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Problems with international development Firoze Manji Director, Fahamu (www.fahamu.org) Editor, Pambazuka News (www.pambazuka.org) History makes poverty How can we make poverty history if we donʼt interrogate the history of poverty? How would developmentalists have responded in time of slavery? Made slavery more tolerable? Developed slavery reduction strategies? Supported slave rebellions? Problems of development Development as means for increasing self determination vs International development or ʻdevelopmentalismʼ Citizen action or Market fundamentalism Development for and by the people vs Market and private capital as the engine of development Track record of development 1960: Income of top 20% was 30 times that of bottom 20%; by 1997 it was 74 times more By late 1990s, 20% of world population had 86% of world GDP; bottom 20% had 1% 1 million massacred in genocide on eve of 50th Anniversary UNDHR Millions killed in DRC, Sierra Leone, Liberia Collapse of Somalia, etc etc Track record of development “The assets of the top 3 billionaires are more than the combined GNP of all least developed countries and their 600 million people” (UNDP 1999) 200 richest people worth >US$ 1 trillion Interest on debt of 41 HIPCs = $ 1.1 billion 1 billion people below UNDP poverty index Track record of development Total resource flows to developing countries between 1982-1990 was $927 billion. In the same period, developing countries remitted $1,345 billion in debt servicing alone. i.e. the difference in favour of the West was $418 billion. Who gets the big stuff? According to UN Millenium Development Campaign: Since 1950s $2 trillion in aid to developing countries In the last 12 months, $18 trillion public funds to banks and international finance institutions Reverse aid flows According to Charles Abugre et al (Christian Aid): developing countries became net capital providers to rich countries, and not the other way round as theory predicts. Cumulatively, this amounted to $2,577bn in the period 2002 - 2007. Add to this, the volume of capital flight, especially illicit capital flight from developing countries (estimated annually between $150bn - $250bn), and the scale of reverse aid is staggering. Compare with Marshall Plan To understand the scale of what the Marshall Plan transferred to Europe the equivalent of $70 billion in today’s prices. Thus between 2002 and 2007, developing countries gave the rich countries nearly 37 Marshal Plan equivalents. Post 2WW anti-colonial upsurge Rise of multitude of popular movements Organising around basic rights: shelter, land, education, health freedom of association, speech, movement freedom from abuse self determination Impact on Europe Rise of Nationalist movement Only by joining the struggle for political independence will you gain those freedoms and rights Emergence of mass movements Enter the USA Marshall plan - bailing out of Europe in exchange for access to its colonies But colonies facing crisis with mass upsurge and threat of radicalisation If not curbed, could fall under spheres of influence of the ʻred menaceʼ If not curbed, return of investments would be poor Dual strategy: carrot and stick Coups dʼetat, support for military regimes, assassinations, economic isolation, destablization, military interventions (albeit by proxy), and support for repressive regimes including apartheid, etc Inducement of ʻmodernisationʼ, financial inducements for ʻdevelopmentʼ as the ʻuniversal universal goalʼ Financing emergence of compliant comprador class with vested material interests that coincided with corporate interests Establishment of ‘independence’ Nationalist governments established Protected corporate and interests of international capital Established social contract with mass movement to provide universal access to eduction, health etc ʻAidʼ provided to finance these ventures Single party supported …independence State as “sole developer” and “unifier of nation” Civil & political rights declared luxury Emancipation agenda replaced by “development” agenda Popular organisations disbanded Political associations banned or repressed Development by experts Poverty v Rights, Charity v emancipation Basic needs v basic rights Post-independence achievements Universal access to health and education in response to popular demand Life expectancy: 1960: 38 years 1978: 47 years Yet GNP increased only from $222 to $280 The (oil) glut crisis 1970s oil crisis Glut of capital Downturn in world economy Development = buy on the “never-never” The debt crisis Emergence of bio/micro-technological revolution - new avenues for capital Rising interest rates Yesterdayʼs cheap mortgages become todayʼs liabilities Enter Structural Adjustment Initial justification: allegedly to ensure ability of countries to repay debt Ideological framework: only freedom of capitalists to amass wealth in the market place will guarantee development; the State, by definition deemed “inefficient” and “ineffective” Contents of SAPs Social expenditure redirected from public to private sector Economic policies to cause decline in real incomes and increase profits “Liberalisation” of trade, no tariff barriers; no subsidies for national production “We can’t tighten our belts we ate them yesterday” Growth in gap between rich and poor Distinction between social organisation for criminal, economic or political purposes blurred Collapse of indigenous industry in face of international competition Growth in repressive nature of state to deal with social opposition SAPs and Social Policy State discouraged from social provisions Education, health, social welfare no longer right but “commodity” Neither citizen nor subject, but “consumer” - the poor consequently disenfranchised SAPs “with a human face”: money for NGOs, the new subcontractor, to provide services to the poor as charity not right New character of “development” Competition for who gets most access to wealth Development = improving infrastructure for exploitation and private accumulation State = primary source of accumulation the “honey pot” Mechanism oiled by patronage, favour, corruption Consequences of SAPs Dissatisfaction and disenchantment with ruling party Loss of credibility of state and government Development aid and projects used as means of buying favour with “ethnic” groups Playing the “ethnic card Consequences of SAPs Post colonial period led to major demobilisation of popular movement SAPs exacerbated demobilisation Fragmentation of society From SAPs to conflict If development has become about who gets access to what, then civil war is but a continuation of that process, albeit by more destructive means Sierra Leone, Liberia, Angola, Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, Congo, Kenya and … Conflict is big business Increasing number of conflicts lead to greater opportunities for NGOs to reap income from humanitarian aid Once again, seemingly neutral in conflict with no understanding of politics of situation The new development discourse From citizen to consumer But those who have no capacity to consume become effectively disenfranchised Victim is the problem, not those who cause impoverishment The new discourse Bringing ʻdemocracyʼ to the rest of the world, even if it means through the amassed fire power and weapons of mass destruction wielded by the USA and Britain and invasion as in Iraq Democracy / good governance= rest of the world needs to be rebuilt in the Westʼs own image. Once again the old resonance of imperial arguments that the role of the West to bring civilisation (democracy) to the South Globalisation Open markets, non-discrimination (against international capital), and global competition in international trade are conducive to national welfare Social policies best served through enhancement of economic liberalisation Social policy can be made so long as it does not interfere with private accumulation Consequences of globalisation Increased inequality between and within countries Greater impoverishment Increased vulnerability Globalisation of criminal activities Exclusion of vast sections of humanity Impact on national policy Influenced by speculative flows of capital Taxation capabilities undermined Curtailment of local industrialisation Lack of accountability of multinational investments Competition to lower the social cost of reproduction of labour power Selling off of national assets Market sacrifices respect for justice When the market goes too far in dominating social and political outcomes, the opportunities and rewards of globalisation spread unequally and inequitably – concentrating power and wealth in a select group of people, nations and corporations, marginalizing the others. … When the profit motives of market players get out of hand, they challenge people’s ethics – and sacrifice respect for justice and human rights.” UNDP 1999 Problems of NGOs NGOs have become an increasingly bigger player in development Market and voluntarism Long association First period of ʻfree tradeʼ of 1840 to 1930 also high point of charitable activity in Britain and the colonies Not surprising that it has grown again in neoliberalist period since 1980s Social policy in colonial period Designed to preserve integrity of colonial state and settlers Prevent spread of epidemics into colonial society Missionaries: “human face” of colonisation in form of charity Welfare vs control Charity combined with evangelising, discouraging what missionaries conceived of as “ignorance, idleness and moral degeneracy” Promoting the white vision of the world, the whites bringing religion to ungodly natives Controlling the mental universe “Colonialism imposed its control of the social production of wealth through military conquest and subsequent political dictatorship. But its most important area of domination was the mental universe of the colonised, the control, through culture, of how people perceived themselves and their relationship to the world. Economic and political control can never be complete or effective without mental control. To control a people's culture is to control their tools of self-definition in relationship to others” Ngugi wa Thiongʼo Colusion in repression Maendeleo ya Wanawake (Kenya Womenʼs Association) and Christian Council of Kenya both involved in interrogation of internees in concentration camps, and helped set up ʻrehabilitation campsʼ against Mau Mau Welfare as social control Welfare successful because seen as ʻapoliticalʼ Dealt not with causes of impoverishment but with ʻfailing of nativesʼ Problem not injustice but one of the ʻnative conditionʼ Making colonial condition more palatable (cf ʻhuman face of structural adjustment) Staving off discontent In short, charity was not only designed to help the poor, it also served to protect the rich Two distinct groups Former missionary societies like MYO and CCK (from which Christian Aid emerged) The ʻwar charitiesʼ Oxfam, SCF, Plan International - no previous experience in colonies, working in Europe Two distinct groups Former missionary societies Indigenised, replaced white staff and clergy with local nationals the new indigenous NGOs The ʻwar charitiesʼ Marshall Plan brought end to their role in Europe. What to do? Close? Or join the new ʻdevelopmentʼ industry New discourse Not ʻnativeʼ but ʻnationalʼ Not ʻuncivilisedʼ but ʻunderdevelopedʼ Dominant discourse framed not in language of emancipation, but with vocabulary of charity, technical expertise, neutrality, and a deep paternalism (albeit with rhetoric of participatory) that was its syntax. Discourse on development served to undermine social mobilisation and subverting popular aspirations for radical change, and to limit the spread of communist ideology. Development no longer about selfdetermination but about modernisation to become more like the North Western definitions of developing world �ʻDeveloping worldʼ and its inhabitants were (and still are) described only in terms of what they are not. • They are chaotic not ordered • Traditional not modern • Corrupt not honest • Underdeveloped not developed • Irrational not rational • Lacking in all of those things the West presumes itself to be Development machine Now prominent part of development machine: “A vast institutional and disciplinary nexus of official agencies, practitioners, consultants, scholars and other miscellaneous experts producing and consuming knowledge about ʻdevelopmentʼ.” Boom time for NGOs Retrenching state left space for NGOs as service provider In wake of protests against impact of SAPs, massive funding available for NGOs for ʻsocial dimensions of adjustimentʼ Boom time Exponential growth of NGOs - number of NGOs in Kenya increased 300% between 1978 and 1988 In 1992, about 15% of all aid transfers to developing countries distributed through NGOs 1970s: <2% of NGO funding came from official donors 1990s: >30% There are more expatriates in Kenya today than at any time under colonialism Conflict is big business Increasing number of conflicts lead to greater opportunities for NGOs to reap income from humanitarian aid Once again, seemingly neutral in conflict with no understanding of politics of situation Role of NGOs Collusion in colonial rule Pivotal role in modernisation post independence Pivotal role in depoliticisation of poverty Disinclination to challenge social relations that reproduce poverty, inequality and repression Chumming up to state to protect own projects Substituting for the state, making SAPs more palatable Vested interest in conflict Have NGOs developed long term vested interest in reproduction of neo-colonial social relations because they will “… do better the less stable the world becomes … [because] finance will become increasingly available to agencies who can deliver ʻstabilisingʼ social services” (Fowler, 1997)? Role of NGOs The role NGOs have played in expanding and consolidating neo-liberal hegemony in the global context may have been unwitting. It may not have been as direct or as underhand as some of the activities willingly taken up by colonial missionary societies and voluntary organisations. But that is not to say it is any less significant. Indeed, one could argue that it has actually been far more effective. NGOs the ‘Non-…’ Non governmental Non political Non partisan Non ideological Non academic Non theoretical Non profit Non class based interests NGOs not homogeneous Political activists who view their work as political Well intentioned leaders who are morally motivated to ʻdo goodʼ Former government bureaucrats who see opportunities Donor fuelled organisations Advocacy organisations - genunine and fashion driven Emancipation or Poverty Tendency to focus only on poverty. But this is a moral appeal such as “make poverty historyʼ without concurrently addressing the need for making looting history. i.e. It doesnʼt challenge economic or political power. A fight against poverty that is also not a fight against those who create it and benefit from it, is doomed to failure What would developmentwallahs have done under slavery? Alleviation or abolition? Siding with political struggles or depoliticising oppression? Choice Thank you