Triumphant and Sacred: The Chapel of the Archangel Michael at

Triumphant and Sacred:
The Chapel of the Archangel
Michael at Lersch
Linda Stone
2 Cycladic figurine of Parian marble, height 30cm (from L.A.
Hitchcock and D. Preziosi, Oxford History of Art: Aegean Art
and Architecture, New York, 1999, pl. 26)
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Continuous debate has surrounded the function of a mysterious structure, the so-called "Torhalle" or "Konigshalle," at
Lorsch (figure 1). The purpose of this paper is to provide a
systematic analysis, thus far lacking, arguing that this
Carolingian edifice with its distinctive niche is not a royal audience hall but rather a chapel dedicated to the Archangel
Michael. The architectural language reveals a focus on the
triumph of Christianity, an idea expressed using the Carolingian
conceptions of terrestrial and heavenly kingship, triumph, and
devotion to Christ that are articulated through a conscious revival of classical forms speaking to the past golden ages of
Imperial Rome and early Christianity.
The problem of the niche - as a form used in both religious and secular structures - will be addressed by contrasting the architectural type of the chapel with that of the Aula
Regia. Having thereby established the Archangel's Chapel
as a sacred edifice, it can then be situated within the convention of dedicating chapels to the archangels, leading to a larger
discussion of the role of the archangels, particularly Michael,
in architecture and religious belief. Finally, concerns pertaining to the design of the chapel will be addressed and considered in relation to Charlemagne's program of imperial and
Christian renewal.
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The History of the Lorsch Monastery
The Lorsch monastery was an extremely popular pilgrimage
site in the medieval era, constructed to accommodate the massive crowds passing through it. 1 Located in an atrium (figure
4), the Archangel's chapel is positioned closely behind the now
demolished towered entranceway that connected to the encircling ring-wall and the walls lining the atrium (later developed into porticoes) which were joined to the church.
The Archangel's Chapel is a two-story structure that
has been considerably altered although it still maintains its
basic form. The lower level is marked by a triple arcade resting on piers while the upper level is enclosed to create the
chapel space, accessed by two flanking side-towers with their
spiral staircases and rough-stone exteriors. 2 Gothic in conception but of modern restoration, the current roof with its eighteenth century bell tower replaced the gently sloping
Carolingian saddle-roof. A reminder of the original slope of
the roof remains in the lowest portion of the main and tower
roofs, before the gradation changes abruptly and angles
steeply upward to fit the later gable. The use of arcades and
roughly hewn towers in conjunction with the building's diminutive stature and elegant ornamentation generates the unusual
impression of stability and preciousness.
The Archangel's Chapel dates to the abbacy of Rich bod
(784-804 ), the man responsible for a massive building and
rebuilding campaign at the Lorsch monastery. 3 Replacing
wooden structures with stone edifices, Richbod also built the
enormous gated enclosure-wall and gave the basilica a new
fa~_;:ade, often referred to as the Ecclesia Triplex. 4 In light of
this campaign, the Archangel's Chapel could either have been
a new addition to the complex or the replacement of an earlier
wooden chapel. The latter case would serve to substantiate
the argument for its function as a chapel further since
Charlemagne would not yet have been involved with the project
when the wooden structure was built. Technical and visual
analyses of the capitals and friezes have argued consistently
and overwhelmingly for the stone chapel being constructed
after the Lorsch basilica and prior to the palace at Aachen,
generating a timeframe coinciding with Richbod's governance. 5
The Problem of the Aula Regia
Officially under Charlemagne's protection, this close connection between ruler and monastery has led some scholars to
argue that the Archangel's Chapel instead functioned as an
Aula Regia where the emperor could receive and be received
by religious and secular officials. Furthermore, it has been
proposed that this audience would have been extended to
include members of the general public, as Charlemagne could
hold court and deal with legal or other civic matters while visiting this site. The first problem with this argument is that the
space would have had to be entirely symbolic as Charlemagne
is only known to have visited the Lorsch monastery once, on
the day of the basilica's consecration, and no mention is made
of the chapel or 'Torhalle".
The difficulty in accepting the chapel as a "Konigshalle"
lies in its architectural form. As mentioned above, the chapel
is accessed by two spiral staircases located on either short
side of the building. Inside the upper level, there are three
windows on the west fa~_;:ade and two on the east. The fenestration on the east side flanks an interior niche that extends
into the wall to meet the front edge of the exterior face (figure
2). 6 This means the niche is just less than 60 em deep. 7 Using
the scaled drawings provided by Jacobson, it would be fair to
approximate the feature as being 1.38 m across. 8 Extending
down to the floor and upward to approximately the top of the
inner arches of the windows, the niche also shares in the
rounded curvature of these elements at its peak. Some authors advocate the idea that this space formerly housed a
throne to Charlemagne. 9
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Examining the details of the various Aulae Regiae used
by Charlemagne, one finds that their designs are very similar
to one another and that together they stand in dramatic contrast to the Archangel's Chapel. At Aachen (figure 3), the
emperor's throne hall is located at the north end of the imperial complex, oriented lengthwise on an east-west axis. Although the apse is opposite the entranceway, it stands in contrast to the usual alignment of religious structures since the
apse is situated in the western, not eastern, end of the room.
This is the reverse of the placement of the niche at Lorsch
(figure 4). In the same way, the overall conception of the spatial experience is diametrically opposed to the Archangel's
Chapel. Whereas a visitor to Aachen would walk the length of
the long, narrow hall to approach Charlemagne enthroned at
the very end, a visitor to Lorsch would enter on the short side
and would then immediately be forced to turn and orient himself towards the east, in alignment with the broader sides of
the structure in order to face the niche. The Aula Regia at
Aachen mirrors Constantine's Aula Regia at Trier in both its
orientation and overall design, implying a standardized form.
There is room within the Lorsch atrium to have constructed a
building composed in the same fashion as the audience halls
at Aachen and Trier; the designers, however, chose not to
adopt this plan. Even if they had chosen to do so, either the
direction of approach or the cardinal direction of the niche still
would not accord with the other Aulae Regiae.
Considering the palace at Aachen in its entirety, the
audience hall sits at the opposite end of the complex from the
chapel. A long walkway and living quarters separate the religious edifices from the official secular structures. 10 This format is markedly different from what one finds at the Lorsch
monastery where the Archangel's Chapel is situated in the
atrium in front of the church. This locates it distinctly within
sacred confines, establishing its direct relationship to the
church. Entering through the gateway set within the ring-wall,
only then was it possible to access the atrium and from there
pass around or through the lower portion of the Archangel's
Chapel in order to get to the basilica. It is highly unlikely that
a purely secular structure would be erected in the middle of a
sacred space. The secular structures of the monastery were
located to the south of the basilica, completely segregated
from the religious buildings, and were not accessible from the
atrium. It must also be kept in mind that crowds of pilgrims
seeking St. Nazarius' relics would have traversed this atrium.
The two towers of the chapel would facilitate a continual progression of people through the space honouring the Archangel Michael whereas this manner of approach would pose
security problems for the emperor. Kerstin Merkel raises the
issues of sight-lines and space in the context of royal reception; if Charlemagne were seated on a throne within the niche,
he would not be far enough away from his audience to prevent turning his back at least partially to people on his left to
speak with those on his far right, for instance. One would also
have to approach him from the side as opposed from the front,
creating a different dynamic than at Aachen or Trier.
Perhaps the biggest discrepancy between the
Archangel's Chapel and the Aula Regia at Aachen is the difference in size. The chapel is 10.88 m long, 7.5 m deep, and
7.06 m in height while its supposed counterpart is 47.42 m
long by 20.76 m wide. 11 Furthermore, the audience hall at
lngelheim was 38.20 m long and 14.50 m across with an apse
9.80 m in diameter that had a raised stone platform for the
king's throne as is likewise found at Aachen. 12 This stands in
stark contrast to the less than 1.5 m breadth of the niche at
Lorsch. There is no such platform in the considerably smaller
structure nor would the original height of the room have been
able to accommodate this dramatic arrangement. While the
palace halls, especially that at Aachen, are known for their
grandeur and were obviously intended to impress upon the
viewer the emperor's wealth and power through scale, mate-
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rial, and form, the Archangel's Chapel is instead an intimate
environment that would allow for a much more personal experience with the Frankish ruler. This would suggest a very different type of audience than he received at his other sites if
indeed Charlemagne had ever gone inside and sat in the niche.
Even if the Archangel's Chapel had been intended to
fulfill a less prestigious function specifically related to the imperial court, not necessarily as an Aula Regia per se, it would
be reasonable to expect the same type of structure at other
places the emperor was likely to visit since he would have to
carry out these duties wherever he travelled. As the Lorsch
building stands out with no secular comparendi, this is clearly
not the case. Once again, the presence of a secular structure
in the midst of a religious atrium, literally blocking the view of
the primary church, would simply not be acceptable to the religious order. Beyond a gatehouse or entranceway framing
an atrium, there does not seem to be a single example of a
secular structure occupying such a position in front of a church.
The same problem of uniqueness occurs if one seeks
to explain the chapel as a location for royal participation in
liturgical ritual since the building type would be necessary at
other religious sites. The Lorsch basilica already hosted an
early form of westwork from which the king could watch the
liturgical proceedings and the public from a raised vantage
point. As expected, this feature is repeated at countless other
sites and comes to be a dominant architectural form.
There is no record ofthe construction of the Archangel's
Chapel, even within the Codex Laureshamensis, the text containing accounts of monastic and imperial activities at Lorsch.
Documenting significant events such as Charlemagne's visit
and the construction of the basilica, the lack of any mention of
the chapel in the monastery's records has serious implications.
It suggests that the building played a less important function
than previous scholarship has supposed since visits to the
Lorsch site by subsequent emperors and various important
officials are recorded along with brief notes about Richbod's
building campaign. If the Archangel's Chapel were really an
edifice closely linked to Charlemagne, one would expect that
its highly unusual design and significance in this context would
warrant mention, whether positive or negative, yet the text remains silent. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the
structure is something that one would expect to find at a monastery in association with the church. This, combined with the
presence of a niche, argues forcefully for its identification as a
chapel.
The Decoration of the Chapel
Analyzing the appearance of the short sides of the Archangel's
Chapel presents a quandary that can only be resolved securely by another excavation. According to Friedrich Behn's
archaeological investigation, the foundation of the towers and
the central body are fused, meaning that they were constructed
at the same time and are original to the structure. 13 During
the nineteenth century, the north tower collapsed due to the
digging of a road near the chapel and it was only rebuilt in the
next century. 14 The south tower is accepted as being unaltered, based on observations made by Behn, with the notable
exception of Rudolf Adamy who argues that there were originally no towers. This consensus presents a problem when
one examines the upper region of the south wall. While the
roof was extended upward during the gothic period and clearly
affected the highest portion of the Carolingian structure, the
present form of this wall suggests that further alterations were
made than have formerly been contended. 15
The first discrepancy deals with the sandstone edging; on the upper portion of all four corners of the structure it is
brown, while that on the lower is red. This is the case on the
north wall and it disrupts the chromatic flow. More importantly,
the vegetal frieze resting on the composite capitals ofthe lower
level continues across the south wall until it reaches the tower
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on either side. This does not happen on the north wall. The
corbelled course running just under the roofline breaks at the
southwest corner and abruptly angles sharply upward on the
south wall, creating an awkward gap between the straight line
of the uppermost corner stone and this embellishment. Scholars have been especially quick to praise the skilful techniques
used in the carving of the friezes and capitals, demonstrating
the care taken in the construction and decoration of this building, making this discontinuation quite concerning. When this
oddity is compared with the careful and very regular nature of
the two broad faces, one must question what happened. It is
here that the tiles and pieces of frieze found elsewhere become so important. 16
During the demolition of the so-called "forest house,"
two pieces of a frieze were uncovered in its foundations. Ad amy
argues that these belong to the short sides ofthe chapel, ex17
plaining that they were removed when the towers were added.
Either the same frieze motif- since these pieces are identical
in size and design -was used elsewhere in the monastic complex or the towers were rebuilt or modified at an earlier time
than was previously thought. Given the expense of applying
the sandstone veneer, the few tiles found on site, and the absence of similar tiles at the principle entryway into the monastery, it is possible that the chapel was the only structure given
this ornate fa<;:ade.
During his excavations, Adamy uncovered a pathway
between the chapel and the forest house composed of tiles
18
The
identical to those found on the Archangel's Chapel.
ring-wall, the walls of a warehouse used to store tithe payments, and the debris found beneath the southern end of the
tower-hall on the site all contain identical tiles. 19 Is it possible
that these tiles belong to the short sides of the Archangel's
Chapel that have subsequently been removed for alterations
made to or the rebuilding of the structure? The sides may
have been decorated whereas the towers were not; no curved
tiles have been unearthed. Paul Schnitzer notes that the building is known to have suffered extensive damage in the early
thirteenth century. 2° Could the south tower and perhaps even
its wall have required mending at this time necessitating the
alterations to the south side? These questions will have to
wait for further technical analysis. Regardless, it appears that
the towers were continually segregated from the main body of
the structure by means of the decorative scheme, signalling a
functional hierarchy culminating in the chapel room.
Turning now to the interior of the building, the only ornamentation is in the single room of the upper story. Complicating the sacred function proposed for the chapel, the frescoes adorning its walls have long been seen as a problematic
feature in dating and determining the purpose of the structure. Illusionistic ionic columns sit on a base level of decoration composed of two rows of large coloured squares. The
columns carry a rather heavy entablature and the space between them is left unadorned. These frescoes have been dated
to the mid to late ninth century on the basis of the handwritten
script scrawled on the plaster support beneath this first layer
of paint. Only a small percentage of the original illusionistic
architectural fresco remains intact as it has been painted over
many times.
Given the discrepancy in time between the construction of the chapel in the last decades of the eighth century
and the earliest suggested date for the frescoes (c. 840), it is
possible that this is not the ornamental scheme that would
have been recognized in Charlemagne's time. In this case, a
completely different fresco cycle, or even tapestries or panel
paintings if this small space was considered luxurious enough,
could have been removed from the walls and replaced with
the current frescoes.
If one is to entertain the idea that the dating of the
frescoes is incorrect, that the handwriting is an early example
of a new phase of script, then it is appropriate here to discuss
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why this system of ornamentation might have been chosen.
Comparisons can be drawn with the fresco cycles in the
westwork of the church at Carvey and in the crypt of St.
Germain in Auxerre. 21 The architecture depicted in the crypt
echoes the actual columns and capitals in this space; it seems
the real and fictive spaces were united through ornamentation, and in the case of the Archangel's Chapel, the exterior
and interior could be connected through these common forms.
The upper level of the exterior is adorned with an order of
ionic pilasters while the inside reveals ionic columns. At St.
Germain, as at Lorsch, the areas between the fictive architectural elements are left blank (save for a few illustrations from
the life of St. Stephen in the former). This demonstrates that
seemingly mundane decoration could be used in a sacred
space without diminishing the religiosity of the site. As well,
adopting a classical Roman style of decoration fits within the
ideology of the Early Christian Roman Empire that
Charlemagne and his court were seeking to associate with
the emperor and his rule. 22
Culminating in an image of the Coronation of the Virgin, tiers of brightly coloured angels celebrate the event with
their musical instruments on the upper portion of the north
wall of the chapel. Mary and Christ occupy a very tiny portion
of the wall and even within their small frames they are attended
by angelic beings. Heinrich Walbe dates these frescoes to c.
1385 and uses their presence to argue that the chapel was
only at this point dedicated to the Archangel Michael. 23 However, he does not provide any evidence for a new dedication
of the structure, basing his assessment solely on the presence of the new frescoes. This absence of evidence for a
new dedication suggests that the association of the building
with angels was a continuation or transformation of an established dedication and therefore of an older heritage.
Angilbert, Abbot of Saint-Riquier, gives an extensive
description of his church and its environment, down to the
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hangings on the walls, in the text he composed on his monastery.24 This is critically important given the apparent lack of
decoration in the Archangel's Chapel prior to the painting of
the architectural frescoes. Susan Rabe asserts that beyond
the presence of four reliefs depicting key events in Christ's life
and the mobile treasure, there is no enduring or extensive
use of decoration within the church of St. Riquier during this
time. 25 She suggests that since every other sort of lavish
addition is mentioned with great care, it is very likely that if
fresco or stucco ornamentation existed in the church, it too
would have been included in Angilbert's account_26 This lends
further support to the idea that the Archangel's Chapel may
have been decorated with expensive hangings and luxurious
precious objects prior to the addition of the fresco work.
The "Torhalle" as a Chapel to the Archangel Michael
The mysterious nature of the structure at Lorsch loses some
of its mystique when compared with chapels dedicated to the
archangels. This is because it resembles these edifices more
closely than any other type of religious or even secular building. Emphasising the role of the "Torhalle" as a sacred structure is its form. Viewed from the east or west, the building
resembles a reliquary27 ; its decoration evokes the precision
and colour of patterned metalwork and both the tiles and metalwork speak of expense through the quantity of time, material, and labour needed to produce them. The dressed stone
edging at the ends of the chapel recalls the plate metal used
to hold the reliquary's panels together at its corners. Both the
building and chasse are intended to be viewed from the broadside as can be gleaned from the placement of the decoration
on both and through the orientation of the Archangel's Chapel
in relation to the church. Underscoring this comparison is the
sense of visual segregation between the core structure of the
chapel and its towers, whose rough-stone facing emphasizes
the box shape of the chapel. This decorative scheme and the
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chapel's elevation signal importance and indicate a holy presence through visual association, be it conscious or unconscious, with other sacred forms.
The problem of access also contributes to the understanding of this site. It would be interesting to know if the
towers had doors in Carolingian times to restrict access to the
upper floor of the chapel, which could have heightened the
admiration for and the sacredness of the material inside. The
structure need not have been specifically for the emperor to
allow for his association with the building since he helped to
fund the complex. Public or clerical access to the chapel would
reflect the situation at other monastic and civic sites that had
sanctuaries dedicated to the archangels.
By the sixth century, the cult of the archangels had
already developed a strong following. The Archangel Michael
received particular attention since he was determined to be
the protector of the church. However, the angels could also
function together as a unit. The precedent set by Milan Cathedral is important for the conceptual arrangement of the
church and its chapels as well as for the design chosen for the
chapels.
In the case of Milan Cathedral, the primary church is
surrounded by four sixth century chapels dedicated to the archangels: the north chapel is dedicated to Raphael, the northwest to Gabriel, the south to Uriel and the south-east to Michael.
The cathedral is literally encircled by these chapels, which
Bayle argues is a symbolically defensive or protective grouping that demonstrates the relationship of the archangels to
God and the church. 28 Each of these chapels is a two-story
structure that echoes the general form of the Archangel's
Chapel at Lorsch. The Frankish chapel also occupies a defensive position directly in front ofthe church and what emerges
is a much richer sense of function, especially in the case of
the Archangel's Chapel.
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In his description of the Archangel Michael and his duties, Carol Heitz explains that Michael is given the responsibility of watching over the Heavenly Jerusalem which is symbolized by the church in the terrestrial realm. 29 The fore-church
-its porch, westwork, towers or independent chapel- formed
a type of liminal space between the house of God and the
houses of men, making the area occupied by the angels a
type of boundary that also separates good and evil, the saved
and the unsaved. 30 It is for this reason that chapels or sanctuaries dedicated to the Archangel Michael were commonly
built on city-walls, beginning early in the medieval era, to ensure the continual presence of the archangel and as a show
of gratitude for his protection. 31 These structures continued
to be built into Charlemagne's time, as is evidenced by the
oratory dedicated to St. Michael and built into the walls of Reims
by St. Rigobert in 749. 32
The concept of the liminal space is emphasized further through the design of the atrium at Saint Riquier in Centula,
France (figure 5). 33 This "paradisio" can be accessed by one
of three portals that are located in the center of the west, north
and south walls. Each portal is crowned by a tower containing
a chapel dedicated to the Archangel Michael, Gabriel, or
Raphael. Textual descriptions of the site suggest that Michael's
chapei was situated directly opposite the church, as at
Lorsch. 34 This plan can be dated to 790-799, concurrent with
the erection of the chapel to the Archangel Michael at Lorsch.
Aside from these chapels, the westwork of the principal church at Centula held three altars dedicated to Michael,
Raphael, and Gabriel although their exact placement within
the structure is unknown. This repetition demonstrates that
an altar within the church does not preclude the possibility of
an exterior chapel dedicated to the same or a similar heavenly host. 35 Such was the importance accorded these guardians.
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Another example can be found in the plans of the now
ruined church of St. Gall in present day Switzerland (figure 6).
The church possessed two imposing round towers at its west
end that have been dated to c. 820, just prior to a significant
transformation that occurred in the west end of the church.
Each of the towers housed a chapel in its uppermost story;
the north was dedicated to the Archangel Michael and the south
to the Archangel Gabriel. Similarly, in the monastic church of
Saint-Germain-des-Pres, Paris, the western entrance was
capped by a tower containing an oratory dedicated to the Archangel Michael where the mass of the Feast of the Archangel
would be read. 36
Akin to the design at Centula, the church at SaintBenoit-sur-Loire possesses a Carolingian westwork with an
upper-story that has three altars in three niches within the
eastern wall; the middle altar was dedicated to the Archangel
MichaeiY These niches were complimented with flanking
columns recalling the classicized form of the chapel at Lorsch. 38
At this point in history, archangels were viewed as
armed guardians charged with the protection of the church
and chapels with towers seem to be the dominant form deemed
appropriate for these heavenly patrons. However, there is
another source for the detached chapel that must be addressed
due to its centrality to the Christian faith. At Old St. Peter's in
Rome, the atrium in front of the church was preceded by a
triple-bay gateway that contained a chapel to the Virgin in its
upper story. Offering another precedent for an individual
chapel located in a structure outside of the principal church
that remains in direct relation to it, this edifice has a dissimilar
composition to the examples discussed thus far. During the
Carolingian era this building was fully connected to the portico framing the atrium and has continually been understood
as a gateway, distinguishing it from the Archangel's Chapel
which had a gateway of its own. The edifice also lacks the
towers characteristic of Lorsch and other sites. Since Old St.
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Peter's was the Christian church to emulate, given its venerable age and provenance, it would not be surprising to find
the Carolingians content to encourage this association although it is evident in the form of the building that the major
source of inspiration for the Archangel's Chapel had come from
elsewhere.
While the upper room ofthe unusual structure at Lorsch
served as a chapel to the Archangel Michael, the lower area
offered a site for religious rituals and ceremonial greetings
which could take place before a crowd. The absence of solid
piers and individual passageways allows for lateral movement
through the lower level, encouraging the understanding of this
enclosure as a functional space where liturgical activities could
take place. 39 It is easy to imagine this area as having served
as a liturgical station, as it was normal practice for processions to travel from one station to another.
St. Michael Triumphant
Considering the form of the Archangel's Chapel, scholars have
sought to connect the building directly to the emperor. In these
instances, the erection of the chapel (or 'Torhalle" to these
authors) is the product of military events or royal honours that
become problematic when contemplating the earlier portion
of the chronological range for the edifice's construction. As
authors such as Krautheimer have argued, the triumphal aspect may serve a larger ideological purpose that is conceptually linked to the emperor and not necessarily to a specific
time or place. 40
Although a careful inspection of the structure does not
support this single purpose, the architectural language used
is that of the Roman triumph. The Archangel's Chapel would
have born a stronger resemblance to a Roman triumphal arch
in the Carolingian era when the chapel had its saddle-roof
with its much flatter roofline. 41 The triple bay entrance recalls
the Arches of Constantine and Septimius Severus located in
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Rome. 42 Whereas the arches have freestanding columns and
much of their surfaces are covered by sculpture and inscription, the chapel is adorned with half-columns and its colourful
tiles distinguish it from its monochromatic counterparts. Applied in emulation of the opus reticulatum or opus seetHe building techniques, the designers are using compositional elements
that do not recall recent or Merovingian motifs and practices,
but Roman ones. Whether or not the Carolingian designers
of the Archangel's Chapel had a particular arch in mind, both
monuments employ the same triumphal vocabulary through
their use of arches, columns and applied ornamentation as
well as through their free-standing identity.
Establishing a visual and ideological link to the ancient
triumph would serve the emperor in at least two very specific
ways. First, the Carolingian association of the Roman triumph
with contemporary times would allow people to connect
Charlemagne with the glory of Imperial Rome and call to mind
ideal notions of kingship and life, evoking the image of a past
golden age that could be reclaimed through the newest heir.
Associations with a great lineage of emperors would also
strengthen Charlemagne's claim to the throne by subtly arguing for his legitimacy. Second, the chapel's tripartite form calls
to mind two arches in particular, and only one if considered in
a Christian context; the Arch of Constantine.
Tolerant to Christianity, Constantine created conditions
for the fostering of the faith, building many churches and collecting holy relics. Evidence for Charlemagne's program of
Christian revival can be found in the number of gospel books
made and churches built during his reign in addition to his
amassing a collection of objects believed to hold special historical and religious significance. As both an ally of the Christian faith and an emperor, Constantine provides another model
for reference and emulation. Simply looking back to the ancient past, to a purer time, also brings one closer to Christ and
his disciples. The necessity of a Christian renewal demon-
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strates that things had fragmented or disintegrated to a point
where action on this front was unavoidable. It is reasonable
in this situation to look back to a time when these problems
did not exist, when society was functioning properly, and to
draw on the authority of tradition to re-establish religious, political, and social practices.
The use of classicizing forms evoking a triumphal arch
and its ideology would fit nicely into Charlemagne's program
of religious renewal and kingship except that the result simultaneously accords with the ideology surrounding the Archangel Michael. In the angelic hierarchy, Michael holds the highest position next to God. In many ways, his responsibilities
mirror those of the king or emperor in the earthly realm. Both
are successful warriors who act on behalf of God in order to
protect the innocent and vanquish evil. It is Michael, meaning
"He who is like God", who conquerors the devil in the form of
a dragon and banishes him to hell. As discussed above,
Michael is also the protector of the church and it is likely that
both Charlemagne and the clergy wished to see the emperor
fulfill this role as well. Aiding the faithful in battle on countless
occasions, the archangel's support would come in handy for a
king seeking to secure his territory.
Combined, these characteristics created a suitable
model for the king to emulate and be associated with by the
public. This may be the reason that the Cult of the Archangels
was promoted in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, particularly by the Synod of Aachen held in 789. 43 The Archangel
Michael may also act as a guide for (future) rulers to be educated or remind them of their proper role. In this way, the
Archangel's Chapel would function as a triumphal monument
to both warriors, the Archangel Michael and Charlemagne, for
those able to recognize the correlations that are suggested in
the architecture. For the general populace the concepts of
old and holy are conveyed through ancient Roman forms and
the elaborate decoration that recalls other sacred objects they
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would have seen in churches and chapels. Although some of
these more symbolic associations may have been absorbed
unconsciously or not at all, they certainly would not be lost on
the dignitaries and religious officials who visited Lorsch.
The triumphant figure of the Archangel Michael would
serve to embody the triumph of Christianity as a whole. What
better proclamation to make in front of a church holding unusually precious relics that symbolized the Carolingian emperor and populace's connection to arguably the most important Christian center, next to Jerusalem, as well as the clergy's
connection to the papacy.
The Archangel's Chapel and the Carolingian Era
Rather than playing a role as an independent monument to Charlemagne, it is clear that the Archangel's Chapel
participated in larger theological and architectural traditions
that paid respect to the ruler in more generalized terms. Given
its two-towered, two-story composition and centralized location in the atrium in front of a pilgrimage church, it is critical
that the structure be considered in its monastic context. On
the basis of its scale, form, and position in relation to the basilica, the building clearly belongs in the tradition of chapels
dedicated to the archangels. Its prominence and singularity
argue for a dedication to the Archangel Michael in particular.
The edifice and its honouree play an important role in guarding the church and its worshippers while proclaiming the triumph of Christianity. Only after serving this primary function
does the structure refer to imperial or royal victory. The vocabulary and ideology of the Roman triumph was modified
and applied to a Christian context in order to call to mind the
Early Christian Empire.
As is evidenced by the opus veneer, authenticity or
accuracy was not as important as the broader conceptual associations evoked by the form. The Carolingians were adopting only selected aspects of the antique models, those which
Contrapposto
suited current beliefs and needs. The considerable controversy raised by this structure is a testament to the ingenuity of
its designers, who were able to unite tradition and innovation
to create a unique product which touches upon late eighth
and early ninth century concepts of religion and rulership. Not
only does this challenge the notions of the "simple" medieval
mind, it requires a re-evaluation of how Carolingian monuments and objects have been categorized and interpreted thus
far.
2
3
The relic of St. Nazarius served to strengthen the ties between
the Frankish Empire and the Roman Papacy; that the Pope
had allowed a very special relic to leave Rome was a highly
significant event and the reception of the relics demonstrated
the Carolingians' dedication to the Roman religious tradition.
Furthermore, the nature of St. Nazarius' life plays into
Charlemagne's program of Christian revival. As a
Merovingian abbot, St. Nazarius had taken it upon himself
to rid an area of France from the vestiges of paganism; his
work was completely devoted to the dissemination of the
word. Both the emperor and abbot sought to establish
Christianity in their realms and ensure the proper observance
of ritual and doctrine.
Over the doorway leading to the staircase in the lower level
of the southern tower there is an inscription on a wooden
plaque. According to Behn only a single word remains legible
and reads "IMPERIALIS" (Behn, 1949, 18). This inscription
goes unmentioned elsewhere (including by Adamy) and so
its dating and provenance remain in question. However, it
is not surprising to find an imperial reference at a highly
trafficked center funded by a variety of Frankish rulers.
Richbod was appointed to his post by none other than
Charlemagne after having studied under Alcuin. Earning
the nickname Macarius for his fervent dedication to the
monastic life, Rich bod was a respected member of the royal
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4
5
court. He is also the author of the part of the Codex
Laureshamensis written between 785 and 803. Compiled in
the twelfth century, the Codex contains material pertaining
to the Lorsch monastery and includes texts from the eighth
and ninth centuries.
Unfortunately, the Archangel's Chapel goes
unmentioned in the Codex. This is possibly because the
stone structure replaced an earlier wooden edifice, as
scholars like Conant have suggested, or perhaps because
the structure was a feature expected to be found on the site
and did not warrant mention. Under these circumstances, it
is more likely that the building is a chapel; a secular structure
placed in the middle of a well-traversed atrium would call
attention to itself and be worthy of mentioning since it would
be extremely unusual.
Roswitha Zeilinger-BOehler, "Kunstgeschichtliche
Betrachtungen zur Datierung der Lorscher Konigshalle,"
Beitrage zur Geschichte des Klosters Lorsch, Edited by Paul
Schnitzer (Lorsch: Laurissa, 1978), 90.
Carol Heitz,
Recherches sur les rapports entre Architecture et Liturgie a
l'epoque carolingienne (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N, 1963), 160-3.
McClendon states that Richbod also installed a
marble pavement around the high altar in the basilica that
has since been lost and suggests that this might have been
done using the opus sectile technique as well [Charles B.
McClendon, The Origins of Medieval Architecture: Building
Europe, A.D. 600-900 (New Haven: Yale University Press,
2005), 102].
See Ruth Meyer, Fruhmittelalterliche Kapitelle Und Kampfer
in Deutschland: Typus, Technik, Stil, 2 Vols. (Berlin:
Deutscher Verlag fOr Kunstwissenschaft, 1997), Mario
D'Onofrio, "La Torhalle di Lorsch," C. 3, In: Roma e
Aquisgrana (Naples: Liguori, 1996), 41-65, Josef
Fleckenstein, "Erinnerung an Karl den Grossen: ZurTorhalle
von Lorsch und zum Kaisertum Karls," Beitrage zur
Geschichte des Klosters Lorsch, Edited by Paul Schnitzer
(Lorsch: Laurissa, 1978), 63-77, and Roswitha ZeilingerBOehler, 79-91.
Contrapposto
6
7
8
9
Jacobson argues for a dating between 830 and 865
on the basis of stylistic comparison to fit the building into his
theory that it served as a tomb for the later kings [Jacobsen,
Werner "Die Lorscher Torhalle. Zum Problem ihrer Datierung
und Deutung. Mit einem Katalog der bauplastischen
Fragmente als Anhang," Jahrbuch des Zentralinstitues tar
Kunstgeschichte 1 {1985): 19]. He does so despite the fact
that the later kings were buried in a chamber constructed
specifically for this purpose at the east end of the church
the Ecclesia Varia. Despite Jacobson's efforts, his argument
serves to highlight the disparity between his comparendi and
the reliefs at Lorsch.
According to Behn, both the windows and the niche are
integral to the Carolingian design (Behn, 1949, 18).
The walls of the Archangel's Chapel are 60 em thick [Hans
Michael Hangleiter and Stefan Schopf, "Optische
Untersuchung der Martel- und Malschichten im lnnerraum
des ersten Obergeschosses der Torhalle in Lorsch " Kunst
in Hessen und am Mittelrhein 32-33 (1992-1993): 83].
Only an estimate can be provided since measurements of
the niche are strangely excluded from the documentation.
The presence of the niche narrows the possible purpose of
the room down to two options: either the space functioned
as a chapel or as a throne-room.
Included among other theories of the structure is
the idea thatthe 'Torhalle" is a gate-hall through which people
would enter into the monastery. I take issue with this since
there was a gateway through which people would pass in
order to access the "Torhalle". According to Behn's
illustrations, this structure was in place prior to 800 [Friedrich
Behn, Der Karolingische Kloster Kirch von Lorsch an der
Bergstrasse (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1934), plan 8]. Not
only is the Archangel's Chapel inside the walls of the
monastery complex, it is not connected with the ring wall or
any other wall as gateways were per their function.
It has also been suggested that the Torhalle
functioned as a crypt. Between 876 and 882, Louis Ill the
Young had the Ecclesia Varia (a crypt) constructed for the
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10
11
12
13
14
15
burial of his father, Louis the German. Subsequently, other
members of the family were interred within this crypt.
Evidently, this king and other members of the family did not
build the "Torhalle" to be buried there - they are properly
housed within the church- and there is no record of anyone
ever being buried within the chapel.
Kerstin Merkel suggests that the chapel is instead a
library, used to house the precious materials copied at the
Lorsch scriptorium. The problem with this theory is that the
scriptorium is located nowhere near this building, which would
require the monks to go through the church or gateway, into
the atrium, and up into the "library" to retrieve materials. It
appears that most libraries, such as that at St. Gall, were
located on the floor directly above the scriptorium itself for
easy access {Kenneth John Conant, Carolingian and
Romanesque Architecture BOO to 1200 (Markham: Penguin
Books, 1987 [1959]), 58}. As well, the books would be within
reach of the hoards of people passing through the atrium to
view the relics of St. Nazarius. Since books were such
valuable items, this theory seems highly unlikely. Merkel
then contradicts her own thesis by arguing that secular
structures would never be placed within sacred confines
[Kerstin Merkel, "Die Antikenrezeption der sogenannten
Lorscher Torhalle," Kunst in Hessen und am Mittelrhein 3233 (1992-1993): 34].
Merkel, 34. The distance between the two components of
the complex measures about 125 m (McClendon, 109).
McClendon, 120.
McClendon, 107.
Behn, 1949, 17.
Zeilinger-BOehler, 82. The southern tower and the lower
portion of the north tower are part of the first phase of
Carolingian construction (Hangleiter & Schopf, 83). Adamy,
however, states that when crews decided the tower would
not be rebuilt, the lower portion of the north tower was pulled
down and not rebuilt until much later (Adamy, 13).
McClendon states that this roof is from the eighteenth century
and is the only one this author is aware of that does so; he
Contrapposto
does not offer any further explanation of his assertion
(McClendon, 92).
16 At the eastern end of the monastery complex, the excavation
by Behn uncovered the foundations of a towered entranceway
that had four passages running through it. Here Behn found
evidence for this gateway having had a fa9ade composed of
red and white sandstone done using the same technique as
is found on the Archangel's Chapel (Zeilinger-BOehler, 90).
For third and fourth century examples of decorative
coloured patterning in the design of an edifice see
McClendon, figs. 100-102. He also includes an image of a
floor in San Vitale, Rome, done in the opus sectile manner
(from the fifth century) showing hexagons and triangles,
evoking the type of patterning seen in the uppermost band
of decoration on the Archangel's Chapel.
17 Adamy, 7.
18 Jacobson, 1985, 18. Ad amy provides an illustration of where
the path was located but does not go into any detail with
regard to this path in his text.
19 Ibid.
20 Paul Schnitzer, "FOr die Rettung der Konigshalle," Beitrage
zur Geschichte des Klosters Lorsch, Edited by Paul Schnitzer
(Lorsch: Laurissa, 1978), 99.
21 Merkel, 30.
22 Merkel provides an extensive discussion of possible sources
that the designers of the Archangel's Chapel could draw from,
as well as insight into the style of decoration itself.
23 Walbe, 61. The author offers no explanation for the date he
supplies.
24 Angilbert was Abbot of Saint-Riquier from 790 until his death
in 814. There is much debate surrounding the nature of his
relationship with Charlemagne's unmarried daughter, Bertha,
with whom he had two children.
25 Construction of the church took place in the last decade of the
eighth century. Susan A. Rabe, Faith, Art, and Politics at
Saint-Riquier: the Symbolic Vision ofAngilbert (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 117 & 121.
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40
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
Rabe, 121.
For examples of Carolingian metalwork including reliquaries,
see Jean Hubert, J. Porcher and W. F. Volbach, Europe of
the Invasions (New York: George Braziller, 1969).
Maylis Bayle, "L'Architecture Liee au Culte de L'Archange,"
Cuffe et Pelerinages a Saint Michelen Occident, Directed by
Pierre Bouet, Giorgio Otranto and Andre Vauchez (Rome:
Ecole Fran<_;:aise de Rome, 2003), 455.
Heitz, 1963, 226. Heitz refers to an Italian monk from Monte
Cassino paying a visit to Lorsch and in his notes, making
reference to a Chapel to the Archangel Michael. In his
footnote, he cites the Annates ordinis Sancti Benedicti, Vol.
1, edited by Johanne Mabillon (Lucae: De Superiorum
Licentia, 1703), 117 as recording this important journey
(Heitz, 1963, 231, no. 1). This Latin text makes no reference
to events at Lorsch but instead deals with the history of the
Abbey of Glanfeuil now known as St. Maur-sur-Loire. The
whereabouts or nature of the account Heitz details remains
unknown and can therefore not be considered in this study.
I would like to thank Amy Miller for assistance in
translating the Latin.
Heitz, 1963,231.
Bayle, 456.
Bayle, 456.
The church was built by the aforementioned AbbotAngilbert,
otherwise known as Homer in Charlemagne's court. In 800
he received Charlemagne at Centula.
Rabe, 115.
Rabe, 459.
Hans Eckstein, "DerTurm des Gauzlinus und die gestalt der
VorhallentOrme," Architectura 5 (1975): 18.
Bayle, 460.
Eckstein, 20.
This stands in contrast to the triumphal arches of ancient
Rome that had individual passageways that prevented free
movement beneath the structure. Whereas one may argue
that the arches are meant to be moved through, it is evident
that the ground floor of the chapel was perceived as a utile
space.
Contrapposto
Richard Krautheimer, 'The Carolingian Revival of Early
Christian Architecture," Studies in Early Christian, Medieval
and Renaissance Art, Translated by Alfred Frazer (New York:
University Press, 1969), 233.
41 Zeilinger-Buchler, 83.
42 As Krautheimer indicates, there were few arches accessible
to the Carolingians (Krautheimer, 233). While the chapel
has an arcade of three arches of even height, in both the
Arches of Constantine and Septimius Severus the central
opening is of greater stature than the two archways on the
sides. Charlemagne and his retinue would have had the
opportunity to study these forms on their official visit to Rome
in 774.
43 Rabe, 187. Popular cults could serve as a means to unite
and direct the activities of the masses.
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1 Archangel's Chapel, exterior from west, Lorsch monastery,
Lorsch, Germany, c. 784-804 (photo: ???)
2 Archangel's Chapel, upper level interior, Lorsch monastery,
Lorsch, Germany, c. 784-804 (image: ???)
3 Detail of Plan of St. Gall Monastery, St. Gall monastery
library, St. Gall, Switzerland, c. 819-826 (image: ???)
4 Plan of the Lorsch monastery complex, Lorsch monastery,
Lorsch, Germany, c. 784-804 (plan: http://www.kloster-lorsch.de/
lingua/englisch.html)
161
160
~-····
...;
Contributors
Alexis Cohen
Alexis Cohen graduated from the University of Toronto in
May 2006 with an Honours Bachelor of Arts in Art History
and English. She is currently conducting independent
research in Germany on a DAAD Study Scholarship and will
be pursuing graduate studies in Art History next fall.
10
5 Plan of the Lorsch monastery complex, Lorsch monastery,
Lorsch, Germany, c. 784-804 (plan: http://www.kloster-lorsch.de/
lingua/englisch.html)
Danielle Cornacchia
Danielle Cornacchia is a fourth-year student completing a
Specialist in Fine Art History and Major in Prehistoric Archaeology. She became obsessed with prehistoric
Mediterranean archaeology through her studies as an Art
History student at the University of Toronto. She hopes to
do some archaeological fieldwork in the summer.
Ady Gruner
Ady Gruner is currently completing her Hans. B.A. with a
specialist in Art History and hopes to pursue graduate
studies in Modern Art.
Nicholas Herman
Nicholas Herman is Erwin Panofsky Fellow at New York
University's Institute of Fine Arts. He is currently a Master's
candidate and he received an honours B.A. from the
University of Toronto, Trinity College, in June of 2006. His
current topics of interest include fifteenth century French
manuscript illumination and early Sienese painting.
6 Reconstruction of the Carolingian monastery, Saint Riquier
monastery, Centula, France, c. 790-799 (photo: Pracchi,Attilio,
La cattedrale antica di Milano: if problema delle chiese doppie fra
tarda antichita e medioevo, Rome: Laterza, 1996, figure 36)
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