risk and safety in transport in ghana

Transcription

NTNU
Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige
universitet.
Fakultet for samfunnsvitenskap og teknologiledelse
Geografisk institutt
Feltkursrapport/
Field course reports
Edited by Iris T. Leikåsen De León
RISK AND SAFETY IN
TRANSPORT IN GHANA
Report from Field Course in Geography,
Master of Geography- Spring 2006
Acta Geographica - Trondheim
Serie D, Nr. 23
Series D, No. 23
Feltkursrapporter
RISK
SAFETY
IN TRANSPORT IN GHANA
FieldAND
course
reports
Report from master’s field course in geography in Ghana
Spring 2006
ISSN 1502-2420
http://www.svt.ntnu.no/geo/
Innovation and Creativity
Innovation and Creativity
ACTA GEOGRAPHICA – TRONDHEIM
Series D, No. 23
RISK AND SAFETY IN TRANSPORT IN GHANA
Report from Field Course in Geography,
Master of Geography- Spring 2006
Trondheim 2006
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Our group of students consisted of (by order): Kjersti Kvale (Geography), Trond Nordfjærn
(Psychology), Iris T. Leikåsen De Leon (Geography), Marte Nordhus (Geography), Ingunn Olea
Lund (Psychology) and Axel Gabriel De Leon (Iris’ spouse).
4
Torbjørn Rundmo, Dept of Psychology, co-supervisor, together with children from Dunkwa onOffin.
Stig Jørgensen, Dept of Geography, supervisor coordinator, together with Samuel Agyei-Mensah
and a local chief and professor Naa John S. Nabila at campus, University of Ghana.
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PREFACE
This report is the result of a field course in Ghana for Norwegian master students in Geography
and Norwegian M. Phil students in Development studies, specializing in Geography. Besides, a
staff member and two master students from the Department of Psychology participated in the field
course arranged by Dept of Geography at the Norwegian University of Technology and Science
(NTNU) in Trondheim. The field course took place from 13 – 25 March 2006.
The main aim of the course is to achieve insight and knowledge of the entire process of performing
a field work in a new and foreign field context, based on a common research objective with use of
various methods and data collections. Furthermore, to evaluate the applied methods in a critical
way, analyse findings and compile these issues in a final report.
This course differs to a substantial degree from previous field courses in the organisation and the
process of carrying out of the field work. In this course a very strong emphasis was put on the
students training in the practical field situation stressing plans to gather data, encountering
respondents and gaining the experience of active data collecting in the selected field areas in
Ghana. The basic technique applied was use of a questionnaire (the survey method) on ordinary
people’s perception, attitudes and behaviour on risk related to road traffic. However, the approach
was partly supplemented by other techniques (interviews, observations, text analysis). The
methodological approach is further described in the report. This priority limited the time devoted to
“traditional” lectures, orientations and sight-seeing about a wider range of themes in Ghana.
Nevertheless, the course included a round trip through a vast area of the country and a few day
excursions (see course programme.) In the student’s evaluation at the end of the course, it was
clearly stated that this way of organising the course, with a strong emphasis on active field work
participation from the students, had been highly rewarding. Performing field work with close
contact with locals gave the students a deep insight and experience in possibilities and limitations
in performing fieldwork in a different culture and with a substantial transfer value to their own
field work.
Besides this course introduced a new form of interdisciplinary collaboration between two
departments at NTNU (Geography and Psychology), with complementary insight and
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understanding of an important theme: Traffic accident risk and road safety in a developing country
perspective.
The arrangement of the course in Ghana was based on experiences from previous field courses in
the country and a long and good research tradition through NUFU agreements and project
collaboration (a programme for research co-operation funded by the Norwegian Ministry of
Foreign Affairs) dating back to 1996 and continuing until the end of 2007.
We will use the opportunity to thank our two hospitable host Geography Departments at University
of Ghana, Accra and University of Cape Coast for excellent organisation and support, both at the
scientific and practical level. Special thanks to the former department go to Dr Samuel AgyeiMensah, Professor, Head of dept. Alex B. Asiedu and the PhD student Charlotte Wrigley Asante
and Master student Kojo Gyabah, both assisting us in the fieldwork. At Cape Coast, Professor and
dean of the faculty, Kofi Awusabo-Asare, Professor, Head of dept. Albert Abane and the PhD
students James Eshun and Kwaku Kissah Korsah who gave us support in the fieldwork in the town
and excursions. In addition, thanks to PhD student Alexander Segbefia and Prof Daniel Buor for
organising the stay and excursions in Kumasi. However, there are several other persons
contributing to a successful and interesting visit that should have been mentioned, such as master
students, representatives from the departments (incl. dept of Psychology at Univ. of Ghana), other
institutions and companies who participated in parts of the field round trip, discussions and
practicalities during our stay. We owe you all sincere thanks for making the study tour very
stimulating and memorable for us!
Trondheim, November 2006
Stig Jørgensen
Torbjørn Rundmo
Dept of Geography
Dept of Psychology
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List of content
PREFACE .................................................................................................................................. 5
1 THE FIELD COURSE: INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND..................................... 9
1.1 Introduction, aims and organisation of the master student field course........................... 9
1.2 Preparation prior to the field trip.................................................................................... 11
1.3 Some methodological approaches .................................................................................. 13
2 ASPECTS OF ROAD SAFETY ISSUES............................................................................. 17
2.1 Road safety and road traffic injuries in Ghana............................................................... 17
2.2 A framework for analyzing road injury risk and road safety in Ghana.......................... 21
3 Programme field course ........................................................................................................ 30
4 FACTS ON GHANA ............................................................................................................ 35
4.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 35
4.2 Facts on Ghana ............................................................................................................... 36
5 PROGRAMME FIELD COURSE – A SHORT DIARY ..................................................... 39
5.1 In Accra .......................................................................................................................... 39
5.2 Leaving for Cape Coast.................................................................................................. 41
5.3 Kumasi ........................................................................................................................... 45
5.4 Back in Accra ................................................................................................................. 49
6 EXPERIENCES WITH METHODOLOGY AND FIELD WORK SETTINGS ON ROAD
SAFETY................................................................................................................................... 52
7 METHODOLOGY................................................................................................................ 54
7.1 Methodological approaches to road safety..................................................................... 54
7.2 The Survey, -the Questionnaire...................................................................................... 56
7.2.1 Structure .................................................................................................................. 57
7.2.2 Cluster Sampling and geographical stratification ................................................... 57
7.2.3 Variables.................................................................................................................. 58
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7.2.4 Critics ...................................................................................................................... 58
7.3 Field experience ............................................................................................................. 60
7.4 Text analysis................................................................................................................... 61
7.5 Conclusions .................................................................................................................... 63
8 SOME FINDINGS ON TRAFFIC RISK PERCEPTIONS AMONG A GHANAIAN PUBLIC66
8.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 66
8.2 Data and methods ........................................................................................................... 69
8.3 Measures......................................................................................................................... 70
8.4 Statistical analysis .......................................................................................................... 70
8.5 Results ............................................................................................................................ 70
8.5.1 Dimensionality of traffic risk perception ................................................................ 70
8.5.2 Traffic risk perceptions in Ghana............................................................................ 72
8.5 Differences in perceived traffic risk due to gender, age, and education ........................ 74
8.6 Discussion ...................................................................................................................... 76
9 ATTITUDES AS PREDICTORS OF DRIVER BEHAVIOUR IN NORWAY AND GHANA 81
9.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 81
9.2 Methods.......................................................................................................................... 84
9.3 Results ............................................................................................................................ 85
9.3.1 Dimensional structure of attitudes towards traffic safety........................................ 85
9.3.2 Attitudes towards traffic safety in Norway and Ghana ........................................... 87
9.3.3 Dimensions of driver behaviour.............................................................................. 89
9.3.4 Driver behaviour in Norway and Ghana ................................................................. 90
9.4 DISCUSSION AND SOME CONCLUSIONS.............................................................. 91
Appendix (Questionnaire) ........................................................................................................ 95
9
1 THE FIELD COURSE: INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND
Stig Jørgensen, Dept of Geography
1.1 Introduction, aims and organisation of the master student field
course
The aim of the field course is to achieve abilities and experience in use of methods, including
various techniques for data collection and data handling. The field course setting could be in a
different socio-cultural and economic context. The course should give opportunities for training in
field work situations that could have transfer value to the students’ own field work as a part of their
master thesis. The work is group based and implies change of experiences and critical reflections
among the group members.
In March 2006 two field courses were arranged. One had Switzerland as the destination, with a
target group of human geography students basically interested in social issues in developed
counties (Europe) and physical geography. The other field course took place in Ghana for human
geography students attracted to developing studies and issues related to other cultural contexts.
The choice and final decision where to go on field course are always present, and are mostly based
on a combination of sub-discipline interests and the costs (the students’ payment out-of-pocket),
plus some general group interests and preferences for cultures and countries changing from time to
time. The Geography department policy of subsidising accommodation, internal travel costs and
some other costs in the country of destination may give a strong economic incentive to choose
European countries where the flight tickets are relatively inexpensive and the costs of stay are
relatively high. The students choosing developing countries will be compensated to a lower extent
due to the low level of living costs in these countries.
Some students made decisions to sign up for one of the course at an early stage. Two of the Ghana
field course students purchased (non-refundable) tickets well in advance to benefit from bargain air
fares. This behaviour is rational since the travel expenses to the course destinations have to be paid
10
by the students themselves, and flights to countries in Africa are very expensive, if purchased few
weeks prior to departure.
In the last days before the final deadline for decision, it turned out that the collective preferences
for several reasons were in favour for going to Switzerland. A group of 5 – 8 students expressing
ambivalent wants then left a possible Ghana alternative. Thus the group of students leaving for
Ghana was dramatically reduced. However, since the Ghana course was announced and some
students had purchased non-refundable tickets, the course should be arranged. The group of
geography students who preferred Ghana were reduced to 3 students (plus one spouse of a student).
This experience points towards a principle for planning field courses by using binding sign up to
the courses in due time to avoid a critical low number of students to one of the courses.
With few geography students which finally decided to go to Ghana, it was convenient that a
collaboration plan including master students from Dept. of Psychology was already launched, since
a larger pool of students contributed to a better economies of scale in the course and more variety
in the group and scopes for performing a more extensive field work. For logistical reasons a
limited group made the transport solutions more convenient and guiding more easy and of a higher
quality. The two staff members (one from dept. of Geography and one from Dept of Psychology)
and the six students could all be seated in a mini-bus for transport to their respectively field work
areas and for the round trip to Cape Coast and Kumasi and some other shorter excursions.
1.1.1 Participation from Department of Psychology, NTNU
Professor Torbjørn Rundmo from Department of Psychology, who captured interest for Ghana
from a previous visit, took an initiative for a formal collaboration for fieldwork plans for 2 master
students in psychology and collecting a data material for further joint research and analyses. He
possesses a long research experience on risk studies, among other things related to traffic accidents
and road safety. As a part of the collaboration with Dept of Geography he could offer a set up of a
comprehensive questionnaire with well-established measurement instruments based that could be
modified and applied for the field work in a developing country context. (See appendix 1 for the
final questionnaire)
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It should be mentioned that the Psychology-related part of the activities in the field course was
financed by that department.
Rundmo worked as a co-organizer of the field trip with special responsibilities for the two master
students from Dept of Psychology. Moreover, his competence on risk related issues and
methodology benefited the entire field work, and he contributed to synergy effects to the whole
group of students from both departments.
The collaboration between the two disciplines worked excellent, and included several interesting
discussions on methodologies and theoretical interfaces as well as socialisation of students and
staff members.
1.2 Preparation prior to the field trip
The preparations for the field trip in Norway were organised as 3 workshops and additional
meetings with the students and the responsible teacher from Department of geography. In addition
the students organised their own meetings and performed extended homework regarding compiling
information about various aspects of the physical and human geography of the country, including
aspects of road safety and traffic injury risk. These studies were partly based on text books related
to development approaches and some specific books which focussed on Ghana. An important
source was critical use of Internet to get fact sheets about Ghana regarding demography, economy,
development issues, poverty, health, importance of tourism and other related issues, were
addressed by the students.
Stig Jørgensen gave a double lecture on level of living conditions, culture and health issues with
slides illustrating the conditions in various parts of Ghana. This presentation did also show some of
the areas which on the Accra - Cape Coast – Kumasi – Accra roundtrip and the Akosombo (Lake
Volta) area. The lecture gave possibilities for a question round followed by further discussions,
readings and preparations.
12
Since the main topic focused in the field work was risk and road safety, the students gathered
information based on relevant articles and books. (The theme road safety was also covered in a
specific lecture in the elective master course “Geography, Health and Development”: “Traffic
accidents and environment” which the students attended the prior term.)
Guide books like Lonely Planet on West Africa 5th edition and Phillip Briggs Ghana Third edition.
Bradt Travel Guides (London) gave a more overall and ‘touristy` angling to the country. Previous
Dept. of Geography field course reports were also useful (especially no 20 A study of Ghana,
report from master’s field course spring 1999.) The available information was discussed and
critically examined during the group meetings.
A special meeting was arranged about visa application, red tapes and formal procedures including
money exchange, other practicalities plus a list of what to bring to Ghana.
All the participating geography students had quite widespread experiences from travelling and
visits to developing countries (other parts of Africa, or Asia or Latin America), which meant that
they possessed some training in interpretation and understanding of socio-economical, cultural and
political structures in developing countries. Moreover, they were also familiar with various issues
of development and encountering poor people and poverty situations. Besides they had experiences
with living under relatively rough conditions with no frills accommodation and transport systems.
All students (including the psychology students) were engaged in group discussions on customs
and rites and traditional values to adapt as far as possible to a foreign culture.
A weakness of the preparations, as the student pointed to, was the absence of broader introductions
and presentation of comprehensive theories on risk including risk perception, risk assessment and
risk-taking behaviour, linked to from a psychological or geographical perspective.
The geography students were not very familiar with the theoretical underpinnings and principles
for constructing a questionnaire based on various theoretical dimensions of risk and internationally
well established items of questions incorporated in these dimensions. The survey approach was
mostly adopted from risk related issues in psychology even if they have substantial relevance for
geography including time and space perspectives as well.
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The main reason for the restricted theoretical understanding of these risk aspects was a shortage of
time. During the field course preparations the students were on a tight schedule attending lectures
in other courses at the same period.
The Psychology students did also participate in the field work preparations. This arrangement was
convenient since they planned to use a questionnaire in their master theses as a part of a
comparison of perception, attitudes and behaviour related to risk and traffic searching for a sample
population in Ghana and Norway.
1.3 Some methodological approaches
With a limited group of students it was natural to apply a basic type of methodology and technique
for collecting data that could employ all students. In addition, a common methodological
arrangement was assumed to create some positive group dynamic effects and social cohesion in the
group, as valuable side–effects. The questionnaire which all the students should handle, could work
as a common denominator for rising and discussing more principal methodological problems as
well as practical issues and limitations of the applied technique. The students’ experiences are
presented in chapter 6 in the report.
The geography students had just achieved training in the survey method or use of questionnaire
from lectures and exercises in the methodology course GEOG 3002 running parallel to the field
work preparations. Hence, both the geography and the psychology students possessed substantial
knowledge about the survey method and were trained in constructing questionnaires, formulating
types of questions and familiar with advantages as well as disadvantages related to the method as
well as judging sampling procedures, response rates etc.
The questionnaire
Questionnaires are a widely used as a standard technique to achieve information. They offer
various ways of sampling techniques and a substantial number of cases could be stratified in
various ways. It is well suited for collaboration since it is a type of standardised form with common
questions (items), where all the students could achieve an overview of the continuing process. The
plan was that the students should operate in smaller groups (2-3 students including a local assistant
(Ghanaian PhD- or Master students). They administered identical forms to various sample
14
populations in various geographical setting and local physical conditions. (Usage of other
techniques, for instance interviews as the basic approach, would not have facilitated the
possibilities of sharing experiences and understanding in a similar manner.)
The specific target for data collected by the survey method was calculated to 350 questionnaire
forms. A very ambitious target since the content of questionnaire was extensive as described
below. The actual number of respondents filling in the questionnaire during the field course was
299. The sampling procedure included picking respondents by use of a pragmatic form of
stratification by area (place of residence, i.e. the cities Accra and Cape Coast), sex and age groups,
and furthermore various socio-economic groups, if manageable.
The questionnaire applied measurement instruments and knowledge from other projects in this area
carried out internationally (including Norway) in several studies on attitudes, risk perception, risk
and safety culture, and risk behaviour in traffic and transport safety research.
A revised pilot version of the questionnaire was previously tested out by 15 M. Phil students and 4
Ghanaian PhD students (3 of them assisted in the fieldwork in Ghana later on). The content and
form were revised according to the comments and criticism in order to adjust for more general or
specific cultural contexts and local conditions in developing countries and in particular in Ghana.
The final questionnaire was designed in 9 subsections:
- ‘My opinion about traffic safety’
- ‘My risk judgement in traffic’
- ‘My judgement of other risks’
- ‘My risk willingness’
- ‘My behaviour as a pedestrian’
- Demographic information
- ‘My opinion about culture’
- ‘My traffic behaviour’
- ‘My accident history’
The form contained 181 questions (items), the majority of them applied a Likert 5 point scale
(from ‘strongly agree’ to ‘strongly disagree’ for statements the respondents should make up their
mind about). It was an estimated time of 30 minutes to fill in the form. See appendix 1 for the final
15
questionnaire form. Due to local circumstances and various types of respondents (some needed a
translation into local language), the fill in time actually varied up to 50 minutes as a maximum.
Definitely, it was a weakness that the student missed the adjustment process, but that process was
actually taking part prior to the planned field course preparations for the students. So the
geography students had to accept the questionnaire merely as a state of fact without their own
participation and lacking a deeper insight in the structure and detailed content or possibilities to
influence the design. Nevertheless the form and content of the questionnaire were thoroughly
presented and discussed with the students and our Ghanaian assistants prior to the start of the data
collection process in Ghana.
During the field situation the students were trained in being critically aware of their different roles
as interviewers. Being young, from a Western country and with higher education influenced the
power relations and created different biases. The role of the local assistant was also critically
examined. Various ways of encountering the respondents and create a convenient setting and
atmosphere for the administration of the questionnaire were carried out. Getting ‘expected
answers’ and interpretations of the respondents use of the answer categories, were critical aspects
related to the respondents filling in of the questionnaire. Practical difficulties in bearing the heat,
noise or crowded streets or characteristics of other meeting places, were other challenges.
The student experiences were summed up daily in the afternoon meetings. Through these meetings
learning processes were outlined and various ‘new’ and improved strategies and improved
solutions for encountering the relevant respondents were developed and tested during the field
course.
The field work (collecting data by use of questionnaires) was carried out for one and a half day in
Accra (samples from various neighbourhoods and two samples from students lecture theatres at the
University of Ghana) and for two days in Cape Coast (various neighbourhoods). (See also course
programme.) A smooth and close collaboration with our Ghanaian assistants and other helpful
persons at the Psychology and Geography departments and other local people rendered possible to
get a big sample size (299 respondents).
Additional application of other techniques
Even if the questionnaire approach was the main technique and data source on road safety, it did
not exclude the use of other techniques which were applied as supplementary sources of
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information. Observation of accident risk and road safety issues could be carried out simply by the
students being part of the traffic system as pedestrians or automobile occupants (in the rented
minibus or in taxis). The quality and roadworthiness of the vehicles, the road environment with the
system risk of different road elements (road width, surface, lack of traffic separation, posted speed
limits etc.) and the driving behaviour, were all easily observable during the field work. Further
more area variation in various urban (densely populated) and rural (sparsely populated) areas could
be registered.
The dividing line between a questionnaire and an interview could be rather undefined in some
cases. This particular questionnaire did not contain open-ended questions or free text boxes where
the respondents could
Several of the respondents, when researcher administrated the questionnaires face to face with the
person, had additional remarks or comments, which expressed various degrees of verbosity. This
additional information implied that elements of interview techniques came into practices as an
additional type of data, especially after the finish of the formal fill in of the questionnaire.
In addition it was interesting to perform some simple kind of text analysis on angling of
presentation of motor vehicle crashes in the newspapers in Ghana. Road accidents are frequent and
very often get a prominent position in the news. The way of presentations, formulations and use of
metaphors, use of photos, what is stated explicitly and implicitly about the causes of the accident
and assessments on culpability can be analysed. The difference in mentions between the media and
press in developing and developed countries is another aspect.
Nevertheless the other techniques were employed partly as some kind of spill-over effects,
extensions and supplements of the main investigations and performed in a less systematic than the
application of the questionnaire technique for collection data.
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2 ASPECTS OF ROAD SAFETY ISSUES
Stig Jørgensen, Dept of Geography and Torbjørn Rundmo, Dept of Psychology
This chapter is divided in two parts. The first subchapter presents some facts about the road safety
situation in Ghana including some road accident figures. There seems to be some data quality
problems regarding official statistics, especially for injured casualties the accuracy and
completeness of the data can be questioned. Hence fatalities are presented here. The second
subchapter outlines elements of a theoretical framework for understanding injury risk and road
safety. The framework is relatively general, however, here the developing country context is put
into focus. The approach has relevance for Ghana and the methodology (use of a questionnaire)
that was carried out in the field work.
2.1 Road safety and road traffic injuries in Ghana
Ghana is a developing country with around 21 million people. The poverty level is high, with
around a third of the population living below the poverty line. Constraints on mobility and
problems of access and poor transport infrastructure are some of the main impediments to improve
the livelihoods of the population. Improved access and transport provision are given priority for
development. Nevertheless negative side effects are a rising number of road traffic casualties.
Roads
Most regions are accessible by a road network of more than 32,000 kilometres; 12,000 are
classified as main roads, about 6,000 kilometres are paved, and the remainder are gravel or earth
(feeder roads). Since 1985, major repairs have been under way on all main and some feeder roads.
Vehicle fleet
The vehicle fleet is estimated at 700,000 vehicles (year 2004) with an annual growth rate of 8%. A
recent law was passed prohibiting vehicles over 10 years old from entering the country to avoid
'dumping' of substandard transport.
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The health risk and system risk
In general it is almost 70 times more dangerous in Ghana than in Sweden or Norway to be in traffic
according to the Swedish National Road and Transport Research Institute, (Nordic Road &
Transport Research, 3 2000) or see: http://www.vti.se/Nordic/3-00mapp/svart2.htm
Ghana, as nearly all countries in Africa, has not presented road fatality figures in the World Road
Accident Statistics published by the International Road Federation (IRF)
(http://www.irfnet.org/cms/pages/en/ViewPage.asp?id=21&mTitre=%20%20World%20Road%20Statistics) or by other relevant sources such as the World Bank Reports or
WHO Cause of Death Statistics.
However, National official statistics on killed people in road traffic accidents published by the
Ministry of Transportation in Ghana present the overview given below (see table 1 and 2.)
http://www.mrt.gov.gh/statistics/index2.asp?agency=AG16
Exact numbers of killed people have to be critical examined. There are reasons to believe that
underreporting occurs. The magnitude is difficult to figure out, The Ministry of Transport
calculates the health risk rate (no of fatalities per 100 000 population) in 2004 to 10.4, based on
2185 fatal casualties and a total population of 21.1 millions. In Norway the corresponding rate is
5.6. (258 fatalities related to a total population of 4.6 millions.)
However there are reasons to believe that the Ghana figures are substantially underreported. At the
same time, the system risk measured as killed people per 10 00 vehicles is clearly higher than in
developing countries due to a lower level of motorisation compared with developed countries. The
Ministry calculates the system risk rate 31.0 per 10 000 vehicles (based on 703 000 vehicles). In
other words, when the road users are exposed to a highly motorized environment (as in Accra or
the main roads), the risk level is definitely much higher than in corresponding environments in
developed countries (as stated in the Swedish figure above.) The system risk rate in Norway for
2004 was around 1.1 (based on 2.261 million vehicles excl. larger lorries, trucks etc.) Despite of a
high rate in Ghana, the relative system risk situation is improving during the last decades. There
has been a halving (from in 67.7 per 10 000 vehicles in 1991) of the system risk in Ghana in the
last 15 years, which illustrates that at least some road safety counter measures have been efficient.
The absolute number of fatalities is nevertheless increasing, due to a very strong increase in the
number of vehicles and possibly mileage per vehicle.
Number of fatalities in road traffic in Ghana
Figure 2.1 shows and increasing number of deaths from road accidents in the period (echoing,
among other things, a rising level of motorisation and mobility in the country). For the entire
19
period (1991 – 2004) one of three fatalities take place in urban areas. On the other side, urban areas
portray a higher proportion of serious and in particular slight injuries and material damages only.
Underreporting will usually be lager problem in rural areas than in the urban, however we have
now reasons to estimate the level of underreporting.
Table 2.1. Trends in absolute number of fatalities, Ghana 1992 -2004 by urban- rural areas.
Year Urban Nonurban
Total
1992 317
587
904
1993
299
596
895
1994
287
523
810
1995 438
587
1025
1996 401
647
1048
1997 386
627
1013
1998
519
894
1413
1999
396
840
1236
2000 504
1072
1576
2001 521
1136
1657
2002 512
1149
1661
2003 528
1203
1731
2004 642
1530
2172
Total 6016
12035
18051
%
66.7
33.3
100.0
Source: Ministry of Transportation in Ghana, 2006.
(http://www.mrt.gov.gh/statistics/index2.asp?agency=AG16)
The Ministry of Transport also illustrates the magnitude of fatalities in the biggest cities in 2004
showing 175 fatalities in Accra as the highest followed by 116 in Kumasi, with pedestrians as the
clearly most affected group of road users. (Figures for Cape Coast are not shown.)
As shown in figure 2.2, pedestrians represent the majority of fatal casualties (44 %) followed by
passengers in buses /minibuses (22 %) and furthermore car occupants (11 %). This pattern is
reflecting both the road infrastructure with lack of traffic separation of various types of road users,
risk taking behaviour and culture, as well as traits of the vehicle composition. The proportion of
pedestrians killed is several times higher than in the developed countries.
20
Table 2.2 Absolute number of fatalities, Ghana 1991 - 2004 by road user class.
Year
Road User Class
Pedestr
Car
869
246
235
556
100
53
100
14
2173
Total (1991-2004) 7873 2036
1956
4008
478
642
746
249
7988
10.9
22.3
2.7
3.6
4.1
1.4
100.0
2004
%
(1991-2004) 43.8
11.3
HGV Bus/minibus
M/cycle Pick-up
Cycle
Other Total
Source: Ministry of Transportation in Ghana, 2006.
(http://www.mrt.gov.gh/statistics/index2.asp?agency=AG16)
Data from other sources (Afukaar et al 2003) show that the Eastern Region followed by Central
Region and Greater-Accra experienced the highest fatal injury rate in the period 1994 – 1998.
Eastern Region was also on the top of the all casualties rate followed by Greater Accra and Central
region. Greater Accra experiences a higher rate than other areas for slight injuries. This figure
reflects a large build up area with high traffic flows with moderate speed level. Most likely the
patterns and trends have not changed dramatically since then.
Due to a high population and a large vehicle fleet, the Greater Accra region showed the highest
proportion of injury crashes (32.3 percent) and all casualties (23.8) in the 1994-1998 period, while
the Ashanti Region (with Kumasi as the capital) and Central Region (where Cape Coast is the
capital) All these three regions were visited during the field course.
Regarding gender, Afukur et al, (2003) found from their material that males represented 73.1 % of
all fatalities and 68 % of all casualties and males were 2.7 times more involved in road traffic
fatalities than females.
The distribution of casualties by age showed that children up to the aged of 15 represent 25 % of
all fatalities and 13 % of all crash casualties. People aged 16 – 25 years represented 17 % of all
fatalities and 23 % of all crash casualties. While the age group 26 – 45 years represented the
majority, 37 % of the fatalities and 48 % of all crash casualties For the age group 46 – 60 years the
proportions were 13 % and 12 % respectively, while the elderly people (60 years and above)
21
represented 8 % of the fatalities and 4 % of all crash casualties. Even with some under-reporting in
the material, the pattern by sex and age group should be representative.
Official view of the road safety situation and behaviour factors in Ghana
The precise road safety situation in Ghana is uncertain. Records are kept and crash reporting is
collated by the Building and Road Research Institute (BRRI). It is stated that behavioural factors
are the primary contributory factors to road crashes. These include excessive speed, low level of
obeying traffic laws, and alcohol (both drivers and pedestrians).
http://www.grsproadsafety.org/?pageid=21.)
This is interesting regarding our questionnaire focussing on perception, attitudes (opinions and
judgements) and risk taking behaviour and in addition accident history of the respondents in the
road traffic system.
2.2 A framework for analyzing road injury risk and road safety in Ghana
Traffic accidents are a considerable threat to public health in Ghana and that will most likely
become even larger in the forthcoming decades. In the following parts some important issues
regarding traffic injuries and road safety are outlined together with an overview of some
underlying theoretical elements of understanding the road accident and risk situation. The
framework of reference is developing countries in Africa in general, but will definitely be relevant
for Ghana as well. The various sections represent a kind of basic knowledge about risk and safety
issues in road transport for performing fieldwork within this research field.
Appropriate traffic safety measures have to be introduced and implemented in countries in the
south. These safety measures have to be fitted for the countries where they are going to be
implemented and an understanding of the cultural conditions and other aspects relevant for
implementation is important. The effect of a safety measure may depend upon the cultural context
in which it is going to be implemented.
Development and poverty reduction and improved road safety
In 1990 traffic accidents were rated to be the ninth most serious health problem related to
disability-adjusted lost life-years. In 2020 it is predicted to be ranked number three and will be on
sixth place as a major cause of death (Murray and Lopez, 1996; see also World Report on Road
Traffic Injury Prevention, 2004). People dying in traffic accidents or become seriously injured, also
have family and friends, who becomes deeply affected. In addition to loss of productive capacity
22
and suffer and grief to the families involved, high risk of traffic and transport accidents may also
cause worry and concern in the community. Thus, traffic and transport accidents are at present a
considerable threat to public health and well being and are expected to be a more serious threat in
the years to come unless appropriate countermeasures are not implemented (Smeed, 1953.)
The number of fatal and serious traffic accidents is expected to become a major threat to public
health as well as increase economic costs in African countries unless effective countermeasures are
not implemented (Murray & Lopez, 1996; World Report on Road Traffic Injury Prevention, 2004).
Cost of road accidents: The road traffic fatality rate by 100 000 persons in developing countries
was 11.8 and is expected to decrease to 7.8 in year 2020. Figures for Sub-Saharan Africa were 12.3
in year 2000 and are predicted to increase to 14.9 in year 2020 (Kopits and Cropper, 2003). Data
for the time period 1975–1998 also show that it was large variation between countries in costs. On
average the economic costs of traffic injuries and collisions accounts for about 1–1.5 per cent of
the GNP in low-income and middle-income countries and at present about 2 per cent in highincome countries. However, according to Dhliwayo (1997) the economic costs of traffic accidents
are equivalent to about 2 per cent of GNP for developing countries. It is no doubt that the costs of
traffic accidents will make up a greater percentage of the GNP of African countries in the
forthcoming decade (depending on the increase in level of motorisation) while the opposite will be
true in the Western countries.
Socioeconomic inequity: There is also socioeconomic inequity in the probability of experiencing
accidents and injuries between people living in countries in the south. Poor people from groups
with low socio-economic status have been found to be at greater risk compared to those with a
higher socioeconomic status (Nantulia and Reich, 2003; Laflamme et al., 2000). Inequalities in
injury risk among richer and poorer groups may partly be caused by variation in choice of means
of transportation and that the poor people are more likely to choose means of transportation
making them more vulnerable if an accident should take place compared to those with higher
socio-economic status. There is also additional evidence that lower socio-economic groups and
deprived areas are more traffic accident exposed (Abdalla, Raeside, Barker & McGuigan, 1997;
Williams, Lloyd & Dunbar, 1991).
Nanulya and Reich (2002) found that 27 per cent of Kenyan travellers with a secondary education
travelled by car, 19 per cent by bus and zero per cent walked. Identical figures for commuters
23
without any formal education were 8, 55 and 27 %, respectively. It no reason to believe that the
same differences within the same magnitude due to socioeconomic status may be found in e.g.
Ghana. Pedestrians and cyclists are more vulnerable when involved in an accidents compared to
drivers of motorised vehicles. An increase in the number of motorised vehicles in Africa in the
years to come may therefore be expected to cause an increase in motor vehicle crashes including
injured pedestrians and cyclist as vulnerable groups. This will further increase the inequality
related to experiencing accidents and the severity of consequences due to socioeconomic status.
Studies have shown that it is inequity in the consequences on private household economy of traffic
accidents due to socioeconomic status. Poor people have limited access to emergency care when an
accident have taken place and the costs of medical treatment, loss of the income of the principal
wage-earner, and loss of income due to disability may push many low-income and middle-income
families into poverty (Nantulya and Reich, 2003; Mock et al., 1997). To avoid an unfair burden of
dearth and disability caused by traffic accidents it could be argued that countermeasures should be
aimed at equal protection for all means of transportation (Mohan, 2002). Unless effective
countermeasures are not implemented studies presented above also indicate that an increase in the
frequency of accidents in developing countries will strengthen social inequality due to the fact that
the probability of an accident as well as the severity of consequences is greater among developing
countries.
Cultural differences in the effects of traffic safety measures
There may be several reasons why safety measures proven effective in one cultural and social
context may not be so in another. The first one is that the traffic mix is different in developing and
developed countries, where the research so far has been carried out, on the other hand (Mohan and
Tiwari, 2000). Thus, the above-mentioned World Report concludes in accordance with Furjuoh
(2003) that priorities in low-income and middle-income countries should consider and adopt
methods that already have been found to be successful in high-income countries. The World
Report on Road Traffic Injury Prevention (2004) concludes that the most practical way for
developing countries to improve traffic safety is to adapt proven technologies from other countries.
However, the effects of implementing these strategies are in most situations unknown and require
research carried out on the effects of context and culture on their effectiveness. Assum (1998) also
concluded that non-technical solutions are more appropriate and better suited for improving traffic
safety in developing countries. Their effectiveness may depend on the culture in which they are
implemented. Accordingly the questionnaire aims at gaining insight into the cross cultural
24
differences in risk judgements, risk tolerance, assessing driving behaviour and risk environment
(road infrastructure, vehicle fleet, rules and regulations etc.). Also accident history of the
respondents is recorded.
Cross cultural perspectives will be studied in a context of vehicle, environment, behaviour,
enforcement and regulation. Priority was given to aspects related to the environment – behaviour
axis (see below) as well as directed at influencing human behaviour in traffic directly (i.e. attitudes,
risk perception, risk taking in traffic, education and behaviour modification (positive and negative
reinforcement). It is also interesting to examine cultural differences as predictors of
communication and the role of traffic safety as well as associations between communication and
attitudes. To understand how culture impinges the effect of traffic safety measures in developing
countries such as Ghana may be a prerequisite for effective risk management.
Some theoretical approaches to road safety and traffic accidents
A background for the design of the questionnaire is linked to some conceptualisations and key
words: culture, traffic system (including behavioural adjustments) and various risk approaches.
This is an interdisciplinary field with contributions both from psychology and geography in
addition to other disciplines like traffic engineering. A short outline of these implicit theoretical
underpinnings is given below as a general background for the construction of the questionnaire
used in the fieldwork and the whole fieldwork setting. Theoretical elements presented here are
embedded in various bodies of more general theories in social and behavioural science,
predominantly emphasising theories on social and cultural change, system theory and risk theory.
Theories related to cultural and socio-economical change
Culture, in a broad international context may be defined as set of beliefs (incl. religious beliefs),
symbols, value systems, attitudes and practices that are prevailing in a society. Subcultures may
exist within groups and geographical areas. The present proposed project aims at examining
various approaches on culture. Among these broader perspectives is culture as artefacts, culture as
value exchange and culture as symbols (Cole, 1989; Hofstede, 1980). One particular theory that is
debated in relation to risk is the so-called culture theory developed by Douglas and Wildavsky. In
short, it claims that risk perception can be predicted by cultural adherence and social learning
(Douglas & Wildavsky, 1982; Thompson, Wildavsky & Ellis, 1990). As cultural institutions and
social relations change, so do individual’s risk perceptions. According to Wildavsky and Dake
(1990), cultural worldviews are the best predictor of risk perception. Individuals are perceived to
25
be active organizers of their own perceptions, who choose what to fear and how much to fear it.
The relevancy of some perspectives on culture for risk perception and safety in traffic can be
examined by questions in the questionnaire.
Elements of system theory and behavioural impact
A second theoretical approach of the project will be the system approach. Traffic accidents bear
strong elements of man-environment adjustments and maladjustment. Three important components
in an integrated system-wide approach are the vehicle, the environment and the behaviour. The
interaction effects between them are crucial and may be symbolised by a triangle. A heuristic
adjustment of this model to traffic accident issues is presented by Jørgensen and Abane (1999)
(Figure 2.3). The components are the following: (1) the vehicle (2) the environment, comprising
the road system, manmade and natural environment, (3) the behaviour of the population, including
characteristics (e.g. age and sex ratios), perception of risks, attitudes and general traffic behaviour.
Integrated in this model is a system of traffic highway codes and enforcement designed to ensure
that the population adheres to the controls and regulations for maintaining road safety. Implicit in
the model is also a structural element linked to the type of society, lifestyles and socio-cultural
contexts, which may provide a deeper understanding of traffic risks. Trends in society will also
influence traffic safety level and these aspects have to be considered in a field situation.
Figure 2.3 A model for traffic accidents (adjusted after Meade et al 1988).
Parts of the accident research can be criticised for applying a myopic scope when focusing on
endogenous factors within the traffic system. The level of economic development strongly
26
influencing the amount of resources invested in the road infrastructure (incl. traffic regulations),
the vehicle fleet (quality and safety devices) and resources allocated to enforcement and policing.
Poor countries perform very strict priorities among public sectors in the society due to lack of
funding; between health services, education and transport. A strong behavioural approach to road
safety can utilise gains achieved in the education system to benefit road safety, by addressing
safety issues such as road safety curriculum, traffic education and training of children and
adolescents. Systematically integrated multi-sector approaches have positive spill over effects and
are cost-effective. However, in several developing countries, most likely including Ghana, the
scope for such safety initiatives seems not to be fully utilised (Assum, 1998). The general effects of
macro factors such as income level, leisure time and pleasure driving have been neglected parts of
the safety research. Changes in age composition over time will change the composition of types of
road users and in turn the proportion of license holders and pedestrians. Socio-economic conditions
influence accident trends and risk acceptance, through changing values and beliefs. For instance
the pressure to make a living is reflected by the large number of traders including young children
selling from kiosks or as street hawkers along the highways and at intersections. The combination
of a lack of regulation and economic pressure can have a direct impact on road safety. In Ghana the
minibus ("tro tro") drivers for example, minimise stopping times and compete with each other for
new passengers and may be regarded as a major safety problem.
Elements of risk theory
A third main theoretical approach relevant for the field work is related to risk perception and the
relation between risk judgements and decisions under uncertainty. An extensive body of research
has been aimed at explaining how people perceive and understand risk. A variety of factors have
been suggested to predict risk perception. Broadly speaking, the different approaches can be
divided in two. First there is the psychometric theory (Slovic, 1992). This is basically concerned
with characteristics of the risk object like whether it is known to science, how close the risk is or
how controllable it is (Fischoff, Slovic, Lichtenstein, Read, & Combs, 2000). Second, there are
those who focus on the perceiving subject as the central element in risk perception, emphasizing
that there will always be necessary for the subject to make his or her own interpretation of the risk
at hand. In this latter approach cultural theory has been important (see section above).
When people perceive risk several aspects have to be taken into consideration. The first is the
probability of a negative event and the second the severity of consequences of such an event. The
results of research carried out previously have shown that greater the consequences of a negative
27
event, the more affect will be present when thinking about the risk source, and the more
precautionary action to avoid an accident is expected (Rundmo & Moen, 2005, 2006; Rundmo,
2000, Rundmo and Sjöberg, 1998). Within risk perception research it is well known that there are
differences in the way in which probability and consequences are evaluated due to gender and
education (Kraus, Malmfors and Slovic, 2000; Rundmo, 1999). Several studies have shown that
experts as well as lay people tend to stress the probability component when asked about their risk
judgement, while lay people and women tend to stress the consequences. Experts also differ from
non-experts in the determinants of what they consider to be risky (Slovic, 1987, Brun, 1994). Some
studies are showing cross cultural differences in perceived risk. This may be related to the overall
level of risk that is higher developing countries, for example the risk of contracting serious
diseases, risk for unemployment and economic hardship. Regarding these circumstances it is
reasonable that there are lower risk thresholds and higher risk tolerance for road traffic accidents in
risk-ridden societies. Another phenomenon that is not uncommon is the tendency that the drivers
relate these risk issues to the destiny and factors beyond the control of human beings (confer locus
of control approaches). Preliminary results of an ongoing study indicate that this counts especially
for developing countries (Rundmo and Jørgensen, in preparation).
Some further remarks on methodology
In the field course we plan to conduct investigations based on a questionnaire (described above)
applying previously validated measurement instruments and partly other validated measures. This
includes perceived risk related to public and private road transport, attitudes towards safety and
self-report risk behaviour in traffic for various road users (including pedestrians). The
questionnaire is adjusted to develop new approaches suited for examining road traffic safety
culture adjusted to local cultures and prevailing system risk in the road network and at the same
time allowing for cross cultural comparisons (for instance with Norway). Traffic and transport
safety are related to risk culture as well as risk environment (including the social and physical
environment). Safety aspects related to road network and design, vehicle composition and traffic
volume and flows, are important aspects of the total road safety picture. These aspects can be
thoroughly observed as a part of the field work experiences in the urban areas in Ghana as well as
the round trip Accra – Cape Coast – Kumasi – Accra which covers a wide variety of urban
(densely populated areas), peri-urban and rural (sparsely populated) areas.
28
References
Abdalla, I. M., Raeside R., Barker, D. and McGuigan, D. R. D. (1997). An investigation into
The relationships between area social characteristics and road accident causalities.
Accident Analysis and Prevention 29, 583-593
Adams, J. (1995). Risk. London: UCL Press.
Afukaar, F. K., Antwi, P. and Ofosu-Amaah, S. (2003). Pattern of road traffic injuries in Ghana :
Implications for control. Injury Control and Safety Promotion 10, 69-76.
Assum, T. (1998). Road Safety in Africa. Appraisal of Road Safety Initiatives in Five African
Countries. The World Bank Africa region, Working paper no 33.
Brun, W. (1992) Cognitive components in risk perception: Natural versus manmade risks. Journal of
Behavioural Decision Making, 5, 117-132.
Cole, M. (1998). Cultural Psychology. Cambridge Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard
University Press.
Dhiliwayo, M.E. (1997). A Review of the Road Safety Situation in Africa. Pretoria: Lead Paper:
Theme 1: Third African Road Safety Congress.
Douglas, M., and Wildavsky, A. (1982). Risk and Culture. Berkely; Los Angeles; London:
University of California Press.
Fischhoff, B., Slovic, P., Lichteinstein, S., Read, S. and Combs, B. (2000). How Safe is Safe
Enough? A Psychometric Study of Attitudes Towards Technological Risks and Benefits. (pp.
80-104). In: P. Slovic. (Ed.). Perception of Risk. N.Y.: McGraw-Hill.
Furjuoh, S.N. (2003). Traffic-related injury prevention interventions for low-income countries.
Injury Control and Safety Promotion, 10, 109-118.
Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related values,
Newberry Park CA: Sage.
Jørgensen, S. H. & Abane, A. (1999). Urban traffic accidents in developing and developed
countries - Towards a comparative research approach through a study of Trondheim (Norway)
and Accra (Ghana). Bulletin of Ghanaian Geographers, 13, 1999, 113-128.
Kopits, E. and Cropper, M. (2003). Traffic Fatalities and Economic Growth. Washington DC.:
The World Bank. Policy Research Working paper no. 3035.
Laflamme, L., Didderichsen, F. et al. (2000). Social differences in traffic injury risks in childhood
and youth: A literature review. Injury Prevention, 6, 504-513.
Meade, M. S., Florin, J. W. and Gesler, W. M. (1988). Medical geography. New York:
The Guilford Press.
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Mock, C.N. et al. (1997). Low utilization of formal medical services by injures persons in a
developing nation: health service data underestimate the importance of trauma. Journal of
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Mohan, D. (2002). Road safety in less-motorised environment: Future concerns. International
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Mohan, D. and Tiwari, G. (2000). Road safety in less motorised countries: relevance of
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Assessment of Mortality and Disability from Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors in
1990 and Projected to 2020. Boston: Harvard School of Public Health
Nantulya, V.M. and Reich, M.R. (2003). Equity dimensions of road traffic injuries in lowand middle-income countries. Injury Control and Safety Propmotion, 10, 13-20.
Rundmo, T. (1999). Perceived risk, health and consumer behaviour. Journal of Risk Research, 2,
187-200.
Rundmo, T. (2000). Safety climate, attitudes and risk perception in Norsk Hydro. Safety Science, 34,
47-60.
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Rundmo and B.E. Moen (Eds.). Risk Judgement and Safety in Transport. Trondheim: Rotunde
Publ. no. 87.
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Slovic, P. (1992). Perception of Risk: Reflections on the Psychometric Paradigm. In S. Krimsky
and D. Golding (Eds.), Social Theories of Risk. (pp. 117-152). Westport: Praeger.
Smeed, R.J. (1953). The international comparison of accident rates. International Road Traffic
Safety Review, 1, 16-19.
Thompson, M., Wildavsky, A., and Ellis, R. (1990). Cultural theory. Boulder: Westview Press.
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30
3 Programme field course
Programme Field Course Ghana 13 – 26 March 2006.
Day
Activity
Time Responsible
Monday 13
Arrival time Accra LH/KLM/ 18.25/20.05
SJ//TR
Bare Ingunn & Trond kommer m. KLM
Accommodation University Guest House, Legon
Orientation meeting - Guest House restaurant
Tuesday 14
21
Visit Dept of Geo / Psy
9-11 Head of
Legon Campus
11-12 departments
Lunch at University Guest Centre
12-13
City Tour Accra
13
Samuel Agyei-
Dinner University Guest House
18
Mensah
Wednesday 15
Data collection Area: Legon & Airport +
Charlotte’s area
9-12
Kojo Gyabaah
Charlotte Wrigley
Lunch
12-14
Data collection Legon & Airport +
Charlotte’s area
14-18 K.G & C.W
19
Thursday 16
Data collection Legon & Airport + Charlotte’s
area
9-12
Lunch
12-13
Departure for Cape Coast
13
19
Accommodation Sasakawa, Univ of Cape Coast
K.G & C.W.
31
Friday 17
City Tour Cape Coast
9-11
JameEshun/
Kwaku KissaKorsah
Visit Dept of Geo &University of Cape Cost
11-12 AlberAbane
Lunch
12-13
Data collection Neighbourhoods Cape Co
Dinner Josephine’s restaurant
J.E. & K.K.K
19
Saturday 18
Data collection Neighbourhoods Cape Coast
9-12
JE/ KKK
Lunch
12-14
13-17 JE/KKK
19
Sunday 19
Kakum National Park
8-11
JE/KKK
Lunch National Park Kakum
11-12
Elmina with Castle
14-16 JE/KKK
Bathing Coconut Grove, Guinea Bay
17
Dinner Coconut Grove
18
Monday 20
9-12
JE/KKK
Lunch
12-14
13-17 JE/KKK
19
Tuesday 21
Departure for Kumasi
7
Mobile lunch Dunkwa on-Offin (from
Josephine’s restaurant
11-12 KKK
Dunkwa on-Offin, Field work
12-15 KKK
Visit Distr. Hospital
15-16 KKK
Visit Lake Bosumtwi
16-17 KKK
Arrival Kumasi
18
32
Dinner, University of Kumasi (KNUST)
19
Accommodation, Univ of Kumasi (KNUST)
Guest house
Wednesday 22
Asante museum
9-10
AlexandSegbefia
City tour Kumasi
10-11 AS
Awhiaa area visit (wood carving)
11-13 AS
Lunch
13-14
Inst. visit Univ of Kumasi
14-15 AS/ DanieBuor
Dinner University Guest house
18
Accommodation, Univ of Kumasi Guest house
Thursday 23
Departure Bonwire-Accra
9
Lunch Osino
13-14
Stop at a cocoa farm
15
Arrival Accra
AS
AS
17
Dinner University Guest House restaurant
19
Friday 24
Departure Akosombo Lake Volta
9
K.G
Visit Kroboland, HIV/Aids issues
11-13 KG
Lunch
13-14
Lake Volta and VALCO Alum Plant
14-16 KG
Arrival Accra
18
Dinner
19
Saturday 25
Students summing up experiences
9
Lunch
12-13
Free activities /shopping visit at
13-15 K.G.
National Culture Centre
Transport from University Guest Centre
15.30
Final summing-up/evaluation Dinner Shangri- La 16
33
Torbjørn and Stig leave for Tanzania
20.30 (Kenya Airways)
Sunday 26
(6 students)
Free activities
(vehicle available from Dept of Geo.)
(students own
responsibility)
Departure for Norway LH/KLM
20.05/ 22.05
(Iris & Axel, LH; Ingunn & Trond: KLM)
Contacts in Ghana:
Samuel Agyei-Mensah; Univ of Ghana, Accra
Kojo Gyabah; (KG)Univ of Ghana, Accra
Charlotte Wrigley; (CW)Univ of Ghana, Accra
Kwaku Kissah-Korsah; (KKK) Univ of Cape Coast
James Eshun; (JE)Univ of Cape Coast
Albert Abane; Univ of Cape Coast
Alexander Segbefia, (AS) Univ of Kumasi
Geography Group:
Stig Jørgensen
Kjersti Kvale
Marthe Nordhus
Iris Therese Leikåsen De Leon
Axel Gabriel De Leon (Iris’ spouse)
Psychology group
Prof. Torbjørn Rundmo
Trond Nordfjærn
Ingunn Olea Lund
Contacts in Ghana (with phone numbers):
Samuel Agyei-Mensah; Univ of Ghana, Accra
34
Kojo Gyabah; Univ of Ghana, Accra
Charlotte Wrigley; Univ of Ghana, Accra
Kwaku Kissah-Korsah; Univ of Cape Coast
James Eshun; Univ of Cape Coast
Albert Abane; Univ of Cape Coast
Alexander Segbefia, Univ of Kumasi
Geography Group:
Stig Jørgensen
Kjersti Kvale
Marthe Nordhus
Iris Therese Leikåsen De Leon
Axel Gabriel De Leon (Iris’ spouse)
Psychology group
Prof. Torbjørn Rundmo
Trond Nordfjærn
Ingunn Olea Lund
35
4 FACTS ON GHANA
Kjersti Kvale, Iris T. Leikåsen De Leon and Marte Nordhus, Dept of Geography
4.1 Introduction
We went to Ghana to do fieldwork for a course in research methods, which we are taking as part of
our masters in geography and development studies. Our university, NTNU (The Norwegian
University of Science and Technology), are collaborating with two universities in Ghana, The
University of Ghana (Accra) and the University of Cape Coast. The purpose of the field course was
to assess different methods of collecting data, with a main focus on survey/ questionnaire and to
get experience in practical research methods. By assisting two master students in psychology with
their data collection, we also got experience in applying a survey method working in a foreign
country. We were three students from geography and development studies, Kjersti Kvale, Iris T.
Leikåsen De Leon and Marte Nordhus. The two psychology student mentioned earlier is Trond
Nordfjærn and Ingunn Olea Lund. There were also two professors participating, Torbjørn Rundmo
from the Department of Psycology, and Stig Jørgensen from the Department of Geography.
The survey we carried out was a part of a planned and larger international study, and similar
surveys have or are going to be done in Norway, India, Russia and China. One of the main
purposes is to look at cultural perspectives on risks in traffic.
36
(Source: http://www.lonelyplanet.com/mapshells/africa/ghana/ghana.htm)
4.2 Facts on Ghana
(source: http://www.fn.no/land_og_statistikk/ghana)
The Republic of Ghana is located in the Gulf of Guinea, in West Africa. The country was formerly
known as the Gold Coast, but changed name when it was granted independence in 1957. Ghana
was the first African country south of Sahara to become independent in the post-war era, and took
the name Ghana from an ancient West African empire. Ghana is bordered by Côte d’Ivoire to the
west, Burkina Faso to the north, and Togo to the east. The southern border is the Atlantic Ocean.
37
Ghana is not a large country, occupying 238,537 km2, which places it at 30th largest country in
mainland Africa, out of a total of 47 countries. Compared to Norway, with an area of 386,958 km2
(Visitnorway 2006) and 4,525 000 inhabitants, Ghana has more than 21 million (2006) inhabitants
(The world factbook 2006). The majority of the population lives in the southern and central
regions. The country’s population is relatively young with more than 37% below the age of 14,
only 3,7% are elder than 65, the median age is therefore as low as 20, 45 years. The population
growth rate was estimated to 1,25% in 2005. Life expectancy at birth for the total population is
58,47 years and the total fertility rate is 3,02 children born per woman. In 2003 it was estimated
350000 Ghanaians living with HIV/AIDS, giving an adult prevalence rate of 3,1%. Due to the
HIV/AIDS epidemic life expectancy rates, infant mortality and death rates can result lower than
what would otherwise be expected. The major infectious diseases are food or waterborne; such as
bacterial and protozoal diarrhoea, hepatitis A and typhoid fever. Vector-borne diseases as malaria
and yellow fever are high risks in some locations. Water contact diseases like schistosomiasis are
prevalent where people are in regular contact with water for example by Lake Volta where many
people find their daily occupation.
The official language in Ghana is English, although at least 75 African languages and dialects are
spoken, such as Akan, Moshi- Dagomba, Ewe and Ga. The total literacy rate is 74,8%, and lower
for females than for males.
Religion has a very important place in everyday life in Ghana. This is for example expressed
through the names of shops, businesses and cars, and the vast number of different churches. The
largest religious groups in Ghana are Charismatic Christians (24,1%), Protestants (18,6%),
Muslims (15,6%), Catholics (15,3%), other Christians (11%) and Traditionalist (8,5%). The rest
has other religions or traditional religions. Levels of tolerance are high, with the different religions
living side by side, especially Christian and Muslim populations (Briggs 2004).
The climate is tropical, still there are some variations within the country; it is warm and
comparatively dry along the southeast coast; hot and humid in southwest and hot and dry in the
north. The terrain is mostly low plains with dissected plateau in south-central area; the highest
point is Mount Afadjato ranging 880 metres above sea level. From January to March north-eastern
harmattan winds occur and this often causes droughts which severely affects agricultural activities;
deforestation; overgrazing; soil erosion; poaching and habitat destruction threatens wildlife
populations; water pollution and inadequate supplies of potable water. Ghana is rich in natural
38
resources such as gold, timber, industrial diamonds, bauxite, manganese, fish, rubber, hydropower,
petroleum, silver, salt and limestone.
Ghana has a constitutional democracy, divided into administrative divisions of 10 regions: Ashanti,
Brong-Ahafo, Central, Eastern, Greater Accra, Northern, Upper East, Upper West, Volta and
Western. Ghana’s national holiday is the Independence Day, 6 March (1957). The legal system is
based on English common law and customary law.
Ghana is well endowed with natural resources, Ghana has roughly twice the per capita output of
the poorer countries in West Africa. Even so, Ghana remains heavily dependent on international
financial and technical assistance. Gold, timber and cocoa production are major sources of foreign
exchange. The domestic economy continues to revolve around subsistence agriculture, which
accounts for 34% of GDP and employs 60% of the work force, mainly small landholders. Ghana
opted for dept relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) program in 2002, but was
included in a G8 debt relief program decided upon at the Gleneagles Summit in July 2005.
Priorities under its current $38 million PRGF include tighter monetary and fiscal policies,
accelerated privatization, and improvement of social services. Receipts from the gold sector helped
sustain GDP growth in 2005 along with record high prices for Ghana’s largest cocoa crop to date.
Inflation should ease, but remain a major internal problem.
Ghana’s labour force was estimated to 10.62 million in 2005, where agriculture occupy 60%,
industry 15% and services 25%. The unemployment rate was 20% in 1997. Population below
poverty line was 31.4% estimated in 1992.
Ghana’s currency is cedi (GHC), the major export partners are Netherlands, UK, France, US,
Belgium, Germany and Japan. Major import partners are Nigeria, China, UK, US, France and
Netherlands.
In total Ghana have 12 airports whereas 7 have paved runways (2005 est.). Roadways have a total
length of 47,787 km, whereas 8,563 km are paved (2003). Ghana also have 1,293 km waterways;
168 km for launches and lighters on Volta, Ankobra and Tano rivers and 1,125 km of arterial and
feeder waterways on Lake Volta.
39
5 PROGRAMME FIELD COURSE – A SHORT DIARY
We were 5 exciting students; two from the institute of Geography, two from the institute of
Psychology and one husband, and two professors waiting at Gardermoen International Airport
early morning 13th of March for the plane to take us to Accra, Ghana. The main reason for the trip
was as part of this was execute 360 questionnaires about perceptions on traffic safety, which was
carried out in different areas and with different types of people in Ghana.
5.1 In Accra
Monday 13th of March
We landed in Accra in the evening after flights with Lufthansa from Frankfurt and KLM from
Amsterdam. Everybody’s luggage arrived, except Marte’s. Samuel Agyei-Mensah from the Dept.
of Geography of the University of Ghana picked us up and drove us to the University’s Guest
Centre were we were staying. The students got a bungalow and the professors had their own
apartment. Tired from the long trip we went to bed early.
Tuesday 14th of March
The next day, after a nice breakfast existing
of Spanish omelette, pineapple and
coffee/tea, we went on a guided tour on the
campus, especially on the institute of
Geography, but also the Balme library, the
book shop, the student campus and on the
hill top at the campus with a view over
Accra city. The campus is very different
from
NTNU regarding land use. You find a
40
variety of institutes, hostels, restaurants, “waterholes”, clubs, churches, shops, kindergartens and
primary school for students’ and staff’s children. You can find “anything” you need within the
campus, so you may say that it is an own society within Accra.
After visiting the campus area we went on a city
tour in Accra. The route took us through the
Airport residential area, Nima, Ouso and we had
a stop in Jamestown. Accra has a population of
1,970,400 (2005), and is the capital of Ghana. It
is Ghana's largest city and its administrative,
communications, and economic centre. Due to a
strict time schedule we went by car to overcome
the essential things to see, but since we were
mostly sitting inside the car we did not get in touch with the real Accra atmosphere. However, for
the ones new to African life and society it could be an advantage sitting inside the car instead of
strolling the busy and hot streets of Accra.
In the evening Marte and Kjersti went to the airport to collect Marte’s luggage. This was not an
easy task, but with some patience and a politeness we were able to leave the airport with the
luggage.
Wednesday 15th of March
Today was the first day that we started with the data collection. Susan Tete, Charlotte Wrigley and
Kojo Gyabah from the institute of Geography at Legon were going to help us out. We split into
three groups. Trond, Kjersti and Charlotte went to Medina, Marte, Ingunn and Kojo went to
Dangbe West Area in Accra, and Iris, Axel and Susan stayed at the campus. With some help from
Stig and Torbjørn we were also able to ask whole classes at the Dept. of Psychology to answer the
questionnaire. Within these areas we met different types of people, young and old, female and
male, and from different classes and positions in the society. Some needed translation and
explanation due to difficulties in understanding English; others managed on their own. We stayed
in our areas the whole day, and did not meet with the other groups until late evening for a summing
up of experiences.
41
Thursday 16th of March
Before leaving for Cape Coast we went to a minibus /”tro-tro” terminal to hand out some
questionnaires to the drivers there. They were all very helpful and had many opinions about the
traffic in and outside Accra. They were also very honest.
5.2 Leaving for Cape Coast
On the way to Cape Coast we stopped at a Liberian refugee camp where Susan had done her
research for the Master’s Thesis when she still was a student at NTNU. We talked to people about
the livelihood conditions, the girls bought some shoes and we bumped into an old friend of Susan
who showed us around the camp. The people were free to walk in and out of the camp and its
structure was surprising well organized like any other rural or urban slum area. This visit was short
and sadly we did not have a lot of time there. We all wished that we could stay longer and maybe
have the opportunity to eat a real Liberian meal.
On the road to Cape Coast
we also saw a lot of
people selling pineapples
and whole animals that
looked like rabbits. We
asked what kind of animal
this was, and the answer
was bush-rat. Then we
noticed that they were
selling this whole, or
grilled on
charcoal along the road.
Some of us were
fascinated, others not so comfortable with the thought. We decided to stop and have a closer look
at this phenomenon. The young man selling rats at the roadside told us more about this type of
animal and how they captured them. It should be said that this is not the kind of rats that we
imagining running around in the sewer of large cities, but a rodent living in the bush eating grass,
42
vegetables while others were catching small insects. Some of us had the guts to taste a piece of this
animal and found surprising that it was actually very good and tasted like juicy chicken.
At the University of Cape Coast campus we were met by two PhD students from the Dept. of
Geography, Kwaku Kissah-Korsah and James Eshun. When they had helped us settle in the chalets
were we were staying, showered and changed clothes, we ate at Josephine’s restaurant. Josephine
is Kofi Awusabo Asare’s wife; he is the dean of the Social Science Faculty at University of Cape
Coast. She makes marvellous Ghanaian food. Some of us went to a place called Oasis together
with Kissah-Korsah and James to have a couple of beers and listen to African music.
Friday 17th of March
The next day we had a city tour around
Cape Coast. It is situated 165 km west
of Accra on the Gulf of Guinea. It has
a population of 82,291 (2000
census).Cape Coast is one of the most
historical cities in Ghana and is the
capital of the Central Region. It was
the centre of British Administration
and capital of the Gold Coast by 1700
until 1877 when the capital was moved
to Accra. Most of the oldest and best
schools in Ghana are in Cape Coast.
Around noon we visited the institute of Geography at the University of Cape Coast. By
coincidence the graduation ceremony for Master students at the University of Cape Coast was hold
this day. Colours, smells and music surrounded the ceremony area, and it was an exciting
atmosphere with many people attending, personnel from the University and also the Ghanaian
minister of education. All participants had special costumes, this was interesting for us as we do
not have this kind of ceremony in Norway.
43
After the ceremony it was back to the field with questionnaires. Kissah-Korsah, James and some
other local Master students from the Dept. of Geography joined us in the work.
Saturday 18th of March
Today we continued data collection in neighbourhoods in Cape Coast. Here, as in Accra, we had
help from local students at the University of Cape Coast. We visited different areas and different
people. It was very hot and we needed some breaks in-between to have something to drink and eat.
However, the spirit among the students were good since if we worked really hard this could be the
last day of data collection.
In the evening we went to Josephine’s Restaurants again. Kissah-Korsah and James joined us and
after a good meal we searched for the good nightlife. Some of the students looked up one of the
many waterholes at the campus for refreshing drinks in the company of local students. We were
also invited to one of the apartments of lower graduate university students were 8 girls stayed in a
room about 15 - 20 square meters.
44
Sunday 19th of March
This day we had a very
relaxing schedule. We started
off heading for Kakum
National Park, a genuine rain
forest area, with its award
winning 40 meter high aerial
walkway in the rain forest, the
canopy. From up there one had
a good view over the
marvellous nature and the
afraid
people walking together with
us.
Afterwards the visit to the national
park we went to El Mina and the
famous Elmina castle. Called "São
Jorge da Mina" (Saint George's of the
mine), or simply "Elmina" (the mine),
it was the first permanent structure
south of the Sahara built by Europeans
- and for centuries it was the largest. It
also had the distinction
of being the first of many permanent
"slave factories" (trading posts that exported slaves to America) that would be built along Africa's
western coast. By the 18th century, 30,000 slaves on their way to the Americas passed through
Elmina each year. Here we got a guided tour hearing about the long history of the castle.
Afterwards we searched for relaxation at the Coconut Grove Beach Resort. Here we stayed the rest
of the day licking sun and taking swims in the sea or at the hotel’s pool. When the sun was
reaching for the horizon we ate a better dinner at the restaurant before heading back to the campus.
Monday 20th of March
45
This day we were suppose to do fieldwork, but since we did such an extensive job last Saturday we
went to Moree in stead. This is a typical fishing village outside Cape Coast, perched on a rocky
headland overlooking the Atlantic. The purpose of the trip was to gain insight into living
conditions in such a society. The kids there were very fascinated by us and wanted us to take
pictures of them. The adult sectors of the population were not so eager and we had to ask
permission to take picture of them and the village. Moree is a low income area where sanitation
conditions are poor, the kids we met did not attend school probably because of lack of income to
pay fees but also because of a poor culture of education among the inhabitants. We were told that
men in such societies as Moree represents often do seasonal work (fishing) in different countries
close to Ghana, and that the custom allows them to have wives and children not only in one
country, this is an interesting phenomenon concerning culture and social- economic issues.
The rest of the day we could choose what to do. Some were just relaxing at the campus, some went
back to Coconut Grove to swim and some went shopping. We met again in the afternoon and went
to Josephine’s Restaurant to have dinner. The dean of the Faculty, Kofi Awusebo Assere, the Head
of Dept. of Geography, Albert Abane, Kissah-Korsah, James and some other people from the
institute joined us with their good company and humour. Ingunn also turned 25 years old on this
day and Kofi had ordered a cake especially for the occasion. Kjersti turned 24 years old the 16th of
March and since that day had gone to travelling from Accra to Cape Coast without a proper
attention, her birthday was celebrated as well.
5.3 Kumasi
Tuesday 21th of March
The road we chose from Cape Coast to Kumasi was bumpy and long. On the way we ate lunch and
had an uncertain number of stops to go to the toilet. For many, going to the toilet far out in the
wilderness, was an experience in itself. An experience it probably also was for the curious local
people, when a bunch of white young students asked permission to use their toilet, that by the way
was four walls of sticks.
On the way to Kumasi we also stopped in a village called Dunkwa on-Offin. We performed a type
of local community “experiment”, the purpose was to see how inhabitants in a community react
when a group of white people appears and spends time in their village. Here we handed out some
46
pictures taken the last time Stig and Torbjørn were there and footballs, balloons, chalk and candy
for the kids. It started out well, but many of us think that that it went to far. It is striking when the
people start to look at your hands instead of your eyes for expectances of receiving various types of
gifts. Many of us were sceptical to this experiment even before we travelled to Ghana; as we did
not like the idea of white people bringing gifts to Africans and by this obtaining the classical image
of wealthy whites bringing presents to the poor Africans wanting to change their lives. We left
Dunkwa on-Offin with some of these feelings, worried for the impressions we had left them; the
idea of white visitors who always bring gifts.
In Dunkwa On-Offin we also visited a school. Here we brought gifts as chalk, pens and other
useful items to the teachers to use in the classes. The children were adorable and very interested in
us.
On our way to Kumasi we made an informal visit to a district hospital where we were shown
around at the hospital area. We also passed the open pit Gold mining area of Obuasi, one of the
biggest gold mining fields in Ghana. Before arriving Kumasi we made a visit at the crater lake
Bosuwtwi, well known for its beauty and bilharzias- free water.
Arriving safely to Kumasi University, we checked in to a guest centre where we had a good meal
before going to sleep.
47
Wednesday 22nd of March
The next morning we visited an Asante museum. Prior to European colonization, the Ashanti
Confederacy was a major state in western Africa,
particularly from
1570 to 1900.
Ashanti wealth
was based on the
region's
substantial
deposits of gold.
These rich gold
deposits led to
metal working
among the
Ashanti. Ashanti
was one of the few
African states able
to offer serious resistance to the European imperialists. Between 1826 and 1896, Britain fought
four wars against the Ashanti kings. In 1900, the British finally subdued the kingdom and renamed
it the Gold Coast colony. One particularly important Ashanti artefact was a golden stool. The stool
was sacred, so that no one could sit, touch, or even approach it. The territory occupied by the
Kingdom of Ashanti is now part of Ghana. The hereditary Ashanti crown continues to be honoured
by the Ashanti people alongside the authority of the state.
Afterwards we went on a city tour
in Kumasi. Kumasi is the capital
city of the Ashanti region of
Ghana. Because of the varied plant
life in the area, it is known as "The
Garden City." It is located in the
south-central part of the country,
about 250 km (by road) northwest
of Accra. With a population of
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862,000 (2005), Kumasi is the second-largest city in the country.
On the way back to the University of
Kumasi, our car was hit by a big
lorry. Luckily there were no personal
damages, just some scratches, some
passing pain in shoulders and necks
and crushed glass that needed to be
showered off the body and hair. Our
driver, Joseph, was very frustrated
and sad, even though the accident
was not his fault at all. We had to
make some calls to the University in
Cape Coast since the car was the university’s property and Joseph worked at the there. The police
arrived to scene and lucky for us we now could take pictures of a wrecked car, the police in action
and all the people who gathered around discussing intense about the incident, something we were
not allowed to do in car accidents were we were not involved. Quite ironic that we, who were in
Ghana to do research on traffic safety, were to be involved in one our selves. Due to the outcome
of the accident, that none were seriously injured and the car was fixable, it was very learning to
have that experience. This is what we can call real fieldwork and participant observation!
After some time a car from the University of Kumasi came and picked some of us up and brought
us back to the campus. Stig, Joseph and our guide went to the police station to make their statement
about the accident. While waiting for them to come back we showered to get all the class off our
bodies and out of our hair and went for dinner. It took a long time before they arrived back from
the police station and it was a three hour delay in our program.
When everybody was back, we went to visit the institute of Geography. This was a very different
visit than from the other institutes that we had visited, because they had summoned to a meeting
arranged by Professor Daniel Buor on behalf of the Dept. of Geography, where they were
questioning our purpose of visit. It was very formal with students, professors from Geography and
Sociology and the deputy of the dean present. Due to the accident we were delayed in our
programme and could not attend all of the scheduled two hour meeting.
49
Afterwards we visited a woodcarving area outside Kumasi, the field area for PhD student
Alexander Segbefia, where we could by and see how they made the carvings. I think everybody
thought it was very interesting, but at the same time stressing with all the people wanting us to
come to their shop and the bargaining to get the right prize for the carvings that we bought.
However, when we were done everybody was pleased with the visit.
5.4 Back in Accra
Thursday 23rd of March
Morning after the car crash we were waiting in excitement wondering if we were to get a new car
that would take us to Accra. After breakfast the new car arrived, two hours late, and we were ready
to leave. We also got stowaway, a friend of our new driver that joined us on the trip to Accra.
On the way we stopped at a local cocoa farm and had an introduction in the cocoa process; how
they grow them, dry them, sell them etc. The farmer and his wife were very welcoming.
50
We all noticed that the there car were more tension in the car now, than before the accident and we
told the driver that we did not want an other accident.
Friday 24th of March
This was the last day with what the students assessed as a hectic programme. We set off to Lake
Volta after a lot of ado. Our institute vehicle that we had booked for the day, was taking by a
professor with higher ranking that us, so we had to find another vehicle. At last we got a huge van
with a driver with golden necklaces and an attitude the like. The first stop were made at the Queen
Mother Association in Kroboland. This is an organisation that supports families that care of
vulnerable children. They do an excellent job helping these kids and we were all touch by the
people working with the organisation and the families that volunteer that care for these children.
Afterwards we went on a boat trip at the Volta River south of the Volta Dam. This area is a
regulated area due to the VALCO Aluminium Plant. Here we saw the local people in their daily
activities like fishing and washing. The people know about the disease schistosomasis, that is a
snail living in the water, but they have no opportunity to avoid the water and for many the
consequence is the disease, especially the kids.
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We also drove up to the Volta Dam regulating the area with a guide telling us the story of the Plant
and future plans.
Saturday 25th of March
Today we had free activities during the day. We went to the National Culture Centre where we
look at local arts and crafts.
Later on we had a summing-up/evaluation over a dinner at the hotel Shangri-la. Stig and Torbjørn
had to leave early to catch a flight to Tanzania, while the students went back to the Guest Centre at
Legon. Kjersti and Marte were to leave for Cape Coast and Coconut Grove, were they were staying
a few more days, early next morning and Trond, Ingunn, Iris and Axel were going back to Norway
on Sunday 26th of March.
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6 EXPERIENCES WITH METHODOLOGY AND FIELD WORK
SETTINGS ON ROAD SAFETY
According to Ghana’s Ministry of Road Transport, the trend is that traffic accidents are increasing.
The statistics presented below is one of several that describe this trend. The table presents results
from the annual distribution of causalities by road user class.
Table 6.1: Annual distribution of causalities by road user class (Source:
http://www.mrt.gov.gh/statistics/NRSC/nrsc_Table1.4.1-6_2004.pdf)
This is barely one of several statistics describing the same development. This is according to other
surveys on traffic safety, which reports increasing rates of killed and injured people per 100.000
people in traffic accidents in developing countries. This is the contrary to the situation in the
Western world, where these rates are decreasing, especially of killed and injured people per million
kilometres travelled. Nearly 75% of road deaths totally occur in the south, and nearly 80% of the
causalities are men. Accidents involving motor vehicles are the main cause of death in adolescents
and young adults worldwide. Odero, Garner & Zwi (1997) claims that up to 95%, with a minimum
53
of 64%, of all accidents in developing countries are caused by human error. The high prevalence of
old vehicles increases the risks, and they also carry far more people than they are designed for.
Also there are some serious safety issues involving risk taking behaviour concerning lack of safety
belts and poor helmet use. The conditions of the roads are a contributing factor, as they are often
badly maintained and designed. Poor traffic separation creates a higher system risk (motorized
versus non road users). Because of the mixed types of actors in the traffic, as pedestrians, motor
vehicles and bicycles, there is a higher risk of accidents. The different actors behave different in
traffic, and some are therefore more exposed to accidents than others (Odero et al, 1997). There are
reasons to believe that many of these facts also can be generalised for Ghana.
We observed that people tends to walk in the road just as often as walking at the
sidewalk/pavement. This can be related to the fact that the sidewalks are crowded, not only with
pedestrians, but also with people selling various things from small stalls or blankets on the
sidewalk. People offering various products like toilet paper, chocolate and newspapers also sold to
the drivers on main roads. For us this seems as a hazardous game, with people running after and
between cars during rush hour, but they surprised us again and again by slipping unharmed
between the fast moving cars, this illustrates a risk culture.
Moreover, there are often no sidewalks, and cars, bicycles and pedestrians are using the same lane.
This, however does not seem to keep drivers from driving quite fast, or driving zigzag between the
more vulnerable cyclists and pedestrians. This is also something we experienced when driving
through smaller towns with narrow streets, as the driver tended to never slowing down, even with
children playing in the streets. We sometimes felt obligated to tell the driver to slow down, as we
were concerned for our own and others safety.
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7 METHODOLOGY
Methodology is a coherent set of rules and procedures, which can be used to investigate a
phenomenon or situation. In research we speak of quantitative methods and qualitative methods.
Quantitative research methods were originally developed mostly in the natural sciences to study
natural phenomenon. Qualitative research methods were on the other hand developed in the social
sciences to enable researchers to study social and cultural phenomenon. In general qualitative data
are unstructured and consist mainly of words, pictures and sounds. In contrast quantitative data are
structured and consist of numbers or empirical facts. These data can easily be quantified and
analyst by using numerical (statistical) techniques. Quantitative and qualitative research should be
seen as continuum rather than opposites and it is a misconception that you cannot mix the methods
used to generate data. (Kitchin & Tate, 2000)
7.1 Methodological approaches to road safety
The most common methods, and that can be used studying road safety, is briefly explained below.
Narratives
A narrative is a chronologically told story. Narrative analysis is a strategy that recognises the
extent to which the stories we tell provide insights about our lived experiences. Narratives may be
used in road safety and risk issues by analyzing a story from media i.e. a newspaper or the
television. By analyzing a narrative we get information of the lived experience that is told.
Interviews
An interview is an ”exchange” of views between person who have a conversation about a topic of
common interest” (Kvale, 1997). Through interviews one gain in-depth information on people’s
lived experiences, perspectives and opinions. There is a set of different types of interviews and
they differ according to informants; key informants, individual interviews and focus group
interviews, according to the information requesting/gaining; ethnographic interviews, biographic
interviews and thematic interviews, and according to the structure of the interview; structured
55
interview, semi-structured and unstructured interviews. By interviewing persons who have
experience with road safety and/or risk issues we provide first class information of their lived
experiences, their views and opinions.
Observation
Observation is a powerful method of gaining useful information and to get an impression of the
situation. Participant observation requires that the researcher becomes a participant in the culture or
context under observation. It is demanding because the researcher needs to become accepted as a
natural part of part of the culture or context in order to assure that the observations are of natural
phenomenon.
Through direct observation on the other side, the researcher is watching rather than participating.
The researcher does not try to be a participant in the context, which results in a more detached
perspective. Direct observation is also more focused and look at certain sampled situations or
people rather than the whole context.
By using observation as an approach to road safety and risk issues we get to see how these topics
are practised in reality. Observing how traffic function is essential to be able to having an own idea
and experience about these issues.
Text analysis
This is an analysis of secondary data, which include written text, maps, photographs, paintings, and
film and multimedia images. Even oral traditions and music might be considered texts.
Contemporary usage of text refers to both written matter as well as other combinations of images,
which have some form of cultural significance. Geographers have always stressed the importance
of a critical reading of texts. The emphasis is on techniques of deconstructing texts to reveal
multiple meanings, ideologies and interpretations.
Content analysis is one of the most basic techniques for examining a text. It involves determining
the importance of certain features or characteristics in text, and then carrying out a search for them
in the text. Most analyses have a quantitative approach.
Deconstruction of text and the analysis of discourses provide an important set of approaches to the
analysis of texts. It is naïve to assume that texts have a single meaning; instead there are multiple
56
layers of meaning that can be derived from a text. Deconstruction places a significant emphasis on
the problematic aspects of language. What is absent from a text may be just as significant as what
is present (Hay, 2003).
Questionnaire
Questionnaires are an inexpensive way to gather data from a potentially large number of
respondents. Often they are the only feasible way to reach a number of participants large enough to
allow statistically analysis of the results.
Literally a questionnaire is a list of questions, which are carefully structured to provide valid and
reliable data. An important aspect of the validity and reliability of questionnaires is that identical
questions are posed in the same manner to all participants. Questionnaires are versatile, allowing
the collection of both subjective and objective data through the use of open or closed format
questions. It follows, that a questionnaire is only as good as the questions it contains. There are
many guidelines that must be met before you questionnaire can be considered a sound research
tool. The majority deals with making the questionnaire understandable and free of bias. Mindful
review and testing, i.e. pilot testing, is necessary to weed out minor mistakes that can cause great
changes in meaning and interpretation. When these guidelines are followed, the questionnaire
becomes a powerful tool for collecting data (Peterson .
7.2 The Survey, -the Questionnaire
The survey is on cross- cultural perspectives on traffic safety and is carried out not only in Ghana
but as mentioned will be performed also in Norway, India, China and Russia. The purpose of the
project is to compare perceptions, attitudes and behaviour related to traffic and traffic safety in
different cultures. All questions in the survey are only about opinions and point of view concerning
traffic safety, due to this theoretically everyone can participate, persons with driving license and
persons without. However, as we will discuss later, it turned out to be more difficult than planned
to include all kind of people i.e. people from low income societies. In total we brought 350
questionnaires and we managed to get approximately 300 informants.
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7.2.1 Structure
The questionnaire is divided in 9 sections, each with a following sequence of 6 to 45 questions.
The last two sections are only for persons with a driving license. In total the survey has an amount
of approximately 173 questions (items linked to underlying dimensions).
7.2.2 Cluster Sampling and geographical stratification
Cluster sampling is a quantitative method which can be used when the sampling frame is divided
hierarchically i.e. patients in a hospital or pupils at a school etc. The logic behind cluster sampling
is that it can be possible to achieve a good sample by focusing on naturally occurring clusters of
the particular phenomenon that is being studied. By focusing on such clusters the researcher can
save time and money which otherwise would have been spent on traveling, the underlying goal is
to get a representative cluster (Denscombe 2003).
Our method of collecting had elements from cluster sampling, the phenomenon we studied, traffic
safety, does not only consider a small group of persons, but the entire society. All areas or places
were therefore possible clusters for us since everybody has an opinion on traffic and traffic safety,
and general opinions on these issues were our interest. Therefore there was not any specific area
where we could get relevant data since the issue concern the whole population. We used cluster
sampling as our method in collecting data because of the practical factor of saving time. By one
occasion we were permitted to enter a BA-lecture in psychology at the University of Ghana and
this way we got approximately 80 participants and a MA-lecture in geography with 15 sampled
students. Other places we visited were a shopping centre, a market, a bus station, an engineering
workshop etc. We have discussed whether our sample is representative or not, in a country like
Ghana with great social differences it is important to reach all societies and we did not. The sample
is biased in favour of higher socioeconomic classes due to their better knowledge of English, their
accessibility and willingness to participate in the survey and their general higher possession of
driving license.
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7.2.3 Variables
It has been stressed that the intention to establish correlations between variables depend upon the
lack of attention to how these variables are defined by the individuals being studied (Silverman
1997). The variables in our survey were not systematically designed considering the cultural
differences we faced with Ghanaians; their context is very different from the Norwegian, even if a
pilot study was carried out among Ghanaian M. Phil. and PhD students in Norway (NTNU). Due to
these deep cultural differences in interpreting the world many of the variables were not understood
by the participants, and we had to explain and translate and this made us use the extreme scores
more often than recommended. In addition this led to bias as factors that challenge the
comparability of measurements across different cultural groups; as we explained we also colour the
variables with our proper judgment.
7.2.4 Critics
We, the geography students, did not participate in the design of the questionnaire. However, we
had the opportunity to revise the questionnaire in advance, which led to a reduction in its length.
Despite the reduction the questionnaire was to long for many of the participants who struggled
with the language and the design of the questionnaire. There were also some confusion to how the
questions were asked and what motive that lied behind them. This especially counts for part 3; My
Judgement of Other Risks, in the questionnaire.
The questions in the questionnaire are based upon an American survey on traffic safety and is
therefore designed for people who speak very well English. Many of our participants did not,
however, have good knowledge of written and more advanced English. This led to time consuming
translations and explanations in what became an interview situation. Sometimes we needed local
interpreters who spoke the local language because some of the informants did not speak English at
all. The consequences of these language barriers are biased results, were we, the interviewers,
coloured both the questions and the answers.
The geographical representativity in our sample is restricted. The survey was conducted in to big
cities, Accra and Cape Coast, which lie on the coast of Ghana. However, we tried to get as varied
59
sample as possible by visiting different socio-economic areas within the two cities. A reason for
this selection of sample, may be the lack of interpreters in areas outside the big cities, and the fact
that the University of Ghana (Accra) and University of Cape Coast are collaborating with NTNU.
Despite this selection, many of the participants (students) lived in semi-urban and rural areas, but
still they do not represent the average population of these areas.
Critics of specific questions
The most problematic question referred to the participant’s average monthly income. Many did not
know, many would not say, some misunderstood and some were influenced by the presence of the
Norwegian students. Some tried to impress us and rised their monthly income above a realistic
level, others wanted sympathy and rewards and “did not earn anything at all”. These biases have
led to unreliable data, which should not be used as a variable in this survey. A number of people
also did not trust us with this kind of information and feared the consequences like taxation; this
may be a reason for both over- and understate income. Many people also have income outside the
market economy.
The participants were also asked if their type of major occupation; formal or informal. The
boundaries between these to types are very blurred and it is hard to decide what is formal and what
is informal in this setting. These concept were also for certain people unfamiliar and they had to
ask us if their work were formal or informal, which is a hard task for outsider without good
knowledge of the culture and system of the country.
In an ideal situation there would be no language barriers and enough time alone with each
participant. This was, however, not the case. Since many struggled with the advanced language in
the questionnaires, the interpreters translated the questions aloud one by one to the group of
participants. This lead to discussions about the content and meaning of the questions between the
participants and many were probably influenced by the other participant’s opinion. Another aspect
was that since we interviewed people on the streets, shops and other open locations, there were
often outsiders interfering in the survey. The consequence is that we can not be sure to what degree
the answers are the participant’s opinion.
The power relations during conducting the surveys might have played a role in the data collection.
The setting of the interviews was everything from a market place to a bus terminal and a shopping
centre, all these places were naturally dominated of Ghanaian people and in the state of being white
60
persons we received much attention only by our presence. Being an outsider in a different culture
is hard. We bring our conceptions of this people into the interview situation, and they have their
conception of us. This might influence both how we explain the questions and the answers they
give.
7.3 Field experience
To do fieldwork in a different country with different socio-cultural aspects is tricky. You have to
have an understanding of the country even before starting the survey. The cultural perspective is
important to have in mind during the whole process from planning, constructing and conducting
fieldwork. You have to follow their rules and behave carefully with respect not to defend anyone.
For white Norwegians the climate is also challenging. The most complex barrier is “African time”.
We come from a well functioning western society were time is money, and are used to punctuality
and efficiency. You can never expect things to go your way, so a very flexible time schedule and a
plan B are necessities. An example from our experience, is how a traffic accident can turn out to be
a much larger problem in Ghana than it would be in Norway. One should also be aware of the
hierarchy within the society. Permissions are important in forehand, to be able to conduct the
survey. Things are complicated.
The issue of trust is essential. We had problems with Ghanaians braking agreements, or trying to
change the conditions for the agreement later. But this is not a big challenge as long as you are
prepared and take precautions when making arrangements. However, this became a problem at
times, for example when a higher ranging university employee decided to make use of the car that
was reserved for us. There was nothing our guides could do, and also showed us how important the
power relations in this society are. Complications as the ones listed above, although frustrating,
made us realize how dependent we were on the locals. They were important not only in the data
collection, but also in introducing us to local culture, as gate keepers, and as problem solvers. We
would not have managed well without them, spending a lot more time helping us than what could
be expected.
There is also the issue of giving rewards for answering the survey. There was a general agreement
that we should not give money as payment for answering the questionnaire. We were instead trying
61
to get people to answer them voluntarily. This seemed to work in some cases, but in others we saw
it necessary to give some kind of reward. As we had agreed upon not giving money, we instead
gave small things like pens, souvenirs from Norway, or something to drink. For big groups like
students attending a lecture, a few gifts were handed out based on a lottery principle.
Nevertheless, we got into an episode were one of our colleagues made the mistake of giving a
participant money as reward. This of course got out among his fellows, and they demanded the
same, though small amount or more as some were of higher social status. This placed all of us in
an uncomfortable situation, but luckily, we were all done with our questionnaires, so that we could
leave as soon as the situation was handled by our guides.
This was, however, not the only uncomfortable situation we experienced, as another one of our
colleagues was harassed by a group of locals, when walking alone just 50 metres from were the
rest of us were conducting interviews. Both of these could have turned into potential dangerous
situations. In the first case, we got out of the trouble with the help of our local guides, and proved
how important it is to be sure and to repeat the agreed rules of the fieldwork, so that everybody,
from students to interpreters to local guides understands and follows the same instructions. The
second situation showed us the importance of never operating alone, even in a seemingly safe
environment.
There are big advantages to being part of at research team, so that you do not have to operate on
your own in areas you don’t feel comfortable in. But there are also some advantages which concern
the cooperation between the researchers and assistants. First of all, such cooperation may facilitate
a much smoother research situation, by practically delegating assignments, as buying drinks to the
informants or helping each other get new participants. Secondly, the presence of other researchers
with similar goals invited to exchange of ideas and experiences. By discussing problems or
positive experiences, we may have avoided falling into the same traps, and helping each other in
the data collection.
7.4 Text analysis
When driving around in a minibus in Ghana, we often bought newspapers. On several occasions,
the front page told about traffic accidents. In addition, we saw a lot of car wrecks when driving
62
between the cities. “The Daily Graphic”, which claims to “Ghana’s biggest selling newspaper since
1950”, had on March 22, 2006 this headline: “Another case of indiscipline on our roads, KILLER
DRIVER FLEES, “He’s a learner says owner of bulldozer”. The text is complemented with
pictures of the bulldozer that caused the accident, and the wrecked minibus. Only three of the
eleven passengers in the minibus survived. The story continues on page three, but only with a very
small section in the bottom left corner, with little more information.
The heading can give the impression that this is not an unusual event. One can interpret the first
part of the sentence, “Another case of indiscipline on our roads” as to have some emotional
meaning, that the person who wrote this is frustrated with the high number of accidents. It can also
be interpreted to lay the blame with the undisciplined drivers, like a “blame the victim ideology”
and not with the government or the driving conditions. This can certainly be connected up to our
63
survey, as undisciplined drivers most likely are also drivers who are most willing to take risks. This
is also the impression we got through our experiences in Ghanaian traffic.
The pictures alone tell the story, but there is also a small description written beneath. Under the
picture of a relatively undamaged bulldozer, there is a line saying “The bulldozer that did all the
damage. It was handled by a learner at the time”. The picture of the total wreck of what used to be
a minibus, there is a line saying “The mangled Nissan Urvan mini bus after the accident”. In this
way, even people who do not read very well English understand what the case is about, and will
get an opinion about who was to blame. (Big bulldozer versus mini bus with innocent people”). We
are also left with the impression that it is quite common that unqualified drivers operate vehicles,
as the article also refers to similar cases on page 3.
There seems to be little interest in following up on other sides of the accident or the persons killed.
All summed up, this newspaper heading gives the impression that this is en everyday event. There
is little background info and the story is straightforward. Compared to Norway, such an accident
would have gotten far more attention. In the end, the reader is left with more questions than
answers.
7.5 Conclusions
The field course in Ghana left us with mixed feelings. We have learned a lot, both by positive and
negative experiences. The people we met and the ones we got to know have left an impression.
Especially the people from the universities and the people that we interviewed were helpful and
nice, and we are very grateful that they made the time for us. As for the people that we did not get
relations to, the impression is different. We experienced some uncomfortable situations with
unfriendly and nearly hostile persons, but also a lot of the people we encountered outside the
“work”, were not very service minded, even in restaurants. I the bigger cities this was a much
bigger problem than in smaller, where people usually looked and approached us with interest.
Because of this difference in norms, attitudes and behaviour, it may be concluded that people in the
cities have much more experience in what they see as injustice in economic and social issues
between westerners and them selves. Especially, we found the “dash me” culture difficult, as this
64
mean that they want something from you, something expensive preferably, just because they ask.
We found this quite impudent, and this may also have influenced our behaviour and approach to
other issues. But all summed up, it is a good experience to learn how to do fieldwork in a different
culture. This also goes for learning to adapt to “African time”, which can be a challenge for our
Norwegian patience. We all agreed that we probably would never learn accept that things take so
much time, as we are used to a much more efficient society, which has both positive and negative
results.
Another experience that made very substantial impressions are for example how the students
lived. Iris and Marte got the chance to se how the undergraduate students were accommodated. 8
girls in a small room made us realize how fortunate we are at home. We were also very grateful
that we got to see the poor fishing village in Moree, where the children lied to us about going to
school, which they did not because of economic and social issues.
The journey to Ghana was as already mentioned an important experience for us personally, but also
regarding the use of methods. We obtained a stronger contact with the local population than
students going to a more “traditional” field course with attending lectures and orientations as a
bigger part of the programme. We have learned a lot about what not to do and about things that
actually work. We have gotten good experience concerning questionnaire and the design of such
surveys. We definitely understand the need of doing pilot studies, and if possible, as much
knowledge possible of the culture in advance. There are many things about the questionnaire we
would have wanted to change, but as this was not possible, we had to make the best of it. But we
do understand that it is easy to become blind for ones own work after reading through too many
times.
References
Briggs, Philip (2004): Ghana, The Bradt Travel Guide. Third Edition,
Hay, Iain (2000): Qualitative research Methods in Human Geography. Oxford Univerity
Press, Oxford.
Denscombe, Martyn (2003): The Good Research Guide. 2nd edition. (1st edition 1998). Open
University Press, Berkshire.
The Ghanaian Ministry of Road Transport, official webpages (last visited 15.05.2006):
http://www.mrt.gov.gh/statistics/NRSC/nrsc_Table1.4.1-6_2004.pdf
65
http://www.mrt.gov.gh/statistics/index2.asp?agency=AG16
Ghana homepage (last visited 15.05.2006):
http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/geography/
Kitchin, Rob & Nicholas J. Tate (2000): Conducting Research into Human Geograpy.
Pearson
Education Limited, Essex.
Lonely Planet on Ghana (last visited 13.03.2006):
http://www.lonelyplanet.com/mapshells/africa/ghana/ghana.htm
Odero, W, P. Garner & A. Zwi (1997): Road traffic injuries in developing countries: a
comprehensive review of epidemiological studies. In “Tropical Medicine and
International Health”, Volume 2, no. 5.
Peterson, Robert A. (2000): Constructing effective questionnaires Sage Publications, London.
Silverman, David (1997): Chapter 1 in Miller, Gale & Robert Dingwall (edt.) 1997: Context
Method in Qualitative Research. Sage Publications, London
Visitnorway (last visited 15.05.2006):
http://www.visitnorway.com/templates/NTRarticle.aspx?id=28384
Daily Graphic (newspaper), 22.03.2006. NO. 149694.
and
66
8 SOME FINDINGS ON TRAFFIC RISK PERCEPTIONS AMONG
A GHANAIAN PUBLIC
Trond Nordfjærn, Dept of Psychology
8.1 Introduction
Road traffic accidents are the most frequent causes of injury-related deaths worldwide (Åstrøm,
Moshiro, Hemed, Heuch & Kvåle, 2006). According to the World Report on Road Traffic Injury
Prevention (Peden et al., 2004) traffic accidents account for about 3000 daily fatalities worldwide.
Statistical projections show that during the period between 2000 and 2020, fatalities related to
traffic accidents will decrease with about 30% in high-income countries. The opposite pattern is
expected in developing countries, where traffic accidents are expected to increase at a fast rate in
the years to come. Data recorded in Ghana from 1994 to 1998, indicate that road traffic accidents
were the main cause of fatalities during this period (Afukaar, Antwi & Amaah, 2003). If these
tendencies are allowed to continue, traffic accidents are predicted to be ranked number three
related to disability-adjusted lost life-years and will be on sixth place as a major cause of death
worldwide fatalities in 2020 (Peden et al., 2004). Hence, road traffic accidents represent a major
threat to public health.
Although the argumentation above implies that traffic related research is needed in developing
countries, empirical studies of perceived traffic risk in Sub-Saharan Africa remains scarce. Due to
economical growth in developing countries in this region, road traffic is expected to increase in the
future. This may in turn increase the already higher risk of traffic accidents in developing countries
in Sub-Saharan Africa. Measures aimed to reduce traffic accidents in industrialized societies have
tended to focus upon expensive road and vehicle improvements. However, because developing
countries generally do not have the economical resources for expensive improvements of roads and
vehicles, alternative approaches to traffic safety should be considered in these societies. Hence, one
of the core aims of the present report is to investigate traffic risk perception in a developing
country in Sub-Saharan Africa. The survey was also carried out in a Norwegian public. Although
67
the results from the Norwegian survey are not discussed in depth in the present report, the results
from the Norwegian survey are included for comparative purposes.
Deery (1999) defines traffic risk perception as a subjective interpretation of the risk involved in
various traffic situations. This concept is thought to be important for traffic safety, because it may
predict how drivers act out in traffic. For instance, Elvik (1989, cited in Kanellaidis, Zervas &
Karagioules, 2000) argues that traffic safety depends on the drivers’ ability to correctly perceive
the risk involved in various traffic situations, and adjust their speed in accordance with this risk
assessment. Deery (1999) proposes that higher subjective appraisal of traffic risk increases
tendencies to engage in protective traffic behaviour. Protective driver behaviour may be manifested
through seatbelt usage, and driving that is in accordance with traffic regulations. Hence, some of
the variation in behaviour may be attributed to differences in how the drivers perceive traffic risks.
Models of health behaviour support the assumptions mentioned above. The health belief model
(Rosenstock, 1974, cited in Stroebe & Stroebe, 1995) proposes that preventive behaviour is more
probable when the individual perceives itself as vulnerable to the particular risk item in question.
Accordingly, it is plausible that an individual will behave more careful in traffic, if it perceives
higher probabilities of traffic accidents. Several studies indicate that the cognitive component of
traffic risk perceptions (i.e. probability of traffic accidents) and driver behaviour is weakly related.
For example, Rundmo and Iversen (2004) found that perceptions of traffic risk had weak relations
to reported driver behaviour. Congruent with this, other studies have found that risk perception is a
weak predictor of behaviour (see e.g. Iversen & Rundmo, 2002; Rundmo, 1998). However, these
results should be interpreted with caution due to two interrelated reasons. First, these studies
investigated general perception of traffic risk, instead of risk perception related to specific traffic
accidents and situations. Secondly, the internal reliability in the risk perception scales was
relatively low. Consequently, the validity and reliability of the traffic risk perception scales in these
studies are questionable.
Variation in perceived traffic risk is not solely related to the particular traffic situations in question.
An extensive body of empirical studies indicates that traffic risk perception relate to various
demographic characteristics. For instance, Sivak et al. (1989) found that male respondents
perceived lower risk of slide projected traffic scenes than female respondents. Dejoy (1992) argues
that males perceive themselves as less susceptible to traffic accidents, and are more optimistic on
the behalf of their own driving skills than females. When investigating the effects of a traffic safety
68
campaign among Norwegian adolescents, Rundmo and Iversen (2004) found that females reported
higher probabilities of traffic accidents after the campaign than male respondents. This implies that
the campaign had a stronger effect on perceived traffic risk among females compared to males.
Broadly speaking, the majority of the published literature indicates that the tendency for males to
estimate lower traffic risk than females is empirically robust.
Furthermore, several studies point towards age differences as important for variation in perceived
traffic risk. Sivak et al. (1989) found that adolescents estimated the risk of various traffic events as
lower than middle-aged peers. Congruent with these results, Tränkle et al. (1990) demonstrated
that younger males estimated lower risk of 100 slide projected traffic scenes than older males.
These findings are in accordance with traffic accidents statistics, which show that younger males
are more likely to be involved in traffic accidents than older peers (Iversen, 2004). As a possible
explanation, Deery (1999) proposed that adolescents interpret the risk of traffic situations less
efficient than older and more experienced drivers. Furthermore, adolescents have a tendency to
overestimate their own driving skills. Gregersen (1996) argues that the overestimation of driving
skills and underestimation of traffic accident risk among adolescents, contribute to their higher
frequency of accident involvement.
Levels of education may be related to traffic risk perception. Education can be considered as an
indicator of social status, and it is possible that perceived traffic risks varies between individuals
with higher and lower social status. Accordingly, Hoseth and Rundmo (2005) found that people
with higher education demanded less risk transport risk mitigation than individuals with lower
education. The same study showed that a higher demand for transport risk mitigation was related to
higher levels of perceived traffic risk. This indicates that individuals with higher education
perceive lower levels of traffic risk than people with less education. This assumption is also
supported in empirical investigations of general hazard risk (see e.g. Davidson & Freudenberg,
1996). To the author’s knowledge, studies of differences in perceived traffic risk among
individuals with various levels of education remain scarce. Thus, more studies should aim to
investigate whether differences in levels of education relate to perceived risk in traffic.
As mentioned introductorily empirical investigations of traffic risk perception in developing
countries remain scanty. However, a recent study examined perceived traffic risk among a sample
from Tanzania (Åstrøm et al., 2006). The results showed that the respondents perceived higher
probabilities of traffic accidents than the objective probabilities reflected in local morbidity
69
statistics. Male respondents rated their probabilities of being involved in traffic accidents as similar
to females, even though local morbidity statistics show considerable higher risk for males to be
involved in such accidents. These results indicate that individuals from Tanzania overestimate the
probabilities of traffic accidents, and males fail to perceive their considerably higher traffic
accident risk in this country. Furthermore, the perceived risk among male as well as female
respondents that they would experience a traffic injury in general, was higher in an urban area (Dar
es Salaam) than in a rural community (Hai District).
The scarcity of studies that have investigated perceived traffic risk in developing countries renders
the generality of the results from traffic risk perception studies questionable. It would be premature
to conclude that the same perceptions of traffic risk persist among individuals in industrialized and
developing countries, without conducting empirical examinations in both contexts. As mentioned
introductorily, traffic accidents represent a major threat to public health in developing countries.
The resources spent on road traffic victims, have potential negative impacts on the economic and
social development in these societies. Hence, efforts to reduce the risk of traffic accidents should
be carried out, in order to increase welfare in developing countries. Knowledge of traffic risk
perception among the public in these communities, can be valuable when developing
countermeasures.
8.2 Data and methods
Sample
During March 2006, a self-completion questionnaire was devised among a stratified sample in
Ghana (n = 299). This sample was stratified for two urban areas, different neighborhoods in Accra
and Cape-Coast. These regions covered lower class, middle class, and, partly, upper class areas.
People in these areas (n = 179) were randomly selected and interviewed by the questionnaire.
These respondents were contacted personally at work places, malls, and other gatherings, and
interviewed by Norwegian and Ghanaian students. In addition, undergraduate psychology students
and graduate geography students (n = 120) at lecturer theatres at the University of Ghana (Legon)
in Accra were recruited to this sample. Of the 350 questionnaires distributed, 299 were returned.
This resulted in an overall response rate, adjusted for that new respondents could join the sample,
of 85.4%. The Ghanaian sample included 143 (49.7%) males and 145 (50.3%) females. The age of
the respondents varied between 18 and 86 years (M = 31.39, SD = 12.16). Twenty nine per cent of
70
these respondents had primary school as their highest completed education, 16.9% had completed
high school, and 54% had higher education.
8.3 Measures
The measure of perceived traffic risk included 12 items. These items measured perceived
probability of personal injury, due to various traffic related events. The measure was adopted from
a questionnaire developed by Rundmo and Fuglem (2000). The five point scales were in Likert
format and ranged from “Very high probability” to “No probability”. The relevant demographic
measures for the present study were gender, age, and levels of education; plus place of residence.
8.4 Statistical analysis
Descriptive statistics were applied in order to investigate the means and standard deviations of
traffic risk perception in the samples. In addition, descriptive statistics were used to determine
general characteristics of the samples. Principal component analysis (PCA) with varimax rotation
and Kaizer normalization was applied to identify the dimensions of traffic risk perception.
Cronbach’s alpha coefficient and the average corrected item-total correlations were calculated, for
the purpose of measuring the internal consistency of the scales. One-way analysis of variance
(ANOVA) was applied, in order to compare the Ghanaian (and Norwegian) respondents on the
dimensions of traffic risk perception. An independent samples t-test was carried out to investigate
gender differences in traffic risk perception. One-way analyses of variance were conducted to
investigate whether sub-samples with different age, levels of education and place of residence
differed in perceived traffic risk.
8.5 Results
8.5.1 Dimensionality of traffic risk perception
In order to determine the dimensional structure of the traffic risk perception measure, the 12 traffic
risk perception items were subjected to a principal component analysis (PCA). Table 8.1 illustrates
71
that 10 items were separated into two different dimensions. Two items were excluded from the
original list of 12 items, because they loaded on multiple factors. By excluding these items, the
Cronbach’s alpha value increased. This reflects a higher internal consistency of the scales.
Together, the two dimensions explained about 60% of the variance in traffic risk perception (see
table 8.1). The first dimension was entitled Traffic accident risks (α = .806). This dimension
included various items related to traffic accidents (e.g. head on collision, collision with another
vehicle from behind, and collisions with pedestrians). The second dimension consisted of items
associated with General traffic risks (α = .882). These items related to various traffic situations,
such as being in traffic in a motor vehicle, as a bicyclist, and as a pedestrian. As reported in table
8.1, both scales had a satisfactory α-value, and were consequently considered adequate for further
analysis.
Table 8.1. Dimensions of Traffic Risk Perception
Dimension 1. Traffic accident risks
Dim 1 Dim 2
(Cronbach’s alpha .806, mean corrected item-total correlation .57)
Head on collision
.83
.20
The vehicle overturns in the roadway
.76
.24
My car running off the road
.75
.31
Collision caused by changing driving lane
.73
.23
Collision with a pedestrian
.52
.14
Collision with another vehicle from behind
.50
.16
As a rider of a bicycle
.23
.85
As a pedestrian
.23
.84
As a passenger of a motor vehicle
.26
.83
As a driver of a motor vehicle
.30
.78
Total variance explained
48.20
13.41
Dimension 2. General traffic risks
(Cronbach’s alpha .882, mean corrected item-total correlation .75)
Source Fieldwork in Ghana, March 2006
72
8.5.2 Traffic risk perceptions in Ghana
Table 8.2 presents the means and standard deviations of perceived traffic risk in Ghana. The results
show that the Ghanaian respondents estimated higher risk of various traffic accidents than
Norwegian peers. These differences were most notable for events with fatal potentials, such as
head on collisions, the car running off the road, collisions due to changing driving lane, and vehicle
overturning. The Ghanaian respondents estimated higher risk of being in traffic as a pedestrian,
bicyclist, and passenger of a motor vehicle than the Norwegian sample (see table 8.2).
Table 8.2. Means and Standard Deviations for Traffic Risk Perception in Ghana and Norway
Indicator
Mean
SD
Norway
Ghana
(n = 247)
(n = 299)
Norway
Ghana
1. My car running off the road
2.40
1.79
1.24
1.13
2. Head on collision
2.30
1.51
1.25
1.09
3. Collision with another vehicle from behind
2.28
2.11
.99
1.23
4. Collision due to changing driving lane
2.36
1.80
1.09
1.14
5. Collision with a pedestrian
3.40
2.79
1.27
1.47
6. The vehicle overturns in the roadway
3.14
1.59
1.57
1.15
7. Collision with an animal
2.49
2.77
.99
1.47
8. Parking accident
3.67
2.76
1.18
1.40
9. As a driver of a motor vehicle
2.68
2.20
1.07
1.35
10. As a rider of a bicycle
2.63
2.15
1.26
1.35
11. As a pedestrian
2.72
2.21
1.31
1.41
12. As a passenger of a motor vehicle
2.59
2.12
1.01
1.30
Note. Ratings given on a 5-point scale from (1) very high probability to (5) No probability
Source: Fieldwork in Ghana, March 2006
73
Table 8.3 reports the means and standard deviations of perceived traffic risk in Accra and Cape
Coast in Ghana. Individuals from Accra and Cape Coast perceived different levels of traffic risk:
Accra experiences a more complex traffic pattern with a higher level of motorisation, traffic flows
and system risk. Accordingly, the results show that individuals from Cape-Coast perceived lower
probabilities of collisions with another vehicle from behind, as well as collisions with pedestrians
and animals (see table 6.3).
Table 8.3 Means and Standard Deviations for Traffic Risk Perception in Accra and Cape Coast
Indicator
Mean
Accra
SD
Cape
Coast
(n = 170)
Accra
Cape
Coast
(n = 47)
1. My car running off the road
1.86
1.77
1.15
1.22
2. Head on collision
1.59
1.55
1.19
1.08
3. Collision with another vehicle from behind
2.11
2.38
1.15
1.57
4. Collision due to changing driving lane
1.87
1.70
1.15
1.09
5. Collision with a pedestrian
2.74
3.23
1.38
1.66
6. The vehicle overturns in the roadway
1.57
1.70
1.10
1.28
7. Collision with an animal
2.80
3.06
1.44
1.61
8. Parking accident
3.00
2.35
1.40
1.27
9. As a driver of a motor vehicle
2.33
2.24
1.38
1.46
10. As a rider of a bicycle
2.25
2.33
1.39
1.49
11. As a pedestrian
2.26
2.50
1.43
1.53
12. As a passenger of a motor vehicle
2.26
2.28
1.34
1.46
74
A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was carried out, in order to examine if the estimates of
traffic risk differed significantly in Norway and Ghana. Country (i.e. Norway and Ghana) was
included as the independent variable and the two dimensions of perceived traffic risks were used as
dependent variables. The results from this analysis are reported in table 6.4. Ghanaian respondents
perceived significantly higher risk of traffic accidents (F = 90.95 (1,505), p < .001) and general
traffic risks (F = 29.00 (1,514), p < .001) than Norwegian respondents.
Table 8.4. Cross-Cultural Differences in Traffic Risk Perception
Dimensions
Mean
SD
F
Norway
Ghana
Norway Ghana
(n = 247)
(n = 299)
1 Traffic accident risks
2.65
1.93
.96
.73
90.95 ***
2 General traffic risks
2.66
2.15
1.00
1.13
29.00 ***
***p < .001
8.5 Differences in perceived traffic risk due to gender, age, and
education
The next step was to investigate whether individuals with different gender, age, and levels of
education differed significantly on the dimensions of perceived traffic risk. For the purpose of
examining whether females estimated traffic risks as significantly different than males, a one-tailed
independent samples t-test was carried out. Gender was included as the independent variable and
75
the dimensions of traffic risk were used as dependent variables. A tendency was revealed for
females (M = 1.96, n = 145) to estimate lower risk of traffic accidents than males (M = 1.91, n =
143). This difference was significant (t (268) = 1.68, p < .05) for the dimension of general traffic
risk.
The samples were separated into three age groups: Adolescents (18-24 years), adults (25-44 years),
and older adults (44+ years). Because the mean age in the Ghanaian sample was relatively low (M
= 31.39, SD = 12.16), the threshold for the group with older adults was set at 44 years. In order to
examine whether adolescents and older individuals differed significantly in traffic risk perception,
a one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was carried out. Age group was included as the
independent variable, whereas the two dimensions of traffic risk perception were entered as the
dependent variables. The effects of age groups failed to reach significance. However, a general
tendency was revealed for adolescents (M = 2.02, n = 92) to estimate traffic accident risks as lower
than adults (M = 1.89, n = 154) and older adults (M = 1.92, n = 33). On the general traffic risk
dimension, Ghanaian adolescents (M = 2.07) estimated the risk items as higher than adults (M =
2.19) and older adults (M = 2.12).
The final step was to examine whether individuals with different levels of education varied
significantly in traffic risk perception. The Ghanaian sample was separated into two groups:
Ghanaian university students (n = 119), and Ghanaian non-university students (n = 175). A oneway ANOVA was carried out to investigate whether respondents with higher levels of education
perceived different levels of traffic risk than participants with less education. Education was used
as the independent variable and the dimensions of traffic risk perception were entered as dependent
variables. Levels of education failed to reach significance on the dimensions of perceived traffic
risk. There was however a tendency for higher educated individuals (M = 1.86) to estimate more
risk of traffic accidents than individuals with less education (M = 1.98). This tendency approached
significance (F = 3.68, p < .10) for the dimension related to general traffic risk.
76
8.6 Discussion
The core aim of the present report was to investigate some results regarding traffic risk perception
among a Ghanaian public. The results showed that Ghanaians tended to perceive relatively high
levels of traffic risk. Some differences were also found between individuals from Accra and Cape
Coast. Individuals from Cape Coast tended to estimate lower risk from a variety of the risk
perception indicators. An interpretation is that the traffic pattern is more complex and the traffic
volume and flows in Accra are considerably higher than in Cape Coast. This may in turn result in
higher traffic accident risk in the Ghanaian capital.
A plausible explanation for the higher risk estimates in the Ghanaian sample is that the traffic
environment in Ghana is considerably more hazardous than in for example Norway. This
assumption is supported by traffic accident statistics, which show that traffic accidents have been
the main cause of injury related fatalities in Ghana for a longer period (Afukaar et al., 2003).
Traffic accidents are still a major health problem in Norway and other developed societies. These
countries have however been relatively successful in addressing and reversing the frequencies of
these accidents (Peden et al., 2004). One possible explanation for the more dangerous traffic
environment in Ghana is the absence of clearly defined traffic regulations in this country. In
Norway, regulations concerning speeding and general driver behaviour are relatively strict. For
instance, posted road signs state the speed limits in various areas, and sanctions for violating these
limits are relatively severe. In Ghana, such road signs are rare and several areas lack explicitly
defined speed limits. Furthermore, the Ghanaian law enforcement of traffic regulations is relatively
scanty. These factors probably contribute to more risk taking traffic behaviour and higher accident
risk in Ghana. Another important aspect is that the separation between pedestrians, bicyclist, and
motor vehicles is poor in Ghana. This may explain why Ghanaians perceived higher risk of being a
pedestrian or bicyclist in traffic compared to Norwegian respondents.
An alternative interpretation is that general differences in the respective risk environments had an
effect on the results. Boholm (1998) suggests that perceived risk is not merely influenced by the
specific risk items in question, but also related to the general safety and security posed upon the
individuals in their daily lives. Accordingly, Åstrøm et al. (2006) found that individuals in
Tanzania overestimated the probabilities of traffic accidents, compared to the statistical
probabilities of such accidents in Tanzania. The authors concluded that individuals in developing
77
countries are more preoccupied with daily threats to well being (e.g. HIV/Aids, malaria, and
infections), and thus have a more general awareness of risk than individuals in other countries.
Affeltranger and Thomasson (2005) concluded that people in developing countries tend to stress
urgent needs, such as food, stability, and income, more than preventative action towards common
accidents. These psychological processes can result in less behavioural measures regarding traffic
accidents among individuals in developing countries. Affeltranger and Thomasson (2005) claim
that such risk tradeoffs, limits the efficiency of accident reducing measures in developing
countries. A practical implication is that a reduction of social marginality may increase the focus
upon traffic safety among the public in developing countries.
An additional aim of the present study was to investigate perceived traffic risk in sub-samples, with
different gender, age, levels of education and place of residence. It was hypothesized that females
would estimate higher traffic accident than males. Further, adolescents were expected to perceive
lower traffic than older individuals. Finally, higher educated people were thought to consider lower
traffic risk than individuals with less education. Broadly speaking, the results showed that these
sub-samples did not diverge significantly in perceived traffic risk. However, general tendencies in
the data material should be discussed.
Inconsistent with previous findings (e.g. Dejoy, 1992; Sivak et al., 1989), females tended to
perceive lower general traffic risk than males. A possible explanation is that the lower risk
estimates among Ghanaian females reflect differences in the gender roles in Ghana and Norway.
Females in Ghana possess a more traditional role as caretakers than Norwegian females, while
males tend to be the main providers of Ghanaian households. A consequence may be that males are
more likely than females to use a vehicle in relation to for example work and travelling. It is
reasonable to assume that this increases the probabilities for males to be involved in traffic
accidents. However, the differences between the genders were relatively marginal for the
dimension of traffic accidents in the Ghanaian sample. This adds support to Åstrøm et al. (2006),
who found that males and females in Tanzania perceived relatively similar levels of traffic risks.
Statistics from Ghana show that males were represented in 73.1% of the traffic fatalities between
1994 and 1998 (Afukaar et al., 2003). The marginal differences in perceived traffic accident risk
between the genders indicate that Ghanaian males fail to perceive their higher risk of being
involved in fatal traffic accidents.
78
Previous studies (e.g. Deery, 1999; Quimby, 1988) have found that adolescents perceive lower
traffic risks than older peers. The present results revealed marginal differences between adolescents
and older individuals. Globally, adolescents account for over 50% of all traffic fatalities (Peden et
al., 2004). A possible explanation for the marginal differences in perceived traffic risk among
adolescents and older individuals could be that adolescent in Ghana fail to perceive their higher
risk of being involved in traffic accidents. Hence, the misperceptions of traffic risk among this age
group may partly explain their higher frequency of accident involvement in developing countries.
A tendency in the data material indicated that higher educated Ghanaians estimated higher traffic
risk than less educated individuals. The present study is to the author’s knowledge one of the first
to investigate how levels of education relate to perceived risk in traffic. Thus, it is possible that
individuals with higher education estimate higher traffic risk than individuals with lower levels of
education. Earlier studies indicate that higher educated individuals estimate risk more in line with
expert calculations than people with lower levels of education.
Individuals with less education may be more influenced by reports in the media than more
objective information (Lai & Tao, 2003). Soumerai, Ross-Degnan, and Kahn (1992) claim that the
media tends to focus upon risks, which have lower probabilities and higher consequences, and put
less emphasis upon common risks such as motor vehicle accidents. A consequence may be that
lower educated individuals perceive traffic accidents as low-probability risks to a larger extent than
individuals with higher education. This assumption should be interpreted with caution however,
because several investigations show that the media is not as biased towards low-probability risks as
previously assumed. In addition, the importance of the media seems to be more profound when
people assess the risk for others, as opposed to the risk for themselves (see Wåhlberg & Sjöberg,
2000, for a review).
Summarizing, the present results indicate that Ghanaians perceive relatively high levels of traffic
risk. A proposed explanation is that the traffic environment in Ghana contributes to the higher
levels of perceived traffic risk in this country. The Ghanaian traffic environment is characterized
by a considerably higher frequency of accidents and less regulation than for instance in Norway. A
practical implication is that more efficient countermeasures are needed in Ghana. Furthermore, the
results indicated that individuals with different demographic characteristics perceived relatively
similar levels of perceived traffic risk. In practical terms, this implies that younger males fail to
perceive their higher probabilities of accident involvement in Ghana. The author suggests that road
traffic campaigns should aim to alter perceived traffic risk among younger males, as an attempt of
79
reducing risky driver behaviour among drivers in this age group. This may in turn contribute to less
risk taking traffic behavior in developing countries.
References
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Davidson, D.J., & Freudenberg, W.R. (1996). Gender and environmental risk concerns: A
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Kanellaidis, G., Zervas, A., & Karagioules, V. (2000). Drivers’ risk perception of road
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(Eds.). (2004). World report on road traffic injury prevention. Geneva: World Health
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Rundmo, T., & Fuglem, K. (2000). Spørreundersøkelse om ungdommens trafikantatferd.
Questionnaire, Trondheim: NTNU, Department of Psychology.
Rundmo, T., & Iversen, H. (2004). Risk perception and driving behaviour among adolescents
in two Norwegian counties before and after a traffic safety campaign. Safety Science, 42, 121.
Sivak, M., Soler, J., Tränkle, U., & Spagnhol, J.M. (1989). Cross-cultural differences in
driver risk-perception. Accident Analysis & Prevention, 21, 355-362.
Stroebe, W., & Stroebe, M.S. (1995). Social Psychology and Health. Buckingham: Open
University Press.
Soumerai, S. B., Ross-Degnan, D., & Kahn, J. S. (1992). Effects of professional and media
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young drivers. Accident Analysis & Prevention, 22, 119-125.
Wåhlberg, A., & Sjöberg, L. (2000). Risk perception and the media. Journal of Risk
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susceptibility to and perceived causes of road traffic injuries in an urban and rural area of Tanzania.
Accident Analysis & Prevention, 38, 54-62.
81
9 ATTITUDES AS PREDICTORS OF DRIVER BEHAVIOUR IN
NORWAY AND GHANA
Ingunn Olea Lund, Dept of Psychology
9.1 Introduction
Traffic accidents are a frequent cause of injuries and deaths globally. A disproportionate number
of these accidents occur in developmental countries. In 1998 more than 85 % of all deaths related
to traffic accidents globally and 96 % of all children killed in traffic occurred in developing
countries (Nantulya & Reich, 2002). In 2004, 2173 people were killed due to traffic accidents in
Ghana. This was five hundred more than in 2000, showing a rapid increase in road traffic fatalities
(Ministry of Road Transport, National road safety commission, 2006). National economy is
affected by high medical care costs due to the large number or traffic accidents victims.
Accordingly, in addition of being a serious health problem, the large number of traffic accidents
slows down the economical growth of developing countries. There are several approaches to
reducing traffic accidents. Some examples are enforcing stricter traffic regulations, improvement of
roads and environment and education. However, it is has been argued that improvements of roads
result in a reduction of traffic risk perception (Summala, 1996).
In Ghana, there are only about 300 000 vehicles in the country and about 1 500 000 hold a drivers
license. Exact numbers are not available since records are kept manually on different locations.
(Swedish National Road and Transport Institute, 2000). Although focus on traffic safety have
increased in Ghana and better roads are built, it has been a lack of focus on human factors in
traffic. However, as mentioned previously, safety gains are often reduced or even lost since people
often increase speed and decrease attention when road conditions are improved (Summala, 1996).
In 50 per cent of all road traffic accidents in Ghana, speeding has been the main cause of the
accident (Afukaar, Antwi & Ofosu-Amaah, 2003). Furthermore, there is a lack of widespread
formalised driver education and drivers often fail to adhere to road signs. A major threat to traffic
safety in Ghana is the “tro tro” (minibus), who provide unofficial public transport. The drivers
82
minimise stopping times and compete against each other to pick up passengers. The “tro-tros” are
often involved in serious traffic accidents. Accidents involving “tro-tros” often occur on roads
passing through rural areas. In urban areas, pedestrians are at great risk of being involved in traffic
accidents. Pedestrians are involved in almost 50 per cent of all road fatalities in Ghana. Children
and people between 26-45 years are most at risk of being run down by a car (Afukaar et al, 2003).
In traffic accidents occurring due to person-related factors there is reason to believe that if safety
campaigns are able to improve people’s less than ideal safety attitudes this will improve their
driver behaviour and decrease their chances of being involved in traffic accidents. The number of
traffic accidents is thought to increase in low-income countries among other things due to the rapid
motorization and insufficient driver training (Nantulya & Reich, 2002)..
Attitudes and Driver behaviour
Attitudes towards traffic safety are considered to play a major role in how people behave in traffic.
Rundmo (1999) showed that health attitudes were strongly related to health behaviour. By
examining who have less than ideal attitudes toward traffic safety, one can provide important
indications to which future safety campaigns should be addressed. If attitudes contribute to driver
behaviour that increases or decreases the risk of being involved in traffic accidents, the study of
attitudes relation to behaviour is of importance to safety research
The theory of reasoned action (TRA), (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975) and the Theory of Planned
Behaviour (TPB) (Ajzen, 1991) hypothesize that attitude are an important predictor of behaviour.
The theory argues that a change in beliefs related to traffic safety may lead to a reduction of
accidents due to a change in driver behaviour. Attitudes, social norms and perceived behavioural
control are hypothesized to be significant predictors of behaviour. The theory has been frequently
applied in studies examining the relationship between attitudes towards traffic safety and driver
behaviour (Parker, Manstead, Stradling & Reason, 1992, Parker, Manstead &Stradling, 1995,
Parker, Lajunen & Stradling, 1998).
A great number of studies have been successful in relating attitudes towards traffic safety to driver
behaviour (Iversen & Rundmo, 2004, Moen & Rundmo, 2005). Rundmo and Ulleberg (2003)
found attitudes towards traffic safety to be the only variable that directly affected driver behaviour.
The findings of these studies indicate that attitudes are great predictors of driver behaviour and
83
might thus indirectly affect accident involvement (Lawton, Parker, Manstead & Parker, 1997,
West, French, Kemp, Elander, 1993).
Differences in attitudes by demographical variables.
Results of several studies in the research field of attitudes and driver behaviour suggest that there
are differences in attitudes towards traffic safety and driver behaviour due to gender and age.
Findings indicate that adolescents and males hold less ideal attitudes towards traffic safety
compared to adults and females (Yagil, 1998, Lowenstein, Weber, Hsee & Welch, 2001, Iversen &
Rundmo, 2004). Studies carried out previously have found that young driver’s risk-taking attitudes
are related to more reckless driving, speeding and drinking and driving (Iversen & Rundmo, 2004,
Ulleberg & Rundmo, 2002).
Shiraev & Levy (2004) suggest that cultural attitudes include beliefs, values, general knowledge,
opinions, superstitions and stereotypes. Cultural behaviours include a variety of norms, roles,
customs, traditions, habits and practices. Research on attitudes towards traffic safety and driver
behaviour in African developing countries has been scarce. Accordingly, it is difficult to generalize
the success of attitudes as a predictor of driver behaviour to African countries. It is important that
more research examine whether peoples’ behaviour is controlled by the same behavioural
determinants or whether the approaches that are applied in Western countries are culture specific.
If results indicate great differences, it would be inefficient to apply Western traffic safety
approaches in Africa. In that case, new traffic safety measures should be developed locally instead
of simply adopting from Western countries.
In light of the literature reviewed here, the specific aims of the study are as follows:
Identify determinants of safety attitudes and driver behaviour in Ghana (partly compared with
Norway) and examine differences in attitudes and driver behaviour related to country, age and
gender.
Furthermore, the study performs a cross-cultural examination of attitudes ability at explaining
variance in driver behaviour in a low-income country (in relation to a high-income country).
84
9.2 Methods
Sample and procedure
To obtain the goals of the present study, a questionnaire was developed to assess attitudes and
driver behaviour. In order to find whether or not respondents from different nationalities
understood the questionnaire the same way a pilot study including 50 Norwegian and international
students was conducted at the Norwegian University of Technology and Science. A language
consultant examined the reliability between the Norwegian and the English version of the
questionnaire. In addition, experts on Ghanaian culture suggested some adjustments in the
questionnaire that were carried out to better fit the Ghanaian culture. In Ghana, 350 questionnaires
were distributed in to a stratified sample of respondents in the cities of Accra and Cape Coast.
Accra has about 2 million inhabitants. Cape Coast is a city with about 82 000 inhabitants. To make
sure respondents from different social backgrounds were included in the sample, data were
gathered from different geographical areas in the two cities, covering lower class, middle class and
upper class areas. Respondents were contacted at markets, at work places, University areas and
driver stations. Some respondents filled out the questionnaires themselves whereas Ghanaian and
Norwegian students interviewed respondents that were illiterate or who only spoke one of the local
Ghanaian languages. About 100 Ghanaian Geography and Psychology students from the
University of Ghana (Legon) participated in the study. In collaboration with supervisors, master
students from the Norwegian university of Technology and Science, representatives and PhD- and
master students in Accra and Cape Coast were responsible for gathering data. Of the 350
questionnaires that were distributed, 299 (85.5%) were returned. This resulted in a response rate of
85 per cent. 145 (51 %) females and 143 (49 %) males were included in the sample. Respondents’
age ranged from 17 to 95 years (M=31.4 years, SD= 12.2). In Ghana, 101 (34%) hold a driver
license.
Measures
Three dimensions including a total of 18 variables measured traffic safety attitudes. These included
attitudes towards rule violations, attitudes towards responsibility in traffic and attitudes towards
drinking and driving. Responses were given on a five-point evaluation scale with response
alternatives ranging from “strongly agree to “strongly disagree”. The measures of attitudes used in
this study were adopted from Iversen and Rundmo (2004)
85
Driver behaviour was measured by 24 items, and included the following four dimensions: drinking
and driving/reckless driving, cautious and watchful driving, inattentive driving and cautious
driving related to pedestrians. By using the evaluation scale, with following response alternatives
“very often”, “often”, “sometimes”, “seldom” and “never”, respondents were asked to report how
often they engaged in the different activities. The driver behaviour measure was adopted from a
study by Iversen and Rundmo (2004).
Statistical analyses
For identifying the underlying dimensions of attitudes and driver behaviour, principal components
analysis with varimax rotation was applied. Since the study included several dimensions of safety
attitudes as well as driver behaviours, multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was applied to
analyse differences in these dimensions due to gender, age and culture (Norway or Ghana). Oneway ANOVA was carried out in order to see which differences existed in attitudes and driver
behaviour due to gender, age and culture. Hierarchical block regression, using the enter method,
was applied to find to what degree a model consisting of attitudes and the demographical variables
age and gender were able to account for variance in driver behaviour in Ghana and Norway.
9.3 Results
9.3.1 Dimensional structure of attitudes towards traffic safety
Table 9.1 show. The items were related to knowledge of traffic rules, willingness to ride with an
unsafe driver, whether there should be severe punishments that attitudes fell into three dimensions.
The first dimension was entitled ’attitude towards rule violations and safety’ for violating traffic
rules and whether traffic regulations should be respected at all times. Items in the second
dimension, ‘attitude towards responsibility in traffic’, include items related to whether pedestrians
or drivers are the ones with most responsibility for the avoidance of traffic accidents, whether it is
acceptable to ignore some traffic regulations if these are too complicated or if no other people are
in sight and whether speeding is acceptable to drive past slow drivers. The last dimension, ‘attitude
towards drinking and driving’, that is if respondents considered driving after consumption of
alcohol and if they would ride with someone they knew had been drinking.
86
Table 9.1 Dimensions of attitudes towards traffic safety
Dim1
Dim2
Dim3
I have good knowledge of traffic rules
.70
-.26
-.18
In the absence of other good alternatives, I would let an unsafe driver drive me
.65
-
.17
If my friends were passengers of an unsafe driver, I would join them
.64
-
.14
There should be severe sanctions for driving too fast
.52
-
-
One should respect traffic regulations independently of driving conditions
.51
-
-.15
I feel it’s my responsibility to tell a driver if he/she is driving too fast
.48
-
-10
To maintain flow in traffic, one must ignore several traffic
.47
.38
.20
There should be severe sanctions for hitting pedestrians with a car
.39
.16
-.17
Drivers who violate traffic regulations don’t represent a larger threat for safety than
32
.23
.14
Drivers are often powerless faced with unpredictable pedestrians
-
.55
-
If you are a decent driver it’s acceptable to drive a bit faster
-
.53
-
It makes sense to increase speed to drive past cars which are driving too slowly
-
.51
-
Pedestrians have a large responsibility making sure they are not hit by cars
-.49
.50
-
If a pedestrian is run down by a car, the pedestrian is to blame
-
,48
-
Traffic regulations are overcomplicated, and therefore difficult to comply with
-
47
19
.20
45
-
I would never drive after alcohol consumption
-
-
85
I would never let a driver take me home if I knew they had consumed alcohol
-
-
83
Dimension 1. Attitude towards rule violations and safety (Cronbach’s alpha 0.680
mean corrected item total correlation .36)
home
regulations
those respecting these regulations
Dimension 2. Attitudes towards responsibility in traffic (Chronbach’s alpha .533,
mean corrected item total correlation .27)
when driving
It is reasonable to ignore red lights when there are no other cars or people in sight
Dimension 3. Attitudes towards drinking and driving (Chronbach’s alpha .690,
mean corrected item total correlation .53 )
87
9.3.2 Attitudes towards traffic safety in Norway and Ghana
Table 9.2 reports means and standard deviations for the three dimensions measuring attitudes
towards traffic safety. Percentages of respondents holding “ideal” and “non-ideal” attitudes are
reported. Ratings 1- 3.49 were defined as “non-ideal” and 3, 50 - 5 as “Ideal” attitudes towards
traffic safety. The issue of how to define whether attitudes are ideal or non-ideal attitudes involves
the following dilemma: some attitudes include both safe and unsafe driving depending on the
situation. However, studies are pointing towards a tendency for higher accident risks for drivers
who are positive towards violating traffic rules (Parker et al. 1992). Ideal attitudes towards traffic
safety can be described as attitudes that contribute to safe behaviour. Factors included in this
survey were based on research reviewed in the introduction of what seem ideal related to traffic
safety.
6 % of the Ghanaian respondents reported “non-ideal attitudes related to rule violations. 65 %
reported “non-ideal” attitudes related to responsibility in traffic and 12 % reported “non-ideal”
attitudes towards drinking and driving. Although the results indicate that many people hold ideal
attitudes towards traffic safety, there is still a large improvement potential.
Table 9.2 Percentages, means and Standard deviation. for “ideal” and “non-ideal” attitudes
%
Dimensions
Attitude towards rule violations
Ideal
Mean
Norway Ghana
Norway Ghana
Norway Ghana
40
94
3.36
4.32
.52
.47
64
35
3.68
3.25
.59
.63
95
88
4.76
4.57
.68
.91
S.D.
and speeding
Attitudes towards responsibility in
traffic
Attitudes towards drinking and
driving
Ratings on a five-point scale from strongly agree to strongly disagree.
88
Differences in attitudes between gender and age groups in Norway and Ghana.
Table 9.3 shows the means for attitudes towards traffic safety among men and women, adolescents,
young adults and older adults in Norway and Ghana. In both countries, women hold more ideal
attitudes towards traffic safety than men. Ghanaians held more ideal attitudes towards rule
violations
Table 9.3 Overview over means for traffic safety attitudes in gender, age and country.
Norway
Women
Attitudes towards
Men
Ghana
Adol-
Young
Old
cents
adults
adults
Women
Men
Adol-
Young
Old
cents
adults
adults
3.46
3.21
3.23
3.39
3.43
4.37
4.29
4.30
4.38
4.18
3.86
3.43
3.87
3.73
3.52
3.29
3.21
3.18
3.29
3.25
4.85
4.63
4.68
4.77
44.81
4.70
4.48
4.75
4.57
4.25
rule violations
Attitudes towards
responsibility in
traffic
Attitudes towards
drinking and
driving
Ratings are given on a five-point scale from strongly agree to strongly disagree.
Table 9.4 reports the results of a multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) using the three
dimensions of attitude as dependent variables and country, gender and age as fixed factors. The age
variable was recoded to adolescents (18-24), young adults (25-44) and old adults (45+). The first
step was to examine whether culture, age and gender had statistically significant effects on the
three attitude dimensions. A Wilks’ λ of 64 (p<.001) show that the overall main effect of the
country variable is significant. The effects from gender were also significant (Wilks’ λ 0,94, p<
0,001)
Table 9.4. Multivariate analysis of variance for dimensions of attitude by gender, age and country.
Wilks λ
F
df
p
Gender
.94
10.6
3
.000***
Age
.98
1.53
6
.165
Counrty
.45
179.41
3
.000***
***p<. 001
89
The next step was to carry out individual univariate analysis (ANOVA) for each of the three
attitude dimensions. Significant effects from gender (F = 14,01, p< 0,001) were found on the
attitude dimension consisting of attitudes towards drinking and driving. Country ( F = 45,69, p<
0,001) and gender (F = 13,94, p< 0,001) had significant effects on the dimension consisting of
attitudes towards responsibility in traffic. Finally, country (F = 363,18, p<0,001 ) and gender (F =
16,56, p< 0,001) had significant effects on the dimension involving attitudes towards rule
violations. On this dimension, age was also found to have a significant effect (F = 3,36, p< 0,05).
9.3.3 Dimensions of driver behaviour
Self-reported driver behaviour fell into four separate factor dimensions. The first dimension was
entitled “cautious and watchful driving”. (α = ,784). This dimension included items related to
taking precautions, slowing down due to traffic signs and other cues in traffic. “Drinking and
driving/reckless driving” (α = ,771) included items related to evaluations of whether on would
drive after consuming alcohol, or ride with someone that had been drinking, driving fast in densely
populated areas and passing cars that are driving within the speed limit. The third driver behaviour
dimension, “inattentive driving”, (α =,778) involves items related speeding due to time pressure
and driving one is too tired or unable to focus on traffic. The fourth dimension, “precautionary
behaviour related to pedestrians”, (α =, 694) involves items related slowing down when
pedestrians are around.
90
Table 9.5 Dimensions of driver behaviour
Dimension 1. Cautious and watchful driving (Chronbach’s alpha .784. mean corrected item total
correlation .48)
Slow down due to a road sign which signals caution
.77
-
.12
-
Slow down in areas where children are playing, even when none are visible
.72
-
-
-
.69
.14
-
-
Slow down when it is dark
.62
.32
-
-
Slow down because a car behind you is trying to pass
.59
-.17
.21
-
Discuss traffic safety with others
.56
-
.21
.16
Slow down due to slippery driving conditions
.52
-.11
-
.15
.50
-.25
.25
-
.48
.45
-
-
Drive after you have had several beers
-.15
.70
.19
-.17
Go as a passenger with a driver you know has been drinking alcohol
-
.69
.30
-
Drive after you have had a beer
-
.65
.16
-
Drive longer trips without wearing a seatbelt
-.14
.62
-
.26
Drive over shorter distances without wearing a seatbelt
-
.56
.17
.31
Drive the morning after heavy alcohol consumption, without knowing if you are completely sober
-
.55
.43
-.12
.12
.51
-
-
.32
.40
.35
-
Drive above the speed limit to reach a very important appointment
-
-
.73
.12
Ignore traffic regulations to reach your destination in time
.31
.17
.71
-
Create dangerous traffic situations as a result of being inattentive
.19
.22
.67
-.12
Keep on driving even if you feel tired
-
.19
.66
-
.23
.21
.64
-
.14
-
-
.85
.29
-
-
.78
Reduce my speed considerably where a road sign states that children are playing
Slow down due to difficult driving conditions
Tell a person to slow down when he/she is driving too fast
Dimension 2. Drinking and driving/reckless driving (Chronbach’s alpha .771, mean corrected item
total correlation .49)
Increase speed in densely populated areas
Try to pass the car in front of you, even if that car is driving quite fast
Dimension 3. Inattentive driving
(Chronbachs alpha .778, mean corrected item total correlation .56)
Get distracted by events in the environment while driving
Dimension 4. Precautionary behaviour related to pedestrians
(Cronbachs alpha,.694, mean corrected item total correlation .54)
Slow down when there are pedestrians in the road
Slow down if I see a pedestrian approaching
9.3.4 Driver behaviour in Norway and Ghana
To illustrate differences in reported driver behaviour between Norwegian and Ghanaian drivers,
differences in percentages, means and standard deviations of “safe” and “unsafe” driver behaviour
between Norway and Ghana are illustrated in table 9.6.
91
Table 9.6 Differences in percentages, means and standard deviations for “safe” and “unsafe” driver
behaviour in Norway and Ghana.
Dimensions
Cautious and watchful driving
Drinking and driving/reckless driving
Inattentive driving
Cautious behaviour related to pedestrians
%
%
Mean
S.D
safe
unsafe
Norway
79
21
1.78
.41
Ghana
91
9
1.92
.28
Norway
99
1
2.0
.07
Ghana
90
10
1.91
.30
Norway
70
30
1.70
.46
Ghana
83
17
1.83
.38
Norway
98
2
1.99
.13
Ghana
95
5
1.96
.21
9.4 DISCUSSION AND SOME CONCLUSIONS
In Norway as well as Ghana, female respondents had more ideal attitudes towards traffic safety
across all the three attitude dimensions compared to male respondents. This supports previous
findings indicating that females in general have more ideal attitudes towards traffic safety
compared to males (Iversen & Rundmo, 2004; Ulleberg, 2002; Lowenstein et al, 2001; Yagil,
1998). However, differences in safety attitudes due to age were only found to have a significant
effect on peoples’ attitudes towards rule violations.
In Ghana, older adults held the least ideal attitudes towards rule violations, followed by
adolescents. Ghanaians held more ideal attitudes against rule violations in traffic compared to
Norwegians. These results suggest that Ghanaians are more concerned about rule violations and are
perhaps more rule oriented than Norwegians.
In Ghana the expectancy for females to report safer driver behaviour compared to males was not
supported. The results showed only one significant difference, from gender on cautious behaviour
related to pedestrians. On this dimension, males surprisingly reported safer driver behaviour than
females. Due to more traffic accidents in Ghana than in Norway, also when the number of residents
92
in the two countries is considered, the present study expected that Norwegians would report safer
traffic behaviour than Ghanaians on all the four driver behaviour dimensions. However, the results
showed that Ghanaians reported safer driver behaviour related to cautious and watchful driver
behaviour and attentive driving.
In Ghana, road traffic conditions are quite different from for instance Norway. Road signs do not
clearly inform which speed level is appropriate in different areas and do not offer information
related to conditions of the road that drivers ought to be aware of in different areas in order to be
responsible drivers. Accordingly, there is a wider range of personal interpretation of what safe
driver behaviour. No proper driver training and few general traffic regulations (for example, there
are no signs stating what speed is appropriate in different areas.) leave more room for personal
interpretation of what safe driver behaviour is. Ghanaians lower score on attitudes related to
responsibility in traffic might be due to their less standardized traffic regulations. With weaker
regulations providing adequate information on how to perform in different traffic situations,
confusion about responsibility is more likely to appear.
Results from previous studies show that attitudes, gender and age are important predictors of driver
behaviour in Western countries (See for example Iversen & Rundmo, 2004, Parker & Stradling,
1998). Interestingly, Ghanaians reported more ideal attitudes towards rule violations compared to
Norwegians. Less than fifty per cent of Norwegians reported ideal attitudes related to rule
violations. In Ghana, neither attitudes nor the demographical variables added explained variance to
driver behaviour. One explanation may be that attitudes are not as successful at predicting driver
behaviour in Ghana compared to Norway. Attitudes ability at predicting driver behaviour may be
culturally conditioned. Westerners look to peoples’ attitudes to explain their behaviour, whereas
individuals of other cultures may emphasise situational contexts and the surroundings to explain
behaviour. However, there is a lack of research in this area in African countries. It would be
ignorant to assume that African countries are identical to Western countries regarding attitudes. If
future studies support the results from the present study, future safety campaigns in countries such
as Ghana should find other means of predicting and improving driver behaviour than aiming at
changing safety attitudes.
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Appendix
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risk and safety in transport in ghana

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