View publication - Erik Thomsen Asian Art

Erik Thomsen
Japanese Paintings and Works of Art
Japanese Paintings and Works of Art
Table of contents
3
5
35
57
69
81
94
99
108
Foreword and Acknowledgements
Screens
Paintings
Bamboo Baskets
Ceramics
Lacquers
Signatures, Seals and Inscriptions
Notes
Bibliography
Foreword and Acknowledgements
The year since our last catalog of March 2006 was
As for ceramics, the beauty of the wood-fired Shi-
marked by a great change for my wife, Cornelia, and
garaki jar (nr. 22) with its natural ash glaze is heart-
me: in September we moved with our three children
warming to me. This jar was exhibited in an impor-
from Bensheim, Germany, to New York and opened
tant recent exhibition in Japan at the Miho Museum
a gallery on 224 East 83rd Street in Manhattan.
and is an outstanding example of its kind.
From this new location I am delighted to present our
In the fifth section with lacquers I especially appreci-
second catalog, which features a carefully chosen
ate the subtle and refined décor of the writing box
selection from my five specialties within Japanese
that reenacts a twelfth-century poem with an image
art: screens, paintings, bamboo baskets, ceramics
of the autumn moon reflected in a meandering
and lacquers. All items presented here were made,
stream (nr. 27). As with most great pieces of Japanese
not with export in mind, but rather for the domestic
art, this box can be enjoyed at many levels: the
market and in accordance with Japanese taste and
workmanship, the design, the literary connotations,
aesthetics. Most of the objects are connected with
the cultural associations, and the delight when one
one or more of the four classical arts: the ways of
sees unexpected details.
tea, flowers, calligraphy, and incense (Sadō, Kadō,
Shodō, and Kōdō).
I wish to thank everyone who made this catalog
possible: our designer Valentin Beinroth for his clear
In this catalog I am excited to present the long-lost
eye, attention to detail, and perseverance; and Cem
masterpiece by Ōmura Kōyō, his screen pair »Blue
Yücetas, who traveled from Germany to photograph
Phoenix« (Catalog nr. 6), which I was lucky to find in
the collection, for his patience and perfectionism.
Japan a little over a year ago. The painting of the
I thank Inger Sigrun Brodey, my sister, assistant
large birds in a recreation of an Indonesian tropical
professor in comparative literature at the University
jungle is breathtaking and caused great excitement
of North Carolina, for her helpful editing and Hans
when first exhibited in the Third Teiten Exhibition,
Bjarne Thomsen, my brother, assistant professor in
Tokyo, in 1921.
Japanese art history at the University of Chicago, for
his exhaustive research.
The rare and beautiful hanging scroll painting by
the sister artists Hirai Renzan and Nagahara Baien
Above all I want to thank my wife, Cornelia, for all
(nr. 12) is another discovery that should excite spe-
the support, encouragement, and help that she has
cialists in the field. The sisters were not just famous
given me during this catalog production.
in their day as painters and key figures of the literati
world, but also as innovators in the world of music
in nineteenth-century Japan. The research by my
brother, Hans Bjarne Thomsen, has tuned up a
Erik Thomsen
number of important facts regarding these until now
New York, March 2007
neglected sister artists.
For its beautiful form, patina, and design I immediately fell in love with the crescent moon basket by
Chikubōsai (nr. 17), when I first saw it four years ago,
but it took that long for the owner to part with it.
I feel certain that you will enjoy it, too.
Screens
1
Views of Sakamoto and
Hiyoshi Shrine
Momoyama Period (1568–1615); late 16th century
depiction of a restaurant. The latter shows a care-
H 66 ½" × W 148 ¾"
fully constructed scene with two customers receiving
(169 cm × 378 cm)
sake in red lacquer sakazuki cups. In the back, sake
Six-panel screen with ink and colors on gold foil
is shown heated in chōshi wine-pouring kettles over
a large stone oven. In front of the shop, a traveler
In this screen, the viewer is presented with a location
is shown washing his feet in a basin as he readies
in Ōmi province, or present Shiga Prefecture, by
himself to go inside.
Lake Biwa. The village in the lower right is Sakamoto
and the shrine in the middle of the composition is
The screen is a genre painting with a specific religious
Hiyoshi Shrine. The palanquin accompanied by sev-
meaning: it is a mandala, a map of religious power,
eral samurai and porters to the left is headed toward
where the various religious elements are mapped
Miidera, or Mii Temple, whose entrance structure,
out on a power grid and placed in relation to each
complete with a Niō guardian figure, can be seen at
other.1 The three specific points contrasted against
the very left edge of the screen.
each other are the Hiyoshi Shrine in the center, the
Mii Temple to the left, and the city of Sakamoto to
The screen has many fine details and rewards close
the right. The routes between them are carefully
scrutiny. Among the scenes depicted is a monk
delineated, with pilgrims mixing with those on secu-
guiding a pilgrim to a gorintō grave, the imposing
lar business, including the people carrying goods.
Niō figure at the gate, the various tōri entrance
Thus, it is no accident that the three sites are placed
structures for shrines, travelers of various kinds, two
equidistant from each other as they are placed in
pilgrim courtiers traveling with their page, a sole
context to each other.
pilgrim negotiating a mountainous path, various
people taking a rest, and the aforementioned palan-
There seems to be an editorial comment on the
quin carrying an important person and accompanied
relative importance as well, as the Hiyoshi Shrine is
by samurai with swords and halberd.
placed squarely in the center, while the Miidera only
appears as a gate to the side. Likewise, the samurai
The village is especially carefully detailed and
and non-pilgrim traveler with retinue head for the
features shop marks and signs, travelers resting,
Miidera, while the Hioyshi Shrine seems to be the
itinerant monks with mantras on their back, a mother
destination for the pilgrim courtiers and other
nursing her infant, a tea house with a waitress and a
pilgrims. Seen in this context, the artist may have
two-panel flower screen in its interior, and a detailed
been making a negative comment on the drinking
and merrymaking in Sakamoto village, as he made
his case for the importance of Hiyoshi Shrine.
This seems to be a unique screen depicting this
view. There are other screens of this general area:
for example, a sixteenth-century pair of screens
from the Muromachi period in the Shiga Prefectural
Museum of Modern Art shows the eight views of
Lake Biwa, and an early Edo piece in the Suntory
Museum of Art does the same; however, no other
screens seem to have centered on Hiyoshi Shrine.2
It is possible that this screen was an object commissioned by the shrine to give to a supporter.
2
Views Inside and Outside of Kyoto
(Rakuchū Rakugaizu)
Edo period (1615–1868), 1630s–40s
samurai or rōnin, shops selling their wares, and
H 37 ½" × W 117 ¼" each
travelers viewing the sites. The people include: blind
(95 cm × 298 cm)
musicians with their biwa, Ji Sect dancers and gong
Pair of six-panel screens, ink, color and gold
beaters, beggars, samurai, prostitutes, officials,
on gold foil and paper.
lepers, monks, salesmen, vendors, and many others.
The shops include a place selling ducks and pheas-
This remarkable pair of screens shows scenes inside
ants, a tea shop on the street, brothels, pawn broker,
and outside of Kyoto in the seventeenth century.
textile shop, hat shop, and many other stores, some
This is a type of screen that found popularity from
with prominently displayed shop marks.
the sixteenth century in the late Muromachi period
through the Momoyama and Edo periods. They
The dating of these screens has generally been done
were created with great attention to detail and the
on the appearance and disappearance of famous
pair at hand is a particularly fine example from the
structures. Of these, the appearance of structures is
early Edo period.
relatively sure: we know that the screen cannot have
been made before the appearance of a new building,
The screens show the famous sites of the eastern
say Yodo Castle.1 In this pair of screens, we can see
and the western sides of the capital city. On the
the following early seventeenth-century structures:
eastern side, we see the following sites (going
the new Great Buddha Hall (Daibutsuden), Yodo
from right to left): Inari Shrine, Great Buddha Hall
Castle (Yodojō), and Nijō Castle (Nijōjō). As these
(Daibutsuden), the bell tower of the Great Buddha
structures were built or remodeled in, respectively,
Hall, Sanjūsangendō, Gojō Bridge, Kiyomizu Temple,
1612, 1625, and 1626, this places the screens to
Gion Shrine, Kamo Shrine, and the Imperial Palace.
after 1626. The aforementioned Daibutsuden was
On the western side, we see (again from the right):
struck by lightening and burned down in 1798, so we
Kuramayama, Kamo Shrine, Kibune, Kinkakuji
know at the very latest that the screens were made
Temple, Nijō Castle, Kitano Shrine, Hyakumanben,
before this. An example in the Idemitsu Museum of
Uzumasa (Kōryūji Temple), and Yodo Castle.
Art—which, judging from internal evidence, dates
from 1607–1623— forms a close match in terms of
The amount of details on the screens is nothing
composition, detail, and the use of gold clouds and
short of amazing. Some of the activities we see
color.2 Based on the comparison with the Idemitsu
include: horse racing at Kamo Shrine, archery com-
screen and others, it is likely that the present screen
petition at the Sanjūsangendō, the Gion festival
derives from the same painting workshop, and that it
procession, sword fights between masterless
was also painted in the early part of the seventeenth
century.
The screens were made as presents and sometimes
as expensive souvenirs for provincial lords on visits
to Kyoto. As such they carried an aura of cultural
prestige and were treasured as reflections of the
ancient capital city. The present work seems to have
been treasured for generations. A new owner apparently replaced the old screen box by making a new
wooden box, dated in 1831, the twelfth year of the
Tenpō period.
10
3
Pheasants and
Blooming Cherry Trees
Two monumental cherry blossom trees span across
Kano School Artist
pheasant pair huddles under the tree by a meander-
the panels and two pheasant pairs appear. One
ing stream, the other pair is shown in a wilderness,
Edo period (1615–1868), 17th century
with moss-covered rocks. Each scene is richly framed
H 68" × W 144" each
within luxurious golden clouds in different hues. No
(173 cm × 366 cm)
expense is spared with the pigments: they are partly
Pair of six-panel screens, ink,
ground minerals and precious stones and partly
mineral colors and gofun on gold foil
ground oyster shells (gofun), which have been piled in
moriage high-relief patterns to form the cherry petals.
14
Although the artist depicts cherry trees, pheasants,
lineated and stylized river flows by. The birds shown
and spring in both screens, the two halves were
are a pheasant type imported from China (Syrmati-
designed to work both with and against each other.
cus humiae; Mrs. Hume’s Pheasant), an exotic bird
While there are obvious similarities, there are also
that appears in Japanese paintings as markers of the
contrasting ideas at work.
foreign and exotic.1 The cherry type also is not one
found in the wild, but one that had been cultivated
The screen to the right features a garden scene with
for the park and garden. The overall effect is of ex-
an imported pheasant pair seemingly under pro-
otic beings in a carefully controlled domestic space.
tection by the imposing cultivated weeping cherry
(shidare sakura) hovering over them. A clearly de-
15
The left screen presents the viewer with a clear con-
a fantastic rock formation to the left looks toward
trast. The pheasant here is the yamadori (Syrmaticus
the female hiding in a clump of low-lying bamboo.
soemmerringii; Copper
Pheasant) 2,
a native pheasant
type that has always been part of Japan’s natural
and poetic
world.3
The exuberant cherry tree is the
The overall effect here is that of majestic and powerful natural forces and the native Japanese creatures
that survive within them.
quintessential native type that is found all over Japan,
in nature as well as in other settings. The screen
In short, the themes that the artist conveys here are
depicts a pheasant pair away from each other; they
those of the domesticated and the wild; of the con-
appear on the sides and out of the protection of the
trolled garden and unfettered nature. In extension,
huge, gnarled cherry tree in the center. The male on
we see the exotic and the domestic. The similarities
16
and differences of the two screens were carefully
use of pigments, the present work was likely made
composed in order to create a dynamic interplay
by an artist in a main branch of the school, perhaps
between them.
in Edo, who had been commissioned by the powerful military elites. They needed gold screens to light
Judging from the subject matter and the treatment
up the dark interiors of their temples and palaces,
of details, such as the rock formations and the tex-
and this screen pair gave the owner the tantalizing
ture strokes on the trees, this work is of the Kano
possibility of creating either a vision of the domestic
school in the seventeenth century. This was a time
or exotic—or both—within his rooms, when enter-
when the Kano artists were in ascendancy and made
taining important guests.
works with high standards. Judging from the lavish
17
4
Winter Landscape with
Flowering Plum
Edo period (1615–1868), circa 1800
realistically depicted long-tailed bird on the tree
H 72" × W 65 ¾"
branch and through the composition of a large tree,
(183 cm × 167 cm)
crossing the plane of the painting. In addition, the
Two-panel screen with painting in ink,
bird is clearly exotic—that is, it does not appear
mineral colors and gofun on gold foil
among native Japanese bird species.1 Japanese
elements come through the format of the two-fold
The screen depicts a winter scene with a long-tailed
screen, through the patterning of the water (straight
bird seated on the upper branches of a plum tree,
out of the indigenous Rimpa tradition) and through
covered with snow. Beneath, a stream meanders by.
the texture strokes of the tree, which stems from the
The plum tree is blossoming with multitudes of buds
Kano school painters. In fact, the work is a success-
and flowers as harbingers of the coming spring.
ful synthesis of a number of sources that work well
as a coherent new whole: a virtuoso performance of
The painter of this work was affiliated with the Na-
painting skills.
gasaki school, a loosely grouped school of painters
who partly trained under Chinese artists in Nagasaki
The auspicious symbolism expressed here is that
and partly learned by copying Chinese paintings in
of new awakenings and success through persever-
Japanese collections. The term is vague as there are
ance. We see traces of the harsh winter, and through
no direct family lines—such as in the Kano school—
the snow, the new plum blossoms promise a new
but rather an increasingly tenuous association
beginning and the coming of spring. The bird also
whose connection to Chinese artists grew smaller
symbolizes this new awakening, as it seems to exult
over time. As time went on, the works became a
in the coming good times. Finally, a further auspi-
reworking of Chinese themes, usually in the form of
cious message is given by the elegantly intertwining
a realistically painted foreign bird or animal, often
branches of the plum tree. They form an ancient
incorporated within Japanese contexts.
symbol of good governance, and intertwining trees
were carefully recorded in dynastic histories, going
This painting is a fine example of this type. The
Chinese connection is made clear through the
18
back to ancient China.
5
Fish and Plants
Ikeda Keisen 池田桂仙 (1863–1931)
Meiji Period (1868 –1912), dated 1908
in 1880. He also received lessons in Chinese poetry
H 54" × W 113"
from the scholars Tani Tesshin 谷鉄臣 (1821–1905)
(137 cm × 287 cm)
and Ema Tenkō 江馬天江 (1825–1901), as well as
Six-panel screen; gold flakes, colors,
calligraphy training from Nishio Kahō 西尾鹿峰. No
and ink on silk
trouble or expense was spared by the father to give
his son the best possible grounding for a future
Inscription:
career as a literati painter.
»1908, 15th day of the 8th month.
Keisen quickly became accepted as a leading Nanga
Copying my father’s drawings, I paint this.«
painter of Kyoto and became one of the pioneering
[Signed] Keisen Itsushi Masa 戊申仲秋望日倣家翁之
painters of the Bunten National Exhibition. From the
図画之桂仙逸士昌
first Bunten Exhibition in 1907, he participated ten
Seals: Keisen 桂仙 and another
times, the last in the eleventh Bunten Exhibition in
1922. Along the way, he won numerous prizes and
This striking six-panel folding screen contains fine,
had two works accepted for the same exhibition on
detailed painting of a teeming multitude of fish,
several occasions, a most unusual feat at the time.
vegetables, shellfish, flowers, and fruit. A tour-de-
With Komura Suiun 小室翠雲 (1874–1945) and Yano
force work of naturalistic painting, the artist has
Kyōson 矢野橋村, Keisen became one of the found-
depicted over thirty kinds of fish, fifty kinds of veg-
ers of the influential Japan Nanga Institute 日本南
etables and fruit, and almost eighty kinds of flowers
画院 in 1921. From then to his death, Keisen worked
into a dense, closely interwoven composition. All
for the success of the organization, often taking part
four seasons are represented, mixed together seem-
in exhibitions held by the group. Along with Yamada
ingly without a pattern based on the times of year.
Kaidō 山田介堂 (1869–1924) and Tanabe Chikuson
There is instead a rhythmic balance between sizes,
田辺竹邨 (1863–1922), Keisen received the distinction
colors, and shapes, and also an additional, unusual
of being called one of the »three great Kyoto Nanga
balance between sections in monochrome ink (such
artists of the Taishō period (1912–1926).«3
as the flowering plum in the lower right corner) and
colored images.1 In addition, the artist has created a
At least as interesting as the unusual subject matter
diagonal movement from upper right to lower left,
is the fascinating inscription on the screen. Keisen
which crosses the composition. Due to these many
writes that the work is »copied from drawings (or
elements of balance, repetition, and overall order,
sketches) done by the ›kaō‹ 家翁.« The latter term
the dense composition and number of detail does
can be read either as »old master of the house,«
not overwhelm the viewer, but rather pulls him or
»leader of the painting line,« or »my father.« In
her into the painting, and delights with the rich and
Keisen’s case, it was likely a combination of all three,
often humorous details.
as Keisen’s father was his primary teacher for a
number of years, and, furthermore, as Keisen was
The artist of this remarkable painting, Ikeda Keisen
seen as a painter in his father’s line. In other words,
(1863–1931), was son and pupil of the famous Nanga
Keisen’s multitudes of fish and plant studies seem
painter Ikeda Unshō 池田雲樵 (1823–1886).2 Born in
to have been copied from his father’s sketches or
Ise (present Mie Prefecture), Keisen received a thor-
drawings. The fact that the father had such a large
ough training in painting from his father. Together
collection of drawings is interesting, but hardly
they moved to Kyoto in 1874, where Keisen enrolled
unprecedented: other artists have left large number
in the Kyoto Prefectural Art School 京都府画学校
of sketches behind after their death. The more
22
surprising fact is that Keisen, by piecing together his
Keisen is not only recreating the spirit of his father
father’s many smaller images into a large mosaic, is
by copying his hand, but he is also interweaving
here creating a commemorative piece in memory of
the sketches into a larger mosaic and composition
his dead father through the recreation of the father’s
that is very much the work of his own. The amaz-
art.4
ing details and work that this painting would have
This is not only a rare event, but possibly one
without precedence in the history of Japanese art.5
required—not to speak of the time it took for its
completion—speaks of an inner, almost obsessive
24
meaning for the artist: this was clearly not a work
his personal way to create order in the memories:
created for quick profit or (with the private inscrip-
of recreating the memory of his father by copying
tion) for public exhibition. The creation of the work
his sketches, but then controlling these recreations
may even have been a moment of catharsis for
within a tightly woven framework of his own. In the
Keisen, as he sought peace from his memories of
end, this remarkable work not only tells us about the
the father by whom he was taught many years, per-
work of the famous father and of the son, but also of
haps leaving mixed memories. Here was, perhaps,
their relationship.
25
6
Blue Phoenix: Seiran 青鸞
Ōmura Kōyō 大村広陽(1891–1983)
Taisho Period (1912–1926), 1921
main students of Takeuchi Seihō, but also for the
H 74 ¾" × W 148" each
light they shed on the development of Japanese
(190 cm × 376 cm)
painting in the Taishō period. This discovery will
Pair of oversized six-panel screens
likely be the focus of art historical research, not only
Mineral colors on silk backed with gold foil.
in the USA but also in Japan.
Exhibited:
The artist Kōyō graduated from the Kyoto Municipal
The Third Teiten National Art Exhibition, Tokyo, 1921
School of Arts and Crafts in 1911 at the age of 21.
He went on to study at and graduate top of his
Published:
class from the Kyoto Municipal School of Painting
Fukuyama Shiritsu Fukuyamajō Hakubutsukan 福山
in 1914, and became a student of Takeuchi Seihō in
市立福山城博物館, ed. Ōmura Kōyō meisakuten
that year. His first major exhibition was in 1911 at
大村広陽名作展 (Fukuyama: Fukuyama Shiritsu
the fifth Bunten National Art Exhibition, where he
Fukuyamajō Hakubutsukan 福山市立福山城博物館,
won a certificate of merit. He repeatedly won prizes
1984), supp. material, 3.
for his work at national art exhibitions, including the
Bunten, the Teiten and the Shin-Bunten, where he
Inscriptions:
exhibited almost continuously from 1912 until the
On painting, signed: Kōyō 広陽.
war. His mukansa 無鑑査, or non-vetted status, was
Sealed: 1) Kōyō 広陽, 2) Ōmura kinshin 大村槿臣.
granted by the mid 30s.
Label on back of screen: both screens with:
Seiran Kyoto Ōmura Kōyō 青鸞・京都・大村広陽;
The screens were made by Kōyō in 1921 after a
Label on original lacquered wooden storage box:
lengthy trip to the Dutch East Indies, or present
Seiran Kyoto Ōmura Kōyō 青鸞・京都・大村広陽
Indonesia, during the previous year. Sketches from
the Indonesian trip are extant and are sometimes
This monumental pair of screens represents the mas-
exhibited in the place of the original screens.2 In
terpiece of the Nihonga painter Ōmura Kōyō. They
addition, Kōyō made a number of other works in
caused a stir in Japan when first exhibited in 1921,
different formats, including hanging scrolls, from the
winning a prize and inspiring a critic to write on the
sketches he had done in Indonesia.3
screens in a major journal. A smaller version of the
screen was even exhibited in Paris in the following
The over-large screens depict a lush tropical jungle
year.1 The pair of screens, however, unaccountably
with remarkable exotic birds and plants. The mating
disappeared from sight and successive exhibitions
ritual of the left male fills the center of the screen.
of Kōyō’s work were unable to show this acclaimed
Trees, ferns, and a large, broad-leaved vine fill the
masterpiece, forcing exhibitors to show preparatory
scene with dazzling greens. The artist achieved the
sketches made for the screens or to show (as in the
golden glow of the scene by backing the silk with
major 1984 exhibition of his work) a black-and-white
gold foil. To the right another male calmly surveys the
image from the Teiten exhibit in 1921.
display, its mate affectionately craning her neck upwards. A lone parakeet sits quietly among the wispy
This exhibition marks the reappearance of the screens
branches in awe of the scene unfolding before it.
after eighty years, during which time it seems never
to have been publicly shown. The discovery of the
The large flowering plant is the Royal Poinciana,
screens is important, not only because they are the
(Delonix regia family Fabaceae), which bears large,
acclaimed masterpiece of Ōmura Kōyō, one of the
colorful blossoms. It is also known by a number of
26
other names, such as Flamboyant Tree, Peacock
During the first exhibition of the Seiran, the author
Flower, Flame of the Forest, and Flame Tree; it is
and critic Satō Rinmei 佐藤凛明 wrote a glowing
plentiful in Jakarta. On the screens, the vivid Poinci-
comment on Kōyō’s work in the national journal
ana flowers range in color from a rich vermillion hue
Nihon oyobi Nihonjin 日本及日本人 in the Novem-
to a pale orange.
ber 1921 issue: 13
The three large birds (a single male to the left and
Expanding the subject matter of Nihonga to the
a pair to the right) are the Great Argus (Argusianus
world, this works takes the sights of the tropical
argus) birds, and are native to Borneo and Sumatra.
mountain forests of the Dutch East Indies and makes
During mating season, the male cups his feathers,
it its own. The screen begins with flaming trees,
in the manner shown in the
screen.4
The birds are
phoenix trees, and other exotic tropical plants, and
known for their distinctive plumage and cry, and are
goes as far as placing peacocks [sic] on the trees in
very difficult to see in the wild, due to their shyness.5
both screens; one has to call the effect dazzling and
The small bird sitting on a branch to the right of the
exquisite. The extreme colors of the tropical birds,
left screen is a male Alexandrine Parakeet (Psittacula
overflowing with vigor, cause deep satisfaction in
eupatria).6 As this parakeet is not native to Indonesia
the viewer—similar to the feeling of reading greatly
and as the Argus is very hard to see in nature, one
solemn sutra texts. Just like that time in ancient
suspects that Kōyō made his sketches in a Jakarta
India when many geniuses lived at one time, I feel
zoo rather than in
nature.7
that we have now reached a peak moment. When
I thought that I would be fully satisfied with the
The trip to Indonesia and the showing of the Seiran
peacock pair on the right screen, the single peacock
was done at a pivotal period in Kōyō’s life; it coin-
on the left gave off a tremendous cry, its tail spread-
cided with his marriage, a move to his own studio,
ing out like an explosion of fire. The entire surfaces
and an attempt to make his name in the field. The
of this screen pair give off a luxuriant feeling of
idea of the trip may well have come from his fellow
tranquility: this is the peace that invites a deep
Seihō student Ishizaki Kōyō 石崎光搖 (1884–1947),
meditation on art.14 (113–14)
who undertook a trip to India and the Himalayas in
1916–1917.8 The painting that came out of this trip
In Paris, too, the interest in the Japanese paintings
was the Nekkoku kenshun (»Tropical Country, Beauti-
was notable. Although the smaller version of the
ful Spring«) 熱国妍春, which was exhibited in the
Seiran exhibited there was not directly mentioned,
12th Bunten in
1918.9
It features a Bird of Paradise
within a lush jungle that fills the whole surfaces
interest in the exhibition caused numerous articles
to appear in art journals.15
of the screens. While there are similarities in both
the composition and the colors used, Kōyō’s work
This work was not shown publicly after 1921, but
depicts a breathtaking attention to the details of
small-scale versions were used at several venues,
the fauna and
wildlife.10
including the aforementioned Paris exhibition in
1922.16 It remains a mystery how a work that had
Kōyō exhibited several times in Europe: in France
(1922 and 1929), Italy (1930), and Germany
(1931).11
been so well received in Japan and whose smaller
He
version was exhibited internationally in 1922 could
held a private show in 1964 at the Hankyū department
disappear entirely out of view for over eighty years.
store in Osaka, and in 1974, at the same venue, held
This exhibition and the rediscovery of the master-
a sixty year commemorative exhibition. The Kyoto
piece Seiran is a cause for celebration for anyone
Prefectural Center for Arts and Culture held a retro-
with interest in twentieth-century Japanese painting.
spective of his work in 1976. In 1984, the year after
his death, the Fukuyama Castle Museum held a major
posthumous exhibition of his important works.12
28
Paintings
7
Fishing Village in Evening Glow
Attributed to Kano Motonobu 狩野元信 (1476–1559)
Edo period (1615–1868), 17th century
Sky in Evening Snow, Autumn Moon over Dongting
H 19" × W 52 ½" (incl. mounting 60 ¾" × 58 ½")
Lake, Night Rain on the Xiao and Xiang, Evening
(48 cm × 133.3 cm, 154.5 cm × 148.5 cm)
Bell from Mist-Shrouded Temple, and Fishing Village
Hanging scroll; ink on paper
in the Evening Glow. Since then, the poetry and the
painting pertaining to this site have traditionally
Seal and inscriptions:
been done in sets of eight with the above titles. The
painting before us describes the Fishing Village in
Seal: Motonobu 元信
the Evening Glow and was likely conceived as a set
Outer box inscription: »Landscape by the brush
of eight works.
of Motonobu« 山水元信筆
Inner box inscription: »A wonderful object: an ink
landscape by the Kohōgen [Kano
Motonobu]1«
The format and size of this painting are also
influenced by history. The earliest examples of the
古法眼水墨山水妙品. Lengthy biographic inscription
Eight Views to come to Japan were thought to be
inside box cover.
in handscroll format, and of these, sets attributed
to Yujian and Muqi survive. These handscrolls were
In the mountains, a fishing village appears by the
divided and mounted into sets of eight separate
shore, fishing boats float on the lake, and villag-
hanging scrolls at the command of Shogun Ashikaga
ers walk back toward their home. The painter has
Yoshimitsu (1358–1408), whose seal of ownership
depicted an idyllic scene in the mountains, far from
appears on the scrolls. These were large handscrolls
the bustle of the metropolitan centers. By skillfully
and hence the hanging scrolls were of considerable
varying the tonalities of his ink washes, he has cre-
size. They were fitted into the alcoves of the power-
ated a sense of deep space and even of the relative
ful of the realm and were viewed, at privileged occa-
distances of the far-away peaks. Details are mostly
sions, as pinnacles of Chinese paintings existing in
done in darker tones, and delineate the houses and
Japan. Due to their fame and desirability, later paint-
activities of the fishers and villagers; even several
ers catering to the powerful and famous, such as the
types of trees within the village are carefully differ-
heads of the Kano schools, created ink paintings in
entiated.
the same size and format as these large handscroll
sections. In other words, the present painting aligns
This subtle work does not depict a generic moun-
not only with the subject matter of these Chinese
tain scene, but rather one with a specific meaning,
predecessors, but also with their size and format.
derived from older Chinese poetry and painting
traditions. This is, in fact, one of the eight views of
Is this a painting by Kano Motonobu? Probably not,
the Xiao and Xian rivers, a location in the Hunan
although its many owners certainly seem to have
Province of China, where the two rivers join and flow
thought so. The painting comes in a double box, the
together into Lake Dongting. This stretch has been a
inner from mid-Edo period and the outer from the
famous area since antiquity for its exquisite scenery.
early twentieth century. Both carry inscriptions that
emphasize this work as that of Motonobu. And, in
Landscape of the Xiao and Xiang Rivers are thought
fact, the criteria on which such decisions were made
to have first been painted as a set of eight scenes in
have shifted greatly over the last century. In looking
the mid-11th century by the Northern Song painter
at the Motonobu paintings and seals illustrated in
Song Di. The eight scenes were entitled Wild Geese
early twentieth-century publications, one is struck
Descending to Sandbar, Returning Sails off a Distant
with the inclusiveness of the concept of Motonobu.2
Coast, Mountain Market in Clearing Mist, River and
The number and variety of seals accepted today has
36
gone down drastically, but no one dares say that
these are the last words on the
subject.3
body pressed a spurious seal of Motonobu on the
work—this may have been the act of an overzealous
owner, connoisseur, or later Kano painter, trying
Rather, the questions should be directed at the
to complete in visual terms what they believed to
painting before us. An object out of the seventeenth
be the true circumstances of the painting, thinking
century, it was carefully created by a competent
that surely, a painting this good must come from the
artist, who was keenly aware of historical prec-
brush of Motonobu. To think of this work in terms
edents and poetic meanings. It was created for an
of the dichotomy of forgery or genuine misses the
important client, who could show such a work in his
point: the work stands before us and demands to
or her large alcove, and it has been passed down
be heard on its own terms, as a masterpiece of an
from generation to generation as an object worthy
anonymous Kano-school painter of the 17th century.
of veneration. At some point along the way, some-
37
8
Hotei at the Tennō Festival
Hakuin Ekaku 白隠慧鶴 (1685–1768)
Edo Period (1615–1868), mid 1750s
that the latter shrine or an affiliated shrine closer to
H 35 ½" × W 10 ¼" (incl. mounting 66 ½" × 11")
Hakuin’s village of Hara was intended as the setting
(90.3 cm × 26 cm, 169 cm × 27.7 cm)
of Hakuin’s painting.3
Hanging scroll; ink on paper
The role of the object in Hotei’s hand may be related
Inscriptions and seals:
to games of shuttlecock at a shrine festival, as suggested by Rosenfield.4 Another possibility is that
「はやせや、子ども、ワひワひと はやせ」
the object has some kind of a talismanic property,
Hayase ya, kodomo, waiwai to hayase
especially since one of the extant examples of this
»Cheer on, children! Yell, shout, and cheer on!«
type has an additional line of inscription, saying:
Seals: Kokan-i, Ekaku, and Hakuin in kettle form.
「満ぶ里をとらせ」maburi wo torase, that is, »take
the amulets!«5 This note suggests a connection to
The box title is inscribed「白隠禅師墨蹟布袋図・はや
the Sansōrō Festival 参候祭り, an annual festival
せや子ども」and signed on the inside by the noted
that occurred in the late autumn at the Tsushima
Zen painting specialist Awakawa Kōichi 淡 川 康 一
Shrine and its related shrines. During this festival, a
(1902–1977). Awakawa wrote several books on Zen
play featuring the Seven Gods of Fortune, includ-
paintings, including a book on Hakuin, and was seen
ing Hotei, is put on to guarantee a good harvest for
as one of the leading Zen art specialists of his time.
the upcoming year. At a key moment, a mikoshi, or
portable shrine, is carried through the crowd with
The inscribed dialogue is colloquial with the inflec-
an image of the goddess Kannon. Once the mikoshi
tions of the local dialect. Hotei is holding an object
arrives at the temple, children perform a dance, and
of some kind and is urging children to cheer on.
fukumochi (small rice cakes bringing good luck)
The »hayase« in the inscription means, according to
are thrown from the top of the shrine by the Seven
dictionaries, to »yell in a loud voice to encourage
Gods. The cakes, with their talismanic function and
something or someone«; it is, however, not clear
(presumably) good taste, are then snatched up eager-
why the children should be cheering or what the
ly by the children and the crowd below.
object of their cheer is. The object in Hotei’s hand
presents the viewer with a tantalizing hint, but does
If Hakuin is referring to this particular festival, then
not clarify the meaning.
the hayase cheering of the children in the inscription
would refer to this turbulent scene of the festival,
For a fuller understanding of the inscription and
and the maburi, or amulets, are the luck-bringing
painting, it is necessary to look at other examples of
cakes thrown at the crowd. The charm of the scene
this
composition.1
There is a number of such works,
painted by Hakuin resides partly in its inherent
and most have an additional line interpolated into
ambiguities: we may imagine that we know what it
the above inscription, namely: »Otennō no matsuri
means, but the cryptic inscription clearly invites a
ja« (»it’s the festival of the Tennō«). The children, it
number of interpretations. It is thus an apt painting
seems, are cheering for an event at a shrine festival.
by Hakuin, the Zen Buddhist abbot who championed
the rule of kōan, the Zen riddle, and a fitting expres-
The Tennō 2 marks a festival for the deity Gozu
sion of a religion that admits no absolute truths.
Tennō 牛頭天王, the protective spirit of the Gion
In the end, Hotei stands with his large bag and
Festival and of a number of major religious institu-
inimitable smile and welcomes us into the painting
tions; for example, the Yasaka Shrine in Kyoto and
to sample the mysteries of enlightenment.
the Tsushima Shrine in Owari Province. It is possible
38
9
Flock of Exotic Birds in Flowering
Plum Trees
Ryōin Onzan 良隠温山 (fl. ca. 1762–1787)
Edo Period (1615–1868), dated 1787
phenomenon of the literary salons that served to
H 44" × W 16 ½" (incl. mounting 78 ¾" × 21 ¾")
disseminate information, the arts, and the material
(112 cm × 42 cm, 200 cm × 55 cm)
culture of non-Japanese origins. Onzan was closely
Hanging scroll; ink and colors on silk
connected to a range of important figures of the
period, in particular to the groups around the Ōbaku
Inscription and seal:
sect monks at the Mampukuji Temple in Uji. We
also know from his biographical entry in the Osaka
»Painted by Onzan, 8th month of 1787«
»Who-Is-Who« of the 1770s, the Naniwa Gōyūroku,
丁未仲秋　温山写 Seal: Ryōin Onzan
that he described himself as a student of the important Nagasaki school painter, Issan 佚山 (1702–78).4
The painter presents the viewer with two flowering
plum trees, one with red blossoms and the other
The teacher Issan was an Ōbaku sect literary monk
with white, both framing a busy flock of various
who excelled in painting, writing, and seal carving.
birds. The birds are not ones that one would expect
He was based in Osaka and took part in the great
to see in nature; in fact, most are exotic species,
wave of interest in China that overtook Japan
accessible in the eighteenth century only as imports
—particularly the Kansai region—during the eigh-
from foreign traders in Nagasaki. The smaller bird
teenth century. This wave of interest was partly
to the top right, for example, is the Bunchō or Java
fueled by the relaxation of restrictions on book im-
Sparrows, Padda oryzivora, originally imported from
ports in the 1720s and the resulting large-scale arrival
the Dutch East Indies.1 Likewise, the larger birds on
of Chinese books, art work, and material culture.5
top are exotic birds not native to Japan. The only
exception are the smaller birds directly underneath
Onzan inherited the interest in Chinese paintings
the Bunchō which are Mejiro or Japanese White
from his teacher, as well as a broad interest in the
Eyes, Zosterops japonica, which could be seen
cultural activities of the time. He published a book
throughout the archipelago, usually as caged birds,
on seal carving in 1762, entitled Hyaku fukuju inpu
since they became widely popular as pets during the
百福寿印譜, and established himself as both a painter
Edo period.
and a Confucian scholar, taking on students in both
fields of endeavor. He lived in various temples
The painting, with its emphasis on the exotic, is of
throughout the Kansai area, including the Seiganji,
a type popular with the Nagasaki School painters.
a Pure Land Temple in Kyoto. 6
Their works typically feature a repertoire of non-native birds and share certain conventional features,
Although traces remain of Onzan’s activities from
such as a composition with large, bird-covered trees;
1762 onwards, the present painting from 1787 is
the trees are usually anchored in rocks and grasses
the last work of his oeuvre—no later work is known.
to the bottom right corner, and their branches swing
Onzan seems to have lived in Kyoto during the
out into the central painting surface.2
latter 1780s, and it is possible that he passed away,
together with many thousands, in the Great Fire of
The painter of this work, Onzan, was a talented
Kyoto that swept the city in the first month of 1788,
literary monk, living in Osaka and Kyoto. We know of
just five months after the completion of this work.7
him that he was an author, a seal carver, a Confu-
If so, this painting may well be one of the last works
cian scholar, and a painter in the Nagasaki line.3 He
that this talented monk painter was able to finish
was a member of the booming eighteenth-century
during his short lifetime.
40
10
Bamboo and Rocks
Gyokurin 玉 潾 (1751–1814)
Edo period (1615–1868), dated 1813
scene of bamboo and rocks, painted in ink over a
H 49 ½" × W 22 ¼" (incl. mounting 78" × 28 ¼")
series of twelve large sliding doors.8
(125.5 cm × 56.5 cm, 198 cm × 72 cm) each
Hanging scroll; ink on paper
Not only do we see Gyokurin’s skill in the variety of
sizes and formats, but also in the variety of painting
Inscriptions, signatures an seals:
styles he employed. In this respect, it is useful to compare the present work with similar paintings in a pair
Right painting signed »Gyokurin, from Ōmi. Painted
of six-panel screens in the collection of Joe and Etsuko
in the eleventh month of the winter of the tenth year
Price (Shin’enkan).9 The Price screens are likewise
of Bunka [1813] at the age of sixty-three.«
signed 淡海玉 潾 and are dated to »the Autumn of
文化癸酉冬十一月、六十三叟、淡海玉 潾 .
1812,« that is, only a year before the present painting
Left painting signed »Gyokurin, from Ōmi« 淡海玉 潾
pair. Despite the similarities in date and relative sizes,
Seals: 1) »The painting / calligraphy seal of Gyokurin
the viewer is struck by the rich variety of styles in the
淡海玉 潾 書画印. »Pale mist«
two works. In the Price work Gyo-kurin paints bam-
蒼霞 1
boo from the rough to the smooth, from vigorous,
A pair of ink paintings with bamboo in summer and
spontaneous brush work derived from the Ōbaku
autumn: on the left, the bamboo leaves are formed
bamboo painter, 大鵬 Taihō,10 to more carefully
by brisk autumn winds and, on the right, the leaves
drawn examples, deriving from Chinese academic
are shown immovable in the hot summer weather.
paintings.11
The leaves and branches of the bamboo plants are
depicted in two modalities of ink, giving the paint-
The paintings here clearly depict bamboo in the
ings a sense of depth.
style of the Chinese Academy: we see this in the
carefully drawn stems, the two separate modalities,
Gyokurin 2
was born in present-day Shiga Prefecture
the Chinese rocks in the foreground, and in the
and became a monk as well as a painter of the
layout of the composition, which places the bamboo
Kyoto area. He studied under the monk Gyokuō
roots in the corner or the center of the panel. Older
玉翁
(1733–1822) 3
Yamashina5.
at the Eikandō Temple
永觀堂 4
in
Gyokuō was a leading intellectual and
was known for his poetry as well as for his paintings
of
bamboo.6
Gyokuō learned his painting skill by
studying Chinese bamboo paintings dating from the
Yuan and Ming
dynasties.7
Chinese prototypes with these characteristics can be
found in Japanese temple collections. For example
the pair of bamboo paintings in the Nanzenji, traditionally attributed to Chao Meng-chien (1199–1267),
and the pair of bamboo paintings attributed to Wu
Chen (1280–1354) in the Jishōin Temple.12 Both of
these paintings are recorded as having been seen
Gyokurin became a member of the circle of literati
and studied by painters in the circles of Daiten and
painters around the monk Daiten Kenjō 大典顕常
Jakuchū in the late 18th century.13
(1718–1801), who likewise stemmed from Ōmi.
Daiten was at a time the abbot of the Shōkokuji
The present painting pair was painted six years after
Temple in Kyoto, and it is probably no coincidence
the Shōkokuji panels and just ten months before
that Gyokurin’s most famous commissioned work can
Gyokurin’s death in the ninth month of 1814. As
be found today on the walls of the main audience
such it stands as a significant example of his oeuvre,
hall of that temple. The style of the Shōkokuji work is
documenting the variety of painting styles available
similar to the present painting pair, but is expanded
to this artist at the peak of his powers, and in the
to a monumental scale: it depicts a continuous
last stage in his life.14
42
11
Painting of Mount Fuji
Okamoto Toyohiko 岡本豊彦 (1773–1845)
Edo Period (1615–1868), dated 1839
a sense of a misty distance. He has painted this
H 21 ½" × W 42 ¾" (incl. mounting 66 ¾" × 48 ½")
landscape with a section of gold clouds, as was his
(54.5 cm × 108.5 cm, 169.5 cm × 123 cm)
want, next to the mountain peak.3 This was in part
Hanging scroll; gold, colors, and ink on paper
to create a golden glow to the painting, but also as
a reference to earlier traditions, particularly those of
Inscription, signature and seal:
the Tosa school, of painting gold clouds in landscape compositions.
Dated: 1839 (Tenpō 10 天保己亥)
Signature: Toyohiko 豊彦
Toyohiko became a key artist in the Kyoto art world
Seal: »Seal of Oka Toyohiko« 豊彦岡乃印
after the passing away of the old guard, including his
master, Matsumura Goshun, in 1811. In the twentieth
One of Japan’s most famous views, Mount Fuji, was
century, Toyohiko and his circle have been thought
thought to be best seen from the pines of the sandy
of as part of a loosely formed group of artists de-
Matsubara.1
scribed as Shijō painters, a problematic term that
peninsula, Miho no
Toyohiko has here
described that scene, with Fuji to the upper left,
was not used by the painters themselves. Toyohiko
partly obscured by clouds, and Miho no Matsubara
became famous within his lifetime and received
to the lower right. The artist makes a case for the
commissions from many Kyoto institutions, including
monumental quality of the mountain by placing its
the imperial household.
peak above the clouds and by correspondingly placing the sandy peninsula toward the very bottom on
Although clearly well versed in the Chinese painting
the right.
prototypes, Toyohiko usually depicted scenes with
associations to Japan’s classic past, such as Mount
Toyohiko was known for his misty landscapes, and
Fuji and Miho no Matsubara. He consciously took
we see a partly obscured Mount Fuji through the
part in a longer tradition of depicting Mt. Fuji that
clouds enveloping the
peak.2
The pines on the sandy
encompassed major painters of the past, including
peninsula are skillfully expressed so that only the
Sesshū and Kano Tan’yū. Toyohiko, however, added
trees in the middle distance are distinctly brushed,
his own interpretation of this theme by creating
and both the trees in the foreground and in the far
evocative images based on Japanese traditions in
distance have been purposefully blurred—imparting
poetry and visual representation.
44
12
Shortening View of the
Sumida River 墨水縮景
Hirai Renzan 平井連山 (1798–1886)
Nagahara Baien 長原梅園 (1823?–1898)
Edo period (1615–1868), 1850s
and koto lessons from Nakamura Kōtō 中村勾当, all
H 32 ¼" × W 12 ½" (incl. mounting 66 ¾" × 16 ¼")
leading figures in their field.3
(82 cm × 32 cm, 169.5 cm × 41 cm)
Hanging scroll; ink and colors on silk.
The two sisters eventually became established
figures in the Edo literati and intellectual world and
Inscription, signatures, and seals:
seemed to move effortlessly between the literary
salons of the day. Their names also appear in the
Inscription reads 墨水縮景, or
»Shortening View of the Sumida
biographical dictionaries of leading literary figures
River.1«
published periodically at the time, forming an
Signatures read Renzan 連山 to the right and »Baien
intriguing pattern over the decades of the mid-
Senko hitsu« 梅園仙姑筆, or »by the brush of Baien
nineteenth century. We learn for example, that the
Senko,« to the left. Seals read Renzan 連山 to the
father Kingō appears as a painter in texts published
right and Mako麻姑to the left.
in 1842 and 1846, both times placed next to his
two daughters and at the same address: the girls
An attractive young woman sits by the paper door of
seemed to have lived at home during this time.4 He
a second-story room 2 and prepares to play a musical
does not appear afterwards, and we may presume
instrument that she gingerly holds in her right hand.
that he died between 1846 and 1849, the appear-
She looks back behind her through the snow-covered
ance of the next publication.
pine branches, and seems to be observing a boat
sailing in the darkening winter evening. Her luxuri-
The older sister Renzan appears in texts published
ous dragon-design obi belt and her cotton-lined silk
in 1836, 1842, 1849, 1850, as well as in undated ver-
kimono cascade out in circles on the floor, giving a
sions, but not in the 1857 publication, which only
vivid sense of luxury and color, in dramatic contrast
listed literary figures that lived in Edo.5 In an 1850
to the cold travelers in the monochrome cold of the
entry she is also praised for her musical abilities.6
boat, buffeted by myriad waves and huddled under
The younger sister appears as painter and calligra-
snow-laden umbrellas.
pher in texts published in 1836, 1842, 1849, 1850,
and 1857, as well as in undated versions.7 She seems
This unusual painting in the ukiyoe style was painted
to have stayed in Edo during the 1857 season, unlike
by the most famous sister painters of the Edo Period,
her elder sister.8 Likewise we see that the artist name
Hirai Renzan (1798–1886) and Nagahara Baien (1823–
of Baien, used in the present painting, appears at
1898). The two were the daughters of the painter,
a later date, the first instance in an 1850 text, which
lacquer artist, and connoisseur Hirai Kingō (active
leads us to presume that the painting was created
first half of the nineteenth century). They received
after this date.9
the best possible education from their father and a
number of the artists and intellectuals of their time,
The level at which their abilities were appreciated
in an effort aimed at their becoming key female
in Edo may be seen in a curious parody of biographi-
members of the Edo literati world. Early on, the
cal dictionaries published by Hata Kinkei 畑銀鶏
sisters received painting lessons in from their father,
in 1849, which purports to measure the relative
calligraphy lessons from the noted Sasazaki Kochiku
popularity of the literary figures in terms of their
篠崎小竹 (1781–1851), shamisen lessons from Kineya
longevity.10 In this dictionary, the we see that Renzan
Fujikichi 杵屋藤吉and Kiyomoto Sagaji 清元佐賀次,
is characterized as being »greatly, decidedly, very,
46
very fortunate« 大極上々吉, and is bestowed with
The painting at hand reflects the various life stages
a lifespan of nine hundred years. Baien (here as
of these two intriguing women in interesting ways.
Senko), however, is descried as being »decidedly,
From the childhood with their father, the lacquer
very, very fortunate« 極上々吉, which only nets her
specialist, they learned how to sprinkle the surfaces
eight hundred years. In both cases, they are within
of paintings with gold dust, such as in the nashiji
the upper register of all Edo celebrities featured in
technique in lacquers.14 This technique appears
this, admittedly humorous, survey.
often on their paintings, and here it is evident in the
title slip of the book lying in front of the young
The fame of the two sisters, however, does not lie
woman. The later painting careers of the two women
mainly in their first career as painters and literary
is reflected in the high skill they brought to this
figures. It lies instead in their later key roles in the
painting, a type of collaborative painting for which
Japanese musical movements of the latter half of
they became famous; there is, for example, a similar
the nineteenth century. Suzuki Mitsujirō 鈴木光次郎
painting in the Denver Art Museum.15 In such paint-
notes that the two women were also swept up in the
ings, the younger sister Baien would generally paint
Japanese interest in Chinese popular music forms,
the figure and foreground and the older sister would
championed by Chinese immigrants arriving in Japan
paint the evocative nature scenes in the background.
at this
time.11
This form of music was called the
And finally, their late-life metamorphosis into thriv-
Minshingaku 明清学 and featured the use of various
ing musical careers can be foretold in the musical
Chinese musical instruments and the chanting of
instrument that the woman is holding. This is not
Chinese
texts.12
One immigrant, Lin Dejiang, found
a haphazardly-placed traditional Japanese instru-
his way to Edo and the two women clandestinely
ment, but a newly imported Chinese Gekkin 月琴
became his pupils. They both seemed to have great
or »moon koto.« This was clearly a reference to the
abilities as performers of this musical form, so much
Minshingaku movement in which this instrument was
so, that they came to establish their own schools, the
a key feature in musical ensembles. Likewise the
older sister opening a school in Osaka and taking on
title of the book lying in front of the woman reads
literally hundreds of students, spreading the fashion
»musical recital practice« 暗唱練習, indicating that
of Chinese music to the whole of Kansai area. The
the woman is a student of this new musical form. In
younger sister, Baien, after an initial period in Osaka
other words, the sisters are here painting a student
with her sister, traveled back to Tokyo and set up an
of their new musical art form, and are presenting a
important Minshingaku music school in that
city.13
beautiful woman seated in luxury and enlightenment
to serve as a highly attractive advertisement for their
own schools of music.
48
13
Ascending Carp 昇天之鯉
Shibata Zeshin 柴田是真 (1807–1891)
Meiji period (1868–1912), circa 1880
The artist has cleverly concealed a meaning beyond
H 35 ¾" × W 13 ¼" (incl. mounting 70" × 18")
a mere scene from nature. In this painting, Zeshin
(91 cm × 34 cm, 178 cm × 45.5 cm)
refers back to an old Chinese story of carps trying
Hanging scroll; gold, colors, and ink on silk
to ascend the waterfall at Longmen. A carp had to
ascend the Longmen waterfall to get through the
Signature, seals and inscriptions:
Jishishan Mountains, deep in the Kunlun area. According to the legend, if a carp successfully swims
Signature: Zeshin 是真
Seals: 1) Koma 古満 2) Zeshin 是真 in
up the Longmen Falls (Dragon’s Gate), then it transvessel1
forms itself into a dragon. Upon looking closely, the
Box inscription, outside: Ascending Carp by the
viewer notices that the clouds on the bottom seem
brush of Zeshin　昇天之鯉・是真筆
to come from the bottom and that the water level
Box inscription, inside: »By the brush of Zeshin, who
of the waves descends as it goes toward the right.
gathers the traces of Li Gonglin« 2 inscribed by Ōa
The bottom right is, in fact, the top of a waterfall
Shōsō3
以李龍眠書写之柴是真筆・鶯阿照相識しるす
and with seal.
and the vapors to the right are rising from the falling water below. The carp in midair has successfully
climbed over the fall and is now shown ascending
Zeshin depicts a carp jumping far out of the water
into the heavens, that is, in the process of becom-
and looking back down at the turbulent surface be-
ing a dragon. The title of the painting, »Ascending
low. The depiction of the fish is highly realistic, with
Carp« refers to this legend of the carp that turns
superb details for the scales, fins, and head. The
into a dragon.
waves, in contrast, are stylized, with regular patterns
and a striking spray of water. The water and wave
Shibata Zeshin was a leading artist active in the
patterns relate, in fact, less to real life than to older
early Meiji period. He was greatly skilled in a num-
painting traditions going back to the Kano school
ber of art forms, including painting, lacquer making,
and to pre-Edo painters such as Sesson (1504–1589).
print design, and calligraphy. He had an outstanding
The artist first painted layers of gold on the silk and
studio with talented students specializing in lacquer,
then added the black wave outlines, which caused
painting and prints. While there seems to have
them to stand out in sharp contrast.
been a division of labor among his students, Zeshin
is at his best when he combines several art forms
into one, for example, his lacquer imitating ceramic
bowls or bamboo sections, or his paintings done
in lacquer. We see such combination in this work,
too, in the dark wave lines which were brushed with
a lacquer and ink mixture—a trademark technique
that he invented. His great skills were appreciated
in his lifetime, and contemporary connoisseurs, such
as the unknown inscriber of this box, would compare Zeshin with the great artists of the past, such
as Li Gonglin (1049–1106), a Song period painter
renowned for his ability to bring life to his paintings
of horses.
50
14
A Corner of Mt. Gabi
Nishikawa Shundō 西川春洞 (1847–1915)
Meiji Period (1868–1912), dated 1912
give off qi, a cloudy life force matter that directs the
H 50" × W 16" (incl. mounting 74 ¾" × 21 ¼")
metaphysical forces of nature. Thus the rock spreads
(126.7 cm × 40.8 cm, 190 cm × 54 cm)
auspicious qi throughout the home of the owner,
Hanging scroll; ink on silk
being a spiritual representative of Mount Gabi and
containing its many powers.
Inscription, signature and seals:
The poem contains references to classical Chinese
磊々落々峨備眉一角蔵諸宝中烟雲満屋
literature, and the introductory phrase has other
meanings, such as describing »rocks that fall down,«
With its remarkable features,
which, in this context, was the moment when the
It contains a corner of Gabi Mountain,
rock came falling down from the steep Gabi moun-
Standing in the middle of myriad treasures,
tains. The suggestion of a magical midair flight
While smoky clouds fill the house.
is also reflected in the way the rock was painted:
as floating and surrounded by nothing but empty
Signed: Nyoheijin 如 缾 人 on one day in Meiji 1912
space.4
明治壬子一日 1
Seals: (1) Nishikawa Genjō 西川元讓, (2) Shundō Koji
The artist, Nishikawa Shundō, was one of the most
春洞居士, and (3) another
remarkable calligraphers of his generation.5 He was
the son of a medical doctor, Nishikawa Genrin, the
Nishikawa Shundō describes a taihu rock, an essen-
physician of the Karatsu daimyō. The father taught
tial part of Chinese gardens.2 He delineates the rock
his son calligraphy from an early age and Shundō
with rough ink outlines, which he filled out with ink
developed into a child prodigy.6 He became famous
of varying modalities, giving the rock a three-dimen-
as a scholar of calligraphy and devoted himself to
sional shape; the rough lines and uneven ink wash
its practice and research, particularly the stele and
successfully recreates the rough surface texture
bronze vessel inscriptions.7 Shundō was also well
of such rocks. The composition, which places the
known as a seal carver; he is seen as a key Japanese
rock—seemingly flying in air—without any contexts,
practitioner in this field. The complex seal to the
reminds the viewer of the legends associated with
bottom left of this scroll is an example of this type.
these rocks, many of which were said to have been
inhabited by animal spirit and form. Here, the rock
As the quintessential literati scholar, Shundō had no
seems to have taken on a metaphysical aspect as it
interest in government politics, and when, in 1868,
echoes the shape of a dragon, twisting and coiling
the Meiji regime summoned him to an important
in midair.
post, he turned down the offer. Instead, older Chinese cultural ideals appealed to him, especially the
The inscription functions on a number of levels. On
cultivation of poetry, calligraphy, classical Chinese
one level, it describes an actual rock, likely seen by
literature, seal carving, and painting—all of which
the artist. The artist suggests that the rock came
come together in this work. The painting stands as
from the famous Gabi Mountain, one of the three
a testament to the achievements of this remarkable
great sacred sites of Chinese Buddhism and a place
artist and to his belief in the values of traditional
replete with magical and spiritual
powers.3
The
artist describes the rock as being in the middle of
many treasures and surrounded by smoky clouds,
a reference to the Chinese belief that mountains
52
Chinese cultural ideals in a rapidly changing and
modernizing world.
15
Deer
Ōmura Kōyō 大村広陽 (1890–1983)
Shōwa period (1926–1989), mid 1930s
Kōyō frequently claimed Takeuchi Seihō 竹内栖鳳
H 56 ¾" × W 16 ¼" (incl. mounting 74 ¼" × 22")
as his teacher and there are clearly common traits
(144 cm × 41.5 cm, 188.5 cm × 56 cm)
between the styles of the two. First of all, there is
Hanging scroll; ink and colors on silk.
an emphasis on the drawn line that evokes the idea
of sketching from life. This was a key to Seihō’s
Signature, seals and inscriptions:
teaching and a feature that repeatedly occurs in his
own paining. It can also be seen in this painting, for
On painting: signature and seal read Kōyō. The
example, in the way that the antlers and the outlines
artist has inscribed the title of the painting on the
of the stag’s head are depicted. Seihō often placed
box: Deer『鹿』. Inside the cover, the artist has writ-
his animal studies against a blank background (as in
ten: Kōyō jidai 広陽自題, »title [written] by the artist,
this image) and created a dynamic balance between
Kōyō.« This is sealed: Kōyō
the various parts of the composition, as in this painting, where Kōyō balances the two softer figures of
This painting of a pair of deer under autumn leaves
the deer below with the clear outlines of the maple
is painted by Ōmura Kōyō, the same artist that
branches above. Finally, Seihō usually describes his
produced the monumental work Seiran, described
animals in the middle of a movement, freezing that
elsewhere in this catalog. The hanging scroll de-
specific instant in his painting: Kōyō also stops the
scribes a stag facing the viewer and a doe looking
falling of the autumn leaves and shows us the very
back toward its mate. The two deer are shown below
moment when the doe looks back on her mate, rec-
branches of a maple tree late in the season: only a
reating autumn in this specific poetic moment.
few leaves remain, indicating the passing of time
and the coming of winter. This point is further em-
This painting was painted in the 1930s, in a transition
phasized by the presence of a few leaves that have
period between Kōyō’s earlier works, which tended
fallen on the ground below.
to be focused on nature studies, particularly those of
birds and flowers. After the world war, with the lack
of opportunities and personal setbacks, Kōyō’s work
turns introspective, culminating in a series of striking and deeply felt images of Buddhist deities and
temples. In the painting at hand—from his younger
years and before the tragedies of the war—we still
sense optimism and a deep belief in the constants
of Japanese nature and culture.
54
Bamboo Baskets
16
Karamono Basket
Meiji Period (1868–1912), circa 1900
and many other vertical bamboo strips held to the
H 28 ½" × W 11"
body by horizontal rows of nawame-ami twining.
(72.5 cm × 28 cm)
The base is woven in the kikuzoko-ami chrysanthe-
Unsigned
mum pattern. The basket has a tall looped handle.
The entire exterior surface, including the bottom,
This flower basket is a splendid example of a Kara-
is lacquered, as the Chinese prototypes were, and
mono-Utsushi or Chinese-style basket. It was made
has gained a warm, deep red-brown patina. The
by a skilled Japanese basket maker to simulate a
basket comes with a fitted kiri-wood box inscribed
formal Chinese basket and was most likely used in
»karamono Kago Tetsuki Hanaire« or »Chinese-style
Japan for displaying flowers at the Chinese-style
Flower Basket with Handle«; on one side is attached
sencha tea ceremony. In the late nineteenth and
an old collector’s label inscribed with the same title.
early twentieth centuries Chinese art and the Chi-
Judging from the patina of the kiri box, it can be as-
nese-style sencha tea ceremony were very popular
sumed that the box is the original fitted vessel made
among the Japanese, and, as a result, Chinese-style
for this karamono basket.
baskets were highly sought after. As the Chinese
prototypes were unsigned, the Japanese karamonoutsushi baskets, such as this one, were generally also
purposely left unsigned. However, bamboo artists
who had attained fame, such as Chikuunsai I and
Chikubōsai I—whose baskets fetched tremendous
prices at exhibitions during the Taisho Period—
signed all their works, including their karamono
utsushi.
The body of the illustrated basket is in an elegant
vase form with a narrow waist and beveled shoulder.
It is woven in the gozame-ami mat weave using very
narrow bamboo strips. The inward-curving body
is accentuated by six raised vertical braided strips
58
17
Maeda Chikubōsai I
(1872–1950)
Shōwa period (1926–1989), circa 1930
or »Chikubōsai of the Senyō Studio in Kuzezato
H 13 ¼" × L 12" × W 11"
made this« and bears a square red seal mark read-
(33.5 cm × 30.5 cm × 28 cm)
ing »Chikubōsai.«
Signed: Chikubōsai kore tsukuru
»Chikubōsai made this«
For a similar basket see Japanese Bamboo Baskets:
Masterworks of Form & Texture from the Collection
Chikubōsai named this outstanding bamboo ikeba-
of Lloyd Cotsen (Los Angeles, Cotsen Occasional
na basket the »Eight-Day Moon Flower Basket.« The
Press, 1999), item number 92. This latter basket is
name refers to the shape of the basket body, which
also illustrated in the well-researched recent pub-
resembles a crescent moon, an eight-day old moon.
lication by Melissa Rinne, Masters of Bamboo (San
Francisco, Asian Art Museum, 2007), item 37.
The elegant body is woven with narrow strips of
bamboo in the yottsume-gaeshi compound-lozenge
Maeda Chikubōsai was one of the greatest bamboo
pattern reinforced with parallel rows of nawame-ami
artists of the early twentieth century. He became
twining. A most dramatic aspect of the basket is the
famous for having made presentation baskets for
handle, which is made of an old naturally curved
the Imperial family in the early 1920s. His son,
bamboo section with attached small branches, which
Chikubōsai II (1917–2003), continued the tradition
have been skillfully incorporated into the body using
and was named a Living National Treasure for the
tight braiding. The patina of the old bamboo, espe-
bamboo crafts in 1995, a title he held until his death
cially the handle, is particularly attractive.
in 2003.
Chikubōsai signed the basket on the side with an
incised signature reading »Chikubōsai kore tsukuru«
or »Chikubōsai made this.« It comes with the
original fitted kiri-wood tomobako box, which is inscribed on the top »Yōkazuki Hanakago« or »EightDay Moon Flower Basket.« On the inside of the lid it
is signed »Senyō Kuzezato Chikubōsai kore tsukuru«
60
18
Iizuka Rōkansai
(1890–1958)
Shōwa period (1926–1989), circa 1927
»Rōkansai« with a red seal mark. Since Rōkansai
H 13 ½" × W 14 ½"
preferred to use sugi or cryptomeria wood rather
(34 cm × 37 cm)
than kiri wood and since the inscription on the box
Signed: Rōkansai saku »Made by Rōkansai«
is not by Rōkansai himself, it can assumed that the
box was commissioned by a previous owner of the
This round basket is an unusually large piece by
basket to replace the lost original tomobako box.
Rōkansai. It is in a classical jar shape, similar to a
Judging from its dark patina, this was done in the
large Chinese hu-vase of the Han Dynasty, with
early Shōwa Period, not many years after Rōkansai
constricted neck and a wide, flared opening. On the
completed the basket.
shoulders are two woven handles. Rōkansai used
old hōbichiku, or smoked bamboo with a rich-brown
For a bamboo basket woven in a similar style using
patina, cutting them in wide strips and weaving the
the identical bamboo type, see Rōkansai: Master of
body in the amidakō-ami pattern. He started by ar-
Modern Bamboo Crafts (Tochigi Prefectural Museum
ranging bamboo strips in tangents to form the circu-
of Fine Arts, 1989), item 20 on page 32, a very tall
lar base ring and continued to weave up to the top
cylindrical basket with handle.
rim, where the ends are held together inside a round
bamboo stalk. He reinforced the body weave by
Rōkansai is widely acknowledged as the greatest
inserting two concentric bands of narrow bamboo
Japanese basket maker of the twentieth century.
strips woven in the nawame-ami rope-twine pattern.
The sixth son of the basket maker Hōsai I, he started
The bottom he wove with the same bamboo as the
out making intricate baskets in the karamono-style
body in the asanoha-ami or »hemp-leaf« triangular
but went on to develop many new ideas and tech-
pattern. Finally, he incised a wide inlaid bamboo
niques. He pioneered modern bamboo crafts and
strip on the bottom with his signature, reading
exerted great influence on numerous post-war bam-
»Rōkansai saku« or »made by Rōkansai.«
boo artists. His works are in the collections of many
institutions, including the Tokyo National Museum of
The basket comes with a fitted kiri-wood box
inscribed »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket« and
62
Modern Art and the Idemitsu Museum of Art.
19
Iizuka Rōkansai
(1890–1958)
Shōwa period (1926–1989), circa 1941–1949
For similar bamboo works by Rōkansai, see Iizuka
H 10", D 10 ¼"
Rōkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts (Tochigi
(25.5 cm, 26 cm)
Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts, 1989), item 77 on
Signed: Rōkansai saku »Made by Rōkansai«
page 95, which dates from 1948 and has a similar
bamboo type and weaving pattern.
For this basket, Rōkansai used old hōbichiku
(smoked bamboo with a rich brown, shiny patina); he
For biographical details on Rōkansai, see previous
split the bamboo in ¼« strips and wove them in an
catalog entry.
open hexagonal muttsume-ami pattern. The handle
is woven with similar bamboo strips having a highly
attractive patina. On the bottom of the basket is an
incised signature reading »Rōkansai saku« or »made
by Rōkansai.«
The basket comes with the original fitted sugi-wood
tomobako box, which is inscribed on the top of the
beveled lid »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the
inside of the lid, Rōkansai has written the title of the
basket: »Yamayuki« or »Going to the Mountains«;
signed »Rōkansai saku« or »made by Rōkansai«;
and sealed »Rōkansai.« The red oval seal is consistent with those illustrated for 1936–1949 in Iizuka
Rōkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts (Tochigi
Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts, 1989, pages
118–19); the box signature most closely matches
those illustrated for 1941–1949.
64
20
Tanabe Chikuunsai II
(1910–2000)
Shōwa period (1926–1989), circa 1970
For other baskets by Chikuunsai II woven in the
H 18 ¼", D 6"
same delicate muttsume-ami pattern, see Japanese
(46.2 cm, 15.5 cm)
Bamboo Baskets: Masterworks of Form & Texture
Signed: Chikuunsai zō »Made by Chikuunsai«
from the Collection of Lloyd Cotsen (Los Angeles,
Cotsen Occasional Press, 1999), item number 108
The illustrated bamboo ikebana basket by
as well as Japanese Paintings and Works of Art
Chikuunsai II is in an elegant vase form with narrow
(Bensheim, Erik Thomsen Asian Art, 2006), item
neck and flared mouth and handle. The delicate
number 15.
body is woven remarkably evenly in the hexagonal
muttsume-ami pattern using very narrow split bam-
The artist name Chikuunsai belongs to the Tanabe
boo strips, which were lacquered after completion.
family, one of the most important bamboo-basket
The tall basket is surprisingly light, weighing merely
makers of Osaka. Chikuunsai I lived from 1877 to
2 ounces (57 g). The bottom, which is also woven in
1937; this basket was made by his son Chikuunsai II,
the same pattern, is reinforced with bamboo strips,
who in turn passed on the artist name to his oldest
one of which bears the incised signature reading
son, Chikuunsai III (b. 1940), in 1991. The son of
»Chikuunsai zō« or »made by Chikuunsai.«
Chikuunsai III, Tanabe Shōchiku III (b. 1973), continues the bamboo tradition as the fourth-generation
The basket comes with the original fitted cotton
pouch bearing a red seal mark reading »Chikuunsai
no in« or »seal mark of Chikuunsai« and with the
original fitted kiri-wood tomobako box. The box is
inscribed on the lid top »Kikko Sukashi Ami Hirogata Hanakago« or »Hexagonal Open-Mesh Weave
Flower Basket«; on the inside of the lid it is signed
»Tekisuikyo Chikuunsai zō« or »made by Chikuunsai
of the Tekisuikyo Studio« and stamped with two red
seals reading »Tanabe no in« (»seal of Tanabe«) and
»Chikuunsai.«
66
bamboo maker of the Tanabe family.
Ceramics
21
Sueki Long-necked Bottle
7th century
The combined object would then have been placed
H 9 ¼", D 6 ¾"
in a relatively primitive anagama, or hole kiln, a
(23.5 cm, 17 cm)
tunnel chamber which was cut into the ground on
Stoneware with natural ash glaze
a slope, with a hole for the fire and an escape hole
for the smoke at the other end. The wind carried the
Inscription:
smoke through the kiln, and ash from the burning
pine wood settled on the objects and formed a natu-
Box writing: »Natural Glazed Long-Necked Jar«
ral gray-green ash glaze, as seen on this object. The
自然釉長頸壷
direction of the glaze-runs on the side of this vessel
reveals the angle at which the vessel was placed in
The sueki 須恵器 or Sue wares likely owe their origin
the kiln; further, we know that the side with the most
to Korean potters bringing their trade and skills to
glaze must have faced the entrance of the kiln.
Japan. On the Korean peninsular, strikingly similar
objects were made during the Three Kingdoms
One interesting aspect of the furasuko bottle is the
period (until 668 A.D.), and the same shapes and
fact that it has no foot. The vessels were pressed
techniques start to appear on the Japanese penin-
into the soft sand and ash by the fireplace, negat-
sula from the middle of the fifth century.
ing the need to produce a foot on the object. The
fact that the round-bottomed form died out in
One of the most striking object types created in Japan
the eighth century points to changes in the living
at this time was the long-necked bottle (in Japanese,
conditions of the Japanese during the Nara period:
furasuko
フラスコ).1
The furasuko features a spheri-
from living largely outside in exposed places, they
cal body, formed on a turntable and betraying the
changed to living largely indoors in structures with
regular traces of the turning wheel. After hardening
wooden floors and tables.2
of the sphere to the consistency of leather, a hole
was cut at one end and a neck was inserted into the
base. The neck had likewise been turned on a turntable, resulting in an elegant, outwardly turned lip
with decorative bands on the middle of the neck.
70
22
Shigaraki Jar
Muromachi Period (1392–1573), 16th century
Reading the surface of the jar provides us with a
H 12 ¼", D 10 ½"
close history of its firing process. Large amounts of
(31.3 cm, 26.8 cm)
ash from burning wood were carried by the high-
Stoneware with natural ash glaze
speed wind that went through the kiln during firing
and settled on the side of the jar facing the fire. At
Exhibited:
the high temperatures reached, the ash fused on the
Miho Museum. Ko-Shigaraki: Jars from Shigaraki’s
surface and created a pattern of green-gray glazes.
Medieval Kilns. September 1 to December 15, 1999.
The generous deposits of ash glaze and the dramatic glaze dripping on the sides makes this particular
Published:
piece stand out among similar works. Some ash
Miho Museum, ed. Ko-Shigaraki: Jars from
also collected inside the vessel, leaving glaze drop-
Shigaraki’s Medieval Kilns 信楽・壺中の天.
lets on the inside bottom.
(Kyoto: Miho Museum, 1999), cat. 78.
The surface of the jar, with its warm, glowing mosaic
This stoneware jar stems from the Shigaraki region,
of earth tones and textures presents the viewer with
a mountainous area in the modern-day Shiga Prefec-
an exciting spectacle of spontaneous events. As
ture to the southeast of Kyoto. The jar embodies a
the clay used in this unpretentious country kiln was
sense of austere beauty and a tour-de-force display
largely unfiltered, many pieces of rocks and minerals
of surface detail, including firing spots, stone inclu-
became exposed during the construction and the
sions, cracks, and melted minerals throughout the
firing. Larger pebbles appear in the surface, some-
vessel. The construction of this jar echoes that of
times (in the case of feldspar and quartz) fusing and
other jars from this period: from its silhouette, one
partly melting away. Yet in other places are holes,
can see that the jar was created in four rounds of
where pebbles were forced out of the hardening
clay-coil construction, where the clay was allowed
clay during the firing process. On the base of the
to partially dry between applications. The strongly
vessel is a »clog seal« geta-in with protruding marks.
articulated neck and mouth was added at the end.
As the jar was not turned on a potter’s wheel, its
The Shigaraki kiln is one of the Six Ancient Kilns
asymmetry displays a complex sense of movement,
thought to be active during medieval Japan.1 We
partly balanced by the firm base.
know now from excavations that dozens of other
kilns were also active during this time, and that the
medieval ceramic world was quite complex and
differentiated. The Shigaraki kiln, however, gained
fame from an early date, partly due to its proximity
to the capital city of Kyoto, and partly due to the
many tea masters who actively promoted the ceramics from this area from the late sixteenth century
onwards.
72
23
Bizen Flask
Edo Period (1615–1868), 17th Century
potter pressed his kiln mark into the bottom of the
H 9 ¾", D 4 ½"
vessel, in order to differentiate his works from those
(24.5 cm, 11.5 cm)
of others during the firing process.1
Stoneware
The object started its life in the seventeenth century
Inscriptions:
as a tokkuri, or sake flask, and was likely used at
parties and other drinking occasions.2 Due to its
Box inner cover inscription: »Bizen-kiln sake bottle:
relatively large size, the vase seems designed to
as flower vase« 備前徳利・花入
serve at larger communal functions, rather than just
Box, inner cover signature: Rokurokusai 碌々斎
for individual enjoyment. The smoothness at the
On vase bottom: kiln mark and kakihan of Rokurokusai
upper neck of the vessel reflects the many drinking
bouts that this object experienced.
Originally, this elegant conical vessel was designed
as a sake flask; it was finished with a small, finely
This sake flask, however, saw a dramatic turn in its
modeled, turned mouth. The colors are the reddish
fortunes as it became elevated from a vessel for
browns typical to the Bizen area, with black scorch
alcoholic beverages to a vase for flowers used at the
marks where the flames touched the clay during
elitist tea ceremony. The change is seen in the care-
firing. The area around the neck has become smooth
fully done gold-lacquer repair at the lip of the flask,
from the touch of countless hands over centuries.
in the kakihan signature on the bottom, and in the
box writing by a leading tea master: Sōsa Rokurokusai
The base was hand modeled, and the sides tuned
宗佐碌々斎 (1837–1910), the 11th generation head
upon a potter’s wheel. The modeling of the sides
of the Omotesenke tea line.3 As Rokurokusai mentions
was done by a skilled potter, who consistently nar-
in his box inscription, he changed the sake flask into
rowed the shape as he proceeded upwards. The
a flower vase for use within the tea ceremony. The
firing of the vessel was likely done in a hole kiln, or
vase would also have been perfect for its new role:
anagama, with its relative lack of control, as can be
a tea object must have a front and a back side and
seen in the collision mark in the middle of the ob-
the kiln damage on the one side would make that an
ject: this is the place where the neighboring object
ideal front side to face toward the guests of honor
fell over and came into contact with the vessel dur-
during the tea ceremony.
ing firing, leaving a black mark. Before the firing, the
The tea master’s appropriation of a sake bottle and
its transformation into a tea ceremony object fits
into a well established pattern of cultural appropriation. Tea masters since the Muromachi period have
taken objects from different contexts and given
them new life within the Japanese tea ceremony:
objects such as Korean rice bowls, Chinese hand
scrolls with landscape paintings, and found objects
in nature were all given new existences as prized
luxury objects within the Japanese tea ceremony.
The declaration by Rokurokusai that this sake flask is
now a flower vase means just that: that a command
from a famous tea master is all that is necessary to
cause dramatic change to the lives of objects.
74
24
Oribe Incense Container
Edo Period (1615–1868), 17th Century
On the sides of the box are stringed semicircles that
H 1 ½", L 2 ¼", D 1 ¾"
connect between the lid and the box bottom. The
(3.5 cm, 5.5 cm, 4.3 cm)
viewer’s expectation is to see them, when closing
Pottery with underglaze iron wash and
top and bottom, line up on the side of the box and
with copper green and feldspar glazes
to see the semicircles combining to form full circles.
They do not, and the resulting wittily syncopated
Inscriptions:
pattern is a source of surprise and interest for the
handler of the box.
Box writing: »Oribe Box« ヲリベ・スハコ
Although the incense container appears simple in
This kōgō or incense container made for the tea
form, it required high technical control by the potter.
ceremony is formed in the shape of the branches
The top and the bottom of the box are carefully
of a pine tree. The brown and green colors reinforce
turned separately on the wheel and then, while
the pine form while the design (as is typical in Oribe
the moist clay is still malleable, squeezed into its
ware) undercuts the form and plays out other pat-
present form. The handle is then attached to the
terns. The central idea is to present images and
top. The twisting of the shape is a greatly challeng-
symbols in a conflicting and sophisticated way. To
ing process, as the top part has to fit the bottom
simply have the design support the form would be
precisely, at exactly the same twists and turns.
too obvious a strategy and, therefore, uninteresting.
Moreover, the forms have to take into account the
shrinking of the clay at variable rates, depending on
On the top we see a design in green glaze and brown
the shape. The process must have had a very high
underglaze drawing: brown fern shoots emerge from
failure rate. Again, as with the glaze and decora-
a green base. The green glaze is applied in a seem-
tions above, the surface is never entirely smooth
ingly haphazard manner: the glaze is left uneven at
and regular; the edges are rough. For example, tiny
the top and then pools at the lower edges of the lid.
pieces of clay still adhere to places like the bottom
The bottom, which is fired separately, also shows a
edges: nothing is allowed to be regular and there-
pooling of green glaze on its bottom. The effect is
fore uninteresting.
to simulate earlier natural ash glaze (as in the nearby
Shigaraki jar) and to impart a sense of serendipity
Such sophisticated works of art were made for the
and spontaneity to the decoration.
tea ceremony, where nothing could be left void of
interest. The objects used in the ceremony had to
be a mix of the surprising and expected, the smooth
and the rough, the familiar and the rare. As such this
fine piece would have had an easy entry into the tea
world of the seventeenth century, where such Oribe
incense containers were ordered and used by the
urbane tea masters.1
76
25
Nezumi Shino Dish
Edo Period (1615–1868), 17th Century
During firing, the thick glaze of the bowl adhered to
H 2", L 6 ½", D 6 ¼"
the spurs and sections of glaze chipped off on three
(5.3 cm, 16.2 cm, 16 cm)
locations on both the inside and the bottom of the
Pottery with underglaze iron wash
vessel.
and feldspar glaze
The vessel was later damaged and then repaired
This fine bowl is a mukōzuke or serving bowl for the
with silver lacquer. The choice of silver lacquer over
tea ceremony. Within its scalloped edges, a flower
gold lacquer may well have been made out of con-
frame, two fans, and various flora surround a central
sideration of the bowl’s color palette. The fact that
medallion of reeds and autumn plants. It stands on
the object was repaired did not necessarily diminish
three feet, placed on the central flat base.
its value with the tea masters, who saw imperfection
as a possible sign of beauty.2 The fact that this piece
Among the many works of Shino ware, the Nezumi
has been carefully repaired indicates that it was a
Shino is among the rarest. The dark gray color has
treasured object for past tea masters.
given it the name of Nezumi—»mouse« or »mousecolored«—which has differentiated it from the other
shades of Shino. The Shino kilns were relatively close
to the capital city and tea masters in Kyoto made
orders for various Shino wares according to their
specifications. Mukōzuke, or serving dishes for the
tea ceremony, were often ordered from the Shinoproducing kilns in sets of five.1
This vessel was made on the potter’s wheel and it is
possible to see the traces of the wheel, especially
on the back. A bowl-shaped object was made and
then, after hardening, the edges were trimmed off
to the desired shape. Before firing, three feet were
attached and the bowl was placed on three spurs.
78
Lacquers
26
Hotei Writing Box
Edo Period (1615–1868), 18th / 19th century
The artist has cleverly created a striking contrast
H 1 ¾" × L 9 ½" × W 8 ¾"
between the luxury of details on the Hotei and
(4.5 cm × 24.2 cm × 22.3 cm)
the simple background in deep, mirror-black roiro
ground, a contrast that further emphasizes the opu-
Inscription:
lence of the central image. The box further directs
our attention toward the central image by framing it
Outer box inscription: »Front View: Hotei,
within the rounded corners and edges of the cover
Back View: [Autumn] Fields. Lacquer Writing Box«
in gold lacquer with minute karakusa details.
面布袋裏[秋]野蒔絵硯箱
The box opens up to a luxurious autumn décor of a
This suzuribako (box for writing implements) displays
deer family among fall grasses and flowers, includ-
a number of scenes related to the idea of luxury:
ing chrysanthemum and bush clover. The deer are
luxury in theme, décor, and materials. As such it was
richly composed in thick gold takamakie raised
clearly an object made for an affluent client who
lacquer, with additional silver and brown hues. The
enjoyed having reminders of his wealth around him.
background here, in contrast to the jet-black cover,
is created in evenly scattered nashiji gold flakes
The cover features a strikingly unusual frontal image
throughout the surfaces.
of the smiling Hotei riding on an ox. This portrait of
the god of luck has been carefully crafted in takamakie
Within the box are trays for brushes and paper knives
relief lacquer, using gold and brown hues, and add-
as well as for the original suzuri ink stone and suiteki
ing rich details in gold lacquer. The clothing of Hotei
water dropper. The artist made the leaf-shaped
is remarkable for its detail and luxury: he is shown
water dropper of gilt copper in autumn leaf colors
wearing the clothing of a Buddhist abbot, such as
and cleverly formed the air opening as a worm hole
a kesa and formal robes, decorated in elaborate
in the leaf surface.
kinrande designs. The bag he holds is not the plain
white bag that most often appears in depictions of
This suzuribako with a leitmotif of luxury comes in a
Hotei, but a silver bag, densely decorated in gold
humble, lacquered, fitted kiri-wood box that bears
with symbols of wealth and good fortune. This is no
an old collector’s label. Judging from the age patina
longer the penniless hermit wandering the wilder-
and good fit of the box, the outer box may be the
ness (as on early depictions of Hotei), but Hotei as
original box made for the suzuribako when it was
a well fed, rich merchant, flaunting his wealth and
created.
riding on a fattened ox.
82
27
Tamagawa Writing Box
Edo Period (1615–1868), 19th century
The Noji Tamagawa River was one of six rivers by the
H 1 ¾" × L 9 ½" × W 9"
name of Tama River (Tamagawa) located throughout
(4.5 cm × 24.4 cm × 22.7 cm)
Japan. From the Heian Period onwards, these six
rivers became a favorite topic of waka poets, and a
Inscriptions:
large body of poems deal with the special qualities
of each of the six places. The Noji Tamagawa in Ōmi
Inscription on Lacquer box: »field« 野 on outside
Province (presently Shiga Prefecture) was famous for
and »road« 路 on inside lid.
its bush clover (hagi) and for the beautiful reflection
Inscription on suzuri stone: »Nakamura Shichirōbei«
of the moon in the river. It was also relatively close
中村七郎兵衛
to the capital city, and, over centuries, excursions
were often made in order to see the reflections of
Outer box inscription: »Suzuribako Writing Box:
the moonlight in the river.
Gold Lacquer with Poem of the Noji Tamagawa«
御硯箱　野路玉川歌心蒔絵
We see the poem reflected in this box, in terms
of both words and images. In terms of words, the
Presentation Pillow: »Gold Lacquer with Noji
artist has inlaid a solid silver character on the cover
Tamagawa« 野路玉川蒔絵, and other inscriptions,
(»field« 野) and a solid gold character on the inner
partly crossed out.
cover (»road« 路). Together they read Noji—that is,
the physical location of the poem. Significant here
This suzuribako writing box both visually and
is the temporal aspect: one has to travel from one
verbally reenacts a famous waka poem written by
character to the next in order to read both and the
the Heian period courtier Minamoto no Toshiyori
lid must be raised in order to get the full under-
(1055–1129) on the theme of the Noji Tamagawa
standing of the meaning of the phrase.
River. Toshiyori’s poem in the Senzai Wakashū
(a poetry anthology compiled in 1188) forms the
In terms of images, the artist has carefully portrayed
basis of this writing box:
the location of Toshiyori’s poem on the box cover,
depicting the river, the bush clover, and the lumi-
I shall come back tomorrow
nous moon. The scene is composed of bush clovers
To the Tamagawa at Noji
in takamakie raised gold lacquer, and many leaves
Moon shines over the bush clovers
And rests on the river’s colored
84
waves.1
are inlaid with kirigane gold foil. A rock in raised
takamakie has fine details in kirigane gold foil.
The stream is decorated in togidashi lacquer using
silver and gold dust in several hues. The background
sky is covered with evenly spaced nashiji gold flakes
and togidashi gold dust above the stream. The décor
continues down the sides of the lid and the box.
The inside of the lid reveals the missing element in
the outside lid: namely, the reflection of the moon.
We see the moon now faintly reflected in the stream
and the bush clovers and rocks from the other side
of the stream. The stream is here wider and makes
elegant curves by the shore. Just as with the characters, the images have to be read in the correct sequence in order to understand the full meaning, and
in order to see the twelfth-century poem reenacted in
this nineteenth-century gold lacquer box.
The inside of the box has a tray holding the original
suiteki water dropper and suzuri ink stone and a
tray to hold calligraphy utensils. The silver suiteki is
made of heavy, thick-walled silver with a fine relief
décor of chrysanthemum, befitting the autumn décor
of the box. The suzuri stone has on its reverse an
incised signature of the suzuri stone maker Nakamura
Shichirōbei 中村七郎兵衛—a poignant trace of an
artisan otherwise lost to history and also a reminder
to us that these works of art were often collaborations
among groups of individuals, each bringing his or her
expertise to the project. Just as with the Japanese
woodblock prints, many objects of great artistic value
in early modern Japan were produced by such cooperative effort.
The box has a protective pillow with a lengthy inscription, describing, perhaps, the circumstances and date
of its commission and presentation. Unfortunately a
previous owner has crossed out most of the characters, and the details will be left in mystery. The writing
box comes with the original fitted outer box in lacquered kiri-wood, bearing an inscription in lacquer.
86
28
Iris Writing Box
Edo Period (1615–1868), 19th century
I have a beloved wife
H 1 ¾" × L 9 ½" × W 8 ¾"
Familiar as the skirt
(4.5 cm × 24.2 cm × 22.3 cm)
Of a well-worn robe,
And so this distant journeying
Inscription
Fills my heart with grief
Outer box inscribed: »Iris Gold Lacquer Suzuribako«
They all wept onto their dried rice until it swelled
杜若蒔絵御硯箱
with the moisture.1
This suzuribako writing box features a composition
This scene was most often shown as bridges placed
of iris inspired by key art works of the Rimpa School.
among clumps of iris, but, as it appeared so often
The multitudes of iris refer to screens, hanging
in paintings, it no longer became necessary to draw
scrolls, and other works created by Rimpa artists,
the bridge for people to understand the reference:
such as Ogata Kōrin, that depict a great number of
simply a profusion of iris sufficed. The Ogata Kōrin
iris. These scenes in turn refer to one of the most
iris screen in the Nezu Museum of Art is of this type,
popular episodes in the tenth-century Tales of Ise,
and so is this superb suzuribako.
where a young aristocrat finds himself at a place
called Eight Bridges (Yatsuhashi), where a river
The iris motif continues from the top of the lid
branches into eight streams, each with a bridge and
on to the inside of the lid and then to the inside tray
with multitudes of iris. Every time the young man
that holds the suzuri ink stone and the gilt lozenge-
and his entourage crossed a bridge, they composed
shaped suiteki water dropper. The iris are decorated
a poem, and every poem began with a syllable from
entirely in the togidashi technique using silver and
the word »iris« and expressed yearning for loved
gold lacquer in different hues and are surrounded
ones they left behind in the capital city.
by nashiji gold flakes on black lacquer.2 The rims
of the box are in kinji polished gold lacquer and
…they arrived at a place called »Eight Bridges«
the bottom has nashiji gold flakes on a deep-black
(Yatsuhashi) in Mikawa Province. Dismounting to sit
ground. Even the ink stone is decorated with kinji
near a tree near this marshy area, they ate a meal
polished gold lacquer and nashiji gold flakes
of parched rice. Someone glanced at the clumps
of iris that were blooming luxuriantly in the swamp.
By using this writing box, the owner might well place
»Compose a poem on the subject ›A Traveler’s Sen-
him or herself within the poetic traditions of the
timents‹ beginning each line with a syllable from the
Japanese Heian period. As he or she writes, using
word ›iris‹« he said. The man recited:
the ink stone, water dropper and brush placed in
this box, the owner might well be inspired by the
memory of the Ise poet and the poignant poetry of
longing for one’s love.
88
29
Phoenix Writing Box
Meiji Period (1868–1912), late 19th to early 20th
The inside is decorated on three shikishi rectangular
century
panels with seasonal décor. On the inside of the lid,
H 1 ½" × L 9 ¼" × W 7"
the upper panel shows a summer scene with willows
(3.7 cm × 23.8 cm × 18 cm)
by Uji Bridge in relief takamakie lacquer; the rocks in
the stream are accentuated with inlaid kirigane gold
A fine suzuribako writing box decorated with numer-
foil. The lower shikishi panel depicts autumn with
ous poetic allusions to the act of writing. In the
chrysanthemum and bush clover in takamakie by a
context of a suzuribako writing box, the connection
meandering stream created in togidashi. The inner
to writing may seem obvious, yet here the refer-
tray is decorated with a spring scene of a flowering
ences are oblique, playing to the subtle nature of
branch, around which is wrapped a letter, and
such poetic allusions. The user of the writing box is
bamboo blinds, all in relief lacquer on kinji polished
invited to seek the hints and then to work them out
gold ground. The area around the shikishi panels is
within a larger program.
covered with nashiji gold flakes.
The cover of the box presents the viewer with a strik-
The artist refers to the act of writing through the
ing décor of two phoenix flying by flowering pawlonia
various images inside the box. The three shikishi
and multi-colored plum trees; the male (with the
panels were the actual paper on which poems were
cockscomb) hovers on the top and the female flies
written and exchanged. The images depicted on
below. The Phoenix are made with finely-detailed
them have associations with poetry and literature,
takamakie relief lacquer in red and gold colors and
such as the willows and the Uji Bridge, which are
with tiny inlaid pieces of kirigane gold and silver foil.
featured as a setting in the novel Tales of Genji, and
The birds stand out dramatically against the mirror-
the autumn scene of the stream and flowers which
black roiro lacquer ground. Gold-lacquer clouds
refers to the Six Tamagawa cycle of poems. Likewise,
framing the birds are also inlaid with myriad pieces
the scene on the third shikishi refers to the Heian-
of kirigane gold foil in many shapes.
period custom of exchanging poetry wrapped to
flowering branches and leaving them in the rooms of
The two types of flowering trees are contrasted by
the intended reader (hence the bamboo blinds). All
using two different lacquer techniques: flat togidashi
these relate to the act of writing: through the actual
polished lacquer for the pawlonia and relief poly-
act of writing, through reading the written word, and
chrome takamakie lacquer for the blooming plum
in visualizing certain poetic moments.
trees. The pawlonia trees are decorated using three
different hues of gold lacquer.
The writing box includes the original suzuri ink stone
and suiteki water dropper, which has inlays of silver
The plum tree, which is decorated in the triangular
plum blossoms.
lower area bordered by the bamboo fence, to
which the tree is tied, has inlaid details in kirigane
Seasonal associations are presented here: plum
gold foil and stands against a rich ground of nashiji
blossoms (on the cover and the water dropper) for
gold flakes and kinpun gold dust. The blossoms are
late winter, the wrapped flowering branch for spring,
minutely decorated in red, gold and silver lacquer
flowering pawlonia and Uji willows for summer, and
takamakie. All décor on the top continues down the
flowers by the stream for autumn. By incorporating
sides of the lid, adding to the three-dimensional
décor elements from all seasons, the lacquer artist
effect of the decor.
made it possible for the owner to use this writing
box at all times of the year.
90
30
Standing Screen with Koi and
Lotus
Tojima Mitsuzane 戸島光孚 (fl. 1906–1940)
Taishō–Shōwa Periods, circa 1912–1940
The lotus on the reverse are created in takamakie
H 27" × L 36 ½" × W 9 ¾"
relief lacquer in gold, silver and green; the five water
(68.5 cm × 92.5 cm × 24.5 cm)
droplets are inlaid gold; and the water is suggested
by softly-curving lines in hiramakie gold lacquer. The
Inscription:
background has clouds of nashiji gold flakes and
togidashi gold dust.
Signature: »Mitsuzane« 光孚. Seal: »Mitsuzane« 光孚
The artist, Tojima Mitsuzane (also known as Kōami)
This large tsuitate standing screen features a dra-
was a talented Kyoto lacquer specialist who took an
matic décor of a koi swimming among water plants,
active part in the art world of the time. He was the
creating waves on the surface of the pond. On the
founding editor of the Shikkikai, a journal devoted
reverse, we see another side of the same pond in
to developments in the lacquer world. His interest
the form of flowering lotus plants. The koi is created
in new ideas and in the reinterpretation of lacquer
with a high degree of realism, and thanks in part
traditions can be seen, for example, in the screen
to the three-dimensional modeling, the fish almost
legs and their use of Art Deco vocabulary. We know
seems to jump out of the composition.
that he took part in group activities in late Meiji
period (the earliest record is 1906) and we also know
The koi, waves, and water plants are in takamakie
that he exhibited lacquer pieces in several national
relief lacquer in gold, silver and red, with an inlaid
exhibitions: such as the 15th Teiten Exhibition
mother-of-pearl eye and highlights in gold and silver
(1934), the Revised Teiten Exhibition (1936), and the
togidashi lacquer. The entire background has clouds
National Commemoration Exhibition (1940). He also
and details in gold and silver togidashi. To achieve
held solo exhibitions, including a major sale held
this effect, the artist sprinkled all lacquer surfaces
at the Tōhoku Kurabu in December 1917. Given the
while still moist with varying densities of gold and
large size and superb workmanship of this tsuitate,
silver dust. He then covered the particles with layers
it is likely that it was an exhibition piece shown at
of black lacquer, subsequently polishing the surface
one of these major exhibitions. Nothing is known of
until the gold and silver reappeared.
Mitsuzane after 1940, and it is possible that he fell
victim to the war.
92
Signatures and Seals
Reproduced actual size except as noted
Nr. 5
Nr. 6 Left
Nr. 6 Right
Nr. 7
Nr. 5
½ size
Nr. 9
Nr. 8
Nr. 10 Left
Nr. 10 Left
¼ size
Nr. 10 Right
Nr. 10 Left
94
Nr. 10 Right
¼ size
Nr. 10 Right
Nr. 11 ½ size
Nr. 14
Nr. 14
Nr. 13
Nr. 12
Nr. 11
Nr. 17
Nr. 18
Nr. 19
Nr. 20
Nr. 23
Nr. 15
Nr. 27
Nr. 27
½ size
Nr. 30
95
Box Inscriptions
Reproduced half size except as noted
Nr. 7
¹/³ size
Nr. 8
Nr. 13
¼ size
Nr. 13
Nr. 8
Nr. 7
¼ size
Nr. 7
1/8 size
Nr. 11
¹/¹ size
96
Nr. 15
Nr. 16
Nr. 14
Nr. 17
Nr. 18
97
Box Inscriptions
Reproduced half size
Nr. 20
Nr. 19
Nr. 24
Nr. 23
Nr. 26
Nr. 27
Nr. 28
98
Notes
Nr. 1 Views of Sakamoto and Hiyoshi Shrine
Nr. 4 Winter Landscape with Flowering Plum
1 For a recent study on the phenomenon, see Eliza-
1 Nor does it appear in books of Chinese birds. It
beth ten Grotenhuis, Japanese Mandalas: Represen-
appears to be a reworking of exotic birds imagined
tations of Sacred Geography (Honolulu: University of
and seen in paintings rather than in real life. There
Hawai’i Press, 1998).
are certain similarities to a pair of birds drawn by
Fujita Kinkō in Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan, ed.
2 For the Shiga screens, see Michael Cunningham,
Hana to toritachi no paradaisu (Kobe: Kobe Shiritsu
The Triumph of Japanese Style (Cleveland: Cleve-
Hakubutsukan, 1993), cat. nr. 81.
land Museum of Art, 1991), 58–9. For the Suntory
Screens, see Okada Jō, Genre Screens from the
Suntory Museum of Art (Tokyo: Japan Society, 1978),
Nr. 5 Fish and Plants
cat. nr. 3; and Kyoto National Museum and Kyoto
Shimbun, eds. Kyō, Ōmi no meisaku (Kyoto: Kyoto
1 Many parallels exist to the work of another Kyoto
National Museum and Kyoto Shimbun, 1979),
artist, namely Itō Jakuchū (1716–1800) and his paint-
cat. nr. 62.
ings of vegetables (Yasai Nehanzu), and multitudes
of fish (two scrolls of the Dōshoku saie). In addition,
the interplay of color and monochrome ink sections
Nr. 2 Views Inside and Outside of Kyoto
is similar to the workings of the Compendium of
Vegetables and Insects handscroll.
1 For the dating of screens, see Ozawa Hiromu and
Kawashima Masao. Uesugibon rakuchū rakugaizu
2 Other names were Katsujirō 勝次郎 and Tadamasa
byōbu o miru (Tokyo: Kawade Shobō Shinsha, 1994).
政昌. Biographical details can be seen in Roberts
(1976), 52 and Araki (1934), II, 1961.
2 See Yamane Yūzō, Melinda Takeuchi, and Kuroda
Taizō. Worlds Seen and Imagined: Japanese Screens
3「大正期京都南画壇の三元老」Keisen was also a
from the Idemitsu Museum of Art (New York: The
founder and supporter of the Japanese Free Art
Asia Society Galleries, 1995), 108–11.
Association 日本自由画壇 during his last years.
4 Perhaps in connection with a Buddhist memorial
Nr. 3 Pheasants and Blooming Cherry Trees
service. For example, a key ceremony is usually held
twenty-one years after death (二十一回忌).
1 See Rudolphe Meyer de Schauensee. The Birds
of China (Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution
5 One interesting point of comparison is with Itō
Press, 1984), 193 and pl. 8.
Jakuchū’s work. For example, his Yasai nehanzu, with
multitudes of vegetables, was apparently also made
2 See Mark A. Brazil. The Birds of Japan (Washing-
in commemoration of a relative. For a theory on its
ton DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991), 109.
commemoration, see article by Yoshiaki Shimizu
»Multiple Commemorations: The Vegetable Nehan
3 The native pheasant was featured regularly in the
of Itō Jakuchū,« found in Flowing Traces: Buddhism
poetry of the Heian period and in the earliest poetry
in the Literary and Visual Arts of Japan, edited by
anthologies, such as the Manyōshū.
James H. Sanford (Princeton University, 1992). The
idea that religious efficacy is aided by large numbers
is of course an old one, whether in terms of large
99
sums of money, endless repetition of actions, written
6 Craig Robson. A Guide to the Birds of Southeast
characters, or mantras, or, in this case, painting large
Asia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000),
number of paintings. While it is possible that the
285.
commemorative motives behind the paintings by
Keisen and Jakuchū overlapped, it is also clear that
7 Perhaps the famous Ragunan Zoo that had been
they differ in a number of significant aspects.
established in 1864. This zoo featured lush recreations of jungles on its ground.
Nr. 6 Blue Phoenix: Seiran
8 See his biography in Tanaka Hisao and Tanaka
Shūji. Umi o watari seiki o koeta Takeuchi Seihō to
1 Exhibited under the title Oiseaux et Fleurs Exo-
sono deshitachi (Kyoto: Shibunkaku, 2002), 125–34.
tiques in: Exposition D’Art Japonais: Salon de la
Société Nationale des Beaux-Arts. Grand Palais,
9 See, Fukumitsu Art Museum 福光美術館. Ishizaki
Paris, April–June, 1922. This entry was published in:
Kōyō botsugo gojūnen ten 石崎光搖没後５０年展.
Société Nationale des Beaux-Arts. Exposition D’Art
Fukumitsu: Fukumitsu Art Museum 福光美術館,
Japonais: Salon de la Société Nationale des Beaux-
(1997), 18–19.
Arts. Catalogue des Ouvres Moderne de Peinture,
Sculpture, Arts Décoratifs et les Oeuvres Anciennes
10 For more on this connection, see essay by
(Paris: Éditions de l’Abeille d’Or, 1922), 13.
Hosono Masanobu 細野正信 in Fukuyama (1984).
2 For example, a large sketch (55 × 79 cm) of the
11 Regarding his 1929 exhibition, see, Musée du Jeu
Argus and a sketch of the Poinciana (57 × 81 cm),
de Paume, Exposition D’Art Japonais (Paris: Musée
both in the Fukuyama Art Museum collection. See
du Jeu de Paume, 1929), cat. nr. 130. The object he
Ishii Hiro. »Ōmura Kōyō no suketchi, sobyō, koshi-
exhibited there, Niege, is now in the Fukuyama Art
tae ni tsuite.« Fukuyama Bijutsukan kenkyū kiyō 2
Museum collection. For more on the exchanges be-
(March, 2003), 11.
tween France and Japan, see Alicia Volk. »A Unified
Rhythm: Past and Present in Japanese Modern Art,«
3 For example, two hanging scrolls in the Fukuyama
in Christine Guth, et al, Japan & Paris: Impressionism,
Museum of Art with tropical birds and plants. See,
Postimpressionism, and the Modern Era (Honolulu:
Fukuyama Museum of Art. Fukuyama Bijutsukan
Honolulu Academy of Arts, 2004), 38–55
shozōhin mokuroku (Fukuyama: Fukuyama Museum
of Art, 1991), cat. nrs. 10 and 11.
12 Fukuyama Shiritsu Fukuyamajō Hakubutsukan
福山市立福山城博物館, ed. Ōmura Kōyō meisakuten
4 According to specialists, there is not much fighting
大村広陽名作展 (Fukuyama: Fukuyama Shiritsu
between males during mating season—unlike what
Fukuyamajō Hakubutsukan 福山市立福山城博物館,
we see here. Kōyō does seem to have depicted their
1984).
habitat well; they are described as living in the lower
branches of larger trees. For details, see, Bertram
13 Satō Rinmei 佐藤凛明. »Dai sankai Teiten kanshōki«
E. Smythies. The Birds of Borneo (Edinburgh and
第三回帝展鑑正気賞記 Nihon oyobi Nihonjin
London: Oliver & Boyd, 1960), 178–80
『日本及日本人』(Nov, 1921), 112–18.
5 Smythies (1960), 178–80; and Morten Strange. A
14 Ibid., 113–14.
Photographic Guide to the Birds of Indonesia
(Hong Kong: Periplus, 2001), 88.
100
15 L.-Ch. Watelin. »L’Art Japonais au Salon de la
3 The shrine was called the 津島牛頭天王社
Société Nationale.« L’Art et les Artistes new series,
Tsushima Gozu Tennōsha and was seen as the main
IV (1922), 352–8; Jeanne Doin. »Les Salons de 1922«
site of the deity during the Edo period.
Gazette des Beaux-Arts (May, 1922), 275–92; and
Louis Hourticq. »A Propos de l’Exposition d’Art
4 Rosenfield (1999), I, 250–1
Japonais. Réflexions sur Quelques Peintures.« Art &
Decoration (July 1922), 1–16.
5 Morita (1985), 104.
The interest in contemporary Japanese art culminated
in several other exhibitions in the successive years
and in an important book on contemporary art writ-
Nr. 9 Flock of Exotic Birds in Flowering Plum Trees
ten by Serge Elisséèv in 1923, his La Peinture Contemporaine au Japon (Paris: E. De Boccard, 1923).
1 Although originally imported as exotic birds,
escaped Bunchō multiplied in Japan and eventually
16 See, for example, the title illustration of Ōmura
became widespread. On his travel from Dejima to
Kōyō gashū (Mukō-shi: Ōmura Kōyō, 1976), a
Edo in the late eighteenth century, C.P. Thunberg
smaller version (57 × 77 cm) of the Argus on the left
noticed examples thriving in the wild. See his Voy-
screen panel.
ages du C.P. Thunberg au Japon (1796).
2 For examples, see, Teisuke Toda and Hiromitsu
Nr. 7 Fishing Village in Evening Glow
Ogawa, Chūgoku no kachōga to Nihon (Tokyo:
Gakushū Kenkyūsha, 1983). Although this type of
1 Kohōgen is a posthumous name for Kano Moto-
painting became popular with Nagasaki School
nobu.
artists, it has much earlier origins in the Academic
paintings of earlier Chinese dynasties. The origins
2 See, the remarkable Masterpieces by Motonobu:
lie in the Southern Song Academy and later inter-
with Critical Descriptions and a Biographical Sketch
pretations, such as One Hundred Bird motif paint-
of the Artist, by Shinichi Tajima. 2 vols. (Tokyo:
ings, which arrived in Japan through the centuries.
Shimbi Shoin, 1904)
3 See, for example, Araki (1934), I, 2157 and Mō
3 For example, only two Motonobu seals are shown
Hikka (1775).
in Tsugiyoshi Doi, Motonobu, Eitoku. Suiboku bijutsu taikei, vol. 8 (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1974).
4 Biographical details on Issan can be found in
numerous references, both contemporary and modern. Informative sources include: Asaoka and Ōta,
Nr. 8 Hotei at the Tennō Festival
Zōtei koga bikō (1912), I, 398–9 and Kōbe Shiritsu
Hakubutsukan, Hana to toritachi no paradaisu
1 See similar works in Takeuchi (1964), plate 391;
(1993), 106.
Brasch (1962), pl. 84; Rosenfield (1999), I, 250–1;
Morita (1985), 43, 48 and 104; Tanaka (2006),
5 In 1748, Issan managed to travel to Nagasaki
cat. nr. 42; as well as several examples in the
and learn directly from Chinese artists active in the
Shin’wa-an Collection.
port city. Shen Quan (also known as Shen Nanping;
1682–1760) had already sailed back to China in
2 Takeuchi (1964), supplement, 45.
1733, but others compatriots taught painting in his
manner to large numbers of interested Japanese
101
students. While the identity of his Chinese teacher
3 Gyokuō, also known as Gakuyō 岳陽, became the
is uncertain, Issan, who was already in his 40s, was
head monk of the Eikandō Temple and also special-
perhaps less influenced by his foreign teacher than
ized in ink bamboo paintings. Kawazu and Nikki
by his earlier self-directed studies in Osaka, based
(1818) suggest that Gyokuō learned his technique
on the copying of actual Chinese paintings. Issan’s
from the close study of Yuan and Ming period Chi-
works show an impressive mastery of a number of
nese paintings.
styles, and do not fall into the trap of merely copying the Shen Nanping style, although he also did
4 Also known as the Zenrinji Temple 禅林寺, it re-
create work in this manner. His mature work betrays
mains to this day one of the main Pure Land sect
the strong personality of an individualistic painter
浄土宗temples in the Kyoto region.
with a large repertoire at his command.
5 Moog incorrectly places this temple in the
6 See Araki (1934), I, 2157.
Higashiyama district of Kyoto.
7 The fire destroyed an estimated 75% of the
6 From Kokon bokuseki kantei benran『古今墨蹟鑒
city surface. For details, see, for example, Timon
定便覧』(1848). Volume two, p. 14, front.
Screech, The Shogun’s Painted Culture (London:
Reaktion Books, 2000).
7 From Honchō kokon shinzō shoga benran
『本朝古今新増書畫便覧』(1862). Page 103, front.
Gyokuō would have had many examples to study
Nr.10 Bamboo and Rocks
from as the temples in the Kyoto region are rich
in their collections of Chinese paintings, including
1 Reference to classical Chinese poetry. This phrase
depictions of bamboo.
appears, for example, in the poetry of Wang Anshi
王安石 (1021–1086) and Han Yu 韓愈 (768–824); both
8 Other extant works by Gyokurin likewise testify to
famous in Japan during the Edo period.
his ability in painting the bamboo in a wide variety of sizes and formats. The sizes vary from the
2 Various names and gō used by Gyokurin 玉 潾
above-mentioned monumental work to a small fan
include: Bokukundō 墨君堂、Shōsui 正邃, and Ōmi
painting in the Harari collection. Formats encom-
Gyokurin 淡海玉 潾 . Araki (1934), I, 424, notes that
passed sliding wall panels, fan paintings, album
Gyokurin also used other variations of these charac-
paintings, as well as screens and hanging scrolls.
ters, such as 玉 嶙 and 玉 璘 . Collections of his works
The undated Harari fan painting depicts a vigor-
exist in Shōkokuji Temple (相国寺), Kyoto; Victoria
ously drawn branch of dark ink bamboo against a
and Albert Museum, London; Eikandō Temple
semicircle moon in light ink. Gyokurin signs the work
永觀堂 (Zenrinji Temple 禅林寺,) Yamashina; Etsuko
as »painted by Gyokurin as a joke«「玉 潾 戯画」and
and Joe Price Collection (Shin’enkan), Corona del
we may see this as an example of his spontaneous,
Mar; Harari Collection, UK; and Yamato Bunkakan,
performance style—the fan was probably created
Nara, Japan. Sample bibliography: Araki (1934), I,
on the spot in front of an audience. The Harari work
424; Heian jimbutsushi (1813); Hillier (1973), 541;
is preserved in an album of fan paintings with works
Kawazu and Nikki (1818); Moog (1995), 142–3; Ōmiya
by other contemporary artists, each with a label
(1843); Roberts (1976), 36; Sawada (1927), 120; and
drawn, presumably, by a former owner. It is possible
Yamane (1984), 144 and 306.
that the album was compiled at a shogakai, or a
gathering of painting and calligraphy specialists.
We have records of such a meeting in 1796, which
102
was attended by Gyokurin and others (see Koga
12 Depicted in the Suzuki Kei catalog. Cahill de-
bikō『古画備考』, II, 1178–1179) and there are other
scribes the Nanzenji painting as being »probably
examples of such albums with works by different
a Yuan picture.« James Cahill, An Index of Early
artists, which were compiled after such meetings. A
Chinese Painters and Paintings (Berkeley: University
bamboo painting by Gyokurin appears, for example,
of California Press, 1980), 65.
in an album compiled in the fourth month of 1799 at
a party hosted by Nakai Bunju 中井文寿 (1757–1808),
13 See a manuscript book Ga no ki『畫記』by
a wealthy Kyoto merchant. The album is in the
Hayashi Rōen 林 閬 園、dated 1774. Manuscripts
collection of the Yamato Bunkakan in Nara and is
in the National Archives and the Seikadō Library,
illustrated in Kobayashi Tadashi and Kōno Mo-
Tokyo. Rōen specifically lists both the Nanzenji and
toaki 小林忠と河野元昭. Maruyama, Shijōha: Ōkyo,
Jishōin works. It is indeed very likely that Gyokurin
Rosetsu, Jakuchū,『円山・四条派 応挙・芦雪・若
and his teacher Gyokuō had both seen and studied
冲』Volume 7 of Edo meisaku gachō zenshū『 江戸
these famous works as well. Although both pairs of
名作画帖全集』 (Tokyo: Shinshindō 駸々堂, 1996).
Chinese bamboo paintings probably date from the
Gyokurin’s painting appears on page 144.
Yuan dynasty, rather than the Song, they were seen
as vital examples from the peak period of Chinese
9 A pair of six-fold screens with twelve separate
bamboo painting and were widely emulated by Jap-
bamboo paintings. See illustration # 45 on page 144
anese painters. It is significant that Gyokurin chose
of Yamane Yūzō 山根有三, ed., The Shin’enkan Col-
to paint the important wall paintings in the Shōkokuji
lection of Japanese Painting『米国・新遠館コレク
Temple using the style of the Yuan bamboo masters
ション　近世日本絵画集成』 (Kyoto: Kyoto Shoin 京
rather than other styles available in his repertoire.
都書院, 1984).
14 Gyokurin’s work testifies eloquently to the rich
10 Taihō 大鵬(Ch. Dapeng) (1691–1774), was a Chi-
variety of bamboo-painting styles available to Kyoto
nese Ōbaku sect monk who immigrated to Japan.
painters in the Edo period. Not only could he refer
See examples of his bamboo paintings in Addiss,
to older Chinese works extant in the temple collec-
Ōbaku, Zen painting and Calligraphy (Lawrence,
tions, but also to sources like Ming and Qing paint-
KS: Spencer Museum of Art, 1978), cat. nrs. 36 and
ings brought over from Korea and China, to Chinese
37. Sasaki Jōhei suggests that Gyokurin learned
woodblock-printed painting manuals, and to other
from Taihō, rather than older Chinese paintings.
Chinese and Japanese painters working in Japan,
While this may explain some of the Price paintings,
such as the above-mentioned Ōbaku painter Taihō.
it does not explain the current painting pair that
depicts the bamboo in quite different styles than
that of Taihō. Yamane (1984), 306. It seems clear that
Nr.11 Painting of Mount Fuji
Gyokurin studied and was aware of a wide range of
native and foreign bamboo-painting prototypes.
1 Long considered one of Japan’s famous sites, or
meisho, this site has been described in a large body
11 The woven bamboo fence seen in the foreground
of poetry.
of one painting is significant as it clearly locates the
bamboo in a Japanese setting: the fantastic Chinese-
2 Biographical information on Toyohiko can be
style rocks seen in the other works were clearly seen
found in many places, for example, Roberts (1976),
as marking an exotic, foreign setting.
186 and Araki (1934), II, 2662–3.
103
3 The Art Institute of Chicago also owns a Toyohiko
7 As in endnote 5, with the addition of: Anmi shinsei
painting of Mount Fuji (acc. number 1939.1937),
bunen jinmeiroku『安巳新撰・文苑人名録』1857.
done in a similar style with a misty representation of
the peak and clouds of gold.
8 Patricia Fister suggests that they both moved
to Osaka after Edo’s great fire. The evidence from
the contemporary dictionaries suggests that Baien
Nr. 12 Shortening View of the Sumida River
might have stayed in Edo for several years before
joining her sister. Kinsei no josei gakatachi (Kyoto:
1 Bokusui 墨水 was one of the poetic names used
Shibunkaku, 1994), 240.
for the Sumida River 隅田川 that ran through Edo.
9 Baien appears first as Hirai Senko 平井仙姑 and
2 This scene likely refers to one of the many high-
later marries an antique dealer Nagahara Yasaburō
priced restaurants that lined the Sumida River. The
長原弥三郎, taking on the family name Nagahara
crest of the woman’s kimono may well reflect the
and switching the artist name from Senko to Baien.
house crest of a specific establishment. Interestingly,
The switch seems to have happened in the 1850s
it is possibly to see in the thin ink sketch lines around
and corresponds to the cessation of the family name
the crest that the originally conceived crest had a
Hirai from the dictionaries. This switch in her name
different form. The reason for this change remains
has led to a wide confusion in twentieth-century art-
unclear.
ist dictionaries, and to this day, the pre- and postmarriage names of this artist are most often seen
3 See details of their childhood in Suzuki Mitsujirō
as belonging to two different, unrelated artists. See
鈴木光次郎. Meiji keishū bitan 明治閨秀美譚 (Tokyo:
Araki (1934) I, 512 and II, 1764 as an example of this
Tōkyōdō, 1892), 91–3. The birth date of 1823 used
confusion. The older sister Renzan also married, but
above for Baien appears in this resource.
in her case, her husband was adopted into the family, which indicates that her family was reasonably
4 Tōji genzai kōeki shoka jinmeiroku『当時現在・広
wealthy.
益諸家人名録』(1836) and Tōji genzai kōeki shoka
jinmeiroku『当時現在・広益諸家人名録』(1842).
10 Genzai raimei Edo bunjin jumyōzuke 現在雷名江
Araki (1934), I, 664 has a short reference to him.
戸文人寿命附 (1849).
5 Tōji genzai kōeki shoka jinmeiroku『当時現在・広
11 Suzuki (1892), 92.
益諸家人名録』(1836), Tōji i genzai kōeki shoka jinmeiroku『当時現在・広益諸家人名録』(1842), Edo
12 For information on this phenomenon, see William
genzai meika ichiran『江戸現在名家一覧』(undated:
Malm, »Chinese Music in the Edo and Meiji Periods
1830s), Genzai raimei Edo bunjin jumyōzuke『現
in Japan,« Asian Music 6, 1–2 (1975), 142–72; Britten
在雷名江戸文人寿命附』(1849), Edo bunjin geien
Dean, »Mr. Gi’s Music Book: An Annotated Translation
ichiran『江戸文人芸園一覧』(1850), as well as Araki
of Gi Shimei’s Gi-shi Gakufu,« Monumenta Nipponica
(1934), II, 1923.
37, 3 (Autumn, 1982), 317–32; Hayashi Kenzō,
»Minshingaku,« Ongaku jiten (1957); and Kodansha
6 She is recorded as being adept with the moon-
Encyclopaedia of Japan, vol. 5, 197.
koto, the gekkin 月琴. See, Genzai raimei Edo bunjin
jumyōzuke『現在雷名江戸文人寿命附』(1849).
13 Their musical careers are outlined in Suzuki (1982)
91–3, and in the Nihon jinmei daijiten, vol. 5, 266.
Both sisters published books on Minshingaku music
104
in their later years. Both sisters were succeeded by
3 An interesting Japanese variation of this theme
their respective children as the heads of their music
can be seen in an earlier album by Tanomura Chi-
schools.
kuden (1777–1835); Chikuden depicts various rocks
and labels them »Nishikigawa Rocks« after Nishiki
14 Fister (1994), 240.
River, which flows through Yamaguchi Province. See
John Rosenfield in collaboration with Fumiko E.
15 Ibid.
Cranston; edited by Naomi Noble Richard. Extraordinary Persons: Works by Eccentric, Nonconformist Japanese Artists of the Early Modern Era
Nr. 13 Ascending Carp
(1580–1868) in the Collection of Kimiko and John
Powers. 3 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
1 The same seals can be seen in Howard Link, The
Art Museums, 1999), II, 90 and Suiboku bijutsu taikei
Art of Shibata Zeshin (London and Honolulu: Robert
(1973–1977), Supp. Vol. 1, pl. 13.
Sawers and Honolulu Academy of Art, 1979), 178,
nrs. 10 and 12.
4 Rocks floating in space was also a theme of other
Japanese painters, for example, Chikuden, Kishi
2 The inscriber used the Japanese name Ri Ryūmin
Ganku, and Yosa Buson. See John Rosenfield’s
李龍眠.
essays on the latter in Rosenfield (1999), II, 85–90
and John M. Rosenfield. Mynah Birds and Flying
3 This is a nonsensical pseudonym. The real name is
Rocks: Word and Image in the Art of Yosa Buson
not known.
(Lawrence, KS: Spencer Museum of Art, University of
Kansas, 2003). In the case of Buson, his flying rocks
seem to have been based on both Japanese and
Nr. 14 A Corner of Mt. Gabi
Chinese traditions (including paintings by Wang Wei).
1 1912 began as the 45th year of the reign of Em-
5 His artist names include: 号如瓶人、大夢道人、
peror Meiji, but with his death on July 30, 1912, this
茹古山民, and 稚学園. His son Nishikawa Yasushi
year is also marked as the first year of the reign of
(1902–1989) also became a leading calligrapher.
Emperor Taishō.
Shundō’s many pupils and their schools have
remained a key force in contemporary Japanese
2 These rocks, often called Scholar’s Rocks in the
calligraphy.
West, were found objects from nature, often by Lake
Tai in Jiangsu Province, which were then carved to
6 At the age of seven he presented a copy of the
fit into Chinese garden aesthetic forms. The more
Qianzi Wen, or »Thousand-Character Essay,« to the
famous of the rocks were given poetic names and
Emperor. Araki (1934), II, 1288.
were described by noted poets, literary figures, and
gazetteers. The original location from which the
7 His interest ranged from the Zhou bronze inscrip-
rocks were taken became important; since the Chi-
tions to contemporary Qing-dynasty calligraphy
nese tradition associates mystical power to certain
styles, but favored the styles of the Six Dynasties.
mountains and streams, the original location of the
A key inspiration was the Qing dynasty calligrapher
rocks would be seen as imparting special properties
and scholar 徐三庚 Xu Sangeng (1826–90) whom he
upon the rocks.
greatly admired. As a calligrapher and scholar, he
placed himself entirely within the Chinese traditions.
105
Nr. 15 Deer
Nr. 22 Shigaraki Jar
1 For example, Kōyō wrote a memorial essay for
1 See Masahiko Kawahara. Shigaraki. Nihon tōji
Seihō after the latter’s death, in which he publicly
zenshū, vol. 12 (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1977), 50.
claims a pupil-teacher relationship. Reprinted in
Fukuyama Shiritsu Fukuyamajō Hakubutsukan.
Ōmura Kōyō meisakuten (1984).
Nr. 23 Bizen Flask
2 There are other extant paintings from this series
1 A large number of early modern Bizen kiln marks
of paintings, for example, a similar painting entitled
have survived. See for example, the kiln marks in
Deer Pair 双鹿 Ibid, cat. nr. 30. Here, a doe in shown
Higa Michiaki 日賀道明. Bizenyaki no keifu 備前焼の
in a similar position with her back facing the viewer
系譜 (Tokyo: Renga Shobō Shinsha れんが書房新社,
and the stag in a different position for the body. The
2003), 125–49; and Hayashiya Seizō 林屋晴三. Bizen
fall maples have been replaced with another autumn
備前. Nihon no tōji, vol. 6 (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha
tree.
中央公論社, 1974), 119–44. These are in no way
comprehensive lists: the kiln mark on the present
3 See images in ibid, cat. nrs. 44–7. Kakeya Yoshie
object, for example, has not been recorded.
掛谷美江 traces Kōyō’s artistic development in terms
of art book purchases and finds that while large
2 See a similar example in Higa Michiaki 日賀道明.
purchases were made every year in the 1920s and
Bizenyaki no keifu 備前焼の系譜 (Tokyo: Renga
1930s, the purchases goes down drastically in the
Shobō Shinsha れんが書房新社, 2003), 13, dated to
latter war years and dwindle to almost nothing in the
the latter Momoyama period (1568–1615).
years of personal tragedy and deaths in his family, in
the years following the war. »›Ōmura Kōyō bunko‹ ni
3 For examples of the signature and kakihan of
tuite「大村広陽文庫」について« Fukuyama Bijutsu-
Rokurokusai, see Sen Sōsa 千宗左, ed. Cha no yu:
kan kenkyū kiyō ふくやま美術館研究紀要 2 (March
Omotesenke 茶の湯表千家. 2 vols. (Tokyo: Shufu no
2003), 27–43.
Tomosha 主婦の友社, 1986), II, 256. For a biography of this tea master, see the same volume, pages
250–1.
Nr. 21 Sueki Long-necked Bottle
1 For similar examples, see Kawabata Yasunari 川端
Nr.24 Oribe Incense Container
康成 and Tanikawa Tetsuzō 谷川徹三, eds. Sueki
須恵器. Nihon no Tōji: Kodai Chūsei Hen 日本の陶磁:
1 See similar pieces from the seventeenth century in
古代中世篇, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1974)
Museum of Fine Arts, Gifu, ed. (Re)Searching »Ori-
p. 94, plate nr, 150–1
beism«: Special Exhibition for the 15th Anniversary
of the Museum of Fine Arts, Gifu (Gifu: The Museum
2 See chart in Tanabe (1989), 133–5. Some types,
of Fine Arts, Gifu, 1997), 117; and Fujioka Ryōichi.
such as large round storage vessels, lasted far be-
Oribe. Nihon jiki taikei, vol. 28 (Tokyo: Heibonsha,
yond the eighth century.
1989), nrs. 27, 30, 31, 32, and 33.
106
Nr. 25 Nezumi Shino Dish
1 See numerous similar examples of mukōzuke in
Hayashiya Seizō 林屋晴三. Shino 志野. Nihon no tōji
日本の陶磁, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha 中央公論
社, 1974), 59, 61, 65, 73–9, 89, 126–30, and 150–7;
and Arakawa Toyozō 荒川豊蔵 and Takeuchi Junichi
竹内順一. Shino, kizeto, setoguro 志野、黄瀬戸、瀬
戸黒. Nihon tōji taikei 日本陶磁大系, vol. 11 (Tokyo:
Heibonsha 平凡社, 1989), cat. nrs. 42–51.
2 Some of the greatest tea treasures, such as the
»Burst bag« (or yaburebukuro) are heavily repaired.
Nr. 27 Tamagawa Writing Box
1 Translation by Miyeko Murase. For a summary of
the Tamagawa theme, see, Miyeko Murase, Gratia
Williams Nakahashi, and Stephanie Wada, Jewel
Rivers: Japanese Art from the Burke Collection
(Richmond: Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, 1993).
Nr. 28 Iris Writing Box
1 McCullough, Helen Craig, trans. Tales of Ise.
(Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1978), 74.
2 The togidashi technique is difficult to master. The
gold lacquer décor is first applied on the manylayered lacquer base and then covered completely
with additional layers of black lacquer. The surface
is subsequently polished until the décor reappears,
now incorporated into the flat polished surface.
107
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Cover:
Pheasants and Blooming Cherry Trees
Detail, pair of six-fold screens (cat. nr. 3)
Kano School, Edo period (1615–1868), 17th century
Erik Thomsen
Japanese Paintings and Works of Art
© 2007 Erik Thomsen
Text: Hans Bjarne Thomsen and Erik Thomsen
Photography: Cem Yücetas,
Erik Thomsen (p. 6–8, 39, 41, 47–51, 54–5, 89)
Klaus Wäldele (p. 12, 23–4, 37, 43–5, 53)
Design: Valentin Beinroth
Production: Henrich Druck + Medien GmbH, Frankfurt am Main
Printed in Germany
www.erikthomsen.com
Japanese Paintings and Works of Art
Erik Thomsen