured favorable and loyal sentiments. "A Looker
On" observed
that Carleton's coronation
feast in 1838
produced "an effect on the people, calculated
forth
to call
the best feelings toward the parent State and our
youthful and maiden Queen."37
33
"A Looker On" in New Brunswick Courier July 7,
1838; Daily Sun June 18, 1887.
34
Acadian Recorder April 25, May 2, 184 0; Times May
5, 1840; Times and Courier June 7, 1849.
3
^ Times December 21, 1841. It was resolved at a
public meeting in Saint John that a collection would be
taken up to feed the hungry during the Prince of Wales'
birth, but nothing ever materialized, probably due to the
proximity to Christmas (and the collections for the poor
during the festive season), the general hard times, and
the preoccupation with rampant incendiarism, which would
discourage public assemblages.
36
37
1838.
Malcolmson Popular Recreations, pp. 69-71.
"A Looker On" in New Brunswick Courier July 7,
112
Unlike the e x c l u s i v e
theoretically
the outdoor barbecue catered
The Weekly C h r o n i c l e
barbecue
in
1840
"respectable
hoped
would
it
is
that
be
citizens"
proper";38
to
Saint
large
found
or s p e c t a t o r s .
classes.
John's
marriage
"if
"proper"
for
they
however,
it
picnic,
to a l l
enough
partake
probable,
"respectable" celebrants
as s e r v e r s
i n d o o r f e a s t or s o c i e t a l
all
feel
that
it
most
to a t t e n d
only
Such a l a r g e crowd a s s e m b l e d
watch t h e Micmac m a r r i a g e f e a s t
in H a l i f a x
to
in 1840, t h a t a
n a t i v e d a n c e had to be a b a n d o n e d . The H a l i f a x Times n o t e d :
"The p r i m i t i v e mode
bolted
they
their
food
displayed
elites
in which
and
the
afforded
from
During
Halifax
the
both
amusement
the
festivities
t h e crowds
coronation
patronized
where
Majesty's
health
enthusiasm".
The
possible
Halifax
could refresh
and
the
good
Nature
appetites
and e n v y " . 3 9
often
celebration,
a private
marquee
was d r u n k
Charitable
erected a " h o s p i t a l i t y
celebration
Sons of
themselves...and
with
Irish
t e n t " during
centenary
in
an
on
1849,
The
distanced
in p r i v a t e marquees and
clientele
"Her
the
extraordinarily
who d i d p a r t a k e of
themselves
some of
tents.
exclusive
the
the
common,
utmost
Society
the
of
coronation
where
"members
dance".40
v
38
Weekly C h r o n i c l e A p r i l 1 7 ,
39
Times May 5, 1 8 4 0 .
40
1840.
E x c e r p t in A c a d i a n Recorder J u n e 3 0 , 1887;
C h a r i t a b l e I r i s h S o c i e t y M i n u t e Book, May 2 5 , J u n e 8,
184 9, PANS; Harvey " B l a c k B e a n s , B a n n e r s , and B a n q u e t s " ,
113
While the "rich" could
"partake
[of public feasts]
if they pleased", Alderman Porter of Saint John contended
that the "poor should be especially invited".41 As in
eighteenth-century
America, ceremonial
occasions
and
holidays determined the type of meal to be eaten by the
poor. 42
Although a Saint John newspaper congratulated the
citizens in 1840 for "not having outraged all decency", a
little "irregularity" was observed,43 which suggests that
some tried to commandeer more than their
fair share, a
reflection of the tendency of the poor in pre-industrial
Canada
to "feast and be merry" during
the seasons of
plenty.44 i n Saint John's Morning News, a "servant" named
Dorothy Prim intimated the importance of such feasts as a
diversification of diet:
Tables are to be spread in King and Queen square
for the poor people to stuff themselves at; and
Sam says I shall have a cut of roast beef, and
whatever else is goin. I do hate this livin on
pp. 21, 23. For description of such a tent, see Hardy The
Mayor of Casterbridge, pp. 109-11.
4
1 New Brunswick Courier May 23, 184 0.
42
Karsky "Sustenance and sociability", p. 59.
43
Morning News May 25, 184 0.
44
Judith Fingard "The Poor in Winter: Seasonality in
Pre-industrial Society", in Michael Cross and Gregory S.
Kealey (eds.) Pre-Industrial Canada 1760-1849 (Toronto,
1985), p. 76. In early modern Europe, feasts were scenes
of gormandizing--Burke Popular Culture in Early Modern
Europe, p. 178.
114
Gaspereau all one's life.45
Despite their popularity among the lower orders, the
number of public feasts was declining in Halifax and Saint
John
by
the
early
Victorian
period.
Although
the
Novascotian contented that one of the "main objects[sj" of
Halifax's 1849 centenary
committee
was
to
"feed
the
poor",46 no public barbecue materialized, except for the
Nova
Scotia
Philanthropic
Society's
"repast" for
the
Micmacs. Similarly, neither the turning of the sod of the
European and North American railway in Saint John in 1853,
or the marriage of the Princess Royal in 1858 succeeded in
instigating a public
feast. A "hard-working man" from
Halifax also failed
to convince the organizers of the
Prince of Wales' visit to be "magnanimous" towards the
M i c m a c s , and
provide
them with a feast, undoubtedly
because they feared the harmful effects of "fire water" on
the aboriginals.47
The decline of public barbecues may partially be
attributed to the erosion of old English customs like the
45
"Dorothy Prim" in Morning News May 22, 1840. It is
probable that this letter was a rather satirical creation
of the editor, but nonetheless it revealed real sentiments
in the community. There were other complaints from the
poor about having to rely on a diet of fish—see Rev. Dr.
Cochran in W.M. Brown "Recollections of Old Halifax", Nova
Scotia Historical Society Colls., Vol. 13, 1908, p. 89.
46
47
Novascotian June 4, 1849.
"A Highlander" in Morning Sun July 20, 1860. Also
see Morning Chronicle July 24, 1860.
115
ox roast, and a strengthening
of local autonomy
and
colonial identity. Although one British commentator in
Saint John for the visit of the Prince of Wales in 1860
thought that the colonists carried with them "English
manners, English tastes, and English sympathies", 48
a
local editor felt that the colonists were acquiring their
own distinctive "manners, tastes, and habits".49
A more important factor in explaining the erosion of
public
feasts is urbanization. Ox roasts dated back to
pre-Victorian
times, when
Saint
John
was
still
a
"collection of small market villages",50 and in this sense
resembled the roasts held during
village fairs and rural
festivals.51 it has been argued that leading citizens in
nineteenth-century urban centres re-enacted
the
English
4U
gentry through public
the role of
occasions, thereby
North British Review in Morning News September 28,
1860.
49
Editor in Morning News September 28, 1860. Also
see T.W. Acheson Saint John. The Making of a Colonial
Urban Community (Toronto, 1985), p. 249.
->0 Acheson Saint John, p. 5. An ox was roasted in
many pre-Victorian celebrations in Saint John, including
the defeat of Napoleon in May 1814, the coronation of
George IV in October 1821, and the accession of William IV
—J.V. Saunders "Early New Brunswick Celebrations" in New
Brunswick Historical Society Newsletter, November 24,
1987, pp. 3-4; New Brunswick Courier October 13, 1821.
Malcolmson Popular Recreations, pp. 59-64.
116
temporarily recreating
""traditional' village life".52
More generally, however, the "village atmosphere" which
had
generated
communal
feasts was changing
in the
nineteenth century into an increasingly congested
"urban
landscape".
As the fabric of the early community diminished in
Saint John, a more sophisticated civic bureaucracy emerged
to administer
the increasingly complex
urban centre.
Initially the ward had been the basis of civic government,
with
the
alderman
functioning
as a paterfamilias ,
creating an intricate network of relationships operating
on the foundation of blood, service, and patronage.
By
mid-century, however, ward politics was being supplanted
by a professionalised
civic administration, which was
"more comprehensive, less personal, better organized, less
arbitrary but more capable of imposing
broader front".53
its will on a
Since public feasts in Saint John had
been organized by the aldermen and held in the wards, the
erosion of the centrality of the ward contributed to the
52
P.S. Baker "The Social and Ideological Role of the
Monarchy in Late Victorian Britain", M.A. Thesis,
University of Lancaster, 1978, p. 30. Baker is referring
to the leisure activities of later nineteenth-century
celebrations, but I think his conception fits these
earlier feasts more closely.
53
Acheson Saint John, p. 195.
117
d e c l i n e of
these events.54
council declined
to p r o v i d e
poor
of
in
t h e s u g g e s t i o n made by Alderman
each ward with a g r a n t
the
celebration
ward
of
with
dinner
the Prince
poor
Despite
ward
of
this
his
at
like
of
ox r o a s t s
the
expense"
nuptials.55
provided
display
Robinson
"furnishing
public
food
Sydney ward and o t h e r
isolated
activities
toward
of W a l e s '
Alderman Robinson p e r s o n a l l y
the
1863, t h e S a i n t John common
in
instead,
and d r i n k
for
wards a s w e l l . 56
paternalism,
were being
communal
superseded
c i t y - w i d e s p e c t a c l e s o r g a n i z e d by a more i m p e r s o n a l
by
civic
administration.
Increasing
differentiation
between
the c l a s s e s
accompanied t h e growth of t h e s e urban c e n t r e s .
accentuated
Irish
in
colonial
trends
the
by i m m i g r a t i o n ,
1840's,
and
particularly
the
and
erratic
business
P o v e r t y was
of
the
susceptibility
economy t o t h e v a g a r i e s of e x t e r n a l
also
and
depressions.57
famine
of
the
internal
In
this
^ 4 F o r e x a m p l e , s e e a r r a n g e m e n t s by a l d e r m e n and
a s s i s t a n t s for V i c t o r i a ' s n u p t i a l c e l e b r a t i o n - - S a i n t John
Common Council M i n u t e s , May 1 3 , 1840.
55 S a i n t John Common C o u n c i l M i n u t e s , March 7, 1863.
Compare t h i s t o t h e 50th a n n i v e r s a r y of t h e l a n d i n g of t h e
l o y a l i s t s in S a i n t John in 1833, when t h e mayor p r o v i d e d a
s p e c i a l f e a s t f o r t h e p o o r a t h i s own e x p e n s e - - C i t y
Gazette May 16, 2 3 , 1 8 3 3 .
56
S t . John Globe
Courier March 14, 1 8 6 3 .
57
March
11,
1863;
New B r u n s w i c k
J u d i t h F i n g a r d "The R e l i e f of t h e Unemployed Poor
in S a i n t J o h n , H a l i f a x , and S t . J o h n ' s ,
1815-1860",
A c a d i e n s i s , Vol. 5, n o . 1, Autumn 1975, p . 33; James M.
Whalen " S o c i a l W e l f a r e i n New B r u n s w i c k , 1 7 8 4 - 1 9 0 0 " ,
118
context,
public
feasts,
undoubtedly
welcomed
particularly
in H a l i f a x ,
outdoor
poor
threat
posed
subsided,
vehicles
which
by
influxes
although
feasts
is
of mass
mid-century,
of
pauper
poverty
no l o n g e r
also
sporadic,
probable
that
distanced
t h e m s e l v e s a s much as p o s s i b l e
system
the
immediate
to a f f l i c t
the
a s mass
middle-class
relief
citizens
from t h e poor
o r d e r t o a v o i d e p i d e m i c s , such a s t h e o u t b r e a k s of
which i n f e s t e d
Desiring
the
the c i t i e s
at
mid-century.59
t o d i s t a n c e t h e m s e l v e s from t h e d i s e a s e d and
destitute,
celebrations
middle-class
for
entertainments.
opened
when
in
their
In o t h e r
participation"
example,
in
cholera
organizers
and
city
c o u n c i l l o r s began u s i n g more of t h e money a p p r o p r i a t e d
of
of
had
functioned
It
relief,
immigrants
continued
measures.
were
poor
had no p u b l i c
r e l i e f . 58 A f t e r
and
inhabitants,
as
although
the
Saint
into
own
words,
"feasts
European
John
in
exclusive
they
of
dinners
transformed
American
1859, a banquet
held
and
"feasts
representation".60
and N o r t h
for
For
railway
for
the
A c a d i e n s i s , V o l . 2, n o . 1, Autumn 1972, p . 6 0 .
5 8
The almshouse
in S a i n t
John
accepted
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for o c c a s i o n a l p o v e r t y — J u d i t h F i n g a r d The
Dark S i d e o f L i f e i n V i c t o r i a n H a l i f a x ( P o r t e r s Lake,
1989),
pp. 48, 55.
59
G e o f f r e y B i l s o n "The C h o l e r a Epidemic in S t . J o h n ,
New B r u n s w i c k , 1 8 5 4 " , A c a d i e n s i s Vol 4 , n o . 1, Autumn
1974, p p . 85-99.
60
Metraux "Of F e a s t s and C a r n i v a l s " , p p . 8 - 9 .
119
railway
commissioners
financiers excluded
and
other
administrators
the workers who built the
and
railway,
although the last toast paid tribute to "The men who built
the Railway—the Navvies--their wives and children".61 Over
half of the £4579 13s Id appropriated for the provincial
celebration of the Prince of Wales' visit to Nova Scotia in
1860 went toward
the Halifax ball and banquet. 62 After
Alderman Robinson lost his motion to supply the poor with
beef during the prince's marriage celebration in Saint John
in 1863, the St. John Globe commented:
A provision to give a good dinner to the poor was
voted down, that two or three hundred of the
elite, including the Common Council, may be able
to enjoy a dance. Was there ever anything more
heartless or cruel? 63
Similarly, the Halifax Reporter complained:
The provincial funds, the people's money, the
public chest must be freely bled to give a few
(who
least
require
it)
a
luncheon,
a
jollification, a swig at a champagne glass, whi'.e
the same amount spent in providing comforts for
the many needy and poor persons in the city, would
be the means of bringing gladness and joy to the
hearts of those who are in want.64
New Brunswick Courier June 11, 1859. I wish to thank
Dr. Ruth Bleasdale for this reference.
69
A sum of -£2530 17s 9d was expended on the ball and
banquet—Financial Account at the end of the Minutes of the
Meetings of the Committee for the Reception of H.R.H. the
Prince of Wales, 1860.
63
St. John Globe March 7, 1863; Morning News March 9,
1863; New Brunswick Courier March 7, 1863.
64
"Things Talked Of in Halifax", in Halifax Reporter
April 11, 1863.
120
Indeed, the dinner held at the Halifax Hotel in 1863 was
more "select" than numerous.65 since the city fathers were
"going
it" with
the
"quality"
liquors
at
the
people's
expense, the Halifax Reporter suggested that they provide
the public with a cask of ale.66 Although ale was provided
for the athletic display on the Grand Parade, it did not
come from the city council, but from the brewer, Alexander
Keith. The cancellation of the major portion of the athletic
program resulted
in the presentation of the cask to the
Engine Company for their own entertainment.67
Efforts to organize public celebration feasts in the
1880's
and
90's
ended
in failure. The
oxen
roasted
by
Indiantown merchants on Victoria Square during Saint John's
Loyalist centennial
association
of
in 1883, and by the Beef Eaters (an
polymorphians,
young
men
who
performed
burlesque tableaux during special occasions — see Chapter 6)
in Saint John during
primarily
the diamond
spectacles, rather
than
jubilee
in 1897, were
concerted
efforts
to
provide the poor with a feast, although the poor may well
have enjoyed them. In Halifax, Stipendiary Magistrate
DD
"J." in Daily Evening Globe April 18, 1863.
66
"Things Talked Of in Halifax" in
April 25, 1863.
67
Morning Sun April 15, 1863.
Halifax Reporter
121
Robert Motton and an anonymous citizen
unsuccessfully
submitted letters to the city council requesting funds for
a
feast
jubilees
for the poor during
respectively.68
the golden
in 1897, H.M.
and
diamond
Ingraham, the
American consul, created a "Poor Fund" to provide diamond
jubilee dinners for the Halifax poor, in imitation of the
jubilee feast in London.69 Despite the mayor's contention
that jubilee day was set apart the world over to "help the
poor and give them a feast",
the Poor Fund folded due to
insufficient subscriptions.70
One of the most common complaints against holding
public outdoor feasts was the difficulty of controlling
distribution. During
a public meeting
to consider the
celebration of the birth of the Prince of Wales in Halifax
in 1841, Samuel G.W. Archibald, the attorney-general of
Nova Scotia, referred to the disorder of the coronation
feast in 1838, which interfered with the distribution of
the
food.71
Similarly,
in 1897
the
Halifax
Herald
68
Acadian Recorder June 10, 1887; Herald June 10,
1887; Anonymous citizen in Acadian Recorder May 11, 1897.
69 For reference to dinner in London, see Herald July
16, 1897; Daily Sun May 31, 1897.
70
Poor Fund in Acadian Recorder May 22, 26, June 11,
15, 1897; Herald June 12, 26, 1897; Daily Echo May 22, 27,
June 11, 16, 1897. The distribution was delayed until
dominion day—Daily Echo June 25, 28, 1897; Herald June
26, 1897. Insufficient subscriptions—Herald July 5, 1897.
7
1 Novascotian December 16, 1841. Also recall the
"irregularities" during the Marriage feast in Saint John—
Morning News May 25, 184 0.
122
described
a feast
unintelligent"
distinction
and
for
t h e poor
as an " i n d i s c r i m i n a t e
and
form of a l m s g i v i n g , 7 2 which undermined
the
in V i c t o r i a n
"undeserving"
poor.
illness
or m i s f o r t u n e ,
showed
at
least
were d e f i n e d
some
identify
between
poor
were
to
thought
profligate,
like
deserving
the
The d e s e r v i n g
initiative,
as l a z y ,
public d i s t r i b u t i o n s ,
to
society
"deserving"
suffered
be
while
honest,
the
1840,
since
suffering
vice are
undeserving
t h e ox r o a s t ,
r e c i p i e n t s . 74
it
was
difficult
A letter
to
the
t h a t v e r y few
in honour of t h e Q u e e n ' s m a r r i a g e
Saint
from p o v e r t y ,
John
he
perceived
unless
it
be
"very
where
in
little
poverty
and
united".75
The
distribution
monitored
by
fragmentation
the
in
and
and even c r i m i n a l . 7 3 At
e d i t o r of t h e New Brunswick Courier b e l i e v e d
poor d e s e r v e d a f e a s t
from
poor
committee
food
could
institutionalizing
of p u b l i c f e a s t s
in p e n a l
much e a s i e r
of
for
the
than
Herald J u l y 5, 1 8 9 7 .
73
Fingard
"The R e l i e f
outdoor
of
feast.
institutions
celebration
72
public
readily
The
into individual dinners
and c h a r i t a b l e
to c o n t r o l
the
be more
the
made
ox r o a s t s .
of
Queen
Unemployed
for
them
Halifax's
Victoria's
Poor",
pp.
38-39.
74
Gwennyth
Andrews
"The E s t a b l i s h m e n t
of
I n s t i t u t i o n a l C a r e i n H a l i f a x in t h e M i d-N i n e t e e n t h
C e n t u r y " , Honours E s s a y , D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y , 1974, p . 4.
75
18,
1840.
Letter
to e d i t o r
in New Brunswick Courier
April
123
coronation in 1838 provided special dinners for inmates of
the poor house, the gaol, and the Bridewell.76 similarly,
the Saint John common council organized a dinner
in the
gaol, and in 1840, distributed provisions to the almshouse,
hospital asylum, gaol, and workhouse in commemoration of
Victoria's
celebration,
marriage.77
the
in
Halifax
Charitable
during
Irish
the
nuptial
Society
raised
subscriptions for dinners in the poor asylum, the gaol, and
the Bridewell,78
and
Nova Scotia's lieutenant-governor, Sir
Colin Campbell, donated a supply of beef, bread, and beer
to the inmates of the poor asylum and the prisoners in the
gaol.79 The following year, the inmates of the asylum, gaol,
and Bridewell in Halifax enjoyed special dinners as part of
the celebration of
the birth of the Prince of Wales. 80
Although outdoor feasts fell out of favour
/D
Acadian Recorder August 11, 1838. On the 50th
anniversary of the founding of Saint John in 1833, the
lieutenant-governor and the mayor provided the prisoners in
the penal institutions with roast beef and plum pudding—as
reported by J.W. Lawrence in Daily Telegraph November 21,
1882, in Scrapbook C27, p. 30, SJRL.
77
Coronation—Excerpt in Daily Sun April 12, 1887;
marriage—Minutes of the Common Council, Saint John, May 14,
1840; New Brunswick Courier May 16, 1840; Weekly Chronicle May
29, 1840.
78
Novascotian April 23, 1840; Times April 21, 1840;
Acadian Recorder April 25, 1840; Charitable Irish Society
Minutes, April 9, 27, May 18, 1840, PANS.
79
Acadian Recorder April 11, 1840.
80
Novascotian December 16, 30, 1841; Acadian Recorder
December 25, 1841.
124
in
the
public
domain,
institutions.
entertainment
visit
of
A gaol
in
the
Prince
nuptials
governor
of
to
the
in
as
in
for
the gaols
and
had
the
paid
to
the
to
at
the
and
an
of
the
the
lieutenantto
the
several
provincial
poor
asylum.83
institutions
continued
the
the
in
mark
honour
provisions
Halifax,
dinner
during
helped
later,
in
held
John,
in
and p e n a l
meals
Saint
donated
a
be
1860.81
years
for
to
asylum
in
province.82
celebrations
of
the
house
and
era.84
inhabitants
prison
well
three
special
Victorian
Poor
Wales
the charitable
receive
late
in
also
I n m a t e s of
of
in
poor
New B r u n s w i c k
asylums
treasury
continued
dinner
Halifax's
Prince's
poor
they
order
arranged
to
protection
who d i d
rely
to enter
take
advantage
and
s e c u r i t y . 85
not have
on
the poor
the
rations
of
these
The p o o r
resources
from
meals,
t o buy
other
as
debtors
bread,
prisoners,86
8
1 Morning Sun J u l y 2 3 , 1 8 6 0 . A l s o s e e e n t r y r e c e i v e d
f r o m t h e c i t y f o r a d i n n e r i n t h e p o o r a s y l u m on t h e
P r i n c e ' s v i s i t t o Nova S c o t i a i n 1 8 6 0 - - H a l i f a x ' s
Poor
A s y l u m A c c o u n t B o o k , A u g u s t I 8 6 0 , RG 3 5 - 1 0 2 , 33 B . l , PANS.
82
18,
St.
1863.
83
John Globe
Halifax's
Poor
March
1 1 , 1 8 6 3 ; Morning News March
Asylum
Account
Book,
May
1863,
PANS.
84
The p o o r r e c e i v e d m e a l s d u r i n g
d i a m o n d j u b i l e e s - - A c a d i a n Recorder June
Echo May 1 4 , 1 8 9 7 ; H e r a l d J u n e 2 5 , 1 8 9 7 .
85
8
Fingard
The Dark S i d e o f L i f e ,
pp.
the
20,
g o l d e n and
1887; Daily
52,
54-55,
57.
6
S e e l e t t e r from J o h n S m i t h , S a i n t J o h n , A p r i l 1 7 ,
1 8 3 8 , t o Mayor Hazen i n R o b e r t F . H a z e n , M a y o r a l t y P a p e r s .
125
undoubtedly
need,
welcomed
inmates
these
these
expected
dinners
in
special
to
the
be
meals.
treated
Regardless
"properly"
institutions.87
in S a i n t John p r e p a r e d a s p e c i a l
the p r i s o n e r s
during
consisting
of
pudding,
and
"turbulent
spirits"
O'Brien,
a
keg
managed
roast
of
n o t be
to convince
at
the
committee
table
considered
as
if
appendage"--a
protest
sit
or
at
gallon
87
88
of
two
debtor
other
or
three
named
Barney
prisoners
the
Participation
provided
whiskey.
Wales'
would
with
of
the
equation
t h e poor
birth
it
the
would
one
of
presided
also
the
be
"proper
Unfortunately,
and t h e n e x t day t h e i r
in g e n e r a l .
for
in
unless
the high s h e r i f f
their
share
was
institutionalization
of
in t h e lower
was
poor w i t h t h e poor
the Prince
of
naught,
a feast
least
were
repercussion
feasts
dismissed
plum
down t o a f e a s t
chairman.
fed to t h e p r i s o n e r s
public
vegetables,
t h e d i n n e r , b e c a u s e t h e y were n o t
to
they
came t o
One
1860,
However,
the
for
in
l i k e g e n t l e m e n . They c o n t e n d e d t h a t
"dignified"
the gaol
ale.
l e d by an e l d e r l y
upper h a l l n o t t o a t t e n d
being t r e a t e d
beef,
gaol
dinner
t h e P r i n c e of W a l e s ' s v i s i t
salmon,
during
The
commissioners
of
hall.88
of
the
institutionalized
When Samuel G.W.
during
in H a l i f a x
Archibald
the celebration
of
in
of
1841 b e c a u s e
F i n g a r d The Dark S i d e of L i f e , p . 5 1 .
See r e p o r t of J u s t i c e B a l l o c h
s e s s i o n s - - M o r n i n g News S e p t e m b e r
September 6, 1 8 6 0 .
t o a m e e t i n g of t h e
5 , 1860; Freeman
126
the meal already planned
for the inmates of the poor
asylum, another citizen wondered about the provision of
food for the unfortunate "besides the poorhouse poor".89
Similarly, after Alderman Cooke informed the Halifax city
council
that
the commissioners
of the poorhouse
had
already made the proper arrangements to give the inmates
of that institution a special "repast" during the golden
jubilee in 1887, Alderman Keefe replied
that something
should be dnne for the poor not confined to the charitable
institutions.90
In order to accommodate the deserving poor on the
outside, suggestions were made to make the outdoor feasts
more selective. Alderman Salter, a member of Saint John's
common council, and a Wesleyan circuit steward, opposed
the conventional feast planned for the observance of the
Queen's nuptials in 1840. Instead of a large free-for-all,
he proposed that the beef and bread be distributed to the
poor by tickets, and that rations be delivered to those at
the almshouse, work house, and gaol, and to poor widows at
their own dwellings.9] i n 1863, a citizen suggested that
the
organizers
provisions
make
poor
to make their
families
ask
for
enough
own dinners for the nuptial
89
Novascotian December 16, 1841.
90
Acadian Recorder June 13, 1887.
91
New Brunswick Courier May 23, 1840.
127
celebration. 92 H.A. Ingraham's suggestion to provide food
for the poor during
using
Halifax's diamond jubilee, proposed
well-established
poor
relief
societies—the
St.
Vincent de Paul Society and the Associavion for Improving
the Condition of the Poor--to identify deserving recipients
through domiciliary investigations, and then to distribute
the provisions so that they might make their own jubilee
meals.
None
of
the
suggestions
were
adopted
by
the
celebration organizers, probably because of an attachment
to the conventional feast, and the problem of logistics.
Changes
contributed
in
taste,
manners,
and
morality
also
to the decline of public feasts. Among the
articulate, the popularity of roast beef and plum pudding
waned by the late 1840 "s. One commentator remarked in 1849
that "John Bull..,has taken uncommonly to eating turkey and
potatoes [two American dishes] for his Christmas dinner,
although
he continues to swear by roast beef and plum
pudding before strangers". He suggested that
we Nova Scotians should adopt the fare so
liberally awarded to us for our national dish,
and serve it up as a piece de resistance for the
benefit of those who may drop in upon us with the
laudable desire to write a book about "tne manners
and customs of the Nova Scotians".93
Similarly,
another
Haligonian
contended
that
the
"W." in St. John Globe March 7, 1863.
"Ventriloquus" in British Colonist May 24, 1849.
128
"youngsters" of the late Victorian age would "turn their
noses up" at the barrels of gingerbread
(plum pudding)
which were served during the coronation celebration in
1838.94
The changing palates of the residents was accompanied
by a growing concern over the manner in which the ox was
cooked, primarily the waste involved in roasting the whole
animal,95 and the aesthetics of the practice. In 1838, the
Halifax Herald
thought that the "whole ox may well be
dispensed with as a barbarous usage hardly suited to this
enlightened age".96 As ox roasts became more sporadic, the
knowledge of how to cook the animals properly gradually
disappeared. The Charitable Irish Society tried to roast
an ox in Halifax during the coronation in 1838, but it was
eventually disposed of, probably
due to over-cooking.97
Few people actually ate the oxen roasted
John
in Saint
in 1883 and 1897, which either suggests that they
were improperly cooked, or that people no longer cared for
94
"Doesticks" in Acadian Recorder July 10, 1897.
95 See the mayor's comments in New Brunswick Courier
March 28, 1840, and Alderman Porter's remarks in May 23,
1840, p. 4. There was also concern about the waste and
excess of festivals in early modern Europe--Burke Popular
Culture in Early Modern Europe, p. 213.
96 Excerpt in Halifax Herald June 15, 1897, from Lady
Aberdeen's scrapbook, 1897, p. 66, NAC. Similarly, the
Novascotian July 5, 1838, commented that the "days of oxroasting may as well go after the days of chivalry".
97
Times July 3, 1838.
129
ox meat prepared in this way. Indeed, this later version
of the ox roast primarily served as a curiosity and a
nostalgic
reminder
of
how
their
forefathers
had
celebrated. According to the Sun,
quite a large number of slices were procured by
people to send to people abroad as a memento of
the day. Great c u r i o s i t y was exhibited
throughout the city and Portland to witness the
modus operandi, and all Thursday afternoon until
late in the evening Victoria Square was thronged
with sightseers.98
A number of Market Square merchants, who also wished to
roast an ox, contended that care would be taken to prevent
it from becoming "barbarous" or wasteful",99 evidently as
it had been in the past. In 1897, the Beef Eaters decided
to roast an ox "the same as our forefathers did sixty
years ago". 100 As in 1883, people tended to take home
pieces as souvenirs, rather than eat them.101
Changes in the standards of public morality
also
affected public feasting. Beginning in the 1820's, Halifax
and Saint John witnessed the emergence of evangelical,
temperance, and rational recreation movements. While these
causes found support at all social levels, abstinence and
prohibition were taken up in force by the evangelical
98
Daily Evening News May 19, 1883; Daily Sun May 19,
1883; Weekly World May 24, 1883, in Scrapbook C27, SJRL.
99
Daily Telegraph May 11, 1883.
1 0 0 Daily Sun June 17, 1897.
i0i
Daily Sun June 23, 1897.
130
elements of the lower middle- and respectable workingclasses.102 Besides an array of temperance organizations,
a reformist clique called the "puritan liberals" emerged
on the Saint John common council, who were committed to
temperance and purity in public life.103 The Halifax city
council also demonstrated
a growing commitment to the
bourgeois ideals of efficiency and progress.104
Reformers displayed a variety of responses to public
feasting
and drinking. Some reformers had no use at all
for public festivities, particularly when they functioned
as gratuitous
charities. The emerging
bourgeoisie
in
Victorian England experienced considerable tension between
work
and
leisure, accentuated
for
those
with
the
evangelical convictions of the "protestant work ethic".105
Public entertainments such as feasts were considered to be
frivolous, and
irreconcilable
with
the "dignity of
labour". Indeed, a familiar maxim advised that the "truest
charity is to find employment that will give food; and not
food without employment".106 The feast tended to induce
1 0 2 According to Thompson The Rise of Respectable
Society, p. 310, the "teetotal position" divided the
middle class.
1 0 3 Acheson Saint John, pp. 181-82.
1 0 4 Janet Guildford "Public School Reform and the
Halifax Middle Class, 1850-1870", Ph.D. Thesis, Dalhousie
University, September 1990.
1 0 5 Bailey Leisure and Class, p. 5.
1 0 6 Fingard "The Relief of the Unemployed Poor", p. 36.
131
idleness, drinking, and other slothful
qualities. A
correspondent of the Halifax Herald opposed holding a
feast for the poor during Queen Victoria's diamond jubilee
celebration in 1897 because it undermined the "pride and
spirit of self-reliance" of the deserving poor.107
Some reformers reconciled the tension between this
demoralizing frivolity and the sanctity of work, by either
attempting to modify or change existing celebrations, or
by providing alternative rational recreations.
Temperance
and abstinence reformers centered on drink as the primary
concern. As part of the critique of the Tory Anglican
oligarchy
in Nova
Scotia
in the first
half
of
the
nineteenth century, reformers frequently centred on the
gregarious lifestyle of the "gentry", including
feasting
their
and drinking during public celebrations. The
Novascotian, a reform newspaper, criticized the drunken
and disorderly behaviour of the gentlemen attending a ball
and banquet in celebration of the Prince's birth in 1841:
We trust that few of the citizens had any part
in those scenes of riot;—happily the workingclasses have, now at least, contracted habits
and feelings of too high a character to be
tainted by such examples, even if set by those
who assume to be of the most respectable order .
If the usual fines for intoxication were
imposed, the City Clerk's book would exhibit
some extraordinary entr ies,--and outrages, in
disreputable haunts, would show that gentlemen
and gentlemanly conduct, may by possibility be
sometimes disunited. It is really time that the
example set by the less pretending part of
I 0 7 Herald July 5, 1897.
132
society, were taken by others, or that the
stigma, and the mark of respectability, should
be placed, respectively, where they are most
deserved.108
However, fears
of drunkenness
and disorder
in large
assemblages, and the susceptibility of public displays to
attack and modification, augmented the campaign against
the feasts of the lower orders. In order to deal with the
question of drinking and drunkenness, particularly among
the lower
classes, some moderates
advocated
a simple
reduction in the amount of liquor consumed,109 while other
"distinguished
patricians" of the temperance cause in
Saint John, such as Charles Simonds and John Gray, moved
for a restriction of the type of alcohol served, finding
nothing wrong with ale and wine, but drawing the line at
hard liquors.110
The arrival in the 1840's of the American fraternal
temperance organization
facilitated
called
the Sons of
the movement toward abstinence as a form of
social control. These abstainers
celebrations
Temperance
should
be changed
thought
into more
that public
respectable
events by making them more rational and orderly, and by
108 Novascotian December 30, 1841.
109 p o r example, the Novascotian December 10, 1840,
commented regarding the reduction of whiskey consumed at a
fair in Ireland: "How much of confusion, and quarrelling,
of profane swearing, and loss of time, and of evils, was
avoided by leaving the difference between 8 gallons and 8
puncheons unswallowed".
11 0 Acheson Saint John, p. 146.
133
prohibiting
the use of alcohol. The Morning Sun spoke of
the influence of temperance on public recreations:
The general effect which ^Temperance principles'
have on some of these occasions, and perhaps on
all of them to some extent, go far to remove old
objections to such modes of recreation. The
great blame of festive occasions, was that of
the miserable cup of intoxication;—prohibit
that, and man enjoys himself, generally as a
respectable creature.HI
Alderman
intoxicating
Saint John
Salter
objected
to the availability
of
beverages at the marriage celebration
in
in 1840. He believed that the common council
would not be setting a good example for their constituents
by
encouraging
intemperance
in
this
way.
He
saw
drunkenness at the ox roast in Carleton in 1838, and had
no doubt that again many would go away "gloriously drunk".
He advocated a more "rational and consistent" celebration,
which
avoided
unnecessary
n o i s e , confusion,
and
intemperance. He admitted: "Englishmen might not get drunk
on ale, because they were accustomed to it; but Bluenoses
might, and the temptation might be very dangerous". He did
not approve of the loyalty of the bottle, but preferred
"sober, honest"
loyalty.112 However, fellow
puritan
iii
Morning Sun July 20, 1846, as quoted in David
Francis Howell "A History of Horse Racing in Halifax,
N.S., 1749-1867", M.Sc. Thesis, Dalhousie University,
1972, p. 44.
112 This connection between drunkenness and loyalty
can be traced back to at least 1809, when the press
commented regarding King George Ill's jubilee: "It is not
amidst intoxication...that we are to look for that steady
or enthusiastic loyalty which is at once the pledge and
134
liberals
Aldermen P o r t e r
conservatives"
and A s s i s t a n t
spoke out
little
in
and John Humbert,
such as Gregory Vanhorne,
Aldermen W i l l i a m H a g a r t y
favour
drunkenness
of
at
the
feast.113
not t h i n k
of
the
for
the
voted
celebration
in
of
Harding,
Ewan
Indeed,
of
Cameron
He "would
t h e y wished
favour
Queen
Thomas
Alderman P o r t e r
i t would do them any harm.
aldermen
"populist
and
the c o r o n a t i o n .
poor have a good g l a s s of a l e i f
and
let
the
it",
and did
the
majority
a conventional
Victoria's
saw
feast
marriage
in
1840.114
Other
suggested
as
proponents
offering
temperance
offer
free
temperance
more r a t i o n a l
soirees.
food
of
alternative
These a t t r a c t i o n s
and e n t e r t a i n m e n t ,
but
and t h e r e b y r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . 1 1 5 Offended
during
Society
public
celebrations,
organized
Victoria's
the
a temperance
coronation
and
celebration
St.
events,
did
not
such
merely
also
instruction,
by t h e
drunkenness
John
Temperance
soiree
in
abstinence
Saint
during
John
Queen's
in
1838,
a s d i d t h e P r o v i n c i a l Temperance and S t . John A u x i l i a r y
to
t h e New Brunswick F o r e i g n Temperance S o c i e t i e s
in 1840,
in
"The A p o t h e o s i s
of
t e s t of p o p u l a r a l l e g i a n c e " - - C o l l e y
George I I I " , p . 117.
1 1 3 For a d i s c u s s i o n
S a i n t John, p p . 1 8 1 - 8 2 .
1 1 4 For
debate,
see
of
these
aldermen,
see
Acheson
New B r u n s w i c k Courier May 2 3 ,
1840.
115 Bailey Leisure and Class, pp. 39, 42; Acheson
Saint John, p. 159.
135
c e l e b r a t i o n of t h e Q u e e n ' s n u p t i a l s . 1 1 6
pseudo-religious
band
music,
temperance
and
and
instructive,
discourses
to "Our
the
events
for
ale.117
suffer
Port
associated
by t e m p e r a n c e
supporters
contended
no
that
societies,
by a b s t a i n e r s
had
qualms
the
liquid
as
about
well,
using
atmosphere did
not
b e c a u s e of t h e l a c k of a l c o h o l : "we may s a f e l y
or Madeira
hilarity
and
fragrant
display,
to
impart
social
to
feelings
productions
the
than
v o t a r i e s more
were
East".
inspired
by
these
t h e c o r o n a t i o n m e e t i n g was a s o u r c e of
"rational
a "feast
of
"long
live
concluded:
such
a loyal
reason
of
people,
Temperance
Cause
to
expressing
those
feelings."118
temperance
soiree
suggest
1838
for
Victoria
affections
in
Instead
genuine
a drunken
and
of
their
defy
of
intercourse"
guest
f a r e than t h a t
attended
from
Constitution".
w i t h t e a and c o f f e e as t h e o n l y
were p r o b a b l y
A guest
hymns,
ranging
"British
Although o r g a n i z e d
temperance
themes
Laws" and t h e
with p u b l i c f e a s t s ,
refreshments.
incorporating
on
The food s e r v e d was of a l i g h t e r
The programs were
so
and
and
the
soul".
The
to
share
the
live
the
long
rational
The
a mode
success
1840
of
ensured
of
the
its
H 6 Although t h e r e were no s o i r e e s in H a l i f a x for t h e
p u b l i c c e l e b r a t i o n s in q u e s t i o n , t h e y w e r e b e c o m i n g
p o p u l a r e v e n t s t h e r e as w e l l . The N o v a s c o t i a n December 9 ,
1 8 4 1 , recommended a s o i r e e a s an e v e n t for t h e c e l e b r a t i o n
of t h e b i r t h of t h e P r i n c e of W a l e s .
H 7 Acheson S a i n t John, p . 1 4 5 .
I18
"A Guest" in New Brunswick Courier June 3 0 , 1838.
136
continuation as a "regular feature of temperance life" in
Saint John.119
The popularization of abstinence in the next decade
led to the banning of intoxicating beverages not only at
soirees, but also at other celebration events. During the
turning of the sod for the European and North
American
Railway in Saint John in 1853, a majority of the common
council
felt
obliged
principles, and
to declare
disallowed
their
a steamer
abstinence
excursion
prominent guests because of the alcohol
for
to be served
aboard.120
Eventually
"legislative coercion" against drink
superseded "moral suasion". Prohibitive legislation
first
enacted
repealed
in New
the following
Brunswick
year
was
in 1855, only to be
as a new government
took
power, and then in 1878, when the federal Scott Act made
prohibition a "local option", dependent upon the decisions
of the municipalities. Since Saint John and Halifax were
never within the parameters of this act, city council
members must have been allied with liquor interests. The
federal McCarthy Act
(1883-86) created
a good deal of
confusion regarding the issue of liquor licenses. The Nova
Scotia liquor licence act of 1886 , which replaced
the
H 9 Acheson Saint John, p. 146.
I 2 0 Morning News September 7, 12, 1853; see Acheson
Saint John, pp. 155-57 for a discussion of the temperance
council.
137
McCarthy
Act
in
Halifax,
only permitted
licenses,
and t h e o r e t i c a l l y
although
no e f f e c t i v e
abolished
and
the tavern
l a w . 1 2 1 N o n e t h e l e s s , t h e g e n e r a l atmosphere encouraged
dry
1883,
the
Kennedy
diners
caused
abstinence,
widespread
coronation
getting
and
by
one
the
celebration
centennial
from
man
the
of
barbecue
newly
lamented
influence
prohibitory
acceptance
of
inaugurated
the
loss
of
temperance,
legislation.
drink
in
during
The
Saint
more
John's
in 1838, "made e v e r y t h i n g hum much
in t h e morning
into
John's
drank water
Fountain.122
vitality
earlier
Saint
to
in 1887,
the
During
existed
shop
enforce
celebrations.
apparatus
hotel
than
Nowlan's
usual,
Brig,
as
without
the
the danger
jail
was
of
then
called".123
Despite
their
efforts, moral
reformers
in the
temperance, abstinence, and prohibition camps were not
entirely successful in regulating popular behaviour during
celebrations.
The
organizations posed
inherent
class
bias
of
their
one of the most serious problems.
While reformers condemned the nature of public feasts and
121 c. Mark Davis "Rum and the Law" in James H.
Morrison and James Moreira (eds.) Tempered by Rum. Rum in
the History of the Maritime Provinces (Porters Lake,
1988), pp. 45-47; Judith Fingard " N A Great Big Rum Shop':
The Drink Trade in Victorian Halifax", Tempered by Rum, p.
97.
i22
Daily Evening News May 19, 1883.
I 2 3 Daily Sun June 18, 1887.
138
tried to change them, in an effort to contribute to the
improvement and elevation of the poor,124 their efforts at
individual reformation, and the provision of alternative
forms of celebrating, catered more to people of their "own
kind". William Baird contended that the "more
important
work for the members of the Division [Sons of TempeLance]
seemed to be the reformation of talented and influential
men,
whose
example
was
producing
a most
damaging
effect".125 The restriction of attendance at the soirees
reflected this class bias, as tickets were first offered
to members of the temperance societies, and then to the
general
public.126
An
"insistence
upon
certain
prerequisites of conduct and appearance" at the events,
further
excluded
heightened
"the unscrubbed".127
social extremes, attempts
At a" time of
to ameliorate and
elevate the lower orders were not made any easier by many
124 There was hope that the removal of alcohol from
society would result in the elimination of crime and
poverty—E.J. Dick "From Temperance to Prohibition in 19th
Century Nova Scotia", Dalhousie Review, Vol. 61, no. 3,
Autumn 1981, p. 549.
12 5 William I. Baird Seventy Years of New Brunswick
Life (Saint John, 1890), p. 162, SJRL; "Reminiscence of
Eliza Donkin", p. 33, N.B. Museum. Eliza D o n k m was a
young Victorian woman who grew up in Saint John.
126
New Brunswick Courier June 23, 1838, April 18,
May 22, 25, 1840.
1 2 7 Bailey Leisure and Class, p. 51. Because of
"mischievous conduct", no youths were permitted at the
temperance meetings in Halifax in 1843 unless accompanied
by a parent or guardian, or signed in by a member-Morning Herald May 31, 1843.
139
middle-class
citizens
who
were
more
concerned
with
reinforcing than reducing social distance.128
Despite the problems of the temperance movement, free
large-scale
public distributions
of food
and drink had
definitely declined by mid-century, and were replaced in
the
late
Victorian
period
by
smaller-scale
treats
and
dinners. The Salvation Army supplied a public dinner to
about
300
people
during
Saint
John's
diamond
jubilee
celebration in 1897,129 and held a "Hallelujah breakfast"
on the Halifax common ten years earlier in celebration of
the golden jubilee.130 An emphasis on "treating" juveniles
led the evangelical organization to provide the children
with
ice cream
on
the
Queen's
birthday
in
Halifax
in
1897.131
During
the
late Victorian
era
of the
"Gilded
Age
factory [and union] picnic",132 the "organized" members of
the working
class also received
free food and drink at
picnics and excursions sponsored by voluntary
Bailey Leisure and Class, p. 105; Malcolmson Popular
Recreations, p. 164.
129
Daily Telegraph June 15, 22, 1897.
130
Acadian Recorder June 22, 1887; Herald June 21, 1887,
p. 2.
131
Daily Echo May 21, 1897. The Acadian Recorder June
13, 1887, advised the Golden Jubilee celebration organizers
to "give the children a picnic—otherwise it will be no more
of a jubilee to them than any other day".
132
Davis Parades and Power, p. 18.
140
organizations,
example,
churches,
the
unions,
Typographical
e x c u r s i o n i s t s to H e f f l e r ' s
Halifax's
signify
natal
a
day
for
Union
transported
in
1886.133
feasting
of
These
the
individual
passed
unions,
these
they
heads
and c o m p a n i e s .
feasts
were
had been
in
It
not
the
of
is
from
early
public
1000
the
as
the
leaders
organizations,
to
general
nineteenth
during
celebrations,
important
for
For
picnics
the l o c a l
voluntary
also
meant
select
paternalism,
and government members who o r g a n i z e d
to
companies.
new g r o u n d s for a p i c n i c
fragmentation
responsibility
and
note
public,
century,
for members and j o i n e r s . T h u s , t h e b u l k of t h e
poor were e x c l u d e d from t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n s
that
but
as
only
unorganized
of f r e e
food
and
drink.
Gradually
provide
their
provision
more of
one.
it
of
own
food
processions,
festive
during
responsibility
small
treats
in
which m a r c h e d
1867,
for
most
picnics.134
when f o o d - r e l a t e d
Steam B a k e r y ,
procession
necessary
and d r i n k
a personal
Sometimes
i33
became
Indeed,
celebrations
than
could
be
Halifax's
distributed
become
food
public
obtained
like
to
the
a paternal
industries
in
people
at
Scriven's
confederation
samples
to
the
Morning Chronicle June 22, 23, 1896.
I 3 4 See C h a p t e r 9 for a d i s c u s s i o n
p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of t h e e x c u r s i o n .
of
the
mass
141
crowds.135 Refreshments
or
obtained
could
from v e n d o r s ,
special
or from e a t i n g and d r i n k i n g
Despite
alcohol
the
the
was s t i l l
West
Indies
and
be b r o u g h t
from
home,
refreshment
stands,136
establishments.
decline
very
also
of
organized" public
accessible.
The s t a p l e
t h e n a t u r e of
feasts,
trade
S a i n t John and
with
Halifax
as s e a p o r t s and m i l i t a r y g a r r i s o n s e n s u r e d a p r e v a l e n c e of
d r i n k and d r i n k i n g
boasted
shops,
between
and
establishments.
200-300
30-120
By t h e 1 8 6 0 ' s ,
licensed
unlicensed
drinking
houses
establishments,
a v e r a g e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y one d r i n k i n g e s t a b l i s h m e n t
100
inhabitants,
d e g r e e of
unofficial
is difficult
the
drinking
to d i s c e r n ,
descriptions
i35
including
women
and
during
because
of d r u n k e n n e s s
Halifax
of
in
and
which
to every
children.137
public
celebrations
the discrepancies
the
The
two c i t i e s . 1 3 8
in
By
B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t J u l y 2, 1 8 6 7 .
136 The Somen's C h r i s t i a n Temperance Union s e t up a
s t a n d in H a l i f a x ' s p u b l i c g a r d e n s on N a t a l day—Morning
C h r o n i c l e June 2 3 , 24, 1890. In S a i n t J o h n , t h e W.C.T.U.
o p e n e d up " c o f f e e rooms" d u r i n g p u b l i c o c c a s i o n s — D a i l y
Sun May 1 7 , 1 8 , 1893.
i37
Fingard
A G r e a t Big Rum S h o p * " , p . 9 0 .
138 p o r e x a m p l e , d u r i n g t h e p r i n c e ' s v i s i t in 1860,
t h e r e were d i s c r e p a n c i e s between f o r e i g n c o r r e s p o n d e n t s ,
who c o n t e n d e d t h a t b o t h c i t i e s were " t i g h t " , and t h e l o c a l
r e p o r t e r s , who r e t o r t e d t h a t t h e c e l e b r a t i o n s
were
c o n d u c t e d with g r e a t s o b r i e t y , o r d e r , and e c l a t . F o r e i g n
c o r r e s p o n d e n t r e : S a i n t John—London Times in Morning News
S e p t e m b e r 12, 1860; l o c a l c o r r e s p o n d e n t r e : S a i n t John —
Morning News August 6, September 3 , 7, 1 2 , 1860. F o r e i g n
c o r r e s p o n d e n t r e : H a l i f a x - - L o n d o n Times i n N o v a s c o t i a n
September 17, 1860; l o c a l c o r r e s p o n d e n t r e : H a l i f a x —
N o v a s c o t i a n September 3 , 1 7 , 1860.
142
the
late
during
Victorian
celebrations
period,
was
police,
the m a g i s t r a t e s ,
certain
amount of l i c e n s e
Halifax,
drunken
civilians
the
degree
and c e r t a i n
during
altercations
citizens
led
to
frequently
on McNab's
a drunken
During
a McNab's
Island,
Island
because
picnic
allowed
occurred
the
a
in
between
On n a t a l day in 1894, a
from
brawl
c i v i l i a n s and s o l d i e r s . 1 4 0 D r u n k e n n e s s
problem
for
such f e s t i v i t i e s . 1 3 9
c o u p l e of c i v i l i a n s managed t o g e t b e e r
which
drunkenness
probably underestimated,
and m i l i t a r y p e r s o n n e l .
canteen,
of
the
military
between
the
posed a p a r t i c u l a r
of
its
on n a t a l
remoteness.
day
in
1876,
" t h e r e was not much enjoyment
there...for
fighting
and t h e r e were many b r u i s e d
faces
prevailed
and
black
generally,
e y e s . " 1 4 1 Drunkenness
drunkenness
was so
and
widespread
I 3 9 During H a l i f a x ' s c e n t e n a r y i n 1849, a " u n i v e r s a l
l i c e n s e p r e v a i l e d in t h e c i t y " — N o v a s c o t i a n June 1 1 , 1849;
d r u n k e n n e s s would p r o b a b l y b e " e x c u s e d " d u r i n g
the
p r i n c e ' s m a r r i a g e c e l e b r a t i o n in 1 8 6 3 - - " J . " in D a i l y
E v e n i n g Globe A p r i l 1 3 , 1863; t h e e d i t o r of t h e Acadian
R e c o r d e r J u n e 2 3 , 1887 s a i d t h a t he would p a r d o n t h e
w o r k e r s and v i s i t o r s i f t h e y g o t a l i t t l e " h i l a r i o u s "
d u r i n g t h e g o l d e n j u b i l e e . A l s o , j u d g e s in t h e H a l i f a x
c o u r t e x t e n d e d " J u b i l e e c h a n c e s " to t h e a c c u s e d - - A c a d i a n
Recorder June 20, 1 8 8 7 .
i40
14i
Morning Chronicle June 22, 1894.
Halifax Citizen June 22, 1876. Prior to the
Early Closing Association's picnic on McNab's Island, the
press warned that "persons of known loose character will
not be allowed on the boats, and if found on the Grounds,
will be handed over to the police"—British Colonist June
6, 1874. There was also fighting and drunkenness on the
Island on natal day in 1886, when three soldiers stationed
on the Island
fell into the
water, and were rescued —
Morning Chronicle June 23, 1886.
143
during
the j u b i l e e s ,
coined
to r e f e r
who s u f f e r e d
to
that
a new w o r d ,
"jubilated",
the drunk and d i s o r d e r l y ,
so much from o v e r i n d u l g e n c e
t h e y were u n a b l e t o c e l e b r a t e , were c a l l e d
Two major
and H a l i f a x
forms of c e l e b r a t i n g
expressing
tradition
while
those
in d r i n k
that
"jubilous".142
emerged
in S a i n t
John
in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y — w e t and d r y .
two c e l e b r a t i o n
styles
one's
drank
to
translated
loyalty.
the
into different
Celebrants
health
of
the
advocated
a sober
embodied
rational
and
in
more
These
ways
in
the
Queen
and
w e l l - b e i n g of t h e c o u n t r y and i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s .
and p r o h i b i t i o n i s t s
was
of
former
to
the
Abstainers
and d r y
respectable
loyalty,
forms
of
c e l e b r a t i n g , l i k e s o i r e e s . Advocates of b o t h camps adopted
Queen V i c t o r i a as a symbol: r e f o r m e r s p o r t r a y e d her as t h e
"Patroness
of
Temperance
" d o m e s t i c a t e d monarch,
the
Associations",143
whose p u b l i c
image r e s i d e d
t r a p p i n g s of t h e upper c l a s s , b u t
ethos
of
frugality,
responsibility",144
aristocrat,
i42
self-denial,
while
who was not
and
in t h e m i d d l e
hard
imbibers
"indifferent
work,
and
painted
her
to
the
as
not
a
in
class
civic
as
an
comfort
of
D a i l y Echo June 24, 1897.
1 4 3 S i r J o h n H a r v e y ' s comment d u r i n g S a i n t J o h n
s o i r e e in 1 8 4 0 - - N e w Brunswick C o u r i e r May 3 0 , 1 8 4 0 ;
Morning News May 2 7 , 1840; Weekly C h r o n i c l e May 29, 1840.
1 4 4 Thomas R i c h a r d s "The Image of V i c t o r i a in t h e
Year of J u b i l e e " , V i c t o r i a n S t u d i e s V o l . 3 1 , n o . 1, Autumn
1987, p . 1 0 .
144
good plain eating and drinking".145
By the late nineteenth century, drinking had become
more of an "incidental social lubricant" indulged
in by
individuals, and less of a "total experience".146 Feasting
underwent an even more dramatic decline in the Victorian
period. The disappearance of public feasts can be attributed
to a number of factors, notably the assaults of temperance
reformers, the decline of English influences, the effects
of urbanization, particularly the solidification of class
divisions, and changes in tastes and manners. Some members
of the middle class attempted to distance themselves from
public feasts by holding their own exclusive entertainments,
often at the people's expense, while others attempted to
transform
ox
roasts
by
making
them
more
rational
and
discriminative, or by providing alternatives. However, the
alternatives posed by the reformers seemed to accommodate
the lower middle class and respectable working men, many of
whom were already in the reform movements, not the poor who
had benefited the most from public feasting. By mid-century,
few alternatives to traditional feasts were left for those
members of the lower orders who "measured improvement" by
the "bellyful".147
Daily Sun June 22, 1887.
Bailey Leisure and Class, p. 174.
Bailey Leisure and Class, p. 89.
CHAPTER 4
CHILDREN'S DEMONSTRATIONS
The
decline
demonstrations
celebration
While
of
and
ox
roasts
had
participation
to
participated
and
The
celebration
exercises
celebration:
the
flags,
affirmed,
unified,
that
acknowledged
exert[ed]
form
social
images of
"meant
and
restricted
direct
groups.
adhered
and
and
content
the
empire,
to
the
organized
symbols
Halifax.
public,
who
and r e i n f o r c e d
of
Children
supervision
the
children's
of
children's
ritual
the
Queen,
teachers
mode
be
believed,
to,
and
over
critics
of
exercises-
and
country--
a " v e r s i o n of t h e
control".1 Nonetheless,
left
general
under
embodied
dominant
was
the
organizations,
commissioners
uniforms,
to
celebrations
voluntary
demonstrations.
S a i n t John and
catered
certain
drinking
t h e p r i m a r y modes of
processions
in p u b l i c
police,
school
order"
as
in n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y
and
the
and
processions
demonstrations
of
feasting
or
at
which
social
least
society
questioned
the
m o t i v e s of t h e o r g a n i z e r s , and t h e s a f e t y and p r o p r i e t y of
the events
themselves.
Children
were
highly
visible
on t h e
streets
during
1 Frank E. Manning "Cosmos and C h a o s : C e l e b r a t i o n in
t h e M o d e r n W o r l d " , i n F r a n k E. M a n n i n g
(ed.)
The
C e l e b r a t i o n o f S o c i e t y . P e r s p e c t i v e s on C o n t e m p o r a r y
C u l t u r a l Performance (Bowling G r e e n , O h i o , 1 9 8 3 ) , p . 2 7 .
145
146
public
celebrations,
families,
or
anticipated
celebrations
free
food
than
own
b e c a u s e of
streets,
and
than
ever
anticipation
of
roast
beef
also
free
trips
celebration
Although t h e y l o o k e d
to
the
St.
with
Street
their
children
the o p p o r t u n i t i e s
in
were
strained
outrageously
marriage
leisure.2
celebration
the
usual,
enjoyed
participating
The Morning News r e p o r t e d d u r i n g
nuptial
about
earlier
their
and f u n .
Victoria's
urchins
at
often
to
1840
upon
their
testify
and c a k e " . 3
the
Prince
"ragged
their
ferry
of
h a p p i n e s s as t h e y c r o s s e d and r e c r o s s e d
more
joyful
"arabs"
during
Wales
it
much
pipes
The young
"worth a h o l i d a y
Queen
alert
treble
" c o l d and h u n g r y " ,
John Globe,
the
on t h e C a r l e t o n
of
that
was,
in
the
1863.
according
to witness
until
for
their
i t was q u i t e
dark".4
Yet
streets
the
on
the
d u r i n g c e l e b r a t i o n s became a c a u s e of c o n c e r n
for
middle-class
unsuppressed
citizens
and
activity
the
of
children
authorities,
2
particularly
J a n e t G u i l d f o r d " N I o f t e n run in t h e s t r e e t s of
H a l i f a x ' : Middle C l a s s A t t i t u d e s to C h i l d r e n in H a l i f a x ,
1 8 5 0 - 1 8 7 0 " , p a p e r p r e s e n t e d to the
faculty-graduate
s e m i n a r , D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y H i s t o r y D e p a r t m e n t 1989, p .
1 . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e Acadian Recorder May 24, 1856, boys
w e r e n o t o r i o u s l y f o n d of a d a y ' s " j o l l i t y " o r a n
o p p o r t u n i t y t o l o a f a b o u t t h e s t r e e t s . During H a l i f a x ' s
n a t a l day c e l e b r a t i o n in 1870, i t was r e p o r t e d t h a t " t h e
c i t i z e n s , a n d e s p e c i a l l y t h e young c i t i z e n s " l o o k e d
forward t o a "day of e n j o y m e n t " , b u t w e r e d i s a p p o i n t e d
b e c a u s e of bad w e a t h e r — N o v a s c o t i a n June 2 7 , 1 8 7 0 .
3
Morning News May 2 5 , 1 8 4 0 .
4
S t . John Globe March 1 1 , 1 8 6 3 .
147
because of the tendency for young boys to let off fire
crackers. Boys often began discharging their fire crackers
a fortnight or more before the actual festivities,5 and
often close to female spectators in an attempt to startle
them. This not only upset middle-class etiquette regarding
the maintenance of social distance,6
but posed a danger
to the women because of their flammable dresses. During
Saint John's Loyalist centennial in 1883, fire crackers
ignited a fire in a grocery store.7
The boys who lit the
fire crackers sometimes suffered injuries. One boy almost
lost his sight from a cracker during Halifax's celebration
of the Queen's birthday in 1874.8
Two years later on the
same occasion, boys were injured by an exploding cask of
powder
while
making
squibs
(small
common.9 in Saint John during
fireworks) on the
the Queen's birthday in
1879, a premature blast explosion badly burned a boy's
5
Daily Sun April 20, 1883.
6 Karen Halttunen Confidence Men and Painted Women: A
Study of Middle Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New
Haven, 1982), pp. 63, 114-116; Leonore Davidoff The Best
Circles. Society Etiquette and the Season (London, 1973) ,
pp. 42, 80. According to Mary P. Ryan, in nineteenthcentury New Orleans, fire crackers were thought to be
tolerable to men, but when they were let off close to
women, it was "extremely reprehensible"—Women in Public.
Between Banners and Ballots, 1825-1880 (Berkeley, 1989),
pp. 69-70.
7
Daily Sun May 19, 1883.
8
British Colonist May 26, 1874.
9
Citizen May 25, 1876.
148
face.10
Another
cracker
boy had
his
ear
banged
off
by a
fire
in 1 8 8 1 , but i n s t e a d of h i n d e r i n g h i s f r i e n d s ,
he
become something of a m a r t y r . 1 1
Efforts
to
ineffective.
the
use
devices
during
of
fireworks,
yards
of
Saint
police
fire
in
fourteen
boys
in H a l i f a x
Halifax
or
under
days
the
couldn't
disincentives
"Innumerable
threat
and
light
of
a 40s
birthday
to
firecrackers"
of
1000
fine
or a
in
1871,
for
in
"the
fear
of
was f i n e d
$8
However,
discourage
use
within
to y o u n g s t e r s
1874.14
1860.
Similarly,
in H a l i f a x
crackers
John
similar
the
up f i r e c r a c k e r s
in
little
of
imprisonment.12
selling
quantities
squibs,
large bonfires
Queen's
birthday
did
rather
and S a i n t
prohibited
a r r e s t e d " . 1 3 A shop keeper
Queen's
proved
of t h e P r i n c e of Wales in
crackers,
in p o l i c e c o u r t for
the
problem
firecrackers,
the v i s i t
John d u r i n g
little
being
of
a building,
maximum of
this
The a u t h o r i t i e s
forbad
The c h i e f
control
the
during
these
practice.
were l e t
off
on
1 0 D a i l y News May 26, 1879.
11 D a i l y Evening News May 24, 1 8 8 1 .
1 2 Acadian Recorder June 14, I860; Morning J o u r n a l
J u l y 2 5 , 1860; memo t o be p u b l i s h e d a g a i n s t l e t t i n g o f f
s q u i b s and c r a c k e r s — E x e c u t i v e Committee, J u l y 2 1 , 1860,
M i n u t e s of t h e Committee for t h e R e c e p t i o n of H.R.H. t h e
P r i n c e of W a l e s , 1 8 6 0 , PANS; Morning Freeman J u l y 3 1 ,
1860.
1 3 Morning News May 2 5 , 1871.
1 4 S e v e r a l o t h e r s were summoned to appear on the same
c h a r g e — B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t June 2, 1874.
•f
149
H a l i f a x ' s n a t a l day in 1868,15 and on the Queen's
birthday
in 1874, boys openly p r a c t i c e d t h e "abominable p r a c t i c e of
exploding
noted
that
crackers".16
"small
William F. Bunting
boys
indulge[d]
to
of
Saint
their
John
heart's
c o n t e n t " in f i r i n g c r a c k e r s d u r i n g t h e Queen's b i r t h d a y
in
1880.17 On the same h o l i d a y in 1886, t h e "small boy with
t h e f i r e c r a c k e r was e a r l y a s t i r "
Concerned c i t i z e n s
through
moral
large part,
organizations,
of
Until
voluntary
1860,
juvenile
this
behaviour
duty
organizations.
fell,
in
Children's
such as t h e Cold Water Army and t h e Cadets
Temperance,
juvenile
participated
in H a l i f a x ' s
to " c o n t a i n
urban
"informal
Halifax.18
also monitored
suasion.
to t h e
in
youth
temperance
organizations,
c e n t e n a r y in 1849 in an a t t e m p t
juvenile
restlessness"
culture".19
By
and
1860,
suppress
educators
15 Novascotian June 22, 1868.
16 B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t May 26, 1874.
17 W i l l i a m
N.B. Museum.
i8
Franklin
Bunting D i a r i e s ,
May 24,
1880,
Morning Chronicle May 2 5 , 1886.
19 See Chapter 5 f o r the 1849 p a r a d e . The Cadets of
T e m p e r a n c e a l s o s u r f a c e d d u r i n g t h e a n n i v e r s a r y of
s e t t l e m e n t i n 1 8 5 0 - - N o v a s c o t i a n J u n e 1 7 , 1 8 5 0 . For
r e f e r e n c e to t h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , see G u i l d f o r d " V I o f t e n
r u n i n t h e s t r e e t s of H a l i f a x ' " , p . 8. The a r g u m e n t
r e g a r d i n g t h e s u p p r e s s i o n of y o u t h f u l r e s t l e s s n e s s i s
p r i m a r i l y used in t h e c o n t e x t of t h e " o r g a n i z e d youth
movement" in t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h
c e n t u r i e s , b u t I b e l i e v e t h a t i t a l s o works f o r t h e
e a r l i e r V i c t o r i a n p e r i o d — s e e Michael Blanch " I m p e r i a l i s m ,
N a t i o n a l i s m , and Organized Youth", in John C l a r k e , e t . a l .
(eds.)
W o r k i n g - C l a s s C u l t u r e . S t u d i e s i n h i s t o r y and
150
increasingly
population
accepted
as
inculcation.20
a more
segregation
effective
Children
first
Credit
for
demonstration
v e s t r y of S t .
to e r e c t
the
William
children,
idea
to
collectively
of
the
On t h e
the r a i l i n g
Episcopal
an
the
1860
church
of
day
of t h e i r
Sunday School
auctioneer
musician,23
meetings
schools.24
be g i v e n
700-800
local
organized
control
and
as a
to
1860.21
within
Ackhurst,
prominent
of
adult
Halifax
wardens
P a u l ' s C h u r c h , who v o t e d t h e n e c e s s a r y
a staging
accommodate
the
of t h e P r i n c e of Wales
original
must
means
appeared
s e p a r a t e group during t h e v i s i t
H a l i f a x and S a i n t John in
from
and
adopted
representatives
of
primarily g i r l s ,
the
visit,
and
funds
grounds
to
children.22
merchant,
and
the
and
idea,
from
various
approximately
wearing white d r e s s e s
and
4000
blue
t h e o y ( L o n d o n : H u t c h i n s o n , 1 9 7 9 ) , p p . 1 0 3 , 1 0 4 ; John
S p r i n g h a l l Y o u t h , E m p i r e , and S o c i e t y . B r i t i s h Youth
M o v e m e n t , 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 4 0 ( L o n d o n : Croom Helm, 1 9 7 7 ) , p p .
15,16,126.
20
Guildford
" N I o f t e n run in t h e s t r e e t s
H a l i f a x ' " , p . 9; S p r i n g h a l l Youth, Empire, and S o c i e t y ,
16.
of
p.
2
1 Guildford
" V I o f t e n run in the s t r e e t s
of
H a l i f a x ' " , p . 13 a g r e e s t h a t t h e 1860 d e m o n s t r a t i o n was
t h e f i r s t of i t s kind in H a l i f a x .
22 " F a i r P l a y " in Morning Journal
23
August 17, 1860.
He was c h o i r l e a d e r a t F i r s t B a p t i s t Church for a
number of y e a r s , a n d l a t e r an a l d e r m a n a n d member
( e v e n t u a l l y c h a i r m a n ) of t h e School Board —PANS b i o g r a p h y
drawer.
24
Acadian Recorder July 28, 1860.
p
151
ribbons, sang a special rendition of the National Anthem,
arranged
by
Judge
Bliss, and
directed
by
William
Ackhurst.25
In Saint John, 5000-7000 Sabbath School children
massed on the grounds of the Prince of Wales' temporary
residence (the mansion of the late Ward Chipman) to greet
the Prince, and
special lyrics.26
sing
the National Anthem, also
with
When the Prince returned to Saint John
a couple of days later to visit Carleton, children also
sang for him from the front steps of the Baptist meeting
house in Portland.27 Again, most of the children were
girls, clothed in white dresses and blue sashes.28 Perhaps
the unmanly image of Sabbath School partially
accounted
for the under-representation of boys. As William Smith,
founder of the Boys Brigade in Glasgow, commented: "I knew
every lad was proud of being a British boy,
and yet they
Zb
Acadian Recorder August 4, 1860; Evening Express
August 1, 1860; card with lyrics of "The National Anthem"
as arranged for and sung by the United Schools of Halifax
Assembled at Grand Parade, PANS.
2
6 Lyrics in Morning News August 6, 1860; Morning
Freeman August 4, 1860; New Brunswick Courier August 4,
1860.
27
28
Morning News August 10, 1860.
Preparations for massing of thousands of Sabbath
School "g lrl s"--Morning Freeman July 31, 1860. The boys
who were present wore rosettes—Morning Freeman August 4,
1860; Evening Express August 10, 1860.
152
seemed rather ashamed of being Christian boys".29
The attempt to inculcate patriotic sentiments through
the children's demonstration began in earnest in Halifax
during the anniversary of settlement in 1862. At a public
meeting prior to the celebration, a resolution stated that
the "patriotism
of the
Province's
youth"
should
be
stimulated by orations connected with the anniversary.30
The celebration
committee
instructed
the citizens
to
"minister" to the "amusement and requirements of you[ng]
[sic] minds and bodies of the community, in Orations and
Songs, and other devices, seeking to instill a love of
country".31
However,
in
an
effort
to
distinguish
themselves from the patriotic effusiveness of the United
States
and
their
July 4th
tradition, Nova
Scotians
advocated a more moderate patriotism. The British Colonist
commented:"Although we have neither a great country nor
great deeds to glorify, it may be made the occasion of
disseminating much useful information, and exciting a love
of country in the minds of the young".32
On June 21, approximately 300 children gathered
in
the Temperance Hall to hear an address delivered by the
2
9 As quoted
Society, p. 17.
30
3
in
Springhall
Youth,
Novascotian May 5, 1862.
1 Acadian Recorder June 21, 1862.
32
British Colonist June 21, 1862.
Empire, and
153
prominent lawyer, Robert Grant Haliburton. In his speech,
called
"The Past and the Future of Nova Scotia", he
declared
that "anniversaries
of natal
property
of youth and age—they
days
are
the
are respectively
the
festivals of hope and memory".33 The choir, dressed in
red, white and blue, sang a number of songs about Nova
Scotia, including
"The Centenary
Ode", "Landing
of
Cornwallis", "The Settlement of Halifax", and "The Working
Men of Acadia". At the conclusion, the Royal Acadian
School, the National School, and the St. Mary's School
processed to the residences of the lieutenant-governor and
the mayor. The boys' role in the procession was made more
masculine by allowing them to march with cricket bats or
wooden guns in a pseudo-military fashion.34 The British
Colonist thought that such a demonstration would have a
"lasting impression on [the children's] young minds".35
Public school children were again harangued with an
oration in Temperance Hall during the 124th anniversary of
settlement in Halifax in 1873, this time by M.H. Richey
(mayor
of Halifax, 1864-66). The children
also sang
33
Robert Grant Haliburton The Past and the Future of
Nova Scotia: An Address on the 113th Anniversary of the
Settlement of the Capital of the Province, delivered at
the request of the Anniversary Committee (Halifax: J.B.
Strong, 1862), p. 10, PANS.
34
Novascotian June 30, 1862; British Colonist June
24, 1862.
35
British Colonist June 24, 1862.
154
extracts
from " H a i l t o t h e Day" and "My C o u n t r y ' s
Streams",
Norton
of
auditor
and
a
J.A.
Cadets
Bell,
than
of
patriotic
Poor
their
Halifax's
to t h e
Temperance,37
and
songs,
t u n e of
marriage
misfortune"
in
and t h e
a poem
anniversary
from t h e Bands of
juvenile
temperance
Cold
Water
to
Army
Government
addresses
recitation
of
and
Joseph
Song".38
children
observed
institutions.
asylum a s s e m b l e d
feast
the
J.B.
"Auld Lang
the
processed
including
by
Hill",
where t h e y h e a r d
handicapped
respective
poor
hall,
music
"Citadel
t h e more m i l i t a r i s t i c
Howe's "The C e n t e n a r y
in
set
with
and more d o m e s t i c "
House, t h e n t o t h e i r
sang
Howe,
in 1867, 300-400 c h i l d r e n
"gentler
organization
and
Joseph
"God Save t h e Queen".36 During
settlement
Hope,
by
( t h e s c h o o l music t e a c h e r ) ,
by c i t y
Syne",
written
Pleasant
1840.39
Young
t o p a r t a k e of
Similarly,
"emaciated
youth"
the
enjoyed
celebrations
inmates
the
of
Queen's
"child
of
a feast
in
3
6 C e l e b r a t i o n of t h e One Hundred and Twenty-Fourth
A n n i v e r s a r y of t h e S e t t l e m e n t of H a l i f a x , June 2 1 s t , 1 8 7 3 ,
C e l e b r a t e d Monday 23rd ( H a l i f a x , 1 8 7 3 ) , p p . 15, 1 7 , 1 9 ,
2 1 , 2 3 , PANS; B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t June 24, 1 8 7 3 . " H a i l t o t h e
Day" was a l s o c a l l e d "The Flag of Old England"—M.G. P a r k s
( e d . ) Joseph Howe. Poems and E s s a y s ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 7 3 ) , p p .
56-58.
37
Guildford
" K I o f t e n run in t h e s t r e e t s
of
H a l i f a x ' " , p . 8; L i l i a n S h i m a n " T h e B a n d s of Hope
Movement: r e s p e c t a b l e r e c r e a t i o n for
working-class
c h i l d r e n " , V i c t o r i a n S t u d i e s , V o l . 17, n o . 1, September
1973, pp. 49-74.
38
N o v a s c o t i a n June 24,
39
Novascotian April 23, 1840.
1867.
155
Saint
John's
Prince
of
almshouse
Wales'
confederation
nuptials
in H a l i f a x
dinner
for
the
orphan
asylums,
school.41
during
An
in
of
the
ragged
inmate
of
celebration
1863.40
in 1867,
children
the
the
the
honour
of
John Walker p r o v i d e d
Protestant
school,
the
in
of
Deaf
observed t h e 1860 v i s i t by w r i t i n g
and
and
a
and
Catholic
the
African
Dumb
Institute
a composition
entitled
"The P r i n c e of Wales' V i s i t t o A m e r i c a . " 4 2
Although
celebration
no p u b l i c
school d e m o n s t r a t i o n
of c o n f e d e r a t i o n
b e c a u s e of
the
union's
in H a l i f a x
controversial
marked
the
in 1867, p r o b a b l y
nature,
hundreds
of
j u v e n i l e s marched in a t r a d e s p r o c e s s i o n as members of
the
Catholic
St.
Mary's
1871,
Temperance and
Juvenile
Saint
Benevolent
Temperance S o c i e t y . 4 3
John's
the
need
nation.44
The
inculcation
reached
for
cultivating
t a s k by t h e 1 8 8 0 ' s
its
and
zenith,
and
of
teachers
an
pride
patriotism
and 9 0 ' s ,
the
On dominion day
Morning News f e a t u r e d
stressing
complex
Society
in
in
editorial
the
new
became a more
as B r i t a i n ' s
and
empire
celebration
o r g a n i z e r s a t t e m p t e d t o blend l o c a l and n a t i o n a l
40
New Brunswick Courier March 14, 1 8 6 3 .
41
H a l i f a x Reporter J u l y 4 , 1867.
loyalties
42
and Dumb, Third
43
a
H a l i f a x I n s t i t u t i o n for t h e Deaf
Annual Report, 186 0, p p . 34-3 5, PANS.
Evening Express J u l y 2, 1867. See Chapter 5 for
d i s c u s s i o n of t h e p r o c e s s i o n .
44
Morning News June 30, 1 8 7 1 .
156
w i t h r o y a l and i m p e r i a l
Children
allegiances.
participated
in Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
diamond j u b i l e e s
in 1887 and 1897 as p u b l i c
and
of
a s members
organizations.
and
St.
Sabbath
The combined
George's
during
School
Association
in
by
well
as by t h e
During
the
these
Christian
the
in
children
good
golden
Queen
of
in S a i n t
that
Halifax
celebration
Mercy,
worthy
service
Schools
Victoria
imitation.
they could
and
seeking
St.
as d i d
of
pupils
Paul's
a
special
the
the
Sunday
diamond
services
were
Sunday s c h o o l s , 4 7
junior
John,
of
and
voluntary
held
jubilee
and A n g l i c a n
Bands of
example
in
school
and o t h e r
jubilee,45
John,
services,
Queen by b e i n g
blessing
golden
Methodist
Sunday s c h o o l
told
the
Saint
held
Sunday
Churches
service
jubilee.46
schools
golden
S.P.C.A.
was
groups.48
revered
At t h e
as
as
a
Methodist
t h e Rev. J.W. Wadman
"imitate
Jesus
opportunities
t o o t h e r s " . 4 9 The Rev. Canon B r i g s t o c k e
and
to
the
be a
delivered
45
C i t i z e n J u n e 20, 27, 1887. The Ivy Band of Hope
from Richmond were s u p p o s e d t o s i n g t h e "Ivy Band of Hope
Ode" a t a s p e c i a l J u b i l e e ceremony i n Mulgrave P a r k , but
i t was c a n c e l l e d due t o bad w e a t h e r — A c a d i a n Recorder June
20, 1887.
46
Acadian Recorder June 1 9 , 1897.
47
D a i l y Sun J u n e 20, 1887.
4 8
At t h e
a u x i l i a r y of t h e
of t h e b e s t e s s a y
— D a i l y Sun June
49
B a n d s of M e r c y s e r v i c e , t h e
ladies
S . P . C . o f f e r e d a diploma f o r t h e a u t h o r
on t h e p r e v e n t i o n of c r u e l t y to a n i m a l s .
27, 1887.
D a i l y Sun J u n e 20, 1887.
157
a s i m i l a r message to t h e A n g l i c a n Sunday s c h o o l s :
t a u g h t by her to remember o t h e r s and show our
ministering
to t h e i r
One of
Saint
t h e major
late
events
Halifax
in
mode of
celebration
In a l e t t e r
"prime
that
While
1873
the p u b l i c
boasted
hundreds
demonstrations
thousands
held
of
school
resembled
pupils
in H a l i f a x
and
and S a i n t
to
the
gathering
in
the
in t h e
period
in
the
1860 d i s p l a y s ,
in
John for
s p e c t a t o r s . 52
demonstration
50
5
during
diamond
an
jubilee
and
jubilee
featuring
demonstrations
the golden
had
1862
jubilee
and
even
in
in
6,000larger
1897,
when
D a i l y Sun June 20, 1887.
1 "Isabella"
52
the
Halifax
had
display.51
1887 each b o a s t e d between 3 , 0 0 0 - 3 , 5 0 0 c h i l d r e n ,
10,000
rarely
children,
The
children
celebration,
demonstrations
spectators.
they
of
in such a major
of
the
the
interest"
in t h e e a r l y V i c t o r i a n
the opportunity to p a r t i c i p a t e
than
to t h e e d i t o r
b e c a u s e t h e y were a c t u a l l y t a k i n g p a r t
whereas c h i l d r e n
in
demonstrations
children's
commented
1897 was of
the j u b i l e e s
period,
had been a t m i d - c e n t u r y .
a woman
during
demonstration.
Victorian
Echo,
held
was t h e c h i l d r e n ' s
had become a more f a m i l i a r
Daily
remembrance,
wants."50
John and H a l i f a x
By t h e
"We a r e
in D a i l y Echo May 2 2 , 1897.
J . March, Report of t h e S e c r e t a r y and S u p e r v i s o r ,
i n B o a r d of S c h o o l T r u s t e e s of S a i n t J o h n , S i x t e e n t h
Annual R e p o r t , 1 8 8 7 , p . 3 8 ; D a i l y Sun J u n e 2 z , 1 8 8 7 ;
A c a d i a n Recorder June 20, 22, 2 3 , 1887; Herald June 22,
1887; C r i t i c June 24, 1887; C i t i z e n June 22, 1887.
158
6,000
school
Building,
children
with
assembled
about
700
in
the
functioning
Exhibition
as
a
special
chorus.53
Despite
the
demonstrations
later
than
in I860
demonstrations
those
jubilee
in
"Our
encompassing
Colonial,
lyrics
Jubilee
for
children
as
are
and more
at
sang
which
of
we,
But
National
Anthem,
one
the best
the occasion
on
the
day
the
all-
"Not
Scot,
and
of
the
all".54
extolling
"The
the occasion.55 A
and most a p p r o p r i a t e
encouraged
board,
Bell r e c i t e d
i n p u t from t h e
Each s c h o o l d e s i g n e d i t s own b a n n e r or f l a g ,
judged
school
M.H. Richey r e c i t e d a speech
for
the
golden
identity:
and J . A .
of
Halifax's
the
Britons
the
elaborate
emphasized
imperial
of Queen V i c t o r i a ,
for
between
recommended by t h e
importance
Kelt
size
the programs
example,
Ode", which he had w r i t t e n
competition
flag
For
Flag",
Lieutenant-Governor
the v i r t u e s
and 1 8 8 7 / 9 7 ,
the
Empire
in
were much l o n g e r
1860.
assembly,
with modified
and
similarity
demonstration,
banner
or
children.
and they were
the
three
best
5 3 A.W. R e d d e n , " C h a i r m a n ' s R e p o r t " , in Board of
S c h o o l C o m m i s s i o n e r s f o r t h e C i t y of H a l i f a x , R e p o r t ,
1897, p . 1 1 ; Acadian Recorder June 24, 1897.
^ 4 P r o g r a m f o r The Queen's J u b i l e e , June 2 1 , 1887,
H a l i f a x ( p u b l i s h e d for f r e e c i r c u l a t i o n among s c h o o l s of
Nova S c o t i a by Morning H e r a l d ) , PANS.
55
A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r J u n e 2 0 , 2 2 , 2 3 , 1887; Herald
J u n e 2 2 , 1 8 8 7 ; C r i t i c J u n e 2 4 , 1 8 8 7 ; C i t i z e n June 22,
1 8 8 7 . J . A . B e l l had a l s o w r i t t e n t h e o f f i c i a l poem for t h e
124th a n n i v e r s a r y g a t h e r i n g .
159
winners
receiving
cash
prizes
of
$15,
$10,
and
$5
respectively.56
Ten y e a r s
militaristic
reflected
later,
nature
late
Louise F u s i l i e r s
music,
and
Patriotic
the
Victorian
a well
Academy
Lord
known
Halifax
to
Musical
selections
deliver
"Motherland
Beyond
specifically
for
principal
Band,
which
Cadets
s p e e c h e s were d e l i v e r e d
Governor-General
at
Maple T r e e " ,
also
of
present,
the
the
acted
and
the
oration
included
"Victoria,
Sea"
occasion
Halifax
(a
jubilee
that
such
who
was
the
children
bb
in
Howe.
Queen",
hymn
composed
Land
Lady
as
Principal
Our
"Canada
66th
ushers.
on J o s e p h
and "God Save t h e Queen". 57
commented
as
by Kate M a c k i n t o s h ,
Academy),
was
patriotic
Rev.
imperialist
a jubilee
the
the
by d i g n i t a r i e s ,
Aberdeen,
Canadian
rendered
who
the
imperialism
by t h e a t t e n d a n c e of m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s ,
Princess
Grant,
a t t h e diamond j u b i l e e d i s p l a y ,
viceof
the
Aberdeen,
"looked
so
C i r c u l a r No. 65 from R . J . W i l s o n , s e c r e t a r y of t h e
board of s c h o o l c o m m i s s i o n e r s , t o p r i n c i p a l s of t h e c i t y
s c h o o l s , J u n e 1 4 , 1 8 8 7 , i n L e t t e r b o o k of
School
C o m m i s s i o n e r s , RG 3 5 - 1 0 2 (5 3 A ) , A . 9 , p . 2 3 7 a , PANS;
A l e x a n d e r McKay, " S u p e r v i s o r ' s R e p o r t " , Board of School
Commissioners for t h e C i t y of H a l i f a x , Report, 1887, p p .
3 1 , 32 for p r i z e s f o r b a n n e r s . A l l of t h e p r i z e s w e r e
awarded to C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s : f i r s t p r i z e t o Summer S t r e e t
S c h o o l , second t o Compton Avenue, and t h i r d t o S t . M a r y ' s
S c h o o l . A s p e c i a l p r i z e was a l s o g i v e n t o Miss Power, a
g i r l who made t h e Compton Avenue School b a n n e r by h e r s e l f .
57
Acadian Recorder June 24, 1897.
160
happy and
sang
charmingly".58 After
special chorus processed
part
the program, the
to the Public Gardens to take
in Lady Aberdeen's unveiling
of the new jubilee
fountain, and to hear the jubilee ode, again composed and
read by J.A. Bell, who claimed that the poem was "as good
as anything I ever wrote and far better than the average
quality
of the Jubilee Odes and Hymns with which the
newspapers have been filled lately, and that is not saying
much".59
The i n c u l c a t i o n
a primary o b j e c t i v e
by
of p a t r i o t i c
of
s e n t i m e n t was
these demonstrations,
as
obviously
explained
Alderman Redden, c h a i r m a n of t h e School Board in 1897:
We have r e c o g n i z e d and our law r e c o g n i z e s , t h e
d u t y of t r a n s m i t t i n g
to our c h i l d r e n
the
f e e l i n g s of l o y a l t y which b i n d us so f i r m l y to
t h e m o t h e r l a n d - - t h e b i r t h - p l a c e of so many of
u s . We w o u l d h a v e o u r c h i l d r e n l o o k w i t h
r e v e r e n c e t o t h o s e who r e p r e s e n t t h e h i g h e s t
a u t h o r i t y in our e m p i r e , and in t h i s Dominion of
o u r s , f o r we would h a v e them e m u l a t e t h e i r
v i r t u e s i n t h e i r d e v o t i o n t o c o u n t r y and i n
t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s t o do and t o s a c r i f i c e f o r t h e
good of t h e p e o p l e . 6 0
Patriotism
speeches,
distributed
but
to
emanated
also
the
not
from
children
only
the
to
from
the
songs
commemorative
help
them
and
items
remember
the
58
Lady A b e r d e e n ' s J o u r n a l , June 24, 1897, NAC. A.W.
R e d d e n , c h a i r m a n of t h e s c h o o l b o a r d , made a s i m i l a r
comment—Redden, " C h a i r m a n ' s R e p o r t " , p . 1 1 .
59
J . A . B e l l D i a r y J u n e 1 9 , 26, 1897, PANS. For a
d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e u n v e i l i n g , s e e Herald J u n e 25, 1897;
D a i l y Echo June 24, 1 8 9 7 .
60
Herald J u n e 25, 1897.
161
occasion.
not
Programs
only
contained
issued
listed
the
for
order
songs and poems,
program for
Halifax's
a section
on t h e
important
events
the
of
J.A. B e l l ' s j u b i l e e
of
the
essays,
golden
contained
the c h i l d r e n ' s
gatherings
ceremony,
and
jubilee
photographs.
school
"progress
of
Half-Century",
but
The
demonstration
the
and
also
Empire
the
lyrics
and
to
ode.61
According to John M. M a c k e n z i e , mementos and ephemera
of
the l a t e Victorian
of
the
past,
but
era
were
imbue t h e p o p u l a t i o n
are
not m e r e l y
agents
of
passive
persuasion,
records
helping
to
with
p a t r i o t i c f e r v o u r and a b e l i e f in t h e i m p e r i a l
mission—which t o g e t h e r i n v o l v e d a p a s s i o n a t e
r e g a r d f o r t h e m o n a r c h y a n d t h e f l a g , an
a p p r e c i a t i o n of t h e g r e a t n e s s of t h e B r i t i s h
a c h i e v e m e n t , an a d m i r a t i o n for i t s h e r o e s , and a
r e a l i z a t i o n of i t s i m p o r t a n c e t o c o n t e m p o r a r y
well-being.62
The i n s t r u m e n t a l
the
Halifax
r o l e of such ephemera i s
Herald's
publication
of
illustrated
free
by
pamphlets
( c o n t a i n i n g an a c c o u n t of V i c t o r i a n p r o g r e s s , and a number
of
jubilee
formation
odes)
of
demonstrations
such
as
a
practical
gatherings.
A number
were c o n s e q u e n t l y h e l d
towns as a r e s u l t of t h e
inducement
in
for
the
of
children's
the
surrounding
leaflets.63
61 The Queen's J u b i l e e , PANS.
6 2 J o h n M. M a c k e n z i e " E p h e m e r a - - r e f 1 e c t i o n
i n s t r u m e n t ? " , Ephemerist June 2, 1 9 8 3 , p . 4 .
63
Herald J u n e 9 , 24, 1 8 8 7 .
or
162
The children who participated
in the golden jubilee
demonstration in Halifax also received memorial cards of
the occasion.64 i n Saint John, badges were issued to the
children and teachers, with the words "Public Schools City
of Saint John, Queen's Jubilee, June 20th, 1887", and a
representation of the city arms, while the principals,
school officers, and trustees wore woven silk badges, with
a portrait of the Queen, and the motto "Queen of an empire
on which the sun never sets: 1837, Jubilee, 1887".65
Implicit in the patriotism of the occasions were more
subtle
concepts
such as submission
to authority and
obedience. During the rather regimented
demonstrations,
emphasis was placed on following instructions, undoubtedly
a reflection of the close
supervision
in the
schools
b4 F o r reference to memo cards, see Circular No. 66,
Wilson to principals, June 20, 1887, Letterbook of School
Commissioners, RG 35-102, (53A), p. 253a.
65 j . M a r c h , "Report of the Secretary and
Supervisor", Board of School Trustees of Saint John,
Sixteenth Annual Report, 1887, p. 38. The Halifax city
council had no fund to purchase jubilee medals in 1897, so
the matter was forwarded to the joint jubilee committee,
but there is no evidence that action was taken —Letter
from W i l s o n , s e c r e t a r y
of the board of school
commissioners, to J.J. O'Brien, secretary of the Queen's
diamond jubilee committee, April 2, 1897, and Wilson to H.
Freeman, city clerk, April 2, 1897, in Letterbook of the
School Commissioners, RG 35-102 (53A), A.12, p. 718. An
offer of jubilee mugs was also submitted to the school
board, but their fate is also uncer ta in—Wilson to H.
Trenaman, city clerk, June 4, 1897, in Letterbook of the
School Commissioners, A.13, p. 6.
163
during
this
period.66
demonstration
school
with
school
the
a
Halifax
number,
and t h e i r
school
white
told
in
to
drawn
being
interludes
conduct"
and
reflecting
Halifax
"great
Training
of
"drills,
insistence
of o r d e r
has far
mingling
of
black
the
of
upon
on
press
on
were
"even
during
the
liberty"
the
"decorous
gathering,
discipline
author
of
of
believed
and s t r i c t
the
The
that
maintenance
character".69
commented
school
the
of
1897
Pelham,
each
While
talking,
contemporaries
effects
of
to cross
Only
the
the
each
teachers
amount
common w i t h
and w h i t e
not
prevent
on p u n c t u a l i t y ,
visiting
provided
the platform.
commented
drill"
t h e Working B o y ,
the
and
jubilee
location
forbidden".
credit
reaching
the
schools,
Redden
in
4.1)
to
"reasonable
"admirable
teachers".68
While
the
strictly
p e r m i t t e d . 67 c h a i r m a n
golden
the children
discipline
a
the
Figure
in r e l a t i o n
between
was
for
showed
instructed
maintain
whispering
(see
and
number
board
lines
A plan
on
children
at
the
the
interPrince
66 J a n e t G u i l d f o r d
" P u b l i c S c h o o l Reform and t h e
H a l i f a x Middle C l a s s , 1 8 5 0 - 1 8 7 0 " , Ph.D. T h e s i s , D a l h o u s i e
U n i v e r s i t y , September 1990, p p . 184, 212.
67 i n s t r u c t i o n s ,
in
Letterbook
C o m m i s s i o n e r s , RG 3 5 - 1 0 2 ( 5 3 A ) , A . 9 , p . 2 5 3 c .
of
School
6 8 R e d d e n " C h a i r m a n ' s R e p o r t " , p . 1 1 . Lord A b e r d e e n
commended t h e c h i l d r e n f o r t h e r e g u l a r i t y of t h e a s s e m b l y - D a i l y Echo J u n e 2 3 , 1 8 9 7 .
69 As q u o t e d i n B l a n c h
Organized Youth", p . 114.
"Imperialism,
Nationalism,
and
164
of W a l e s ' d e m o n s t r a t i o n
schools
in 1860,70 by t h e 1 8 8 0 ' s and
and d e m o n s t r a t i o n s
were
race,
but a l s o by r e l i g i o n ,
plan
for
Halifax's
situated
the
to
other,
each
1887
black
participating
at
demonstration
Africville
the
deaf
the request
Hutton,72
comprised
platform.
Protestants
not
only
by
s e x , a g e , and h a n d i c a p . 7 1 The
schools,
while
segregated
90's,
of
a separate
and
dumb
section
in
J.
Scott
front
were
next
students,
principal,
Catholics
4.1)
and Maynard,
and
their
(Figure
of
the
confined
to
s e p a r a t e s c h o o l s , a l t h o u g h t h e s c h o o l s t h e m s e l v e s were not
grouped
together
by r e l i g i o n .
a l s o s e g r e g a t e d by s e x .
gathering
children
in
the
of
the
same g r a d e s
Although
difficulty,
this
segregating
Interestingly,
Exhibition
same s c h o o l .
Each s c h o o l
together,
arrangement
school c h i l d r e n
t h e diamond
Building
undoubtedly
contingent
jubilee
(Figure
4.2)
placed
rather
than
of
a greater
reflected
according
was
the
logistical
the
belief
to age and l e v e l
in
of
attainment.73
It
absorbed
is
the
difficult
to
significance
determine
of
whether
the content
s t r u c t u r e of t h e s e d e m o n s t r a t i o n s .
the
and
children
regimented
One newspaper
contended
7 0 Toronto Leader in Evening Express August 17,
7L
Guildford
" P u b l i c School Reform", p .
1860.
184.
7 2 Wilson to J . S c o t t H u t t o n , p r i n c i p a l of t h e Deaf
and Dumb I n s t i t u t e , June 1 6 , 1 8 8 7 , in L e t t e r b o o k of t h e
School C o m m i s s i o n e r s , RG 35-102 (53A), A . 9 , p . 249.
73
Guildford
" P u b l i c School Reform", p p . 188, 1 9 5 .
Figure 4.1
Golden Jubilee Children's Demonstration, 1887
PLAN OF CHILDREN'S DEMONSTRATION
GOLDEN JUBILEE, 1887
NORTH
MORRIS STREET
SI. MARY'S
GIRLS
NATIONAL
J
SI. MARY'S
BOYS
ACADIAN
4
DEAF
k
DUMB
COMPTON AVE
S
SI. PATRICK'S
BOYS
BLOOMFIELD
11
BEECH ST.
12
ArRICVILLE UAYNARD
14
15
RICHMOND
L.UARCHANT
S
SUMMER ST.
BOYS/GIRLS
7
DUTCH
VILLAGE
6
ACADEMY
BOYS
ACADEMY
GIRLS
10
HIGH SCHOOL
SI. PATRICK'S
GIRLS
13
BRUNSWICK ST.
ALBRO ST.
BOYS
17 RUSSELL
BOYS
ALBRO ST.
GIRLS
RUSSELL
GIRLS
16
18
SOUTH
FIGURE 1
Figure 4.2
Diamond Jubilee Children's Demonstcation, 1097
CTi
167
t h a t "in the c h i l d r e n ' s l i v e s
epoch of g r e a t
and c o u n t r y ,
import,
[ t h e diamond j u b i l e e ]
and t h e songs of
and t h e p a t r i o t i s m
is
being
ceremonies
lasting
i n d e e d " . 7 4 However, sometimes l o g i s t i c s
the desired
from
the
platform
demonstration
during
could
hear
Tilley's
speech.75
commented
on h i s
bawled
as loud
difficulty
be
interfered
farthest
John's
golden
jubilee
Lieutenant-Governor
in
Halifax,
golden
J.A.
jubilee
and was h e a r d — I was
covering
in H a l i f a x d i s r u p t e d
down by main
and o t h e r s
to
Bell,
the
Bell
ode:
"I
afterward
force,
the
diamond
t h e s o l e m n i t y of
sheet
was
t h e Governor G e n e r a l ,
the
assisting--everybody
stuck,
the
and
shouting
S a i n t J o h n , t h e D a i l y Sun c o n t e n d e d
74
D a i l y Echo June 19, 1897.
75
D a i l y Sun June 22, 1887.
76
B e l l D i a r y June 2 3 , 1887.
7/
will
those
down t h e v e i l
"dragged
in
that
example,
of
the
inculcated
than Governor R i c h e y " . 7 6 Lady A b e r d e e n ' s
According
laughter".77
of
I could
occasion.
Admiral,
Saint
Similarly,
in h a u l i n g
j u b i l e e fountain
For
little
reading
as
told—much b e t t e r
make an i m p r e s s i o n
impression.
an
l o y a l t y t o Queen
by t h e
with
will
that
is
with
that
B e l l D i a r y June 26, 1897. The c o r r e s p o n d e n t of t h e
Acadian Recorder a l s o found t h e s i t u a t i o n v e r y h u m o r o u s .
As t h e men r u s h e d t o t h e a s s i s t a n c e of Lady A b e r d e e n ,
" r e a l l y t h e y a l l l o o k e d a s i f , i n s t e a d of u n v e i l i n g a
s t a t u e , they were h a u l i n g a puncheon of m o l a s s e s o u t of
t h e h o l d of a s c h o o n e r . . . I t i s hoped t h a t t h e c a m e r a
p e o p l e t o o k a s n a p - s h o t of t h i s s c e n e , f o r i t w a s
h i s t o r i c a l l y worth p r e s e r v m g " - - A c a d i a n Recorder June 26,
1897.
168
" t o o much t a l k " on t h e p a r t of t h e s p e c i a l s p e a k e r s
the
diamond
jubilee
participation
tedious
and
for
the
exercises,
children,
wearisome
for
the
were s i m p l y t o o young to f u l l y
of
the
would
occasion.
not
jubilee
the
One l i t t l e b o y , d i s a p p o i n t e d
for
t h e diamond
outside
assumed
inculcation,
attitude
was
toward
reportedly
children
during
of
only
but
jubilee,
also
their
to
children.
moved
his
to
visit
children
significance
the
children
of
the
diamond
later
in
life.79
clearly
misunderstood
" h a v i n g b u t a vague i d e a of
children's
to
rather
t h a t t h e Queen was not coming
the
demonstrations
as
increasingly
Like
the
tears
by
to H a l i f a x
D a i l y Sun June 22, 1897.
79
D a i l y Echo June 2 3 , 1 8 9 7 .
80
D a i l y Echo June 1 2 , 1897.
estimation
home".80
potential
78
81
Many
h i s own c i t y and a m a g n i f i e d
The p o p u l a r i t y
not
event
that
reign until
of t h e i m p o r t a n c e of t h e p l a c e we c a l l
attributed
inadequate
understand the
t h e n a t u r e of t h e c e l e b r a t i o n ,
t h e world
the
significance
and Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
to Halifax
made
children.78
Lord Aberdeen
understand
and
during
Prince
the
can
be
vehicles
of
sentimental
of
W a l e s , who
singing
of
in 1 8 6 0 , 8 1 D r .
the
Silas
Evening Express August 8, 1860. The Toronto Leader
i n E v e n i n g E x p r e s s A u g u s t 1 7 , 1860 a g r e e d t h a t t h e
c h i l d r e n ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n was " t o u c h i n g " , a l t h o u g h
the
s i n g i n g m i g h t have been b e t t e r . However, t h e S a i n t John
Morning News August 22, 1860, c o m p l a i n e d t h a t t h e l o c a l
o r g a n i z e r s h u r t t h e f e e l i n g s of t h e c h i l d r e n b y n o t
p e r m i t t i n g t h e P r i n c e of Wales t o s t a y and h e a r t h e e n t i r e
169
Alward s a i d of t h e c h i l d r e n
golden
jubilee
assembled d u r i n g
celebration:
"Who c o u l d
Saint
be
an
s p e c t a t o r of so b r i g h t a s c e n e , where b e a u t y and
blend
their
reflects
matchless
charms"?82
This
Nonetheless,
demonstrations.
not
everyone
Contending
that
commissioners
were m e r e l y p a n d e r i n g
city
in r e v e r s i n g
council
as a m a t t e r
also
citizen
suitable
demonstrations.
supported
these
the
school
to
Halifax
the
initial
principle,
as
whims of
the
decision
against
in 1887,84 one
citizen
to
let
questioned
his
children
the motives
of
a r g u i n g t h a t t h e y wished t o "show some
Anthem.
March,
p p . 42-4 5.
83
of
Another
the commissioners,
82
their
a c h i l d r e n ' s demonstration
participate.85
National
innocence
t h e growing t h e o l o g i c a l p e r c e p t i o n of c h i l d r e n
e n v i r o n m e n t s " 8 3 such as t h e c e l e b r a t i o n
refused,
unmoved
comment
i n h e r e n t l y i n n o c e n t , and t h u s i n need of " m o r a l l y
holding
John's
"Report
Guildford
H a l i f a x ' " , pp. 2 , 3 .
"VI
of
the
often
S e c r e t a r y and
run
in
the
84
Supervisor",
streets
of
A c h i l d r e n ' s d e m o n s t r a t i o n was i n i t i a l l y t h o u g h t
t o be " i n e x p e d i e n t " — C i t i z e n May 6, 1887. However, a month
b e f o r e t h e g o l d e n j u b i l e e t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s had a change
of h e a r t . At a meeting of s c h o o l b o a r d , a d e m o n s t r a t i o n
was proposed--Acadian Recorder June 3 , 1887; C i t i z e n June
8, 1887. I t was d i s c u s s e d by t h e j o i n t j u b i l e e c o m m i t t e e —
C i t i z e n J u n e 1 7 , 1887; Herald June 1 7 , 1887. A c i r c u l a r
was i s s u e d t o t h e p r i n c i p a l s of t h e s c h o o l s ,
with
i n s t r u c t i o n s for t h e p r o g r a m — C i r c u l a r No. 6 5 , Wilson t o
p r i n c i p a l s , J u n e 1 4 , 1 8 8 7 , i n L e t t e r b o o k of S c h o o l
C o m m i s s i o n e r s , RG 35-102 (53A), A . 9 , p . 237a.
"An Amateur" in C i t i z e n June 6,
1887.
170
d i g n i t a r y how w e l l
t h e y knew t h e i r
and
superior
concluded:
"Now,
and
without bringing
of
Mr.
the
school
Editor,
exhibitions
out
in
of t h e hard work
commissioners".
are
there
the
the c h i l d r e n
s o l e p u r p o s e of g i v i n g
spread
c o u l d l o o k , and how w e l l
l e s s o n s , as a c e r t i f i c a t e
oversight
examinations
the
[the c h i l d r e n ]
not
public
enough
schools,
on a p u b l i c h o l i d a y
some p e o p l e
He
an o p p o r t u n i t y
for
to
themselves?"86
"A P a r e n t "
gathering
when
questioned
the
the majority
wisdom of
of
households
d e c i d e d how t h e y would c e l e b r a t e
sense
of
""disarranging
parent described
old
their
own p r i v a t e
school
and
holidays.
It
decision
that
holiday
plans,
from
n0w
is
against
whole
whatever
system k e p t
before,88
had
already
t h e j u b i l e e ; what was t h e
arrangement'"?
"many would p r e f e r
way',
interference
such a
This
t h e 2 1 s t a s " v t h e day we c e l e b r a t e ' " ,
had no d o u b t t h a t
'dear
the
holding
extraneous
children
the
may b e " . 8 7
and d i d
in
the
Families
had
in
school
board
that
a demonstration
the
it
not
institutions.
school
interesting
to observe
and
appreciate
The
longer
intruded
public
than
on
board's
was b e c a u s e t h e y
ever
family
original
thought
t h a t t h e c h i l d r e n would wish t o be " a t l i b e r t y " d u r i n g
86
"Anti-Humbug" in C i t i z e n June 3 , 1887.
87
"A P a r e n t "
88
Guildford
in C i t i z e n J u n e 3 , 1 8 8 7 .
" P u b l i c School Reform", p . 186.
the
171
occasion.89
Other parents and friends expressed concern cibout the
physical safety of the children. There were fears during
Saint John's golden jubilee demonstration that "sufficient
safeguards could not be thrown around the little ones to
ensure their protection from the pressure of the crowds".
Mayor Thorne, and the teachers and principals, worked to
allay these fears, and convince the concerned guardians
that "no pains would be spared" to assure the safety of
the children.90 Superintendent McKay of the Halifax school
board hoped that the children at the diamond
jubilee
meeting would be instructed to remain "perfectly passive
when in a crowd".91 since 1860, when rowdies had attempted
to sabotage the' children's platform,92 citizens also
worried about vandalization. Exposure to the elements
generated more anxiety; indeed, a couple of children
fainted from the heat during the unveiling of the diamond
89
Citizen May 6, 1887.
90
March "Report of the Secretary and Supervisor",
pp. 36-37.
91
92
Daily Echo June 15, 1897.
The authorities placed a night watch over the
platform. Rumours of sabotage led to an examination of the
erection by city architects, but it was pronounced safe
for the landing ceremony—Evening Express July 27, 1860;
Morning Sun July 30, 1860.
172
jubilee
fountain
difficulties
organizers
of
to
unveiling
favour
of
Halifax
the outdoor
the
demonstration
Building.
in
indoor
in
In S a i n t
place
John,
eventually
led
celebrations.
Except
the
Halifax's
indoors,
schools.94
The j u b i l e e s
comprised
m-school
essay
activities.
contest
Principal
in
Grant,
o r a t i o n , offered
the
still
In
1897,
Halifax
in
them
Nurses as
advances
an
in
to
raise
the
social
of
the
Exhibition
exercises
the
S.P.C.A.
were
children's
sponsored
schools,95 while
the
h i s diamond
to t h e " C h i l d r e n of
of
their
and m e d i c a l
the
Victorian
gratefulness
treatment
of
an
Rev.
jubilee
t h e b e s t answer to the
money f o r
expression
in
jubilee
letter
to her i m p e r i a l s u b j e c t s . 9 6
Aberdeen a l s o w r o t e a l e t t e r
urging
the
town a f t e r
a p r i z e for
w r i t t e n by Queen V i c t o r i a
part
for
diamond
diamond j u b i l e e
h e l d in t h e i n d i v i d u a l
also
and
demonstration
fountain,
took
1897.93 The d a n g e r s
Lady
Canada",
Order
of
for
the
children
93
D a i l y Echo June 24, 1897. The Novascotian J u l y 8,
1 8 6 7 , o b j e c t e d t o t h e c o n f e d e r a t i o n p r o c e s s i o n in 1867
b e c a u s e of t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of c h i l d r e n , who " k n e w
n o t h i n g b u t t h a t t h e i r h o l i d a y had been made a day of
t o r t u r e t o them by b e i n g d r a g g e d t h r o u g h t h e d u s t y s t r e e t s
under a b r o i l i n g s u n " .
94
Motion a t p u b l i c meeting to hold a c h i l d r e n ' s
d e m o n s t r a t i o n — D a i l y Telegraph
A p r i l 7 , 1898; p r o p o s a l
for a c h i l d r e n ' s p r o c e s s i o n — D a i l y Telegraph May 18, 1897;
t h o u g h t t o be i m p r o p e r - - D a i l y T e l e g r a p h J u n e 8, 1897;
D a i l y Sun May 1 5 , June 8, 1897; f o r l i s t s of s c h o o l s and
e x e r c i s e s , s e e D a i l y Telegraph and D a i l y Sun June 22, 1897.
95
D a i l y Echo May 2 8 , 1897.
96
Herald June 24, 1897.
173
during
the V i c t o r i a n
the G i r l ' s
chorus
sang
"Jubilee
School
and
At t h e c l o s i n g
in S a i n t
"God Save
Song",
included
"The
High
era.97
the
Queen",
"Maple
Leaf
"The Q u e e n ' s G i f t " ,
Queen's
Jubilee"98.
Convent of t h e Sacred
John
in
Heart
1887, a
"Rule
Song";
"Red, w h i t e ,
The c l o s i n g
and b l u e " ,
in 1897,
in F a i r y l a n d " ,
entitled
" C h i l d r e n ' s T r i b u t e to t h e Queen".99
delinquent,
Britannia"
children
not a t t e n d p u b l i c s c h o o l or t h e e x e r c i s e s of t h e
organizations,
activities.
celebrated
The P o r t l a n d
the
jubilees
Industrial
with
School
j u b i l e e e x h i b i t i o n in 1887.100 Ten y e a r s l a t e r ,
the Halifax P r o t e s t a n t
and
of
the
featured
a c o m p o s i t i o n of t h e
and h a n d i c a p p e d
,
recitations
"Jubilee
Poor,
of
jubilee
ceremony
in H a l i f a x
and
exercises
pupils,
who
did
voluntary
their
own
organized
a
i n m a t e s of
I n d u s t r i a l School were d i n e d by t h e
Rev. Mr. P r i n c i p a l G r a n t , who had f o r m e r l y been a d i r e c t o r
of
the
Blind
s c h o o l . 101 At t h e
in
1887,
the choir
closing
sang
of
the
School
"The Q u e e n ' s
97
for
the
Jubilee",102
"A L e t t e r From Her E x c e l l e n c y t h e C o u n t e s s of
A b e r d e e n to t h e C h i l d r e n of C a n a d a " , Lady A b e r d e e n ' s
J o u r n a l , V o l . 10, and Aberdeen Scrapbook, 1897, p p . 9 6 - 9 7 ,
NAC. A sum of S60 was r a i s e d by t h e County Academy—Herald
J u l y 7, 1897.
98
D a i l y Sun June 25, 28, 1887.
99
D a i l y Echo June 2 1 , 1897.
100
D a i l y Sun A p r i l 6,
101
Herald June 25, 1897.
102
Herald June 1 1 , 1887.
1887.
174
while a student at the Deaf and Dumb Institute presented a
personal sketch of the golden jubilee celebration.103
The
deaf and dumb pupils were also admitted free to all events
during Halifax's golden jubilee celebration.104
Throughout the nineteenth century, juvenile members
of institutions and voluntary organizations celebrated
special occasions through processions and programs, and
special
feasts. Beginning
participating collectively
in 1860, children
began
in separate demonstrations.
Such events provided morally suitable environments for the
socialization
of
the children
in "respectable"
and
"proper" values. Despite an earlier image of social and
racial unity, the later Victorian gatherings
segregated
the children according to age, attainment, sex, race, and
religion. Organizers had
initially transmitted
to the
children a pride in province and city, but with the advent
of confederation and the growth of British
imperialism,
patriotism expanded to include a love of country, monarch,
and empire. Patriotism was taught through discipline,
deference, and drill; regimented exercises promoted values
such as respect for authority, submission, and obedience.
Although the childrens' acceptance and understanding of
103
104
Novascotian July 9, 1887.
Acadian Recorder June 24, 1887. There were also
plans for the Industrial School boys and older inmates of
the orphan asylums to attend the art loan exhibition-Herald June 24, 1887; Acadian Recorder June 24, 1887.
175
these messages is uncertain, the creation of empire day in
the schools in 1899, ensured
the survival of patriotic
demonstrations well into the twentieth century.105
l0-* Robert M. Stamp "Empire Day in the Schools of
Ontario: The Training of Young Imperialists", Journal of
Canadian Studies Vol. 8, no. 3, August 1973, pp. 32-42;
Robert M. Stamp Kings, Queens, and Canadians (Markham,
1987), pp. 139-42.
CHAPTER 5
THE RESPECTABLE TRADITION: CIVIC PARADES
AND TRADES PROCESSIONS
The c i v i c
wider
range
of
cooperation
children's
parade
and
trades
participants
and
input
from
demonstration.
of
censure
celebration,
reliant
like
on
the
participants,
as
In
ox
culture
and
Power.
different
styles
"respectable"
of
and
parades
Saint
respectable
during
Susan
roast,
of
and
and t h e
in
traditions
John
analyzed
in 1849,
the
although
the
it
the same
modes
of
was not
so
fewer
direct
definition
be
of
between
the
coronation
of
the
two
processing--the
a number
nineteenth-century
including
the v i s i t
and
Nineteenth-Century
" r o w d y " . 1 In t h i s c h a p t e r ,
in
tradition,
the
more
did
distinguishes
and p r o c e s s i o n s
will
had
a
In her r e c e n t book Parades
Davis
Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
centenary
because
drink,
Theatre
G.
than
"traditional"
emphasized
Street
Philadelphia,
actors
i t d i d not a t t r a c t
a r t i c u l a t i o n of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y .
and
attracted
encouraged
addition,
other
the
and
the
p r o c e s s i o n had a long h i s t o r y ,
degree
procession
as
examples
civic
in
Halifax
parades
1838,
Prince
of
of
the
held
Halifax's
Wales
in
1860, t h e v i s i t of Lord L o m e and P r i n c e s s L o u i s e in 1878,
1
Susan G. Davis Parades and Power. S t r e e t Theatre in
Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1986), pp.
20, 1 5 9 - 6 1 .
176
177
and t h e t r a d e s p r o c e s s i o n s
held
John's
in 1 8 5 3 , H a l i f a x ' s
of
railway celebration
confederation
centennial
these
in
and
Saint
in 1 8 8 3 . The d i f f e r e n t
attractions
different
will
be
strategies
respectability.
discussed
1867,
in commemoration of
Loyalist
groups p a r t i c i p a t i n g
used
The rowdy t r a d i t i o n
in C h a p t e r
celebration
John's
examined,
they
Saint
as
to
well
as
express
of p r o c e s s i n g
in
the
their
will
be
genre"
of
6.
CIVIC PARADES
The c i v i c
parade
nineteenth-century
the
parade
as a
distinction
Halifax
and
organized
police,-
and
Saint
of
of
c e r e m o n y " . 2 Mary Ryan
procession
John,
provincial
These
and
social
celebration
of
dignitaries
societies,
voluntary
militia
parades
groups,
and
for
the
each
identity.3
organizers,
discrete
defines
units,
nineteenth-century
and most p r o m i n e n t l y ,
organizations,
notable
marching
pre-established
a number
such as n a t i o n a l
"characteristic
separate
by t h e g e n e r a l
cooperation
civic
species
a
the
"civic
between
representing
is
with
in
were
the
including
officials,
the
organizations,
companies,
temperance
firemen.
organizations
exhibited
their
constituent
2
Mary Ryan "The American P a r a d e : R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of
t h e N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y S o c i a l O r d e r " , i n Lynn Hunt ( e d . )
The New C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y ( B e r k e l e y , 1 9 8 9 ) , p . 1 3 2 .
3
Ryan "The American P a r a d e " , p p . 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 .
178
members by p r o c e s s i n g
the
cities,
which
through
were
Sometimes c o n t r o v e r s y
During
the
visit
Haligonians
prince's
usually
arose
of
debated
t h e major
the
of
Street
with
the
Prince
usage
p r o c e s s i o n . Water
lined
over
the
thoroughfares
of
spectators.
procession
route.
Wales
I860,
of
Water
in
Street
was p a r t
of
for
the
sailortown,
w i t h g r o g g e r i e s , a l l e y w a y s , h o r r i b l e o d o u r s , and b u i l d i n g s
which d i f f e r e d
order
architecture".4
of
the h i g h l i g h t
leading
of
white,
in a g e , s i z e , and s t y l e ,
but
one c o r r e s p o n d e n t
of
the v i s i t
would
their
Prince
through
wet,
in t h e " t e a
weltering,
be
remarked
remembered
the
neither
and
remained
"the
wide
nor
weather-stained,
adjacent
in t h e p r o c e s s i o n
buildings
were l i n e d
route,
with
but
wharfy,
National
parades
in
benevolent
provisions
societies
question.
marched
National
organizations
and p r o v i d e d
which
business
in
the
hastily
s p r u c e t r e e s , which c o v e r e d a m u l t i t u d e of
that
as
w i n d i n g , w o n d e r - s t r i k i n g Water S t r e e t " . 5 U l t i m a t e l y ,
Street
chest
Water
street
assembled
sins.6
all
of
societies
distributed
and s o c i a l
the
civic
were
ethnic
charitable
contacts
for
4
Susan Buggey " B u i l d i n g H a l i f a x ,
1841-1871",
A c a d i e n s i s , V o l . 10, n o . 1, Autumn 1980, p p . 9 0 - 1 2 2 .
5
"G." in Morning Sun J u l y 16, 1860.
6 S h o r t l y a f t e r t h e v i s i t , t h e b r u s h had t o be
d i s p o s e d of b e c a u s e of i t s c o m b u s t i b l e n a t u r e - - S t r e e t s
O f f i c e , August 2 , 3 , I 8 6 0 , in Minutes of t h e Meetings of
t h e Committee for t h e R e c e p t i o n of H.R.H. t h e P r i n c e of
W a l e s , 1860, PANS.
179
their
members.
societies
of
Janet
also
cultural
Guildford
functioned
traditions
has
as a "focus
and
The i n v o l v e m e n t
in p a r a d e s
an o p p o r t u n i t y
of
a broad
city.8
range
of
The e t h n i c
parades
included
British
Society,
Scotia
people
St.
Andrew's
Society,
Society
in
for
Saint
John.
attracted
a diversified
tended
racially
segregated.
to
Victorian
be
Halifax
which m a r c h e d
bearing
Halifax's
banners
Victoria's
the
role
The Colored
r e a r of t h e p a r a d e .
in
as
the c i t y ' s
the
of
the
"poor
Britain
Blacks
St.
the
St.
voluntary
in
parade
of
man's
they
early
Society,
in
1838,
Kent
(Queen
friend",
and
in t h e e m a n c i p a t i o n
Halifax
The S l a v e r y A b o l i t i o n
parade
Nova
the
and
these
Duke
brought
Society
up
of
the
marched
in 1849, b e h i n d t h e
7
the
North
membership,
coronation
Truckmen of
centenary
and
own A f r i c a n F r i e n d l y
depicting
father)
emphasizing
slavery.9
in
had t h e i r
the
and t h e
Society,
organizations
of
celebration
Society,
Although
societies
life
in t h e
Halifax,
George's
such
participation
Society,
in
maintenance
through
social
Irish
George's
St.
the
the
involved
Society
the
for
national
of n a t i o n a l
the
the Charitable
Philanthropic
Patrick's
in
societies
the
that
sociability"
e v e n t s as p a r a d e s . 7
provided
noted
Royal
J a n e t G u i l d f o r d " P u b l i c S c h o o l Reform and t h e
H a l i f a x Middle C l a s s , 1 8 5 0 - 1 8 7 0 " , Ph.D. T h e s i s , D a l h o u s i e
U n i v e r s i t y , September 1990, p . 7 2 .
8
See Chapter
9
Acadian Recorder July 2, 1838.
1.
180
African Society, who were wearing Mayflower badges.10 The
parades of the Prince of Wales in 1860, and of Lord L o m e
in 1878, featured black organizations referred to as the
African Society and the Anglo-African Society respectively
(See Figures 5.1—5.3, 5.5).
Military bands, and militia and volunteer companies
added a martial air
to civic parades. Military
bands
created the discipline of "rhythmic marching",11 and were
interspersed
advance
in various places in the line of march. An
guard
of militia
companies processed
in the
coronation parade in 1838, while the volunteer artillery
marched during Halifax's centenary in 1849 and during the
Prince of Wales' visit in 1860. Since the militia system
in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick had been in the process
of decline since the last peace in 1815, there was no
regular system of inspection or drill, which resulted in
inexperienced
officers
and
"rn eagerly
outfitted"
companies.12 A new volunteer movement arose in Britain and
the colonies in the aftermath of the Crimean War. Several
1 0 The Centenary Anniversary of the Settlement of
Halifax, June 8, 1849 (Halifax, 1849), p. 4.
11
John M. Mackenzie Propaganda and Empire. The
Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880-1960
(Manchester, 1984), p. 32.
1 2 Joseph P. Edwards "The Militia of Nova Scotia,
1749-1867", Nova Scotia Historical Society Colls., Vol.
17, 1913, p. 90; Capt. John B.M. Baxter Historical Records
of the New Brunswick Regiment, Canadian Artillery (St.
John, 1896), pp. 4-32, 46, 72.
Figure 5.1
CORONATION, 1838
An advanced guard:
One co. of 1st Halifax Regiment
Capt. Henry Pryor of 2nd (or Queen's) Halifax Regiment
Rifle Co. of 3rd Halifax Regiment
The standard of Nova Scotia
High Sheriff
escorted by the magistrates of Halifax and the
clerk of the police, mounted
Committees of management, mounted
73rd Regiment Band
Masonic Lodges
Highland Pipes
North British Society
23rd Regiment Band
Charitable Irish Society
Carpenters' Society
93rd Regiment Band
Public citizens not included in preceding societies
Truckmen of Halifax, mounted
African Friendly Society
Coloured Truckmen of Halifax, mounted
182
Figure 5.2
CENTENARY, 1849
Mr. WC Manning,
Secty of general
Mr. Wm. Grant, Senior
comm
Grand Marshal,
mounted
military band
Adam Hemmeon,
Hon. JB Uniacke
J.J.Sawyer
mayor,
atty-genl, &
high sheriff of
mounted
member of comm.,
county
mounted
mounted
Members of general comm.
City Recorder
Custos of county
City Treasurer
all mounted
Corporation
all mounted
County magistrates
Press
Ancient press, printing and distributing Howe's poem
"Song for the Centenary"
Union Fire Engine Co.
Halifax Volunteer Artillery Co.
Aged Nova Scotians and old inhabitants
Descendants of the settlers of 1749
Live moose
in a miniature forest of spruce trees
attended by an Indian
Micmacs
Nova Scotia Philanthropic Society
Marshal, Mr. Matthew Lounds, mounted
Young Men's Nova Scotia Society
Cold Water Army
Sons of Temperance
Cadets of Temperance
Old Halifax Temperance Society
Royal African Society
Slavery Abolition Society
Military band
St. George's Society
Charitable Irish Society
North British and Highland Societies
Military band
Masonic Lodges
Truckmen, mounted
1
Figure 5.3
VISIT OF THE PRINCE OF WALES TO HALIFAX, 1860
City Marshal, mounted
Assistant
Police
Assistant
Police
Police
Police
City Clerk
Clerk of streets Super, of streets Clerk of license
Assistant City Clerk
Treasurer
Mayor
Recorder
Aldermen
Police Police Police Police
Col. Ansell, Town Major
Capt. Stapleton, ACD
Capt. Armstrong, ADC
to Lt. Govr
to Major Wallace, Co
Hartshorne, Prov. ADC
Col. Wallace, Prov. ADC
Capt. Percy, Major Brigade
Col. Butler
Capt. Percy, Major Brigade,
Col. Fordyce, AQMG
Equerry
Equerry
Major General Commanding
Duke of Newcastle
PRINCE OF WALES
Earl of Mulgrave
General Bruce
Earl St. Germain
Col. Benn,
Col. Nelson,
Commanding, RA
Commanding, RE
Judges and executive council
President of legislative council
Members of legislative council
Speaker of house of assembly
High Sheriff
Custos of county
Heads of civil departments
Members of executive committee
Officers commanding regiments
Union and Axe Fire Cos.
North British and Highland Socs.
Caledonia Club
Charitable Irish Society
St. George's Society
Carpenter's Charitable Society
African Society
Sons of Temperance
Halifax Catholic and Total Abstinence Society
Halifax Artillery
Halifax Engineers
Dartmouth Engineers
Halifax Rifles
Scotch Rifles
Mayflower Rifles
Chebucto Greys
Irish Volunteers
Dartmouth Volunteers
Victoria Volunteers
Her Majesty's forces
184
Figure 5.4
VISIT OF THE PRINCE OF WALES TO SAINT JOHN, 1860
Mayor and Corporation
Town Major
Field officers of militia
Lt. Govr's Aide-de-Camp
Officer commanding HM's troops
Duke of Newcastle Prince of Wales
Lt. Govr
HRH's Equerries - Earl of St. Germains and Major Genl Bruce
Remainder of suite
Chief justices, judges, and exec, council
Pres. and members of legisl. council
Speaker and members of house of assembly
Mayors of other cities
High Sheriff and Coroner
Members of press, foreign and local
Stipendiary and other magistrates
Heads of civil depts
Office bearers of national societies
Volunteer cos..
St. Stephen's Band
Sons of Temperance
Cadets of Temperance
Firemen
Cordwainers
Millmen from Mr. John Clark's Mill, Carleton
Founders, Phoenix Foundry
Ship Builders and Caulkers
Spar Makers
Riggers
Shoemakers
St. George's Society
St. Andrew's Society
St. Patrick's Society
Mounted Draymen
Indian Chief and 2 braves
185
Figure 5.5
VISIT OF LORD LORNE TO HALIFAX, 1878
North British Society
Charitable Irish Society
St. George's Society
Manchester Unity of OddFellows
Anglo-African Society
Catholic Total Abstinence Society
St. Joseph's Society
Marshals: Messrs. Robie Uniacke, J.E. Kenny, M.B. Almon
Grand marshals
City police
Mayor, Corporation, and general reception committee
Staff
Lieutenant-Governor
Duke of Edinburgh and Admiral
Princess Louise and the Marquis of Lome
Staff of General Commander-in-Chief
Archbishop
Dominion cabinet
Chief judges of courts of law and equity
Privy council
Senate of Canada
Speaker of commons
Puisne judges
House of commons
Provincial executive council
Chancellor and Vice-Chancellor of University
Judges of county court
Foreign consuls
President and members of legislative council
Members of legislative assembly
Custos and county magistrates
Corporation of Dartmouth
186
new companies and a new v o l u n t e e r b a t t a l i o n were formed
Halifax/Dartmouth
battalion—the
Rifles,
in
Halifax
Chebucto
1 8 6 0 . 1 3 Members
of
the
volunteer
Rifles,
Rifles,
Mayflower
Greys,
"Scotch"
Irish
Dartmouth V o l u n t e e r s - - a p p e a r e d
Volunteers,
in
the
and
Prince
of
the
Wales'
p a r a d e in 1860. Other companies n o t in t h e b a t t a l i o n
marched,
in
namely t h e H a l i f a x
and Dartmouth
also
Engineers,
and
the b l a c k company, t h e V i c t o r i a R i f l e s . Three y e a r s
later,
companies from t h e v o l u n t e e r b a t t a l i o n
parade
in
honour
volunteer
of
Prince's
companies,
cross-class
comprised
many of
the
marriage
the
organizations.
of
men of
the other
mechanics.15
merchants'
like
the
celebration.
national
These
societies,
were
While t h e Chebucto Greys
high
standing
companies
indeed,
l e d off
were
the
composed
volunteers
l a c k of s u p p o r t for
in
were
community,14
primarily
complained
about
t h e i r c a u s e , both
in
the
terms
of p a r t i c i p a t i o n and monetary c o n t r i b u t i o n s . 1 6 M i l i t i a
volunteer
companies were a l s o
the coronation c e l e b r a t i o n
racially
segregated.
of
and
During
in S a i n t John in 1838, a number
13
M a j o r Thomas J . Egan H i s t o r y of t h e H a l i f a x
V o l u n t e e r B a t t a l i o n and V o l u n t e e r Companies, 1859-1887
( H a l i f a x , 1 8 8 8 ) , p . 5.
14
Egan History of the Halifax Volunteer Battalion,
pp. 59-61, 99.
15
M o r n i n g Sun J u n e 4 , 1 8 6 0 ; M o r n i n g J o u r n a l
September 7, 1860. This was a l s o t h e c a s e in t h e U n i t e d
Kingdom—Morning News May 2 1 , 1860.
-1-6 M o r n i n g Sun
September 7, 1860.
June
4,
1860;
Morning
Journal
187
of "colored
celebrities" in the Loch Lomand
company
brought up the rear of a militia parade.17 The Victoria
Rifles participated
in the prince's parade in 1860, but
for some unknown reason was not considered "eligible" for
inclusion in the battalion. 18
Temperance organizations comprised a large proportion
of the marchers in early nineteenth-century civic parades.
They
were
cross-class
in membership, but unlike the
national societies, temperance organizations drew most of
their leaders from the lower middle and upper working
classes.19
The five divisions of the Sons of Temperance,
an all-male organization, which drew especially heavily on
upwardly mobile clerks,20 marched in the centenary parade
in Halifax in 1849, as did the Cadets of Temperance, boys
who were too young
to become the Sons of Temperance.
Although the Sons of Temperance refused to give "Nfull and
unequivocal membership to the female sex'",21 temperance
marches still featured women and girls. The Cold Water
17 Loch Lomand was a black settlement near Saint
John—Excerpt in Daily Sun June 18, 1887.
18
Egan History of the Halifax Volunteer Battalion,
pp. 2,5.
^ 9 Davis Parades and Power, p. 147.
20
Guildford "Public School Reform", pp. 77, 80.
1 Janet Guildford """Separate Spheres' and the
Feminization of Public School Teaching in Nova Scotia,
1838-1880", pp. 5-6, paper presented to the facultygraduate seminar, Dalhousie University History Department,
April 1991.
2
188
Army, also in the temperance contingent, included hundreds
of children of both sexes. The Old Halifax Temperance
Society probably marched with some women in its ranks, for
women were important members of the society.22 The Prince
of Rales' parade
in 1860 also
included
the
Halifax
Catholic and Total Abstinence Society (probably the St.
Mary's Total Abstinence and Benevolent Society, founded in
the 1850's).23
Three years later, the "Roman Catholic and
Benevolent Society" displayed the "most marked feature" of
the Prince's marriage parade in Halifax, as the only
representative of the city's temperance movement.24 The
Catholic Total Abstinence Society also helped to line the
streets during the visit of Lord L o m e and Princess Louise
in 1878.
Firemen
parades
in
made
Saint
up
John
another
and
component
Halifax.
The
of
Victorian
Union
Engine
Company of H a l i f a x , a t t h e h e i g h t of i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s
power
in
1849,25
sported
five
engines
in t h e
centenary
p a r a d e . The Union Engine Company and t h e Axe F i r e
also
headed
the e n t o u r a g e c o n g r e g a t e d
t o g r e e t thfi
22
Company
Prince
The C e n t e n a r y A n n i v e r s a r y o f t h e S e t t l e m e n t
H a l i f a x , p p . 4 - 5 ; Davis Parades and Power, p . 149.
23
Guildford
24
Novascotian A p r i l 2 0 , 1863.
25
and
of
" P u b l i c School Reform", p . 80.
B r a d l e y E . S . Rudachyk " N T h e Most T y r a n n o u s of
M a s t e r s ' : F i r e in H a l i f a x , Nova S c o t i a , 1 8 3 0 - 1 8 5 0 " , M.A.
T h e s i s , D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y , October 1984, p . 126.
189
of Wales in 1860. The Axe F i r e Company, made up of members
of
the
building
salvage
woodworking
operations,
generally
all
while
comprised
shopkeepers,
for
and
the
of
Union
of
Fire
engine
"greatest
Company of
strangers"
was
during
routine
of
the No. 6
contended
s o u r c e of
the
and
responsible
and
a foreman
John,
Company,
craftsmen
operation
Saint
and most p l e a s i n g
distinguished
Engine
owners,
management.26 W i l l i a m F. B u n t i n g ,
Volunteer
took c h a r g e of
respectable
and m a t u r e p r o p e r t y
aspects
trades,
that
attraction
prince's
the
to
the
visit
to
S a i n t J o h n , was t h e
s p l e n d i d a p p e a r a n c e of o u r V o l u n t e e r F i r e
D e p a r t m e n t w i t h t h e i r n e a t and
appropriate
u n i f o r m s , t h e i r h a n d s o m e and n e a t l y d e c o r a t e d
E n g i n e s , and Hose C a r r i a g e s , and above a l l t h e
manly and g e n t l e m a n l y b e a r i n g , and y o u t h f u l and
o r d e r l y a p p e a r a n c e of t h e F i r e m e n . 2 7
After
Halifax
the
city
city's
disastrous
council
fire
fires
fought
fighting
in
for
1857, 1859, and 1 8 6 1 ,
more c o m p l e t e
capabilities,
r e s o l u t i o n which gave them power over
control
by p a s s i n g
appointments
to
the
of
a
the
Union Engine Company ( p r e v i o u s l y d e t e r m i n e d by t h e members
themselves).
this
S i n c e t h e e n g i n e company would not c o n s e n t
arrangement,
the
city
council
appointed
a
to
new
26
Rudachyk ""The Most Tyrannous of M a s t e r s ' " , p p .
1 0 9 - 1 3 4 ; a l s o s e e R u d a c h y k ' s a r t i c l e ""At t h e Mercy of t h e
Devouring E l e m e n t ' : The Equipment and O r g a n i z a t i o n of the
H a l i f a x F i r e E s t a b l i s h m e n t , 1 8 3 0 - 1 8 5 0 " , Royal Nova S c o t i a
H i s t o r i c a l Society C o l l s . , Vol. 4 1 , pp. 165-183.
2
7 W i l l i a m F r a n k l i n Bunting
N.B. Museum. U n d e r l i n i n g m i n e .
Diaries,
August
3,
1860,
190
contingent of firemen, and the old members formed a new
Union Protection Company. During the marriage festivities
in Halifax in 1863, the city council gave S100 to the
Union Engine Company for a torchlight procession in the
evening, perhaps to show off their
fire company. The
Halifax fire department was reorganized on a part paid and
part call basis in 1894, and in 1918, the transition to
full time full pay was finally completed.28
How did these various components of Victorian parades
combine to portray the social order? While precedence may
have been arbitrary
in nineteenth-century
American
parades,29 this was not the case in Victorian Halifax,
where certain criteria determined
the order of march.
Parade marshals and members of the police forco? usually
led the parades, probably
in an attempt
to clear
the
route. Dignitaries from the city and province, as well as
the organizing committees then took their place, mounted
or in barouches. During the visits of the Prince of Wales
in 1860, and of Lord Lome and Princess Louise in 1878, a
royal
suite
accompanied
the
usual
contingent
28
of
Guildford "Public School Reform", pp. 152-53;
Rudachyk " v The Most Tyrannous of Masters'", p. 124; The
bicentennial of the Halifax Fire Department: 200 Years of
Firefighting 1768-1968. (Halifax, 1968), PANS. In Saint
John, a permanent paid force was established in 1864-Brian MacDonald and Gerald Green (eds.) Still Alarm. A
Pictorial Overview of the Saint John Fire Department As It
Enters Its 3rd Century of Service With Pride (Saint John,
1987), p. 10.
29
Ryan "The American Parade", p. 143.
191
dignitaries.
the
The l a t t e r
dominion
cabinet,
senate,
and o t h e r
to
Province
the
parade
the
privy
national
featured
council,
Canada's
governor-general.
parades
were
to
swear
(See
in
of
Canadian
who p r o c e e d e d
Lord
Figures
concluded
members
the
representatives,
Building
frequently
also
Lome
5.3--5.S).
by c o l o u r e d
as
The
truckmen,
who, l i k e t h e p o l i c e , h e l p e d to c o n t r o l t h e c r o w d s .
The o r d e r
of
most c o n t e n t i o u s
determined
masonic
Society
the African
The
Nova
benevolent
National
the
the
societies
priority
parade
first,30
followed
Society,
of
in H a l i f a x
Society,
and
Society
Society,
questioned
See PANS MG 20 F i n d i n g
masonic b o d i e s i n H a l i f a x .
the
the Colored
Philanthropic
organization,
by t h e
(1768),
(1786),31 the Carpenters'
Scotia
comprised
t h e o r g a n i z i n g committee p l a c e d
lodges
Friendly
30
by
During t h e c o r o n a t i o n
S o c i e t y and North B r i t i s h
Irish
societies
position
(see F i g u r e 5 . 1 ) ,
ancient
national
a s p e c t of p r e c e d e n c e .
parade
establishment.
1838
the
Aid
for
the
an
the
Highland
Charitable
(1798),32
Truckmen.
upstart
criteria
records
in
of
for
early
3
-*- The c o r o n a t i o n in 1838 was t h e f i r s t r e c o r d of t h e
C h a r i t a b l e I r i s h S o c i e t y ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n in a p u b l i c
p a r a d e - - R o b e r t P . H a r v e y " B l a c k B e a n s , B a n n e r s and
B a n q u e t s : The C h a r i t a b l e I r i s h S o c i e t y of H a l i f a x a t Two
Hundred", The Nova S c o t i a H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . 6, n o .
1,
1986, p .
32
21.
The C a r p e n t e r s S o c i e t y was not i n c o r p o r a t e d u n t i l
1850 — I a n McKay " T h e W o r k i n g C l a s s of
Metropolitan
H a l i f a x , 1 8 5 0 - 1 8 8 9 " , Honours T h e s i s , D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y ,
1975, p . 50.
192
precedence, arguing t h a t i t deserved
first
Was t h e
of
only
organization
composed
participants.
The Nova S c o t i a
been a s s i g n e d
to the t h i r d
which in i t s e l f
for
it
was
refused
to
Nova
Philanthropic
position
founded
not
until
succumb,
take p a r t
so
Scotian-born
Society
to the
1834.33
the
it
had
in t h e l i n e of m a r c h ,
seemed t o be a c o n c e s s i o n
not
committee d i d
place, since
The
Nova
society,
organizing
Scotian
society
in t h e p a r a d e , and i n s t e a d
processed
a l o n e to P r o v i n c e House, where i t p r e s e n t e d an a d d r e s s . 3 4
The
Nova
Scotia
juvenile affiliation,
given
precedence
Halifax
centenary
settlement
Halifax
precedence
organization.
its
t h e Youths Nova S c o t i a S o c i e t y ,
were
the
parade
However,
that
and
among
organization.
of
Philanthropic
since
been
Halifax's
societies,
and,
given
it
to
Philanthropic
in
in
the
to pacify
the
celebration
indigenous
of t h e
since
the
the
conceivable
Society,
anniversary
addition,
marked
is
the
the organization
by t h e
other
societies
1849, p e r h a p s
the
be
was s p e a r h e a d e d
observing
national
and Nova S c o t i a ,
would
Moreover,
in
Society
centenary
which
had
1836.35 The
St.
George's
33
D . C . H a r v e y " T h e Nova S c o t i a
Philanthropic
S o c i e t y " , D a l h o u s i e Review V o l . 1 9 , October 1939, p p . 2 8 8 289. The members had been m e e t i n g s i n c e t h e autumn of 1 8 3 3 .
34
Times J u l y 3 , 1 8 3 8 ; A c a d i a n
1838; Novascotian J u l y 5 , 1 8 3 8 .
35
Recorder
June
20,
The C e n t e n a r y A n n i v e r s a r y o f t h e S e t t l e m e n t of
H a l i f a x , p . 1; H a r v e y "The Nova S c o t i a
Philanthropic
Society", pp. 291-92.
193
Society
they
(1786),
had
maturity.
appeared
appeared
in
the
settlers
Micmacs
following
miniature forest
During
the
reverse
perhaps
order
to
in
mark
inhabitants"
1749",
as
a float
well
trees.36
visit
the
of
as
depicting
of s p r u c e
and
included
"Descendants
a contingent
a live
Prince
which
colonial
in t h i s c e n t e n a r y t r i b u t e
and old
of
the
1838,
Other e n t r i e s
"Aged Nova S c o t i a n s
of
in
of
of
moose in a
Wales
in
1860,
various societies lined
the p r o c e s s i o n r o u t e "according
seniority",37
fell
and
and h i s e n t o u r a g e .
had
been
Scotia
in
then
into
The n a t i o n a l
1838,
with
Philanthropic
the
order
behind
the
to
prince
s o c i e t i e s l i n e d up as t h e y
notable
Society,
absence
which
had
of
the
Nova
dissolved
in
1857,38 and t h e m a s o n s , who w a i t e d o u t s i d e t h e i r
hall
the
Prince.
followed
the
Scottish
The
assignment
perhaps
paid
t h e Duke of
to
1798 as
A new a d d i t i o n ,
societies
of
Kent,
because
first
tribute
the
to
of
place
C]ub,
its ethnic
to
the
association.
oldest
t h e P r i n c e of W a l e s '
who had r e s i d e d
Nova S c o t i a ' s
Caledonia
in t h e c i t y
commander-in-chief,
for
society
grandfather,
from
and
1794
then
as
3
6 The C e n t e n a r y A n n i v e r s a r y o f t h e S e t t l e m e n t of
H a l i f a x , p . 4; N o v a s c o t i a n June 1 8 , 1 8 4 3 ; B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t
June 1 4 , 1 8 4 9 .
37 Meeting of the Acting Committee, July 7, 1860, in
Minutes of the meetings of the Committee for the Reception
of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, 1860.
38
294.
Harvey "The Nova Scotia Philanthropic Society", p.
194
commander-in-chief
North
Lord
America
Lome
streets
during
Manchester
1878,
the
the
Her M a j e s t y ' s
between
in
in
of
1799-1800.39
the
national
same o r d e r
visit
in
in
1860,
forces
During
they
the
lined
had
of
the
appeared
addition
Unity of OddFellows, a f r i e n d l y
British
the v i s i t
societies
which
with
in
of
society
the
which
had a s p e c i a l a p p e a l for members of t h e working c l a s s , and
the
St.
Joseph's
which followed
Figure
Society,
a Catholic
benevolent
the Catholic Total Abstinence
society
Society
(See
5.5).
Participants
themselves
from
in
the
these
mass
of
parades
distinguished
spectators,
through
such
d e v i c e s as u n i f o r m s , b a n n e r s , and o r d e r l y b e h a v i o u r . 4 0 The
displays
of
the
i l l u s t r a t e
temperance o r g a n i z a t i o n s
different
styles
r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . 41 The t e m p e r a n c e
the respectable
virtues
an11-drlnking
banners
39
Robert
M.
(Markham, 1 9 8 7 ) , p p .
40
41
as p i e t y
and
of
firemen
expressing
organizations
promoted
and a b s t i n e n c e ,
through
flags,42
Stamp K i n g s ,
and t h e
and
Queens,
the
and
solemn
Canadians
69-76.
Davis Parades and Power, pp. 20, 159-61.
- Davis Parades and Power, p. 21.
The N.B.Museum has a temperance banner suspended
from a pole, with painting in oils on one side in gold
"Victoria Cadets of Temperance, Section No. 4, Organized
July 6, 1848". In the middle of the inscription is a
painting of Victoria at middle age or better (Given the
age of Victoria, the banner may date to the 1870's or
80's). On the reverse is a triangle with the inscription
"Truth, Virtue, Temperance"—Accession No. 28581.
42
195
demeanour
of
the marchers.
During
the
Prince
of
Wales'
p i l g r i m a g e t h r o u g h S a i n t J o h n , t h e Sons of Temperance were
instructed
not
the
profound
"most
s a l u t e in
for
the Prince,
respect",
to
b u t as a mark
t a k e off
their
hats
of
and
silence.43
The
other
to c h e e r
firemen's
hand,
followed
flashy
the
of
torchlight
parades were,
Indeed,
and t h e d i s p l a y of
the
respectability".44
affluence
firemen
in
became
the
audiences
the
t h r e e m a r s h a l s of t h e e n g i n e company and a m a r s h a l of
the
followed
band,
by t h e
a wagon
couple
of
company,
two
"Albert",
then
the
finally
and
and
the
and
officers
named
of which was d e c o r a t e d
lamps,
constables,
of
the
equipment,
appropriately
five
board),
t h e axemen with a v o l u n t e e r
firefighting
glass
led
supervisory
firewards
housing
engines,
lanterns,
and
engines
containing
t h e former
Chinese
arch,
torchbearers,
wagons
and
steam
administrative
in 1863 was
firemen's
by
(the
in H a l i f a x
example,
the
parades
means by which
For
on
off
firewards
procession
the
nineteenth-century
s t a n d a r d s . . . and
recognized
to
and s p e c t a c u l a r .
pattern
which " d e c o r a t i o n
prevalent
contributions
engine
including
"Victoria"
with
r e e l s . 4 5 The s p e c t a c l e
and
43
Freeman August 7, 1 8 6 0 .
44
Davis Parades and Power, p . 160.
45
Morning Sun A p r i l 1 5 , 1 8 6 3 .
and
illuminated
was augmented
and
flowers,
transparencies,
decorated
a
an
hand
by
the
196
discharging
of
rockets,
roman
candles,
and
other
i l l u m i n a t i o n s from some of the c a r r i a g e s „46
The firemen and o r g a n i z a t i o n s
defined
the
boundaries
narrowly by mocking
lower
b l a c k s , and d e p i c t i n g
of
l i k e the m i l i t i a
respectability
status
racial
even
groups
them in p o s i t i o n s of
also
more
such
as
subordination.
For example, one of the companies in t h e f i r e m e n ' s
railway
celebration
colored
procession
in S a i n t John in 1853 used
boys to lead the e n g i n e . 4 7 S i m i l a r l y , d u r i n g the
firemen's
centenary
procession
in
a
depicting
"Britannia
protecting
led
by a b l a c k
colored
groom
Halifax's
man.48 No.
in
1883,
a s l a v e " was
1 hose
cart
also
sported
The V i c t o r i a
black v o l u n t e e r
company,
frequently
fromDuring
the
other
the v i s i t
a, c o r r e s p o n d e n t
parade
of
the
float
ironically
side.49
spectators.
on
John
each
ridicule
1860,
Saint
Rifles,
experienced
participants
Prince
of
Wales
of t h e Boston Post commented
t h e " E n g l i s h s y m p a t h i z e r s with Mrs. Stowe" r e p u d i a t e d
interaction
with
the V i c t o r i a
Rifles,
a
and a t t e m p t e d
46
and
in
that
all
to
C h r i s t i a n Messenger A p r i l 22, 1863. J a n e t
G u i l d f o r d c o n t r a s t s t h e a n c i e n t r i t u a l and rowdy
c o n v i v i a l i t y of t h e F r e e Masons in H a l i f a x , and t h e
C h r i s t i a n v a l u e s and c o n t r o l l e d b e h a v i o u r of t h e E a r l y
Closing A s s o c i a t i o n — G u i l d f o r d '"Public School Reform", p p .
252-265.
1
47
New Brunswick Courier September 17, 1853.
48
Daily Sun
49
Daily Telegraph May 19, 1883.
May 17, 1883.
197
refuse them admission to battalion drills and parades. The
black company was reportedly met with jeers and impolite
remarks
"like
a laughable
farce
to
the
excellent
performance of a drama".50 According to Susan G. Davis,
whites often ridiculed
black participation
in parades
because they found them threatening as evidence of black
"presence", "conviction", and "solidarity".51
Parades seemed to be more popular, or at least more
visible, in Halifax than in Saint John. The preponderance
of parades in the former city may have been related to the
presence of the garrison, and the influence of ubiquitous
military musters and processions. Nonetheless Saint John
did surpass Halifax in the representation of tradesmen.
TRADES PROCESSIONS
Despite
hopes
during Halifax's
truckmen
for
a good
turn-out
The
inclusion
undoubtedly a t t r i b u t a b l e
to t h e
strong
the
strong
personal
printer,
crowd
and
the
J o s e p h Howe, w h i l e t h e
control.
the
trades
c e n t e n a r y in 1 8 4 9 , o n l y t h e p r e s s and t h e
participated.
printers,52
of
The
latter
carpenters'
of
the
craft
former
was
tradition
of
influence
of
the
were n e c e s s a r y
for
benevolent
society
5 0 Boston P o s t in Morning Journal August 10, 1860.
51
D a v i s Parades and Power, p . 1 5 6 .
5 2 The p r i n t e r s were not a s e f f e c t e d by t h e o n s l a u g h t
of m e c h a n i z a t i o n as some of t h e o t h e r crafts—McKay "The
Working C l a s s of M e t r o p o l i t a n H a l i f a x " , p . 8 6 .
198
constituted the only trades representative in the Prince
of Wales' parade in Halifax in 1860. In contrast, Saint
John's 1860 parade featured a number of trades,- including
contingents
of millmen, foundrymen, ship carpenters,
riggers and shoemakers (Figure 5.4). Most of these crafts
were related in some way to Saint John's timber trade and
shipbuilding
industry. Millmen worked
in the sawmills
which made the timber, while the ship carpenters and
riggers helped to build the ships. Foundrymen made tools
and instruments necessary for both vocations. Other trades
refused to participate because of the short time given for
preparation, and in protest of the importation of foreignmade furniture for the visit.53
Processions comprised entirely of trades
sometimes
served as separate celebration events, especially in Saint
John. In 1840, Saint John celebrated the founding of the
Mechanics' Institute and the visit of Governor-General
Poulett Thompson by holding a trades procession. However,
a
major
business
slump
which
instigated
serious
outmigration, discouraged any further demonstrations until
the turning of the sod of the European and North American
railway in 1853,54 when the city held a massive trades
procession, with approximately nineteen trades represented
(Figure 5.6). The most impressive entry in the procession,
^ 3 Freeman August 4, 1860.
54
Morning News August 29, 1853.
199
Figure 5.6
RAILWAY CELEBRATION, SAINT JOHN, 1853
CITIZENS ON HORSEBACK
in uniforms & with banner
HIGH SHERIFF
GRAND MARSHAL
ASST. G. MARSHAL
ASST. G. MARSHAL
PRES. & DIRS. OF MECHANICS' INSTITUTE
Preceded by Grand Banner of Institute
HOUSE CARPENTERS & JOINERS
Banners and work shop in full operation, drawn by horses
Uniform: full dress, white apron, emblem of trade
SHIP CARPENTERS
Marshal. Grand Union banner, 4 standard bearers
No.l-Foreman & operatives, James Smith & Sons' Yard, banner
& model of "Marco Polo"
No . 2—Ditto, F.J. Ruddick's Yard, banners
No.3—Ditto, W. & R. Wright's Yard, banners, model of
"Guiding Star"
No.4--Ditto, Storms' & King's Yard, banners
No. 5—Ditto, McLachlan & Stackhouse's Yards, banner & model
ship
No.6—Ditto, Alexander Sime's Yard, banners
No.7—Ditto, John Fisher's Yard, banners
No.8—Ditto, J. McDonald & Co.'s Yard, banners, a ship on
the stocks ready for launching
No.9—Ditto, W. & J. Olive's Yard, banners
No.10—Ditto, J. Nevin's Yard, banners, full rigged ship
No.11—Ditto, W. Potts & Sons' Yard, banners, a ship on
stocks in course of construction with operatives at work
No.12—Ditto, John Thompson's Yard, banners, a ship on
stocks in the course of construction
No.13—Ditto, Ruddick & Hilyard's Yard, banners
No. 14—Thompson & Stackhouse's Yard, banners
No.15—Ditto, Brown & Anderson's Yard, banner, a ship on
stocks in frame
No.16—Ditto, Joseph Sulis & Sons' Yard, banners
BLACKSMITHS & FOUNDERS
Marshal with banner
Blacksmith's car
200
Moulder's car
Eng ineer's car
Steam engine, in full operation
Uniform: full dress with blue rosettes & badges
PAINTERS
Marshal, with banner
Uniform: full dress with rosettes of the 3 "primitive
colours", gold palette suspended from neck
MASONS & STONECUTTERS
Marshal, with banner
Brick press, a stone cutter's yard, workmen in full
operation
Uniform: full dress with emblems of trade, white apron
trimmed with blue
BAKERS
Marshal, with banners
Uniform: black coat, white vest & trousers, drab hat,
white gloves, white apron trimmed with blue
PRINTERS
Marshal, with banner
Printing press in operation, printing & distributing
celebration songs
CORDWAINERS
Marshal, with banners, representation of King Crispin &
Queen Chrispiana on a carriage
Uniform: full dress, white gloves, drab apron trimmed with
blue
TAILORS
Marshal, with banners, representation of Adam & Eve in the
garden, on a carriage
Uniform: full dress with blue skarf
MILLERS
Marshal, with banner
Flour mill in operation
RIGGERS & SAILMAKERS
Marshal, with banners
CABINET MAKERS
Marshal, with banners, work bench with workmen in full
operation
Carriage with furniture
Uniform: full dress, carrying mahogany staff
201
MAYOR & CORPORATION OF FREDERICTON
MAYOR & CORPORATION OF SAINT JOHN
EXECUTIVE COMM.OF PORTLAND CONVENTION
ENGINEERS OF EUROPEAN St NORTH AMERICAN RAILWAY
BAND
PORTLAND FIRE COMPANIES
Asst G. Marshal
No. 1 Portland Engine Co. with engine St hose cart
Uniform: blue shirt trimmed with white, black trousers,
glazed hat with gold band
Portland Engine Co. of R. Rankin St Co., with engine St hose
cart
Uniform: white shirt, blue trousers and glazed hat
CITY FIRE BRIGADE
Chief engineer
No. 1 Wellington Engine Co. with engine St hose cart
Uniform: blue shirt trimmed with white St red, black
trousers St glazed hat — name of engine
No. 3 Engine Co. with engine St hose cart
Uniform: blue shirt trimmed with white, black trousers,
red hat with motto
No. 2
Band
No. 4 Engine Co. with engine St hose cart
Uniform: blue jacket trimmed with scarlet, white trousers,
black hat with gold band St motto Phoenix No. 4
Band
No. 5 Engine Co. with engine St hose carriage, tender
Uniform: blue shirt trimmed with white, white trousers,
black glazed hat with number
No. 6 Engine Co. with engine St hose carriage
Uniform: green shirt trimmed with gold, black trousers,
gilt helmet hat, white belt
202
No. 7 (Carleton) Engine Co. with engine St hose cart
Uniform: red shirt trimmed with blue, white trousers, glazed
hat
No. 8 (Carleton) Engine Co. with engine St hose cart
Uniform: blue shirt, black trousers with red stripes,
black hat
Hook St Ladder Co., banner
Uniform: blue jacket, black trousers trimmed with red,
black glazed hat with gold band
No. 9 Carleton Boys' Engine Co. with engine St hose cart
Uniform: yellow shirt trimmed with red, black trousers
Portland Si City Juvenile Engine Co. with engines
POLICE MAGISTRATES OF SAINT JOHN AND PORTLAND
MAGISTRATES OF CITY St COUNTY
FARMERS FROM WESTFIELD, KINGS CO.
ASST. G. MARSHAL
MILLMEN
Marshal, with banner
Uniforms: white shirt, black trousers St belt, glazed hat
REED St WRIGHT'S BLACK BALL LINE OF SAINT JOHN AND
LIVERPOOL PACKETS
Banner St a full rigged clipper ship, with a screw
propeller steamer
BRANCH PILOTS OF PORT OF SAINT JOHN
Marshal
Uniform: full dress, band on hat, with motto, carrying
spyglasses St speaking trumpets
ASST. G. MARSHAL
BAND
FREEMASONS
In full costume, with banners, paraphernalia
ASST. G. MARSHAL
203
Figure 5.7
CELEBRATION OF CONFEDERATION, HALIFAX, 1867
I
Volunteer band
Car of Stone Cutters St Masons Assn,
men at work
National Assn of Plasterers
Carpenters & Joiners,
men at work
Catholic Temperance and Benevolent Society
St. Mary's Juvenile Temperance Society
"Hodge, Armstrong St Co. ' s Virginia Tobacco Factory"
Hands at work making tobacco, and distributing samples
Employees of Hodge, Armstrong St Co.
"Moir St Co." city steam mills
Ship Carpenters St Caulkers
Band of Union Protection Co.
"Montgomery St Co. ' s N.S. Iron Works"
Representation of steam engine, boiler makers
rivetting a boiler, smiths working at anvils,
moulders at work
"W.S. Symonds St Co." Dartmouth foundry
Stoves, men at work
"Starr's Nail St Skate Factory"
Proprieters in a carriage
"Scriven's Halifax Steam Bakery"
Implements for baking biscuits, portable oven
Proprieters distributing samples
Trades
Drum St Fife Corps of Volunteer Artillery
Citi zens
204
Mayor St corporation of Halifax
Clergymen & other professional men
Members of local legislature
Members of provincial government
Senators of the Dominion
"Calvacade" of Citizens
205
Figure 5.8
LOYALIST CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION, SAINT JOHN, 1883
Carriage with Chief of Police St Detective Ring
Squad of police
Teamsters
Chief Marshal—J.H. Pullen, John H. Parks
2 barouches, members of entertainment committee
Tailors
Led by Samuel Hollis
Representation of Adam St Eve on car
Banner
Painters
Uniform: journeymen in linen suit, with helmet St whi te
gloves
boss painters in black dress suits, silk hats , white
ties, gold plated breast badge
Safemakers
Uniform: white shirts, black pants, black leather belts,
Kossuth hats, white aprons
Men at work, banner
Tinsmiths
Uniform: journeymen in black pants, blue shirts (with
sheers St hammers crossed), tin hats, belts, cuffs
employers in black dress suits, silk hats, white
gloves, white ties
Apprentices at work, turning out small tinware,
distributed to crowds
Bakers
Steam engine with machines in operation for making biscuits
Uniform: journeymen in black pants, white shirts, white
caps and aprons, trimmed with blue St blue tie
masters in black silk hats, black coats St pants, white
vest, blue tie, white apron trimmed with blue
Blockmakers
Wagon making blocks St other materials for the construction
of ships
Uniform: white shirts, black pants, light caps
Masons
206
Uniform:
Wagon with n> -n engaged in b r i c k l a y i n g
blue f l a n n e l s h i r t s , dark p a n t s , hard
aprons
hats,
Relief Band of Fusiliers
Cabinet Makers
Uniform: dark suits, felt hats, white kid gloves
banner
Printers
Wagon with miniature printing office, run by steam, and
printing and distributing small paper called
"Centennial Souvenir"
Uniform: plain black suits, silk hats, white ties St gloves
Carleton Serenade Band
Ship Laborer's Union
Banners "We demand universal suffrage"
"Labor and capital, instead of being enemies, should go hand
in hand in the great march of progress"
Uniform: hard felt hats, blue flannel shirts v-.ith shield
en breast bearing "SLU", white ties, belts, blacit pants,
small boquets
Harding Street Fife Si Drum Band
Cotton Spinners
Banners, wagons with men making samples of work
Uniform: suits made in factory
G. St E. Blake's staff of Plumbers
Uniform: blue pants, light shirts (plumbing insignia),
Kossath hats
Brass Finishers
Bells St gongs
Uniform: jockey caps St aprons
Royal Fife & Drum Band
Cordwainers
Carriage with King Crispin St Queen Crispiana
Uniform: black suits, silk hats, white gloves, neckties St
aprons
Mechanics' Band
Carpenters
Wagon with mortar resting on a box
Uniform: forge capes, white aprons with blue trimmings
207
t h a t of t h e s h i p c a r p e n t e r s "reminded t h e s t r a n g e r
was
in
a Shipbuilding
celebrated
the
region's
Loyalist
centennial
Although
Halifax
confederation
political
the
City".55
industrial
exhibition
hosted
in
1867,
demonstration
commercial
nature
t h e more h e a v i l y
A trades
a
trades
the
the
city
with
was
the
5.8).
to
mark
more
of
acknowledgement
(Figure
5.7).
the
who
had
unions,
as a show of
proven
and
as
more
an
of
and
support
for
willing
to
attack
C o n f e d e r a t e J o s e p h Howe, for h i s d i s p a r a g i n g
a
Some of
I r i s h t r a d e s , such as t h e s h i p w r i g h t s
Conservatives,
cooperate
(Figure
he
also
during
procession
an o v e r t
c a u l k e r s may have been marching
the
1883
procession
than
of
procession
progress
in
that
on
remarks
antiabout
I r i s h Roman C a t h o l i c s . 5 6
Regardless
defined
the
articulation
Trades
their
boundaries
of
sported
identified
of
them
skilled craftsmen,
motivation,
of
respectability
a corporate
special
as
trades
identity
uniforms
members
of
processions
through
between
and
tradesmen.
banners
a particular
the
which
group
and a s a r e s p e c t a b l e body d i s t i n c t
of
from
->-' Morning News September 1 6 , 1 8 5 3 .
56
McKay "The Working C l a s s of M e t r o p o l i t a n H a l i f a x " ,
p . 76; K.G. Pryke "Labour and P o l i t i c s : Nova S c o t i a a t
C o n f e d e r a t i o n " , in Histoire S o c i a l e / S o c i a l History, Vol.
6, November 1970, p . 4 9 .
208
the manual laborers.57 According to Susan G. Davis:
In parades saluting events in local or national
h i s t o r y , c r a f t s m e n led by their masters
presented themselves as members of a corporate
body, as contributing to the social good through
their practice of a useful productive skill.58
The order of march between the various trades is unclear.
One
hint
occurs
in
a suggestion
in
1853
that
the
participants draw lots to avoid any squabbling: "We know
of disputes that have arisen on former occasions here as
elsewhere".59
The trades also used symbolic images to express their
corporate
identity. Some
of
the
images
used
by
tradesmen
in these processions, such as the tailors'
representation of Adam and Eve in the garden, and
cordwainers' representation
the
the
of King Crispin, resembled
5
' The banner sported by the Eagle Foundry for the
turning of the sod ceremony in 1853 still exists in the
collections of the N.B. Museum. On the top half of the
banner is a brown eagle holding an orange banner in its
mouth, containing the word "Foundry" in black letters.
Below these figures are illustrations of a black forge
with the caricature of a workman attending to it, a black
railway tender with the word "Foundry", a green railway
locomotive with the word "Eagle", and a black wheeled
distribution piston engine set behind orange brickwork-Accession No. 25975.
58
Davis Parades and Power, pp. 117, 128; also see
Sean Wilentz "Artisan Republican Festivals and the Rise of
Class Conflict in New York City, 1788-1837", in Michael H.
Frisch and Daniel J. WalkowitH (eds.) Working Class
America. Essays on Labour, Community, and American Society
(Urbana, 1983), p. 48.
Morning News August 29, 1853.
209
those used by their British and American counterparts.60
Indeed, for the 1883 procession, the Saint John tailors
borrowed a banner from the Tailors Society of Boston.61
At the
same
time, trades
processions mirrored
the
increasing fragmentation of the crafts. Master and senior
craftsmen customarily came first in the procession, bearing
their flag or banner, followed by the younger journeymen and
apprentices. Susan G. Davis
notes that
in Philadelphia,
masters and employers appeared in a "paternal" supervisory
role during processions, responsible for leading their men,
and representing the integrity of their trade.62 in the 1853
railway procession, the ship carpenters' entry represented
the increasing hierarchy of the trade, as sixteen different
shipbuilding
companies
displayed
their
foremen
and
operatives, and at* example of their work. In Halifax, antiUnionists
contended
confederation
that many
procession
were
of
the
forced
tradesmen
tu
employers and those on whom they depended
follow
in the
their
for business,
despite their own reservations about the union.63 During
DW
Wilentz "Artisan Republican Festivals", p. 47. The
N.B. Museum has a banner of the tailors and clothiers, dated
1890's, which includes a painting of Adam and Eve fleeing from
the garden--Accession No. 23376.
61
Weekly Freeman October 6, 1883.
62
Davis Parades and Power, pp. 123, 124-25.
Morning Chronicle July 2, 1867; Novascotian July 8,
1867.
210
the
trades
uniforms
procession
in
Saint
differentiated
John
masters
in
1883,
and men.
different
The
journeymen
p a i n t e r s wore a l i n e n s u i t w i t h a h e l m e t and w h i t e g l o v e s ,
while
the
"boss" p a i n t e r s
a gold
plated
and
in
badge.
The journeymen
shirts
(with s h e e r s and hammers c r o s s e d ) , t i n h a t s ,
while
ties,
out
silk
cuffs,
white
themselves
sui',.s,
and
hats,
decked
tinsmiths
the
donned
"employers"
dress
breast
black p a n t s ,
sported
blue
belts,
black
dress
s u i t s , s i l k h a t s , w h i t e g l o v e s , and w h i t e t i e s . 64
The i n f l u e n c e
trades,
and
reinforced
the
of
industrialization
evolution
of
on t h e
factory
skilled
workers
t h e d i v i s i o n between employer and e m p l o y e e . The
t r a d e s p r o c e s s i o n of 1867 b o a s t e d a number of e n t r i e s
the
foundries
Dartmouth's
Co.
float
and
factories
of
Hodge, Armstrong
was f o l l o w e d
came Montgomery
Freshwater,
Foundry,65
also
and
W.S.
Starr's
proprietors,
John
and C o . ' s
by t h e
Co.'s
Starr
factory's
Nova
Scotia
and
Co.'s
Symonds
Nail
Halifax
and S k a t e
and
John
and
from
Dartmouth.
Virginian
Tobacco
employees,
then
Iron
from
Works
Dartmouth
Factory
Forbes,
Iron
(including
riding
the
in
a
b4
Weekly Freeman October 6 , 1 8 8 3 . D i f f e r e n t u n i f o r m s
were a l s o s o m e t i m e s worn i n n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y
trades
p r o c e s s i o n s in P h i l a d e l p h i a — D a v i s Parades and Power, p .
129.
b:
pp.
> McKay "The Working C l a s s of M e t r o p o l i t a n
116-18.
Halifax",
211
carriage),66 J . J . Scrivens' Halifax Steam Bakery,67 and
Moir and Co.'s "City Steam Mills".68
Women became a more significant presence
in trades
processions as they entered the factory work force. The
women appearing in the 1867 trades procession may have
been sweethearts or relatives, ladies' auxiliaries,69 or
factory workers. Virginia Tobacco Co.'s float featured a
number of women,70 very appropriate in an industry which
would
become
one of the major
employers of women
in
Halifax.71 Nonetheless, some still opposed the involvement
women in public processions, because they were "not well
posted in the details of the Union scheme, and...were far
better to judge the beauties of the gaudy print than ...of
66 McKay "The Working Class of Metropolitan Halifax",
pp. 120-21.
^ 7 It was mechanized with the latest American
equipment in 1 8 6 8 ~ - M c K a y "The Working Class of
Metropolitan Halifax", p. 147.
6 8 McKay "The Working Class of Metropolitan Halifax",
pp. 148-64; also see Ian McKay "Capital and Labour in the
Halifax Baking and Confectionery Industry During the Last
Half of the Nineteenth Century", Labour/Le Travailleur,
Vol. 3, 1978, pp. 63-108.
6 9 For a discussion of the women's auxiliary, see
Mary Ann Clawson Constructing Brotherhood. Gender, Class,
and Fraternalism (Princeton, 1989), pp. 178-210.
70
Novascotian July 2, 1867; Morning Chronicle July
2, 1867, p. 2. There were female factory workers in trades
processions in Philadelphia—Davis Parades and Power, p.
119.
71
p. 168.
McKay "The Working Class of Metropolitan Halifax",
212
the action of our legislators".72
Many of these
industrial
entries
presented
an
"economic spectacle", comprised of new machinery, the reenactment of work processes, and the "gaudy display of
consumer
goods".73 The tobacco and bakery
factories
depicted workers making their products. Scrivens' bakery
displayed the implements for baking biscuits, including a
portable oven. The iron foundry at Freshwater
presented
representations of a steam engine, boiler makers rivetting
a boiler, smiths working at anvils, and molders at work.
Workers often distributed
samples of their work to the
crowds.74 The workers on the Virginia
Tobacco Factory
float pitched samples of their cigars and tobacco, popular
luxury items on "high days and holidays".75 These displays
essentially
served as advertisements, to "salute" the
influence of the "manufacturer".76
The appearance of the Ship Laborers Union in Saint
John's
trade procession
in 1883 also highlighted
the
polarization of capital and labour. The Saint John Ship
72
Novascotian July 8, 1867. Gentlemen generally
avoided politics in the company of ladies—F.K. Prochaska
Women and Philanthropy in 19th Century England ( Oxford,
1980), p. 14.
73
Davis Parades and Power, p. 127.
74
Davis Parades and Powers, p. 128.
75
H. Hamish Fraser The Coming of the Mass Market,
1850-1914 (Hamden, 1981), p. 69.
76
Davis Parades and Power, pp. 127, 129.
213
Laborers Union, formed in 1849, was an association of dock
workers, who had obtained
a good deal of
strength because of the seasonal
shortage
bargaining
of
labour
created by the e:;port of timber from Saint John. As a
result, by the 1870's, they had established control over
working hours, and hiring and firing policies. The union,
however, suffered
community
from the attacks of the mercantile
in the late nineteenth century, particularly
over the introduction of steam technology.77 The union's
1883 banner is undoubtedly a response to this antagonism:
"Labour and capital, instead of being enemies, should go
hand in hand in the great march of progress". The Ship
Laborers Union still promoted
a corporate and unified
image, and saw themselves as having a direct role in the
attainment of progress. Their other banner demanded equal
participation in the affairs of the nation: "We demand
manhood
suffrage". Despite their militancy, the dock
workers attempted to demonstrate a respectable image with
their "trade-like" uniforms, consisting of a hard felt
hat, blue flannel shirt, with a shield
bearing
on the breast
the words "SLU", white ties, belt, black boots,
and small bouquets.78
Parades and processions were not only composed of
77
McKay "The Working Class of Metropolitan Halifax",
pp. 174-75.
78
p. 142.
Freeman October 6, 1883; Davis Parades and Power,
214
participants
Davis
but
argues
skills
also
that
of
spectators.
devices
discouraged
Although
such as u n i f o r m s
spectators
from
Susan
and
marching
joining
in,79
i n t e r a c t i o n between t h e m a r c h e r s and t h e crowds s h o u l d
be
underestimated.
In
the
1838
coronation
not
parade
H a l i f a x , members of t h e p u b l i c marched in t h e p a r a d e
Figure
5.1).
Similarly,
professionals,
confederation
support
and
trades
about
1000
manufacturers
in
(See
merchants,
joined
p r o c e s s i o n , 80 p e r h a p s
for c o n f e d e r a t i o n
G.
to
in
the
show
that
emanated from t h e e l i t e
as
well
a s from t h e t r a d e s . A " c a l v a c a d e " of c i t i z e n s , who b r o u g h t
up
the
rear
of
the
procession,
confederate
Morning
"government
hangers-on
simply
interested
for
the t h r i l l
for
parades
During
samples.
79
80
and
processions,
Spectators
certain
also
the
to
attract
"greedy"
entries,
interacted
have
along
Indeed,
antibeen
office",81
for
who t a i l e d
processions
behind
at
the
or
end
i t was c u s t o m a r y
a
following.82
crowds
hoping
with
often
for
parades
free
and
Davis Parades and Power, p . 162.
British
J u l y 3 , 1867.
81
spectators
as
suggested,
and c a n d i d a t e s
of p a r t i c i p a t i o n .
trades
congregated
Chronicle
may,
Colonist
July
2,
1867;
Evening
Express
Morning Chronicle July 2, 1867; Novascotian July
8, 1867.
82
Saint John militia companies often attracted a
following of private citizens as they marched by—New
Brunswick Courier June 16, 183 8.
215
processions
in o t h e r
entries,
and
ways,
by
by c h e e r i n g
waving
their
for
the
various
hats,
hands,
and
century,
parades
and
expensive.
The
handkerchiefs.
By
the
processions
golden
late
nineteenth
had become more
and diamond
and 1897,
because
jubilee
decided
of
their
against
cost,
complex
and
committees
in
holding
and
which had emerged by t h e l a t e
Oddfellows,
Christian
nineteenth
Foresters,
and
more e c o n o m i c a l
celebration
than
the
Young
firemen's
Men's
processions
since
they
processions,
were
and were
in S a i n t John in 1 8 8 3 , t h e f i r e m e n
and
salvage
given
grant
of
$1000 f o r
$400
themselves.
as
Loyalist centennial
were
firemen
such
the
corps
by t h e
organizations
During
total
organized
societal
1887
maintaining
century,
activities,
large
in
processions
in
voluntary
A s s o c i a t i o n . 83 I n s t e a d ,
became p o p u l a r
usually
the
societal
the d i f f i c u l t y
harmony among t h e many d i f f e r e n t
the
Halifax
of
the
common
council's
t h e c e l e b r a t i o n . 84 Dominion
in S a i n t John in 1885 would have been " p r a c t i c a l l y
blank"
w i t h o u t t h e f i r e m e n ' s p r o c e s s i o n . 8 5 S p e c t a t o r s enjoyed
spectacle
created
brilliant
torches,
by
the
and
uniforms,
fireworks.
decorated
In 1 8 8 5 ,
the
day
the
vehicles,
firemen's
83
D a i l y Echo May 1 2 , 14, 1 9 , 1897; Acadian Recorder
May 1 9 , 1897; Herald May 1 9 , 1897.
84
The
85
D a i l y Sun J u l y 2,
firemen
wanted
$600 — D a i l y
1883.
1885.
Sun May 5 ,
20,
216
procession
attracted
difficulty
getting
societies
joined
such
a multitude
started.86
the
A small
firemen's
that
it
had
contingent
procession
during
of
Saint
J o h n ' s diamond j u b i l e e in 1897.87
The deepening
division
between
labour
and
capital
made t r a d e s p r o c e s s i o n s i n c r e a s i n g l y u n s u i t a b l e e v e n t s
t h e commemoration
which
were
the
national
supposed
cooperation.
primarily
of
to
be
and
occasions
Trades p r o c e s s i o n s
to c e l e b r a t i o n s
centennial
of
exhibition
local
were
trade
in
Saint
labour demonstrations, p a r t i c u l a r l y
celebrations,
of
harmony
therefore
and
for
confined
industry,
John
and
in
such
1883,
as
and
l a b o u r d a y , which was
made a s t a t u t o r y h o l i d a y in 1894.
Civic
outlet
parades
for
trades
processions
provided
t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a wide r a n g e of
who d e f i n e d
distance.
and
respectability
Government
citizens,
t h r o u g h t h e c r e a t i o n of
leaders
and c e l e b r a t i o n
an
social
organizers
demarcated t h e m s e l v e s from the r e s t of t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s by
assuming
first
societies
fought
processions
labour.
place
processed
over
mirrored
Social
segregation.
in t h e l i n e of m a r c h .
the c r i t e r i a
the
distance
Although
an
of
polarization
was
also
increasing
in temperance s o c i e t i e s ,
86
D a i l y Sun J u l y 2, 1885.
87
Daily Sun June 2 3 , 1897.
The
national
precedence.
of
capital
realized
number
in female
Trades
and
through
of
women
auxiliaries,
217
and as f a c t o r y w o r k e r s , p a r a d e s and p r o c e s s i o n s were
primarily
male
"male
roles
soldier,
as
the
and
reinforced
affairs",
the
and d e p i c t e d
citizen,
the
such
public
b r e a d w i n n e r . 88 R a c i a l
by t h e b l a c k
organizations
respectable
official,
the
segregation
was
which
took
t h e p a r a d e s , and t h e r i d i c u l e which f r e q u e n t l y
them.
Finally,
between
and
participants
voluntary
and
organizations
non-members,
masses,
parades
and
differentiated
temperance
tradesmen
processions
spectators.
advocates
from
unskilled
of t h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s e x p r e s s e d
thus
their
respectability
disciplined
behaviour.
social
the
marching,
Spectators,
distance
procession
certain
created
processions
participants,
from
the
labour.
such
the
from
intemperate
The members
vehicles
banners,
trailing
although
the
s o c i a l d i s t a n c e and
participants,
Thus,
of
themselves
by t h e
by
in
accompanied
Members
frequently
or
part
distinguished
however,
articulated
civic
and
by
along
the
entering
behind
parades
respectability
as
pious
invaded
s u c h e v e n t s may n o t have been
t h e same way by t h e
8
through
uniforms,
themselves,
entries.
their
still
of
and
the
interpreted
spectators.
Ryan "The American P a r a d e " , p p . 147, 148.
CHAPTER 6
THE ANTIRESPECTABLE TRADITION: BDRLESQOE PROCESSIONS
Burlesque,
traits",1
John
in
the
"humorous or mocking
became a p o p u l a r
the n i n e t e e n t h
trades processions,
form
century.
exaggeration
of p r o c e s s i o n
Unlike c i v i c
which were c o o r d i n a t e d
in
Saint
parades
by an
burlesque
processions
citizens
themselves,
the
"Cal i t h u m p i a n s "
and
composition
chapter.
processions
tradition,
and, t h e
of
nature
the
upper
for
the
"rowdy"
to
social
fluid
belonged
among
men
who
transformed
and p r o t e s t
more c o n v e n t i o n a l
G.
into
s t y l e of
a
for
this
burlesque
"antirespectable"
and
irregularity,
through
ridicule,
of m a r c h . 2
to t h i s
came
this
focus
line
the
the
Davis,
or
distance
a relatively
respectability
Polymorphians,
the
t h e y embody d i s o r d e r
working-class
celebration
provide
belong
the Calithumpians c l e a r l y
desire
"Polymorphians",
Susan
and
the
and
which
of
by
called
to
because
orchestrated
civic
n o t a b l y by two o r g a n i z a t i o n s
According
reduction
inversion,
were
and
official
o r g a n i z i n g committee w i t h t h e c o o p e r a t i o n of v a r i o u s
bodies,
of
tradition,
lower
to
middle-
dominate
alternative
relatively
while
form
harmless
the
and
the
of
and
processing.
1
Susan G. Davis Parades and Power. S t r e e t Theatre i n
Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1986), p . 77.
2
Davis Parades and Power, p p . 2 0 ,
218
159-61.
219
This
study
processions
period.
focusses
were
The
not
evident
popularity
b u t not in t h e l a t t e r ,
nature
of
the
city,
Saint
on S a i n t
establishment
in
in
in
can be a t t r i b u t e d
While
prided
b u r l e s q u e of a u t h o r i t y ,
and
burlesque
during
the
on
which
was a
capital
being
anti-
religion;
as p r a c t i c e d by t h e
undoubtedly
Furthermore,
monopolized
discouraged
Saint
John was
the
thus,
city's
than
military
pageantry,
traditions.
Halifax
to
United S t a t e s , and t h e r e f o r e may have been i n f l u e n c e d
by American b u r l e s q u e
to
have
more
participate
traditions.
opportunities
in
puolic
Saint
for
life.
the
John
also
working
Because
of
the
of
artisanal
involvement
in
events
like
the
more
seemed
class
commercial n a t u r e and image, S a i n t John had a more
history
the
Calithumpians,
alternative
closer
city
different
was a l o g i c a l e x t e n s i o n of t h i s l e g a c y . H a l i f a x ' s
garrison,
this
former
to the
Halifax
itself
politics
since
Halifax
of b u r l e s q u e
two c i t i e s .
John
John,
to
city's
visible
trades
processions.
CALITHUMPIANS
Calithumpian
charivari,
enforcing
3
or
displays
"rough
were
music",
community s t a n d a r d s
a
an
adaptation
"ritualized
and m o r a l i t y " . 3
of
the
form
of
Charivaris
B r y a n D. Palmer " D i s c o r d a n t Music: C h a r i v a r i s and
Whitecapping in N i n e t e e n t h - C e n t u r y North America",
Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r V o l . 3 , 197 8, p p . 7, 35.
220
were held
to
or
pretension,
social
indicate
disapproval
or
the
word
England
Western
radical
P a r i l a m e n t " . 5 Most
displays
of
were a " p o p u l a r
some n o t a b l e
Saint
term
reformers,
John
event".6
marched
in
political
to
"Callithumpian"
which
is
dialect
and
"disturbers
of
order
the
time,
however,
endorsement
waged
the
celebration
of
of
a
Jacobins,
counterparts
processed
at
Calithumpian
to
celebrate
Calithumpians
in
confederation
in
in O n t a r i o ,
in c e l e b r a t i o n
e v e n t s , such as S a i n t J o h n ' s r a i l w a y
in 1853 and t h e v i s i t
political
to
For e x a m p l e ,
also
misbehaviour
refers
1 8 6 7 . 7 in common w i t h t h e i r
John C a l i t h u m p i a n s
sexual
to g i v e e x p r e s s i o n
p r o t e s t . 4 indeed,
from
of
t h e P r i n c e of Wales
Saint
of
less
celebration
in 1860,
w e l l as such a n n u a l commemorations as t h e Q u e e n ' s
as
birthday
and d o m i n i o n d a y . 8
The
"antiuniformity"
of
the
Calithumpian
demonstrations c o n t r a s t e d with the uniformity
the
civic
parades
"respectable"
and
trades
processions
processions.
marched
during
and o r d e r
of
While
the
the
day,
or
4
A l l a n G r e e r "From f o l k l o r e
to
revolution:
c h a r i v a r i s and t h e Lower C a n a d i a n R e b e l l i o n of 1 8 3 7 " ,
S o c i a l H i s t o r y , V o l . 1 5 , n o . 1, J a n u a r y 1 9 9 0 , p p . 2 5 - 4 4 .
-> As q u o t e d in D a v i s Parades and Power, p . 9 8 .
6
Palmer " D i s c o r d a n t M u s i c " , p . 3 4 .
7
M o r n i n g News J u l y 1 , 1 8 6 7 . I n c o n t r a s t ,
the
c h a r i v a r i was used in P l a c e n t i a , Newfoundland, t o o p p o s e
Confederation—Palmer "Discordant Music", p . 33.
8
Palmer " D i s c o r d a n t M u s i c " , p . 3 5 .
221
during
the
evening
lit by
torchlight
and
illumination,
burlesquers processed in the wee hours of the morning, often
as early as three or four a.m., typically a time of sleep
and silence. In stark contrast to the disciplined marching
and
structured
martial
music
of
the military
bands in
parades and trade processions, the Calithumpians made "rough
music" with household utensils and makeshift instruments.
A band consisting of "two dilapidated wash boilers, a cow's
horn, a conch shell, and an impromptu bagpipe made by a
combination of a woman's stocking and a penny whistle" led
the Calithumpian display on the Queen's birthday in Saint
John
in
1860.9
respectable
While
many
demonstrations
"fantasticals"
of
had
(a name referring
the
societies
tidy
in
uniforms,
the
the
to anyone in burlesque
dress) were outfitted in a
confabulation of outrageous and
"grotesque"
the
costumes.
On
occasion
of
the
Queen's
birthday in Saint John in 1861, the New Brunswick Courier
referred to the Calithumpians as "one of the most ridiculous
and
grotesque
groups"
with
"every
style
of
clothing
possible", bent on making the "most execrable noises".10
The composition
difficult
to
Calithumpians
of the Saint John Calithumpians is
determine.
Some
studies
depict
as an all-male organization, while
Morning News May 25, 1860.
New Brunswick Courier May 25, 1861.
the
others
222
document the participation of both sexes. In any case, it
is likely that males took the leading roles.11 Although
patricians
sometimes
patronized
charivaris,
the
Calithumpians were largely plebian in makeup.12 it is
probable that Calithumpian demonstrations, like charivaris
and skimming tons, were fairly well organized,13 although
the degree of organization for the group in Saint John in
unknown.
Through their burlesque, the Calithumpians
been
articulating
inequalities
and
an alternative
to the
may have
perceived
social pretensions of their
social
superiors. During the Queen's birthday in Saint John in
1860, the Calithumpian demonstration featured "burlesques
of all the fashions and follies of the day".14 Similar to
the mock militias held in nineteenth-century Philadelphia
to protest the largely genteel division of officers and
the policy of enforced participation,15 in 1860 the Saint
John
Calithumpians did the "Volunteer movement
in a
*•!• Palmer "Discordant Music", p. 54; Greer "From
folklore to revolution",p. 28.
12
Palmer "Discordant Music", p. 54; Davis Parades
and Power, pp. 73-111.
-1-3 Greer "From folklore to revolution", p. 33; In The
Mayor of Casterbridge (New York, 1962), pp. 273-78, Thomas
Hardy describes the planning of a "skimmington" in a local
tavern.
14
Morning News May 25, 1860.
15
Davis Parades and Power, p. 78.
223
strange fantastic fashion".16 it is uncertain whether the
Saint John Calithumpians merely
borrowed
this form of
institutionalized display, or actually protested against
their own citizen soldiery. Their exhibition was probably
a combination of both factors.
The demonstration in favour of confederation in Saint
John in 1867 reveals political motivations, laced with
ethnic prejudice, as the Calithumpians marched through the
heavily Irish neighborhood of York Point, reminiscent of
the
Orangemen's
marches
twenty years earlier.17 The
Calithumpians' resort to violence during the confederation
procession also distinguishes them from the respectable
processions and parades, which promoted
the ideals of
order and harmony.18 As the Calithumpians marched through
York Point in celebration of the union of the provinces
the denizens of that locality, so notorious all
along for their Anti-proclivities, gave such a
rough Donnybrook entertainment that several of
the party were obliged to return to their homes
to have their heads bandaged.19
Evidently,
Calithumpians
not
only
aimed
their
16 Morning Freeman August 4, 1860.
17
Scott See "The Orange Order and Social Violence in
Mid-Nineteenth Century Saint John", Acadiensis Vol. 13,
no. 1, Autumn 1983, pp. 68-92.
18
Bryan Palmer argues that as such displays became
more violent, they were increasingly associated with the
"barbarism and savagery of the masses"--Palmer "Discordant
Music", p. 52.
19
Morning News July 1, 1867.
224
parodies at social superiors, but also downward
on the
social scale.20 Calithumpians mocked various racial and
ethnic groups, including the Irish and the Indians.21 During
the railway demonstration in 1853, the Calithumpians "rigged
themselves up as Japanese and cavorted through Saint John
to the strident notes of "Japanese instruments of the most
primitive
type'".22
Calithumpians
also
frequently
wore
blackface, adapted from minstrelsy, music hall culture, and
folk tradition.23 This usage of racial stereotypes reflects
the hardening of racial attitudes after mid-century.24 By
identifying
deviant
characteristics
(i.e.,
blackface,
Japanese and Indian costumes) the young working-class men
comprising
the
Calithumpians
"laughingly"
defined
the
^ w Davis Parades and Power, pp. 108, 110.
In Philadelphia Indians were impersonated--Davis
Parades and Power, p. 103; men dressed up as Indians in a
shivaree in the town of York in 1802 — Palmer "Discordant
Music, p. 19.
22
Ian Sclander "The Big Celebration", in New Brunswick
Parade, Scrapbook 87, SJRL, p. 233.
23
Davis Parades and Power, pp. 100,106; David N. Lyon
"The Minstrel Show as Ritual: Surrogate Black Culture", in Ray
B. Browne (ed.) Rituals and Ceremonies in Popular Culture
(Bowling Green, Ohio, 1980), pp. 150-59.
Robin Fisher "The Image of the Indian", Robin Fisher
and Kenneth Coates (eds.) Out of the Background. Readings on
Canadian Native History (Toronto, 1988), pp. 177-78. H.F.
McGee, in his introduction to The Native Peoples of Atlantic
Canada (Ottawa, 1983), p. ix, points out that prior to the
mid-Victorian period race was not mentioned very often, but
that for the rest of the century it was a common device used
to "explain" culture.
22 5
members
of
their group, as well as the
"others".25
dresses
Calithumpians
and
undoubtedly
took
served
also
female
to mock
decked
"outsiders" and
themselves
roles.26
women, and
out
m
Gender
inversion
thereby
symbolize
their subordination. However, by taking on the female role
for the purposes of protest and parody, men acknowledged in
women
a
certain
vitality
and
sexual
power,
probably
emanating from their reproductive powers and the unruliness
of their "lower passions".27
POLYMORPHIANS
The
Polymorphians
processions during
century
assembled
special occasions
to
form
in late nineteenth-
Saint John. The name had been used
short-lived
burlesque
earlier
by a
fraternal organization of the 1850's, but its
connection with the burlesque group is unknown.28 i n the
Davis Parades and Power, p. 110.
In the description of the Woodstock Calithumpian
display in 1883, it was commented that there was "no vulgarity
among those who took female parts"--Daily Telegraph May 25,
1883.
' Natalie Zemon Davis "Women on Top", in her Society and
Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, 1975), pp. 124-51.
28
The fraternal organization sponsored a regatta in 1855
and a ball in 1857—New Brunswick Courier September 22, 1855,
February 14, 1857; Invitation to ball given by Proteus Camp
No. 1, Polymorphian Tribe, 1 8 5 7 — Invitations, Folder 5, N.B.
Museum. I am indebted to Mrs. Sandra Thorne for sharing her
research, particularly the latter reference.
William F.
Bunting, a collector of customs and a clerk of the Board of
Assessors in Saint John, was chief of the Proteus Camp
226
1880's, the burlesque Polymorphians formed an intermittent
organization, which came together several months previous
to the celebrations, and then disbanded
until
the next wave of festivities.29
shortly after
According to one
source, Bob Wilkins, a resident of Saint John, organized
the "Polymorphian Club" for the purpose of "entertainment,
particularly the taking part in the numerous parades and
celebrations
of
the day."30 The origin of the name
"Polymorphian" is unclear. It may be an adaptation of the
word
"polymorphism", defined by Funk and Wagnall's New
Standard
Dictionary
of the English Language as "the
property of having or presenting many forms". E.M. Slader
suggests
that it may have been derived
"polymorpha", a whirling
beetle
from the word
which dances on pond
surfaces.31
The
Polymorphians
had
a readily
identifiable
organizational structure with officers and a membership
roll, and
regular meetings to plan and rehearse
the
of Polymorphians, a society which had "no resemblance to
the polymorphians of the present day [1897] , but was a
secret [fraternal] org anization"--Obituaries at the
conclusion of the Bunting Diaries, N.B. Museum.
29
Comments by President, Charles Nevins, in Daily
Telegraph October 5, 1883, in Scrapbook C27, pp. 160-61,
SJRL.
30
E.M. Slade "From the Victorian Era to the Space
Age", N.B. Historical Society Colls., Vol. 21, 1973, p.
10.
31
p. 10.
Slader "From the Victorian Era to the Space Age",
227
processions.
meetings
the
Unlike
press.
neighborhood
Square.
The
Marsh
accounts
for
organization
in
and
Square,32
the
the
of
started
vicinity
turn
it
and
also
square.33
As
became more p o p u l a r
into
the
regularly
off
of
as
funds
the
Haymarket
in t h e
1880's,
park
for
by a t h i r d
in C a r l e t o n
(called
another
jubilee
1897.35
in
The
"lady
Square and P o r t l a n d b r a n c h e s
sewing
circles
Loyalist
could
also
During
32
the
were
be found
golden
and
not
during
friends"
of
the
the
diamond
Haymarket
and d e c o r a t i o n s
golden
unique
jubilee
to
Saint
in
1887,
for
the
John;
Nova
the
branches
Scotia.
Moncton
Evening Times Globe March 27, 1936.
33
Weekly Freeman May 26, 1883; f o r p r e s e n t a t i o n
f o u n t a i n , see Daily Telegraph October 5, 1883,
Scrapbook C27, p p . 1 6 0 - 6 1 .
34
D a i l y Sun March 30, A p r i l 5 , 1887.
35
D a i l y Sun June 19, 1 8 9 7 .
3
or
p r o c e s s i o n s . 36
in Moncton and W i n d s o r ,
jubilee
in
fourth
formed women's c o m m i t t e e s
t o make c o s t u m e s
centennial
Polymorphians
in t h e South End and a
t h e A l g e r i n e Club)
a
Square
b r a n c h was s e t up in P o r t l a n d d u r i n g t h e g o l d e n j u b i l e e
1887,34 f o l l o w e d
a
market
a public
raised
in
Haymarket
to c l e a n . up t h e hay and wood
Bridge
Haymarket
fountain
Polymorphians
organization
They h e l p e d
the
called
Calithumpians,
of t h e P o l y m o r p h i a n s were p u b l i s h e d
local
near
the
of
in
6 D a i l y Sun May 1 1 , 1 8 8 3 , c a r d of t h a n k s t o l a d i e s —
May 2 2 , 1883, June 3 , 1 7 , 1887; D a i l y Telegraph May 1 5 ,
1 9 , 1883; S t . John Globe May 1 6 , 1883.
228
P o l y m o r p h i a n s marched
the
Saint
Johners
in
Saint
John's
participated
procession,
in
the
while
Polymorphians'
dominion day p r o c e s s i o n in Moncton.37
While no e x t a n t membership l i s t s
for
the C a l i t h u m p i a n s ,
been found
for
the
identified,
254 H a y m a r k e t
t h e 74 P o r t l a n d
the
patterns
members.
was
transportation
influence
Square
David
in
One
of
1887,
boasted
the
most
of
McQuarrie,
1883,
the
Polymorphians
percentage
of
semi-skilled
interesting
a
of
the presence
and
of
of
a baggage
in
the
Haymarket
treasurer
1883,
the
master
and
ten
r a i l w a y in 1887.38 However,
and u n s k i l l e d
workers
r e l a t i v e l y low, a t 15% in 1 8 8 3 , 11% in t h e
37
of
number
in 1887. B e s i d e s M c Q u a r r i e ,
to
Like
a number
conductor
and
of
51 of
c o u l d be t r a c e d .
p r o b a b l y due t o
in
141
(55%), and
R a i l w a y , and v i c e - p r e s i d e n t of t h e
belonged
still
(68%)
Polymorphians
employees of t h e I n t e r c o l o n i a l
the
whereas
participation
Polymorphians
organization
also
the
workers,
of
Intercolonial
the
in t h e 1883 p r o c e s s i o n
Polymorphians
Polymorphians
Calithumpians,
working-class
Square
have
(See Appendix 2 ) . Only 27 of
(46%) m e n t i o n e d
c o u l d be p o s i t i v e l y
uncovered
Polymorphian membership l i s t s
1883 and 1887
t h e 58 p a r t i c i p a n t s
have been
was
Haymarket
D a i l y Sun May 27, 1887, June 22, 2 8 , 1887.
38 T h e s e f i g u r e s a r e u n d o u b t e d l y m o d e s t ,
for
employment a t t h e I . C . R . was a major o c c u p a t i o n among many
of t h e members who c o u l d not be p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d in
t h e c i t y d i r e c t o r i e s b e c a u s e of m u l t i p l e o c c u p a t i o n s f o r
t h e same name.
229
Square c l u b
in 1887,
Polymorphians
and 14% in t h e
were dominated
and government
employees,
shopkeepers.
The
Polymorphians
in
1883,
Polymorphians
in
1887,
Portland
by s k i l l e d
group.
artisans,
and s m a l l b u s i n e s s
skilled
trades
42% of
the
owners
and
48% of
the
Haymarket
Lower m i d d l e - c l a s s membership ( w h i t e c o l l a r w o r k e r s ,
small
Polymorphians
Club,
shopkeepers),
in
1883,
and 41% of
to
the
increased
42% of
the Portland
one s m a l l b u s i n e s s m a n ,
of
Square
Club.
and
35%
clerks
Portland
businessmen,
and
comprised
The
the
from 33% of
Haymarket
organization
a victualler,
Square
in 1887.
was
the
Only
identified
in
1 8 8 3 , b u t t h e number of s m a l l b u s i n e s s m e n grew t o 27 (19%)
in t h e Haymarket Square group in 1837 and 12 (24%) in
Portland
club.
Nineteen
Square membership
total
members,
lists
the
While t h e
that
were
demonstration
and North
of
Polymorphian
1887,
clerks
only
the
turning
railway
found
comprising
ones
of
in
not
the
of
any
"animated"
sod of
Indeed,
single
the
for
the
European
1880's
participation
the
the
complained
1853,39 by t h e
of
Haymarket
13% of
and b o o k k e e p e r s
a vehicle
organization.
in t h e
representation
the
American
had e v i d e n t l y
in
largest
occupation.
they
c l e r k s appeared
the
they
in
the
of
the
formation
s u b c o m m i t t e e s of t h e Haymarket Square group in 1883 s e r v e d
as
the
means
interested
39
whereby
in
the
"dozens
of
young
celebration,
Morning News September 9, 1853.
men
who
have
been
under
the
230
circumstances,
would
celebration".40
Only four
the
Polymorphians,
the
Haymarket
have
all
Square
taken
professional
three
Club
one among
and
and a p h y s i c i a n
organization,
who p r o b a b l y
connections,
for
his
vicinity
the
Square.
in
residence
Square
Charles
Nevins,
Polymorphians
directories
salesman)
mobile.
for
as a c l e r k
in 1887, which
holders
Overall,
visibly
the
organized
and w h i t e
collar
the
1883, and a s p a r
and
the
mainly
appeared
Polymorphians
in
were
seven
that
Square
were
of
suggests
in
Portland
the p r e s i d e n t
in
two
neighborhood
and b u s i n e s s
years,
the
among
Haymarket
comprised of a r t i s a n s , s m a l l b u s i n e s s m e n ,
workers.
the
through
The o f f i c e
in
barristers,
the
joined
part
men a p p e a r e d
in 1887:
Polymorphians,
of
no a c t i v e
Haymarket
in
the
merchant
(or
he was
seemed
upwardly
to
respectable
be
more
than
the
Calithumpians.41
The b u r l e s q u e s of t h e C a l i t h u m p i a n s and
exhibited
some s i m i l a r i t i e s .
uniformity
of
c o s t u m e marked
who g r a c e d
the
Polymorphian
Queen's
6.2)
birthday
The
in
188x
characters
were
"ridiculous"
40
4
and
Polymorphians
A Calithumpian-like
the
"Barnum l i k e
demonstrations
and
1882.(See
described
"startling,"
in
comments
oddities"
during
Figures
the
anti-
the
6 . 1 and
press
v e r y much
as
like
Daily Telegraph April 27, 1883.
^ Davis has also identified more affluent and
organized burlesque organizations in Philadelphia—Parades
and Power, pp. 102-03.
Figure 6.1
POLYMORPHIAN PROCESSION
QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY, 1881
Major-General Gorman
Baird's Mammoth Minstrel Band
Grand Marshal Armstrong and suite
Barnum-like oddities
Chines mandarins, negroes, jockeys, etc
"Who'll wear the breeches"
"Then comes the tug of war"
"Eliza Taylor's Quilting Party"
"The Irish Jaunting Car"
"Goin' to de ball"
"Loch Lomand"
"Triumph Laundry Soap"
""Hum' Fife and Drum Band"
monkey, old man in one horse shay
artillery corps
negroes, Indians, jockeys
Figure 6.2
POLYMORPHIAN PROCESSION
QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY, 1882
Grand Marshal Gorman
70 different figures
62nd Fusiliers Band
Bagtown Bell Ringers
"Colored Voters"
"Venor on a high horse"
"Oscar Wilde's Barber Shop"
"Dodds vs Foster"
Steam calliope
Cage of wild animals
"Loch Lomand Mashers"
Many other representations...
232
Figure 6.3
POLYMORPHIAN PROCESSION
LOYALIST CENTENNIAL, 1883
Police guard
President of the Polymorphians
62nd Fusiliers Band
Grand Marshal Armstrong
70 mounted men in armour
Artillery Co., 1783
Queen Elizabeth's court, on the coach "Tally Ho"
Col. McQuarrie, mounted
Pioneers of 104th Regiment
Bandmaster
Band of 104th
104th Regiment on foot
Surgeons of Regiment
Harding St. fife and drum band
Sloop "King George"
"Log Cabin"
"Irish Jaunting Car"
Royal Fife and Drum band
"Bridal Party of ye olden time"
"Emigrant train"
Calithumpian Club banner
Mechanics' Band
"Old Time Carriage"
Characters of all kinds on horseback
Indians on horseback
2-headed Giantess, driven by a monkey
Artillery Band
233
Figure 6.4
POLYMORPHIAN PROCESSION
QUEEN VICTORIA'S GOLDEN JUBILEE, 1887 *
Mounted police
Sergt. Weatherhead, Fred. Jenkins, Harry Kilpatrick,
and John Weatherhead
Chief of Police Marshal and Detective John Ring
Police Sergt. Watson and John Colwell
Mounted Armoured Lancers
"Britannia"
NBBGA Band
"The Blind Half Hundred Band"
"The Blind Half Hundred Regiment"
Platoon of Police
City Cornet Band
Fairville fife and drum Band
Barouche—President Johnston and Officers of the Portland
Club
"Five Decades of Queen Victoria's Reign"—Portland Club
"Queen's Family"—Portland Club
Barouche - Mayor and Aldermen of Moncton
Moncton Cornet Band
"Mikado"—Moncton Club
"Canada"
"Zulu Band"
"Zulus"
"Fairyland"
"Japanese Pagoda"
Miniature Haymarket Square and Bandstand
"Noah's Ark"
Chief "Darktown Fire Brigade" in a cart
"Darktown House"
"Darktown Fire Brigade"
"Darktown Hose Reel Co."
"Darktown Hook and Ladder Cart"
* - Unless otherwise noted, entries in 1387 and
processions on behalf of Haymarket Square Club.
1897
234
Figure 6.5
POLYMORPHIAN PROCESSION
DIAMOND JUBILEE, 1897
Grand Marshal Wm. A. Quinton
"Jameson Raiders"—South End Club
City Cornet Band
"Armoured Knights"
"Victoria"
"Britannia"
"The Scottish Highlanders"
"Robin Hood"
"Robin Hood's Merry Men"
"Ireland"
"Irish Guards"
"Fairyland"
Citizens Band of Sussex
"Tower of London"
"Beef Eaters"
Kingsville Band
"John Bull"
"Men of Warsmen"
62nd Fusiliers Fife and Drum Band
"Zulus"
Temple of Honour Band
"Royal Guard of 1837"—North End Club *
Richard Rawlings, Marshal
"Coronation Scene, 1837"—North End Club
"Royal Guard of 1837, mounted"—North End Club
""Hearts of Oak", HMS Nile"—North End Club
"Her Majesty, 1897"
"Royal Guards of 1897"—North End Club
Carleton Cornet Band
"Algerine Contingent"—Carleton Club
"A Band of 75 Crusaders, mounted"—Carleton Club
"Pirate craft "Algerine'"—Carleton Club
* - Portland Club
235
t h o s e used t o d e s c r i b e t h e C a l i t h u m p i a n s .
Calithumpian
Polymorphian
gentlemen
exotic
processions
display
mixed
with
Polymorphian
the
arranged
in
the
poor
most
t h e S o c i e t y for
stood
century
and
a
show
a greater
of
the
of
Ringers"
in
of
Philadelphia,44
generally
less
scathing
burlesque
Calithumpians
social
scale,
mockery
to
parodied
the
of
the
those
Cruelty
toward
"outsiders"
and
pre-
represented
rickety
interfered
in
with
because
nineteenth-
burlesque
authority
and below
confined
"others".
of
condition".43
Calithumpians.
Polymorphians
of
however,
the same p r o c e s s i o n
above
The
p a s s e d . 42 A member
Polymorphians'
antagonistic
of
was so
day b u r l e s q u e s
the
wild
degree
"Dodds vs F o s t e r "
back a s i t
of
a number
it
and
march.
entries,
in 1882, b u t
independence
cage
line
t h e h o r s e s were n o t in a " f i t
the
Outlandish
the
of
the Prevention
"Bagtown B e l l
Like
Some
of p u g i l i s m
people
he b e l i e v e d
did
engineering.
the p o p u l a r i t y
swell".
presentation
tableaux.
displayed
in
the
fifteenth-century
jockeys,
appeared
of
characterized
as
"negro
procession
organization,
the
1882,
entries—monkeys,
animals--also
that
in
also
The c o n f u s i o n
than
the
While
the
them on
the
most
Economic
was
of
and
their
social
42 The d e s c r i p t i o n s of t h e two p r o c e s s i o n s in 1881
and 1882 a r e d e r i v e d from D a i l y Evening News May 24, 1 8 8 1 ;
D a i l y Telegraph May 2 5 , 1 8 8 2 .
43
D a i l y Telegraph May 2 5 , 188 2 .
44
D a v i s Parades and Power, p p . 1 0 2 - 0 3 .
236
d i s l o c a t i o n , 4 5 and the r a c i a l and e t h n i c p r e j u d i c e s of t h e
1880's
and
90's,
middle-class
undoubtedly
white
males
to
t a r g e t s of t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n .
out,
"poor
could
be
people's
freely
led
working-
adopt
and
deviant
lower
peoples
as
As Susan G Davis has p o i n t e d
techniques
borrowed
of p o l i t i c a l
for
racist
folk
and
drama
nativist
purposes".46
The P o l y m o r p h i a n s '
racial,
and
gender
procession,
the
tableaux often burlesqued
stereotypes.
Irish
were
J a u n t i n g C a r " , as were t h e
of
Baird's
"Goin"
to
de
reconstructions
processions
the
blacks
Ball",
blacks,
in
with a
Band,
and
to de B a l l " .
the
1881
"The
Irish
representation
floats
entitled
The l a t t e r
tableau,
shows
the
use
of
mocking
of b l a c k d i a l e c t ,
also
found
in
burlesque
in P h i l a d e l p h i a . 4 7
in
1882,
Mashers",
and
in
expression
of
franchise
burlesqued
Mammoth M i n s t r e l
"Loch Lomand" and "Goin'
During
ethnic,
white
Polymorphians
in a f l o a t
the
tableau
concern
over
entitled
"Coloured
the
also
"Loch
mocked
Lomand
Voters",
extension
to b l a c k s . 4 8 I n s c r i p t i o n s on t h e f l o a t
of
an
the
read "The
4
5 Alan B r o o k e s " O u t - M i g r a t i o n from t h e M a r i t i m e
P r o v i n c e s , 1860-1900: Some P r e l i m i n a r y C o n s i d e r a t i o n s " , in
A c a d i e n s i s , V o l . 2, Spring 1976, p p . 2 6 - 5 5 .
46
Davis Parades and Power, p . 7 3 .
47
Davis Parades and Power, p . 10 6
48
Davis Parades and Power, p . 84, a l s o p e r c e i v e d a
f e a r of t h e widening forms of e l e c t o r a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a
m o t i v e for c e r t a i n b u r l e s q u e s .
237
Colored
Cabinet,
Whiting",
and
the
People's
Choice",
"Brooms Must be P r o t e c t e d " ,
the broom-makers
of
Loch
Lomand.
"No
Duty
on
an a l l u s i o n
to
Other
polymorphians
marched as l a r g e " s w e l l s " of " n e g r o e s " , C h i n e s e m a n d a r i n s ,
and I n d i a n s .
"Eliza
These male p e r f o r m e r s
Taylor's
Quilting
b r e e c h e s " , and in " G o i n '
Less a n t a g o n i s t i c
centennial
and mocking
procession,
in
to
burlesque
their
prizes
for
the
most
into
the
Polymorphians
president,
women
"Who'll
wear
and
were t h e 1883
the
1887 and 1 8 9 7 .
in
the
more
jubilee
Polymorphians
attempted
respectable
and
of
the
by
a good d e a l
entries.
In
p r e v i e w e d d r a w i n g s of p o t e n t i a l
Charles Nevins,
offering
well-constructed
many members p u t
creation
Loyalist
Queen's
spectacular
f l o a t s . 49 S u b s e q u e n t l y ,
effort
Party",
parodied
t o de B a l l " .
demonstrations
make
also
of
1887,
the
floats.
The
showed some s a m p l e s of
costume
m a t e r i a l he had o b t a i n e d w h i l e in E n g l a n d . 50 P a r t i c i p a t i o n
in
the
processions
was
confined
Polymorphian
clubs.
In
were
to the
agricultural
the
admitted
procession,
officers
or
regulated
1883,
grounds
for
propriety
49
D a i l y Telegraph May 1 9 , 1882.
50
D a i l y Sun March 1 7 , A p r i l 1 ,
5 1
members
o n l y members w i t h
were c o n s i d e r e d
the
to
of
of
the
tickets
to p r e p a r e
for
the p r i z e s . 5 1
The
the
display
by
1887.
D a i l y Sun May 1 0 , 1 8 8 3 . In 1897 c o t t o n m i l l
e m p l o y e e s p a r t i c i p a t e d , w i t h t h e p e r m i s s i o n of t h e
P o l y m o r p h i a n s — D a i l y Sun June 2 3 , 1 8 9 7 .
238
subjecting
every
Club.52
costume
approval
of
Haymarket
Square Club e x p e l l e d
Driscoll
the
member's
During
and
float
the golden
to
the
jubilee,
the
Solomon Green
and
for wearing u n a u t h o r i z e d costumes "most
James
offensive
t o p u b l i c d e c e n c y " . 5 3 The a c c e p t a n c e and encouragement
Polymorphian d i s p l a y s by t h e a u t h o r i t i e s
organizers
reflected
processions.
supported
The S a i n t
the
Calithumpians
less
the
John
never
respectability
a
and
their
of
the
financially
luxury
have e x p e c t e d
burlesque,
celebration
common c o u n c i l
Polymorphians,
could
orderly
increasing
and
of
which
b e c a u s e of
tendency
to
the
their
mock
authority.54
The C a l i t h u m p i a n s faded i n t o the background a f t e r
1860's,
but
emerged
again
in
1883
to
Polymorphians in t h e i r d i s p l a y for t h e L o y a l i s t
celebration.
The p r e s s used t h e two names
which makes i t
difficult
organizations.
A joint
the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
for
to d i s t i n g u i s h
52
D a i l y Sun June 10 1887.
53
D a i l y Sun June 28, 1887.
54
the
centennial
interchangeably,
between
committee gave t h e
the re-enactment
join
the
of
the
two
Calithumpians
the landing
of
In 1 8 8 3 , t h e Polymorphians g o t $200, a s d i d t h e
f i r e m e n , s a l v a g e c o r p s , and C a r l e t o n f i r e m e n — D a i l y Sun
May 5, 1883. During t h e o r i g i n a l e s t i m a t i o n of funds for
t h e g o l d e n j u b i l e e , t h e Polymorphians were g i v e n $300—
D a i l y Sun May 24, 1887. L a t e r , t h e P o r t l a n d c l u b d i s c u s s e d
t h e a d v i s a b i l i t y of a s k i n g t h e common c o u n c i l f o r $100 —
D a i l y Sun May 27, 1887. The Polymorphians were g i v e n $500
of $2300 f o r t h e diamond j u b i l e e
celebration--Daily
Telegraph May 22, 1897.
239
t h e L o y a l i s t s a t Market S l i p , w h i l e t h e P o l y m o r p h i a n s
c h a r g e of t h e main p r o c e s s i o n .
The C a l i t h u m p i a n s
to
to
recreate
Penn
and
held
at
something
his
followers
at
Philadelphia
Calithumpians
Polymorphian
their
similar
also
a
t h e two o r g a n i z a t i o n s
of
months
in
The
reveals
attempted
of
William
celebration
earlier.55
at
very
the
end
different
the
nature
of
the
Polymorphians'
Artillery
martial
mimicries
performed
independence
day
Polymorphians'
display
and p a t r i o t i s m .
the
lower
1883
Co. of
1783,
demonstration.
by t h e
burlesquers
and
middle-class
jingo
whom p a t r i o t i s m
assertion
of
respectability".57
historical
55
of
memory",58
the
of
local
Acting
Polymorphians
the
pride
Victorian
the
as t h e
the
resembled
late
had become
the
and
Philadelphia,56
crowds
for
features
Calithumpians
a sense
the
Unlike
In t h i s s e n s e , t h e P o l y m o r p h i a n s
England,
of
in
expressed
between
6.3).
famous 104th Regiment of 1812, were t h e s t r o n g e s t
of
The
of
the differences
(See F i g u r e
the
landing
bicentennial
few
procession.
Re-creations
the
joined
respective displays
the
took
"ultimate
"preservers
also
depicted
D a i l y Telegraph A p r i l 1 3 , 1 8 8 3 .
56 D a v i s Parades and Power, p . 1 0 2 .
57
R i c h a r d N. P r i c e " S o c i e t y , S t a t u s , and J i n g o i s m :
The S o c i a l Roots of Lower Middle C l a s s P a t r i o t i s m , 1 8 7 0 1 9 0 0 " , G e o f f r e y C r o s s i c k ( e d . ) The Lower Middle C l a s s i n
B r i t a i n 1870-1914 (London, 1 9 7 7 ) , p . 1 0 7 .
58
D a v i s Parades and Power, p . 76.
240
e x p e r i e n c e s of t h e e a r l y
entries
"Bridal
as
the
sloop
Loyalists
"King
P a r t y of ye o l d e n
Although
one
Polymorphian
George",
time",
had
a
John,
"Log
complained
no s p e c i a l
symbolic
Indeed,
references
the
symbolized
procession
Saint
it
and
John's
commercial-industrial
to
the
their
that
image,
as
the
tried
to
procession.
itself
heritage,
articulated
not
during
P r i n c e of W a l e s ' v i s i t
in 1860. C M . W a l l a c e s u g g e s t s
Saint
made
John
adopting
up t o
the
boosters
a virtue
the Loyalists only a f t e r
their
commercial p o t e n t i a l
nineteenth
Brunswickers
century.60
turned
to
it
the
out
of
t h e y had
also
Loyalists
failed
argued
as
security
and
identity
to
during
the
the
that
live
of
that
New
of
the
part
V i c t o r i a n c u l t of h e r o w o r s h i p , and as an e f f o r t
its
necessity,
in t h e m i d d l e d e c a d e s
is
the
to
celebration
Loyalist
a
train".
connection
in
such
Cabin",
L o y a l i s t c e n t e n n i a l , 5 9 the Polymorphians a t l e a s t
make
in
and an " E m i g r a n t
correspondent
display
in S a i n t
to
obtain
upheavals
of
industrialization,
urbanization,
and o u t m i g r a t i o n . 6 1 w h i l e
the Polymorphians
paid
to
59
homage
the
Loyalists
in
the
S t . John Globe May 14, 1 8 8 3 .
6 0
C.M. W a l l a c e " S a i n t John B o o s t e r s and
the
R a i l r o a d s in t h e M i d - N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y " , A c a d i e n s i s , V o l .
6, n o . 1, Autumn 1 9 7 7 , p p . 9 0 - 9 1 .
61
M u r r a y B a r k l e y "The L o y a l i s t T r a d i t i o n i n New
B r u n s w i c k : The Growth and E v o l u t i o n of an H i s t o r i c a l Myth,
1 8 2 5 - 1 9 1 4 " , A c a d i e n s i s , V o l . 4, n o . 2, S p r i n g 1 9 7 5 , p p . 3 45.
241
centennial
their
procession,
old
style
the
Calithumpians
burlesque.
comprised the C a l i t h u m p i a n s '
of t h e
Loyalist
An
"Old
still
exhibited
Time
carriage"
only concession
centennial,
followed
to t h e
by t h e u s u a l
of " c h a r a c t e r s of a l l k i n d s " on h o r s e b a c k ,
theme
panoply
I n d i a n s , and an
o u t r a g e o u s two-headed g i a n t e s s d r i v e n by a monkey.62
The
procession
Polymorphians
may r e f l e c t
working-class
traditional
of
their
styles
social
superiors,
approximated
the
of
class
Calithumpians
differences;
the
undoubtedly
of
while
the
parade
and
more
an
lower
closely
effort
because
it
s t u c k to t h e f a m i l i a r
was an o l d e r
to
after
c h a n g e as a more y o u t h f u l
1883,
Although
the
the
Calithumpians
Evening
to
Times
society.
gradually
Globe
form
organization,
c o m p r i s e d of o l d e r members, w h e r e a s t h e P o l y m o r p h i a n s
open
to
Age may have p l a y e d a r o l e h e r e as
Perhaps the Calithumpians
rowdy b u r l e s q u e
in
largely
conventions
artisanal
Polymorphians
conventional
respectability.
the
and
clung
b u r l e s q u e as an a l t e r n a t i v e t o the
members
well.
the
Calithumpians
middle-class
obtain
of
In any
were
case,
disappeared.
commented
that
the
C a l i t h u m p i a n s were w e l l known i n S a i n t John a t t h e t i m e of
the Polymorphians, the l a t t e r
o r g a n i z a t i o n had
undoubtedly
t a k e n over as t h e dominant s o c i e t y . As t h e newspaper
commented:
62
1883.
"What
Daily
the
Calithumpians
Sun May 1 9 ,
were to O n t a r i o
later
the
1883; D a i l y Telegraph May 19,
242
Polymorphians were to S a i n t
The P o l y m o r p h i a n s '
John".63
representation
of
the Blind
Half-
Hundred Regiment and Band in 1887, and t h e i r p o r t r a y a l s of
the e i g h t t r o o p s of J a m e s o n ' s
Regiment,
(See
and
a man-of-war
Figures
obsession
tribute
6.4
with
and
the
the Scottish
and old b a t t l e
6.5),
reflects
military.
t o Queen V i c t o r i a
they depicted
Raid,
The
during
their
and
tableau,
of
her
diamond
in
"Miss Canada" p r e s e n t e d
Glory",
symbolizing
Allusions to B r i t a i n
a
jubilee
representation
1897
club
paid
In
1887,
Queen's r e i g n ,
her c o r o n a t i o n
1897.
In
the
and
in
latter
t h e Queen w i t h a "Crown
Canada's
homage to
in b o t h p r o c e s s i o n s
of
in
continued
the j u b i l e e s .
in 1897 p o r t r a y e d Queen V i c t o r i a d u r i n g
1838
ship
Portland
the f i v e d e c a d e s of t h e
Highland
"Britannia"
Armoured L a n c e r s . F u r t h e r r e f e r e n c e s
and
the
monarch.
took t h e
form of
a contingent
to England d u r i n g
of
the
diamond j u b i l e e i n c l u d e d a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of "The Tower of
London" with B e e f e a t e r s ,
a f l o a t d e p i c t i n g "John B u l l " , a
forest
Robin
t h e west
side's
c o n t i n g e n t of Knights C r u s a d e r s . Given t h e i m p e r i a l
nature
of
scene
featuring
t h e diamond
jubilee
Hood, and
celebration,
a float
featuring
p e a s a n t g i r l and a body guard symbolized both t h e
and t u r b u l e n t
called
images of
"Canada",
"Confederation",
Ireland.
and a d i a m o n d
made
A golden j u b i l e e
jubilee
patriotic
float
concessions
63 Evening Times Globe March 27, 193 6.
a
pastoral
tableau
entitled
to
the
243
dominion.
The
highlight
of
golden
jubilee
procession
was
Darktown F i r e B r i g a d e , c o m p r i s e d of a C h i e f , F i r e
Hose
Reel
Co.,
have marked
1877,
in
the
one of
Saint
and
Co. The
of
t h e most
significant
and d e v a s t a t i n g
the
tableau
During
the
attempted
to
Great
mocking
idiosyncracy,
such
Smith"
(perhaps
heavy
drinker).
Jackson",
their
put
as
out
"Just
"Will
responding
in
or
Time
an
to
the
perceived
calls
.
or
and
Manson",
and
Hook
in a
personal
"Scott
"Just
of
and
Act
p a r o d y of a
"Call
slowness
The
the
had a b u r l e s q u e
inverted
You Come M u l l i n " ,
of
events
a fire
task
"Ring Gong Wilson"
an a b s t a i n e r ,
C h r i s t i e " mimicked
in
particular
Fire
procession,
m i n i a t u r e h o u s e . Each member of t h e r o s t e r
title
t a b l e a u may
anniversary
history.
the
Brigade,
tenth
John's
members of
Hook and Ladder
the
Me
Slow
Too
Late
the
firemen
Ladder
wagon
s i m i l a r l y s p o r t e d a s i g n " D r i v e s l o w , McDermott" and "Slow
But S u r e " , and on t h e Engine "Get There J u s t
The A l g e r i n e C l u b ' s
Saint
John's
firemen's
wharves
tableaux.
inscriptions
p a r o d y of
was much
such a s " W i n t e r
Her Go, S h e ' s A l l Hemlock".
an
alderman,
slipped
"True
to
back
its
announced
into
design
the
the
the c o l l a p s e
more
A reproduction
Port,
t h e Same".
of
scathing
the
wharf
of
one of
than
featured
S i n k i n g Fund" and
The b u c k e t of a d r e d g e
by a
wharf.
float,
steam
But
whistle,
the
"Let
raised
and
then
as
the
D a i l y Sun noted
like
the
wharf
which
it
244
represented, collapsed before its work was done."64
Racial parodies comprised a much smaller proportion
of the displays than they had
in previous processions.
While the term "Darktown" from the "Darktown Fire Brigade"
may have described the dark smoke caused by fires and the
dingy appearance of cities ravaged by flames, it may also
have been a parody of the blacks, for Susan G. Davis notes
that independence day burlesquers often blended minstrelsy
with fire company
(and militia company) nomenclature.65
Polymorphians certainly ridiculed blacks by dressing up as
"Zulus", in black tights, black faces, and fuzzy black
wigs,
resembling,
on
a much
smaller
scale,
the
ethnographic exhibitions which flourished in the European
cities during the age of imperialism.66
The processions also retained
elements of gender
inversion. Mthough the float depicting a pioneer cabin in
the Centennial procession was said to be manned by five
females
and
four males, the names of those
involved
indicate that they were all played by young men. Another
tableau of a bridal party featured men in the roles of
64
Daily Sun June 23, 1897.
65
Davis Parades and Power, p. 102.
66 William Schneider "Race and Empire: The Rise of
Popular Ethnography in the Late Nineteenth Century",
Journal of Popular Culture Vol. 11, no. 1, Summer 1977,
pp. 98-109; Slader "From the Victorian Era to the Space
Age", p. 10 refers to the Zulus as one of the most popular
Polymorphian entries, because of the sentiment aroused by
British imperialism.
245
b r i d e and b r i d e s m a i d . 6 7 These d e p i c t i o n s of women were n o t
as
sardonic
class
as
earlier
difference
middle-
and
in
processions,
the
perception
upper w o r k i n g - c l a s s
Polymorphians,
or
which may
a general
of
reflect
women, as
lower
men came t o d o m i n a t e
change
in
sexual
a
the
ideology,
from an image of female u n r u l i n e s s ,
t o one of g o o d n e s s and
s e n s i t i v l t y . 68 Men may a l s o
taken
because
of
continuing
participation
have
reservations
in t h e p u b l i c
sphere.
on female
regarding
roles" outside
the
gaining
the
of
the
Indeed,
there
unregulated
would
was
a
public
inevitably
fear
place
lead
"women
that
would
female
R e s p e c t a b l e women who
t o o k on any " p e r f o r m a t i v e
reputation
roles
of
home,
risked
streets".69
participation
mean
unprotected
social
women
in
mixing
into
an
and
sexual
immorallty.70
Nonetheless,
and
more
certain
women
in
indicate
Polymorphians
their
conditions.
processions
67
the
The
that
began
processions,
names
they
of
to
but
the
were r e l a t e d
feature
only
women
to
more
under
in
the
the
male
D a i l y Sun May 1 5 , 1 9 , 1 8 8 3 .
68
S e e D a v i s "Women i n T o p " , p p . 1 2 4 - 5 1 f o r a
d i s c u s s i o n of t h e imagery of female d i s o r d e r l i n e s s in t h e
e a r l y modern p e r i o d .
69
D a v i s Parades and Power, p . 47; Mary P. Ryan Women
i n P u b l i c . B e t w e e n B a n n e r s and B a l l o t s ,
1825-1880
( B a l t i m o r e , 1990), p . 4.
70
L e o n o r e D a v i d o f f The B e s t C i r c l e s .
Society
E t i q u e t t e and t h e Season (London, 1 9 7 3 ) , p p . 8 1 , 82.
246
members, and were p r o t e c t i v e l y
participants
royal
also
personages
Polymorphians'
roles
and
portrayed
of
also
and
Approximately
thirty
took p a r t
the
Portland
in
on board
female
landing
representation
of
"The
Drawing
depiction
of
the
and young g i r l s
Female
in
the
featured
such
women p l a y e d
the
a " T a l l y Ho"
of
"King
the
women
coach,
George".72
Calithumpians
in
in
1883.73 The
their
1887
" F i v e Decades of t h e Q u e e n ' s Reign" and
Queen
Room".74
The
participants
such
as
tableaux,
"Fairyland"
North
End
in 1837 and 1897 used
in t h e p r i m a r y r o l e s .
symbols,
also
"Britannia"
only
Polymorphians'
"Miss
and " C o n f e d e r a t i o n " ,
1883 p r o c e s s i o n
women
75
portrayed
and
Club's
allegorical
Canada".
used
featured
The
children,
p a r t i c u l a r l y young g i r l s . As t h e Weekly World p o i n t e d
the
as
the
sloop
friends
Female
in
of t h e L o y a l i s t s
Polymorphians
Queen's
court
figures,
pioneers.71
procession,
Elizabeth's
passengers
venerated
Loyalist
centennial
Queen
s u r r o u n d e d by them.
out,
participants
71 T h i s was s i m i l a r
t o t h e n a t u r e of
female
p a r t i c i p a t i o n in p r o c e s s i o n s in
nineteenth-century
P h i l a d e l p h i a — D a v i s Parades and Power, p . 47.
72
D a i l y Sun May 1 9 , 1 8 8 3 .
73
D a i l y Sun May 10, 1 5 , 1 8 8 3 .
74
Souvenir of t h e Queen's J u b i l e e , p p .
75
D a i l y Sun June 2 3 , 1 8 9 7 .
79-80.
247
of "both sexes and all ages".76 Because of concerns about
the safety of children
in outdoor
processions, they
usually rode on the floats instead of walking. Like the
women, children were usually depicted as symbolic images
of veneration and purity. Perhaps young girls were used
because of their image as innocent beings, who had not yet
acquired the trappings of a female reputation. In any
case, as living symbols, these women and girls evoked
abstract concepts, far removed from the actual composition
of the processions or of society.77 As nonvoters, they
symbolized
the ideal of a society
free of
partisan
conflict, and as domestic and maternal beings, stood above
class conflict and the problems of the nation.78 women
thus played an important role in the transformation of
Polymorphian processions from representations of concrete
social groups, to manifestations of abstract allegorical
figures. This development may have contributed
to the
emerge ce of the less overt burlesque of late nineteenthcentu_y Polymorphian processions.
Indeed, the Daily Sun commented
that the diamond
jubilee demonstration was less burlesque than on some
76
Weekly World May 24, 1883, in Scrapbook C27, p.
133.
77
Mary P. Ryan "The American Parade: Representations
of the Nineteenth-Century Social Order", in Lynn Hunt
(ed.) The New Cultural History (Berkeley, 1989), p. 149;
Ryan Women in Public, pp. 23-31, 45, 52-57.
78
Ryan "The American Parade", pp. 150-51.
248
former
occasions,
and t h a t
the
entries
were
"appropriate
t o t h e o c c a s i o n and a r o u s e d u n i v e r s a l a d m i r a t i o n " . 7 9
the c e l e b r a t i o n ,
women's
the Victoria
auxiliary)
society
as
a
presenting
McKelvie,
acknowledged
respectable
them
with
a member of
"tangible
token"
spirit
loyalty
of
Memorial
of
set
the
of
club,
have
(probably
Haymarket
of
colours.
Miss
ever
shown
to
our
by
Jennie
the g i f t
we a p p r e c i a t e
a
Square
patriotism,
described
"how h i g h l y
you
the
proponent
a
Club
After
as
the
a
true
beloved
Queen."80
The
Polymorphians
celebrations
continued
in t h e e a r l y t w e n t i e t h
to
participate
century.
Haymarket Square P o l y m o r p h i a n s h e l d t h e i r
Day t r e e p l a n t i n g
The l a s t
exercises
in
In 1 9 0 2 ,
"usual"
the neighborhood
h u r r a h of t h e P o l y m o r p h i a n s o c c u r r e d
I t has been argued t h a t b u r l e s q u e p r o c e s s i o n s
social
distance
boundaries
laughingly
between
the
While
this
superiors.
Calithumpians,
also
by
both
reinforced
the
participants
is
true,
Calithumpians
social
distance,
79
D a i l y Sun June 2 3 , 1897.
80
D a i l y Sun June 2 3 , 1897.
81
breaking
S t . John Globe May 6,
March 2 7 , 1 9 3 6 .
1902;
and
down
their
especially
and
by
the
Loyalist
Square.
during
c e l e b r a t i o n of t h e v i c t o r i e s of t h e South A f r i c a n
in
the
War.81
reduced
social
social
of
the
Polymorphians
identifying
and
Evening Times Globe
249
mocking
social
inferiors,
particularly
racial
groups,
" o u t s i d e r s " and " o t h e r s " . This p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p l i e d
as
to t h e
P o l y m o r p h i a n s , who, a l t h o u g h they p a r o d i e d t h e firemen
common c o u n c i l
in t h e j u b i l e e p r o c e s s i o n s , were
and
generally
l e s s a n t a g o n i s t i c to a u t n o r i t y t h a n the C a l i t h u m p i a n s ,
confined
most
of
their
The Polymorphians
the
course
of
burlesque
became l e s s
the
late
to lower
and l e s s
Victorian
status
groups.
antagonistic
period,
due
and
over
in p a r t
to
t h e d e s i r e of t h e l a r g e l y upper w o r k i n g - and lower m i d d l e c l a s s membership t o e m u l a t e t h e r e s p e c t a b i l i t y of t h e more
conventional
increasing
usually
parades
participation
cast
Polymorphians
and
and p r o c e s s i o n s ,
in
found
between
roughness
an
respectable
elements
of
their
encouraged
of b u r l e s q u e
an a l t e r n a t i v e
girls,
of
The
the
rowdy
which
oscillated
orders
and
The P o l y m o r p h i a n s
like
other
respectable
they
inversion,
celebration
the
had
voluntary
behaviour
still
and
the
who were
processing,
hung on
thus
displays
were e s s e n t i a l l y
give a respectable
image t o
an
attempts
antirespectable
and
to
continued
tradition.
Polymorphian
celebration.
to
purity.
between
lower
Nonetheless,
and
in p a r t
members, who
the
structure
displays.
to r e p r e s e n t
later
and
of
of
the middle c l a s s .
organizational
associations,
caught
traditions
the p l i g h t
of
images
themselves
encapsulated
respectability
women and
venerated
respectable
the
of
and
form
The
to
of
CHAPTER 7
MEMORIALS
At a meeting to discuss Halifax's observance of the
birth of the Prince of Wales in 1841, the attorney-general
of Nova Scotia, Samuel G.W.
Archibald, expressed a
preference for a "more permanent mode" of celebration,
such as the founding of an orphan's home, rather than "a
"feast of one day to be followed by misery and destitution
the next".l Unfortunately for Archibald, many others at
the meeting favoured the immediacy of holiday spectacles
and feasting, arguing that the poor preferred short-term
gratifications.2 Therefore, the organizers abandoned the
idea of a permanent memorial
for more
frivolous
and
ephemeral forms of celebration. As the century progressed,
however, celebrations
were marked
by more
frequent
proposals for permanent memorials. Proponents considered
the founding of memorials to be more respectable than
1
Novascotian December 16, 1841; Times December 14,
1841. As early as King George Ill's jubilee in Britain in
1809, the idea was articulated that instead of ""mere
curruscations'" of celebrating, celebrants needed to
""signalize the day by works that should keep alive its
perpetual remembrance"—The Day October 30, 1809, as
quoted in Linda Colley "The Apotheosis of King George III:
Loyalty, Royalty, and the British Nation, 1760-1820", Past
and Present, Vol. 102, February 1984, p. 117.
2
A "strong present time orientation" is one of the
characteristics of the "culture of poverty" in Oscar
Lewis's The Children of Sanchez (New York, 1963), p. xxvi.
250
251
feasting
and p a g e a n t r y ,
enduring
nature.
David
b e c a u s e of
Shanks
their
Kerr,
more u s e f u l
a Saint
John
lawyer,
v o i c e d such a s e n t i m e n t as he urged t h e o r g a n i z e r s
Loyalist
"heed
centennial
the
useless
celebration
form
While men campaigned
nineteenth
memorials
for
century,
in t h e
in
of p a r a d e
Saint
for
quarter
institution
Nineteenth-century
various
forms:
1)
the
of t h e c e l e b r a t i o n ;
Halifax
as
the
Victoria's
J
of
golden
celebration
Daily
1 1 - 1 3 , SJRL.
City
jubilee
Sun August
of
of
under
memorials
an o b j e c t
to e x i s t i n g
and
Provincial
General"
in
30,
the
founders
by s c h o l a r s
2) c o n t r i b u t i o n s
"Victoria
to
the
building".5
appellation
the
never
of t h e V i c t o r i a n p e r i o d , 4 a
or c a u s e s ; and 3) t h e f o u n d i n g of o b j e c t s or
The d e s i g n a t i o n
the
throughout
prominent
d e v e l o p m e n t which has been examined
r u b r i c of " f e m a l e
of
the cornerstone" . 3
"the cornerstone"
women b e c a m e
last
John
and
1887,
1882,
in
is
in
in
took
honour
charities
institutions.
Hospital
honour
of
Queen
an example of
Scrapbook
in
C27,
the
pp.
4
I n New O r l e a n s , women i n a u g u r a t e d t h e i d e a of
" M e m o r i a l Day" i n 1 8 7 4 , t o b e m a r k e d , n o t by n o i s y
d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , b u t by a solemn p r o c e s s i o n to the g r a v e s
of t h e n a t i o n ' s f a l l e n h e r o e s - - M a r y P. Ryan Women i n
P u b l i c . Between Banners and B a l l o t s , 1825-1880 ( B a l t i m o r e ,
1990),
pp.
49-50.
5 E s t e l l e F r e e d m a n " S e p a r a t i s m as S t r a t e g y : Female
I n s t i t u t i o n B u i l d i n g and American F e m i n i s m , 1 8 7 0 - 1 9 3 0 " ,
F e m i n i s t S t u d i e s , V o l . 5, n o . 3 , F a l l , 1979, p p . 512-529;
D i a n a P e d e r s e n " " B u i l d i n g Today f o r t h e Womanhood of
T o m o r r o w ' : B u s i n e s s m e n , B o o s t e r s , and t h e YWCA, 18901 9 3 0 " , Urban H i s t o r y R e v i e w , V o l . 15, n o . 3 , F e b r u a r y ,
1987, p p . 2 2 5 - 2 4 2 .
252
first type of memorial. 6 The Halifax city council also
attempted to rename the thoroughfare extending from Point
Pleasant
Park
to
the
northern
boundary
of the city
(comprised of Pleasant, Barrington, and Lockman Streets,
and Campbell Road) as "Victoria
Street", in honour of
Queen Victoria's diamond jubilee in 1897, but the protests
of a number of Barrington Street businessmen stopped the
initiative.7
Celebrants also promoted monetary collections for the
indigent, at least sporadically. For example, in 1840, the
"Queen's
Nuptial
Fund" was founded
in Saint John to
subsidize the rents of "respectable widows".8
Halifax's
diamond jubilee military tournament donated its proceeds
to the "Soldiers' and Sailors' Families' Association",
designated for the wives of military men not married "on
the strength", as well as military orphans.9 The Micmacs
occasionally
received
celebration
gifts.
As
a
philanthropic gesture in honour of the Prince of Wales'
6 Colin Howell A Century of Care. A History of the
Victoria General Hospital, 1887-1987 (Halifax, 1988),
p.35.
7
Halifax City Council, Minutes, April 2, July 19,
August 10, 1897, PANS.
8
New Brunswick Courier April 11, "R.P." in
1840; Morning News April 10, 1840.
9
June 13,
Herald June 18, 21, 1897. According to the Daily
Echo May 6, 1897, similar funds for widows and orphans of
soldiers and sailors could be found at nearly all of the
British military stations.
253
birth
in 1 8 4 1 , H a l i f a x ' s
with
blankets
distributed
executive
for
the
among
government
Yacht
Club
Wales'
visit
in
and
also
for
and
a sum of
deserving
granted
canoe
€,50 t o
the
during
private
James Whitman,
natives
Royal
the
official
subscription
contribution
in
1860
in
"traditional
costumes"
appear
proceedings.
in t h e
by
order
agent,
w h i t e man to be
for
opening
to
Although
a
raise
a deputation
of
(Charles
insurance
John Thomas L a n e , t h e f i r s t
Nova
Prince
citizens
an
The
s e l e c t e d as Medicine Man of t h e Micmacs) s u p p l e m e n t e d
meager
be
families.10
£25 t o
races
1 8 6 0 . 1 1 Three
a merchant,
and P r o f e s s o r
winter,
needy
Scotia
Beamish,
c i t y council provided the
private
money
of
they did
this
for
Micmacs
not
to
receive
many d o n a t i o n s , t h e y d i d r a i s e enough t o o u t f i t
a group of
about
Cumberland
forty
counties.12
fifty
Micmacs
Hants,
Pictou,
The P r i n c e of Wales l a t e r
sovereigns
them a t a s p e c i a l
10
from
to
the
Micmacs,
and
presented
which
a gift
was d i v i d e d
of
among
ceremony.13
Times December 2 1 , 1 8 4 1 .
11
N o v a s c o t i a n J u l y 3 0 , 1860; A c t i n g C o m m i t t e e , J u l y
1 3 , 1860, in M i n u t e s of t h e Committee for t h e R e c e p t i o n of
H.R.H. t h e P r i n c e of W a l e s , 1860, PANS.
1 2 The o r g a n i z e r s e x p e r i e n c e d a n e t l o s s a f t e r t h e
c e l e b r a t i o n - - M o r n i n g Sun A u g u s t 1 3 , 1 8 6 0 . B e f o r e t h e
visit,
the costumed I n d i a n s paid a v i s i t
to
the
l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r , t h e a d m i r a l , and t h e a r c h b i s h o p , and
t h e n a t t e n d e d a l a d i e s ' bazaar—Morning Sun J u l y 3 0 , 1860.
13
Morning
August 9, 1 8 6 0 .
Sun A u g u s t
8,
1860;
Morning
Chronicle
254
More
frequent
institutions,
gifts
the
symbols
modernity".14 i n s t i t u t i o n s
deaf
were
contribution
donated
$500
Dumb,15 and
Catholic
to
the
prize
orphans,
each
the
to
the
and
royal v i s i t
money t o
to t h e
Micmacs,
the
in
the
Saint
Institute
Thomas
Cosgrove,
a Saint
Prince
for
orphans'
and
races
also
Deaf
Halifax,
and dumb, t h e
John
Wales
and
asylum and
in
for
Besides
of
the
John.16
yacht
deaf
charities.
the
Institute
in 1887, t h e United Sunday School
and
social
"benevolence
favorite
Protestant
counterpart
w i n n e r s of
their
to
of
on
for t h e c a r e of o r p h a n s and t h e
and dumb were among t h e
his
bestowed
in
teamster,
the
contributed
Protestant
Aged F e m a l e s . I 7
service
its
Later,
Saint
John,
made g o l d e n
14
J u d i t h F i n g a r d "The R e l i e f of t h e Unemployed Poor
in S a i n t J o h n , H a l i f a x , and S t . J o h n ' s ,
1815-1860",
A c a d i e n s i s , V o l . 5, n o . 1, Autumn 1 9 7 5 , p . 3 5 ; J a n e t
G u i l d f o r d " P u b l i c School Reform and t h e H a l i f a x M i d d l e
C l a s s , 1850-1870", Ph.D. T h e s i s , Dalhousie University,
September 1990, p . 60, a r g u e s t h a t i n s t i t u t i o n s were
p r a c t i c a l embodiments of p r o g r e s s .
15 T h i s was a c o n s o l a t i o n t o t h e i n m a t e s who were
d i s a p p o i n t e d t h a t he was not a b l e to v i s i t them--Morning
Sun A u g u s t 8 , 1860; N o v a s c o t i a n A u g u s t 3 , 1 3 , 1 8 6 0 ;
Morning Chronicle August 9, 1860; H a l i f a x I n s t i t u t i o n for
t h e Deaf and Dumb, Third Annual Report, 1860, p p . 4, 12,
37, PANS.
16 Morning News A u g u s t
August 2 3 , 1860.
22,
1860;
Morning
Freeman
1 7 Morning Sun July 9, 1860; Evening Express August
13, September 24, 1860; Morning Sun September 26, 1860.
255
j u b i l e e d o n a t i o n s to the P r o t e s t a n t o r p h a n s ' a s y l u m . 1 8
Halifax,
t h e T a b e r n a c l e Church a c c e p t e d d o n a t i o n s " t o
something
Poor
besides
a flower
to t h e aged and
House" on t h e o c c a s i o n
diamond
jubilee
Protestant
also
orphanage
of
t h e golden
inspired
and
to
infirm
Paul's
take
in
the
jubilee.19
The
contributions
St.
in
to
the
almshouse
for
giris.20
The
institutions
celebrations
founded
were p r i m a r i l y
of
or
proposed
two t y p e s :
during
charitable
c u l t u r a l . Before t h e 1 8 8 0 ' s , m e m o r i a l s of t h e former
predominated.
During
Halifax's
centenary
genre
in
1849,
c e l e b r a n t s proposed the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a t e m p o r a r y
pox
hospital
called
the
for
the poor,
"Centenary
settlement
of
House",
to
Halifax
honour".21
In
council
a d v a n t a g e of
took
and a g e n e r a l
1856,
the
show " t h a t
was
board
the
hospital
be
the Centenary
of
with
of
of
works
day
small
to
observed
natal
and
the
becoming
Halifax
celebration
to
s c h e d u l e t h e ceremony for t h e l a y i n g of t h e c o r n e r s t o n e of
i 8
D a i l y Sun June 15, 20, 1887. The D a i l y Sun June
20, 1887, c o n s i d e r e d C o s g r o v e ' s $5 g i f t a good way t o
c e l e b r a t e the e v e n t .
1 9 Acadian Recorder June 18, 1887.
20
D a i l y Echo June 19, 1897. J . A . W i n f i e l d , of S t .
P a u l ' s Mission H a l l , asked for ten t h o u s a n d f i v e c e n t
p i e c e s as a j u b i l e e g i f t to t h e s h e l t e r - - A c a d i a n Recorder
June 1 4 , 1897.
21 N o v a s c o t i a n June
12,
1849.
25,
1849; B r i t i s h
Colonist
June
256
the
provincial
lunatic
asylum.22
on t h e o c c a s i o n
114th a n n i v e r s a r y of t h e s e t t l e m e n t of H a l i f a x
juvenile
reformatory
I n d u s t r i a l School of
By
the
late
was
founded,
probably
In
the
Halifax
women
became
1864.23
Victorian
Saint
Temperance
Union,
Evangelical
Alliance,
John
its
devastated
Aberdeen,
period,
to
women,
of
Victorian
Order
memorial,
to ease
the n u r t u r i n g
1887,
with
founded
doors
wife
in
along
golden j u b i l e e memorial,
opened
the
known as
male-dominated
the
Haven,
the
as
suffering
a federal
of
which
children,
ex-prisoners.24
Nurses
Christian
a home for p r o s t i t u t e s
abandoned
and
charitable
t h e Women's
the g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l ,
of
the
in 1 8 6 3 , a
i n c r e a s i n g l y p r o m i n e n t as t h e f o u n d e r s of t h e s e
memorials.
of
the
in
poor
1897,
established
diamond
sick
and
as a
later
and
Lady
the
jubilee
promote
r o l e of women:
Many a s i c k and
M a j e s t y , Queen
s u f f e r i n g one w i l l b l e s s
V i c t o r i a , and r e m e m b e r
Her
in
^ z Novascotian June 16, 1856.
23
E v e n i n g E x p r e s s J u n e 1 9 , 1863; Gwennyth Andrews
"The E s t a b l i s h m e n t of I n s t i t u t i o n a l Care in H a l i f a x in t h e
M i d - N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y " , Honours Essay,
Dalhousie
U n i v e r s i t y , 1974, p p . 6 4 - 6 6 . The I n d u s t r i a l School emerged
f r o m t h e H a l i f a x R a g g e d S c h o o l of t h e 1 8 5 0 ' s . The
I n d u s t r i a l School e v e n t u a l l y became a b o a r d i n g s c h o o l for
b o y s , with r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n , c a l l i n g i t s e l f
the
P r o t e s t a n t I n d u s t r i a l S c h o o l , i n c o r p o r a t e d i n 1 8 6 5 . In
1870, i t was d e s i g n a t e d a n i g h t s c h o o l .
24
D a i l y Sun March 17, 1 8 , 1887; J u d i t h F i n g a r d "The
1 8 8 0 ' s : The P a r a d o x e s of P r o g r e s s " , i n E . R . F o r b e s and
D.A. Muise ( e d s . ) The A t l a n t i c P r o v i n c e s i n C o n f e d e r a t i o n ,
forthcoming .
257
c o n n e c t i o n w i t h h e r , t h e band of n u r s e s who
u n d e r t h e u n i f o r m , and w e a r i n g t h e badge and
name of t h e Order a r e doing woman's n o b l e s t work
- - c a r i n g f o r t h e s i c k , and sometimes s o o t h i n g
and e a s i n g t h e pathway of the d y i n g . 2 5
The movement, however, e x p e r i e n c e d c o n s i d e r a b l e a p a t h y and
disdain
because
considerable
improper
Despite
were
of Lady A b e r d e e n ' s
activity
in
the
by many V i c t o r i a n s ,
these discouragements,
emboldened
supported
by t h e
an a s s o c i a t i o n
and p u b l i c l y
proclaimed
s h o u l d be c e l e b r a t e d
last
two
public
and
of
status,
sphere,
her
deemed
Lady
Aberdeen
Queen V i c t o r i a ,
of d i s t r i c t
nurses
t h e diamond
in
toward
beautification.
jubilee
in
penal
and
cities
the suffering
decades
of
the
associated
One r e a s o n
in
with
for
of t h e
the
century
and
and
In a d d i t i o n ,
90's,
social
civic
priorities
saw no need for
institutions.
1880's
"culture"
for
sick.27
nineteenth
t h i s change of
t h e two c i t i e s
charitable
matured
1897
t h e world over by doing something
those
may have been t h a t
who
Britain,
w i t n e s s e d a n o t a b l e movement away from m e m o r i a l s as
causes,
her
Whiggishness.26
women l i k e
example
that
t h e poor and by r e l i e v i n g
The
vice-regal
further
as
the
middle-class
2
5 The C a n a d i a n Fund for
t h e Commemoration of the
Queen's J u b i l e e by founding the VON i n Canada, b o o k l e t in
Lady A b e r d e e n ' s J o u r n a l , V o l . 10, 1897, NAC.
2
6 V e r o n i c a Strong-Boag The Parliament of Women: The
N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of Women of Canada, 1893-1929 (Ottawa,
1 9 7 6 ) , p p . 7 5 , 80, 139, 1 4 1 .
2 7 The C a n a d i a n Fund for
Queen's J u b i l e e .
t h e Commemoration of
the
258
citizens
to
cultivated
promote
played
cultural
a role,
other's
as
Saint
providing
among
pride,
and a
Civic
rivalry
also
and
Halifax
coveted
each
middle
of
class
a prominent
charitable
century,
not
general
had
promotion
of
of
with
culture
in t h e community. A f t e r
on t h e
for
the
the
zeal
of
jubilee
nineteenth
ascribed,
realm.28
and
t h e new c i t y h a l l , 3 0 H a l i f a x
laying
The
cultural
women, who saw
d u t y " . 2 9 The
the
major
in H a l i f a x
in
of p r o m i n e n t women
t h e men of t h e c i t y c o u n c i l
ceremony for
of
establishment
female
celebration
to the e f f o r t s
from
founding
late
civic
as a " p a t r i o t i c
the golden
in
the
the
the
themselves.
was f r e q u e n t l y
to
desire
1887 owed i t s f o u n d a t i o n
agree
By
exclusively",
merged
shifted
a s t h e y had in t h e
improvement"
Victorian
improvement
role
institutions.
"cultural
"although
just
desire
the motivat;ons,
for t h e p o o r , t o p r o v i d i n g for
c u l t u r a l memorials,
not
John
Regardless
the
Women p l a y e d
memorial
civic
institutions.
institutions.
priorities
of
a s e n s e of
the
could
cornerstone
looked to i t s s o c i a l l y
of
active
m i d d l e - c l a s s women to found t h e V i c t o r i a School of Art and
Design as a j u b i l e e m e m o r i a l . One of t h e p r i m a r y p r o m o t e r s
28
S t r o n g - B o a g The Parliament of Women, p p . 7 1 , 213;
L i n d a K e a l e y " I n t r o d u c t i o n " , A Not Unreasonable Claim:
Women and Reform i n Canada, 1893-1929 (Ottawa, 1 9 7 9 ) , p . 2.
29
Strong-Boag
1 0 3 - 0 4 , 2 1 3 , 264.
30
The Parliament of Women, p p .
J.A. Bell's Diary, June 23, 1887, PANS.
21, 67,
259
of t h e s c h o o l was Mrs. Anna Leonowens, a former
in
Siam,
who came t o
sufficient
improving
Halifax
money and l e i s u r e ,
the c i t y ' s
cosmopolitan
in
1 8 7 6 . As a widow with
she " b u s i e d
"intellectual
experience
herself"
life",
drawing
in such e n d e a v o r s . 3 1
women,
endowment fund,
through
and t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n
art
exhibition
"World's
accredited
to
Directors".32
July
1887,
elected
At t h e
over
the c o l l e c t i o n
Later,
held
the
raised
as
"good
first
Anna Leonowens
to t h e Board of
in
a
1889,
the
for
meeting
and
of
Mrs.
the
an
subscriptions,
and an
success
fund-raising
management"
with
enthusiastic
$10,000
of
on her
of a week-long a r t e x h i b i t i o n
ball.
Fair"
who
with
Along
Mrs. J . F . Kenny, she soon a t t r a c t e d a band of
middle-class
governess
of
activity
of
"our
was
Lady
subscribers
J.F.Kenny
were
a
in
both
Directors.33
61
P h y l l i s Ruth B l a k e l e y "Anna of Siam in Canada",
A t l a n t i c A d v o c a t e , Vol 5 7 , n o . 5, J a n u a r y 1967, p . 43
a r g u e s t h a t Mrs. Leonowens soon won t h e r e p u t a t i o n as one
o f t h e " b u s i e s t " women i n H a l i f a x ; S t r o n g - B o a g The
P a r l i a m e n t of Women, p p . 1 4 6 - 4 7 . The l i e u t e n a n t - g o v e r n o r
r e f e r r e d t o h e r a s " o n e of t h e f o r e m o s t i n t h e a r t
movement in H a l i f a x " — C i t i z e n June 17, 1887; Novascotian
June 2 5 , 1887.
32
V i c t o r i a School
September 2 7 , 1889, PANS.
33
of
Art
and
Design
Minutes,
V i c t o r i a S c h o o l of Art and Design M i n u t e s , J u l y
15, 1887; B l a k e l e y "Anna of Siam in Canada", p . 4 3 . Mrs.
L e o n o w e n s was a l s o e l e c t e d a s a d i r e c t o r d u r i n g t h e
i n c o r p o r a t i o n of t h e s c h o o l in 1888—An Act to I n c o r p o r a t e
t h e V i c t o r i a n School of Art and D e s i g n , p a s s e d A p r i l 16,
1888, in The S t a t u t e s of Nova S c o t i a , 1888, 51 V i c , c a p .
94. At t h e second meeting of t h e s u b s c r i b e r s in A u g u s t
1 8 8 8 , M r s . J . F . Kenny b e c a m e a d i r e c t o r , b u t M r s .
Leonowens d i d not appear a g a i n u n t i l 1 8 9 3 — V i c t o r i a School
260
Particularly
memorial
useful
founding,
insights
and
the
into
role
of
women
f o u n d e r s can be o b t a i n e d by f o c u s s i n g
number of
Saint
celebration
Halifax
of
John
the
during
memorial a f t e r
on i t s
first
Loyalist
the
women took over
women t o
honour
t h e movement
the
anniversary
Society
for
as
of
memorial
of a
a "memorial h a l l "
in
in
1883.
1887,
As
Saint
a Loyalist
in
in
John
centennial
t h e l e a d i n g men of t h e c i t y c o u l d not a g r e e
forward
of
jubilee
process
on t h e e f f o r t s
centennial
golden
form or c o n t e n t .
put
found
the
The c a b i n e t - m a k e r ,
t h e idea of founding
Loyalist
meeting
in November
J.W.
Lawrence,
a memorial h a l l
centennial,
at
the
of
the
New B r u n s w i c k
1880,
and
repeated
it
in
sixth
Historical
again
at
the
1881 a n n u a l m e e t i n g . 3 4 The p r o p o s e d h a l l was to c o n t a i n a
"Picture Gallery,
History
Art Union, Museum, rooms for t h e
Society
and
the
Historical
Society,
L i b r a r y , Reading Room, and Gymnasium".35
t h e common c o u n c i l
efforts
should
proposed
cost
contributed
celebration
be made
of
to
$100,000,
by t h e
provincial
of Art and Design M i n u t e s ,
1893.
34
C27, p .
35
Daily
5.
Telegraph
which
government,
August
November
Scrapbook C27, p . 3 1 .
of
Free
resolved
a memorial
one-half
a
in J a n u a r y 1882,
committee
build
Natural
and
that
hall
was
at
to
the
3 1 , 1888-September
26,
1 8 8 1 , in
a
be
other
29,
Scrapbook
261
half
by t h e c i t y
settlement
festival
celebration
held
a forum for
the
from
anniversary-of-
May 1882, a l i t e r a r y
to
adopt
John
the
with
lawyer,
hall
as
of
the
in t h e War of
proponents
for
second
1812.
of b o t h
rivalry
Shanks
Rev. Dr. C u r r i e
participate
"to
bring
John".
lend
their
the
Burpee,
should
cause
who
militaristic
who
advised
follow t h e i r
two would
Kerr,
Loyalists
M.P.,
voice
fought
that
about
the
founding
the
little
t h e memorial
enlargement
women of
assistance
of
to
the
The w o m e n ' s
the
province
the
memorial
women's "commission" was a p p o i n t e d ,
and add to t h e i r
of
with
the
own a g e n d a s ,
harm.
a l s o wanted t h e women of New Brunswick
in t h e
Thus,
Isaac
of
at
primary
one d i s s e n t i n g
David
generation
sides
between
music
provided
the
p r o p o s e d b u i l d i n g an o b e l i s k in memory of t h e
prowess
and
of t h e m e m o r i a l . The c i t i z e n s
the c e l e b r a t i o n ,
Saint
the
t h e a u s p i c e s of t h e N . B . H . S .
resolved
of
the
under
in
a discussion
meeting
memorial
and c o u n t y . 3 6 During
The
to
in
an
effort
city
of
Saint
were
invited
movement,
t h e power
to
and a
to
act
numbers.37
commission
was c o m p r i s e d
of
122 women,
3 " R e p o r t of m e e t i n g in J a n u a r y 1882 i n S a i n t John
Common C o u n c i l M i n u t e s , June 7 , 1882, N.B. Museum; D a i l y
Telegraph J a n u a r y 12, 1882, S t . John Globe J a n u a r y 14, 26,
1 8 8 2 , in N e w s p a p e r C l i p p i n g s — L o y a l i s t
Centennial
C e l e b r a t i o n , 1 8 8 3 , c o m p i l e d by David R u s s e l l J a c k , p p .
1,2, SJRL.
37
D a i l y T e l e g r a p h May 1 9 , 1882, in Scrapbook C27.
William F r a n k l i n Bunting a t t e n d e d t h i s m e e 1 1 n g - - W i l l i a m
F r a n k l i n Bunting D i a r i e s , May 1 8 , 1882, N.B. Museum.
262
113
(or
approximately
identified
93%)
of
whom
can
be
positively
(See Appendix 3 ) . Most of the members of the
commission were the wives of prominent men in the community;
fourteen were married to J.P.'s, and a handful to M.P.P.'s
and M.P.s, including the wives of Senators John Boyd and
James Dever. Seven aldermen's wives were represented, as
well as the wife of the city recorder, and the mayor's wife,
Mrs. Simeon Jones, who was the president of the commission.
Three of the women were related to members of the historical
societies: Mrs. William Jack was wife of the president of
the N.H.S., Mrs. Alfred A. Stockton the wife of a vicepresident of the N.B.H.S.(in .1883) , 3 8 and Mrs. W.P. Dole the
wife of a member of the latter organization. In terms of
occupation, 15% of the women were married to lawyers and
doctors,
while
18%
had
husbands
with
white
collar
occupations, such as civil servants, newspaper proprietors,
superintendents of utility companies, bank workers (ranging
from a bank manager to a bank teller), and insurance men
(ranging
insurance
from the president
agents).
industrialists
Six
of
of an insurance company to
the
women
were
married
to
or manufacturers, most notably Mrs. John
Parks, wife of the prominent cotton manufacturer. However,
most
significant were the thirty-five merchants' wives,
There was no listing for the New Brunswick Historical
Society in Barnes N.B. Almanac, 1882-83; instead, see 188384, N.B. Museum.
263
including eight women married to wholesalers, and ten to
merchants involved
illustrious
in shipping and timber. A number of
businessmen
were
represented
in
this
merchant/husband category—wholesaler J.S. DeBois DeVeber,
merchant Robert Hazen, and Henry Gilbert, ship owner and
timber merchant. This large representation of merchants'
wives
(about
31% of
the
entire membership
of
the
commission) reflects the continued domination of "great
merchants" in the ranks of "good society", and the social
prominence
and
power
acquired
by their wives. Women
related through their husbands' business connections also
constituted another interesting pattern in the commission.
For example, Mrs. Harris Allan, Mrs. Robert R. Allan, and
Mrs. Thomas Allan were married to the "Allan Brothers",
who ran the Union Iron Foundry in Carleton. The wives of
James Manchester, James F. Robertson, and Joseph Allison
of "Manchester, Robertson, and Allison's" dry goods store
also appeared together on the commission. Mrs. John Boyd
and Mrs. Thomas W. Daniel represented
the wholesalers,
"Daniel and Boyd", while Mrs. Charles H. Fairweather and
Mrs. Stephen Hall were married to the flour dealers, "Hall
and Fairweather". The wives of Jeremiah
William F. Harrison, prominent
merchants, also participated
flour
Harrison and
and West
Indies
on the commission, as did
Mrs. John McMillan and Mrs. George Whitley, wives of the
business
partners
"J.S. A. McMillan", booksellers and
264
publishers.
influenced
in
late
Business
the
and
interaction
Victorian
Saint
commission were m a r r i e d
and
small
included
family
businessmen.
five
patterns
John.
to
other
of m i d d l e - c l a s s
Only
six
women
as
well.
commission
joined
the
Association
later
in
centuries,
on
women on t h e
commission
Three
of
the
John Women's
the nineteenth
the
female
spinster.
Saint
notably
the
shopkeepers
t h e commission members a c t i v e l y
causes
women
two t e a c h e r s , one n u r s e , two
b o a r d i n g - h o u s e k e e p e r s , and a
Some of
evidently
to lower m i d d l e - c l a s s
Unmarried
widows,
connections
and
contributed
women
on
the
Enfranchisement
early
twentieth
seeretary-treasurer
of
the
c o m m i s s i o n , Miss M.M. S k i n n e r , Mrs. John V. E l l i s ,
and t h e
artist,
brother
of
Clara
alderman
0.
McGivern.39
C.N.
Skinner,
Miss M.M. S k i n n e r ,
participated
i n many
o r g a n i z a t i o n s , such as t h e l a d i e s a u x i l i a r y of t h e
for
the
Prevention
auxiliary
the
Local
of
the
Council
commission
to
and
encouraged
by
in
of
Women.
activism,
women's
supportive
sister,
Animals,
Young Men's C h r i s t i a n
them to
community
39
Cruelty
Although
u n d o u b t e d l y had p e r s o n a l
which d r o v e
Skinner's
of
their
causes
family
Emma F i s k e ,
served
other
Society
the
ladies
Association,
the
values
and
women on
and
ambitions
involvement
may a l s o
the
in
the
have
been
members.
Miss
M.M.
as t h e
president
of
Mrs. Thomas E. M i l l i d g e and Mrs. C.N. S k i n n e r had
r e l a t i v e s who w e r e p r o m i n e n t s u f f r a g i s t s i n t h e l a t e
n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s .
265
the
Saint
sixteen
Saint
John Women's
years.
John,
convert
to
Enfranchisement
Mary E l l i s ' s
pressured
one of
p r o p o n e n t s of s u f f r a g i s m
Two months a f t e r
John,
t h e U n i v e r s i t y of
co-education
husband was a l s o
husband,
Association
in
1885.
earliest
N.B.H.S.,
Institute,
celebration
refusal
the
met
for
Mrs.
A.A.
and m o s t
to
Stockton's
sincere
male
t h e a p p o i n t m e n t of
this
in New B r u n s w i c k . 4 0
encouraging
common
to
an M.L.A.
New Brunswick
women's c o m m i s s i o n , male r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s
the
for
from
the N.H.S.,
the
Mechanics
Loyalist
centennial
council,
consider
and m e m o r i a l . 4 1
and
the
Because
of
the
province's
t o make any p r o v i s i o n f o r t h e m e m o r i a l , t h e common
council
celebration
committee
shortly
after
pooh-poohed
the f e a s i b i l i t y
of t h e $100,000 h a l l ,
special efforts
be made t o f i n d a more " s u i t a b l e "
memorial.
Indeed,
and recommended
Loyalist
t h e c o u n c i l g r a n t e d D . S . Kerr a s i t e
t h e head of King S t r e e t for
a granite obelisk,
that
subject
at
to
t h e i r a p p r o v a l of t h e monument, and p r o v i d e d t h a t he c o u l d
show t h e c o l l e c t i o n of s u f f i c i e n t
Public meetings
and
the press
funds.42
served
as
arenas
for
40
Mary E i l e e n C l a r k e "The S a i n t J o h n Women's
E n f r a n c h i s e m e n t A s s o c i a t i o n , 1 8 9 4 - 1 9 1 9 " , M.A. T h e s i s ,
U n i v e r s i t y of New B r u n s w i c k , 1979, p p . 25, 40, 4 3 , 4 8 , 66,
9 2 - 9 4 . I wish to thank Dr. G a i l Campbell for r e f e r r i n g me
to t h i s t h e s i s .
4
1 D a i l y T e l e g r a p h J u n e 8 , 1882 and D a i l y Evening
News J u l y 1 5 , 1 8 8 2 , i n N e w s p a p e r
CIippings--Loyalist
C e n t e n n i a l C e l e b r a t i o n , 1 8 8 3 , p p . 5, 6.
42
S a i n t John Common C o u n c i l M i n u t e s , August 9, 1882.
266
spirited
d e b a t e s over
the memorial.
monuments made good o b j e c t s for
D.S.
Kerr
argued
that
s i g h t s e e i n g . The o b e l i s k ' s
t r i b u t e t o the War of 1812 was a bona f i d e p u b l i c memorial
to t h e L o y a l i s t s , u n l i k e t h e memorial h a l l , which would be
used
as
a
private
meeting
societies.43 A letter-writer
some of
the
hall
and
proposal
a hall
monument".
were
The
using
"hated
the
commission r e d i r e c t t h e i r
the
the
historical
argued
memory
unrealistically
as a means of
writer
for
named " L o y a l i s t "
supporters
Loyalist",
of
place
"killing
suggested
that
of
that
the
expensive
the
Loyalist
the
women's
energies:
If t h e l a d i e s have s u p e r f l u o u s money or e n e r g y
t o d e v o t e to p u b l i c u s e s , t h e y had much b e t t e r
d e v o t e t h e i r g i f t s to c h a r i t a b l e p u r p o s e s than
w a s t e them in p r o v i d i n g a r e c e p t a c l e for s t u f f e d
b i r d s and a room in which t h e H i s t o r y S o c i e t y
may m e e t o n c e a q u a r t e r , e v e n t h o u g h
the
p r e t e n c e i s r a i s e d t h a t a l l t h i s i s d o n e in
honour of t h e L o y a l i s t s . 4 4
The
proponents
"pretentious
virtues"
was
of
column"
a
the
memorial
dedicated
"petrified
to
hall
felt
that
"non-existent
idea".45
j.w.
a
martial
Lawrence,
'•'3 Kerr a l s o w r o t e a number of l e t t e r s t o t h e p r e s s
d e f e n d i n g h i s o b e l i s k p l a n - - D a i l y Telegraph August 16,
1 8 8 2 , D a i l y Sun August 2 9 , 30, September 5 , 1882, D a i l y
Evening News August 3 1 , 1882, in Scrapbook C27, p p . 7, 89, 1 1 - 1 3 , 1 3 - 1 4 .
44
" L o y a l i s t " in D a i l y
Scrapbook C27, p p . 3 2 - 3 3 .
45
Sun November
27,
1882,
in
M u r r a y B a r k l e y "The L o y a l i s t T r a d i t i o n in New
Brunswick: The Growth and E v o l u t i o n of an H i s t o r i c a l Myth,
1 8 2 5 - 1 9 1 4 " , A c a d i e n s i s , V o l . 4, n o . 2, S p r i n g 1 9 7 5 , p p .
24-25.
267
president of the N.B.H.S., denied any selfish motives in
proposing the hall as a celebration memorial. Although the
present rooms in which the two historical societies met
were sufficient, he believed that it was "proper" for the
historical society to celebrate a "great historical event"
with a practical memorial which stimulated
the city's
cultural life. As Lawrence put it: "We should aim to make
our city not only a commercial and manufacturing city, but
also an intellectual city".46
The
drive
for
a Loyalist
eventually disintegrated
generated
centennial
memorial
in disarray. The ill feelings
by this affair
came to a head
at a public
meeting at the end of October. The meeting started with
only about 140 people present, not even half the number
who had signed a requisition in favour of the meeting.47
Although a movement for adjournment because of the small
turn-out was met with "wild confusion", the majority voted
to carry on. D.S. Kerr took the opportunity to present
plans for the obelisk, to cost approximately $10,000, and
moved that a committee be appointed to erect the monument,
and that the costs be defrayed by subscriptions or grants.
This was declared carried, amidst cheers and "derisive
laughter". Kerr "waxed wroth", describing
the meeting as
46
Daily Telegraph December 20, 1882, in Scrapbook
C27, p. 47.
47
Requisition—Daily Evening News October 27, 1882,
Scrapbook C27, p. 26.
268
one of the most disorderly he had ever seen. He moved to
adjourn the meeting, and if the motion was accepted, he
promised that he would never again show his face before
them on a public platform. Although the vote was lost by a
large majority, the chair of the meeting declared that he
would
be made a fool of no longer
and dismissed
the
meeting. A "general stampede" then ensued, with sounds
that resembled
a "beer garden" or a "badger fight".48
This mayhem may have been caused by members
N.H.S.and
of
the
N.B.H.S., or more likely, by a "lynch mob" of
rowdies recruited by the societies to publicly censure
D.S. Kerr and his obelisk scheme. Or the meeting may
simply have been overrun with the "unruly element" , who
wished to disrupt the proceedings as a means of ridiculing
their social superiors. In either case, the Daily Evening
News noted a "determined
attempt" to
"burlesque the
affair."49
As lt became more obvious that the men would not be
able to set aside their differences and found a memorial
for the Loyalist centennial celebration, the memorial hall
proponents turned to their women-friends on the commission
to see if they could help to bring the idea to fruition.
In October, the N.H.S. and the N.B.H.S. invited
the
48
St. John Globe October 30, 1882, Newspaper
Clippings — Loyalist Centennial Celebration, pp. 23, 25.
49
Daily Evening News October 30, 1882, Scrapbook
C27, p. 26.
269
women's commission
for
a memorial
Stockton,
noted
one
that
interested
other
a
of
in
the
to
were
John
library
to
the
women
historical
store
their
in
in
a
also
public
books
the
of
and
(like
many
nineteenth
of
and
1877,
a new
the
sixteen
and
the
the
and
held
a
women who
with
on t h e m e m o r i a l
Considering
for
location
women
associated
appeared
larger
much
t h e movement
fire
the
A.A.
very
late
1882,
struggle
N.B.H.S.,
library
new b o o k s
library,
for
and
3).
the
were
adopted
of
the
meeting,
of
great
funds.53
Appendix
societies
in
the
October
seven
(See
groups
after
in
John
public
identified
conversazionne,
commission
a
women had
raise
positively
them
following
Saint
money f o r
library.52
conversazionne
the
of
women's
raise
with
vice-presidents
women
Saint
public
undertook
the
At
establishing
Canadian
free
for
hall.50
the
century).51
to cooperate
interest
desire
of
the
hall
of
the
rooms i n w h i c h t o m e e t and
specimens,
A.A.
Stockton
declared
5 0
D a i l y T e l e g r a p h O c t o b e r 2 7 , 1882,
Newspaper
C l i p p i n g s — L o y a l i s t Centennial Celebration, 1883, p . 21.
51 S t r o n g - B o a g The P a r l i a m e n t o f Women, p p . 2 1 3 , 264
c o m m e n t s t h a t t h e p u b l i c l i b r a r y movement yjas a m a j o r g o a l
o f t h e N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of Women from t h e 1 8 9 0 ' s u n t i l
WW I .
52
" S t . J o h n ' s F r e e L i b r a r y . A B r i e f S k e t c h of t h e
B e g i n n i n g of t h e F i r s t F r e e P u b l i c L i b r a r y i n C a n a d a " , The
New B r u n s w i c k M a g a z i n e , Vol 4 , n o . 5 , p p . 3 2 2 - 2 8 , 3 3 0 - 3 1 ;
L o y a l i s t s ' Centennial Souvenir (Saint John, 1887), pp. 485 1 , SJRL.
53
p.
25.
Daily
Telegraph
October
27,
1882,
Scrapbook
C27,
270
t h a t t h e men and women should c o o p e r a t e , and accommodation
would be found in the memorial h a l l for b o t h a l i b r a r y and
a museum. Before t h e meeting broke u p , members
reaffirmed
the s u i t a b i l i t y of the h a l l as a m e m o r i a l , and i n v i t e d
women of
New Brunswick
securing
t h e m s t i t u t i o n . 54
A couple
cooperation
their
of
commentators
to
found
"these gentlemen,
being
have c a l l e d
them do t h e
work for
"if
viewed
a memorial.
themselves,
that
t h e women's c o m m i s s i o n
this
as an a t t e m p t by t h e men t o
failure
that
to a i d
the
subscriptions],
then
has come to t h i s " .
unable
in t h e
let
the
o b v i o u s l y had c o n f i d e n c e
the
face
for
after
contended
to c o l l e c t
any money
and seek t o make
Parsley"
afraid
ladies
The men of
save
"Patrick
are
desire
to
ask
go f o r w a r d ,
historical
in t h e f u n d - r a i s i n g
advised
[for
since
the
lucrative
memorial
hall,
fairs
and b a z a a r s . 5 6
"Parsley"
thought
in
it
societies
capabilities
of t h e women. I n d e e d , V i c t o r i a n women had a r e p u t a t i o n
organizing
in
"Loyalist"
ladies
them".55
gentlemen
the
for
the case
that
a
of
women's
committee s h o u l d be a p p o i n t e d t o go from house t o house t o
collect
subscriptions.
Women could
wield
their
feminine
54
D a i l y T e l e g r a p h November 2 1 , 1 8 8 2 , Newspaper
C l i p p i n g s — L o y a l i s t Centennial C e l e b r a t i o n , 1883, pp. 25,
27, 29, Scrapbook C27, p p . 2 8 - 3 0 .
55
Daily
Sun November
27,
1882,
Scrapbook
C27,
pp.
in
19th
32-33.
56 F . K . P r o c h a s k a Women aud P h i l a n t h r o p y
Century England (Oxford, 1 9 8 0 ) , p p . 4 7 - 7 2 .
271
wiles to s o l i c i t
funds:
Attack
the
rich
"hidden
hands".57
Men a l s o
belief
in
helped
old
chaps
solicited
their
that
they
than
we
Rev.
could
[the
to
the
women for
men]
of
and
then
Saint
carry
it
to
was t h o u g h t
that
competitiveness,
women could
and more
rise
easily
with
b e c a u s e of
of
the
opposite
founding
John
a
commented
question
a
the
which
better
successful
i s s u e " . 5 9 A l s o , as n o n - v o t e r s and as n o n - p o l i t i c a l
it
got.
those
h e l p in
up a s e n t i m e n t a l
can
you have
sensibilities,
tendencies
D.D. C u r r i e
"take
and
assistance
moral
t h e base
s e x . 58 Upon t u r n i n g
the
first",
female
superior
them overcome
memorial,
"Send t h e p r e t t i e s t
above male
collaborate
beings,
partisan
with
each
t h e women to
take
other.60
Although
over
at
the
the
men i n i t i a l l y
fund-raising
a conversazionne
urged
responsibilities
held
in December,
men was a p p o i n t e d to " a s s i s t "
for
the
memorial,
a committee of
ten
t h e women. Four of t h e s e men
5 7 " P a t r i c k P a r s l e y " in S t . John Globe November 2 5 ,
1882, Newspaper C I l p p l n g s - - L o y a 1 i s t
Centennial
C e l e b r a t i o n , 1 8 8 3 , p p . 29, 3 1 , Scrapbook C27, p p . 3 0 - 3 1 .
5 8 Karen H a l t t u n e n Confidence Men and Painted Women:
A Study of Middle C l a s s Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New
Haven, 1 9 8 2 ) , p . 5 7 .
5 9 Q u o t e i n a l e t t e r from J . W . L a w r e n c e
Simeon J o n e s i n D a i l y Telegraph May 14, 1 8 8 3 .
to
Mayor
6 0 Mary Ryan "The American P a r a d e : R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of
t h e N i n e t e e n t h - C e n t u r y S o c i a l O r d e r " , in Lynn Hunt ( e d . )
The New C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y ( B e r k e l e y , 1 9 8 9 ) , p . 149; Ryan
Women in P u b l i c , p p . 2 3 - 3 1 , 4 5 , 5 2 - 5 7 .
272
were m a r r i e d
to women on t h e c o m m i s s i o n . 6 1 s h o r t l y
thirty-four
additional
men
added
their
names
after,
to
the
l i s t . 6 2 in F e b r u a r y 1883, t h e house of a s s e m b l y r e c e i v e d a
bill
to
incorporate
Loyalist
Memorial
the
"New B r u n s w i c k
Association",
Centennial
consisting
and
of seven men
and s i x women as d i r e c t o r s . 6 3
The
reflects
their
re-entry
their
It
t h e memorial
dissatisfaction
female
command.
of men i n t o
colleagues,
is d i f f i c u l t
with
and
hall
project
t h e p r o g r e s s made by
a male
desire
to
resume
t o see how t h e women c o u l d
have
succeeded with a t a s k which t h e men, a c c o r d i n g t o
"Patrick
Parsleyf',
as
"are
incapable
of
doing
themselves,
they
v i r t u a l l y a d m i t " . 6 4 Because of t h e male b i c k e r i n g over
hall,
little
Besides
time
remained
the enormity
builders
faced
retained
the c a p i t a l
of
further
the
to
raise
project,
limitations.
and p o l i t i c a l
sufficient
female
Because
the
funds.
institutionmen
p o w e r , 6 5 women
still
relied
61 D a i l y Sun December 2 , 1882, Scrapbook C27, p . 40.
52
D a i l y Telegraph December
15, 1882, Scrapbook C27,
p . 45.
63
D a i l y Telegraph F e b r u a r y 9, 1 8 8 3 , Scrapbook C27,
p p . 55, 58; J.W. Lawrence in D a i l y Telegraph May 4, 1883.
54
" P a t r i c k P a r s l e y " in S t . John Globe November 2 1 ,
1882,
Newspaper C l i p p i n g s - - L o y a l i s t
Centennial
C e l e b r a t i o n , 1883, p p . 29, 3 1 .
65 See P e d e r s e n " " B u i l d i n g
Tomorrow'", p p . 225-242 for a
of t h e Young Women's C h r i s t i a n
for t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e i r
Today f o r t h e Womanhood of
d i s c u s s i o n of t h e r e l i a n c e
A s s o c i a t i o n on b u s i n e s s m e n
institutions.
273
on them for p u b l i c and p o l i t i c a l
contributions.
The D a i l y
women would do a l l
them",
but
in
sympathy",
that
order
men
substantial
of
Telegraph
could
to
s u p p o r t and for
contended
be " r e a s o n a b l y
enlist
"ample
financial
"general
means"
that
expected
and
needed
to
Similarly,
according
D a i l y Evening News, now t h a t
the a f f a i r
was in t h e
a "large
committee
"practicable"
memorial
had
"angels",
and
of
gentlemen",
"judicious"
received
success
a
could
results.
"valuable
would
they
on
make
to
the
the
hands
expect
Although
impulse"
depend
of
effective
contributions.66
of
tho
the
from
the
" sons
of
Loyalists".67
Once a g a i n ,
memorial.
continued
in
the
Although
to support
community
venture;
December
individuals
the p r o j e c r ,
the
1882,
to
raise
the
D a i l y Evening
Underlining mine.
68
like
additional
Lawrence
provincial,
funds.68
21,
December
and
civic
little
project
1882,
2,
the
By t h e end
hall
27,
of
and
support,
memorial
November
News
J.W.
impracticability
financial
Loyalist
66 D a i l y Telegraph
C27, p p . 2 8 , 3 3 .
67
the
not a g r e e on t h e
a number of l e a d i n g men
federal,
had withdrawn
remained
t h e men c o u l d
stressed
indeed,
governments
time
however,
4,
of
was
Scrapbook
15,
1882.
D a i l y Telegraph December 2 0 , 1882, D a i l y Evening
News D e c e m b e r 2 0 , 1 8 8 2 , p . 3 , N e w s p a p e r C l i p p i n g s Loyalist Centennial Celebration,
1883, pp. 33, 35,
Scrapbook C27, p . 4 7 .
274
again beset by a "great diversity of opinion", which meant
that little "material progress" was made by the committee
members.69
Not surprisingly, the New Brunswick Centennial and
Loyalist
Memorial
Association
cornerstone of the memorial
failed
hall during
to
lay
the
the Loyalist
centennial celebration in May 1883. The N.B.H.S. salvaged
its reputation by contributing
the balance of a church
offering to the restoration of the old Loyalist burial
ground.70 j.w. Lawrence also published a memorial book
entitled Foot Prints, or Incidents in the Early History of
New Brunswick
(Saint John, 1883), and organized a tree
planning ceremony on arbour day in 1883, to "do something
permanent for the Centennial".71 However, the efforts of
the women's commission to raise money for the memorial
hall were forgotten by the organizers of the celebration.
This prompted an angry letter
from J.W. Lawrence, who
urged the mayor and common council to find a place "where
the ladies may take part in the preparation, as well as
grace with their presence the closing ceremonies of the
Centennial". They deserved a place, not only in light of
69
Daily Evening Kews December 20, 1882, Scrapbook
C27, pp. 47-48.
70
Daily Telegraph June 4, 1883, Scrapbook C27, p.
127.
7i
St. John Globe October 1, 1883, program of treeplanting, Scrapbook C27, pp. 157, 161, 162, 163.
275
their
in
contributions
honour
"laid
of
their
distaff,
it
[and]
honour
sought
hands".
n o t been
Christian
sacrifices
wool
for
the
Temperance
also
flax
hands
[to]
and worked
in
erected
King
out
by t h e
Square
the
willingly
Lawrence p o i n t e d
fountain
who
in
that
Women's
1883
"to
the
founders
of
New Brunswick
and
century".7j
On May 1 8 , 1 8 8 3 , t h e day of
celebration,
t h e women's
public
opened
Saint
John's
public
Market
B u i l d i n g . 74 A f t e r
free
they
the L o y a l i s t
library
library
centennial
committee
also
in a room in
realized
the
fate
of
memorial h a l l scheme, t h e women c h a n n e l e d t h e i r e f f o r t s
other
directions.
committee,75
in
wives and m o t h e r s , 7 2 t h e r e would be no
p e r m a n e n t memorial
first
and t h e i r
and
Union
scheme, b u t
t h e female L o y a l i s t s ,
Furthermore,
of L o y a l i s t
to i t s
of
hands t o t h e s p i n d l e
with t h e i r
had
the
t o t h e memorial h a l l
the
72 "Monuments
1 9 8 3 , p . 1.
At t h e
request
corporation
in
Saint
of
placed
John,
the
women's
four
the
in
library
women on
New B r u n s w i c k " ,
the
the
SJRL,
73 j . w . L a w r e n c e t o Mayor Simeon J o n e s , i n D a i l y
Telegraph May 4, 1 8 8 3 . Mr. and Mrs. James T. Kennedy a l s o
b u i l t a f o u n t a i n in I n d i a n t o w n in 1883 in memory of t h e i r
s o n W i l m o t , and in c e l e b r a t i o n of t h e l a n d i n g of t h e
l o y a l i s t s — " M o n u m e n t s in S a i n t J o h n , N . B . " , p p . 1, 3 , 4 - 5 .
The P o l y m o r p h i a n s e s t a b l i s h e d a f o u n t a i n in Haymarket
S q u a r e s h o r t l y a f t e r t h e c e n t e n n i a l — s e e C h a p t e r 6.
74
D a i l y T e l e g r a p h May 14, 1 8 8 3 , Scrapbook C27, p .
80; L o y a l i s t s C e n t e n n i a l S o u v e n i r , p p . 4 8 - 5 1 ; " S t . J o h n ' s
Free L i b r a r y " , pp. 325-27.
75
D a i l y Evening News F e b r u a r y 9, 1883.
276
first
library
commission
two of
whom had been
established
later
former members of
that
t h e memorial
commission—Miss M.M. S k i n n e r and Mrs. Sarah P.
The women's l i b r a r y c o m m i t t e e c o n t i n u e d
a more
suitable
1897,
they
location
supported
library
in
jubilee,
on a l o t
James
the b u i l d i n g . 7 7
among
tendered
to c o n t r i b u t e
the offer
of
the
land,
and
the
t h e W.C.T.U.
memorial
of
would
still
need
commissioners
soon
of
sent
a
Victoria's
Queen
to
the
library
After
regretted
of
over
the
the
forgotten.79
to
the
library's
the
memorial
a
tangible
the
ephemeral
A year
building,
later,
the
and
library
women's
7
6 L o y a l i s t s ' C e n t e n n i a l S o u v e n i r , p . 50; " S t .
Free L i b r a r y " , p . 329.
77
of
disagreement
of
that
and
withdrew
library
lack
believing
a resolution
decoration
eventually
because
In
diamond
by two
interior
for
memorial
and James M a n c h e s t e r ,
the
suitable
a new
city
common c o u n c i l
be
library.
of
again
the c e l e b r a t i o n ,
pageantry
public
Manchester
expense.78
to search
of
Ruel
and
once
fizzled,
in
R.
a free
hall
Tuck.
erection
$500 for
Ruel
men of
usefulness
the
commemoration
commissioners,
offered
for
year,76
library
John's
D a i l y Sun F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 7 .
78
For d i s c u s s i o n s and r e s e r v a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g scheme,
s e e D a i l y Telegraph March 2 9 , 1897, A p r i l 7 , May 9, 1 2 ,
2 0 , 1 8 9 7 ; D a i l y Sun F e b r u a r y 2 2 , March 1 8 , 2 9 , A p r i l 7 ,
1897; " S t . J o h n ' s F r e e L i b r a r y " , p . 3 3 3 .
79
W.C.T.U. in D a i l y
e d i t o r i a l in June 9, 1 8 9 7 .
Sun J u n e
25,
1897,
also
see
277
committee
did
to e s t a b l i s h
not r e s p o n d .
a fund
for
the building,
I t was n o t u n t i l
d i s c o v e r y of t h e S t .
deMonts
in
1904,
largely
as a g i f t
John r i v e r
that
but
they
t h e t e r c e n t e n a r y of
the
and c i t y by Champlain
and
a new l i b r a r y b u i l d i n g
from A m e r i c a n
was o p e n e d ,
philanthropist,
Andrew
Carneg i e . 80
These
charitable
theoretically
meant
Although c h a r i t a b l e
to t h e
poor,
offered
were
the
comprised
initial
realized
1859.
until
s t a t i o n and f e v e r
The l u n a t i c
of
founding
1849
the
began
hospital
another
established
two y e a r s
"St.
in
all
the
citizens.
Free
was
in H a l i f a x
years.
not
the
fully
quarantine
u n t i l 1871.
the
construction
The
V.O.N,
and S a i n t John
branches
Lady A b e r d e e n ' s
Library",
for
years after
while
The
hospital
campaign
i t s doors three
eighteen
memorials
general
and
1856,
benefit
later.
no p e r m a n e n t
appeared
in
the
much
the
were
institutions
Many of
1832
i t s Halifax
after
John's
of
until
for
Similarly,
cornerstone
for
of
in a c o n t i n u o u s
asylum opened
continued
officially
in
o n l y one s t e p
which
342.
benefit
completed
meeting
institution,
80
the
memorials
i n s t i t u t i o n s were of l o n g - t e r m
actually
centenary
one or
for
cultural
no immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n .
not
laying
and
pp.
initial
328,
proposal
334-37,
340,
278
for
the o r d e r in
Critics
of
j u b i l e e memorial
benefit
the
Christian
the
Public
cultural
library,
rich,
Union
support
1897.81
for
Library
not
feared
their
and
memorials,
felt
the
that
that
poor.
it
the
would
The N o r t h
t h e new l i b r a r y
institution,
Reading
like
the
Room,82 w h i c h
primarily
End Women's
would
usurp
Portland
Free
provided
c u l t i v a t i n g power of l i t e r a c y for l e s s f o r t u n a t e
who did not have a c c e s s to c i t y f a c i l i t i e s .
diamond
the
children,
In a l e t t e r
to
the e d i t o r of t h e D a i l y Sun, t h e women e x c l a i m e d :
The boys and g i r l s a r e t h e hope of any c i t y , and
we should make a u n i t e d e f f o r t t o p l a c e c l e a n ,
wholesome l i t e r a t u r e w i t h i n t h e i r r e a c h , i f we
would save them from t h e d e b a s i n g i n f l u e n c e o f
t h e s t r e e t . I t r e s t s w i t h us in g r e a t measure t o
t r y whether they s h a l l grow up as u s e f u l , l a w a b i d i n g c i t i z e n s , or g r a d u a t e from t h e s t r e e t
corner to the p o l i c e s t a t i o n , hence t o t h e
r e f o r m a t o r y . . . c a n we b e l i e v e t h a t o u r c i t y
°l See c h a p t e r s on t h e General H o s p i t a l and t h e Nova
Scotia H o s p i t a l for t h e I n s a n e in Andrews
"The
E s t a b l i s h m e n t of I n s t i t u t i o n a l Care in H a l i f a x " ; Howell A
Century of Care, p . 18. H a l i f a x V.O.N.—Acadian Recorder
A p r i l 22, 1898; Jean S. F o r b e s " H i s t o r y of t h e H a l i f a x
Branch of t h e VON, 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 4 7 " , PANS. S a i n t John V.O.N.—R.
P h i l i p Campbell Challenging Years. 85 Years of t h e Council
of Women in Canada, p p . 9-10, SJRL.
82
I t was l o c a t e d in t h e Union H a l l , d o n a t e d to t h e
town by t h e Hon. I s a a c Burpee—Campbell Challenging Years,
Appendix, p . 127- At one of t h e C e n t e n n i a l m e e t i n g s f o r
t h e e r e c t i o n of t h e Memorial Hall in 1883, A.A. S t o c k t o n
r e f e r r e d to t h e example s e t by t h e l a d i e s of P o r t l a n d and
t h e i r l i b r a r y — D a i l y T e l e g r a p h November 2 1 , 1 8 8 2 , i n
Newspaper C l i p p i n g s - - L o y a l i s t s C e n t e n n i a l C e l e b r a t i o n ,
1 8 8 3 , p p . 2 5 , 2 7 , 2 9 . The P o r t l a n d women were t a k i n g
action to e r e c t a " p u b l i c h a l l " as e a r l y as 1879, t h e
f i r s t a n n i v e r s a r y of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n — T e m p e r a n c e Union
of C h r i s t i a n Women of P o r t l a n d , N . B . , F i r s t Annual Report,
1879, p p . 1 3 - 1 5 , N.B. Museum.
279
fathers w i l l e r e c t a m a g n i f i c e n t b u i l d i n g to
commemorate the diamond j u b i l e e of our good and
g r a c i o u s Queen and take from t h e c h i l d r e n of t h e
N o r t h End t h e i r b i r t h r i g h t in o r d e r to p r o v i d e
funds?83
Alderman
Dr.
council
also
library
as
James
Christie
questioned
a diamond
and should
jubilee
therefore
the
rich,
p a t r o n s of t h e
institution.84
golden
Rev. Canon B r i g s t o c k e of
social
progress
r e i g n . S 5 whereas
gratified
the
institution
benefits,
the
eye
manifestation
by t h e
be
in
primary
1887,
S a i n t John i d e n t i f i e d
institutions,
Saint
voluntary
the
celebration
of
it
the
"hospitals
as m a r k e r s of
during
Queen
Victoria's
spectacle
and t h e
feast
temporarily
and
thus
of
He b e l i e v e d
attained
provided
and
common
a new p u b l i c
residents
who would
and a s y l u m s " , and o t h e r s o c i a l
the
memorial.
jubilee
John
of
be s u p p o r t e d
of
the
Saint
for t h e poor
subscriptions
During
the
the d e s i r a b i l i t y
would have l i t t l e b e n e f i t
John,
of
the
appetite,
more
expedient
served
the
as
a
celebration.
more
the
and
memorial
long-term
respectable
Although
memorial
83
L e t t e r to e d i t o r of D a i l y Sun March 3 , 1897. The
P o r t l a n d women were l a t e r a s s u r e d by t h e common c o u n c i l
t h a t t h e i r n o r t h end l i b r a r y would n o t be a f f e c t e d by t h e
new i n s t i t u t i o n — D a i l y Sun March 19, 1897.
84
Daily
Sun A p r i l
7,
1897; D a i l y Telegraph May 7,
1897.
85
R e v . Canon B r i g s t o c k e d u r i n g t h e commemorative
s e r v i c e a t T r i n i t y — D a i l y Sun J u n e 2 2 , 1 8 8 7 . Also see
comments of
t h e Rev. T . F . F o t h e r i n g h a m of S t . J o h n ' s
P r e s b y t e r i a n Church—Daily Sun June 20, 1887.
280
institutions
citizens,
at
least
were
founded
for
the
betterment
the middle c l a s s r e c e i v e d most of t h e
from t h e c u l t u r a l m e m o r i a l s .
of
all
benefits,
The involvement
of
m i d d l e - c l a s s women in t h e p r o c e s s of memorial founding and
building
helped
However,
respectable
their
by
organizational
them
to
efforts
penetrate
to
contributing
talents
make
the
their
fund-raising
and
more
and
establishment
by t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n
and wealth in the hands of men.
sphere.
celebrations
to t h e founding
of m e m o r i a l s , were l i m i t e d
public
of
power
CHAPTER 8
SPORTS
Although
memorials
respectable
attracted
participants,
by t h e
spectacles
a
and
relatively
end
of
the
founding
of
group
of
diverse
the Victorian
period,
c i t i z e n s e x p e r i e n c e d c e l e b r a t i o n s p r i m a r i l y as
This
pattern
from
public
was r e i n f o r c e d
athletic
sophisticated
spectator
p o u r r i of c o n t e s t s
had d e c l i n e d ,
from
moral
vestiges
more
"Folk
of
sports
organized
sports",
a
and
pot-
i n v o l v i n g men and a n i m a l s , marked many
and f a i r s
1 8 8 0 ' s and 9 0 ' s ,
as a r e s u l t
reformers
of
to
sports.
early Victorian f e s t i v i t i e s
A m e r i c a . 1 By t h e
spectators.
by t h e e v o l u t i o n
displays
most
folk
of
and
sports
in England and North
traditional
urbanization,
civic
survived,
folk
and
pressure
authorities.
such
as
sports
Certain
gymnastic
c o m p e t i t i o n s and h o r s e r a c e s , b u t in a more o r g a n i z e d
commercialized
While
and
form.
members
p i c n i c games d u r i n g
of
the
middle
early Victorian
1
class
participated
celebrations,
such
in
as
The N o r t h C a r o l i n a S t a t e F a i r was an i m p o r t a n t
venue for t h i s t y p e of s p o r t — J i m L. Sumner "The S t a t e
F a i r and t h e D e v e l o p m e n t of M o d e r n S p o r t s i n L a t e
N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y N o r t h C a r o l i n a " , J o u r n a l of S p o r t
H i s t o r y , V o l . 15, n o . 2, Summer 1988, p p . 1 3 8 - 5 0 . For a
d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e s e s p o r t s in r u r a l E n g l a n d , see Thomas
Hardy The Mayor of C a s t e r b r i d g e (New York, 1 9 6 2 ) , p . 107.
281
282
football, quoits, sack races, and nine-pins,2 larger
manifestations of folk sports were held for the general
public. A newspaper
made
celebrations between balls
the distinction
in public
for "the nob" and "slippery
poles and greasy pigs", or folk sports, for "the mob".3
Folk sports became more common in Halifax than in Saint
John, perhaps because of the large open common area in the
former city. The various contests held during folk sports
were usually organized by
subcommittees of citizens or by
the city council. A list of the subcommittees appointed to
organize the folk sports during the Prince of Wales' visit
to Halifax
in
I860,, illustrates
the
nature
of
the
competitions a*-,d races:
Foot Races Committee
Leaping and Vaulting Committee
Pole Climbing Committee
Sack Races and Wheelbarrow Committee
Putting Stone and Hammer Committee
Indian Amusements Committee
Greased Pig Race Committee.4
The athletic
contests
held
during
such
events
provided the lower orders with the opportunity to display
athletic
ability,5
and
to release pent-up energies.
Plebian participation was undoubtedly encouraged by the
2
Novascotian June 12, 1839; Halifax Sun June 11,
3
Halifax Reporter April 11, 1863.
4
Acadian Recorder July 28, 1860.
5
Sumner "The State Fair", p. 141.
1845.
283
prizes offered
events.
and t h e p u b l i c a t i o n
Thousands
sports,
for
there
popular
desire
of
spectators
seemed
to
of
the
results
came
to
to be "something
witness
exhibitions
of
witness
innate
of
the
the
in
physical
the
power
and endurance in man and b e a s t " . 6 S i m i l a r t o t h e s p o r t s
late
eighteenth
number
of
Halifax's
and e a r l y
the
nineteenth-century
competitions
coronation
pony,
shaved
caught
two hours
involved
festivities
a
animals.7
During
in 1838, a S a b l e
Island
and
Arm.
Greasy
pig
c h a s e s a l s o caused a g r e a t d e a l of e x c i t e m e n t . During
the
folk
six
greasy
held
pigs
the r e g a t t a
later
1860, f e a t u r e d
a zebra,
on t h e Northwest
in 1838, a mad s c r a m b l e
let
for
like
England,
was r e l e a s e d
sports
and p a i n t e d
in
loose
ensued
on t h e common.8 The o r g a n i z e r s
t h e P r i n c e of W a l e s '
visit
to Halifax
a n a u t i c a l v e r s i o n of t h e g r e a s y p i g
and t h e g r e a s y p o l e c l i m b . During t h e t y p i c a l
competition,
participants
approximately
forty-five
scampered
feet
high,
the t o p , u s u a l l y a s o v e r e i g n .
prize
was a p i g ,
pole,
6
which
for
was
placed
in
greasy
pole
pole,
a prize
In t h e n a u t i c a l v e r s i o n ,
a bucket
suspended
over
at
the
the
end
in
chase
up a g r e a s e d
to o b t a i n
of
of
harbour
in
at
the
the
an
Acadian Recorder August 20, 1887.
7
M a l c o l m s o n l i s t s b u l l , b e a r , and b a d g e r - b a i t i n g ,
b u l l - r u n n i n g , throwing at cocks, c o c k - f i g h t i n g ,
dogf i g h t i n g , h u n t i n g , and h o r s e r a c i n g as p o p u l a r s p o r t s in
E n g l a n d - - R o b e r t W. M a l c o l m s o n P o p u l a r R e c r e a t i o n s i n
English S o c i e t y , 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1 9 7 3 ) , p p . 4 5 - 5 1 .
8
Novascotian J u l y 5, 1838; Times J u l y 3 , 1838.
284
observatory jetty. After a number of sailors failed
to
acquire the pig, the "porker" was launched into the water,
and the sailors jumped in after it, the fastest swimmer
capturing the prize.9
The
composition
of the crowds who attended
such
events remains largely anonymous. Indeed, a "major mass of
pleasure seekers" observed
centenary in 1849.10
the sports during Halifax's
Nonetheless, certain g-.oups can be
identified from among the participants and spectators. For
example, according
to the Acadian Recorder,
Irish men
dominated the hurling matches during Halifax's coronation
festivities in 1838.11 Also, many of the chairmen of the
sports subcommittees during the prince's visit to Halifax
m
1860, had Irish names, such as Joseph Murphy, Daniel
O'Brien, Michael Cochran, and Thomas Donovan. This notable
Irish presence at the folk sports may be attributed to the
relatively high proportion
of Irish Roman Catholics at
the lower end of the economic scale in early nineteenthcentury Halifax.12
9
Morning Journal August 3, 1860; Evening Express
August 3, 1860; Morning Sun August 3, 1860.
1 0 N o v a s c o t i a n June 1 8 , 1849.
11 E x c e r p t in Acadian Recorder June 20, 1887.
12 A c c o r d i n g t o t h e 1838 C e n s u s , as i n t e r p r e t e d by
T e r r e n c e P u n c h , I r i s h Roman C a t h o l i c s w e r e
overr e p r e s e n t e d among t h e s e m i - s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d w o r k e r s
u n t i l m i d - C e n t u r y , when t h e y made a p r o g r e s s i o n
into
a r t i s a n a l and w h i t e c o l l a r w o r k — T e r r e n c e M. Punch "The
I r i s h in H a l i f a x ,
1 8 3 6 - 1 8 7 1 : A Study in
Ethnic
285
Folk sports also accommodated
Indians and blacks.
Although Indians comprised less than II of the population
in Nova Scotia
in 1851 and 1861,13 "Indian amusements"
such as .bow and arrow competitions and foot races were
frequently held during the athletic displays,14 with the
stipulation that aboriginal participants wear "traditional
costumes". Blacks were not singled out in the same way
during
perhaps
folk sports
because
in the early nineteenth
they
could
not
century,
sport a traditional
costume, which added to the interest of the spectacle.
There was more to it than that, however. The Young Men's
Literary Society of New Brunswick decided
that native
people were more -generally "deserving" of attention than
the blacks,15 perhaps because of the white colonists'
sense of guilt over expropriating Indian land. Indeed, in
suggesting a feast for the Micmacs during
the prince's
visit in 1860, "A Highlander" referred to them as "a race
Assimilation", M.A. Thesis, Dalhousie University, 1976,
pp. 112-19, 214-17. Irish Catholics were also prominent in
baseball in the Maritimes—Colin Howell "Baseball, Class
and Community in the Maritime Provinces, 1R70-1910",
Histoire Sociale/Social History, Vol. 44, 1989, p. 268.
1 3 Census of Canada, 1851-61, Nova Scotia.
14
One of the subcommittees for the 1860 games was
named
"Indian amusements"--Acadian Recorder July 28,
1860. During Halifax's natal day in 1868, the sports on
the common included races for Indians and squaws, and bow
and arrow competitions, but rain cancelled most of the
events—Novascotian June 22 1868.
15 "Auditor" in Morning Freeman April 16, 1863.
286
we are elbowing out', if not entirely supplanting". 16
Indians
were
"civilizing
pride,
also
thought
to be
more
in
need
of
influences" because of their strong racial
whereas
malleable.17
blacks
were
viewed
Furthermore, native
traditional costumes, symbolized
as
relatively
people, in
their
what was distinctive
about the colony. In 1887, however, "A Colored Voter" in
Halifax complained that no provisions had been made in the
golden
jubilee program for the
"colored portion of the
city, and as we pay our taxes just as well as the white
folks, we think a great injustice has been done us. We
hereby appeal to the city council to see that justice is
done us."18 Subsequently, the sports committee organized
an inter-district foot race solely for blacks. Since none
of those who entered showed up for the start of the race,
the committee created "considerable merriment" by dragging
out black spectators, from forty year old men to twelve
year old boys, to form two teams of five each, to run a
16 "A Highlander" in Morning Sun July 20, 1860.
According to Robin Fisher, settlers in British Columbia
felt guilty for destroying the Indians' way of life—
Robin Fisher "The Image of the Indian", in Robin Fisher
and Kenneth Coates Out of the Background. Readings on
Canadian Native History (Toronto, 1988), p, 179.
17 Charles R. Wilson "Racial Reservations: Indians
and Blacks in American Magazines, 1865-1900", Journal of
Popular Culture Vol. 10, no. 1, Summer 1976, pp. 71, 76.
1 8 Letter to editor in
Citizen May 31, 1887.
287
relay
race.19
Athletic
energies
the
soldiers
popularity
major
one
of
displays
of
garrison
of
drill
the
folk
sports
regular
and guard d u t y
"participation
in
for
in
station.
low
indeed,
competed
civilians
the
which may a c c o u n t
for
diversions
several
Birthday".20
for
festive
from
and
in
A soldier
won
Halifax
t h e P r i n c e of
of
file
consisted
and
sailors
like
the
the
of
of
sports
Queen's
frequently
greasy
pole
the g r e a s y p o l e c o n t e s t
in
marriage
festivities
in 1863.21 S i m i l a r l y , d u r i n g t h e c o n f e d e r a t i o n
celebration
in 1867, and t h e
in
sailor
i9
Wales'
a
that
t h e monotony
such as
events
competitions.
site
organization
occasions
soldiers
the
Robert Day a r g u e s
rank
of
an o u t l e t
Halifax,
the
characteristic
during
provided
and s a i l o r s ,
and n a v a l
most
with
also
Queen's b i r t h d a y
successfully
festivities
1897, a
climbed t h e p o l e . 2 2
C i t i z e n June 2 2 , 1887.
20
R o b e r t D. Day "The B r i t i s h Army and S p o r t i n
C a n a d a . C a s e S t u d i e s of t h e G a r r i s o n s a t
Halifax,
M o n t r e a l , and K i n g s t o n to 1 8 7 1 " , Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y
of A l b e r t a , 1 9 8 0 , p p . 9 8 , 1 1 0 , 3 1 8 . For r e f e r e n c e s t o
a t h l e t i c c o n t e s t s i n w h i c h t h e m i l i t a r y , n a v y , and
c i v i l i a n s p a r t i c i p a t e d , s e e Newspaper I n d i c e s a t t h e
H a l i f a x C i t a d e l ; a l s o G i l l i a n A l l e n " H a l i f a x N a t a l Day—
I t s H i s t o r y and I t s C e l e b r a t i o n , 1 9 5 0 - 1 9 8 2 " , p p . 4 , 1 8 ,
Halifax C i t a d e l .
21 Acadian Recorder A p r i l 1 8 ,
H a l i f a x Reporter A p r i l 2 1 , 1 8 6 3 .
22
1863;
"A C i v i l i a n "
in
N o v a s c o t i a n J u l y 8, 1867; Herald May 1 9 , 2 5 , 1897.
During t h e g a t h e r i n g of t h e H i g h l a n d S o c i e t y a t McNab's
I s l a n d in 1869, members of 78th Regiment won n e a r l y h a l f
t h e p r i z e s — N o v a s c o t i a n A u g u s t 3 0 , 1 8 6 9 , i n Newspaper
288
Although both sexes watched the celebration sports,
participants were usually male. In regard to nineteenthcentury British
commented
recreations, Robert
Malcolmson
has
that "sex,, in fact, was probably a social
determinant of greater weight than age", for "while many
of the major holidays involved women as much as men, most
of the sporting events assumed
that women would attend
only as spectators".23 Prevailing
beauty propounded
notions of feminine
pale, thin, and frail ideals, while
Victorian biology emphasized woman's physical weakness and
neurasthenia. Competitive sports, it was believed, would
lead to an
imbalance of physical and mental faculties,
and the contradiction of feminine nurturing qualities.24
Native women were permitted to enter special
foot races
and other sports,25 which probably enhanced the spectacle,
but also reflected the more active and assertive role of
Indices, Halifax Citadel.
23 Malcolmson Popular Recreations, p. 56.
24
Michael Smith "Graceful Athleticism or Robust
Womanhood: The Sporting Culture of Women in Victorian Nova
Scotia, 1870-1914", Journal of Canadian Studies Vol. 23,
nos. 1 St 2, Spring/Summer 1988, p. 120; Howell "Baseball,
Class, and Community", pp. 278-79.
25 squaws were to participate in a foot race during
Natal day in 1868, but it was rained out—Novascotian June
22, 1868. Native women also participated in canoe races
during the Prince of Wales' visit--see description in
Nicholas Augustus Woods The Prince of Wales in Canada and
the United States (London, 1861), p. 34.
i
289
Micmac women
in society.26 The increasing acceptance of
sport and recreation as a cure for nervous irritability,
and
as a means
of promoting
"graceful
athleticism",
encouraged more general female participation in sports in
the late nineteenth century.27 The bicycle was a major
vehicle in the recreational emancipation of women. Indeed,
Haligonian women participated
in short distance bicycle
races on the Queen's birthday in 1897.28
The most popular events during folk sports involved
crowd participation, and offered a prize, such as the
greasy pig chases and greasy pole climbs. Despite the
disorder
of
the
folk
sports
held
during
Halifax's
coronation celebration in 1838, the pig chases captured
everyone's attention.29 Greasy pigs also caused great
amusement on the Grand Parade in Halifax
in 1863, as
chasers followed them into the hall of Dalhousie College.
/b
Micmac women often made crafts and sold berries
and surplus crops—Margaret Conrad et. al. No Place Like
Home: Diaries and Letters of Nova Scotian Women, 1771-1938
(Halifax, 1988), p. 50. White settlers in British Columbia
were often surprised by the assertiveness of Indian women-Robin Fisher "The Image of the Indian", in Robin Fisher
and Kenneth Coates (eds.) Out of the Background. Readings
on Canadian Native History (Toronto, 1988), pp. 170-/1.
27 Smith "Graceful Athleticism or Robust Womanhood",
pp. 120-37.
28
Herald May 19, 25, 1897. For a discussion of the
impact of bicycles on female recreation, see Heather Watts
Silent Steeds; cycling in Nova Scotia to 1900 (Halifax,
1985).
Novascotian July 5, 1838; Times July 3, 1838.
290
A newspaper writer claimed that the cancellation of the
rest of the sports did not matter, for they still had the
greasy pig.30 Although most of the natal day sports were
rained out in Halifax in 1868, celebrants still chased the
greasy pig on the muddy and slippery ground.31
The active and animated crowds attending folk sports
did
not adhere to
middle-class standards of "proper
decorum". This vivacity may have been instigated by the
poor organization and control of the events, but it was
also a product of the dynamics of outdoor amusements.. In a
letter to the editor of the Morning Journal, a Haiigonian
admitted that the "Codfish Aristocracy"
had every right
to hold a ball for the Prince's visit in 1860 and to set
the admission so high that "plebeians" could not attend,
but it was not so with the outdoor demonstration, which
"ought to be every person's business, and every person's
privilege
conveyed
to share
in".32
The "out of doors" also
images of freedom; indeed, the Acadian Recorder
described the "out of doors" as "the proper field
for a
full and unrestrained feast of enjoyment".33 The freedom
of outdoor celebrations
kindled a conviviality
between
30
Acadian Recorder April 18, 1863; Evening Express
April 15, 1863, reported that many went away "pleased".
3i
Novascotian June 22, 1868.
32
"A Right Loyal Citizen" in Morning Journal May 30,
33
Acadian Recorder April 18, 1863.
1860.
291
participants
and
spectators.
In
1863, a
soldier
entertained the crowd by his repartee, as he proceeded to
conquer
the greasy pole.34 Also, during the greasy pig
chase, two claimants amused the committee and crowd by a
"noisy parley" over
the pig; one eventually paid for his
share of the prize, and took it away.35
Sometimes the liberty and conviviality of outdoor
events degenerated
into confusion and congestion. During
the coronation festivities in 1838, such confusion ensued
that the committee could not clear the field for many of
the contests.36 in 1860, the Prince of Wales arrived to
preside over the sports, attended by about 15,000 people,
but was so "crowded upon" that he left early.37 Three
years later, during the prince's marriage celebration, the
crowds descended on the Grand Parade, destroying several
small trees as spectators climbed them in an attempt to
see the sports.38 After the first race, the crowd broke
through and filled the Parade, and most of the sports had
34
Morning cun April 15, 1863.
35
Morning Sun April 15, 1863. At the outdoor ox
roast in Saint John in 1838, the black butcher who carved
up the animal entertained the crowds with his whistling
and slicing— Excerpt in Daily Sun June 18, 1887.
36
Novascotian July 5, 1838.
37
August
38
Novascotian April 20, 1863.
Morning Journal
Messenger August 7, 1860.
f
3, 1860; Christian
292
to be abandoned.39
Sometimes this rowdy behaviour became violent. During
the greasy pole climb in Halifax in 1863, the winner; a
soldier from the 17th Regiment, was
pulled from the pole
by a civilian, who probably objected
to the soldier's
contraption of ropes and blocks used to climb the pole. A
row ensued between soldiers and civilians,40 which later
led to a disturbance in one of the city's taverns, and a
riot in which about 300 soldiers from the 16th and 17th
Regiments took to the streets, fighting with civilians and
destroying property. This incident is sometimes referred
to as the "Greasy Pole Riot",41 and
is evidence that
celebrations can be catalysts of disorder and saturnalia.
John Tobin, M.L.A. for Halifax County, Western Division,
argued
that
the military
"foolishly" holding
riot
was
instigated
by
sports on the Grand Parade, where
disturbances were easily generated by the density of the
crowds.42 it is interesting to compare this riot to the
general descriptions of order and decorum which abounded
in the press.
According to the Evening Express:
it is our boast to say that so far from there
39
Morning Sun April 15, 1863.
40
Acadian Recorder April 18, 1863; "A Civilian" in
Halifax Reporter April 21, 1863.
4
1 Thomas H. Raddall Halifax: Warden of the North
(Toronto, 1971), p. 199.
42
Morning Sun 24 April 1863.
293
being a blow s t r u c k , not a d e f i a n t look or angry
w o r d w a s s p o k e n d u r i n g t h e w h o l e of t h e
c e l e b r a t i o n , a l t h o u g h t h e s t r e e t s were c r o w d e d
from e a r l y morn to p a s t t e n o ' c l o c k a t n i g h t . 4 3
This i s d a f i n i t e l y
a warning to t r e a t
p r e s s comments
with
care.
Another
jubilee
celebration
spontaneous
scrimmage
looking
over
1887
eventually
of
greasy
Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
popular
pole
golden
turned
justice.
prize,
into
a
After
a
a "rather
tough
emerged from t h e f r a y and ran out of
the
spectators
thought
that
he
the
had
t h e p r i z e , so a l a r g e group of a b o u t one thousand
after
fields,
the
Many of
grabbed
in
during
manifestation
citizen"
grounds.
ran
altercation
him,
some
scaling
fences
and
a
half
dozen
in a " r a r e e x h i b i t i o n of s p o r t n o t s e t down in t h e
programme".
straggled
He g o t
back,
away,
so
o n l y to find
b u t a man who was a f r a i d
of
the
persistent
chasers
t h a t he was not t h e
arrest
by t h e
culprit,
police,
who
seemfid glad to " g e t r i d of him so e a s i l y " . 44
The c o n f u s i o n
middle-class
roast,
folk
drunkenness
and v i o l e n c e of
reformers
sports
and
and t h e
became
sports
authorities.
increasingly
rowdyism.
commented on t h e s p o r t s
folk
The
concerned
Like t h e ox
associated
Christian
with
Messenger
in 1860:
43
Evening Express A p r i l 1 5 , 1863; Novascotian
April
20, 1863. For a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e r i o t , s e e A. J e f f r e y
W r i g h t "The H a l i f a x R i o t of A p r i l , 1 8 6 3 " , Nova S c o t i a
H i s t o r i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . 4, n o . 3 , 1974, p p . 2 9 9 - 3 1 0 .
44
C i t i z e n June 2 3 , 1887.
294
These drew t o g e t h e r v a s t c r o w d s , but of them we
can o n l y say t h a t t h e i r c o n n e c t i o n with d r i n k i n g
and rowdyism added b u t l i t t l e to t h e f a v o r a b l e
i m p r e s s i o n of H a l i f a x which t h e o t h e r p a r t s of
t h e c e l e b r a t i o n were c a l c u l a t e d t o p r o d u c e . 4 5
Middle-class reformers also objected
a surviving
the
element
Acadian
of
Recorder
rural
wrote
culture
festivities
sports,
in H a l i f a x . 4 6
playfully
a t t e m p t s " by t h e crowd t o c a t c h
coronation
to t h e animal
about
while
the
the p i g s d u r i n g
"rude
Halifax's
in 1838, and " t h e e l o q u e n t
squeaks
which p r o c l a i m e d t h e p l a i n t i v e a p p e a l " l e t go my t a i l ' " , 4 7
by
the
18 4 0 ' s ,
animal
p o p u l a r l t y . 4 8 Reformers
sports
saw p u b l i c
were
declining
celebrations
as
in
"prime
t a r g e t s " for condemning animal s p o r t s , for t h e y were "open
and
public
communities
drinking
exhibitions
into
and
a kind
of
uninhioited
of
cruelty"
pagan
and
ritual
enjoyment
of
"drew
whole
accompanied
tormenting
by
the
animal".49
In the last three decades of the nineteenth century,
4
5 Christian Messenger August 7, 1860.
4
6 Brian H a r r i s o n "Animals and the State in
Nineteenth-Century England", Peaceable Kingdom. Stability
and Change in Modern Britain (Oxford, 1982), p. 86; F.M.L.
Thompson The Rise of Respectable Society. A Social History
of Victorian Britain, 1830-1900 (London, 1988), p. 282.
47
Exce-rpt in Acadian Recorder June 20, 1887.
48
Bull-baiting had also begun to decline in England
by the early nineteenth century—Malcolmson Popular
Recreations, p. 122 and ff.
49
Thompson The Rise of Respectable Society, p. 230;
Harrison "Animals and the State", p. 120.
295
the
Society
Halifax
for
in
the
1877)
Although a g r e a s y
appear
helped
pig
of
to
Cruelty
suppress
competition
and
(founded
animal
horse
did
celebration
in 1897,50 t h e c i t y c o u n c i l l a u n c h e d an
shortly after
inquiry
t o d i s c o v e r who had g i v e n p e r m i s s i o n t o have
festivities
on t h e common.51 H . S . M o i r ,
Secretary
t h e D r i v i n g C l u b , withdrew t h e g r e a s y p i g c o m p e t i t i o n
the
diamond
protests
jubilee
of
program
John N a y l o r ,
Some c e l e b r a n t s
rights
opposed
activists.
the
the
1897,
in r e s p o n s e
gentleman
about
in
of
interference
An o l d
coronation
in
secretary-agent
H a l i f a x ' s diamond j u b i l e e
during
in
sports.
races
on t h e program of t h e Q u e e n ' s b i r t h d a y
in H a l i f a x
the
Prevention
the
of
1838, which had
from
to
the
S.P.C.52
the
animal
reminisced
the enjoyable
of
after
sports
held
"no S . P . C .
to
interfere".53
O r g a n i z e r s of t h e l a t e r V i c t o r i a n d i s p l a y s
to
minimize
characterized
the
danger
previous
and
disorder
demonstrations.
21,
City
Council,
D a i l y Echo May 18,
1897.
53
resulted
had
of
in
Herald May 1 9 , 2 5 , 1897.
51 H a l i f a x
37, PANS.
52
which
The c o n g e s t i o n
p e o p l e and h o r s e s on t h e common had f r e q u e n t l y
50
attempted
Minutes,
June
29,
1897,
p.
2 1 , 1897; Acadian Recorder May
A c a d i a n R e c o r d e r J u l y 1 0 , 1 8 9 7 . The E n g l i s h
working c l a s s o f t e n complained a b o u t t h e meddling of t h e
R . S . P . C . A . i n t h e i r a f f a i r s - - H a r r i s o n "Animals and t h e
S t a t e " , p p . 1 8 8 , 119.
296
injuries. During the natal day sports in Halifax in 1873,
a mare collided with a cow crossing
the common, and a
young man was knocked down by a running horse and suffered
a broken leg.54 The following year, also during the natal
day sports, a horse bolted and threw down an old woman,
and then fell on a boy, who was seriously hurt.55 in 1887,
the sports committee of the golden jubilee attempted to
avoid these collisions by forbidding
carriages on the
playing field.56
Athletic competitions continued to be a part of large
outdoor displays in the late nineteenth century. In 1887,
the golden jubilee program
featured
professional and
amateur foot races, a hose reel competition for firemen,
shot putting, the broad jump and high jump, and a tug of
war
open
to
the
army,
navy, and
militia.57
frequently, however, athletic displays were
More
fragmented
into smaller organized exhibitions, under the auspices of
voluntary organization and institutions. For example,
during
the prince's marriage celebration in Halifax in
1863, visitors watched gymnasts perform their exercises in
the "little known but highly useful" gymnasium run by the
54
British Colonist June 24, 1873.
55 British Colonist June 6, 25, 1874.
56
Acadian Recorder June 10, 1887.
5 7 Acadian Recorder May 27, 1887.
297
Early
Closing
sports
on
Loyalist
and
St.
Association.58
the
Barrack
centennial
Stephen
in
Square
in
1883.
branches
in
59
of
competed
in
birthday,60
followed
two m o n t h s
an a f t e r n o o n
d a y . 61 The m i l i t a r y
exercises
avoiding
earlier
marked
in
in
the
displays.
and
to
hold
participants,
personnel.
later
and
friends
Moreover,
in
John
Christian
the
their
jubilee
1887
the
own
for
and
thereby
marked
celebrations
and
of
field
tournaments
musical
nature
family,
dominion
which
military
Queen's
Mackenzie,
century,62
fights,
interest
and
Saint
Clan
athletic
military
little
by
civilians
featuring
The
the
Men's
organized
diamond
sham
the
held
of
" S c o t c h g a m e s " on
with
swordsmanship,
manoeuvres.
Young
Large-scale
golden
1897,
1893,
nineteenth
public
exercises,
seemed
late
skirmishes
Halifax's
of
firemen
games d u r i n g
frequently
the
1887
other
athletic
John,
celebration
in
the
Association
which s p o n s o r e d
Saint
the
anyone
other
admission
gymnastic
rides,
and
exercises
save
the
military
structure
58
M o r n i n g Sun A p r i l 1 5 , 1 8 6 3 . A c c o r d i n g t o S m i t h ,
the Early C l o s i n g A s s o c i a t i o n ' s gymnasium was t h e o n l y
such i n s t i t u t i o n
in H a l i f a x
before
1882--"Graceful
A t h l e t i c i s m o r R o b u s t Womanhood", p . 1 2 1 .
59
D a i l y Sun May 1 9 ,
1883.
60
D a i l y Sun May 1 8 ,
20,
61 D a i l y Sun J u l y
3,
25,
1893.
1893.
62 F o r e x a m p l e , t h e 62nd R e g i m e n t had a f i e l d d a y of
s p o r t s d u r i n g t h e Q u e e n ' s b i r t h d a y in S a i n t John in 1882—
D a i l y T e l e g r a p h May 2 3 , 1 8 8 2 .
298
favoured the army and navy at ten cents, while the general
public had to pay twenty-five cents and fifty cents.63
Another vestige of folk sports—the horse race—also
survived the last four decades of the nineteenth century.
Horse races had been introduced
in Halifax as early as
1768, when the military governor, Lord William Campbell,
and a few sporting friends built a circular race course.64
In Saint John, horse races emerged in the 1790's on the
sands of Courtney Bay on the Bay of Fundy.65 But like the
other animal sports, horse racing came under the attack of
temperance advocates and other moral reformers, because of
its associated
injuries.66
with
rowdyism, drunkenness, gambling,
and
Nonetheless, horse racing, in conjunction
folk sports and as a separate event, became
an
increasingly popular form of celebration.
The committee in charge of sports for the celebration
of the Prince of Wales' visit to Halifax in 1860 received
a petition from sporting enthusiasts
to consider
horse
races as an event to mark the celebration. Although the
sports committee opposed the proposal, they did not make a
63 Acadian Recorder June 16, 1887; Citizen June 20,
22, 1887; Critic June 24, 1887; Daily Echo June 21, 1897.
64
David Francis Howell "A History of Horse Racing
in Halifax, N.S., 1749 to 1867", M. Sc. Thesis, Dalhousie
University, 1972, Chapters One—Four.
65 Brian Flood Saint John: A Sporting
1785-1985 (Saint John, 1985), p. 9.
Tradition,
66 Howell "A History of Horse Racing", Chapter Five.
299
final
decision,
council.
the
and s u b m i t t e d
aldermen
to
defended
the
races
d r i n k i n g and q u a r r e l l i n g ,
h o r s e s . 67
The l a s t
introducing
council
petition
to
the
At a meeting t o d i s c u s s t h e c e l e b r a t i o n ,
objected
for
the
horse
for
racing,
their
but
"excess
four
the
and
a fatal
others
gambling",
and t h e damage i n f l i c t e d
on
epidemic.
a tripartite
Eventually
proposal:
no
the
or
after
margin
the
of
city
sold
and t h e r a c e s s c h e d u l e d one week b e f o r e
visit.
eight
the
drinking
b o o t h s were t o be p e r m i t t e d on t h e common, no l i q u o r
a permit,
of
r a c e s on t h e common were even blamed
negotiated
without
city
to
The m o t i o n
six,
passed
and a n o t i c e
of
by a v e r y
slim
reconsideration
was g i v e n . 6 8
The next day the city council rescinded its original
resolution. Aldermen Nash and Jennings, who probably came
under pressure from their constituents, regretted their
previous approval of the races. Alderman William Evans, a
butcher
from Ward
four, emerged as a champion of the
people. According to Evans, the city council's refusal to
allow horse races
was a violation of popular privilege.
He complained that poor citizens had to pay taxes for the
common, yet were denied its use for preferred activities
67 For similar arguments, see "Tax-Payer" in
Novascotian July 9, 1860; Morning Sun June 27, 1860;
"Common Sense" in British Colonist June 28, "Citizen" in
July 5, 1860.
6 8 Morning Sun June 27, 1860; Evening Express June
27, 1860.
300
like
the
horse
races.
In o t h e r
"common r i g h t s "
tradition
that
of
dated
words,
Alderman Evans
the people
back
to
at
to
t h e common l a n d ,
least
the o r i g i n a l
to
visit
horse
defeated
races
by a v o t e of t e n to
During
the
enthusiasts
resolution.
violation
interval
held
a race
The r i d e r s
brought before
the
during
of
the
between
was
on
the
strength
and h o r s e owners were
other
eventually
meetings,
Mayor Samuel C a l d w e l l
the
resolution
five.70
the c i t y bye-law
hearing,
the
first
subsequently
in p o l i c e c o u r t ,
against
attending
of
sporting
horse
in
this
arguing
that
instance.
a c q u i t t a l , but
magistrate,
Alderman
horse
The
Mayor
split
decision
Caldwell
ranted
necessitated
that
next
an
time he
not d i f f e r
with
matter.71
Shortly
racinq,
At
t h e b y e - l a w in q u e s t i o n d i d not a p p l y
would be a t t e n d e d by an alderman who d i d
him on t h i s
for
racing.
Leahy, d i s a g r e e d w i t h t h e mayor over t h e l e g a l i t y of
races,
a
eleventh-century
England.69 Despite his o b j e c t i o n s ,
hold
claimed
signed
after,
a
by over
requisition
in
250 c i t i z e n s ,
favour
urged
the
of
horse
mayor
to
6 9 S u s a n E. Markham "An I n v e s t i g a t i o n of
the
Development of t h e Common of H a l i f a x , Nova S c o t i a , 1749 to
1 9 7 9 " , M.A. T h e s i s , D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y , 1980, p . 76.
70
Morning Sun J u l y 4, S, 2 3 , 1860; B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t
J u l y 5, 1 8 6 0 . For a d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s i n c i d e n t , s e e
Howell "A H i s t o r y of Horse R a c i n g " , p p . 5 5 - 6 0 .
71 Evening Express J u l y
O r d e r s " in J u l y 20, 1860.
18,
1860,
"One of
the
Lower
301
c a l l a p u b l i c meeting
strong
feelings
refused
to
Alderman
against
preside
Evans
to d i s c u s s
at
took
horse
the
a
majority
the c h a i r .
racing;
2)
person
of
vote;
that
the
that
the
law,
races,
at
least
during
came
the
Alderman
race,
but
for
sojourn
point
regatta
the
only
as
the
assembled
be
favour
their
visit.72
no
in
of
in
the
negatived
hold
Their
horse
The
reject
to
horse
efforts,
races
Halifax.
to
to
1)
horse
requested,
privilege
suggested
prince's
of
that
the
for
that
were
city
held
council
petitions
the
visit,
for
example,
regatta
as
"old
favorite
that
Express
July
18,
horse
opposed
the
horse
patriotic,
73 Markham "An I n v e s t i g a t i o n " ,
Morning Sun J u l y 6 ,
1860.
p.
from
Sun r e f e r r e d
could
1860;
should
of
amusement",
Halifax
city
instead
v i e w " . 74 The Morning
attractions
Evening
1860.
74
sympathetic
be a t o n c e r e q u e s t e d
decade,
Hugh B e l l ,
viewed
the
the
and
enthusiasts
races.
16,
naught,
in
reconsider
the
the
the
Caldwell
common.73
a regatta
72
during
to
Boating
"maritime
to
grant
throughout
r a c e s on t h e
were
council
Evans,
prince's
continued,
hold
city
and
so
his
t h r e e unanimous r e s o l u t i o n s :
the c i t y council
repeal
Mayor
The 2000 p e o p l e
citizens
Alderman
and 3)
however,
of
B e c a u s e of
racing,
meeting,
on t h e Grand P a r a d e p a s s e d
that
the issue.
and
do a s
Morning
64.
a
to
one
of
well
as
Sun
July
302
a n y w h e r e , even London.75 The c e l e b r a t i o n o r g a n i z e r s
t o hold a r e g a t t a d u r i n g
and a l s o d u r i n g
such
as
the
later
prince's
the p r i n c e ' s v i s i t
in
Halifax
celebrations,
marriage
in
and
festivities
Saint
diamond j u b i l e e in H a l i f a x
Despite
the
entrepreneurs
in
Halifax
in
1887,79
and
preference
sporting
and
Riding
Association
Organizations
Clubs,
in
and
Saint
for
enthusiasts
the
1870's, holiday
Torryburn
Track,
or
such as t h e
the
regattas,
ensured
and p r o f e s s i o n a l
r a c e s were o f t e n
"Pleasure
held
Grounds",
75 Morning Sun June 2 2 , J u l y 20,
Driving
Driving
transformed
the
Victorian
Halifax
Moosepath
John
commercialized, p r o f i t a b l e ,
the
1897.80
s u r v i v a l of h o r s e r a c e s a s an i n g r e d i e n t of l a t e
celebrations.
m
in 1881,7,8 t h e g o l d e n
John
organizers'
and
Halifax,76
nineteenth-century
1863,77 t h e g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l ' s v i s i t
jubilee
to
agreed
races
Park
into
e n d e a v o r s . By
in S a i n t
opened
in
John's
1865,
1860.
76
Morning Journal J u l y 20,
77
Evening Express J u n e 24, 1 8 6 3 .
78
Morning C h r o n i c l e J u l y 9, 1 8 8 1 .
1860.
79
H e r a l d A u g u s t 2 0 , 2 2 , 1 8 8 7 ; t h e s t a t e m e n t of
e x p e n d i t u r e for t h e j u b i l e e in t h e C i t y of H a l i f a x , Annual
R e p o r t s , 1 8 8 7 - 8 8 , p . 65, PANS, n o t e s a $500 p r i z e cup f o r
t h e r e g a t t a ; D a i l y Sun June 20, 1887
80
A sum of $ 3 5 0 w a s e a r m a r k e d f o r t h e d i a m o n d
j u b i l e e r e g a t t a — s t a t e m e n t of e x p e n d i t u r e for t h e diamond
j u b i l e e in H a l i f a x , C i t y of H a l i f a x , Annual R e p o r t s , 1 8 9 6 97, p . 67.
303
and
the
Halifax,
Moosepath
Driving
Park,
that
Riding Club to r e s c h e d u l e
had g o t t e n
Halifax
of
Driving
Club a l s o began
The c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n
nineteenth
John had exchanged
by
the
time
of
transportation
the
networks,
o
circuit,
races
superior
had c r e a t e d
running
from
races
first
people
21st,
1891,
of
the
holding
prizes
horseflesh.
The golden j u b i l e e r a c e s
intensified
Halifax
and
1887,
1820's,
improved
facilities,
and
an e x t e n s i v e
Maritimes
also
attracted
in H a l i f a x
Flood S a i n t John, p . 55.
82
Morning C h r o n i c l e May 24, 25, 1892.
the
harness
to
the
New
best
offered
Ground Club Cup, Riding Ground
8i
in
Saint
since the
in
the
Substantial
Riding
for
the
birthday.83
England.84
Maiden P l a t e ,
tradition
Although
jubilee
of
the
in
In
1892,
them on June
h o r s e s and horsemen
s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n of r u l e s
racing
the
of h o r s e
century.
to
popularity,
s e t t l e m e n t . 82 Beginning
t r o t t i n g matches on the Q u e e n ' s
the l a t e
races
i n t o t h e h a b i t of a t t e n d i n g
anniversary
In
the d e c i s i o n
the
week of August would l e s s e n t h e i r
the
1871.81
in
n a t a l day r a c e s became an i n s t i t u t i o n .
t h e Morning Chronicle contended
Halifax
opened
a
Pony
83
They a l s o wanted to have a meeting on n a t a l d a y ,
but the R i d i n g C l u b e x e c u t i v e would n o t r e n t them t h e
g r o u n d s - - M o r n i n g C h r o n i c l e May 2 4 , 2 5 , 1 8 9 2 . For a
d i s c u s s i o n of t h e d i f f e r e n c e s L e t w e e n r u n n i n g and
t r o t t i n g , s e e Flood S a i n t John, p . 55.
84
Flood S a i n t John,
F a i r " , p . 138.
pp.
10,58;
Sumner
"The
State
304
Cup, Qumpool Plate, Seaside Purse, and Jubilee Purse, the
latter of which was open only to Maritime-bred horses, as
part of an effort to improve local breeding
and excite
local interest. The birthday trotting meetings also grew
in favour, as the liberal purses offered began to induce
the top breeders to compete. 8 5
The administration of
horse races became more complex, requiring a staff of
stewards, judges, starters, clerks of the scales, and
clerks of the course.86 in 1896, the Driving Club races
featured a "professional starter" to keep the field in
good order.87
The growth of an urban population base sufficient to
support the sport,88
and the creation of an "audience"
also guaranteed the survival of horse racing. A desire for
organized leisure activities developed among the working
class in the late nineteenth century as a result of the
greater separation of work and leisure,89 and an increase
in disposable income.90 Commercialized sports provided an
85
Morning Chronicle May 24, 25, 1894.
8
6 Program for Halifax Summer Races at the Riding
Grounds, Quinpool Road, Wednesday August 24, 1892, PANS.
87
Morning Chronicle May 25, 1896.
88
Sumner "The State Fair", p. 138.
89
Howell "Baseball, Class, and Community", pp. 269-
70.
90
Although little is known about real wages in
Maritime urban centres, Colin Howell argues that they
probably increased as in Britain and elsewhere in North
305
outlet
for
these
new c o n s u m e r s .
standard
twenty-five
and
stand,91
open
cents'
Besides
admission
working-class
fee
patrons
paying
to
the
could
the
grounds
also
buy
food and d r i n k a t t h e r e f r e s h m e n t b o o t h s which abounded
the
race
provided
meetings,92
during
a
contrast
celebrations
in
to
the
the
free
early
at
feasts
Victorian
perlod.
The a u d i e n c e s a t V i c t o r i a n d e r b i e s were n o t ,
s o l e l y of
race
a working-class
in H a l i f a x
foot,
horseback,
in
nature.
During
the
however,
natal
1894, a mixed a u d i e n c e streamed
and
in
every
sort
of
vehicle,
c a r r i a g e s to f l y d o g c a r t s , r i c k e t y b u s s e s , and
g o - c a r t s . 9 3 Some c r i t i c s b e l i e v e d
t h a t most of t h e
from
support
In 1860,
a Haligonian disputed
t h i s assumption, contending
enjoyed
but
was not a member of
in on
dilapidated
for r a c i n g emanated from among t h e lower o r d e r s .
horse r a c i n g ,
day
the
t h a t he
lower
America—Howell " B a s e b a l l , C l a s s , and Community", p . 269.
For a d i s c u s s i o n of r i s i n g i n c o m e s a n d e x p e n d i t u r e
p a t t e r n s in the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y n o r t h e a s t e r n
s t a t e s , s e e J o h n M o d e l l " P a t t e r n s of C o n s u m p t i o n ,
A c c u l t u r a t i o n , and F a m i l y Income S t r a t e g i e s i n L a t e
N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y A m e r i c a " , in Tamara K. H a r e v e n and
M a r i s A. V i n o v s k i s ( e d s . ) F a m i l y and P o p u l a t i o n i n
Nineteenth-Century America ( P r i n c e t o n , 1 9 7 8 ) , p p . 2 0 6 - 4 0 .
9i
H a l i f a x Summer Races, 18 92.
92
Morning Chronicle June 1 9 , 1880, May 2 5 , 1886. For
a d e s c r i p t i o n of a r e f r e s h m e n t t e n t a t a r u r a l f a i r
in
e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E n g l a n d , see Thomas Hardy The
Mayor of C a s t e r b r i d g e , p p . 1 4 - 2 2 .
93
Morning Chronicle June 22, 1894; Flood S a i n t John,
p . 5 8 . For s o c i a l m i x i n g a t Derby Day i n E n g l a n d , s e e
Thompson The Rise of R e s p e c t a b l e S o c i e t y , p . 298.
306
stratum.94
indeed,
the
influence
and s u p p o r t of
Halifax's
e l i t e h e l p e d to e n s u r e t h e s u r v i v a l of t h e s p o r t .
Military
officers
competed
often
against
during
other
the
little
rode
sports
for
the
Elites
the
elites
asserting
royal
the
attending
races
where
spectators
stand
was
and
the
by paying
and e n c l o s u r e ,
from t h e i r
for
r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and m o r a l i t y , a t t e n d e d
could
fifty
or
$1
carriages.96
horse
Queen V i c t o r i a ,
held
there
the race course
enthusiasm
patronage;
and
horse
"unscrubbed"
t o watch t h e r a c e s
their
the
common,
among
a c c e s s to t h e grand
justified
horses,
Unlike
t h e m s e l v e s from t h e
right
the
on t h e
differentiation
separate
for
or
officers.95
folk
participants,
cents
owned
the
racing
by
symbol
of
t h e r a c e c o u r s e , so
t h e r a c e s must: be r e s p e c t a b l e and m o r a l l y c o r r e c t . 97
The e d v e n t of
y4
"One of
20, 1860.
commercialized
t h e Lower O r d e r s "
spectator
sports,
in Evening E x p r e s s
like
July
9
5 During the n a t a l day r a c e s in 1873, g a r r i s o n
o f f i c e r s competed a g a i n s t t h e navy in a o n e - m i l e h u r d l e
r a c e - - A l l e n " H a l i f a x N a t a l Day", p . 4. In 1875, h o r s e s
owned and r i d d e n by t h e o f f i c e r s of t h e army and navy
competed for t h e " G a r r i s o n Sweepstakes"—Morning C h r o n i c l e
June 1 8 , 2 1 , 2 3 , 1875; a l s o see May 2 4 , 1 8 6 4 , J u n e 2 3 ,
1 8 6 8 , J u n e 1 9 , 1 8 8 0 , J u l y 5 , 1 8 8 1 , J u n e 26, 1884,
Newspaper I n d i c e s , H a l i f a x C i t a d e l .
9
6 H a l i f a x Summer R a c e s , 1892; "Many gentlemen and
t h e i r f a m i l i e s occupied t h e i r c a r r i a g e s for t h e a f t e r n o o n "
d u r i n g t h e n a t a l day r a c e s i n 1886—Morning C h r o n i c l e June
2 3 , 1 8 8 6 ; Thompson The R i s e of R e s p e c t a b l e S o c i e t y , p p .
299, 3 0 1 .
97
Morning Journal July 23, 1860; Acadian Recorder
June 30, 186 0; Thompson The Rise of Respectable Society,
p. 298.
307
the horse race, precluded the more universal participation
that had characterized the pig chases and pole climbs. 98
The
spectators
onlookers.
Even
were
not, however, merely
the women
shouted
and
passive
waved
their
handkerchiefs for their favorites. At the natal day races
in 1880, the Morning Chronicle noted the eagerness of the
"fair sex to welcome the winner of the handsome piece of
plate exhibited
in the Grand Stand."99 in 1894, women
stood up in the grandstands
to the annoyance of those
behind.100 Professionalization and commercialization also
encouraged widespread gambling. A reporter noted during
the natal day races in 1896:
It was an eye opener to the uninitiated to note
the avidity with which the fair sex plunged into
this form of mild gambling. Not only did the
ladies go into the pools but they wagered dozens
of pairs of gloves and boxes of handkerchiefs
quite recklessly.101
Unrestrained crowd behaviour not only characterized horse
y
° Dale A. Somers "The Leisure Revolution: Recreation
in the American City, 1820-1920", Journal of Popular
Culture, Vol. 5, no. 1, Summer 1971, pp. 134-35; Howell
"Baseball, Class and Community", pp. 283, 286.
99
Morning Chronicle June 19, 23, 1880.
1 0 0 Morning Chronicle June 22, 1894.
1 0 1 horning Chronicle June 22, 1894; during the
Halifax races in 1886, "the fair sex backed their
favorites in the different events quite lavishly. As a
result many dozens of gloves, etc were lost and won"-Morning Chronicle June 23, 1886. The behaviour of the
women is an interesting contrast to the reformers' concern
that the "bad manners" of the crowds would have a negative
effect on the female spectators—Howell "Baseball, Class
and Community", p. 275.
308
races,
which
had
already
acquired
a bad
reputation
rowdyism and d r u n k e n n e s s , b u t a l s o o r g a n i z e d
team
for
sports,
such as b a s e b a l l , which had i n i t i a l l y been promoted by t h e
reformers
as
a means
instilling
the
"manly
agility,
of
curbing
virtues"
such
of
"courage,
teamwork, d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , and
The
nature
changed
of
sports
considerably
as
between
in 1838 and her diamond
a
behaviours
animal
athletic
sports.
celebration
activity
Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
coronation
jubilee
displays
voluntary
the
folk
face
had
in 1897.
sports.
Early
substructure
and
horse
for
the
urban
recreations,
into
of
communication
by
expansion
incomes
working-class
more
audience
I 0 2 Howell
68.
and
for
rural
"Baseball,
the
culture
also
and
networks
in
resulted
pony
improved
ensured
the
the
necessary
and c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n
time—also
sport.
of
festivities
such as pig and
creating
leisure
the
hands
reflecting
t h e s p o r t . The c h a n g e s produced by i n d u s t r i a l
higher
century,
the
reform,
urbanization
races,
competitions
community-based
and
Ironically,
of
fallen
institutions,
of
Victorian
nineteenth
The d i s i n t e g r a t i o n
in t h e d e c l i n e of r u r a l
survival
and
urbanization
transportation
late
primarily
fragmentation
of
chases.
the
organizations
increasing
like
By
strength,
foresight".102
f o l k s p o r t s encompassed a v a r i e t y of a t h l e t i c
and
by
of
capitalismcreated
The o v e r a l l
C l a s s and Community", p p .
a
result
266-
309
of
t h e s e changes
sports
from
was t h e
rather
ill-organized
public
participation,
public
to
continued
by
the
of
to o r g a n i z e d
spectators.
to p a r t i c i p a t e
impressing
behaviours.
role
transformation
upon
the
indirectly
events
of
celebration
contests
encouraging
events
relegating
Nonetheless,
in o r g a n i z e d
their
the
audiences
sports,
own v a l u e s
and
CHAPTER 9
COMMERCIALIZATION AND TOURISM
Organized
spectator
sports
alternatives
created
celebrations.
Improved t r a n s p o r t a t i o n
cheap
excursions
celebration
by t h e
comprised
made
activity.
celebrations
enabled
the
also catered
came
to
the
festivities,
John
and
and
class
thus
into t o u r i s t
helped
"time
for
going
to
popular
to
partake
convert
a
items.
services
of t h e v i s i t o r s
to
of
purchase
goods and
of
who
the
public
attractions.1
The r a i l w a y and s t e a m e r t r a n s f o r m e d
a
a
commemorative
these
Halifax
public
commodification
t o t h e needs and d e s i r e s
Saint
celebrations
outing
and o t h e r
who p r o v i d e d
of
the
and t h e e v o l u t i o n of
family
working
v a r i e t y of cheap s o u v e n i r s
The e n t r e p r e n e u r s
commercialization
As w e l l ,
the
only one of
celebrations
away from home".2 These
improved
into
modes
1
For r e f e r e n c e s
to c e l e b r a t i o n s as
tourist
a t t r a c t i o n s , s e e F r a n k A. A b b o t t "Cold C a s h a n d I c e
P a l a c e s : t h e Quebec W i n t e r C a r n i v a l of 1 8 9 4 " , Canadian
H i s t o r i c a l R e v i e w , V o l . 6 9 , n o . 2, 1988, p p . 167- 202;
Frank A. Abbott "The Quebec Winter C a r n i v a l of 1894: The
T r a n s f o r m a t i o n of t h e C i t y and t h e F e s t i v a l i n t h e
N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y " , M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h
C o l u m b i a , 1982, p . 12; David G l a s s b e r g " P u b l i c R i t u a l and
Cultural Hierarchy: P h i l a d e l p h i a ' s Civic C e l e b r a t i o n s at
t h e Turn of t h e T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y " , Pennsylvania Magazine
of H i s t o r y and Biography V o l . 107, J u l y 1 9 8 3 , p . 4 2 1 .
2
H. Hamish F r a s e r The Coming of t h e Mass Market,
1850-1914 (Hamden, 1 9 8 1 ) , p . 7 9 . Also see Alan Delago The
Annual Outing and Other E x c u r s i o n s (London, 1 9 7 7 ) .
310
311
of transportation opened up the countryside to the city
dwellers who were
"tired of dust and hard
roads and
crowds" and wanted to enjoy a "breath of country air".3
The opening of the Windsor railway line in Nova Scotia in
1858 expedited
travel between the United States, Saint
John and Halifax. Instead of travellers having to take a
tedious Cunard steamer the entire distance, excursionists
could now take a steamer from Portland, Maine, to Saint
John, then board the "Emperor" steamer to Windsor, take a
coach to within eight miles of Halifax, and then ride the
rails
into the city.4 The 108 mile long
line of the
European and North American railroad, opened just in time
for the Prince of Wales' visit in 1860, facilitated travel
between Saint John and Shediac.5 Steamers also transported
Saint Johners up the St. John River, and across the Bay of
Fundy to Digby, N.S. In Halifax, pleasure boats frequently
crossed the harbour to Dartmouth, were engaged for outings
to McNab's Island, and also cruised up the Bedford Basin
to various picnic spots, such as the Prince's Lodge.
By mid-century, most citizens preferred
individual
trips and outings to open spaces within and beyond
3
the
Morniia Chronicle June 26, 1884.
4
Acadian Recorder June 5, 1858; Evening Express June
7, 14, 1858.
5 C. M. Wallace "Saint John Boosters and the
Railroads in the Mid-Nineteenth Century", Acadiensis, Vol.
6, no. 1, Autumn 1976, pp. 84-85.
312
cities,
as
celebrations
the
primary
means
of
marking
annual
like the Queen's birthday, dominion day,
Loyalist day in Saint John, and natal day in Halifax.
Sometimes the travel arrangements were insufficient to
deal with the numbers of excursionists. On dominion day in
Saint John in 1889, the Intercolonial and Canadian Pacific
railways had to remove their freight cars and replace th-am
with passenger
cars to accommodate
the crowds.6
The
Morning Journal grumbled over the subsequent inactivity in
the cities during these celebrations:
It is only those whom force of habit or
necessity chains to the dull streets of the city
[such as the businessmen and press] who grumbles
at the holidays.. .What shall we of the can'tget-away class do to amuse ourselves while the
rest of the community is merrymaking?7
The failure to sustain public enthusiasm in organized
observances may be attributed to the unwillingness of the
cities to sponsor three celebrations in the space of the
three month
time period
between
May and
July. The
significance of the events may also have dissipated in the
face of more pressing
engagements. According to Murray
Barkley, New Brunswickers of the mid-Victorian period lost
6
Daily Sun July 3, 1889. During natal day in 1890,
there were not enough cars on the Western and Annapolis
railway for all who purchased tickets—Morning Chronicle
June 24, 1890.
7
Morning Journal June 29, 1864. The celebration of
natal day in 1892 was also described as a "dull and
pointless day" for those remaining in the city—Morning
Chronicle June 22, 1892.
313
their
interest
because
of
in t h e L o y a l i s t s , and t h u s in L o y a l i s t
their
preoccupation
witn
the
state
economy and t h e problems of c o n f e d e r a t i o n . 8
was observed
by p r o - c o n f e d e r a t e s
during
of
this
period,
but
apathy
opposition.
The most
of
the
Dominion day
o t h e r s l e s s s y m p a t h e t i c to t h e c a u s e responded with
or
day,
important
organized
nature
civic
of
fell
best
the
time
birthday
spectacle
these
anniversaries
of
factor
and
expeditions.9
is
in t h e
year
for
became
a
the
birthday.10
Telegraph,
celebration
observance,
Queen's
dominion
in
the
July 1st,
early
all
and summer m o n t h s ,
the
outings.
his
for
1880's
afforded
to
in
its
1897,
a
fishing
the
increasingly
because
of
fishing
death
According
an
Queen's
beginning
time
to
The
John r a r e l y m i s s e d
day became
seasonal
the
popular
trip
decline
of
unofficial
From m i d - c e n t u r y
the
the
Indeed,
private
Saint
the
probably
spring
W i l l i a m F. B u n t i n g of
on
explaining
celebrations.
on May 24th marked
summer,
in
Daily
popular
date
of
the best o p p o r t u n i t i e s
for
° M u r r a y B a r k l e y "The L o y a l i s t T r a d i t i o n i n New
Brunswick: The Growth and E v o l u t i o n of an H i s t o r i c a l Myth,
1 8 2 5 - 1 9 1 4 " , A c a d i e n s i s , V o l . 4, n o . 2, S p r i n g 1 9 7 5 , p p .
19-21.
9
R o b e r t M. S t a m p K i n g s ,
(Markham, 1 9 8 7 ) , p p . 1 2 6 - 2 7 .
Queens,
and
Canadians
1 0 See entries for the month of May in the William
Franklin Bunting Diaries, 1858-96, N.B. Museum.
314
outdoor
amusements.il
frequently
during
offered
these
The r a i l w a y
excursion
celebrations.
in 1 8 9 3 ,
"everyone
crowds"
to
out
to
in
steamship
and extended
On dominion
seemed
"flock
rates
and
be
day in
anxious
various
lines
schedules
Saint
to
John
induce
the
directions".12
The
i n a b i l i t y t o t r a v e l d u r i n g t h e dominion day c e l e b r a t i o n
1877 d i s t r e s s e d
William F.
Bunting:
" I never
in
recollect
having s p e n t a more u n p l e a s a n t and irksome d a y " . 1 3
E x c u r s i o n s not only p e r m i t t e d r e s i d e n t s of S a i n t John
and
Halifax
to
leave
celebrations,
but
also
the
cities
brought
in
surrounding
towns and v i l l a g e s ,
Maritimes,
Canada,
Morrison
first
argues
large-scale
and
that
the
visitors
public
from
and from e l s e w h e r e
United
Nova S c o t i a
American
during
States.
did
tourist
not
in
the
James
H.
experience
excursion
the
from
its
Boston
u n t i l J u l y 1871.14 However, one must n o t u n d e r e s t i m a t e
the
large
numbers
and
Saint
John
of
earlier
celebrations.
approximately
celebration
visitors
in
The
the
who t r a v e l e d
century
Morning
6000 v i s i t o r s
Halifax
to p a r t a k e
News
attended
to
of
public
estimated
that
Saint
John's
railway
in 1853, from t h e M a r i t i m e p r o v i n c e s ,
Canada,
11 Daily Telegraph July 3, 1883.
i2
Daily Sun July 3, 1893.
1 3 Bunting Diaries, July 11, 1877.
1 4 James H. Morrison "American Tourism in Nova
Scotia, 1871-1940", Nova Scotia Historical Review, Vol. 2,
no. 2, 1982, pp. 40-42.
315
Britain and the United States.15 The visit of the Prince
of Wales to Saint John in 1860 attracted
25,000 visitors to the city.
approximately
An almost unbroken line of
people from the surrounding towns and villages travelled
to Saint John in wagons, on horseback, and on foot, to see
the prince. Crowded rail cars and steamers also arrived
from points in New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince
Edward Island.16
After a slump in civic festivities in the middle
decades, a handful of major celebrations in the 1880's and
90's, namely the Loyalist centennial
in Saint John in
1883, and the golden and diamond jubilees in 1887 and
1897, revived the residents' interest in large-scale civic
demonstrations, and
The
attracted large numbers of visitors.
Saint John board
of trade asked
steamboat agents for extended
the railway and
excursion tickets to and
from the city during the centennial celebration in 1883,
to attract "pleasure seekers", businessmen, and those who
wanted to combine business with pleasure.17 On June 18th,
1887, the Intercolonial railway brought 1000 people into
Saint John for the golden jubilee, the largest number of
excursionists ever brought
into the city
on any
one
15 Morning News September 30, 1853.
16 Freeman August 4, 1860.
i7
Daily Sun May 12, 1883; Daily Telegraph May 16,
1883; St. John Globe May 11, 1883.
316
express train, according to the Daily Sun.18 Although the
Acadian Recorder thought that few "rural dwellers"
would
be able to afford the Intercolonial' s general fare of 1 J^d
during Halifax's golden jubilee,19 there were not enough
cars on the train to bring everyone
"coming
from
the
Westward".20 Special celebration rates established between
Saint John and Halifax in 1887 stimulated an exchange of
visitors between the two cities. The Halifax Herald noted:
"A large number of St. John folk came over yesterday to do
the jubilee and in order that they might not be lonesome
while here, they brought with them an inexhaustible supply
of St. John fog of the choicest quality". 21 According to
one estimate, about 50,000 people came to Halifax for the
golden jubilee festivities.22 The Acadian Recorder thought
that more people visited Halifax during the two days of
jubilee than at any other time since the visit of the
Prince of Wales in 1860.23
By 1897, the organizers of the
diamond jubilee celebration
in Saint John and Halifax
began to realize the potential of the events as tourist
i8
Daily Sun May 21, June 10, 16, 20, 1887.
1 9 Acadian Recorder June 10, 1887.
20
Acadian Recorder June 28, 1887.
21
Herald June 22, 1887; Acadian Recorder June 22,
1887. Also see Daily Sun June 16, 28, 1887.
22
Citizen June 23, 1887.
23 Acadian Recorder June 22, 1887.
317
attractions, and thus approached the railway and steamship
agents to secure special excursion fares.24
Entrepreneurs of all sorts exploited
the hordes of
visitors and residents who enjoyed public celebrations in
Saint John and Halifax. Several organ-grinders
with
monkeys solicited contributions during the visit of the
Prince of Wales to Saint John in 1860.25 Similarly, an
increasing number of street musicians performed
for the
crowds during Halifax's celebration of the golden jubilee
in 1887, including two couples with harps and violins, a
man
with
a "wheezing
hurdy-gurdy", and
two or
three
"Italians" with trained birds which told fortunes for five
cents by picking out printed cards.26 Ten years later, a
"goodly number" of beggars arrived in Halifax to cadge the
"jubilee crowd". The Daily Echo noted that the "worthy"
and
"unworthy"
beggars
undoubtedly
"reaped
a
fair
harvest", as everybody was "charitably inclined" and had
no time to "make discriminations".27 Pickpockets also rode
the rails, stopping off at various cities where they would
be assured of large crowds. American "crooks" picked many
pockets during Saint John's celebration of the prince's
24
Daily Telegraph June 5, 1897; Daily Sun June 3,
1897; Acadian Recorder May 11, 1897.
25
Morning News August 6, 1860.
26
Citizen June 22, 1887.
27
Daily Echo June 28, 1897.
318
visit in 1860.28 i n 1878, disguised pickpockets, m
bands
ranging from four or five to thirty or forty, descended on
Halifax during
the visit of Governor-General Lord L o m e ,
but were chased
away by the police.29 Eighteen years
later, the police received word that scores of "Crooks"
and
"Black
Legs" of both sexes intended
to patronize
Halifax's summer carnival, but the efforts of Detective
Power of the Halifax police force, Detective Skeffington
of the I.C.R, and Sergeant Lehan, detailed
for special
duty during the carnival, resulted in the arrests of many
of these mobile entrepreneurs.
Many of the "suspects"
agreed to leave town, while those on the outskirts of the
city who heard of the crack-down, decided to bypass the
carnival.30
While
these
entrepreneurs
attended
public
celebrations in order to earn money, most people came to
spend it. In an effort to exploit this market, theatrical
agents offered tickets for special holiday performances at
the various houses. For example, during the three days of
Halifax's golden jubilee celebration, the Academy of Music
ran "The Mikado", "H.M.S. Pinafore", and "La Mascotte",
28
Morning Freeman August 4, 1860.
29
"Papers Relating to the Visit of the Governor
General Lord L o m e and the Princess of L o m e and the Duke
of Edinburgh to Halifax in November 1878", MG 9, Vol. 105,
p. 3, PANS.
30
PANS.
City of Halifax Annual Report, 1896-97, p. 289,
319
while
the
Lyceum
Shopkeepers
also
commemorative
presents
for
sufficient
of
stocked
items.
"Under
their
Excursionists,
goods and s u p p l i e s for
"The g r e a t e r
consumption.
the
Gaslight".31
shelves
with
for
needed
themselves,
and
t r a v e l l i n g . According
the m o b i l i t y ,
Holidays
various
in p a r t i c u l a r ,
t h o s e a t home, s o u v e n i r s
H.Hamish F r a s e r ,
range
featured
and
t h e wider
to
the
o u t i n g s . . . not
only
c r e a t e d a s p e c i a l i s t demand of t h e i r own, b u t s t i m u l a t e d a
general
demand".32
Businessmen
create
used
a demand
advertising
for
shopkeepers
advertised
a d v a n t a g e of
the d e s i r e
and
for
the
need
to
reinforce
certain
items.33
For
special
clothing
items
for
suitable
s o c i a l d i s p l a y and
and
respectable
or
even
example,
to
take
courtship,
clothing
travelling.34
According t o R o b e r t Malcolmson " d r e s s i n g
and
freely
spending
accessible
women,
3
means
although
of
for
a
winning
middle-class
holiday
were
approval"
for
observers
for
up
relatively
working-class
thought
it
was
1 Acadian Recorder June 20, 1887.
32
Fraser
The Coming of t h e Mass Market, p p . 76,
80,
100.
33
For a discussion of the role of advertising, see
Daniel Pope The Making of Modern Advertising (New York,
1983); Stewart Ewen and Elizabeth Ewen Channels of Desire.
Mass Images and the Shaping of American Consciousness (New
York, 1982); Stewart Ewen Captains of Consciousness:
Advertising and the Social Roots of the Consumer Culture
(Toronto, 1976).
34
Delago The Annual Outing, pp. 58, 71; Fraser The
Coming of the Mass Market, p. 80.
320
overly
extravagant
and
irresponsible.35
Son of S a i n t John were " a n x i o u s
for
the
[prince's]
reception"
variety
of
hats
appealed
to
"strangers
clothing
establishment.37
and p a t r i o t i c
of
the
emergence of
made
many
working
and
from
these
should
1860,
and
A merchant
the
Everitt
country"
look
and
well
offered
named
to
a
Jones
visit
his
"Crown t o q u e s " and "VR t o q u e s " ,
ribbons
advertised
ready-made
of
in
caps.36
tri-colour
goods
that all
c.D.
for
during
clothing
clothing
in
the women were
the
jubilees.38
the
1880's
items
some
The
and
affordable
90's
for
the
in t h e
late
class.39
As a d v e r t i s i n g
nineteenth
attract
more
century,
advertisers
customers
during
businesses,
Company,
became
such as H a l i f a x ' s
gave
away g i f t s . 4 0
widespread
began
the
to use gimmicks
celebrations.
Some
G r e a t London and China
Mercnants
also
used
to
Tea
window
3
5 R o b e r t W. M a l c o l m s o n P o p u l a r R e c r e a t i o n s i n
E n g l i s h S o c i e t y , 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1 9 7 3 ) , p p . 8 6 , 8 7 .
36
F r eeman
J u l y 3 1 , 1860.
37
New Brunswick Courier August 4, 1860.
38
D a i l y Echo May 8,
1897;
D a i l y Telegraph June 1 1 ,
1897.
39
F r a s e r Tire Coming of t h e Mass Market, p p . 6 0 , 6 1 ;
Ewen and Ewen Channels of D e s i r e , p p . 162, 1 8 3 , 197, 212.
40
Acadian Recorder June 14, 1887; F r a s e r The Coming
o f t h e Mass M a r k e t , p . 1 4 3 ; Pope The Making of Modern
A d v e r t i s i n g , p. 2 3 5 .
321
displays
to advertise
their wares.41 Sometimes
they
manifested their civic spirit and patriotism in the form
of thematic exhibitions. For example, during the Loyalist
centennial in Saint John in 1883, King Street merchants
displayed centennial relics and antiquities. 42 Manchester,
Robertson, and Allison on King Street advertised their own
wares and provided a thematic display, by contrasting the
harshness of the past with the luxuries of the present,
using their own dry goods as illustrations.43 Saint John's
mayor later called on M.R.St A to thank
centennial
spirit.44
them for their
shopkeepers also advertised
by
illuminating their establishments. Gas and electric light
transformed civic illuminations from general practices, as
during the coronation celebration
in 1838, when every
small pane exhibited a candle in a tin scone, to special
competitive
displays
undertaken
establishments. 45 it was thought
by
business
that business
would
increase with the display of electric light.46
"Speculators" frequently took advantage of the name,
theme, or associated
4
images
of
the celebration
1 Fraser The Coming of the Mass Market, p. 133.
42
Daily Evening News May 17, 19, 1883.
43
St. John Globe May 19, 1883.
44
Daily Sun May 21, 1883.
45
Acadian Recorder July 10, 1897.
46
Daily Telegraph May 21, 1883.
for
322
advertising
Wales'
purposes.
visit
For
to Halifax
example,
during
the
Prince
in 1860, t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n t
London Times commented t h a t t h e
of
of
the
prince's
name and t i t l e s w e r e somehow m y s t e r i o u s l y
a s s o c i a t e d by a d v e r t i s i n g w i t h cheap p o r k , old
p a t e n t s , l a d i e s ' d r e s s e s , s a l e s of
timbere v e r y t h i n g in f a c t from a w a t e r p r o o f c o a t to a
b a r r e l of mild c i d e r . You could not s i t down t o
d i n n e r b u t h i s p o r t r a i t l o o m e d d i m l y from
b e n e a t h t h e g r a v y in t h e c e n t r e of t h e p l a t e . I t
was P r i n c e ' s h a t s , P r i n c e ' s b o o t s , P r i n c e ' s
u m b r e l l a s , P r i n c e ' s c o a t s , P r i n c e ' s c i g a r s , and
t h e whole c o l o n y nodded, in f a c t , w i t h P r i n c e ' s
c o r o n e t s and f e a t h e r s . 4 7
Queen
Victoria's
shortly
there
her
after
her
picture
accession
was no g e n e r a l
image.48
John's
golden
Dr.
had
into
advertising
t o t h e t h r o n e in 1837,
agreement
Macrae,
jubilee
crept
about
an o r a t o r
meetings,
could
the
utilization
one of
Saint
not
remember
when
i t was not u n t i l
t h a t t h e Queen was more f r e q u e n t l y
commercial
exploitation.
romanticization
This
According
the
1870's
a d o p t e d as an o b j e c t
trend
of t h e empire d u r i n g
4
of
during
h e r " f e a t u r e s " were n o t a "mental p o s s e s s i o n " . 4 9
t o John M. M a c k e n z i e , however,
though
coincided
this period,
with
and
7 N i c h o l a s A u g u s t u s Woods The P r i n c e of Wales
Canada and t h e United S t a t e s (London, 1 8 6 1 ) , p . 1 3 .
48
of
the
the
in
Thomas R i c h a r d s "The
Image of V i c t o r i a in t h e
Year of J u b i l e e " , V i c t o r i a n S t u d i e s V o l . 3 1 , n o . 1, Autumn
1987, p . 1 5 .
49
D a i l y Sun June 22, 1887.
323
p r o c l a m a t i o n of Queen V i c t o r i a as Empress of
The g r o w t h
business
and
also
proliferation
accounted
for
commercialization
of
Thomas
Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
Richards,
intensified
and
advertising
to
business
an
such
unprecedented
items
jubilee
china,
an
the
the
increased
golden
the
golden
degree.
In
in
tumblers
and
a
advertising
According
jubilee
methods
that
the
international
advertised
q u i l t s and r u g s , 5 2
the
persona.
extent
a new
exploited
jubilee
Queen's
routinized
gained
Speculators
the
of
the
John
local
children's
of
knives,
jubilee
jubilee
handkerchiefs,
perfumes,
1887
modern
advertising
jubilees
to
and
Halifax,
press
included
mugs,
j u b i l e e r o c k e r , diamond s t e e l
pocket
in
to
prominence.51
and diamond
Saint
India.50
jubilee
jubilee
jubilee
biscuits,53
b o o t s , bows, and b a d g e s , 5 4
diamond
5 0 J o h n M. M a c k e n z i e Propaganda and E m p i r e . The
M a n i p u l a t i o n of B r i t i s h P u b l i c O p i n i o n ,
1880-1960
(Manchester, 1984), p . 5.
51 R i c h a r d s a r g u e s t h a t a d v e r t i s i n g g a i n e d a
" n a t i o n a l " ( E n g l i s h ) p r o m i n e n c e , b u t j u d g i n g from t h e
p r o l i f e r a t i o n of J u b i l e e items t h r o u g h o u t t h e e m p i r e , i t
a l s o a c h i e v e d i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r o m i n e n c e - - R i c h a r d s "The
Image of V i c t o r i a " , p . 1 6 .
52 D a i l y Echo May 3 ,
June 1 8 , 1 9 , 1897.
June 5 ,
1897;Acadian
Recorder
53
Daily Sun March 31, 1897; Daily Telegraph May 25,
June 1, 21, 22, 1897.
54
Acadian Recorder June 1, 9, 19, 1897; Herald June
11, 1897.
324
rings
ten
for
cent
the
"Diamond J u b i l e e " , 5 5
bag for
children
to
and a "Grand
" h e l p make
this
long t o be remembered t i m e in t h e minds of
Special
packaging
and
of
element
majeste.
of
lese
correspondent
like
taking
a brand
of
her
of
the
cigars
adorned
eighteenth
in
its
Halifax
entrepreneurs,
of Quebec
of
While
there
was
genre,
the
the
left
jubilee
over.59 while
nothing
by
the
sheer
it
of
to
to a
and
image
entitled
novel
about
in
the
jubileeana
lay
advertisers
volume
items.
and
Halifax
over 20,000 mementos d u r i n g
celebration,
some of
of
a
looks
and
bric-a-brac
significance
entrepreneurs reported selling
t h e diamond
"It
tobacco,
credentials
an
jubilee,
which had been p r e v a l e n t
created
and
it
name in v a i n to a t t a c h
sorts
century,58
to
t h e diamond
Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
souvenirs,
also
or c o a t of a r m s .
Herald commented:
made out
a
all".56
attributing
During
various
"jubileeana".
commemorative
practice,
[Victoria's]
quack c u r e - a l l " . 5 7
also
this
Jubilee
advertisements
a p p r o p r i a t e d Queen V i c t o r i a ' s name, f a c e ,
Some d i s a p p r o v e d
Jubilee"
and many s t i l l
t h e mementos were
had
items
undoubtedly
55 D a i l y Telegraph June 1, 1897.
56 Acadian Recorder June 12, 189 7.
57 Herald May 2 7 , 1897; F r a s e r The Coming of the Mass
Market, p p . 134, 1 3 9 .
5 8 Mackenzie Propaganda and Empire, p. 27.
59
D a i l y Echo June 2 5 , 1897.
325
imported,
it
l o c a l e n t r e p r e n e u r s a l s o made s o u v e n i r s ,
required
jubileeana
to
transform
was t o c r e a t e
e n g r a v i n g " . 60 Local
transparencies.
painter,
designed
Protection
a "makeshift
artists
jubilee
the
a common o b j e c t
George
clothing
cost
affordability.
only ten
overwhelming
advertisers
Everyone
Finally,
late
the
items
advertised
and f i f t e e n
public
to
want
diamond
cents.62
with
fashion,
created
some
on t h e Union
during
token
jubilee
Like
public
medals
of
the
for
jubilees.63
i s a l s o a p r o d u c t of
that
possessions
"as much
display",
t h e r e b y g e n e r a t i n g a d e s i r e for k n i c k - k n a c k s
of
middle-class
by
them.
of
mantelpieces
for
bric-a-brac,
a demand
which d i c t a t e d
worldly
Halifax
possible
the
one's
the
Furthermore,
these
t h e p o p u l a r i t y of j u b i l e e a n a
Victorian
a
of
"crude
i t e m s were a l s o n o t a b l e
and e n t r e p r e n e u r s
seemed
or a
the golden j u b i l e e . 6 1
For e x a m p l e ,
cents
a piece
Smithers,
the t r a n s p a r e n c y d i s p l a y e d
c e l e b r a t i o n s , j u b i l e e souvenir
their
decal"
all
and p a i n t e r s made many of
Company H a l l d u r i n g
ready-made
into
for
should
drawing
be
rooms
as
on
for
and
w o r k i n g - c l a s s p a r l o u r s . 64
60
R i c h a r d s "The Image of V i c t o r i a " ,
Propaganda and Empire, p p . 22, 2 3 .
p . 18; Mackenzie
61 Herald June 2 2 , 1 8 8 7 .
62
D a i l y Sun June 22, 1897.
63 R i c h a r d s "The Image of V i c t o r i a " ,
64
p . 18.
F r a s e r The Coming of t h e Mass Market, p p . 5 1 , 207.
326
Various
printed
souvenirs
also
s h e l v e s of s h o p k e e p e r s and s o u v e n i r
in
the paper
printing
cards,
industry
resulted
pamphlets,
and
in
an
increase
programs,
in
celebration
centennial
in
1883,
St.
booklets.66
Halifax
issued
in
souvenir
of
Five
Saint
years
similar
and
85,
Saint
jubilee
of
other
Loyalist
Historical
No.
in
publication
John's
later,
golden
the
Developments
booklets,
Union,
on
improvements
the
t h e New Brunswick
John T y p o g r a p h i c a l
souvenir
salesmen.
technological
items.65
and t h e
abounded
Society
published
John
and
souvenir
publications.67
H a l i f a x ' s diamond j u b i l e e c e l e b r a t i o n was
marked
publication
by
the
of
the
A.B.C
Handbook
to
H a l i f a x , N . S . , 6 8 and t h e J u b i l e e Gripsack, which
contained
portraits,
and o t h e r
bits
of
i n f o r m a t i o n on p r e v i o u s c e l e b r a t i o n s ,
information.69
excellent
souvenirs
for
These programs and b o o k l e t s
tourists,
for
they
made
contained
65 Mackenzie Propaganda and Empire, p p . 1 8 - 1 9 .
66 L o y a l i s t s ' C e n t e n n i a l Souvenir ( S a i n t J o h n , 1 8 8 7 ) ,
SJRL; A C e n t e n n i a l S o u v e n i r , 1 7 8 3 - 1 8 8 3 : I s s u e d Under t h e
A u s p i c e s of t h e S t . John Typographical Union, No. 85 ( S t .
J o h n ) , October 2 , 1883, in B a r k l e y "The L o y a l i s t T r a d i t i o n
i n New B r u n s w i c k " , p . 2 8 , f o o t n o t e n o . 8 1 .
67 Souvenir of t h e Queen's J u b i l e e : An Account of t h e
C e l e b r a t i o n a t t h e C i t y of S a i n t John, N . B . , in Honour of
t h e J u b i l e e Year o f t h e R e i g n of Her Most G r a c i o u s
M a j e s t y , Queen V i c t o r i a , SJRL. In H a l i f a x , J . S . Knowles
p u b l i s h e d c o p i e s of A Queen's J u b i l e e Souvenir—Acadian
Recorder June 20, 1887; C r i t i c June 24, 1887.
68
A . B . C . Handbook t o H a l i f a x ,
June 2 1 , 2 8 , 1 8 9 7 .
69
D a i l y Telegraph June 8,
N.S.,PANS; D a i l y Echo
1897.
327
photographs,
discussions
stores
descriptions
of
the
of
history
places
of
the
in S a i n t John a l s o c a r r i e d
to send t o Queen V i c t o r i a
jubilee,70
and
1etterhead.71
especial
Bristol
Halifax,
Commemorative
asked
cities.
c a r d s of
with
congratulation
souvenirs.72
postage
stamps
as
in S a i n t John and H a l i f a x
p o s t o f f i c e were h o a r d i n g
Special
books
celebration
and
mementos t o
friends
Lawrence's
centennial
several
70
books
Daily
and
and
Guests
from
souvenirs
of
the
stamps led
t h a t members of
in
to
the
them.74
newspapers
memorials.
enjoyed
celebration
o c c a s i o n . 7 3 The s h o r t a g e of diamond j u b i l e e
accusations
diamond
jubilee
stamps
t h e diamond j u b i l e e
for
and
Stationary
diamond
postage
as j u b i l e e
who a t t e n d e d
interest,
on the o c c a s i o n of her
stationary
popularity
of
William
family
were
F.
issued
as
Bunting
mailed
as
several
publication,
pamphlets
also
of
copies
of
Foot-prints,
the
J.W.
and
centennial
Sun May 15, 1897; D a i l y Telegraph May 14,
1897.
71 Daily Sun May 6, 1897; Mackenzie Propaganda and
Empire, p. 21.
72 Acadian Recorder May 28, 1897 gives the design and
image of the stamp; Daily Sun May 24, June 21, 1897.
73 Acadian Recorder July 12, 1897.
74
Letter from Edwin J.H. Pauley, one of most noted
stamp and coin collectors on the continent to the Herald
July 5, 10, 1897; Daily Sun June 30, 1897.
328
e x h i b i t i o n . 75 N e w s p a p e r s
editions,
issued
special
commemorative
such as t h e Acadian Recorder's diamond
supplement
entitled
contained
"Sixty
accounts
descriptions
and
of
Years
the
likenesses
a Queen",76
local
of
jubilee
which
festivities,
royal
figures.
and
Enclosed
p o r t r a i t s and r e p r o d u c t i o n s d i s t r i b u t e d by t h e p a p e r s were
i n t e n d e d for f r a m i n g . 7 7 The s p e c i a l golden j u b i l e e
of
the
poems,
Halifax
many
British
Critic
written
newspapers,
featured
by M a r i t i m e
with a c c o u n t s
London and e l s e w h e r e in B r i t a i n ,
the
articles,
stories,
authors.78
of
edition
and
imported
the f e s t i v i t i e s
in
could a l s o be a c q u i r e d
at
newsstands.
Many
desired
visual
celebrations,
but
them.
early
In
consisted
the
in
m a i n l y of
the
representations
early
nineteenth
sketches
or
days,
few c o u l d
centurv,
wood
when e n o u g h
the
regatta
subscriptions
could
were
visual
block
During t h e Q u e e n ' s c o r o n a t i o n f e s t i v i t i e s
1838, a s k e t c h of
the
afford
images
engravings.
in S a i n t John in
be l i t h o g r a p h e d
collected
to
75
Bunting D i a r y , May 14, October 9 , 1883.
76
Acadian Recorder June 19, 1897.
77
of
cover
only
the
For an example of a r e p r o d u c t i o n , see D a i l y Echo
May 8, 1897; P e t e r Roger Mountjoy "The w o r k i n g - c l a s s p r e s s
and w o r k i n g - c l a s s c o n s e r v a t i s m " , in George Boyce e t . a l .
( e d s . ) Newspaper h i s t o r y from the s e v e n t e e n t h century to
t h e p r e s e n t day (London, 1 9 7 8 ) , p . 280.
78
C r i t i c June 4 , 1887.
329
e x p e n s e . 79 The Morning News s u g g e s t e d
artists
t a k e s h o t s of
Saint
John's
that
railway
daguerreotype
celebration
1853, for
t h e y would demand good p r i c e s , and were
to
abroad
send
as
mementos.80
witnessed
The
last
many
suitable
half
nineteenth
century
photography.
In 1860, S a i n t J o h n ' s p h o t o g r a p h e r
of
shots
visit.81
the
same p e r i o d
royal
figures
reportedly
them. 82
and
prince's
in
and p h o t o g r a p h s
much
in
demand
his
studio
at
Louise
William
technology
in
photographers
collection
of
the
in
likenesses
of
of c e l e b r a t i o n s , which were
by
to
Notman's
make
small
royal figures.84
on t h e i r
late
those
visit
local
who c o u l d
to
afford
Halifax,
Lome,
had
a
studio.83
Improved
period
enabled
Victorian
"shilling
"cartes
better
photographer
in 1 8 7 8 , t h e r o y a l s u i t e accompanying Lord
Princess
sitting
displayed
A Halifax
in
imported a
from P a r i s , so he c o u l d t a k e
the
the
improvements
photographic apparatus
of
in
views",
leading
to
de v i s i t e " and p h o t o g r a p h s
The i n v e n t i o n of new r o l l
film,
the
of
embodied
in George E a s t m a n ' s Kodak camera in 1 8 8 8 , and new p r i n t i n g
79
New Brunswick Courier J u l y 7, 1 8 3 8 .
80
Morning News September 1 2 , 1 8 5 3 .
81
Freeman J u l y 26,
1860.
8
2 A. Wonner "A Lounge Among t h e
N o v a s c o t i a n June 2, 1 8 6 2 .
83
Special
1 8 7 8 , PANS.
84
edition
of
Halifax
Photographers"
Reporter November
Mackenzie Propaganda and Empire, p . 2 0 .
in
27,
330
processes which allowed rapid and cheap runs, transformed
photography from a professional occupation to an amateur
pastime.85 Lady Aberdeen used her own Kodak camera to take
a snapshot of the unveiling of the John Cabot memorial
during Halifax's diamond jubilee celebration in 1897.86
Entrepreneurs also exploited the demand for certain
services, most notably accommodation. Nonetheless, people
had been complaining
about the inadequacy of room and
board in Saint John and Halifax, at least since the early
nineteenth
century.87 Hotels were booked a week before
Saint John's railway celebration in 1853; furthermore, the
Morning News admitted
that "our accommodations are not
what travellers are in the habit of receiving" . 88 Because
of the shortage of rooms, private homes opened their doors
to billets. George Fenety, editor of the Morning News,
remarked that his "house was full of strangers" during the
railway
celebration.89
accommodation
Visitors
several days
began
looking
for
in advance of the prince's
8
5 Pope The Making of Modern Advertising, p. 50-51.
Also see Mackenzie Propaganda and Empire, p. 20; Fraser
The Coming of the Mass Market, p. 224.
86
Daily Echo June 25, 1897.
87
Novascotian November 19, 183 5, as quoted in James
C. Brandow "The Journal of Nathaniel T.W. Cai.rington: A
Barbados Planter's Visit to Nova Scotia in 1837", Nova
Scotia Historical Review, Vol. 2, no. 2, 1982, p. 26,
footnote no. 5.
88
Morning News August 29, 1853.
89
Morning News September 16, 1853.
331
arrival
feed
in
and
Halifax,
the
shelter
thousands
of
saloon,
t h e upper
90
J.
the
with
stories.92
established
eating
Kenny
entrepreneurs
celebrants
erected
a
on
the
Street,
of
limited
efforts
to
the
visit.
In
of
t h e Head Q u a r t e r s
and
temporary
seats
for
corner
where
people
Acadian
made
during
proprietor
two rows of
Hollis
proprietor
visit,
and
Pavilion,
on
thought
oyster
the
saloons,
front
Royal
saloon
Local
W.L. S t e w a r t ,
Branch
piazza
the
1860.90
a
of
he
structure
spectators,
his
Head
fed
day.91
Hotel,
with
called
Quarters
hundreds,
Henry
opened
accommodation
a
for
dining
lodgers
and M r s . S u l l i v a n
saloons.93
Saint
advertised
apartments
Morning J o u r n a l J u l y 2 5 ,
John
and
some
Hesslein,
Thomas K e a t i n g
in
a
during
meals
in
and
in
also
the
the
1860.
9
1 Morning J o u r n a l J u n e 8 , 1 8 6 0 ; E v e n i n g E x p r e s s J u n e
1 1 , A u g u s t 1 5 , 1 8 6 0 , p . 2 . The b u i l d i n g was d e c o r a t e d w i t h
t h e c i t y ' s new K i n g f i s h e r f l a g , and t h e L i v e r p o o l Band
p l a y e d in t h e e v e n i n g — M o r n i n g Journal August 3 , 1860.
" W i l l t h e R a n t e r " s a i d of S t e w a r t :
S t e w a r t ' s p a v i l i o n s t a n d s out b r i g h t
It is a very p r e t t y s i g h t ;
He i s a c u n n i n g l i t t l e w i g h t ;
With a g r e a t h e a d ;
F a i r p l a y i n j u s t i c e and i n r i g h t
He t a k e s t h e l e a d .
" P r e p a r i n g for
J u l y 1 1 , 1860.
the
Prince
of
Wales"
in
9
Morning
Journal
2 Morning Sun J u n e 8 , 1 8 6 0 ; E v e n i n g E x p r e s s J u n e 1 1 ,
J u l y 1 6 , 1 8 6 0 . L i k e S t e w a r t , h e d e c o r a t e d h i s new
e s t a b l i s h m e n t i n a p a t r i o t i c m a n n e r , w i t h a m i n i a t u r e of
t h e P a r k e r and W e l s f o r d m e m o r i a l — M o r n i n g J o u r n a l J u l y 2 7 ,
1860.
93
Morning J o u r n a l J u l y 2 5 , 2 7 ,
1860.
332
Coffee House, while Thomas McColgan offered meals at the
Exchange.94
Despite
these
efforts,
in
Saint
John
"no
accommodation was to be got for money, and certainly not
for love".95 The Morning News admitted that Saint John was
considerably behind Boston in terms of the availability of
respectable room and board, but contended that the city
was at least ahead of Halifax.96 in Halifax, the shortage
of rooms was such that J.D. Nash set up bedsteads in the
street near his Variety Hall.97 Nicholas Augustus Woods,
correspondent of the London Times, contended that beds in
Halifax commanded "fancy prices", and many who were late
could find no accommodation. Woods also complained that,
because of the lack of accommodation, it was customary for
people to "pig together" during meals and on mattresses on
the floor, and that his hotel room was "the smoking and
drinking room".98 The correspondent of the New York Herald
contended that the "want of a decent hotel" made Halifax
94
Freeman August 2, 1860.
95
Woods The Prince of Wales, p. 49.
9
6 Morning News September 7, 1860.
97
98
Morning Journal July 30, 1860.
London Times in Novascotian September 3, 1860;
British Colonist August 23, 1860; Morning Sun August 27,
1860.
333
the "most miserable town in North America".99 His claim
that there was no one "enterprising enough" to take over
the newly renovated Halifax Hotel was erroneous, for two
entrepreneurs, including W.L. Stewart, had made offers to
dispose of the lease of the hotel, but their offers had
been rejected.100 The shortage of respectable hotels and
hotel-keepers
unrespectable
can
be
partially
explained
by
the
nature of the establishments,101 where a
good deal of drinking took place.102 The Freeman suggested
that the drunkenness in Saint John during the visit could
be
blamed
on
the
"fast young men" who drank
in the
hotels.103 Nonetheless, after the visit, the Morning News
realized that "without first class Hotels...no City or
Village, be it ever so well situated and pleasant, can
expect to draw visitors".104
By the time of Saint John's Loyalist centennial in
1883, accommodation
facilities were still
inadequate.
99
New York Herald in Evening Express August 10,
1860. For similar comments, see "Ager" from Boston Post
in Morning Sun August 10, 13, 14, 1860, and Toronto Leader
in Halifax Reporter August 16, September 22, 1860.
100 Evening Express July 9, 13, August 5, 1860.
101 Acadian Recorder September 15, 1860.
1 0 2 Judith Fingard ""A Great Big Rum Shop': The Drink
Trade in Victorian Halifax", in James H. Morrison and
James Moreira (eds.) Tempered By Rum. Rum in the History
of the Maritime Provinces (Porters Lake, 1988), pp. 96-97.
103 Freeman September 13, 1860.
1 0 4 Morning News September 7, 1860.
334
Despite the establishment of the "Centennial Dining Hall"
and the "Centennial Hotel",105 some celebrants were forced
to camp out in doorsteps and hallways. 106 The St. John
Globe suggested
that the city establish a hotel as a
memorial of the Loyalist centennial, for the current lack
of "suitable" hotels was "a poor encouragement to American
neighbors to visit".107 in Halifax, visitors engaged hotel
rooms a week before the golden jubilee.108 The Acadian
Recorder
estimated
that at least one thousand
guests
resided in the various hotels in the city at this time.109
In order for celebrations to become more effective
tourist
attractions, Saint John and Halifax
needed better
advertising
not only
accommodations, but also more extensive
of the events
themselves. Although
the
advertising industry grew in the late nineteenth century,
the amount spent on the advertising of celebrations had
changed little since mid-century. For example, while the
committee
in charge of Nova Scotia's celebration of the
Prince of Wales' visit in 1860 allocated only L163 15s 5d
105 rpj-jg r e S p e c t i v e proprietors were E.J. Byrne and
Mrs. Campbell—Ward Scrapbook, pp. 248, 267, SJRL.
1 0 6 Daily Evening News May 17, 1883.
1 0 7 St. John Globe August 29, 1882, in Newspaper
Clippings—Centennial Celebration, 1883, SJRL. A couple of
coffee rooms were also established in Saint John during
the golden jubilee—Daily Sun June 18, 1887.
1 0 8 Halifax Citizen June 16, 1887.
1 0 9 Acadian Recorder June 22, 1887.
335
of
the
total
M579
13s Id t o
a d v e r t i s i n g , 110
Halifax's
g o l d e n j u b i l e e committee in 1887 s p e n t o n l y $ 1 1 8 . 1 1 of
$3056.34
Publicity
newspapers,
the
although
notices.
regatta
did
province,
Prince
The
organizers
to
in many of
Edward
mainly
sometimes
attempt
and
was
Island.
confined
American
of
bill
the
event
towns
Professor
local
journals
Halifax's
the
to
golden
the
copied
jubilee
throughout
the
i n New Brunswick
Sumichrast,
and
a member
of
t h e Royal Nova S c o t i a Yacht C l u b , a l s o went t o New York t o
drum up some i n t e r e s t . I l l
still
insufficient,
yachts
Mayor
to
Indeed,
of
of
the
railway
and t h e
and o r g a n i z e r s
event.112
Stephen
publicity
line
the
Nonetheless,
in
his
Halifax
city's
and
Plant
province advertising
failed
1897
steamship
inaugural
railway l i n e ,
the
jubilee
agents,
were
t o draw American
regretted
diamond
for t h e
these e f f o r t s
speech,
inadequate
celebration.113
such
d i d most of
as
the
the
S.S.
out-of-
event.114
l l 0 F i n a n c i a l Account a t t h e end of t h e M i n u t e s of t h e
M e e t i n g s of t h e Committee for t h e R e c e p t i o n of H.R.H. t h e
P r i n c e of W a l e s , 1 8 6 0 , PANS.
H I C i t i z e n June 1 5 , 1887; Herald J u l y 7, 1887; C r i t i c
July 15, 1887.
112
C r i t i c August 26, 1887.
1 1 3 D a i l y Echo May 1 5 , 1897.
1 1 4 Acadian Recorder May 2 6 , 1897; D a i l y Echo May 1 9 ,
1887. E x c u r s i o n r a t e s from Mass.—Acadian Recorder May 2 0 ,
1897. The p r o m i n e n t r o l e of t h e s e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a g e n t s
was s y m b o l i z e d by t h e p l a n t i n g of a Royal F l o r i d a palm
t r e e in H a l i f a x ' s P u b l i c G a r d e n s d u r i n g t h e d i a m o n d
j u b i l e e on b e h a l f of t h e American P l a n t l i n e and r a i l w a y
336
The
formation
association
Nova S c o t i a
need
for
tourist
These
dedicated
to
extensive
bringing
both
around
the
time
of
emerged
for
better
diamond
jubilee
must
thus
of
professionalised,
associations
integrated
largely
stimulated
meals
when
is
highly
no
founded
the
need
of
as a c a t a l y s t
tourism
most
of
the
the
in
marketed,
industry
Victorian
c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n of c e l e b r a t i o n s
variety
it
The c e l e b r a t i o n
more
were
"by making
were
jubilee,
the
of
the
century.116
Throughout
a
area
here."115
be u n d e r s t o o d
the
and
the
the
advertising
organizations
to
diamond
by
answered
coordinated
existing
tourism
tourism
after
in O c t o b e r ,
visitors
the
shortly
tourist
advertising.
development
twentieth
and
attractions
that
Brunswick
followed
provincial
various
New
association
coincidence
the
the
May 1 8 9 7 ,
a more
effort.
known
in
of
of
and
unintegrated
and e x p l o i t e d
goods
shelter,
and
body
remained
of
consumer
period,
in t h e hands of
entrepreneurs,
demand
serv ices —souvenirs
transportation
and
the
by o f f e r i n g
and
who
a
supplies,
entertainment.
s y s t e m — H e r a l d J u n e 10, 2 3 , 1 8 9 7 .
H 5 M o r r i s o n "American Tourism in Nova S c o t i a " , p . 42;
D a i l y Echo May 1 9 , 1897.
I l k For a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e m a r k e t i n g of t o u r i s m in
t h e 1 9 2 0 ' s , s e e Ian McKay "Among t h e F i s h e r f o l k :
J.F.B
L i v e s a y and t h e I n v e n t i o n of P e g g y ' s C o v e " , Journal of
Canadian S t u d i e s , V o l . 2 3 , n o s . 1 and 2 , S p r i n g 1 9 8 8 , p p .
23-45.
337
Commercialization
but
also
freedom
not
provided
to
travel
only b e n e f i t e d
working-class
and
to
"collective
power of
control
celebrations
of
themselves",
consume;
in
the
J
entrepreneurs,
celebrants
in
the working-class
and t h u s p r o t e c t e d
of m i d d l e - c l a s s
the
with
the
words,
the
purse" placed
the
other
"hands
of
them from t h e
the
people
"imposition
values".117
-- w F.M.L. Thompson The R i s e of R e s p e c t a b l e S o c i e t y . A
S o c i a l H i s t o r y o f V i c t o r i a n B r i t a i n , 1830-1900 (London,
1988), p .
289.
CONCLUSION
The
celebration
diamond
jubilees
of
in
Queen
Halifax
1897 sparked
an
interest
festivities
in
the
Victoria's
golden
and S a i n t John
in how the c i t i e s
"bygone e r a "
of
and
in
1887 and
had
observed
the e a r l y
nineteenth
c e n t u r y . 1 The H a l i f a x Herald commented in 1897:
A r e t r o s p e c t embracing t h e v a r i o u s o c c a s i o n s of
p u b l i c r e j o i c i n g t h a t have t a k e n p l a c e in our
m i d s t and d u r i n g t h e p a s t s i x t y y e a r s would
p r o v e an i n t e r e s t i n g
theme under
any
c i r c u m s t a n c e s , b u t in view of t h e a p p r o a c h i n g
c e l e b r a t i o n of t h e Diamond J u b i l e e , t h e s u b j e c t
i s i n v e s t e d with s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . 2
In
Saint
Victorian
jubilee
John,
the
custom
Polymorphians
of
celebration.3
the
ox
roast
revived
during
Retrospective press
the
the
early
diamond
accounts
looked
back a t t h e 1838 c o r o n a t i o n c e l e b r a t i o n with n o s t a l g i a ,
"one of t h e kind of t h i n g s which t h e y did b e t t e r
as
in olden
1
A c c o r d i n g t o Roger C a l l o i s , c e l e b r a t i o n s seek to
r e s t o r e t h e " m y t h i c a l e r a " and " p r i m a l c h a o s " of a "bygone
e r a " - - R o g e r C a i l l o i s as q u o t e d in J e a n Duvignaud
" F e s t i v a l s : A S o c i o l o g i c a l Approach", C u l t u r e s , Vol. 3 ,
n o . 1 , 1 9 7 6 , p . 1 5 . For d e s c r i p t i o n s of c o r o n a t i o n
c e l e b r a t i o n s , see Acadian Recorder June 20, 1887,
" D o e s t i c k s " in J u l y 1 0 , 1897; Daily Sun A p r i l 12, ( a l s o
i n c l u d e s d e s c r i p t i o n of m a r r i a g e c e l e b r a t i o n i n 1 8 4 0 ) ,
J u n e 1 8 , 1 8 8 7 . For S a i n t J o h n ' s r a i l w a y c e l e b r a t i o n in
1853, s e e John W i l l e t "How S a i n t John C e l e b r a t e d in t h e
Good Old T i m e s " , New Brunswick H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y C o l l s ,
V o l . 4, n o . 1 1 , 1 9 1 4 - 2 8 , p p . 238-76.
2 H a l i f a x H e r a l d June 1 5 , 1897,
S c r a p b o o k , 1897, p . 6 6 , NAC.
See Chapter
3.
in Lady
Aberdeen's
339
t i m e s . " 4 The Acadian Recorder s i m i l a r l y commented in 1897
that
"the
day
has
gone
by
c e l e b r a t i o n s of any kind in
Nostalgic
regarded
Roger
early
Caillois,
devising
in
Saint
"paragons
communication",6 p a r t i c u l a r l y
the
reviewing
celebration
coronation
John's
and m a r r i a g e
public
of
in 1840,
and
and
Halifax
in t h e words of
collective
appreciating
which they accommodated
Saint
John
celebrations,
as
efficient
Halifax".5
commentators
Victorian
for
the extent
the
poor.
of Queen
Upon
Victoria's
t h e D a i l y Sun of
noted " t h a t on a l l p u b l i c o c c a s i o n s
they
[the
to
1887
celebration
o r g a n i z e r s ] remembered t h e poor and t h e u n f o r t u n a t e " . 7 The
institutionalized
poor
enjoyed
special
dinners
and
e n t e r t a i n m e n t s , w h i l e t h o s e in t h e s t r e e t s p a r t i c i p a t e d
communal
activities
such
as p u b l i c
feasts
and
general
i l l u m i n a t i o n s . 8 The l a r g e open common a r e a in H a l i f a x
fostered
the p o p u l a r i t y
of
folk
sports
among
in
the
also
lower
orders.
C h a r i t a b l e and penal
4
institutions
continued
to
treat
Acadian Recorder J u l y 10, 1897.
5 Acadian Recorder J u l y 3 , 1897.
6 Caillois
7
8
in Duvignaud " F e s t i v a l s " , p . 1 5 .
Daily Sun A p r i l 12, 1887.
For a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e s e p u b l i c a c t i v i t i e s ,
" D o e s t i c k s " in Acadian Recorder J u l y 10, 1897.
see
340
their
inmates
throughout
communal o u t d o o r
largely
events
disappeared
the
like
by
the
nineteenth
ox r o a s t s
late
century,9
and
folk
Victorian
mainly
comprised
organized
degree
Indeed,
"the
of
of
public
old
Pierre
middle
participation
and
organizing
themselves
celebration
upper
off
the
invite
feeling
and
the
same
festivities.
commented
contributed
working
of
from
not
were
concerts,
earlier
in c e l e b r a t i o n s .
committees
nineteenth-
for
in
1910:
collective
lost".11
Class d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n
public
as
de C o u b e r t m
possessed
movement which we have
orations,
and d i d
participation
as a u t h o r
men of
events,
The
in t h e United S t a t e s , 1 0
processions,
sporting
sports
period.
g o l d e n and diamond j u b i l e e p r o g r a m s , l i k e l a t e
c e n t u r y J u l y 4th c e l e b r a t i o n s
but
classes,
the
the
to
the d e c l i n e
By m i d - c e n t u r y ,
who
comprised
celebrations,
public
by
began
oE
the
the
to
mark
diverting
the
funds from common amusements t o more e x c l u s i v e
e n t e r tainm.ents
for
themselves
and
other
members
of
9
The H a l i f a x H e r a l d ' s c o m p l a i n t t h a t t h e c i t y ' s
g o l d e n j u b i l e e program c o n t a i n e d n o t h i n g s u b s t a n t i a l f o r
t h e p o o r , i n f i r m , a g e d , or t h e p r i s o n e r s i s not q u i t e
accurate, considering
t h e s p e c i a l m e a l s in
the
i n s t i t u t i o n s — H e r a l d June 20, 1887.
1 0 W i l l i a m H. Cohen "A N a t i o n a l C e l e b r a t i o n : The
F o u r t h of J u l y in American H i s t o r y " , C u l t u r e s , V o l . 3 , n o .
1 , 1976, p p . 1 4 1 - 5 6 .
11 C o u b e r t i n , as q u o t e d in John J . MacAloon "Olympic
Games and t h e Theory of S p e c t a c l e in Modern S o c i e t i e s " , in
J o h n J . MacAloon ( e d . ) R i t e , Drama, F e s t i v a l , S p e c t a c l e .
R e h e a r s a l s Toward a T h e o r y o f C u l t u r a l P e r f o r m a n c e
( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1 9 8 4 ) , p . 249.
341
respectable
suffered
society.
from t h e s u p e r v i s i o n
and m i l i t a r y
maintaining
class
The c e l e b r a t i o n s
authorities,
public
order,
and
suppress
animal
the
celebration,
who had
a vested
and t h e
incursions
sports,
rights
and
as
also
of t h e
civic
interest
of
elements
more
middle-
wished
of
drunkenness,
instead
in
temperance
activists—who
rowdyism,
promote
poor
evangelicals,
"disreputable"
such
the
and r e g u l a t i o n
ref o r m e r s — p o l i t i c i a n s ,
advocates,
of
to
public
and
animal
"respectable"
festivities.
Organizers,
however,
put
organizers,
personal
their
and
reformers,
forward
for
dissension
practitioner
of
front.
evinced
divisions
royal
the
class
over
responsibilities
over
regulators
united
example,
and p o l i t i c a l
respective
a
and
the
clemency
led
of
to
the
respectable
celebration
Middle-class
celebrants
the
and e x c l u s i v i t y
elegance
members
often
of
the
meager
lower
hope of upward m o b i l i t y .
ridiculed
their
the
efforts
social betters
expressed
middle
earnings
event
to
of
boundaries
rightful
of
the
of
considerably.
respectability
through
and b a n q u e t s .
class
also
sacrificed
attend
such
functions,
"would-be
of
Vacillation
the
varied
balls
and
The d e f i n i t i o n
A correspondent
of
tensions,
the decline
p r e r o g a t i v e as a c e l e b r a t o r y o b s e r v a n c e .
not,
Celebration
and p o w e r s .
identity
did
named
elites"
Some
their
in
the
"Bluenose"
to
at Halifax's coronation ball
impress
in 1 8 3 8 :
342
Tom, Dick, and Harry, tag rag, and bobtail,
might have an opportunity of displaying their
breeding before the wives and daughters of the
big wigs; and the wives and daughters of the
1lttle wigs an opportunity of being laughed at
by Tom, Dick, and Harry, by Lord Somebody, and
the honble Mr. Nobody, or the red-coat and bluecoat schools.12
Parades
and
processions
also
articulated
respectability through social display and the definition
of social distance. Altnough lower middle-class citizens
marched as members of voluntary organizations, master
tradesmen defined a more class-oriented
respectability,
based on craft pride and a sense of corporate identity.
The "middling
appreciation
strata" was not, however, united in its
for gaudy exhibitions as expressions
respectability.
Evangelical and temperance
of
advocates
defined respectability, not as the outward manifestation
of status,
but as the embodiment of public morality. They
objected to the garish pageantry of processions, and the
gregarlousness of balls and banquets, and public feasts.
Moral reformers also censured the drunkenness, disorder,
and cruelty of animal sports like the horse race, which,
in 1860, engendered divisions within the Halifax city
council, and
between
the aldermen and
the citizens.
Instead, evangelical and temperance supporters attempted
to rationalize the existing
celebrations, or offer an
array of morally respectable alternatives. When they did
12 Times May 22, 1838.
343
participate in parades, temperance organizations presented
a staid and solemn spectacle.
While the "agents of respectability" did enjoy a
degree of success, they were not sufficiently unified to
produce substantive results without the assistance of
other factors. Indeed, urbanization and the associated
processes of bureaucratization and institutionalization,
helped to break down the rural and communal context of
early Victorian celebrations. Cultural changes, such as
the decline of English customs, and the development of
different tastes and preferences also contributed to the
disappearance of ox roasts and folk sports.
By 1894, the Morning Chronicle commented regarding
public celebrations:
Climbing greased poles and chasing greased pigs
round the common has been superseded by more
rational and aesthetic enjoyments. There is not
so much boisterous hilarity, perhaps, but after
all there is more real enjoyment.13
These more "rational and aesthetic enjoyments" were rarely
as inclusive as the events "under attack".14 Indeed,
temperance soirees effectively excluded the "unscrubbed"
by restricting ticket sales to members of the temperance
organizations, and by enforcing stringent standards of
behaviour
i3
and
appearance. The founding
of memorials
Morning Chronicle May 25, 1894.
I 4 Brian Harrison "Religion and Recreation in
Nineteenth Century England", Peaceable Kingdom. Stability
and Change in Modern Britain (Oxford, 1982), p. 155.
344
encouraged
greater middle-class
female involvement
in
celebrations, but offered no immediate gratification for
the poor. Furthermore, the enforced
participation
of
children in school demonstrations separated children from
their parents, and interfered with family plans for the
celebrations. Parades and processions
often
involved
subordinate groups, such as blacks, Indians, women, and
children, but catered primarily to white men from the
middle
and
respectable working
classes. The
limited
number
of participants in parades and processions meant
that they were less prone to disorder than the more public
events, which probably
relative immunity
accounts
for the
procession's
from the assaults of the reformers.
Despite a decrease in direct participation, the poor were
still called on to pay for public celebrations
through
civic assessment.
By the late nineteenth century, the emergence of
ort anized spectator sports reinforced the transformation
o"
public
celebrations
from participatory
events to
"spectacles", characterized by a bicameral distinction
between actor and audience.15 Spectacles, however, were a
"dynamic form", demanding "action, change, and exchange",
not only on the part of the
"human actors on centre
stage", but from the audience as well. 16 Far from being
15 MacAloon "Olympic Games", p. 243.
16 MacAloon "Olympic Games", p. 244.
345
p a s s i v e o n - l o o k e r s , many s p e c t a t o r s
celebrations
indirectly
participated
by g a m b l i n g ,
cheering,
and
organized
sports,
or
in
nineteenth-century
in t h e
insulting
by
joining
the
in
proceedings,
players
at
celebratory
processions.
The e m e r g e n c e
organized s p o r t s ,
a
whole
range
of
commercialized
t h e a t r i c a l performances,
of
consumable
Victorians
the
celebrate.
Commercialization
"should"
freedom
and " o u g h t "
"fabricate"
has n o t e d ,
of
t h e i r own
it
celebration
gap
created
by
as w e l l
celebrations
and
and
service,
gave
how t h e y
provided
ritual,
organizer,
the
choose
wished
an e s c a p e
allowing
entrepreneur,
decline
Entrepreneurial efforts
visitors
to
goods
from
celebrants
to
the
to
Harrison
not
the
who " f i l l e d
the
recreational
leisure
patterns".19
of
old
reformer,
or
t o i n d u l g e t h e consumer demands of
as r e s i d e n t s completed
from p u b l i c
like
excursions,
" a l t e r n a t i v e s " . 1 7 As B r i a n
was t h e
the
alternatives
rituals
the conversion
into marketable
of
tourist
attractions .
1
' V i c t o r T u r n e r " I n t r o d u c t i o n " , in V i c t o r Turner
( e d . ) C e l e b r a t i o n . S t u d i e s i n F e s t i v i t y and R i t u a l
(Washington, D . C , 1 9 8 2 ) , p . 28.
I 9 H a r r i s o n " R e l i g i o n and R e c r e a t i o n " , p . 155. Also
s e e P e t e r B a i l e y L e i s u r e and C l a s s i n V i c t o r i a n England.
R a t i o n a l R e c r e a t i o n and t h e c o n t e s t for c o n t r o l , 1830-1885
( T o r o n t o , 1 9 7 8 ) , p p . 1 7 1 , 174, 182.
APPENDIX 1
G e n e r a l C o m m i t t e e , Queen V i c t o r i a ' s C o r o n a t i o n
H a l i f a x , 1838
Chair: James
barrister
Boyle
Un 1 a c k e - - e x e c u t i v e
Celebration,
councillor,
Secretary: James Stewart Clarke—barrister
Almon, Mather Byles—barrister
Archibald, Samuel G.W.—attorney-general, speaker of house
of assembly, barrister
Binney, Stephen—merchant
Cunard, Edward, jr.--lawyer, businessman
DeBlois, Stephen W.—merchant and auctioneer
Hartshorne, Lawrence--hardware dealer, member for
Dartmouth
Jeffrey, T.N.—executive councillor, collector of customs
McNab, James—merchant
Richardson, Andrew—excise dept.
Sawyer, J.J.—J.P., high sheriff
Starr, John Leander—merchant, shipbuilder, entrepreneur
Tobin, Michael, jr.—merchant
Tobin, M.—merchant, executive councillor
Wallace, Charles W.—provincial treasurer
Wallace, EdwardYoung, William—M.P.P., barrister
General Committee, Queen Victoria's Nuptial Celebration,
Saint John, 1840
Payard, William—physician, coroner
besnard, Peter —
Black, William—executive councillor, mercahnt, shipper
Boyd, Dr.—physician
Druiy, Charles — registrar of deeds and wills
Gray, John H.—barrister
Hazen, Robert F.--mayor, barrister
Hazen, Robert L.—barrister
Jack, William--barrister
Jarvis, Edward L.--merchant
Johnston, Charles--barrister
Partelow, John R.--merchant
Perley, Moses H.—barrister, naturalist
Peters, James W.—barrister
Peter, James, jr.—barrister, Common Clerk
Pollok, John—merchant
Ritchie, William J.—barrister
Robinson, George D.—merchant
346
347
Street, Alfred L.—barrister
Stewart, Charles C.—
Thurgar, John V.--merchant
Wright, William—shipbuilder
Managing Committee, Celebration of the Visit of the Prince
of Wales to Halifax, 1860
Members of N.S. Executive Council:
Howe, Joseph
Johnston, James W
McCully, Jonathon
Wier, Benjamin
Young, William
Members of N.S. Legislative Council:
Almon, Mather Byles
Kenny, Edward, president
Hon. Members for City and County
Mayor Samuel Caldwell
Members of the City Council
Sheriff and Recorder
Judges:
Bliss
Stewart
Wilkins
Other members:
Cochran, James—merchant
Coleman, William—merchant
Compton, John T.—editor of Evening Express
Cunard, William—merchant
Davis, Robert—builder
Drillio, George—editor of Daily Reporter
and Times
Findlay, William—architect
Kenny, Thomas, sr.—merchant
McCulloch, John—silversmith
M c K e n z i e , George--editor of Halifax
Reporter
348
Mitchell, Thomas—founder
M o t t , John
P. — s o a p and
candle
manufacturer, Dartmouth
Northup, Jeremiah—merchant
Penney, W.--proprleter and publisher of
Halifax Journal
Phelan, Cornelius--Lt. in Volunteer Fire
Co. No. 1
Power, Patrick—dry goods merchant
Ritchie, John W.—barrister
Robson, Charles--merchant, Dartmouth
Smithers, George—painter
Stairs, William—hardware merchant
Taylor, John—merchant
Tupper , Charles—physician , M.P.P.
Uniacke, Andrew M.—barrister
Walsh, Thomas —
Wetmore, Robert—guilder
Wilson, James—distiller
ttee. Natal Day Celebration, Halifax, 1862
William Garvie —editor St proprieter of
Halifax Citizen
Ackhurst, William--alderman, commission
merchant
A n d e r s o n , G e o r g e R . - - m e s s e n g e r , Bank of
Nova S c o t i a , C a p t . of V i c t o r i a R i f l e s
Barnstead, Charles —tannery
B u l g e r , P e t e r - - C a p t . of 1 s t I r i s h C o .
Volunteers
C a l d w e l l , S a m u e l R . - - c h a i r m a n of
fire
d e p t . , blacksmith
Campbell, J.B.—policeman
C h e a r n l e y , W l 1 1 l a m - - C a p t . of C h e b u c t o
G r e y s , Commandant of N . S . V o l u n t e e r s
C o c h r a n , M.—commission m e r c h a n t
C o g s w e l l , James C . — b a r r i s t e r
C o m p t o n , J o h n T . - - a l d e r m a n , e d i t o r of
Evening Express
D r i l l i o , G e o r g e — e d i t o r of D a i l y Reporter
and Times
Duggan, James —alderman , grocer
Fraser, George—Capt. of Mayflower Rifles
Gray, George G.—grocer
Jones, Alfred G.—1st Lt. of 1st Halifax
Reglment
Kenny, Thomas E.—Capt. of Halifax Rifles
349
Lyons, P a t r i c k - - L t . of Union Engine Co.
M a c K i n l a y , Andrew K . — C a p t . of S c o t t i s h
Volunteer Rifles
Manning, W.C.—no o c c u p a t i o n l i s t e d
Mcllreith,
M. — t a i l o r
and
gent's
furnishings
M c i n t o s h , 11—
Morrow, Robert—merchant
Nash, J.D.—alderman, auctioneer
Noble, Robert, sr.—hardware merchant
Pallister, T.—Capt. of 11
Phalen, Edward—Lt. of Union Engine Co.
Pryor, Henry—M.P.P., barrister
Pugh, 11—Capt. of 11
Roome, alderman—alderman,
Scott, Archibald — insurance agent
Shannon, S.L.--barrister
Smithers, George—painter
Smithers, J.--Captain of Union Fire
Protection Co.
Tobin, John—M.P.P., merchant
Townsend, William T.—gauger
Tremain, R.--Captain of Halifax Volunteer
Artillery
Whytal, John L.—boot and shoe maker
Willis, John R.—National School
Yates, George S.—boots and shoe maker
350
Managing Committees, Golden Jubilee, Saint John, 1887
Federal Government M.P.'s :
Boyd, John
Dever, James, Senator
Ellis, John V.
L e w m , J.D., Senator
Skinner, Charles N.
Weldon, Charles W.
Provincial Government M.P.P.'s:
Alward, Silas
Berryman, John
Jones, T.R., Legislative Council
McLellan, David, Provincial Secretary
Quinton, W.A.
Ritchie, R.J., Soliciter General
Stockton, A.A.
O t h e r Members:
Allan,
Harris — brass
hardware
founder
and
ship
Allen, George W.—barrister
Allen, W. Watson—barrister
Almon, Lewis J.—barrister, insurance agent
Armstrong, J.R.—barrister, Lt. Col. in
N.B. Artillery
Ashe, John F.—barrister
Barker, George A.—druggist
Blaine, A.A.—Lt. Col. in 62nd Fusiliers,
book binder
Brittain, Samuel L.—fish inspector
Carvill, William B.—iron merchant
Clark, J.A.—lumber merchant
Clark, W.—Capt.
Cruikshank, Robert—grocer
Daniel, John W.—physician
DeVeber, J.S. DeBoies—County Treasurer
Earle, Sylvester Z.—physician
Ervme, William J.—painter
Estey, James A.--dealers in rubber and
leather
Everitt,
importer
Arthur--dry
goods,
wholesale
Fmlay, Andrew—dry goods merchant
Finn, Michael A.—liquor merchant
Fraser, J. Fen.—clerk
Fulton, Robert—boatman customs
Furlong, Thomas—book agent
Gallagher, M . H . - - g r o c e r s and
merchants
liquor
351
Gilmor, John W.—manager of Daily Telegraph
Grant, J. Macgregor — insurance broker
Hall, Thomas H.—book dealer
Harding, George F.'—water commissioner and
tax collector
Harding, James A.—High Sheriff
Hunter, Thomas—dry goods merchant
Hutton, Samuel —tide waiter, customs
Jack, D. Russell—insurance agent, Spanish
Consul
Jack, I. Allen—barrister, Recorder
Jackson, John—sailmaker
Jones, Simeon—brewer
Kickham, Thomas—harness maker
King, Charles—liquor merchant
Knight, R.M.—druggist
Leah, John H.—painter
Macauley, Alexander—dry goods importers
Macdonald, Charles A.—barrister
McArthur, Robert D.—druggist
McAvity, Thomas, Jr.—hardware dealers
McCullough, Henry A.—dry goods merchant
McLean, Major Hugh H.--62nd Fusiliers,
barrister
McMillan, John—publisher, printer
Merritt, William H.—grocer
Nevins, Charles — salesman
O'Brien, Richard—printer, publisher
Olive, Isaac J.—ship builder
Peters, B. Lester—stipendiary magistrate,
common clerk of common council
Powers, E.A.--book and job p r i n t e r ,
publisher
Quigley, Richard F.—barrister
Robertson, George--grocer
Ross, Elijah—race boat builder, spoon oar
maker
Sears, Edward, jr.—no occupation listed
Seely, Capt. George B.—barrister
Smith, George F.—ship broker, commission
merchant
Sturdee, Major Edward T.—62nd Fusiliers,
accountant, water commissioners
Thorne, W.H.—hardware dealer
Tole, James—grocer
Vroom, William E.—insurance agent
Walker, Thomas—physician
Warner, Gen. Darius B.--mill owner, U.S,
consul
Wetmore, Edwin J.—secty of S.P C.A.
Wilkins, S.W.—dry goods merchant
Wilson, Jarvis—lumber merchant
35 2
Subcommittees:
Oratorio and Music
Chairman:
A.A.
Festival
Stockton—*
Alward, S i l a s — *
Barker, Frederick E . — b a r r i s t e r
B a s k i n , W i l l i a m D . — a l d e r m a n , grocer
Boyd, J o h n — *
Ellis, J . V . — *
E v e r i t t , Charles A . — c l o t h i n g dealer
G i l m o r , John W . — *
H a l l , Thomas T . — *
J a c k , I. A l l e n — *
Jones, S i m e o n — *
L a w r e n c e , Joseph W . — s e c t y of N . B . H . S .
R e y n o l d s , J a m e s — n o occupation listed
Ritchie, R . J . — *
Robertson,
publisher
T.N.— alderman,
printer,
R u e l , James R . — c o l l e c t o r and registrar ot
shipping
T u f t s , Samuel — a l d e r m a n , grocer
Weldon, C . W . — *
W o o d b u r n , James R . — a l d e r m a n , confectioner
Regatta:
Chairman:
Smith,
A.C.--druggist
A l l e n , W. W a t s o n — *
Barker, G . A . — *
B e l y e a , James W . — a l d e r m a n , fisherman
Berryman, J . M . D . — *
Carvill, W . B . — *
C l a r k , J, A . — *
Daniel, J . W . — *
D a v i s , George A . — a l d e r m a n , barrister
E m e r s o n , C h r l e s — a l d e r m a n , tinsmith
F u l t o n , Robert
*
Gallagher, M . H . — *
Hutton, S a m u e l — *
M o r r i s o n , John F . — a l d e r m a n , clerk
McCarthy, P a t r i c k — a l d e r m a n
McGivern,
Richard
P.--aiderman,
merchant
McLellan, David--*
P e t e r s , B. L e s t e r - - *
coal
353
Price, George—tide waiter, customs
Ross, Elijah—*
Skinner, Charles N . — *
Smith, George F.—*
Stackhouse, James 0.—alderman, ship wright
Thorne, W.H.—*
Troop, H.D.—ship owner, ship chandler
Vroom, W . E . — *
Walker, Thomas W . — *
Fireworks and Illuminations:
Chairman:
Kerr, John—chief of fire dept.
Ashe, John F.—*
Biackadar, Fred--crockery and china
Blizzard, Stephen G.—alderman
Frink, R.W.W.—insurance
Jack, D. R.—*
Kickham, Thomas — *
Lantalum, Edward—alderman, junk dealer
Leah, John H . — *
McCulloch, H.A.—*
Payne, Robert A.--editor of Daily Sun
Wilson, John--book-keeper
N.B. Artillery:
Chairman:
Armstrong, Lt. Col. J.R.—*
Armstrong, Major A.J.—paymaster
of militia stores
Seeley, Capt. George B . — *
and supt
62nd Fusiliers:
Chairman:
Blaine, Lt. Col. A.A.—*
McLean, Major H.H.—*
Sturdee, Major E.J.—*
Bands and Music:
Chairman:
Mayor Thorne--*
Armstrong, Lt. C o l . — *
Blaine, Lt. C o l . — *
Jordan, James G.—alderman, ship broker
354
McNichol, James—merchant tailor
O'Brien, Richard—*
Quigley, R.F.—*
Sears, Edward, j r . — *
Smith, Albert C.—alderman, druggist
Railway and Steamboat Fares:
Chairman:
Thorne, W.H.—'
Cruikshank, Robert—*
Everitt, Arthur—*
Jones, T.R.—*
Manchester, James—dry goods merchant
Masters, Charles—manufacturers and dealers
in china, glass, earthenware
McAvity, T., j r . — *
McMillan, John — *
Robertson, George—*
-previously mentioned
Managing Committees, Diamond Jubilee, Saint John, 1897
General Committee:
Armstrong, John R.—Lt. Col., barrister
Barry, James--principal of St. Malachi's
School
Berryman, D.E.—physician
Christie, James—physician
Clark, Charles A.—grocer
Codner , H.--reporter on St. John Globe,
rep. of I.O.O.F.
Godsoe, Frank A.—dentist
Hazen, J.D.—barrister
Henderson, George A.—police clerk, police
mag istrate
Lewis, Will iam--shipsmiths, manufacturers
of iron and railroad work
Maxwell, Robert—contractor
McKinney, Robert W.—printer
Pore, Rev. Dr. Henry—Methodist clergyman
Read, Rev. John—Methodist clergyman
R o b e r t s o n , G e o r g e - - M a y o r , wholesale
grocer
Scott, Snowdon D.—editor of the Sun
Skinner, A.C.—
355
S k i n n e r , A l f r e d 0 . — c a r p e t s and o i l c l o t h s
Smith, I s r a e l — a l d e r m a n , grocer
T u c k e r , Joseph J . — M . P . , L t . C o l .
W a r i n g , W i l l i a m L . - - s t e a m e r and b o i l e r
i n s p e c t o r , r e p . of I . O . G . T .
Wedderburn, J u d g e — J u d g e
L a d i e s Committee o f t h e F r e e P u b l i c Library (Husband's
Occupation):
F o s t e r , Mrs. Frank H.—merchant t a i l o r
P h i l l i p s , Mrs. Alexander M.—broker
S k i n n e r , Miss M. M a n n i n g - - n o o c c u p a t i o n
listed
Tuck, Mrs. W . H . - - c h i e f j u s t i c e , supreme
court
Local Women's Council:
McLellan, Mrs. Fanny B.—widow
Peters, Miss—
Smith, Mrs. E.W.F.--widow
Subcommittees:
Finance:
Chair:
Jarvis, William M.—barrister
Christie, William—alderman , physician
Daniel, John W.—alderman, physician
DeBury, Robert V. Count--no occupation
listed
Macauley, Alexander—dry goods importer
McAvity, Thomas—hardware manufacturer and
dealer
O'Brien, Richard—proprieter and publisher
of St. John Globe
Robertson, James F.—dry goods merchant
Robinson, T.B.—insurance agent
Sears. Edward—no occupation listed
Smith, Alfred C.--druggist
Thorne, William H.—hardware merchant
Bands and Music:
Christie, James — *
356
Godsoe, Frank A . — *
Maxwell, R o b e r t — *
Reynolds, James—pres. of Relief Society
Smith, I.E.—*
Parade:
Chair:
Secretary:
Hazen, J . D . — *
Robinson, John I.—cashier, C.P.R. Tel. Co.
Allan, W.C.R.—druggist
Armstrong, J.R.—barrister, Lt. Col.
Berryman, D . E . — *
Blaine, Arbuthnot A.—book binder, Col.
Blake, George—plumber
Brown, C . E . —
Carleton, John L.—barrister
Ellus, Frank B.—reporter on the Globe
Gleeson, David—cashier customs
Kickham, Thomas—harness maker
Killen, Thomas—blacksmith
Skinner, A . O . — *
Wilson, J.E.—alderman
Fireworks and Illuminations:
Allan, W . C . R . — *
Berryman, D . E . — *
Blake, George—plumber
Brown, C . E . — *
Ellis, F . B . — *
Gleeson, D a v i s — *
Kerr, John—chief of fire dept., barrister
Killen, Thomas — *
McGoldrick, John—alderman, junk dealer
Skinner, A . O . — *
Wilson, John E.—alderman, galvanized iron
worker
Railway and Steamboat:
Fisher, W.S.—stove dealer
Merrltt, G.W.—wholesale grocer
McArthur, Douglas—alderman, stationary and
wall paper dealer
P i t f i e l d , Ward C.--wholesale dry goods
merchant
Sealy, John—wholesale grocer
Woodburn, James R.—machinist
Hotels and Accommodation:
Cornwall, Ira — insurance agent, secty.
St. John Board of Trade
Edwards, Matthew B.—insurance agent
Everitt, Charles A.—secty. and manager
Exhibition Assn.
Foster, Frank—merchant tailor
Lewis, William—*
Millidge, Thomas—alderman, barrister
McSorley, George—barrister
Tilley, Herbert C. — insurance agent
—previously mentioned
APPENDIX 2
Polymorphians Prize Committee, 1882
Simeon Jones—Mayor, brewer
Andrew Emery—"A. Emery St Co", grocer, and "Jones St
Emery",iron knee manufacturer
George V. Nowlin—no occupation listed
R.J. Richey—painter
Arthur C. Smith—"A.C. Smith & Co", druggist
Haymarket Square Polymorphians, Officers, 1883
Pres: Chas Nevins—clerk
Vice: Wm. McAdoo—ship joiner
David McQuarrie—conductor, ICR
James Morrison—
Secty: James Fraser—ship carpenter
John Simonds—brush maker
R. Wilkins—painter
Samuel Wilkins—accountant
Polymorphian Procession, 1883
(New members, not mentioned above)
Cabin: Callaghan, D.-Caverner, M . —
Dunlop, J.—
Foley, J.—
Kelly, John —
McQuade, John—laborer
Morrell, G . —
Patterson, D.—
Sullivan R.—
Willis, John—stonecutter
Ship cabin:
Aswald, Wilder —
Carr, M r s . —
Clarkms (Clarkin) , Wm—ship carpenter
Dunlop, M r s —
Ellingham, E . —
Ewin (Ewing), Rbt—laborer
Griffin, John—millman
Hannah, M r s . —
Kimble (Kimball), Albert—clerk
Mackin, M r s . —
358
McAdoo, Jerry—shipjoiner
McCarthy, Wm.—
Orbell, W . —
Smith, Chas.—
Tait, Wm.—
Tobin, John—ship carpenter
Ward, Robert—carpenter
Wilson, Wm.—
Irish Jaunting Car:
Carney, Jas—blacksmith
O'Neil, Daniel —"O'Neil Bros", victuall
Pike, Geo—teamster
Turnball, George—
Bridal party:
Claney (Clancey), Jas—laborer
Kingston, Walter—baggage master, ICR
Kingston, Walter—baggage master, ICR
Noble, J.—
O'Neill, J.T.—
Stalling, Wm.—
Woody, Wm.—
Tally Ho Coach:
Day, J.A,—
DeArborn, Master—
DeArborn, Miss —
Folsom, S.J.—
Jones, TJ—pattern maker
Saunders, J.J.—
Stevens, Miss A.G.—
Stevens, B . —
Stevens, D.B.—
Thompson, Nettie—
Knights in Armor and Officers:
Fraser, J—ship carpenter
Love, Win—bookkeeper
Marshall, James L . —
McAdoo, Wm.—
Wilkins, Samuel — accountant
Woods, Edward—
Artillery:
Clawson, Samuel—painter
Pye, P.—
Wilkins, T . —
104th Rgt:
Barlow—
Clawson, Joshua—teller, Bank of NB
Lafferty, Robt—blacksmith's helper
360
Manning, George-M c Q u a m e , David — conductor, ICR
Nixon, J.—
Roulston, Joseph—customs appraiser and packer
Simond, J.A.—
Haymarket Square Polymorphians, Officers, 1887
Pres. Chas Nevins—salesman, spar merchant
Vices : J. Fenwick Fraser—clerk
Robert J. Wilkins—painter
John Slater, Jr.—merchant tailor
Chas Jackson—sailmaker
Sergt-at-arms: John Doherty—
Asst sergt-at-arms: Geo. A. Campbell—millman
Secty: WH Love--" Scott, Lawton, St Love", Builders and
Planing Mills
Asst secty: F. Goodere—tailor
Treas: David McQuarrie—conductor, ICR
Haymarket Square Polymorphians, Membership, 1887
Allingham, Edward—brakeman, ICR
Alston, Wm—last maker
Alward, Louis—
Armstrong, Beverly—
Barker, Geo A—Druggist and Apothecary
Baxter, Herbert W—clerk
Belyea, David—teamster
Belyea, W.R.—
Berryman, Alex-Bertram, Jas —laborer, ICR
Black, Samuel —
Bourke, Wm H—printer
Brooks, John A.—clerk
Buchanan—
Byrne, Joseph—
Calvert, Chas—gardener
Cameron, Joseph W.—picture framer
Campbell, Norman—
Campbell, Wilfred—
Campbell, Wm J—currier
Carney, J a s . —
Carr, Robt—engineer, ICR
Clawson, Jas—engineer
Clawson, Samuel—painter
Coyle, Andrew—wheel wright
Cox, Wm—Fireman, driver No 1 hose cart
Crawford, W m . —
Crookshank, Arthur—baggage master
361
Dalzell, Fred—Electric Light Works
Day, George R—teamster
Deneh, Robert —
DeVae, C.N.—
Dick, Oscar — stevedore
Doherty, John—
Donahoe, John—no occupation given
Donaghy, Andrew—
Dooley, M.J.—
Dryden, H . —
Duncan, Alex — laborer
Dunlop, W . —
Evans, W . E . —
Farmer, Arthur—clerk
Farmer, R Jr.—clerk
Ferguson, Fred—clerk
Foley, John E—victualler
Foss, F.—
Foster, James—printer
Fraser, James—seaman
Fraser, J Fenwick—clerk
Frost, George D—clerk
Givan, Chas F—photographer
Godsoe, Oscar—employee, ICR
Goodwin, AL—wholesale fruit and commission merchant
Gough, Arthur—moulder
Graham, James—
Graham, John—milk dealer
Greenwood, P.—
Gregg, Arthur—bookbinder
Griffan, John—
Goodere, J Frank—tailor
Hall, Jas—Captain
Higgins, Michael — "WJ Higgins St Co", merchant tailors
Hopkins, John—victualler and sausage maker
Hunter, Andrew—locksmith
Hunter, W . —
Jackson, Chas—sailmaker
Jackson, George—
Jackson, Robt—sailmaker
James, C . —
Johnston, Robert—
Kee, Samuel—teamster
Kerr, Robert S — "Miranda St Kerr", confectionary, wholesale
and retail
Kiloran (Killorn) , Patrlck—mason
Lafferty, Robt—cabinetmaker
Leetch, Chas H—clerk
Love, Wm H — "Scott, Lawton St Love", Builders and Planing
Mill
Madigan, Rich—stone cutter
Malcolm, Wm.—
362
Manson, J a s . —
Markham, Alfred—
Marshall, Fred—painter
Matthews, Joseph—mason
McAdoo, Geo—painter
McAdoo, WJ—ship carpenter
McAllister, John—grocer
McAndrews, G.—
McCann, Patrick—fruit dealer
McCarthy, Geo V—clerk
McCarthy, M . —
McCarthy, W . —
McDade, John—painter
McDade, Wesley—
McDade, W.J.—
McDevitt, Thos—clerk
McGillvary, Neil —
McKenzie, E . —
McLaughlin (McLauchlin), Wm--clerk
McLean, Sheppard J—barber
McQuade, John—fireman
McQuarrie, Daniel—carpenter, ICR
McQuarrie, David —conductor , ICR
McRobbie, Malcolm—commercial traveller
Meehan, Thos.—
Melvin, Robt J—bookkeeper
Moore, W m . —
Morrison, John F—alderman, clerk
Murdock(h), Joseph A—bookbinder
Nelson, John—fireman, Gas Works
Nicholas (Nichols) Chris—barber
Nicholl (Nichols) Robt—brass finisher
Nixon, Jas—carpenter
Nixon, Robt —liquors
Noble, Joseph I--boot and shoemaker
Nugent, Robert—
0 ' Shaughnessy, Robt — "R. 0 ' Shaughnessy St Co", manufacturer
of trunks, satchells, etc...
Patchell, I—laborer
Patterson, Chas—bookkeeper
Patterson, Samuel-Paul, Alex—painter
Paul, G—laborer
Petch, Gus—printer
Peters, Thos W—barrister, alderman
Pinney, J.—
Ramsay, David—
Rawlings, Rich Jr.—employee, ICR
Rawlings, Capt Rich—Chief of Police
Richey, Samuel—clerk
Ritchie (Richey), Samuel—machinist
Ross, John R—grocer
363
Ross, Louis—
Ross, Rod—grocer
Scott, Clement R—bookkeeper
Scott, Walter—dry goods
Selfridge, John—tinsmith
Simon, John A—physician (business and home at Haymarket
Sq)
Slack, Rich—coal dealer
Slater, John Jr.—merchant tailor
Steele, John—
Stephenson, A.F.—
Sterling, Edward—engine cleaner, ICR
Sterling, J a s . —
Storey, Wm J—warehouseman
Sullivan, PatrickThomas, John F—axlemaker
Thompson, A l e x Thompson, John —
Thompson, Oliver—rigger
Warren, Fred—
Wilkins, Rob J—painter
Wilkins, SW—dry goods
Williamson, Arthur—sailmaker
Williams, Moses—laborer
Williams, W . —
Wilson, Alfred —ropemaker
Wilson, Andrew E—ropemaker
Haymarket Square Darktown Fire Brigade, 1887
(Members not mentioned above)
Boyd, James—
Burke, John—
Burns, James —
Ca-hers, Wm—commercial traveller
Christie, John—sparmaker
Connolly, Edward—
Damery, Thomas —
Dinsmore, Jas—janitor, Victoria School Building
Evans, Edward —tinsmith
Foss , L o m e — d y e r
Kennedy, Edward—
Leech, Chas—clerk
Lowry (Lowrey), John—tide waiter, customs
Mull in, W m . —
Seeds, Samuel—machinist
Smith, John—
Stewart, Andrew—millman
Tufts—
Vaughan, Walter—clerk
Williams, Arthur—clerk
Haymarket Square Armoured Lancers, 1887
Donahue, A.—Fraser, James
Knodell, Chas—clerk
Magee, J.-Millican, Samuel — laborer
McLean, S—barber
0'Regan, John—
Patchell, J.—
E—draughtsman
Haymarket Square Zulus, 1887
Case, John—grocer
Crawford, G.—
Dalton, R.—
Davis, W . —
Diamond, Wm—waiter
Donahue, Eugene—
Driscoll, N . —
Duffy, G.—
Duncan, John—baker
Gleeson, F.—
Hayter, F.—
Leslie, Steve—barber
McAfee, J.—
McAfee, Samuel—laborer
McCann, M . —
McFarlane, Cyrus—carpenter
McLaughlin, Henry—clerk
McQuarrie, H.—
Moody, J.—
Rafferty, John—boiler maker
Shea, A . —
Simpson, Jas—book keeper
Thompson, J.-Thompson, S . —
Wilson, E . —
Haymarket Square Blind Half-Hundred, 1887
Cooper, R.J.—
Goodier (Goodere), Frank—tailor
Griffin, Daniel—car builder
Hanlon, Geo—laborer
McDade, W e s t —
365
McKenzie, W m . —
McLeod, Jas —ship carpenter
McNeill, John—printer
Milligan (Millican), Jas—conductor, ICR
Myers, Chas.—
Peacock, Jas—millman
Penny, John—
Ramsay, Thos--laborer
Sutcliffe, Alfred—
Warn, Fred—shoe cutter
Wilson, Thos—bartender
Haymarket Square Blind Half-Hundred Band, 1887
Boden, John—barrister
Carpenter, G.—
Dairn, J.—
Finn, J.—
Harrington, J.—
Hoyt, S.—
Lockhart, H . —
Low (Lowe) Jas—no occupation listed
Marshall, Thos—clerk
McManus , M.J.—
Murphy, Francis—carpenter
O'Neill (O'Neil), Felix—restauranteer
Quigloy, Wm—tailor
Ring, W . —
Sheeham, Wm.-Sheehan, Cornelius—trunk maker
Haymarket Square Band Stand, 1887
Angevine, Louis—
Dunn, Harry—
Irvin, Orvell—
Xrvin, R.—
Jenkinson, W m . —
McBride, Herbert—
McGinlay, W m . —
Phillips, Andrew—
Tait, Hugh—
Haymarket Square Canada, 1887
Belyea, Annie—
Belyea, Hossie—
Belyea, Janie—
Climo, Lillie—
Graham, Laurie—
Jackson, Martha—
Jackson, Sadie —
Morrison, M i s s —
Munroe, Katie—
McBride, Josie—
McQuarrie, Sadie —
Rennick, Nettie—
Rodgers, Mary—
Ross, Bella—
Saunders, B.-Thomas, Lottie—
Vanwart, Nettie—
Warren, Laura—
White, Maggie —
Haymarket Square's Fairyland, 1887
Benson, Lillie—
Blair , Tessie —
Higgins, M i s s Mills, Maud —
Munro, LauraMyers, Beauty—
McDade, Tillie—
McQuarrie, Josie—
Neil, B e l l —
Northrup, Gertie—
Ross, Crissie —
Rusk, Gertie—
Rusk, Tessie--
367
Portland Polymorphians, Officers, 1887
Pres: John Johnston—Chief Engineer, fire dept
Vice: Chas F Brown—crockeryware
2nd Vice: Rich Rawlings—Chief of Police, Portland
Sergt-at-arms: Herbert Eagles—surveyor
Secty: Robert H Rubins—tailor
Asst Secty: Frank E. Williams
Treas: Duncan Lingley—no occupation listed
Marshal: Herbert Howe—laborer
Portland Polymorphians, Members, 1887
Andrews, John—blacksmith
Austin, MD Jr.—clerk
Black, Alex—
Black, Geo T — "Black St Thompson", livery stable
Black, Jas—bus driver
Bradley, Wm—no occupation listed
Brown, Hazen—ship carpenter
Brown, John—teamster
Carvill (Carvell) F r e d - - " C a r v e l l St S o n s " ,
manufacturers
Chapman, Arthur C—millman
Chesley, Purdy—engineer
Colwell, Melvin—
Corkery, Joseph—
Creig, Herbert-Cunmngham, F r e d — c a r r i a g e maker
Duffy, John—
Eagles, E Herbert—surveyor
Eagles, George — teamster
Elliott, Roily—captain, steam tug
Gallop, F—carpenter
Giggy, Hiram—
Gorham, Frank—cutter and presser
Hammond, Frank—clerk
Horncastle, Joseph—
Irvine, Joseph—printer
Irvine, Wm—salesman
Lingley, Fred—laborer
Lloyd, John—millman
Mason, Herbert—
Maxwell, John—
McConnell, Robt--grocer
Patterson (Paterson), Rob—jeweller
Patterson, Wm.—
Ritchie, Chipman—carriage trimmer
Ritchie, Francis W—moulder
Rogers (Rodgers) H—laborer
Rubins, Alex—tailor
beer
Salmon, John—photographer
Sarah (Sarrah), Joseph—blacksmith
Smalley, Frank—
Smith, Jas W—victualler
Spearin, Erank—manufs agent
Stevens, Isaac—policeman, ICR
Stevens, R LeBaron—surveyor
Watts (Watt), John—carpenter
White, R—painter
Williams, James—
Portland's Five Decades of Victoria's Reign, 18
(New members, not mentioned above)
Black, James—
Brayley, Wm--fisherman
Brown, Andrew—
Brown, Bert—salesman
Brown, F.—
Chamberlain, James—
Chapman, A—millman
D u f f e y , James—
E l l i o t t , M i s s - - M a x w e l l , H—"H Maxwell St S o n " ,
merchants
Elliott, Edward —scowman
Gray, M i s s —
Gregg, Herbert—clerk
Hannah, Thos B—ledger clerk, Bank of NA
Johnston, W m . —
McBeath, Eli—salesman
Miller, S . —
Rawlings, Miss-R u b m s , Mrs. John—wife of merchant tailor
Salmon, M i s s —
Sutherland, Leishman—salesman
Vincent, GR—barrister, alderman
Vincent, M r s . —
Weatherall, M i s s —
Portland's Queen's Drawing Room, 1887
Brown, Harry—
Chesley, Edith—
Chesley, Harry—
Chesley, Louise-Courtney, Miss Lily—
Flewelling, Lizzie—
Gorham, Master —
Gregory, Robbie—
Grogan, Jennie—
369
Shaw, Annie—
Shaw, Maggie—
Smith, Florie—
Smith, Hazel—
Smith, MarionSmith, Wiilard—
HAYMARKET SQUARE POLYMORPHIANS, 1883
Professionals
Merchants/Industrialists
Vhite Collar
Small Businessmen
Accountant
Baggage master, ICR
Bank teller
Book keeper
Clerk
Conductor, ICR
Customs appraiser
and packer
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
Victualler
Skilled Tradesmen
Blacksmith
Blacksmith's helper
Brush maker
Carpenter
Millman
Painter
Pattern maker
Ship carpenter
Ship joiner
Stone cutter
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
2
2
1
Unskilled
Semi-Skilled
Teamster
1
Labourer
1
HAYMARKET SQUARE POLYMORPHIANS, 1887
Merchants/Industrialists
Professionals
Barristers
Physician
2
1
Trunk manufacturers
2
White Collar
Small Businessmen
Baggage master, ICR 1
Book keeper
4
Barber
Builder
4
1
Coal dealer
Commercial traveller
Confectionary
Drugg ist
Dry goods
Electric Light Works
Fruit dealer
Fruit merchant
Grocer
Merchant tailor
Milk dealer
Restauranteer
Photographer
Spar Merchant
Victualler
1
2
1
1
2
1
1
1
3
2
1
1
1
1
3
Chief of Police
Clerk
Conductor, ICR
Draughtsman
Fireman
Tide waiter,
customs
1
19
2
1
3
1
Skilled Tradesmen
Axlemaker
Baker
Boiler maker
Book binder
Boot and shoemaker
Brakeman, ICR
Brass finisher
Cabinet maker
Car builder
Carpenter
Carpenter, ICR
Currier
Dyer
Engine cleaner, ICR
Engineer, ICR
Engineer
Gardener
Locksmith
Machinist
1
1
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
3
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
Mason
Millman
Moulder
Painter
Printer
Rigger
Rope maker
Sail maker
Seaman
Ship carpenter
Shoe cutter
Spar maker
Stone cutter
Tailor
Tinsmith
Wheelwright
2
3
1
6
4
1
2
3
1
2
1
1
1
3
2
1
Service Occupations
Bar tender
Janitor
Waiter
Warehouseman
1
1
1
1
Unskilled
Semi-Skilled
Stevedore
Teamster
No Occupation listed
1
1
3
Labourer
Labourer,
PORTLAND POLYMORPHIANS, 1887
Professionals
Merchants/Industrialists
Barrister
Lumber merchants
Manufacturer's agent
White Collar
Small Businessmen
Chief Engineer,
fire dept
Chief of police
Clerk
Policeman, ICR
Surveyor
Beer brewers
1
4
1
2
Crockeryware
Grocer
Jeweller
Livery stables
Photographer
Salesman
Steam tug captain
Victualler
Skilled Tradesmen
Blacksmith
Carpenter
Carriage maker
Carriage trimmer
Cutter and presser
Eng ineer
Fisherman
Millman
Moulder
Painter
Printer
Ship carpenter
Tailor
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
3
1
1
1
1
2
Semi-Skilled
Bus driver
Scowman
Teamster
No occupation listed
2
Unskilled
1
1
2
Labourer
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
4
1
1
APPENDIX 3
Women's Memorial Hall Commission, 1882
MEMBERS
HUSB.'S OCCUPATION OR INDEPENDENT
STATUS
President:
Mrs. Simeon Jones
brewer, mayor
Secty/Treasurer:
Miss M.M. Skinner
brother of Alderman Skinner
Adams, Mrs. Robert
Adams, Mrs. W.H.
Allan, Mrs. Harris
brass founder (Allan Bros. Union
Foundry, Carleton), alderman, JP
Allan, Mrs. Rob. R.
Allan Bros. Union Foundry
Allan, Mrs. Thos
Union Iron Foundry (Allan Bros)
Allison, Mrs. Jos.
merchant (Manchester, Robertson,
and Allison)
Allison, Mrs.
Almon, Mrs. L, J.
attorney and barrister, insurance
agent
Anglin, Mrs. T.W.
MPP
Berton, Mrs. Sam.D.
c o m m i s s i o n m e r c h a n t and
grocer (Berton Bros.)
Boyd, Mrs. B.B.
teller
Boyd, Mrs. John
wholesaler
G o o d s ) , MP,
Burpee, Mrs. FTC
m a n a g e r o f Red
Union, C a r l e t o n
Burpee, Mrs. Isaac
i r o n and s t e e l m e r c h a n t
B u r p e e St C o . ) , MP
Carr, Mrs. Marg
widow, school teacher
374
wholesale
At Bank of NS
(Daniel
senator.
& Boyd
Granite
Dry
Works,
(I
St F
375
Chipman, Mrs. A.
druggist (A Chipman, Smith, & Co)
Clark, Mrs. Wm.
grocer (Wm.
Carleton
Clinch, Mrs. RT
super of Western Union Tel. Co.
Crane, Mrs. Mary
private school teacher
Crookshank, Mrs.Rbt
manager of Dominion savings bank
Cruikshank, Mrs. Rbt
grocer (Jardine & Co.)
Daniel, Mrs. Thos.
wholesaler
Goods) , JP
DeBury, Countess
common councillor, Portland
deForest, Mrs. Geo.
ship chandler, JP
DeVeber, Mrs.JS Boies
wholesaler
Goods)
Dever, Mrs. Jas.
Senator
Disbrow, Mrs. J.W.
widow
Dole, Mrs. W.P.
school inspector, Portland
Domville, Mrs. Jas
MPP, common councillor
Drake, Mrs. Uriah
tax assessor, JP
Elder, Mrs. Wm
editor and proprieter
Telegraph, MPP, JP
Ellis, Mrs. John V.
proprietor and publisher of Globe
(Ellis, Robertson St Co)
Fairweather, Mrs. C.
f l o u r
d e a l e r
F a i r w e a t h e r ) , JP
Gilbert, Mrs. Henry
ship owner and timber
(Gilbert & Co)
Gilbert, Mrs. Thos.
No occupation listed
Grant, Mrs. J. McG.
insurance agent
a l d e r m a n , JP
Hanford, Mrs. Thos
inspector of inland revenue
J.
Clark
St Co) ,
(Daniel St Boyd Dry
(J Finlay
St Co Dry
of Daily
( H a l l
and
St
merchant
broker,
376
Hall, Mrs. Stephen
flour dealer (Hall & Fairweather)
Hamilton, Mrs. George
physician
Harding, Mrs. Jas A.
high sheriff
Harding, Mrs. John H.
agent of Custom House
Harrison, Mrs. Jer.
flour and West Indies merchant (J
St WF Harrison)
Harrison, Mrs. Leigh H.
Harrison, Mrs. Wm F.
flour and West Indies merchant (J
St WF Harrison)
Hazen, Mrs. F.B.
No occupation listed
Hazen, Mrs. Robert
merchant
Hazen, Mrs. Wm.
attorney and barrister
Holden, Mrs. Chas
physician
Holly, Mrs. James
lumber
Holly)
Jack, Mrs. Henry
Jack, Mrs. Wm
Kaye, Mrs. J.J.
merchant
(McLellan
St
i n s u r a n c e a g e n t (North B r i t i s h &
M e r c a n t i l e St S c o t t i s h U n i o n St
N a t i o n a l I n s u r a n c e Cos.)
attorney
and b a r r i s t e r ,
a d v o c a t e g e n e r a l , c o u r t of
Admiralty
a g e n t for Royal I n s u r a n c e
Kaye St J S y d n e y )
(JJ
Kinnear, Mrs. C.F.
commission
Bros)
Knight, Mrs. Rich. N.
druggist,
Jones, Mrs. Thos R.
wholesaler (Thos. R. Jones St Co.,
Dry Goods and Clothing), police
magistrate, JP
Lawton, Mrs. Jas.
No occupation listed
Leavitt, Miss
Leonard, Mrs. Henry
blacksmith
merchant
Co.
QC,
Vice
(Kinnear
JP
377
Magee, Mrs. John
coal and commission
(Magee Bros)
Manchester, Mrs. Jas.
merchant (Manchester, Robertson,
St Allison)
McGivern, Mrs. R.P.
coal merchant
McLellan, Mrs. David
MPP
McLeod, Mrs. George
lumber m e r c h a n t
McMillan, Mrs. John
boo k s e 1 1 e r / p u b l 1sher
McMillan)
Merritt, Mrs. Chas
widow
Millidge, Mrs. Thos. E,
attorney and barrister (Hanington
& Millidge)
Murdoch, Mrs. Gilbert
super of Water Works
Nicholson, Mrs. John W.
wholesaler of liquors
Palmer, Mrs. A.L.
MP, JP (Supreme Court)
Parks, Mrs. John
cotton manufacturer
Son)
Perley, Mrs. C.W.
widow
Prescott, Mrs. Gideon
no occupation listed
and s h i p
merchant
owner
(J
St A
(Wm Parks St
Price, Miss
Quinton, Mrs. Wm
boarding house keeper
Reed, Mrs. James R.
shipowner (J St R Reed)
Ring, Mrs.
widow
Ritchie, Mrs. R.J.
barrister, MPP
Robertson, Mrs. David
clerk
Robertson, Mrs. James
merchant (Manchester, Robertson St
Allison)
Robertson, Mrs. James
378
Robinson, Mrs. Ludlow
ledger keeper at Bank of N.S.
Robinson, Mrs. T. B.
attorney and barrister, insurance
agent (M & TB
Robinson, Agents
for M a r i n e , Fire, Life, and
Accident Ins.)
Salter, Mrs. A.C.A.
millowner
Sears, Mrs. Edw
no occupation given
Skinner, Mrs. C.N.
attorney and barrister, MP, JP,
QC, alderman
Smith, Mrs. A.C.
chief engineer, fire dept, JP
Smith, Mrs. George F.
shipowner, JP, alderman
Smith, Mrs. G. Sidney
attorney and barrister, court of
Vice Admiralty
Snider, Mrs. George E,
auctioneer, commission merchant,
JP
Spurr, Mrs. J. deWolf
president of Dominion Safety Fund
Life Assn
Starr, Mrs. RP
coal merchant (RP St WF Starr),
agent for Spring Hill Mining Co.
Stewart, Mrs. Luke
ship owner and broker
Stockton, Mrs. A.A.
barrister (AA SL RO Stockton),
registrar and scribe, court of
Vice Admiralty
Sturdee, Mrs. HL
barrister
Tapley, Mrs. David
police magistrate of Portland
Tapley, Mrs. John
tug boat owner (Tapley Bros.)
Temple, Mrs. Thos A.
insurance agent
Thompson, Mrs. Rich
fancy goods
Thomson, Mrs. Wm.
s h i p b r o k e r s and c o m m i s s i o n
m e r c h a n t s (W. Thomson St Co)
Thurgar, Mrs. John V.
common c o u n c i l l o r ,
Thurgar, Mrs. J. V.
no o c c u p a t i o n
Portland
listed
379
Travers, Mrs. Boyle
physician
Travis, Mrs. Jeremiah
attorney St barrister
Troop, Mrs. Howard
ship chandler, broker, and owner
(Troop & McLaughlin, Troop St Son)
Tuck, Mrs. W.H.
attorney and barrister, QC, city
recorder, clerk of Crown
Turnball, Mrs. W.
flour and commission
(Turnball St Co)
Vaughan, Mrs. Henry
shipowner
Venning, Mrs. J. A.
dry goods
Venning)
Wade, Mrs. Nugent
no O c c u p a t i o n
Walker, Mrs. Thos.
physician
Watters, Mrs. Chas.
MP, c o u r t
Weldon, Mrs. Chas W.
a t t o r n e y and b a r r i s t e r
McLean, St D e v l i n ) , QC
Weldon, Mrs. John W.
JP
Wetmore, Mrs. E.J.
commission
Wheeler, Miss M.L.
boarding
Whitney, Mrs. Geo
bookseller/
McMillan)
Willis, Mrs. Edw
MPP, e d i t o r and p r o p r i e t e r
D a i l y E v e n i n g News
of
Wilson,
lumber
Wilson),
&
Mrs.
Jarvis
merchant
(Beard
S<
listed
of V i c e
(Supreme
merchant
Admiralty
(Weldon,
Court)
merchant
house
keeper
pub'isher
(J
St A
merchant
(McLachlan
A l d e r m a n , JP
Occupations of the Husbands of the Women
on the Women's Commission, 1882
PROFESSIONALS
Doctors
Lawyers
3
12
WHITE COLLAR
Clerk
Newspaper proprieter
1
3
Banks
Manager
Teller
Ledger
1
1
1
Insurance
Company pres.
Agent/broker
1
5
Utilities
Super, of Western
Union Tel. Co.
Super. of Water Works
Civil Servants
Fire dept, chief
eng ineer
High sheriff
School inspector
Agent, custom house
Inspector, inland rev.
Tax assessor
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
INDUSTRIALISTS/MANOFACTURERS
Cotton manufacturer
Foundry owners/operators
Granite Works manager
Mill owner
1
3
1
1
MERCHANTS
Auctioneer
1
Commission
Coal
Dry goods
Flour
Iron and steel
Wholesale
Ships and Timber
Ship broker/
commission merchant
Ship Chandler
Ship chandler/broker/
owner
Ship owner
Ship owner/
timber merchant
Timber merchant
2
3
5
5
1
8
1
1
1
3
2
2
SHOPKEEPERS/SMALL BUSINESS
Bookseller/publisher
Druggist
Grocer
Tug boat owner
1
2
2
1
SKILLED TRADES
Brewer
Blacksmith
1
1
LAW/POLITICS
Courts
Court of Vice-Admiralty
advoc. gen.
registrar/scribe
J.P.
Q.C.
Police magistrate
2
1
1
16
4
2
Provincial/Dominion govt
M.P.P.
4
M.P.
Senator
5
2
Civic Govt
Alderman
City recorder
9
1
382
Mayor
INDEPENDENT WOMEN
Boarding house keeper
Daughter
Nurse
Teacher
Widow
I
2
1
1
2
5
383
Library Conversazionne, 1882
HUSB'S OCCUP, INDEP. STATUS, OR
MEMBERSHIP IN MEMORIAL COMMISSION
Allison, Mrs. Jos.
*
Armstrong, Mrs JR
barrister
Blair, Miss Ada
Eaton, Miss S.
Fielders, Miss Minnie
Fiske, Mrs, JMC
widow
Holden , Mrs Chas.
*
Jones, Mrs. Simeon
*
King, Mrs. Geo E.
JP (Supreme Court)
King, Mrs. ST
mill owners (ST King St Sons)
Lawrence, Miss Mary
Marvin, Miss
McLeod, Mrs. Geo.
*
Murray, Miss
Ruel, Mrs. JR
collector of customs
Skinner, Miss Belle
Skinning, Mrs, Maning
Skinner, Mrs. R.C.
barrister
Temple, Mrs.
*
Travers, Mrs Boyle
*
Tuck, Mrs. WH
*
384
Wade, Mrs. N.
*
W h i t e , Mrs. John
furniture
White)
*—Member of Memorial Commission
t
dealers
(Stewart
S.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES
1. Manuscripts
NAC
Aberdeen, Lady, Journal, 1897, Vol. 10, Micro C-1354.
,Scrapbook, 1897, MG 27, IB5, Vol. 25.
HALIFAX CITADEL
Newspaper Indices.
Allen, Gillian "Halifax Natal Day — Its History and
Celebration, 1950-1982", research paper.
PANS
Bank of British North America, Proprieters, 1842, MG 100,
Vol. 10 6, no 41b.
Bell, J.A., Diary, 1887, 1897, MG
Charitable Irish Society Minute Book, 1838, 1841, MG 20,
Vol. 67.
Crowell's Scrapbook, MG 9, Vol. 109.
Dispatches from the Governors of Nova Scotia to the
Secretary of State, 1841, RG 1, Vol. 116, no. 21;
1860, Vol. 125, no. 34, Vol. 126, nos. 69, 71.
Dispatches from the Secretary of State to the Governors of
Nova Scotia, 1842, RG 1, Vol. 81, nos. 22, 29; 1860,
Vol. 104, nos. 16, 53.
Forbes, Jean S. "History of the Halifax Branch of the
V.O.N., 1898-1947".
Governor's Petitions, 1868, RG 5, Series GP Vol. 5, no 39.
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A b b o t t , Frank A l b e r t "The Quebec Winter C a r n i v a l of 1894:
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Day, R o b e r t D. "The B r i t i s h Army and S p o r t in Canada. Case
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D i c k e n s , Thomas W. " W i n n i p e g , I m p e r i a l i s m , and t h e Queen
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T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of M a n i t o b a , 1982.
Guildford, Janet "Public School
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Reform and t h e H a l i f a x
Ph.D. T h e s i s , Dalhousie
H o w e l l , David "A H i s t o r y of H o r s e r a c i n g in H a l i f a x ,
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Markham, Susan E. "An I n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h e Development of
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Metropolitan
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1 8 8 0 ' s " , Honours E s s a y , D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y , 1 9 7 8 .
P u n c h , T e r r e n c e Michael "The I r i s h in H a l i f a x , 1 8 3 6 - 1 8 7 1 :
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396
Dalhousie University, 1976.
Rudachyk, Bradley E.S. "The Most Tyrannous of Masters"Fire
in Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1830-1850", M.A. Thesis,
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Sutherland, D.A. "The merchants of Halifax, 1815-1850: a
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"J.W. Johnston and the Metamorphosis of
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3. Articles
A b b o t t , F r a n k " C o l d Cash and I c e P a l a c e s : The Quebec
Winter C a r n i v a l of 1 8 9 4 " , Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review,
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Birnbaum, N. "Monarchs and S o c i o l o g i s t s : A Reply t o P r o f .
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B l a k e , Tuth "How M a r i t i m e r s C e l e b r a t e d Queen V i c t o r i a ' s
C o r o n a t i o n i n 1 8 3 8 " , M a r i t i m e A d v o c a t e and Busy
E a s t , V o l . 4 8 , n o . 8, A p r i l 1 9 5 3 , p p . 1 7 - 2 5 .
B l a k e l e y , P h y l l i s Ruth "Anna of Siam in Canada", A t l a n t i c
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