6 A Minority within a Minority: The Promotion of Nynorsk in the

Transcription

6
A Minority within a Minority:
The Promotion of Nynorsk
in the United States, 1900-1920
by Arne Sunde
Norwegian immigrants brought with them to America two
written forms of the Norwegian language. All who immigrated prior to the 1890s had been taught Dano-Norwegian at
school. This language norm was a result of centuries of Danish
political domination and cultural influence. During the second
half of the nineteenth century, however, an intense language
debate took place, inspired by the linguist Ivar Aasen, who on
the basis of Norwegian rural dialects created a new N orwegian language, Nynorsk, which became known as landsmal (the
language of the land). 1 Dano-Norwegian became known as
Riksmal and from 1929 was officially called Bokmal.
The linguistic revolt that was started by Aasen and that
subsequently led to a rather heated language debate in Norway
had cultural, social, geographical, and political components.
The language debate was for many years, and to some extent
still is, very emotional. Nynorsk proved itself viable in schools,
literature, and cultural and political life. Owing to its close
connection with the rural dialects, Nynorsk has always been
associated with the countryside. It has always been a minority
language in Norway and in its written form is today used by
approximately seventeen percent of the population.
The language debate also reached the Norwegian communities in America but had nothing of the intensity that it
Norwegian-American Studies, Vol. 34 (1995)
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Arne Sunde
had in the homeland. In America the Nynorsk language was
supported by only a small group of people. First of all, the
Nynorsk adherents had no prominent personalities to fight for
their cause; secondly, the pressure on Norwegian immigrants
to learn English created far more urgent problems than debating linguistic variations within two forms of the same language. But still the Nynorsk language and its advocates did in
fact have some impact on Norwegian-Ame rican culture.
The general interest in Nynorsk and writing in this
language form dates back more than a century in America.
Discussion of Nynorsk first gained attention in 1874 with
Rasmus Bj0rn Anderson's Den norske maalsag (The Norwegian
Language Cause). 2 For some years there was sporadic Nynorsk
activity. A number of poems were published in newspapers
and magazines, and there were also some novels, dramas, and
collections of poetry as well as two magazines and one newspaper entirely in the Nynorsk language. There was also for
many years a heated debate on the Nynorsk language in the
Norwegian-Ame rican press. In addition, Nynorsk adherents
established two language associations intended to promote the
use of Nynorsk in America.
Like the rest of Norwegian-Ame rican culture, interest in
Nynorsk in America was at a peak in the two first decades of
this century. For writers of Nynorsk in America it was important to define the language and its culture as a more genuinely
Norwegian alternative to the Dano-Norwegian standard. In
doing so they had to make it more visible and demonstrate
its qualities. In promoting Nynorsk they gave many reasons for
its use in America. Hoping that the national and historical
aspects of the language conflict in Norway would appeal to
Norwegian Americans, they focused primarily on such factors. They claimed that immigrants from rural districts of
Norway would be better off with dialect-based Nynorsk than
with Dano-Norwegian . Furthermore they maintained that
Norwegian immigrants should keep up with language development in Norway, which would be of special importance if
the Nynorsk language should prevail in the Old Country.
Scholars of Norwegian-Ame rican culture have paid far
A Minority within a Minority
173
too little attention to this subject. However, the topic has been
analyzed in two major studies. In his impressive work, The
Norwegian Language in America I (1953), Einar Haugen devotes
a chapter to the history of the Nynorsk language in America
from the 1870s to the 1940s. 3 A Norwegian scholar, Peter
Hallaraker, focuses on much of the same material in his recently published study, The Nynorsk Language in the United
States (1991). 4 In addition some studies of NorwegianAmerican Nynorsk writers have been published in Norway.
NYNORSK
INSTITUTIONS
PROMOTIONAL
AND
ACTIVITIES
According to Einar Haugen, the debate on the Nynorsk language in America was launched by P.P. Iverslie in Skandinaven,
March 17, 1874. 5 Haugen terms the language debate that follows "the first debate in the [Norwegian-American] press on
any purely cultural topic." 6 The debaters wrote in Riksmal, the
Dano-Norwegian norm; it was not their intention to import
the Nynorsk language to America, but solely to introduce
knowledge about the language conflict in Norway.
By the turn of the century, however, a new generation of
immigrants arrived on the scene. According to Haugen this
new generation were more conscious of their rural background
and their dialects and they were more nationalistic than the
previous generation. Some of them had received education
from folk high schools or teachers' colleges in Norway, where
Nynorsk sympathizers had acquired a strong position. Furthermore, in 1885 Nynorsk achieved official equality with DanoN orwegian, and in 1892 local schoolboards were given the option to vote on which form should be taught. In America, the
recently immigrated language idealists created a Nynorsk language movement that included literature, two magazines, and a
language association. The new Nynorsk offensive in America
was introduced by the launching of the Nynorsk magazine
Nomma.
In January, 1900, the first issue of Nomma . Det fyrste Blad
paa Norskt Maal i Vesterheimen (N orrnna. The first magazine in
the Norwegian language in Vesterheimen) was published. NorNorwegian-American Studies, Vol. 34 (1995)
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Arne Sunde
nma was a monthly magazine published during two periods. In
1900 and 1901 the magazine was published in Walnut Grove,
Minnesota, and from 1914 to 1915 in Fargo, North Dakota.
The owner and editor during both periods was Peer Storeygard. Norr0na defined itself from the very beginning as a voice
for the language cause and consequently it became a magazine
for the insiders of the Nynorsk language movement. Norr0na
copied the editorial line of Nynorsk magazines in Norway
and reflected much the same ideology. The overall quality of
Norr0na, however, was inferior to that of most well-known
Norwegian-Ame rican magazines and the magazine never
reached more than a thousand subscribers. 7
Two years after Norr0na had ceased publication in 1901,
another Nynorsk magazine was established. The newly immigrated Jon Norstog, who was to become the best known
Nynorsk writer in America, started publishing his own little
Nynorsk magazine, D0len- Tidsskrift paa Norsk Maal (The
dalesman-a magazine in Norwegian) in Joice, Iowa. This
one-man enterprise was also short-lived; only six issues were
published. The title and the concept of this magazine were
borrowed from the famous Norwegian poet and Norstog's
relative Aasmund 0. Vinje. Norstog combined the functions
of editor, contributor, publisher, and printer. In this magazine
he published mainly his own poetry and prose. In a presentation of Vinje, he propagandizes for Nynorsk virtues by referring to Old Norse culture and history. Two other contributors
are listed: Olav Bakkane published a few poems, while the
bookdealer Irgens Holger Koefod's contribution consisted of
book advertisements for Nynorsk literature written in Norway.
Although N ors tog moved his enterprise to Minneapolis and
changed the subtitle to Tidsskrift paa norsk og dansk-norsk (A periodical in Norwegian and Dano-Norwegian ), the magazine
ceased publication there after its first issue in 1904.
During the years when Norr0na was inactive, Nynorsk adherents turned to other publications with their fiction and
nonfiction. They now experienced rejection from some editors who turned against Nynorsk. But there were some who
accepted their texts. Both fiction and debate on the Nynorsk
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language as well as general information on the language situation in Norway are found in the magazines Eidsvoll (Grand
Forks and Fargo), Ervingen and Symra (Decorah, Iowa), Kvartalskrift (Minneapolis and Eau Claire), and Smuler (Minneapolis)
and in the newspapers Skandinaven, Minneapolis Tidende, DecorahPosten, Nye Nordmanden, and Fram (Fargo).
The many magazines published by bygdelag, the societies
based on regional loyalty among the immigrants that came
into being after the turn of the century, included texts in
Nynorsk as well as in dialect. 8 Some of the Nynorsk texts presented in these magazines were of old-country Norwegian
origin and often portrayed the writer's hometown or district.
The bygdelag, despite their rural basis and their cultivation of
dialect, were hostile toward standardized Nynorsk. For nearly
all Norwegian Americans the Dano-Norwegian language
was a treasured part of their cultural and religious heritage.
However, the dividing line between normalized dialect and
standardized Nynorsk can sometimes be elusive. This applies
particularly to the magazine Telesoga.
According to Haugen, Telesoga, the periodical for the
Telemarkings, had the highest proportion of dialect of all bygdelag magazines. 9 Torkel Oftelie edited the magazine from its
beginning in 1909 to 1924, as well as the yearbook published
in 1926. Under Oftelie's editorship, Telesoga became one of the
best bygdelag publications in America. The magazine published
articles about Telemarkings in America and about their native
Telemark. The editor paid much attention to rural
and folk culture and to Nynorsk writers in both America and
Norway.
It was harder for Nynorsk writers to find publishers for
books than to get shorter texts published in a magazine or
newspaper. Augsburg Publishing House in Minneapolis
printed only two books in Nynorsk. 1 Knut Knutson Rudie,
writer and carpenter, ran a little publishing house for some
time in Minneapolis where he published his own collection of
poetry Sol og skygge (Sun and Shadow) in 1903. Some years
later he published two works in Nynorsk by the popular
writer John Lie from Telemark, Bondekvelder (Farmer evenings)
°
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and Hugaijo (Pleasant times). He also published his own pamphlets on historical and religious topics. 11
Unable to find a publisher for his books, Jon Norstog also
printed and distributed the majority of his books himself.
Three of his books were issued by different publishers in Norway, though he was unsuccessful in getting more of his books
published there. 12 By and large it seems that the Nynorsk
writers in America had some audience in Norway, and that
Nynorsk magazines and Nynorsk newspapers back in the old
country were willing to accept their texts and review their
books. 13
Texts by Norwegian Nynorsk writers were made available
to Norwegian-A merican readers in newspapers, magazines,
and anthologies both in their original language and in translation.14 Books in Nynorsk were also available through bookstores. For some time the parochial-sch ool teacher I.H.
Koefod ran a Nynorsk bookstore in Coon Valley, Wisconsin,
while Ola J. Rise had a small bookstore in Minneapolis where
he sold books for the most part in Nynorsk. But the most vigorous effort to spread Nynorsk literature written in Norway
was made by the Norwegian Nynorsk publishing house Det
Norske Sarnlaget and its representative in the United States,
the previously mentioned Koefod. Det N orske Sarnlaget came
into being in 1868 in Christiania. Already in the 1870s it had a
few members in America and in 1899 the number had increased to forty. 15 Among the members were also some
Riksmal supporters. In 1900 Det Norske Sarnlaget, in collaboration with Koefod, ran a two-page advertisemen t in the first
issue of Nomma (1900). The advertisemen t, signed by three
men on the board of the publishing house, used nationalistic
rhetoric in appealing to "all those who have sympathy for
16
Norwegian language and the future of Norway." This offensive had some success. By 1902 the number of members had
increased to 121. 17
Some of the Nynorsk agitators wrote enthusiastic articles
in support of the enterprise. In a newspaper article, Rise pled
for support from Norwegian Americans in "the fight for the
development and preservation of our rich heritage, our
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mother tongue-a topic which is considered to be of upmost
importance for the country's future." 18 In an article in Nomma
Ragnvald Leland maintained that the pressure to learn English
caused rapid Americanization of Norwegian immigrants.
Leland believed that Det N orske Samlaget would help in
keeping Norwegianness alive and would postpone assimilation.19 In another article Leland urged Norwegian Americans
to stop focusing on the negative aspects of Nynorsk and instead show their support by enrolling as members of Det
N orske Samlaget. 20
Hoping that the bygdelag would be interested in an alliance, a representative of Det Norske Samlaget in America
appeared at a Valdresstevne (Valdres reunion) in 1902. Since
the Valdres association was unwilling to be an instrument for
any particular cause or project, cooperation was courteously
rejected. 21 It was among the Nynorsk supporters that Det
N orske Samlaget found its audience. Koefod advertised
Nynorsk books in the two first years of Nomma, and some
Nynorsk books were reviewed in the magazine. But he was a
poor administrator. Koefod's annual accounts are missing from
the annual reports of Det Norske Samlaget from 1905. 22 All
of a sudden Koefod ceased his activity and thus ended the
story of Det N orske Samlaget in America.
The literary society Fram in Minneapolis had many supporters of Nynorsk among its members. 23 Its chairman, Ola
Rise, was a zealous advocate of the Nynorsk language cause
and very often included Nynorsk literature in the programs of
Fram meetings. When the Norwegian Nynorsk author Hans
Seland visited Minneapolis in 1904, he was invited to one of
Fram's cultural evenings. In a poem written for this occasion
Rise hailed Seland as "the giant from Norway." 24 On June 19,
1902, Fram arranged a Nynorsk cultural evening in Dania
Hall, Minneapolis, probably the first Nynorsk convention in
America, according to Rise. 25 Rise later told about this in his
reminiscences: "There were Norwegian language, Norwegian music and songs, Norwegian declamation, and
Norwegian girls in national costumes under Norwegian flags
and decorations. It was an unforgettable evening for us who
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loved our native language [Nynorsk] and everything that
comes with it." 26 Rise wrote a poem called "Maalmannsm;:ele"
(A language agitator's speech) for this convention. The third
stanza reads as follows. "We love a language which is Norwegian and free/ and not a foreign mixture/ We love the language which is yours and mine/ and will lead N orwegianness
into the future." 27 The poem was recited by Ragnvald Leland,
who was a frequent publisher of pro-Nynorsk articles and also
lectured on the Nynorsk language in Norway and America.
After giving a survey of the background and development of
the Nynorsk language, he went on to discuss its role in America and ended with this rhetorical question: "Can we live
without it? [the language cause] Can we tear ourselves away
from cultural life in Norway and not die, culturally speaking,
we homeless Norwegians who have not become rooted in the
American soil, and who are neither fish nor fowl? Can we
keep up Norwegianness without any link to our mother
country?" His speech together with the poem by Rise was
printed and spread as propaganda for the language movement.
Many years later the speech was reprinted in the Norwegian
magazine Ung-Norig (Young Norway). 28
Shortly after the convention, Koefod published a thankyou letter to Fram in Nye Nordmanden. This letter is a good example of the emotional and panegyric writing among some
Nynorsk supporters. Koefod addresses Fram as a living being,
and ends with this appeal: "Let us be proud of being Norwegians and of our mother tongue- the language of Harald
Harfagre, King Olav and Sverre." 29
In 1913 some Nynorsk advocates organized a celebration
of the centennial of the birth of Ivar Aasen, the creator of
Nynorsk. This event took place at Concordia College in
Moorhead, Minnesota, on June 7, 1913. The idea was worked
out by three members of S0ndm0rslaget, a group representing
the area where Aasen was born. A bust of Aasen was made by
the artist Jacob Fjelde. The poet and pastor Anders Hovden
was invited as the Norwegian government's official representative, while the author Hulda Garborg was invited as a guest.
Peter Th. Reite collected the money and edited a pamphlet
179
"Til Aasens Minde" (In memory of Ivar Aasen). The pamphlet contains a poem by Reite, titled "Ved Aasen stytta" (By
the Aasen monument), laudatory essays on Ivar Aasen by Anders Hovden and Marius H;:egstad, and greetings from prominent Nynorsk advocates in Norway, all in Nynorsk. 30 Anders
Hovden continued his visit with a lecture tour in the Midwest,
but newspapers attacked him as a propagandist. 31
A Norwegian-language association called Normannalaget
was constituted the very same day the Ivar Aasen bust was unveiled. Paul Vik was elected chairman. Other members of the
board were Peer Storeygard, Kristian N0tsund, Eyvind
Aakhus, and J.A. Kampen. 32 Since the editor of Nomma was a
member of the board of the language association, it was quite
natural that Nomma when it resumed in 1914 was regarded as
the leading voice of the organized Nynorsk movement in
America. In Nomma Paul Vik wrote about Normannalaget:
"The Norwegian people have an ancestry they can be proud
of, and we got from this ancestry a heritage to preserve and
maintain, and the most distinguished part of this heritage is the
Norwegian language." Vik links language, culture, and history
and says that the aim of the society is to let people "draw Norwegian culture out from the Norwegian language, as it befits a
historical and vigorous people like the Norwegians." 33
It is obvious that Paul Vik appealed to nationistic awareness among Norwegian Americans in order to interest them
in the language cause. Nomma reports from Normannalaget's
first meeting in Fargo in 1914 that "The Norwegian people
are regaining their pride ... Everything is brighter, fair
weather is in the air and spring is ahead." 34 But these meteorological metaphors certainly did not help much. Nothing more
is heard of this language association. However, none of these
institutions or promotional efforts for the Nynorsk movement
can be compared to the importance of the magazine Nomma.
THE MAGAZINE
NORR0NA
Representing a counterculture, Nomma had to struggle against
two fronts: the Dano-Norwegian and the American. The main
opponent was the Dano-Norwegian; the American influence
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upon the language was eventually regarded as unavoidable. As
a matter of fact Nomma did not want to associate itself with
the prevailing Norwegian-American culture at all. With the
proud subtitle, The First Periodical in the Norwegian Language in
the J/li>stern World, the magazine separated itself from all earlier
publications in America which had considered themselves
Norwegian. Nomma looked upon itself as a Norwegian magazine for Norwegians in America in which the promotion of
Nynorsk in America and contact with the Nynorsk culture
in the old country were the main issues.
Storeygard and the rest of the staff of Nomma were naive
enough to believe in a victory for the Nynorsk language in
America. In a poem he called "Fyrestev" (Prelude), a title borrowed from Aasen, he declared that he, like another Noah, was
sending out a dove with the message of victory. He was fully
aware of the fact that in America the Norwegian language
sooner or later would be assimilated into English, but in the
meantime it was important for the Norwegians to maintain a
genuine language. Who was this idealist who started Nomma?
Born in 1871 in Heidal in Gudbrandsdalen, Norway, Peer
Storeygard emigrated to America at the age of fourteen together with his parents. After some years as a printer's apprentice he went through normal school in Sioux Falls, South
Dakota. Later he ran a store there for some years. In 1900 he
started publishing NorrfJna in his spare time. From 1905 until
1912 he published a newspaper in English called The Revere
Record. After the second attempt to publish Norrnna failed, he
moved to Minneapolis, where he was employed at the Augsburg Publishing House. For some time he also ran a bookstore
and a cafe. Storeygard died in 1956. 35
Storeygard spent much of his spare time learning languages. He knew six languages well, and he had a special interest in Old Norse and the history of the Norwegian language.
He was also interested in astrology and published several
articles in Norrffna on that topic. Moreover, he worked out a
calendar system he called "The N orrnna Calendar," and he
also created an alphabet that would fit all languages.
Aside from being the editor, Storeygard was the chief
181
contributor to Nomma. Three of his contributions were
poems. In one titled "Bestemor" (Grandmother) 36 he praises
his late grandmother for having shown Old Norse virtues. In
the 1914 issue of Nomma he published a poem that he called
"Eidsvoll." The centennial of the Norwegian constitution in
1914 inspired many nationalistic poems from both Nynorsk
and Bokmil writers. In a highly metaphorical language Storeygard reflected on Norway's freedom regained in 1814.
Most of his contributions to Nomma are general articles
on such topics as the Nynorsk language, politics, and astrology.
In the first issue he states that "The magazine's content will be
miscellaneous. And new things must in addition have worth." 37
Nynorsk spelling will be the norm, but rural dialects can also
be used. Storeygard thus establishes from the very beginning
both an aesthetic and a linguistic standard.
His articles reveal his approach to language. 38 In the two
first volumes of Nomma he uses some Old Norse letters in his
typography and justifies it thus: "The Old Norse has, in our
opinion, the most straightforward and regular spelling of any
language that we know of." 39 This affinity for the Old Norse
culture is also reflected in the name of the magazine, the term
"Norrnn" being a collective title for the West-Nordic culture
of Norway and Iceland.
In nearly all his articles Storeygard criticizes the prevailing
Norwegian culture for not being nationalistic enough. He
places his faith in what he calls the New Norway and what his
country's "true" culture has to offer the rest of the world. For
Storeygard, as for many other language agitators, the language
cause was not only a question about language; it was also
linked with history and culture: "It not only concerns the language, although that is a very important issue and a people's
strongest national tie. But it is an endeavor, a search for the
real, the true, to get to know oneself and to be oneself, a search
for the lost father." 40 Storeygard expressed many similar
thoughts in Nomma. In 1914 he wrote that Nomma's task was
to preserve the Norwegian heritage in America and "to keep
up with progress and developments in the mother country, so
that we eventually can come back to our true selves and beNorwegian-American Studies, Vol. 34 (1995)
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come natural people instead of apes." 41 In another article titled
"Maalet er nationen" (The language is the nation) he maintains that it is absurd to celebrate May 17 and June 7
(the date of separation from Sweden) without enthroning the
Norwegian language and insists that those who do not use
Nynorsk are only partly nationalistic. 42
He constantly attacks the "Danish" culture and its language
with the same arguments and expresses a firm belief in a victory
for the national Norwegian culture: "In this competition lies
the inspiration that shall light the new life and regenerate Norway in body and soul, ears, mouth, and tongue. Without these
no one has the right to live as an organism by himself." 43 It is
obvious that Storeygard, like the romantics, saw language and
nation as one. This was a very common view among Nynorsk
supporters at that time, although Storeygard was perhaps more
historically-minded than his ideological compatriots. But
Storeygard also stressed the social aspects of the language question in referring to those with low social status imitating the
high status language and thus disdaining their own culture. 44
Surprisingly few of the articles in Nomma discuss Norwegian-American affairs. The greater part of the subject matter,
written by Norwegians and Norwegian Americans, deals with
culture and literature. The two last volumes of Norr0na are,
generally speaking, the best in quality and the most interesting.
Some of the contributors from the first volumes continued
writing, and many new ones joined in. As a result there are
fewer reprints from Norwegian Nynorsk magazines. The language policy is moderated; the most archaic forms are taken
out and articles and advertisements in Bokmfil are accepted.
The subject matter in all four volumes is composed
mainly of articles on language, biographies, short stories,
poems, book reviews, and book advertisements. Literary writing in Norr0na consists of some 150 poems and about twenty
short stories and sketches. Some of these were written by Norwegian authors and printed in Norr0na because it suited the
nationalistic ideology. The majority of the texts by Norwegian
Americans in Norr0na were written by a handful of people.
183
The poetry published in Nynorsk can be divided into four
groups. The largest group deals with the language cause and
culture. There are also groups of historical poems, occasional
poems, and finally some personal or contemplative poems.
Only a few poems depict immigrant lives in the New World.
By and large one can say that the fiction in Nomma also defends the language cause.
Book reviews were important for spreading information
about Nynorsk literature in America. The adherents of
Nynorsk reviewed Nynorsk books both in Normma and in a
few other publications. Common to all the book reviewers is
their attempt to promote Nynorsk in America through their
reviews. The book reviews in Nomma amount to a relatively
small part of the magazine's content. Only some forty books
are reviewed in the four volumes. The book reviews, though
impressionistic and of rather poor quality, are interesting because they help to establish a literary norm in the magazine.
Few books not in Nynorsk are reviewed. If a book in Bokmal
is discussed, the content is either very nationalistic or very
moral. Although the language form is seldom mentioned, all
books in Nynorsk receive laudatory reviews. Several reviewers
have the younger generation in mind when they recommend a
book, sometimes commenting more on pedagogical aspects
than on the content of the book.
Very often the book reviews refer more to the author,
often referred to as a genius or cultural leader, than to the book
itself, sometimes in a language with strong religious overtones.
Torkel Oftelie calls Norstog "an author by the grace of
God." 45 Norstog is equally full of praise in his review of one
of the Norwegian pastor Peter Hognestad's books. Norstog
says that Hognestad is a cultural leader because he is "of peasant ancestry, is a disciple of Jesus, and stands on Norway's soil
and thinks for himself." 46
The book reviews clearly claim that literature should be
exemplary, meaning nationalistic and morally inspiring. One
reviewer encouraged the readers to buy good books instead of
wasting their money on the theater and other unnecessary
things. 47 The book reviews in Nomma were important because
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they made Nynorsk culture visible and thus strengthened the
language movement's self-assertion. Reviews of Nynorsk literature in other publications were much more objective. 48
Other articles present long, thorough portraits of wellknown persons connected to the Nynorsk movement from
both sides of the ocean. Most of them deal with Norwegians,
but there are also some presentations of Norwegian Americans. For example, Torkel Oftelie, editor of Telesoga, writes enthusiastically about Jon Norstog. The aim of these portraits
was to show that exponents of the Nynorsk culture had made
a name for themselves even outside the language movement.
These persons thus verified the quality of the movement.
Many other articles on cultural issues, among them clippings from Norwegian magazines, supported Nomma's linguistic and cultural views. But there are also articles on more trivial matters in Nomma, like "Flatbread," "Knowledge that the
world has lost," and "What is honey good for?" What is common to these articles is that they belong to popular education
and that they encourage an easier way of life.
WRITERS
OF
FICTION
AND
NONFICTION
Most of the poems in Nomma were written by the staff members K.K. Rudie, Ola J. Rise, Jon Norstog, Olaf Refsdal, and
Knut M. Teigen, who also published in other magazines
and newspapers. Some of them even published books entirely
or partly in Nynorsk. They also were prominent in the language dispute and wrote many articles in defense of Nynorsk
in America.
With twenty-one items Knut Knutsen Rudie was the
most frequent contributor after Storeygard in the two first volumes of Nomma. The majority of these items are poems, but
there were also book reviews and articles. Before Nomma came
into being, he published his poems in Ungdommens Ven (Minneapolis) and Vesterheimen (Mayville, North Dakota). After
Nomma ceased publication in 1901 his poems, in both Nynorsk
and Bokmal, appeared in Valdris-Samband, Samband, Skandinaven, Decorah-Posten, and Norsk Ungdom (Chicago), as well as in
Ung-Norig in Norway. Rudie published over two hundred
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poems, sometimes under the pseudonym Haugland, of which
the majority are in Nynorsk. His Nynorsk production is surpassed only by that of Jon Norstog.
Knut Knutsen Rudie was born Decemer 13, 1865, on the
cotter farm Brubrntin, 0stre Slidre, Valdres. 49 He learned
the craft of carpentry from his father, but from an early age he
took an interest in writing and rosemaling. In the spring of
1886 he emigrated, together with his parents and his sister, to
join his two older brothers in America. In 1898, he went back
to Norway as a correspondent for the magazine Vesterheimen.
Rudie devoted his life to writing, and he never married.
Although he earned his keep as a carpenter and teacher, he defined himself as an author. 50 His best poems are collected in
Sol og Skygge. 51 Rudie was devoted to the Nynorsk language
and expressed his love for that vernacular in several poems. It
also seems that Rudie believed in a victory for the Nynorsk
language in America. In two poems called "Velkomsthelsing
til N0rrnna" (Welcome salute to Norrnna) 52 and "Helsing til
Norrnna" (Salute to Norrnna) he addresses Nomma as a living
being that will help in promoting the Nynorsk language in
America. 53 In the poem titled "Vaart Maal" (Our Language)
he describes the development of Nynorsk and encourages the
use of the Nynorsk language in America. 54
"Our proud language we want to build
in a foreign country.
It belongs to the Norwegian people.
So build it then-maid and man!
Our proud language!"
The rhetoric Rudie uses in these two poems involves such
words as rebirth, nation, Old Norse strength, fire, love, pride,
and freedom. He sees a sharp dividing line between a past and
a present, before and after Norwegian independence in 1814.
But not all his poems are so optimistic about the Nynorsk culture in America. In the poem "F:edralandskj:erleik" (Love for
the Fatherland) Rudie depicts a longing for Norway and encourages potential emigrants to stay at home and cultivate the
real Norwegian culture there. 55
186
Arne Sunde
In December, 1899, the newly immigrated Ola J. Rise
(1877-1954) from Oppdal, then a resident of New Rockford,
North Dakota, received a postcard from Storeygard asking if
he would help edit a planned Nynorsk magazine. 56 In the
third issue of Nomma Rise was listed among the magazine's
staff members and he was to become the most frequent contributor after Storeygard and Rudie in the two first volumes.
Before emigrating to the United States in 1899, Rise had gone
through grade school and worked as a shop assistant. He was
interested in all aspects of rural culture, had literary interests,
and brought with him to America a handwritten manuscript
in dialect titled Abrikjele (Strange musings), which was never
published.
Arriving in Minneapolis in 1899 he got a job as a correspondent and translator in Skandinaven's Minneapolis branch
office. That same year he homesteaded in North Dakota. Besides being a farmer Rise also worked for different newspapers
such as Fram in Fargo and Minneapolis Tidende. In these and
other newspapers and magazines he published over a hundred
Nynorsk poems, sometimes using pseudonyms such as Kare
Bonde, T0rrpinnrud, Humanist, and Olav J0tul. He was very
active in many Norwegian-American organizations; he was an
able lecturer and an ardent spokesman for Nynorsk.57
In his fiction Rise deals with the same themes as other
Norwegian-American writers. He writes about nature, the
seasons, family life, his experiences in America, his longing for
his home country. Quite often his socialist commitment is evident and he tended to be more critical of society than most of
his colleagues.
The two first volumes of Nomma include fourteen contributions from Rise. All of these are written in Nynorsk, but
none of them deals with the language cause. Some of them are
rather well written, for example the poem "Skrivarkaar"
(Writing conditions), where he depicts his life in his little
cabin on the prairie. 58 His poems about the language cause appeared mainly in the newspapers he worked for, such as Fram
and Nye Nordmanden. Some of these poems were written for
special occasions and in some poems Rise used his wit to mock
187
such cultural leaders as the great Norwegian poet Bj0rnstjerne
Bj0rnson.
In January, 1907, Rise published an epic poem in Nynorsk
in Kvartalskrift titled "Sn0-Ei soga fraa nybyggjarlive paa
Nord-Amerikas pr;erievidder" (Snow-A story from pioneer
life on the prairies of North-America). 59 A few weeks later he
received a letter from the editor of Kvartalskrift, Waldemar
Ager, who wrote: "I have only had time for a quick reading,
but I can not remember that I have seen anything better." 60
This poem, which gives a realistic picture of life on the prairie,
is among the best Nynorsk texts written in America. Rise also
published two small books. Lasarus Geistus, an epic poem in
Bokmal in which he criticizes different aspects of American
society, was privately published in Minneapolis in 1908. SnrJ-Forteijingar Jra nybyggjarlive paa dei villaste vidder i Vesterheimen
(Snow-Stories from pioneer life on the wildest prairies in
Vesterheimen) was written in Nynorsk in America but published in Norway shortly after Rise's return there in 1909. The
book, which contains three verse narratives, is based on the
poem published in Kvartalskrift. A collection of poetry called I
solfallsbrann (In sunset fire), published after Rise's death, contain
some of his best poems written in America. 61
In many articles Rise showed great insight into the situation of Nynorsk in Norway, and he eagerly supported its
spread in America. His arguments for this were based on democratic, nationalistic, and pedagogical ideas. Rise belonged to
or rather constituted the left wing of the Nynorsk movement
in America and associated with a socialist group in Minneapolis that included cultural personalities such as E .L. Mengshoel
and L. Stavnheim.
In an article in Kvartalskrift, Rise uses the same arguments
as many language agitators before him when he talks about the
language cause as epitomizing all the major national issues in
Norway in recent years. 62 The rest of the article is devoted to
the language question in relation to Det N orske Selskab i
America (The Norwegian Society in America) . One of the
society's aims was to work for the preservation of the N orwegian language in America. When some language agitators
188
Arne Sunde
maintained that this meant Nynorsk, a heated debate in the
newspapers followed. In his article Rise argues on the basis of
the society's statutes, which he had written himself "There
seem to be adequate reasons for Det N orske Selskab to take
the Nynorsk language into account when considering our
mother tongue." 63 If the Nynorsk culture were to be excluded, one could as well prohibit import of Norwegian goods
and handicrafts. Rise ends his article by asking how Norwegians in America would react if the Nynorsk language became
predominant in Norway; whatever happens, the Norwegians
in America should pay attention to the Nynorsk language. 64
It was of course of great importance for the Nynorsk
movement to have pastors as supporters. The most important
of these, Olav Refsdal (1862-1945), was among those listed as
contributors to Nomma. Born in Vik in Sogn, he attended
Sogndal Folk High School in 1878-1880 and Hamar Teachers' College in 1880-1882 before emigrating in 1889. He received his theological degree from Augsburg Seminary in
1893 and subsequently worked as a minister for almost fifty
years. 65 In addition to his professional work he edited two periodicals, translated hymns, and published sermons, readers for
church schools, and fiction. He was also an active supporter of
the temperance movement. 66
Refsdal published very little in Nomma. Only two poems
and two letters to the editor are found. In his poem "Bestefar"
(Grandfather) he hails his late grandfather. In a letter to theeditor Refsdal sees Nomma as a living character: "You [Nomma]
love your people and the language your forefathers spoke ...
Remember that it is Old Mother Norway we want to honor
and with that our mother." 67 In Lcesebogen (The Reader), a
reader for church schools, published in 1903, two items, a poem
68
(p. 22) and a children's game (p. 4 7) are in Nynorsk. These
two seem to be the only Nynorsk selections published in any
textbook for schools in America. In Fagerliens tvillinger eller hverdagslivet (The Twins of the Fagerli or Daily Life), 1913, there
are seven poems in Nynorsk. According to Halvdan Koht,
Norwegian historian and politician, Refsdal was among the
69
very few pastors who sometimes used Nynorsk in sermons.
189
Another man on Nomma's board of publications was Knut
Martin Olsen Teigen. Born in Koshkonong, Wisconsin, in
1854, he studied languages, mathematics, and medicine before
finally becoming a medical doctor. 70 Teigen is one of the few
second-generation immigrants who used Nynorsk in his fiction and worked for its promotion in America. His love for
Nynorsk must have come from his parents. His father came
from Sogn and his mother from Numedal, both districts with
dialects that were close to Nynorsk. His books Ligt og uligt.
Vers, humoresker og smaaskildringer fra livet blandt de norske i
Amerika. (This and that. Verses, humoresques, and small pictures from life among Norwegians in America), 1899, and
Vesterlandske digte (West Counry poems), 1905, contain several
poems in Nynorsk and dialect.
In the early years of Nomma Teigen published articles
about the language cause, edited the humor column, and contributed a few excellent short stories and poems. Teigen revealed a strong belief in the Nynorsk culture when he wrote:
"Does not the Nynorsk culture constantly want to move and
constantly move forward?" At the same time Teigen was aware
of the strong influence of English and realized that the Norwegian language sooner or later would be assimilated. But, he
said, if N orwegianness were to be preserved in America "let it
in all honesty and truth be the one that is genuine." 71
The most productive and best-known of all Nynorsk
writers in America is Jon Norstog from Telemark. In America
he published twenty-four books in all literary genres, all but
four in Nynorsk. In addition he published widely, both fiction
and non-fiction, in the Norwegian-American press.72 During
his lifetime he was praised on the one hand as a poetic genius,
compared to the best in the world, 73 and on the other strongly
criticized for the obscurity of his works and the difficulty of
his language. 74 He lived separated from his family for many
months each year. Few people read his books, but many have
written about him, both during his lifetime and after. No one
has yet written his biography. 75
Jon Norstog was born October 30, 1877, in Byrtegrend
in Mo parish, Telemark. 76 On his mother's side he was related
190
Arne Sunde
to the major Norwegian Nynorsk poet Aasmund 0. Vinje. At
Notodden Teachers' College he made friends with Peter
Hognestad and Bernt St0ylen, two teachers who were devoted
to the Nynorsk language cause, Norwegianne ss, and Christianity. All his life N orstog was a strong supporter of these
three concepts. After N otodden, he moved to Oslo to study
for the university entrance examination at Aars and Voss, but
he failed an examination because he refused to write DanoN orwegian. 77 In 1902 he published a collection of poetry titled Yggdrasil in Christiania. His book was received rather crit78
ically, and he emigrated to America that same year.
After a short interval on his uncle's farm, he started publishing the periodical DriJlen. The best of Norstog's fiction in
DriJlen was reprinted in his book Paa Heklemogen (1904). During
the next few years N ors tog worked for several newspapers and
magazines until he settled outside Watford City, North Dakota,
79
in 1909 and from then on dedicated his life to writing.
Norstog was loyal to the Nynorsk language throughout
his life. In NorrfiJna (1914-1915) he found an audience that
shared his cultural views, and the magazine printed both poetry and book reviews by him. In a poem titled "Du Norske
Maal" (You Norwegian Language), Norstog addresses the
Nynorsk language as a living organism. 80 With a heavy use of
rhetoric associated with war and victory and with many allusions to the Old Norse culture, the last stanza ends like this:
"Move on, move on, you Norwegian language
Because you are the legitimate son of our forefathers!
Move on with Harald's victorious steel
Until you become the master of your country."
In another poem, called "Husmenn" (Cotters) he accuses the
Norwegians in America of being cultural cotters since they
use the "Danish" language and do not care about their own
culture. 81
Norstog's literary production can be divided into three
periods. The books published prior to 1913 contain simple
stories and poems. From 1914 until 1923 he wrote nine obscure Biblical plays with themes from the Old Testament.
191
Then he turned again to poetry and epic. Very often N ors tog
draws a pessimistic picture of society, a society which is
stamped by decadence and immorality. The typical N ors tog
hero is one who sees this process of disintegration. The life
that the hero is dreaming of is to be found either in the past
(Norway) or in a new and changed America. Thus Norstog
very often uses his fiction, as well as his non-fiction works, to
preach his religious and nationalistic ideas.
As a language agitator he was a fanatic, stubborn, and in
Waldemar Ager's words a "full-blooded romantic." 82 He attacked his fellow countrymen by calling them spiritual cotters
and culturally decayed, and his articles on language and culture
upset some people, although most did not take him seriously.
N ors tog missed no chance to agitate for his vision of culture.
Even at his own wedding, he recited a poem to his bride that
dealt with preserving Norwegianness and the Nynorsk language.83 When he had his own column in some NorwegianAmerican newspapers from the late 1920s until the early 1940s
he reached a larger audience. In these newspapers he had to
compromise and write Dano-Norwegian, but he still frequently used the opportunity to agitate for the cause of
Nynorsk. He often attacked the editors of Decorah-Posten and
Skandinaven, Kristian Prestgard and John Benson, for their language policy. In a reply to Prestgard he wrote that there would
be no language peace in Norway until the whole of Norway
was united under Harald's banner and tongue. 84 Shortly after
the German occupation of Norway in 1940 he wrote in Skandinaven: "We language agitators are the real Norwegians. The
others are Samaritans. We have to liberate and rebuild Norway.
Anything great that has been done in Norway during the last
decade was done by 'malmenn' [language agitators]. We have
been the sap, the strength, the faith. Harald Harfagre united
Norway into one kingdom. We 'malmenn' are doing the same
thing, and like Harald we will win." 85 And in an earlier book
review he said that the users of Bokmal "have to die, it does
not matter how much they brace and toss against it." 86
Why was the promotion of Nynorsk in America not
more successful? To discuss this question thoroughly would
192
Arne Sunde
lead beyond the scope of this article, but some suggestions can
be made.
The Norwegian-American minority immigrant culture
adjusted to and was colored by its environment. The culture had regressive and conservative elements, but also progressive aspects. It established quite early a distinct linguistic tradition assisted by vigorous institutions such as the church,
the schools, the press, and the publishing houses. DanoN orwegian was taught in schools and academic institutions
that thus kept it alive and affirmed both a written and an oral
standard. Available dictionaries and a widespread literature
were also of great help in maintaining a language norm.
The Nynorsk movement in America lacked much of the
prevailing culture's strength. The majority of the immigrants
had been taught Dano-Norwegian at school, and from the
very beginning Nynorsk supporters were a minority within a
minority that had to fight an impossible battle against both
English and Dano-Norwegian. The conditions that were the
basis for the Nynorsk movement in Norway had very little relevance in America. Interest in Nynorsk was maintained by a
little group of idealistic men in the Midwest, who turned out
to have a more divisive than unifying effect on NorwegianAmerican culture. The Nynorsk movement in America lacked
massive support, vigorous institutions, academic positions, and
competent leaders.
Moreover, the Nynorsk language in America had no definite written or oral norm. Few if any Nynorsk writers had
access to dictionaries in Nynorsk. 87 At least no Nynorsk dictionaries were ever printed in America. Nynorsk was seldom
spoken; the immigrants used their rural dialects instead. With
very few exceptions, Nynorsk was never taught in schools or
used in sermons. The University of Wisconsin offered a
course one time in Nynorsk literature, 88 and Telesoga sometimes reported on Nynorsk being used in sermons in the
1920s. 89
The Nynorsk movement in America was exclusive and
gave the impression of sectarianism. Ideologically it was based
on nationalism and a romantic idealism inspired by the GerNorwegian-American Studies, Vol. 34 (1995)
193
man philosophers Herder and Humboldt, in which concepts
such as nationality, history, and language played important
roles. Hoping to create a national identity among Norwegian
Americans that was not tied to Denmark, they focused almost
exclusively on these concepts. The nation they referred to was
a "Nynorsk nation," with its roots in the Old Norse period
and the rise of Nynorsk culture after independence from
Denmark in 1814.
Their idea of language was retrospective and included all
kinds of national symbols. They cultivated Nynorsk for its
own sake, believing it had intrinsic symbolic value. Nynorsk
was promoted for its nationalistic aspects and as an expression
of culture, not primarily as a means of communication. The
promoters of Nynorsk represented a far more nationalistic and
regressive view of language than their opponents. They depended on and received ideological support from conservative
compatriots in Norway.
Many of these promotional efforts among the Nynorsk
adherents, together with the support from Norway, resemble
language imperialism. Linguistic acquisition was looked upon
as advantageous for the culture. In discussing Nomma, the
name of his magazine, Storeygard writes: "We wanted a name
that expressed a symbol of unity, that could join together
the separated. Not only the districts of Norway, but also the
coastal districts around the North Sea, Iceland, the Faeroe Islands, and the New Normandy or Vinland. We wanted a name
that included all parts of the Norrnn clan." 90
Most Norwegian immigrants disliked and worked against
the promotion of Nynorsk in America, not primarily because
they disliked Nynorsk per se, though many did, but principally
because they were afraid that the introduction of a still rudimentary and highly unfinished standard would lead to a linguistic and cultural decline for the Norwegian people in America. Although the Bokmal people's arguments were more
objective and less emotional, nationalistic metaphors can to
some extent be found in their texts as well. Cultural leaders
such as Waldemar Ager and Ole R0lvaag, both strong advocates of Bokmal, very often referred to nationalistic images in
194
Arne Sunde
their articles on preserving the Norwegian language in America. Especially in R0lvaag's Omkringfedrearven (Concerning our
Ancestral Heritage), 1922, we find a use of nationalistic
metaphors somewhat similar to that of the Nynorsk adherents.
But R0lvaag does not go nearly as far as the Nynorsk people
and his arguments are adjusted to his present situation. R0lvaag
accepts other languages and cultures, including Nynorsk. R01vaag's cultural view is what Adam Smith calls polycentric nationalism. 91 This view accepts other cultures as equal to one's
own. The Nynorsk advocates in America, on the other hand,
represent what Smith calls primitive nationalism, or ethnic
segregational nationalism. The spokesmen of this latter view
regarded their culture as god-given and superior to other cultures.
Despite all arguments in favor of Nynorsk, most immigrants paid little or no attention to the new standard because
they considered it old-fashioned and irrelevant. In addition
many of them felt they had problems enough in preserving
one standard of the Norwegian language in the New World.
Thus the idealists' promotion came close to being writing in
the sand.
Notes
1
See Einar Haugen, Language Conflict and Language Planning-- The Case
Norwegian (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1966) for an introduction
Modern
of
to Nynorsk in Norway.
2 Rasmus B. Anderson, Den norske maalsag (Madison, Wisconsin, 1874).
3 Haugen, The Norwegian Language in America. A Study in Bilingual Behavior (Philadelphia, 1953), 1:134-190.
4Peter Halladker, The Nynorsk Language in the United States. Studia Humaniora 3 (Oslo, 1991).
5 Haugen, The Norwegian Language, 159.
6 Haugen, The Norwegian Language, 158.
7 0dd S. Lovoll, "History of Norwegian-Language Publications in
North Dakota" (M.A. thesis, University of North Dakota, 1969), 113. Ingebregt Sevre writes in "Peer Storeygard- Mannen som skipa <let fyrste blad
pa norsk i Vesterheimen,'' in Nynorsk Vekeblad, 49150 (1948) that Nomma
had 3,000-4,000 subscribers. This high figure can be questioned.
8 Haugen has found Nynorsk texts in the following bygdelag magazines:
195
Telesoga, Hallingen, Mfesenlaget, Nordfordlaget, Numedalslaget, Saude og Nesherringer i America, Sendmerelaget, Trenderlaget, and Vossingen. The Norwegian Language, 184.
9Haugen, The Norwegian Language, 184.
10
Jon N ors tog, Tone, Forteijing, 1920 (The book was first privately
printed in 1912);]. 0. Sxther, Naar Samvitet Vaknar, l 927.
11
In addition to the books already mentioned, Rudie also published
Jesus, Synderes Ven, 1914, and Hjerdis Spaadom, l 920. Pamphlets written and
published by Rudie include "Rasmus Johnson's merkelige Drnmme om
Himmel og Helvede"; "Norge-En Mindekrans om Bj0rnstjerne Bj0rnson;" "En Kirkegaard Strid"; "Valdris-Sambandet. Til Minde um John Lie.
Med takk og Kjxrleik." The latter is in Nynorsk. I have not been able to
find when the pamphlets were published. It is striking that all of Rudie's religious writing is in Bokmal.
12
Kong Saul. Drama ifem vendingar (Ris0r, 1920); Kong David. Drama i
fem vendingar (Ris0r, 1921); Nar elvane metest (Bergen, 1934). In 1931
Norstog tried to find a publisher in Norway for his book Havet. Olaf Norli,
Det Norske Sarnlaget, and Lunde Forlag all rejected it. See
Olaf Norli to Jon Norstog, January 27, 1931; Det Norske Sarnlaget, Sigmund Skard (sign.) to Jon Norstog, September 29, 1931; and Andreas
Fleiers to Jon Norstog, June 6, 1936. All letters in manuscript collection,
Oslo University Library.
13
Articles, poems, and book reviews by Norwegian-American Nynorsk
writers are found in Syn og Segn, Symra, Ung-Norig, and Den 17de Mai. See,
for example, Syn og Segn, 16 (1910), 428-430.
14
Some of the Nynorsk texts that were serialized in newspapers
and magazines were first translated into Bokmal. Peer Strnmme serialized
Arne Garborg's Den burtkomne Jaderen in its original language with a long
introduction. But Sivle's Berre ein hund was translated into Bokmal. Some
Nynorsk texts were even translated into English. Mrs. Mabel Leland translated and published works by famous Nynorsk writers such as Vinje,
Garborg, and Sivle. See Symra (1905), 116. She also made a translation of
Garborg's Den burtkomne Jaderen, titled The Lost Father in English (Boston,
1920). Kristian Prestgard edited a collection of poetry titled Norske Kvad
published in 1902 and 1905 in which many Nynorsk poets were represented.
15
Det Norske Sarnlaget's annual reports show that the publishing house
had four members in America in 1875 and sixteen in 1879. Det Norske
Sarnlaget's Archives, Oslo. The increase in the number of members is probably due to the fact that Det Norske Sarnlaget started publishing its own
magazine in 1894. All members of Det Norske Sarnlaget received this magazme.
16
Norrena (1900), 6.
17
Det Norske Sarnlaget annual report, 1902. The total number of
members in Norway and elsewhere had in 1907 surpassed 1, 000. 121
196
Arne Sunde
members in America is, then, fairly impressive. In an article in 1903 in Syn
og Segn, the periodical of Det Norske Samlaget, Edvard Langset put forward
the idea of establishing a separate overseas branch of Det Norske Samlaget.
This was never done. Syn og Segn (1903), 467-471.
18
0 la J. Rise, "Det norske Samlaget," clipping, unidentified newspaper.
Ola J. Rise Papers, Oppdal, Norway.
19
Ragnvald Leland, "Meir um eit norskt Samlag i America," in Nomma
(August, 1901), 30, followed by a laudatory comment by Peer Storeygard.
This article was reprinted in Reform (September, 1901). Ragnvald Leland
Papers, The Norwegian-America n Historical Association, Northfield,
Minnesota.
20Leland, "Maalsagen. Norges st0rste nationalsag b0r st0tes af nordm<endene i Amerika." Clipping from unidentified newspaper, in Leland
Papers.
21
Andrew A. Veblen, The Valdris Book, A Manual ef the Valdris Samband
(Minneapolis, 1920), 113-114.
22
Det Norske Samlaget's annual accounts for 1905, 1906, and 1907
show that nothing has been heard from Mr. Koefod. When Halvdan Koht
went to America in 1908 on a research tour, he was supposed to investigate
the matter. We do not know if Koht was able to trace Koefod. When in
America, Koht lectured on Norwegian history in Nynorsk. Koht's language
was criticized in Nordmandsforbundet, 2 (Christiania, 1909), 311.
23 Rise lists about twenty names; among them are some well-known
persons such as E. Mengshoel, L. Stavnheim, Peer Storeygard, L. Brattager,
in Rise Papers.
24 Clipping from unidentified newspaper, in Rise Papers.
25 Rise, "Biografiske upplysningar," in Anton Aure Papers, University of
Oslo.
26 Rise, "Maalmannsminne fraa Amerika," in Ung-Norig (1922/1923),
226.
27
In Aure Papers.
28 Leland, "Den norske maalreising," in Ung-Norig (August, 1923), 232.
29 Nye Normanden, August 19, 1902.
30 P. Th. Reite, ed., "Til Aasens Minde" (Moorhead, Minnesota, 1913),
42. See also Hans Jervell, "Ivar Aasen st0tten avsl0res i Morehead, Minn."
in StJndmtJrelagets Aarbog 1917 (Minneapolis, 191 7), 9-10.
31 Nordmandsforbundet, 6 (1913), 526.
32 Nordmandsforbundet, 6 (1913), 528.
33Normna (1914), 4, 6.
34 Nomma (1914), 32. The reporter is probably Peer Storeygard.
35 Ingebregt Sevre, "Heid0l som kunne 10 framande spdk og gav ut
nynorske blad i Amerika. Litt om den evnerike Peer Storeygard og det allsidige arbeidet han dreiv," in Arbokfor Gudbrandsdalen, 36 (1968), 130-133.
36Norrnna (1901), 17.
37
Norrnna (1900), 2.
38 For
197
a discussion of the linguistic forms in Nomma, see Dagfinn Worren, "Drag fra malet i Norrnna," in Botolv Helleland, ed., Norwegian Language in America, 3 (Oslo, 1991), 59-70, and Halladker, The Nynorsk Language in the United States, 133-143.
39 Nomma (1901), 28.
40 Storeygard, "Maalstra:v," in Nomma (1901), 28.
41 Nomma (1914), 4.
42 Nomma (1915), 68.
4
3Nomma (1900), 36.
44
Nomma (1900), 2.
45Nomma (1914), 39.
46 Nomma (1914), 17.
47
Nels Bongum, "Bokhylla," in Nomma (1914), 94.
48
Reviews of books in Nynorsk published outside Nomma are much
more objective and professional. See for example "Norsk landsmaalsliteratur," in Symra, 9:2, 92-95.
49 Geir Beitrusten, in Valdres Bygdebok I. Gardar og slekter i 0ystre Slidre
(1987), 390.
50
Veblen, The Valdris Book, 202.
51
In spite of some good poems, the book received lukewarm reviews.
See for example Rasmus Flo, "K.K. Rudie: Sol og Skygge," in Syn og Segn, 9
(1903), 383-384.
52Nomma (1900), 17.
53 Nomma (1914), 56.
54 Nomma (1900), 39.
ssNomma (1900), 71.
56 Peer Storeygard to Ola J. Rise, December 15, 1899, in Rise Papers,
Oppdal, Norway.
57
Anton Aure, "Biografiske upplysningar," in Aure Papers. At the Norwegian-American Seminar IV at Voss, August 12-15, 1992, I delivered a
paper on Rise, titled "Ola J. Rise, Norskamerikansk Forfattar og Malmann."
58 Nomma (1900), 78.
59
Kvartalskrift, 3 (January, 1907).
60Waldemar Ager to Rise, February 16, 1907, in Aure Papers.
61
Rise,I Solfallsbrann (Oslo, 1958).
62 Kvartalskrijt, July, 1906, 18-19.
63 Kvartalskrijt, April, 1906, 19.
64 In 1909 the newspaper Aftenposten in Oslo sent out a questionnaire to
leading Norwegian Americans asking the same questions as Rise raised. See
"Landsmaalet bed0mt af vore Landsma:nd i Amerika," in Kvartalskrift,
April, 1909, 6-13.
In the unpublished manuscript "Amerika" (1909) Rise discusses many
aspects of Norwegian-American culture such as literature and the role of
Nynorsk. Another unpublished manuscript, "JEdoms JEtt eller raudhud-
198
Arne Sunde
folket i Amerika" deals with the Indians and their history in America, in
Rise Papers.
65 0.M. Norlie, Norsk Lutherske Prester i Amerika 1843-1915 (2nd ed.,
Minneapolis, 1915), and L.J. Njus, "Pastor Olav Refsdal d0d," in Nordmanden,June 7, 1945.
66 He edited Barnets Ven (1899-1903) and Lyngblomsten (1908-?).
The latter was owned by Fremad Publishing Company, Eau Claire, Wisconsin. For a discussion of Olav Refsdal see Arne Sunde, "Olav Anfinnson
Refsdal-Prest og diktar i Amerika," in Pridlao (Vik i Sogn, Norway),
1:1989.
67 Nomma (1900),21.
68 0 lav Refsdal, L:esebogen (Minneapolis, 1903).
69 Halvdan Koht, Minnefra unge ar (Oslo, 1968), 395.
70
L.A. Stenholt, Norge i Amerika. Skildringer af Nordmamdenes Liv i
Amerika (Christiania, 1897), 99; and Thor M. Andersen's Bibliographical
Collections.
71
Nomma (1900), 13.
72 In his "Norway in America Bibliographical Collections," unpublished, University Library, Oslo, Thor M. Andersen lists some 150 poems
and about the same number of non-fiction entries by Norstog in
Norwegian-Am erican and Norwegian newspapers and magazines. This
number is probably too small.
73
T he most laudatory essays about Jon Norstog are Marius H:egstad,
"Jon Norstog," in Ung-Norig (Ris0r, Norway, 1919), 202-209; and "Jon
Norstog," speech given by O.M. Norlie at a meeting of the Telemark society in Minneapolis, 27 September 1951, in Jon Norstog Papers, NAHA,
Northfield, Minnesota.
74
See Arne Sunde, "Jon Norstog, A Problematic Author?" in Dorothy
Burton Skardal and Ingeborg Kongslien, eds., Essays on Norwegian-American
Literature and History. Proceedings from a Seminar on Norwegian-American Literature and History,June 26--30, 1984 (Oslo, 1986), 99-110. See also Waldemar
Ager, "Problemet Jon Norstog," in Reform, October 23 and 30, November 6,
13, 20 and 27, 1930.
75 See the bibliography in Erik Williamson, "Jon Norstog, NorwegianAmerican Author and Lay Theologian (1877-1942)" (M. Th. thesis, Luther
Theological Seminary, 1977), 61. This bibliography is by no means complete.
Skaalen, "Jon Norstog-pra!ri ediktaren fra Byrtegrend i Mo,"
in Telemark HistorieTidsskriftforTelemark Historielag, No. 9, 1988.
77 Carl S0yland, "Dakota-diktere n Jon Norstog, norsk-amer. forfatterfenomen," in Nordisk Tidende (New York), November 20, 1941.
78 The book review was written by Halvdan Koht, who expressed the
opinion that Yggdrasil never should have been printed, in Den 17de Mai,
September 16, 1902.
76 0lav
199
79
In 1938 Norstog was appointed deputy game warden for the counties
of MacKenzie and Dunn. Williamson, "Jon Norstog," 17.
s0 Nomma (1914), 33.
81Nomma (1915) , 38-39.
82
Ager, " Problemet Jon Norstog," October 23, 1930. In his excellent
essay on Norstog Ager calls him a full-blooded romantic and maintains that
he was born a hundred years too late.
83 "N orskamerikanarane og den norske maalrnrsla," in Den 17de Mai,
June 18, 1920.
84
Decorah-Posten, May 14, 1929.
85Jcn Norstog, "Fra Vidderne,'' in Skandinaven, September 27, 1940.
B6 Nomma (1914), 40.
87 Worren, in "Drag fra malet,'' 60-62, questions if dictionaries in
Nynorsk were available in America at all.
88 In 1900, Julius E . Olson gave "a course in Norwegian Dialect Writers" described as selections from Aasen, Vinje, Garborg, Sivle, and a study of
the language reform movement. Haugen, The Norwegian Language in America, 166.
89 Telesoga, 50 Oune, 1922), 18.
90 Storeygard, Nomma (1914), 3.
91 For a discussion of Smith's theories, see Kare Lunden, Norsk gralysing.
Norsk nasjonalisme 1770-1814 pa allmenn bakgrunn (Oslo, 1992), 18-25.

6 A Minority within a Minority: The Promotion of Nynorsk in the

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