Reef Dependency and Change: Barbados Case Study

Transcription

Reef Dependency and Change:
Barbados Case Study
IMM Ltd
0
Reef Dependency and
Change: Barbados Case
Study
2013
Booker F1, Whittingham E1, Townsley P1, Ford R2, Turner
R2, Cattermoul B1, Forster J3, Campbell J1, Morrish N1,
Marsh J1
Report prepared as part of the Future of Reefs in a Changing
Environment Project
IMM Ltd, The Innovation Centre, Rennes Drive, University of Exeter, Exeter EX4 4RN, UK.
Centre for Resource Management and Environmental Studies (CERMES), University of the West Indies:
Cave Hill Campus, St Michael, Barbados.
3 School of Marine Science and Technology, Office 4.71, 4th Floor, Ridley Building 2, Newcastle University,
Newcastle upon Tyne, NE1 7RU, UK.
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Contents
Acknowledgements............................................................................................................................. 3
Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................................... 4
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 5
Research Background...................................................................................................................... 5
Research Approach ......................................................................................................................... 7
Research Process and Method........................................................................................................ 9
Research Site Profile ......................................................................................................................... 12
Geography ..................................................................................................................................... 12
Coral Reefs .................................................................................................................................... 12
People ........................................................................................................................................... 13
Local Economy .............................................................................................................................. 13
Local Coral Reef Governance ........................................................................................................ 15
Research Findings ............................................................................................................................. 16
Livelihood Dependency ................................................................................................................. 16
Change and Response to Change .................................................................................................. 29
Summary of Key Findings .................................................................................................................. 41
Livelihood Dependence................................................................................................................. 41
Changes in Coral Reefs .................................................................................................................. 43
Response to Change...................................................................................................................... 45
Implications for Understanding and Action ...................................................................................... 47
References ........................................................................................................................................ 49
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Acknowledgements
The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union 7th Framework
programme (P7/2007-2013) under grant agreement No. 24416.
The research was only possible through the efforts and contributions of a multitude of people. In the
field the dedicated research team included: Rachel Turner, Rohan Ford, David Gill and Angelie
Peterson from CERMES at the University of West Indies and Johanna Forster from the University of
Newcastle. Field assistance was also provided by Myles Phillips and technical support was given in
the field and at a distance by Francesca Booker from IMM Ltd. Assistance with data entry and
transcription was provided by Chike Barrow and Catrina Hinds. Beyond the field, the research was
supported by the wider FORCE project partnership, in particular those contributing to the project
work packages 1 and 2 at IMM Ltd, CERMES and Newcastle University.
In Barbados, the research team were also helped by staff at CERMES. And of course, the research
would not have been possible without the many participants who gave up their valuable time to
contribute their knowledge and experiences towards the case study presented here.
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Abbreviations
ARDB
Aquatic Resources Dependency and Benefit Flows
CERMES
Centre for Resource Management and Environmental Studies
CZMU
Coastal Zone Management Unit
DFID
Department for International Development
EU
European Union
FORCE
Future of Reefs in a Changing Environment
GPS
Global Positioning System
IMM Ltd
Integrated Marine Management Limited
RLA
Reef Livelihood Assessment
SCL
Sustainable Coastal Livelihood
SLED
Sustainable Livelihood Enhancement and Diversification
WP
Work Package
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Introduction
This document explores the findings of research conducted in Barbados as part of the Livelihoods
and Reefs component of the Future of Reefs in a Changing Environment (FORCE) Project. The
document is organised into the following five sections:
1. Introduction: this section presents background to the FORCE project and in particular the
Livelihoods and Reefs research component, including an outline of the research approach,
process and method.
2. Site Profile: this section provides a description of the two locations that the research team
visited, presenting the broad environmental, socio-economic and governance context as a
foreground to the research findings.
3. Research Findings: this section presents an in-depth examination of the research findings in
relation to the two key themes of: i) livelihood dependency; and ii) change and response to
change.
4. Summary of Key Findings: this section distils the key learning from the research results.
5. Implications for Understanding and Action: this final section provides a brief discussion of
the implications of the research findings for understanding livelihood vulnerability to coral
reef change.
Research Background
The FORCE project was developed in response to the recognition that coral reefs in the Caribbean
are being subjected to a wide range of pressures driven by a complex combination of factors, from
direct reef use to wider economic changes1. As a result, the state of the coral reefs in the Caribbean
has, in general, been on a long-term path of decline, and is expected to experience further
significant pressure from climate change (Burke et al 2011). As highlighted in Box 1, a key challenge
for the FORCE project is to explore how to support coral reef stakeholders in the region to
understand and respond to changes in the state of coral reefs.
For many Caribbean countries the relationship that people have with the natural resources which
surround them is critical to their survival, their ability to economically thrive and, through
governance relationships, to the levels of equity and opportunity in society. These natural resources
and the benefits they provide are closely interrelated with the livelihoods which people adopt and
these interactions are often complex and changing (Mahon et al. 2008). Historically the relationships
between Caribbean people and their natural resource base has been strong (UNEP, 2008), through
fishing and agriculture for food and for trade. More recently, the natural resource base has provided
people with income and employment through tourism. The relationship between people and
ecosystem services is now under considerable stress as population pressure, economic growth, and
impacts from climate change increase (UNEP, 2006). Understanding and responding effectively to
this relationship now and in the long-term is becoming a major and urgent need.
1
For an analysis of drivers of reef health see Forster et al. (2012)
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The Livelihoods and Reefs component
(work package 2) of the FORCE
project is led by IMM Ltd in
partnership with The Centre for
Resource
Management
and
Environmental Studies (CERMES) at
the University of the West Indies and
the School of Marine Science and
Technology at Newcastle University.
The work package is concerned with
exploring the relationship between
people and coral reefs in the
Caribbean. Considered in its simplest
form, this relationship may be defined
by how people use coral reefs and in
turn what services are provided by
coral reefs to those people. Coral reef
ecosystems provide services which
people may depend on directly and
indirectly and which go beyond the
provision of food and income. As
highlighted by the Millennium
Ecosystem Assessment (MA, 2005),
human well-being is supported by a
range
of
services,
including
supporting services (e.g. habitat
provision, support for life cycles,
nutrient cycles); provisioning services
(e.g. fish for food and sale,
employment and income); regulating
services (e.g. protection from coastal
erosion
and
storm
damage,
maintenance of water quality,
formation of beaches and islands);
and cultural services (e.g. cultural
identity, tourism and recreation,
research and interest).
Box 1: Background to the FORCE Project
Future of Reefs in a Changing Environment (FORCE) is a
collaborative project funded by the European Union. The FORCE
project brings together researchers from the natural and social
science disciplines in an effort to better understand changes in
coral reefs in the Caribbean and to support coral reef
stakeholders in responding to those changes. To address this
complex challenge, 20 organisations located in 10 countries
within Europe, the Caribbean and Australia and North America
have come together. Their work is organised into 11 work
packages (WP), as outlined in the diagram below.
Issues of coral reef-use expand to
include who uses the reef, how they
use it and how they negotiate access to different services from the reef. Likewise the delivery of
coral reef ecosystem services expands to consider issues such as, the quality of the reef for diving, or
the condition of the reef-associated fisheries for fishers. Moreover, coral reef use and service
delivery are driven by a dynamic and complex web of interacting factors, acting directly or indirectly,
over which people have varying degrees of control. For example, factors range from the influence of
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changing markets, or extreme weather events on fishing practices, to the effect of political stability
or global exchange rates on tourist arrivals.
A key part of understanding the relationship between coral reefs and associated resource-users is to
understand the dependency people have on coral reefs, what forms that can take, and how that is
changing. This understanding will have significant implications for how managers can respond to
future changes in ecosystem services flows and the benefits which people derive from them. To that
end, the Livelihoods and Reefs component of the FORCE project aims to characterise the varied
nature of people’s dependency on coral reefs in the Caribbean and their vulnerability to changes in
the ecosystem services coral reefs provide, including those provisioning, regulating, cultural and
supporting services. This is articulated through the following three research questions:
1. How do people in the Caribbean depend on coral reef resources?
2. How are people’s relationships with coral reefs affected by change in reefs and access to
reef services?
3. How do people in coastal communities respond to changes in coral reefs?
Research Approach
The approach presented here builds upon over 10 years of action research experience at IMM Ltd
related to understanding coastal and aquatic resource dependent livelihoods and the factors that
influence livelihood change. This work started as part of the DFID-funded Sustainable Coastal
Livelihoods (SCL) project, which focussed on understanding coastal livelihoods in South Asia;
exploring how policy processes could more effectively address poverty. This research was extended
through the DFID-funded Reef Livelihoods Assessment (RLA) work in South Asia and East Africa,
which sought to understand the links between poverty and coral reef dependence. Research on
aquatic resource dependency was further developed through an Aquatic Resources Dependency and
Benefit Flows (ARDB) project in Cambodia; investigating how natural resource dependency affects
people's ability to change their livelihoods. Building on these experiences, work has subsequently
focussed on a Sustainable Livelihood Enhancement and Diversification (SLED) process; designed to
promote livelihood development, while encouraging people to move away from harmful
exploitation and degradation of natural resources. In this context, the research tests well established
approaches and methodologies and presents a means of extending and adapting this experience to
the Caribbean.
Given the complexity of the research topic, an appropriate framework which helps to systematically
explore the research questions is important. For this purpose the research overlaid two frames of
reference: first, a livelihoods framework; second, a vulnerability framework.
The livelihoods framework2 is a comprehensive framework that helps to understand the complex
linkages between people and the various factors that affect their choices and actions. Its scope
ranges from the very specific nature of individuals, their characteristics and their local
circumstances, to include a broad range of factors that might influence people’s options and choices
2
In the first stages of the research the Caribbean Reef and Livelihoods Framework (Cattermoul et al 2011) was
developed as a means of building on existing understanding to help the research team visualise and scope out
the multitude of factors which might influence people’s lives and their relationships with coral reefs in the
Caribbean.
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at the local, national, societal and broader global levels. As a frame of reference for the research the
livelihoods framework represented a lens or ‘sensitizing concept’3 that guided the field level
research to uncover the diversity and inherent complexity of people’s relationships with coral reefs.
In order to place this understanding of livelihoods into the context of vulnerability to change, the
research also drew upon a vulnerability framework. This framework was adapted from the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change definition of vulnerability as “the degree to which a
system is susceptible to, or unable to cope with, adverse effects of climate change, including climate
variability and extremes. Vulnerability is a function of the character, magnitude, and rate of climate
variation to which a system is exposed, its sensitivity, and its adaptive capacity” (IPCC 2001). In this
way, it interpreted the key elements of vulnerability as follows:
1) Exposure is the exposure of coral reefs and the provisioning, regulating, cultural and
supporting services they provide to socio-ecological-driven changes (including but not
limited to climate-related change).
2) Sensitivity is the extent to which people’s livelihoods are likely to be affected by changes in
coral reef services, as measured by the degree to which people’s livelihoods depend on coral
reef services.
3) Adaptive Capacity is the ability of a society and individuals or households to respond, cope
with and capitalise on changes in access to coral reef services.
Applying this framework provided a means of examining livelihoods in the context of the key
research questions. In this way it helps to understand how changes in the context of people’s
livelihoods, combined with their variable sensitivities and capacities to cope and respond in relation
to change, can generate different types of impacts and responses from people and institutions.
Guided by the livelihoods and vulnerability frameworks, the research adopted an interpretive
qualitative approach and focused on specific case studies with the aim of generating a rich in-depth
understanding. While this research approach limits generalisation to those case studies gathered, it
does allow for the inference of issues that are of wider relevance to understanding livelihood
dependency and change. In the context of the research, this approach presents policy makers and
planners with an understanding of: the diversity of forms that coral reef dependency can take; how
coral reef dependency has been affected by change; and how different people have responded to
those changes in research sites across the Caribbean. Overall, the following report aims to highlight
the types of issues that need to be understood locally in order to formulate the appropriate policy
responses, while simultaneously contributing a framework and approach for analysing and
responding to reef dependency and change in the Caribbean.
Alongside the qualitative research approach, was an emphasis on participation and collaboration
with local co-researchers and research participants, which recognised the importance of mutual
learning. Such a participatory approach provides a means to jointly analyse and communicate
information of relevance to people’s livelihoods; providing an understanding of local realities in
3
A ‘sensitising concept’ refers to Blumer‘s (1954 cited in Bryman 2008) suggestion that concepts used to
understand the social world should guide what to look for and so uncover diversity, rather than be applied
definitively with fixed indicators which will limit what can be known of the variety that exists.
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different contexts. However, it is also important to recognise that levels of participation may vary
considerably at different stages of the research process; from active participant-led to passive
researcher-led (Pretty et al 1995). In the current research, the concept and design was largely an
externally driven process, with limited participation from those people within the research
communities. Yet as the research process progressed, and the research team established themselves
in the selected research communities, the researchers were able to build relationships with local
partners, agencies and participants. This allowed for greater participation and engagement with the
research during the fieldwork stage.
Research Process and Method
Field research was undertaken as a coordinated process between the Livelihoods and Reefs (Work
Package 2) and Governance and Coral Reefs (Work Package 1) components of the FORCE project.
This represented a partnership between research teams from IMM Ltd, The Centre for Resource
Management and Environmental Studies (CERMES) at the University of the West Indies and the
School of Marine Science and Technology at Newcastle University.
The research took place in four Caribbean case study countries; Barbados, Belize, Honduras and St
Kitts and Nevis. The selection of countries aimed to take several key factors into consideration:



A diversity of characteristics from the point of view of their social and economic
development;
Different levels of development in management, policy and governance arrangements in
relation to the marine environment;
Opportunities to make linkages with the results of ecological research being conducted by
other work packages of the FORCE project.
At each case study location, the research sought to follow a seven stage process (Figure 1). This
process was adapted from the Sustainable Coastal Livelihoods Research Process (IMM 2003), which
was conceived as an iterative cycle of knowledge generation, interpretation, reflection and feedback
relying on primary and secondary sources. It is important to note that the knowledge generated at
each stage not only addresses the research questions, but also informs subsequent stages of the
process.
As the cycle progresses and participants become involved in the different stages, there is an explicit
intention to make the research process more participatory. This is based on the assumption that
participants perceive a benefit from the opportunity to articulate their own experience and to share
this with others. Among householders, or common interest groups, this may represent an important
chance to voice their priorities and concerns to service providers, policy makers or practitioners.
Likewise, for local, regional or national service providers, policy makers or practitioners, this may
represent an important opportunity to reflect on the specifics of a local situation, as well as to
strengthen or form new relationships with other institutional participants.
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In its idealised form4, the process starts with the collection of secondary data relevant to the
particular research locations. Prepared with this background knowledge, researchers are then in a
position to begin consultations with participants. This stage begins by engaging individuals and
groups of institutional participants; firstly at a wider national, or regional levels, then at local
research site levels. The process then moves on to engage community participants who represent
individuals, households and groups with varying dependence, or interests in coral reefs and
experience of coral reef and livelihood change. Having worked with these varying levels of
participants, the research process then commits to revisit local, regional and national levels in order
to present back and validate research findings and to engage in a discussion of future scenarios of
community development and reef management.
The FORCE Livelihoods and Reefs research process used two core methods to capture case study
examples,
namely
semistructured
interviews
and
opportunistic
conversations.
These methods formed the basis
of the research and were used
for individual key informants and
household
interviews.
Accompanying this, the research
team
used
participatory
visualisation tools, such as
timelines and seasonal calendars,
to assist the interaction between
the
interviewer
and
the
respondent(s). To support the
research team, detailed guidance
notes5 on the research process
and methodology were prepared
and were updated as the
methods were tested and
adapted in the field.
Within each of the four case
Figure 1: Livelihoods and Reefs Research Process
study countries, two research
(adapted from IMM 2003)
sites were selected. These sites
were selected paying particular
attention to different patterns of dependence on coral reef resources. At each research site, the
research process began with scoping activities in order to determine site boundaries and broadly
identify the typologies of households within the community. This scoping helped to organise a
4
To ensure proper coordination between the Livelihoods (WP2) and Governance (WP1) research components
and given limitations of time in-country and at the research communities, the order in which different stages
of the research process were undertaken was adapted. In practice this meant that community and nationallevel consultations were often conducted once the field research work had already commenced.
5
To view detailed method guidance readers are referred to Cattermoul et al 2012.
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sample of households for the in-depth interviews. The purpose of the in-depth household sample6
was to develop detailed case studies of households across a spectrum of relative well-being and
dependence on coral reefs, which would be illustrative of the diversity of households in the
community. A target sample of ten to twelve households7 was identified at each research site and
attempts were made to conduct an initial in-depth interview with a household, and if necessary a
further follow-up interview where more information was needed. Key informant interviews were
undertaken where possible at local, or national levels and focussed either on individuals involved in
implementing livelihood change interventions, or the beneficiaries of those interventions.
Concurrently, conversations were conducted opportunistically to validate emerging themes and
uncertainties encountered through household and key informant interviews.
The field team undertook the research in Barbados over a period of 10 weeks initially during
December 2011 to early February 2012 and again during August to September 2012. Table 1 below
summarises the research encounters in relation to the two research sites (Holetown and Six Men’s)
in Barbados.
Table 1: Summary of interviews, meetings and observations carried out in Barbados
Type of research
Wider area
Local area
Holetown
encounter
consultation
consultation
consultation
Area consultation /
1
2
validation meetings
Initial in-depth household
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interviews
Follow-up in-depth
household interviews
Opportunistic
28
conversations
Key informant interviews
4
-
Six Men’s
consultation
12
1
23
1
Where possible and with consent from participants, all research encounters were recorded and
subsequently transcribed. Analysis of transcriptions was undertaken using NVivo software. In the
following sections, research findings are presented as quotes from these different encounters. To
anonymise and protect the identity of participants, the names of all sources have been changed and
occupational details have been assigned to broad categories.
6
7
To view details of the household sampling strategy readers are referred to Cattermoul et al 2012.
This sample size reflected what was possible given the time available in the field.
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Research Site Profile
Geography
The Barbados case study research took place at two research sites on the sheltered west coast of
Barbados, as shown in Figure 2. The more southerly research site of Holetown is a significant
location historically, being the site of the first English claim over Barbados in the 1600s and where
the first major fortification, place of Justice, and Governor's House were located. The more northerly
research site of Six Men’s is a small fishing village, located on the sandy beach of Maycock's Bay.
Figure 2: WP2 Livelihoods and Reefs Research Sites in Barbados
Coral Reefs
The west coast of Barbados experiences relatively calm seas and is characterised by a sloping shelf
on which fringing reefs grow out to 300 m from the beach. The south west coast has a gently sloping
sandy shelf and extensive patch reefs. A bank reef runs parallel to the shore approximately 1,000 m
offshore. The south east coast has no fringing reef but does have a bank reef 400-800 m from the
shore. The east coast is fully exposed to the Atlantic swells and has limited reef. The north coast has
a rock terrace and the north east is particular sheltered and supports the most extensive and diverse
hard corals in the island.
All reefs around Barbados are considered to be threatened by human activities, including overfishing
and coastal development (Burke and Maidens 2004). All targeted reef species (particularly
parrotfish) are considered to be overfished (Burke and Maidens 2004). Barbados has approximately
4.9 km² of bank reefs and 1.4 km² of fringing reefs, which are important for beach stabilization and
constitute an important attraction for visitors (Belle and Bramwell, 2005). However, rapid increases
in coastal development relating to tourism and increasing population density have contributed to
marine environmental degradation, for example through sedimentation and eutrophication (Burke
and Maidens 2004). An estimated 60 % of reefs in Barbados are thought to be threatened by
sedimentation and 15 % by marine pollution (Burke and Maidens 2004).
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Additionally, bleaching poses an important threat to Barbados’ coral reefs. In 1998 a bleaching event
affected 65-90 % of reefs (Burke and Maidens
2004) and severe bleaching occurred again in
2005 leading to coral mortality of up to 20 %
(Wilkinson 2008). Surveys of reefs at 6 sites in
Barbados showed an average of 70.6 % of
colonies initially bleaching after the onset of
warmer water in 2005 (near shore reefs were
more severely affected than deeper reefs), and
37.7 % were still bleached after 5.5 months
(Oxenford et al 2008).
People
Barbados has a population of 275,300 and the
island is one of the most densely populated
countries in the western hemisphere (637 people
per km²). According to the 2010 census, the
A view of Six Men's from the sea
parish of St Peter where Six Men’s is located had
a population of 11,300, while the St James parish where Holetown is located had a population of
28,498 (BSS 2013). There are three major ethnic groups broken down as follows, 93 % black, 4 %
white and 3 % Asian and mixed. In the research sites, the field team spoke to a diversity of people.
The official language in Barbados is English with a well-developed dialect referred to as "Bajan".
Local Economy
We consider here two key aspects of the economy of the research sites; fisheries and tourism.
Fisheries
Barbados’ fishing industry contributes significantly to the economic and social wellbeing of the
country. According to the 2004-2006 Fisheries
Management plan, the fishing industry employs
approximately 6,000 people (many selfemployed) who engage in fishing, processing,
retailing, wholesaling, boat building, export and
distributional activities (Barbados Fisheries
Division, 2004). In 2001 there were 954 fishing
vessels registered, of which 471 were ‘Moses’
vessels (open boats propelled by oars or outboard
engines) that are used primarily for reef and
coastal fisheries (McConney et al. 2003).
Fish catch on the beach at Six Men's
All fisheries are open access and the fishing
industry is considered to be a social safety-net for the unemployed, with a mobile and opportunistic
labour force involved in the fishery (McConney et al. 2003). Fishers move between sectors of the
fishery according to seasonal opportunities, but a study suggested most rely solely on fishing for
income, while a minority are engaged in low-skilled jobs at certain times of year (McConney et al.
2003).
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Reef fish form a relatively small component of landings compared to flying fish and pelagic species
(McConney et al. 2003). Reef fishing activities peak during the summer months (off-season for
pelagics) and fish are targeted using traps, spears, hand-lines and nets. Iceboats, launches and long
liners are chiefly used in the offshore pelagic
fishery (although launches are sometimes
used for demersal fishing as well) and Moses
vessels are employed for near shore fishing.
The Barbados Fisheries Division (2004)
defines Six Men’s as a “tertiary” landing site
with little or no infrastructure in place.
Although, fish vendors have recently been
given stalls where locals and the occasional
tourist can purchase fish. Pelagics are the
major fish group that is landed at this site.
Tourism
The beach at Holetown
The economy of Barbados relies heavily on tourism, and is ranked 6th worldwide and 4th in the
Caribbean in terms of the relative contribution of travel and tourism to the national economy (WTTC
2010). Tourist arrivals are typically from the UK and USA, with arrivals peaking during the winter
months. The expansion of this sector resulted in rapid coastal development and an increase in
marine recreation activities primarily on the west and south coast of the island.
Holetown is characterised as a community principally dependent on tourism. The heavily-developed
coastline is marked by high-end resorts and luxury real estate. Further inland there are numerous
condominium complexes, apartments and guest houses as well as shopping facilities and
restaurants. The principle west-coast road (Highway 1) bisects the community and road
communications are relatively well developed. The nearshore area is a very popular area for
watersports (e.g. jet skis, waterskiing, snorkeling, glass-bottom boat tours) and these activities are
concentrated within the marine reserve.
Six Men’s has little in the way of physical
infrastructure at the site, although two
marina developments border the village
including Port St Charles and Port Ferdinand
(the latter being under construction). The
nearest major resort used to be the allinclusive Almond Beach Village to the south
of the community, but this has closed in
recent years; a smaller resort, Little Good
Port St Charles marina bordering Six Men's village
Harbour, is located to the north of the
village. Within the community there is some limited watersport activity for tourists including turtlefeeding, recreational spearfishing and diving on the bank reefs.
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Local Coral Reef Governance
The Government of Barbados is currently structured into 15 ministries, the Prime Minister’s Office,
and the Office of the Attorney General. The Ministry of the Environment, Water Resource
Management and Drainage is home to many of the units and departments directly related to coral
reef resources (including the Coastal Zone Management Unit (CZMU), National Conservation
Commission, and Environmental Protection Department). The Town and Country Planning Unit
(under the Prime Minister’s Office) also work in conjunction with CZMU in matters of coastal
development.
Fisheries are governed through the Ministry of Agriculture, Food, Fisheries, Industry and Small
Business Development, while enforcement of fisheries regulations is shared across the Fisheries
Department, the Barbados Police Force (under the Ministry of Home Affairs) and the Barbados
Defence Force/Barbados Coast Guard (under the Prime Minister’s Office). Decision-making with
regards to coastal management is split between the aforementioned Ministries and Departments,
and to a lesser extent with other governmental bodies.
There are four primary legislative acts that are related to fisheries, reef and coastal resources: the
Fisheries Act (1993, amended 2000), the Coastal Zone Management Act (1998), the Marine Pollution
and Control Act (1998), and the Town and Country Planning Act (1985). There are associated sets of
detailed regulations under these acts. A number of additional acts and regulations have a small or
indirect relation to these resources.
There are a number of other management measures that are implemented under Barbadian
National law. For example, fisheries gear restrictions e.g. minimum trap mesh size, escape panels in
traps, prohibition of explosive substances for fishing, and seining or cast-netting near reefs is
prohibited. Scuba diving is also prohibited for harvesting (McManus and Lacambra 2005). Closed
seasons are implemented for different shallow shelf reef fisheries (e.g. parrotfish), spiny lobster,
deep slope fishes (e.g. snappers), and sea urchins. The harvest of berried lobsters and removal of
their eggs, and the harvest of turtles is also banned (McManus and Lacambra 2005).
Holetown and Six Men’s
Holetown is located in the centre of St. James and its coastline is almost entirely contained within
the Folkestone Marine Reserve. The Barbados Marine Reserve at Folkestone is the only legislated
marine protected area on the island, comprising a zoned reserve of 2.2 km 2 located in one of the
most heavily used marine areas (Burke and Maidens 2004). The government’s Coastal Zone
Management Unit has been monitoring coral reefs around the island at five year intervals since
1982, with more frequent monitoring of bleaching and disease (Burke and Maidens 2004). There are
also initiatives to make Barbados ‘anchor-free’ as part of the Barbados Permanent Mooring Project
(Burke and Maidens 2004).
There are no specific coral reef management tools or measures in place in the vicinity of Six Men’s
community.
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Research Findings
The following section presents an in-depth exploration of the research findings from Holetown and
Six Men’s. Findings are organised into two main sub-sections relating to the key themes of i)
livelihood dependency, and ii) change and response to change.
Livelihood Dependency
The purpose of this section is to explore how people at the two research sites depend on coral reef
and associated resources. Focused around the role of coral reef-associated fisheries and tourism, the
section explores the varied nature of livelihood dependence within households and throughout the
year; highlighting both the importance and the uncertainties associated with this dependence.
Fisheries Dependence
Focusing on the village of Six Men’s, respondents described fishing as a traditional livelihood
opportunity (see Box 2), and a key source of employment, income and subsistence. Luca8, a
community fisheries advocate, estimated that in total there are “… about forty boat owners … and
around eighty fishermen… so that is like one hundred and twenty people in fishing…” in Six Men’s. He
underlined that those people engaged in fishing are
a “… cross section of older and younger folks…”
from the community of Six Men’s and the northern
constituency of St Lucy’s9.
Corroborating Luca’s description, the research
gathered case studies that display a cross section
of age groups in the Six Men’s community who
depend on fisheries activities for employment,
income or subsistence. In addition to this, these
case studies exhibit a range of affluence levels. Two
strikingly different case studies include Drake10 a
relatively affluent government worker and parttime fisher, and Josef11 a fish processor and parttime fisher within a lower affluence bracket.
For Drake, fishing represents a supplementary
income which allows him to “… just save my
government money [wage]…”. He reported that he
owns a motorised boat and the fishing equipment
Fishing traps and boats on the beach at Six Men's
to go trolling and spear fishing, and regularly spear
fishes on the reef “… every weekend, once the conditions are good...”. Drake outlined that his son
benefits from the extra finance he generates from fishing as he “... gets to spend more money out of
8
Source: WP2 Sustainable Livelihood Enhancement and Diversification (SLED) Interview, Six Men’s,
06/09/2012.
9
The communities in the northern constituency of St Lucy’s do not have a safe coastal area for boats to cast
off and so are reported to make use of the Six Men’s coastal zone.
10
Source: WP2 In-depth Household Interviews, Six Men’s, 06/09/2012.
11
Source: WP2 In-depth Household Interviews, Six Men’s, 30/08/2012 and 13/09/2012.
16
me…”. He added that his fisheries income also “… helps buy lunch, helps put gas in the boat….” and
means that “… I don’t have to pull my pocket…” to pursue recreational scuba diving activities.
In contrast, Josef, a fish processor and part-time fisher, reported that he does not own any fishing
equipment apart from a simple hook and a line. He stated that he harvests coral reef-associated
species such as lobster and sea cats (octopus), and sells this within the Six Men’s community. Josef
underlined that he also depends on fishing for subsistence, noting that “… I will always go for it,
crab, lobster, a lot of fish…”. He highlighted that at times he might additionally “… haul fish pots for
others [fishermen]…” and receive some of the catch as in-kind payment.
At the second research community of Holetown fishing appears less prominent and the research
captured few case studies that display dependence on fisheries activities for their employment and
income. Two case studies that reported that they did pursue fishing in Holetown include the
households of Evan12 and Joel13. Evan reported “… I use the reefs as spear fishing and for dropping
fish traps…”, while Joel detailed that he fishes offshore and noted that “… the only thing I take from
the reef is bait, and that is sprat…”.
Interestingly, these two case studies hint at the diversity of fishing opportunities that coral reefassociated fisheries can support. Yet,
despite this, respondents underlined
that the tourism industry plays the
central role in providing opportunities
for employment and income in
Holetown. Given this, the following
sub-headings in this section explore
fisheries dependence on coral reefassociated fisheries at the first
research site of the Six Men’s
community.
A fisher near shore at Holetown
12
13
Source: WP2 Opportunistic conversations, Holetown, 08/02/2012.
Source: WP2 In-depth Household Interviews, Holetown, 04/02/2012.
17
Box 2: The Tradition of Fishing in Six Men’s
For households involved in fisheries in Six Men’s, many described the influence of growing up in a traditional
1
fishing community on their livelihood strategy. Doug , a trainee construction worker and aspiring fisher,
recalled that the “… first time I ever think about it [fishing] is when I was … about nine or ten…”. He reported
that around this time “… I found some fishing line on the beach… and I put a hook on it and I caught one little
fish and that’s when it started…”.
2
Gabriel , a full-time fisher, detailed that from a young age he would accompany his uncles fishing, and stated
that “… fishing is in my blood…”. He reported that he began fishing for his employment and income when he
reached eighteen years old and underlined that his inspiration to become a fisherman came from watching
the fishers in Six Men’s as a child. Gabriel described that “… you grow up in Six Men’s and seeing the
fishermen bring to shore fourteen to fifteen dolphins in one catch, and I say I want to do that… When I got to
go out there for the first time I caught about two thousand flying fish and about five dolphin [fish], and I
guess from then I just kept going and having fun…”.
Respondents also described learning their skills from family, friends, or fishers from within the Six Men’s
3
community. For example, Ellis , noted that “… I learn that [fishing] when I was younger, just going down by
the sand bay and watching the guys fishing...”. He recalled that one day when he was watching the fishers,
“… a guy taught me how to tie the hook on the line and how to cast it out and feel when a fish bite and things
like that….”.
1
Source: WP2 Opportunistic conversation Interviews, Six Men’s, 21/09/2012
Source: WP2 In-depth Household Interviews, Six Men’s, 04/09/2012
3
Source: WP2 In-depth Household Interviews, Six Men’s, 14/09/2012
2
Coral reef-associated fisheries
Fishers in Six Men’s highlighted that coral reef-associated fisheries are one amongst a portfolio of
fisheries opportunities available to them. Other opportunities include coastal fisheries (i.e. for jacks)
and offshore (i.e. flying fish) pelagic fisheries. Notably, coral reef-associated fisheries represent an
important resource to some households in the Six Men’s community as, unlike coastal and offshore
pelagic fisheries, they are easily accessible and can be harvested with minimal gear requirements.
Christophe14, a part-time fisherman, underlined that as well as a boat “… flying fishing calls for a lot
more time and equipment…”. He detailed that “… you’ve got to have nets, you’re going to have a
radio, you bring along the life-saving things like jackets, water, light, all the stuff that goes along
with the inspection of the boats…”.
Contrastingly, Josef, a fish processor and part-time fisher, emphasised that all he needs to harvest
on the reef is a hook and a rod. He reported that he does not have a boat and swims out to the reef
to harvest his catch. Similarly, Eric15 explained that he harvests welts and conchs using his Moses (a
small paddle boat) and simple implements such as a “… knife or something with a sharp point…”.
14
15
18
Both Josef and Eric reported that they use their catch for subsistence within their households.
Another example of an individual using
coral reef fisheries for subsistence
includes Cameron16, a tradesman.
Cameron reported that he goes to the
beach to “throw a line” and catches “pot
fish” (reef fish). He underlined that his
catch was not for sale, but for personal
use within his household. He stated “… I
just throw my line and catch a few and I
would do it sometimes if I have the
time…”.
Notably, across the Six Men’s
community, case studies indicate that
offshore pelagic fisheries, and in
Processing the flying fish catch in Six Men's
particular the flying fish fishery, are
important for generating employment
and income. Examples that detail the importance of the flying fishery for employment and income
include the case studies of Gabriel17 and Ashton18. Both these respondents stated that they pursue a
variety of fishing activities such as coral reef fishing, as
Box 3: Fishing and Independence
well as “seine boating” to harvest jacks. Yet Gabriel and
Ashton identified that they are chiefly dependent upon
Brycen previously was employed as a
the flying fishery for their employment and income.
tradesman but shifted his livelihood
For example, Gabriel drew attention to the large catch
he can earn from the flying fishery, highlighting that, “…
sometimes in two days you get like… four thousand
flying fish… “. He emphasised that”... once the fish is
there you make money...”. Ashton noted the income he
generates from the flying fishery, reporting that “… I’ve
been out with nineteen guys a time… still get paid good,
like two hundred dollars a trip…”. In comparison to this
income, he explained, “… a friend of mine has ten fish
pots and [I] help him haul them… I might go and get a
hundred dollar bill...”.
activities to pursue fishing full-time on
other fishers’ boats. He reported that he
pursues “…hooking for red snappers and
brims and… we do ice fishing [for flying
fish]...”. Brycen emphasised that he
prefers engaging in fisheries activities for
his employment and income rather than
his employment as a tradesman because
fishing gives him a sense of
independence. He underlined “… I don’t
have anyone telling me to do this, or
breathing down my throat…”.
Interestingly, a variety of other respondents also recognised that they are able to benefit financially
from flying fish fisheries. Kelly19, a public servant, stated that he owns a boat and has fished for flying
fish for the last twenty six years. Kelly outlined that he fishes “… any opportunity I can get … on an
average day we might catch four hundred dollars [Barbadian] in fish…”. He detailed that as the boat
16
Source: WP2 Opportunistic conversation, Six Men’s, 31/08/2012.
18
19
17
19
owner and captain he earns approximately a hundred and twenty five Barbadian dollars per trip (US
$ 62.50 using 2.0 conversion rate in 2013).
A further respondent Doug20, a trainee construction worker, outlined that he intends to shift his
livelihood activities to include part-time fishing. Doug acknowledged that this intention is motivated
by the potential financial gains from pursuing flying fish and admitted that “… to be honest with you I
don’t want to be fishing in the next seven or eight years from now... it really is not my dream, but I
know how to make money out of it…”. He noted that he might also pursue pot fishing for reef fish,
but underlined that he expects his main focus to
be on the flying fishery because the flying fishery
“… is the big money…”.
For the above case studies there appears to be a
preference for pursuing flying fish fisheries and
this is associated with the potential for large
income gains. However, it is important to
highlight here that pursuing fisheries activities for
employment and income might not always be
motivated by financial benefits, as illustrated in
the case study of Brycen21 (see Box 3).
Furthermore, it is also important to underline that
a preference for flying fish fisheries does not
devalue the role that coral reef fisheries play in
providing opportunities to gain employment and
income. Indeed, coral reef-associated fisheries
typically provide the bait for fishers that pursue
Processing fish at Holetown
pelagic fisheries such as the flying fishery.
Moreover, as noted in some of the case studies detailed above (i.e. Gabriel and Ashton), coral reef
fisheries are part of a diverse livelihood strategy that includes other fisheries activities such as “ice
boating” for flying fish and “seine boating” for jacks. A further example of this in Six Men’s includes
Colt22, a retired tradesman. Colt outlined that he pursues flying fish fisheries as well as “hook and
line” fishing to harvest “… ning nings, velvet, maybe a snapper, you know anything like that…”. Colt
outlined that fishing is important to his livelihood strategy, which he depends on as a source of
subsistence and to generate an income alongside the small contributions he receives from his
pension.
Post-harvest fisheries
Beyond the direct extraction of fisheries resources, household respondents in Six Men’s reported
engaging in other fisheries related activities, namely fish processing and vending. Like fishing, these
opportunities are not necessarily pursued as a full-time livelihood activity, but nevertheless
represent an important aspect of households’ employment and income. Unlike fishing, fish
20
22
21
20
processing and vending activities are pursued by both male and female community members. For
example, case studies include Alanis23, Kallie24, Frida25 and Haylee26, who reported that they process
fish, and Giselle27, who stated that she sells fish.
Of these case studies, only Alanis outlined that she engages in fish processing as a full-time
livelihood activity. The other female respondents reported pursuing fish processing alongside
additional livelihood activities such as tourism. For example, Kallie stated that she pursues fish
processing and selling alongside work at tourist resort outside the Six Men’s community. She
emphasised that she prefers fish
processing to working at the tourist resort
because the latter requires more physical
exertion.
Fish processors and sellers explained that
they generate their income by adding a
small charge to the fish that they buy from
the fishermen. Alanis, a full-time fish
processor, detailed that she charges
around one Barbadian Dollar28 for
processing a range of fish. Alanis outlined
that “…. I buy it [fish] from the fishermen
Processing fish at Six Men's
and sell. If I buy it for seven dollars and
then I sell for eight dollars and charge for cleaning an extra one [Barbadian} dollar…”.
Another fish processor, Josef, reported that he does not always ask for monetary payment for his
fish processing services. He stated that alternatively, he might receive payment in-kind. He explained
that when he processes fish for his friends “… sometimes some of them [friends] bring in [him]
nothing and sometimes some bring in [him] clothes…”. He noted that for his other customers “…
sometimes it would be thirty pounds of fish and he [the fisher] would give me thirty [Barbadian]
dollars and ask if I want some food and give me food as well…”.
Sharing fish catch
A common feature of case study interviews in Six Men’s was the in-kind sharing of fish catch.
Examples include Ashton, who fishes for his employment and income and described that “… you
share it [fish catch] with your friends…”. He outlined that these friends are people that help with
hauling the boats when fishers return from their fishing trips.
A number of non-fishing case study households reported that they receive fish catch in-kind from
other community members. Dasia29, and Claudia30 stated that they receive fish in-kind from their
23
Source: WP2 In-depth Household Interviews, Six Men’s, 07/09/2012 and 12/09/2012.
25
Source: WP2 Opportunistic conversations, Six Men’s, 13/09/2012.
26
27
28
Equivalent to US $ 0.5
29
24
21
friends. Claudia explained that her household “… were never ones who would purchase fish…
because my husband has friends [that fish] so he would get fish…”. Additionally, for two retired Six
Men’s residents, Jermaine and Eric, the in-kind exchange of fish appears to be an important source
of household subsistence. Jermaine31, a retired industry worker, reported that “… I don’t buy fish,
people just come and give me a couple [of] fish and say these are for you…”. He detailed that “…. I
clean them [the fish], lime and salt them and then I have a meal, even if I use a pack of biscuits…”.
Like Jermaine, Eric, a retired community member reported “… there are always a few friends around
that would give me fish…”.
Tourism Dependence
Alongside fisheries dependence, the
research observed a difference in
the prominence of tourism based
livelihood activities in the two
research communities. At Holetown,
the local tourism industry appears to
be a central source of employment
and income. For example, a retired
community
member,
Felix32,
A glass bottom boat tour at Six Men’s
described that “… in the community
a lot of the jobs are in the hotel industry and basically the whole community is in the tourist
sector...”. Felix noted that “… you get people doing barmen, maids, gardeners, waitress, cleaners,
security guards, water sports. [There are jobs] from all different angles…”.
At Six Men’s, case study households displayed dependency on fisheries for their employment and
income, with fewer case study households involved in tourism. For those respondents that stated
that they work within the tourism industry, many reported that they travel to tourist resorts or
attractions outside of the Six Men’s community. An example case study includes Lorena33, a resident
of Six Men’s, who noted that she works as a cleaner at a resort in Speightstown. She described that
“… I don’t really notice a tourist around here [in Six Men’s]… here really is no place to be sunbathing
because of … the people coming in with the fish…”. Given this, the following sub-headings in this
section primarily focus on the community of Holetown.
Coral reef-associated tourism
Water sports provide important tourism related livelihood opportunities in Holetown. In scoping
interviews, Isaac34 a part-time fisher described water sports operators as “barefoot hustlers”. He
explained that “… [they] walk the beach and get the tourist to do bookings with water sports, fishing
trips and other activities…”. An example of this includes the case study of Brooks35, who reported
that he has pursued water sports operating for twenty six years in order to generate his employment
and income. Brooks underlined that there are many other people in Holetown that engage in similar
30
32
33
34
Source: WP2 Scoping Interviews, Holetown, December 2011.
35
31
22
livelihood opportunities within water sports, noting
that “… it is very large... [there are] a lot of people
that do it [water sports operating]…”.
Rohan36 offers a further case study of a water sports
operator. He reported that “… my occupation is
actually, is working on the beach. We have a boat,
putting people on the boat and take them out [to the
reef] to show them the turtles…”. Rohan noted that
he also offers guided fishing trips and takes tourists
“… fishing for the marlin or the tuna… with the
rods…”. Though, he highlighted that “… I wouldn’t go
all out to get a fishing trip because the turtle trips pay
more than the fishing trips... [And] the turtle trips,
them is more important because you get them every
day…”.
Box 4: Indirect dependency on coral
reefs
Retiree Jasper, in Holetown, reported that he
and his wife own an apartment which they
rent to international visitors. He noted that
“… we rent that out … to get some money…”,
and emphasised that this is the household’s
most significant source of income. Jasper
identified that the coral reef is important to
this income as “… it provides an attraction for
the visitor that stays in my apartment…”. He
outlined that a “… healthy reef gives a house
a healthy beach, and most of my guests are
middle aged and older and they want to come
and relax on the sea and snorkel…”.
Importantly, Rohan acknowledged that his livelihood is dependent on the coral reef, stating that “… I
use it [the reef] because of the boat trips. I take people out to show them the reef…”. Like Rohan,
Greyson37, a water sports operator in Holetown, reported he “… uses the reefs and the bay areas
that the reefs create…” to offer activities such as coastal cruises, snorkelling trips and water skiing.
He emphasised that Holetown has “… one of the best bays on the west coast for water sports…”.
Greyson added that the reef is important for tourism more generally as it provides a bay area that is
“… good for everybody, [it’s good] for snorkelling, [or] relaxing [on the beach]…”. This was similarly
recognised by other respondents in the community. Lara38, a shop owner noted that the coral reef
“… [is] what the tourists come here to Barbados to enjoy and that’s how some people get their
dollar…”.
While livelihood opportunities such water sports are recognised to benefit directly from the coral
reef, there are also other tourism opportunities which indirectly depend on the reef. A case study
example of indirect dependency on coral reefs includes Jasper39 a retired community member in
Holetown (see Box 4).
Combining tourism and fisheries opportunities
A number of case studies in Holetown reported pursuing both water sports and fisheries activities to
fulfil their livelihood strategy. Combining fishing and tourism activities like this is not surprising in a
community that, as detailed in the Site Profile, was traditionally one of Barbados’ core fishing
communities. This was highlighted by Pedro40, a part-time fisher who noted that “… you know
Holetown, [it] used to be a fishing village…”. Pedro underlined that people in Holetown still engage
in fishing but typically “… only do it part-time for a lil’ fun and for food...”.
36
Source: WP2 In-depth Household Interviews, Holetown, 31/01/2012
38
39
40
37
23
Marlon41 reported that his livelihood strategy combines a number of different livelihood
opportunities, including water sports, fishing, “… labour work, cut down trees, whatever, [I do]
nothing specific…”. Marlon underlined that he has a flexible approach to his livelihood strategy, and
noted that at the moment “… I’m doing carpentry… but I got the [Hobie] Cat on the beach so work
half day today [on carpentry] and [I] would go on the beach the next day [to do water sports]…”. In
addition, Marlon outlined that he fishes, stating that “… I go for bonitas… goggle eyes and snappers
and that kind of thing…”. He underlined that “… when I go fishing I don’t go fishing to sell fish really, I
go fishing to eat the fish or give me friends…”.
Another case study respondent, Harry42, reported that he is a “… water sports operator. I do
everything… I’m a speed boat driver in the first place, but I jet ski and glass bottom boat a lot…”.
Harry detailed that he engages in these water sports activities by day and during the evening “… I do
reef fishing mainly or fish in the surf…”. Like Marlon, Harry outlined that his water sports activities
generate his employment and income, while his fisheries activities provide subsistence. He
emphasised that “… I like fish, I like fresh fish… [I] fish about three, four times a week…”. He
explained that he either barbeques his catch with his fellow fishers or “… sometimes I carry home,
some for the family…”.
The Seasonality of Dependence
December
November
October
September
August
July
June
May
April
March
February
January
The seasonality of fisheries
In Holetown and Six Men’s respondents described that their fishing activities experience seasonal
fluctuations (Figure 3). For example, David43 a retired fisher in Six Men’s, outlined that “… the flying
fish season is from November to June…”. Outside of this season, he noted that fishers have to pursue
other opportunities in order to generate their employment and income. A number of case study
respondents reported that at this time they pursue ”seine boating” for jacks, and “hooking” or
“trapping” for coral reef-associated species.
Tourism (high season)
Ice Boating (i.e. Flying Fish)
Seine Boating (i.e. Jacks)
Red Fishing (i.e. snappers)
Pot fishing (i.e. reef fish)
*
Figure 3: Seasonal calendar relating to fishing and tourism activities for Holetown and Six Men’s
*
Based on information from in-depth household interviews and opportunistic conversation in Holetown and Six Men’s.
Joel, a full-time fisher in Holetown, underlined that “… fishing does got different seasons, you got red
snapper season, flying fish season, barracuda season….”. He detailed that “… I do flying fish
41
Source: WP2 In-depth Household Interviews, Holetown, 01/02/2012
43
42
24
sometimes, between December probably till April, [or] sometimes I do barracuda from December to
April… it all depends… because [the] two seasons meet together, so it is which is more profitable to
do. So if the barracuda is not profitable, I do flying fish…”. Outside of this season, Joel noted that “…
from May to like September is the red fishing, like red snapper…”.
Colt, a retired electrician and fisher in Six Men’s, reported that “… out of season I do hooking on the
sand bay…”. He noted that fishers also use this time to“… get ready for the fishing season again…
[including] painting and maintenance [of their boat]…”. Colt noted that additionally during the flying
fish season “… you have to put something aside [save]…” to help sustain the household from June to
September.
Gabriel, a full-time fisher in Six Men’s, corroborated Colt,
but emphasised that out of season “… you try not to use that
money [savings] and would go red fishing and seine boating
and use that money you make there…”. Gabriel stated that
from June to September “…we [fishers] have a choice, its go
red fishing or go seine boating….”. He outlined that this year
he pursued “seine boating”, as this was the first boat
available to fish.
The above case studies highlight that while flying fish
fisheries might be important for generating employment
and income (as documented in the Fisheries Dependence
section), seasonally coral reef-associated fisheries represent
A fisher in Holetown
an important livelihood resource. Case study respondents
underlined that they utilise coral reef fisheries between June and September, outside of the flying
fish season. As such, it appears that coral reef fisheries act as an important keystone resource, a
resource which underpins their livelihood strategy, providing a source of security to off-set seasonal
variability in flying fish fisheries.
Like fishers, fish processors in Six Men’s are similarly affected by seasonality in fisheries. Frida
detailed that she uses the same strategy as fishers, and processes different fish species according to
the time of the year. As can be expected, Frida detailed that she processes flying fish from
November to June, and then coral reef related species from June to September. She underlined that
she is able to generate an income throughout the year as “…when the flying fish are out [of season]
the snappers come in [season]…”.
Three other case study respondents involved in fish processing or selling detailed that, for them, this
livelihood activity is only pursued during the flying fish season. This includes Giselle, a fish seller and
Kallie, a fish processor. In both of these case studies, their fish processing or selling is part of a
livelihood strategy that includes working in the tourism sector. The third case study household,
Haylee, is a small business owner in Six Men’s community. For Giselle, Kallie and Haylee, fish
processing and selling represents an important seasonal opportunity, which they pursue in order to
boost their income. Haylee stated that by pursuing fish processing she can “… make extra money
because I can do three hundred fish a day….”. She detailed that this “… brings in a couple dollars…”
and stressed that this “… may not sound like a lot, but at the end of the day these things add up…”.
25
The seasonality of tourism
Tourism based livelihood activities are also characteristically seasonal, with peaks and troughs in the
number of international visitors to Barbados. Case study respondents detailed that typically the
tourist season extends from November to April. Although, some respondents highlighted that there
are evident peaks within this season. These case study respondents highlighted that the festival
months of December to January (Christmas) and March (Easter) are particularly popular for
international visitors.
An example of a tourism business that
experiences and responds to seasonal
fluctuations is that of Dominic44, a
restaurant manager in Holetown.
Dominic reported that “… obviously, due
to the fact that this [restaurant] is in the
tourism industry, our business [is]
basically dependent on the tourist
season, which is usually from November
to February, March, April….”. Dominic
Tourism on the beach at Holetown
outlined that his business copes with this
seasonal fluctuation through “cash management”. He explained “…you don’t basically squander
when you make a ton of money [in the peak season]…”.
Dominic added that his business is family run, and during the low season to respond to lower
demand, family members reduce the number of hours they work. He detailed that “… the only
difference… in terms of us working between the low season and high season is that… my mother
probably just works two days a week in the low season…”. In contrast he noted that “… in the high
season she might probably come down more…”.
Similar to Dominic’s restaurant, George45, the manager of a resort located on the west coast of
Barbados, close to the Six Men’s community, detailed that as a response to seasonal lows, the resort
reduces labour requirements. He reported that “… traditionally [the resort is] closed for the month of
September and a little bit of October, anything ranging from four to six weeks, mainly because it’s
the worst, it’s the slowest period…”. George explained that at this time, some of the resort’s staff are
temporarily released from their positions. Although he noted that the resort tends to retain some its
staff to help with repair and maintenance works before they re-open for guests in late October.
For, Rihanna46, a resident of Six Men’s and a resort worker, the low period represents a time of
unemployment. Rihanna noted that “… I am home right now [September] laid off… things were slow
and in May we had only one room [at the resort] occupied...”. She explained that she expects the
hotel to reopen in October, but in the meantime she has to depend on her national insurance
payments. Rihanna reported that she would like to look for another job, even if it was part-time, but
she was unsure where she could gain alternative employment.
44
46
45
26
In Holetown, respondents that act as water sports operators described that within the peak tourism
season the demand for different water sports activities varies. They noted that demand changes
according to the demography of the international visitors. For example, Henry47, a water sports
operator in Holetown, detailed that from “… Dec[ember] to March, you get the older tourists just
want to relax on the beaches not doing any activities… then April… pick up for the kids coming down
for vacation and summer…”. He noted for him as a jet ski operator, “… these are the good times…”
as younger people want to enjoy the jet ski.
Harry a water sports operator in Holetown outlined that he pursues a mixture of water sports
activities, including glass boat tours
and jet ski renting. He described
that“… between November and
April, you can make it [an income],
but then after that… things are very
slow…”. Harry reported that in
anticipation of the off-peak tourism
season, in the peak season “… I
make sure I provide a bit more
[income for the household], when I
have it…” and “… I try to save a little
bit more for the hard times…”. In
Launching a tourism boat in Holetown
addition, Harry reported that he
lives with two family members and subsequently if he is struggling to contribute to the household,
then these family members will provide finance. He noted that “… if I’m lenient for a while someone
would pick up the slack…”.
In two other case studies in Holetown, water sport operators Greyson and Rohan detailed that in the
off-peak tourism season they target local customers. Rohan explained that “… when it is [the] low
[season] we target the locals. So we get like the school kids... and get the summer camps. Because if
it wasn’t for the locals too, we wouldn’t have got nowhere, [we] can’t always rely on the tourists….”.
Additionally, Rohan reported that “… I put away money…”, saving for the off peak season, while
Greyson suggested that he reduces his working hours so “… I work only in the mornings …” and uses
some of his extra time to repair and maintain his boat.
Interestingly for a further respondent, Karl48, a mixture of tourism and fisheries based opportunities
allows him to maintain his employment and income throughout the year, despite seasonal
fluctuations. Karl emphasised that “… the ocean gives us so many opportunities…”. He reported that
his livelihood strategy combines: lifeguarding on the east coast for surfers; acting as a waiter at a
restaurant in Holetown; guided tours as a water sports operator; and spear fishing around the
island.
Karl explained that he may pursue some of these livelihood activities in parallel, or trade-off time
invested in one livelihood activity to engage in another. He noted that he generally does this
according to which livelihood activity is likely to be more productive at that given time. Karl
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underlined that “… when one [livelihood activity] slows up, it can happen any time… then you just
substitute it with something else…”. He gave the example of his employment as a restaurant waiter,
and reported that if he has to work late “… I slow up on the fishing a little bit, not giving it up but just
slow down the hours…”.
Coral Reef Dependence as a Safety-net
As well as acting as a keystone resource, coral reef-associated fisheries have a safety-net function. As
a safety-net, coral reef resources are critical in helping households respond to an unexpected shock
or crisis period. In distinction to keystone resource dependency, relying on coral reefs as a safety-net
resource is not a product of seasonal fluctuations, but a response to occasional sudden hardship. A
case study example captured by the research includes that of Barrington49, a tradesman and
recreational fisher in Six Men’s. Barrington described, “… fishing is more of hobby that brings in
income, but for now that carpentry is slowing down I might need to do more fishing to supplement
my income….”. He reported that “… I go on the bar [reef] and do night fishing like horse eye, snapper,
those sort of night fish…. on a good night I might catch three or four fish totalling thirty to forty
pounds, which becomes additional income….”. Barrington emphasised that “… the sea is always
there and as long as I can get there I can go fishing, whereas in carpentry I have to wait for a job …”.
Frida50 similarly described utilising fisheries resources as a safety-net. Yet, unlike those case studies
detailed above, Frida reported that she depends on fish processing rather than fishing. Frida, a
resident of Six Men’s, explained that she first began fish processing in 1960 when she was a young
girl, and continued with this livelihood activity on a part-time basis as she grew older and gained
employment as a shop assistant. In 1992, Frida reported that she lost her job as a shop assistant, and
was unable to gain other employment. She underlined that in response to this, she had to invest
more time in fish processing to generate her employment and income.
Notably, since 1992 Frida has chosen to remain dependent full-time on fish processing to fulfil her
livelihood strategy. Frida emphasised that she prefers fish processing as working in a shop requires
her to “…do hard work every day and long hours… “ and suggested that “… the money that you
make inside the fishing, you can’t make in a shop…”. As such, while initially depending on fisheries
resources as a safety-net, for Frida coral reef resources now represent a permanent and primary
feature of her livelihood strategy.
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Change and Response to Change
As outlined in the previous section, coral reefs provide important livelihood opportunities, which
households in both Six Men’s and Holetown depend on. However, this dependency is not without
associated uncertainties and risks. As highlighted above, there are significant uncertainties
associated with the seasonality of fishing and tourism activities. In addition, coral reef dependence is
exposed to less predictable and sudden risks or change, as well as long-term changes in access and
availability of coral reef services.
The purpose of the following section is to present an understanding of how people’s relationships
with coral reefs and associated resources at the two research sites have changed and are changing
both over the short-term and the long-term. The section also explores how people have and are
responding to these changes.
Sudden Changes and Uncertainties
The research captured case study examples of respondents whose fisheries or tourism based
livelihood activities have been exposed to short-term changes or uncertainties. Such changes have
often occurred suddenly and unpredictability, resulting in important implications for livelihood
security.
Uncertainties of fisheries dependence
An important risk and uncertainty identified by those households involved in fisheries activities is the
exposure to fluctuations in the weather, in particular extremes in weather. In Barbados, the
hurricane season represents a significant period of weather variation, extending from June to
October.
Fishers in Six Men’s highlighted that during this season there is a very real risk that their boat will be
damaged or lost. For example, Aden51 reported that “… I had two boats but they [are] gone… the
weather mash up one, the bad weather in nineteen ninety eight send it into the Speightstown jetty. I
got back another one [boat] and that was destroyed [too]…”. Aden underlined that his boats “…
were not insured, they were small boats and the insurance companies don’t insure them…”..
Ashton, also a fisher in Six Men’s, corroborated Aden and underlined that “… insurance [is] too
expensive for a boat… the smallest boat out here [will cost] five thousand [Barbadian] dollars [to
insure]…”. He emphasised that “… the regular poor man not going to have no [boat] insurance…”.
Ashton detailed that if a boat is damaged in bad weather “… you will have to dig in your own pocket
or beg the government for help… the minister, or fisheries [department]…”.
Similarly, Kelly, the owner of a larger “thirty foot” boat in Six Men’s reported that “… to be quite
honest insurance for it [the boat] would be like six thousand [Barbadian] dollars (US $ 3000) a year,
and that is too much so we just take the risk….”. Kelly detailed that “… even if we do insure it, it
wouldn’t cover everything … [the] engine is fifty thousand [Barbadian] dollars, and then your
transmission is ten thousand [Barbadian] dollars, and the hull is twenty thousand [Barbadian]
dollars, and then the rest [of the boat] is more…”.
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Yet for Kelly, the risk of hurricane damage is low as unlike Aden and Ashton he does not fish all year
round, only pursuing fishing during the flying fish season. As such he stressed that during “… the
hurricane season the boat isn’t going to go fishing anyway so that is less risk….”. But for many of the
other fishermen in Six Men’s, who pursue fisheries throughout the year, inaccessible insurance
schemes mean that boat owners have no other option but
to take a risk, and “hope” that their boat is not damaged.
Colt, a fisher in Six Men’s, reported that he lost his boat in
1979 due to Hurricane David. He described that
subsequently he received some assistance from “… the
representative for St Peter at the time… [he] give me like
one thousand five hundred [Barbadian] dollars to fix it [the
boat]….”. Colt added that assistance is also provided by
the Ministry for Agriculture and Rural Development.
Though he stressed that it is easier to access this
assistance if you know someone who works in the
Ministry, and noted that it will also take less time,
otherwise it “… takes [a] long [time], six to eight months
that it might take for you to get help…”.
One way fishers reported that they are able to safeguard
their boats during a hurricane is through an informal
agreement with the owner of Port St Charles, who allows fishers to dock their boats in the port
when there is an imminent risk of a hurricane. Without this agreement, fishers emphasised that they
do not have a safe place to dock their boats. However, Colt noted that this does not avert all the
risks posed by a storm or hurricane. He highlighted that “… the pleasure boats they go inside [the
port first] and we go in last... If we do get some seas coming in through the mouth then we would
still get damage…”.
Fish processing and sale in Six Men's
Uncertainties of tourism dependence
For respondents involved in the tourism sector, the sudden loss of employment was identified as an
important uncertainty and source of livelihood insecurity. For example, in Six Men’s, Lorena, Kallie
and Giselle reported that they travel south of the community work at tourist resorts along the west
coast. However, Lorena and Giselle stated that they have recently become unemployed and blamed
the global recession, which they claimed has curbed a once growing tourism industry.
Lorena, a cleaner at a tourist resort, underlined that “… this year was the slowest time [for tourism]…
I am home right now laid off... In May we had one room [at the hotel] occupied so then I went on lay
of…”. Lorena believed that a downturn in tourism is “... due to the global recession…”. She noted
that in response “… I depend on national insurance…” and her son, a gardener for private tourist
rented villas, contributes to the household income.
For Giselle, the closure of the hotel she was employed at and a decline in flying fish resources has
combined to undermine her livelihood strategy. She explained that in response she has found an
opportunity as a domestic worker for three days a week. Giselle acknowledged that these changes
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have impacted her, stating that “… it’s a bit rough sometimes… but there isn’t anything else you
could do. You just got to just when the week come just stretch your money as far as it could go...”.
Long-term Change
Alongside sudden and unpredictable changes, fisheries and tourism dependence is also influenced
by longer-term changes in the access and availability of coral reef services. Research revealed three
key areas of long-term change; 1) a decline in coral reef-associated fisheries, 2) a growth in coral
reef-associated tourism, and 3) a decline in coral reef health. The remainder of this section outlines
experiences of these changes, their impact on households and how people have responded.
Decline in coral reef-associated fisheries
A wide range of case study respondents in the two communities stated that they have observed
declines in the abundance of fish on the coral reef. Commonly respondents compared the current
status of reef fisheries to a time when they were younger. For example, in Six Men’s, Barrington, a
carpenter and recreational fisher compared the number of fish today to when he was a young man
some twenty years ago. Barrington reported that at that time, there were “… a lot of small fish on
the near shore reef [such as] frays, chubs and
all the others. [They are] gone now….”.
Similarly, Joel, a fisherman in Holetown
outlined that when he was young, over thirty
years ago, there were more reef fish. He
stated that “… when I was growing up… we
had sergeant majors, we had a lot of barbers,
[we] had chubs, all kinds of chubs, [and]
snappers…”. Joel suggested that “… there are
a lot of other species out there, but those
ones we knew from before [are] gone …”.
Fish catch in Holetown
As well as declining availability of reef fish, a
common feature across respondents’ descriptions of change included a reduction in the abundance
of sea urchins. One case study respondent, Christophe, a water sports operator and subsistence
fisher in Holetown, detailed that “… we used to have lots of sea urchins… you could not walk on no
in-shore reef no-where on the west coast as you walk now because the minute you step in the water,
and make two steps, you’re stepping on a sea urchin…”. Christophe noted that, in addition, sea
urchin’s have become scarce. He reported that the “… the younger ones [community members] they
don't know… they’ve never seen a black sea egg [black sea urchin]. The white ones [white sea
urchins] used to… use as delicacy, but even they have depleted somewhat...”.
Ted52, a food vendor in Holetown, corroborated this response and underlined that “… now you don’t
get the sea eggs like you used to…”. He noted that as well as a delicacy, sea urchin can be used as
bait. He detailed that “… when I was young [over twenty five years ago], we would go in the sea and
catch three black sea eggs [black sea urchin] and mash them up put some in a bottle and catch the
reef fish...”.
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Drivers of declining coral reef-associated fisheries
When describing change, respondents typically also identified factors that they believed are driving
change. For example, Guy53, a business owner and recreational diver in Holetown, stated “…
certainly there has been less fish life…”. He outlined “… I think it is pretty much all species, you just
don’t see much of anything… you used to see juveniles and adults…”. For Guy, a key driver of this
change is the use of fish traps (pots), which he claimed catch undersized fish. He reported, “…
probably the worst thing that can happen on a reef is the pot fishermen…”. He claimed that these
fishermen “… get a pot full of fish which are two to three inches long…” and while this catch is made
up of juveniles they can still sell it as“… a lot of Barbadians like small fish…”. He underlined that “…
for a guy [fisherman] who doesn’t have much
money... it’s an incentive [to pot fish]…”.
Guy noted that, in addition, “… there is more of them
[pot fishers] than there used to be...”. He explained
“… I think what’s happening is that people used to be
spear fishermen… [but] you just can’t find the fish to
spear anymore…”. Guy suggested that, as a result,
spear fishermen “… go and stick a pot down…”. He
added that pot fishing “… collect fish while you’re
sleeping… so I guess it is easier to do…” in
comparison to spear fishing.
A water sports operator in Holetown, Brooks,
detailed a similar response to Guy. He reported that
“… the pot fish nowadays that the guys are catching,
A fish trap on the seabed near Six Men's
they getting, they are very small… I mean fifteen
years ago the pot fish was very big…”. Brooks stressed that “… I think [that] some of the fish that the
guys catch, should get throw back in the sea…”. He suggested that “… I will give you a scenario that I
figure should be put in place, that anybody that bring in fish, should bring them in at a check point…”.
Brooks outlined that at this check point if a fisherman has a catch that has juvenile fish “… you can
be actually fined…”.
In Six Men’s, Drake, a part-time fisher, also stated that fish traps are an important driver of the
declining availability of fisheries resources as “… when the pots are there they kill a lot of small
fish…”. Yet Drake did not single out trap (pot) fishing, and extended his response to include other
fishing practices such as spear fishing and seine boating. He detailed that “… the size of the fish I see
them [spear fishers] shoot and bring in I think it is a sin to shoot those little fish…”. Additionally, he
reported “… the fishing net from the seine boats [it] kill some fish, not only fish but reef too…”.
Evan, a spear and trap (pot) fisher in Holetown, recognised the impact his fishing activities can have
on reef fish. He highlighted that to ensure he minimises his impact “… I don’t fish the fish traps all
year round like some guys. I would [use them] maybe for three to four months the most per year …”.
Evan felt that “… there are guys that fish… using the seine net on an every week basis that could be
one of the problems …” that is driving fisheries declines.
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While some case study respondents drew
attention to fishing gear as a driver of the
declining availability of reef fisheries, a
number of other respondents underlined the
impact of tourism. In particular, these
respondents highlighted the effect of coastal
development as tourism has become more
prominent within the Holetown area, and in
the neighbouring areas of Six Men’s. Junior54,
a water sports operator in Six Men’s,
described that “… the fish have dropped…
and most the reefs actually die off a bit…”.
Junior reported that “… I can’t tell you
exactly what it is…” but believed that from
his experience it is “… probably like all the
rocks that they are putting into the sea…”.
He explained that “… since they did [built]
the first marina [Port St Charles], and put
those rocks down… I think the rocks actually
change how the currents run…”. Junior
suggested that a change in current could be
damaging the reef and causing fisheries
declines.
For another respondent, Isaiah55, he was
uncertain as to whether it is coastal
development, or climate change (see Box 5)
that is driving changes in fisheries resources.
Isaiah, a fisherman and resident of Six Men’s,
also highlighted the marina development,
Port St. Charles, which neighbours Six Men’s
and noted “… I know they [Port St. Charles]
said they didn’t damage the reef but I know
that would run [scare] the fish…”. He added
that the new marina development of Port
Ferdinand, which borders the Six Men’s
community, is also “… running [scaring] the
fish…”.
In Holetown, Greyson a water sports
operator, recognised coastal development as
an important driver of fisheries changes.
Greyson highlighted that he has observed
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Box 5: Climate Change and Declines in
Fisheries
Isaiah identified climate change as a threat and
possible driver of the declining availability of reef
fisheries. Despite this, he struggled to articulate how
climate change might impact fisheries now and into
the future. He suggested that with climate change “…
you would just get different species at different times
of the year…” but was unclear as to what impact this
might have on his fishing activities.
Similarly, a number of other case study respondents
recognised climate change as a driver of changes in
fish availability. Like Isaiah, these respondents
appeared uncertain as to how climate change might
impact fisheries now and into the future. Joel, a
fisher in Holetown, detailed that when “… I hear
about climate change... I think about weather
pattern... think about more warmer times than before
or more colder times. [I] think about shifting of
currents and tides…”. He highlighted that “… [a] few
years ago we had two fish kills in Barbados... I don’t
know if anybody sure to this day exactly what kill
those fish. I don’t even know, right. I don’t know if it
got to do with climate change…”.
In another example Gabriel, a fisher in Six Men’s,
associated climate change with declines in the
availability of flying fish. Gabriel stated that “… last
season the fish was poor, very poor...”. Gabriel
believed that climate change could be driving this
decline and suggested that “… it had something to do
with the weather, because flying fish live in warm
water and when that warm water is not coming
towards the land you can’t get fish…”.
For Brooks, a water sports operator in Holetown, he
underlined that “… everything is changing, people call
it global warming, people call it pollution, people call
it change of the atmosphere, the stars and the moon,
people call it all of that…”. Brooks stressed that
people within the community need more information
on what is driving change so that they can help to
prevent it. He stated that “… you need to inform the
people more why these changes are like this… we
have to take focus on it because it is a bit scary…”.
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the impact of construction on the reef. He detailed that “… when I go out there snorkelling there is
always a heavy presence of powder… that’s not the reef, that’s concrete…”.
Notably, both Isaiah and Greyson believed that the effect of coastal development on fisheries is not
permanent. They described development as a detractor to fish that scares them from utilising near
shore reefs, rather than a driver of declines in the absolute number of reef fish. Isaiah suggested that
“… when they [developers] [are] not doing no work in the water the fish will come back...”. Greyson
underlined that “… because there’s no more construction [in Holetown]… the fish [have] started to
come back on the reef…”. He described that “... we haven’t got the fray yet but we got the sprats, the
little ones…”.
In a similar way, respondents described an increase in boat traffic, associated with tourism, as
detracting fish from utilising areas inshore. For these respondents, there has not been a reduction in
the availability of fisheries resources, as fish are thought to be further offshore. For example,
Declan56, a fisher in Six Men’s stated that“… since we got tourism as the big thing in the country we
have more traffic, like wave runners, jet skis and that sort of thing, and I strongly believe that run the
bait away…”. He underlined “… I don’t have any proof of this but I strongly believe that years ago,
when I was a boy, we used to get a lot of fray coming in on the beach and that would encourage the
other fish to come around…”.
This perspective was repeated by two other respondents. Kelly, part-time fisher in Six Men’s,
believed that the noise pollution from boat traffic acts to “… dissuade the fish from coming in[shore]
to feed on the reefs…”. Instead, he noted, “… they would go further offshore...”. Additionally, Karl, a
spear fisher in Holetown underlined, a rise in boat traffic means that “… they [fish] just don’t come
in[shore] anymore… they are still there…”.
Responding to declining coral reef-associated fisheries
The research encountered a number of examples of how people are responding to changes in the
availability of reef fisheries. Those response strategies that were described focused on the
modification of existing livelihood activities (i.e. increasing time invested in fishing or the number of
fishing grounds visited), utilising income savings when in hardship, or, more dramatically, shifting
away from fishing. In Six Men’s, Ellis57, a fish processor, part-time fisher and boat cleaner offers an
example of responding to change. Interestingly, for Ellis, a decline in the availability of reef fisheries
is particularly significant to his livelihood as he depends on fisheries resources as a keystone
resource, when seasonally there is little boat cleaning work.
Ellis explained that in response to declines in reef fisheries he tries to save some of the income he
generates through his livelihood activities to help him cope at times when there is little alternative
work to fishing. He noted that he is constantly looking for work, “… that is me, wherever the work is
and I can get it done I’ll go…”. Ellis additionally outlined that to respond to declines, he increases the
time and effort he invests in fishing, and exploits more fishing grounds. He underlined that “… I got
to work extra harder and move different spots [fishing grounds] all the time…”. Ellis highlighted that
he used to be able to fish in one area and “… catch eight or nine pounds, [but] now I go there and I
catching one single fish after being there for three hours…”.
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In Holetown, Greyson, a lifeguard, waiter and spear fisher, stated that to catch fish “… now you
basically have to get on a beach and walk up and down and search…”. Like Ellis, Greyson noted that
to respond to the fisheries declines he exploits different fishing grounds. He stated that “… if there is
one side [coastline] not producing you go on the other side [coastline]…” , in reference to the
coastlines on the east and west of Barbados. Greyson explained that “… you just don’t limit yourself
[to one fishing ground], you never limit yourself… [If] you don’t find food one way you’re not going to
stay and try to eat sand …”.
For another respondent in Holetown, Marlon, fisheries represent an important keystone resource
alongside his other livelihood activities as a water sports operator and tradesman. Marlon reported
that in response to change he has altered his fishing practices to focus on hand-lining. He noted that
he used to spear fish, but stressed that due to the declines in reef fisheries “… there is no sense
going spear fishing along the coast, because there is nothing to spear…”.
Evan, a hand-line and pot fisher also in Holetown, emphasised that to respond to fisheries declines
“… we [fishers] try to cope, because I don’t think there is anything [else] we could do…”. Evan
outlined that he saves some of his income to help him cope with periodic fisheries declines. He
detailed “… when I get good income, say for example I work for three thousand [Barbadian] dollars
this week, I must save two thousand [Barbadian] dollars… because I always believe you must save …
so even if the sea get bad for six months, I could still survive…”.
Evan outlined that other fishers have “… had to turn back to the land to survive…”. This comment
was corroborated by Leroy58, an ex-fisher in Holetown. Leroy reported that some of the “… other
guys [fishers] have stopped fishing altogether and looked for other jobs on land...”. He stressed that
“… a fisherman’s plight is the hardest…” and underlined that “… reef fish have disappeared
drastically. For example, [there are] much less small snappers [and] chubbs…”.
Leroy explained that in response to declines in fisheries he has shifted his livelihood strategy from
fishing to fish vending. He stated that “… I stopped [fishing] five years ago and focused on the
vending [as] sometimes you go out [fishing] and slave and don’t get anything, [so] now what I do is
wait on them other guys to go out…”. Leroy highlighted that there is “… no sense in all of us going
after these fish and there aren’t any. I will be a player when the fish come to the beach and the
others will be players in the sea…”.
Importantly, despite the reported declines in coral reef-associated fisheries and the need for the
above detailed response strategies, reef fisheries were identified by at least one respondent as
offering a potential response strategy for lower catches in the offshore pelagic flying fishery.
Moreover, as fuel prices rise, reef fisheries could come under additional pressure, as fisher’s are
likely to experience declining profit margins when fishing offshore (see Box 5). However, if reef
fisheries are utilised in this way, this is likely to increase pressure on coral reef resources and might
further contribute to their decline in the future.
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Growth in coral reef-associated tourism
In Holetown, respondents described that their community has transformed from a small village,
traditionally dependent on fisheries, to a centre for international tourism. Max59, a resident of
Holetown, explained that as the local tourism economy grew in the 1960s, the number of fishing
boats “… just kept going down and down, because you were getting more and more jobs in the hotel
industry… [Fishers] would either become a part-time fisher or… forget it [fishing] altogether…” and
shift their livelihood strategy to focus on
tourism.
Development of Port Ferdinand adjacent to Six Men’s
Max highlighted that as the hotel industry
began to establish in Holetown, an
important draw was “… the security of
having a job on land…”. He underlined
that at this time there were many risks
associated with fishing offshore, especially
as there were no sophisticated
technologies as there are today, such as
Global Positioning System (GPS). Max
stated that with access to “… safer jobs …
fewer people were going to the sea…”.
Barnstable60, a recreational fisher in Holetown, noted that today “… when you look out there [to the
sea], how many Moses do you see? Five boats right? …When I was a boy, fifty to sixty years ago,
[we] had more than thirty two boats out there…”. Barnstable stressed that “… you get much less
fishers now, in my day men used to fish for a living, now everyone only does it part-time…”.
Israel61, an employee of the Folkestone Marine Park, reported that “... a lot of the older fishermen…”
who used to pursue fisheries full-time as their livelihood strategy “… have died out…”. He explained
that the younger men in the community are “… not doing fishing, they more interested in jet skis…”
in reference to the tourism based livelihood opportunity as a water sports operator.
Another employee of the Folkestone Marine Park, Justine62, repeated this interpretation. She
reported that “…the younger guys not doing fishing, they more interested in the jet skis and work on
land. You’d hardly see a young man [fishing] on a Moses or doing fish pots…”. Justine emphasised
that fishing “… is a big part of our culture that is fading…”. She felt that “… they [the government]
should go into the schools and teach them [young children] about sea life…” to prevent the loss of
the community’s fishing heritage.
Yet, despite a shift in the local economy, it appears that fisheries resources remain an important
livelihood resource for some individuals and their household’s, even where they participate in the
tourism industry. The previous section on ‘Livelihood Dependency’ details the case study of Harry
who pursues both water sports and fishing to fulfil his livelihood strategy. Harry reported that his
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Source: WP2 Scoping Interviews, Holetown, 16/12/2011.
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water sports activities generate his income, while he fishes on the reef for his household’s
subsistence.
A further case study example includes, Christophe, a water sports operator in Holetown who stated
that “… I do what you call off-shore fishing which is we go out, we catch what we call sprats like
sardines in-shore, and then we go off-shore [to catch] maybe tuna sometimes, or sometimes
barracuda…”. Christophe added that “…I do flying fishing as well when I get the time…” and “… reef
fishing but not inside, reef fishing offshore…”. Like Harry, Christophe’s water sports activities provide
his income, and his fishing activities provide his subsistence. Christophe explained that “… when I go
fishing I don’t go fishing to make money. I could eat fish twenty four [hours a day], seven days a
week…”.
In Six Men’s, tourist related developments border the southern perimeter of the community
including the marina and condominium developments of Port St. Charles and Port Ferdinand. These
developments offer livelihood opportunities, and the research gathered case studies in Six Men’s
including Doug, who reported that he works as construction workers at one of these developments.
Two other respondents, Ellis and Junior, reported attaining occasional work as boat cleaners.
Notably, for a range of respondents in Six Men’s, the construction of the tourism developments
bordering the community pose a threat. This is particularly the case when considering the most
recent development of Port Ferdinand, which was under construction at the time of the fieldwork
and utilises a significant area of the available land bordering the community. Respondents
highlighted that many of the households (one respondent suggested up to 90 % of the households)
in Six Men’s are “squatters” and do not own the legal rights to the land that their house is built on.
They suggested that additional tourism related developments might seek the land that the Six Men’s
community “squat” on, thereby displacing the community.
For example, Luca, a community fisheries advocate in Six Men’s noted that he is concerned that “…
this present marina [Port Ferdinand] … poses a threat, I don’t know but I feel [this]… because the land
is controversial, and I figure that with the present economic crisis people in government will go for
the money rather than for the people. So they would prefer to re-site people from down in here [in Six
Men’s] and make Six Men’s a tourism only place…”. Luca stressed “… [do] you know how traumatic it
would be to move a guy that fish here [in Six Men’s] his whole life and take him up Indian Ground
[further inland], where he doesn’t have any transport to get to the sea or can’t walk in the sea on a
morning for a little swim? He would die before he spend a year up there...”.
In another case study, Claudia, a child-minder in Six Men’s, noted that “… I didn’t have a problem
with Almond [resort] and I didn’t have a problem so much with Port St. Charles either, but I somehow
just don’t like Port Ferdinand. I can’t tell you why but I just have a gut feeling and I am not
comfortable with it…”. Claudia noted that she is concerned that the inhabitants of the Six Men’s
community may be re-housed elsewhere in Barbados in order to allow for further tourism related
development of the coastline. She underlined that “… if they are going to move the homes from the
community and take them to other areas then where would Six Men’s be? It is a fishing community,
so if the fishing dies then what would be the use because everything would die…”.
By contrast, Haylee, a shop owner and food vendor in Six Men’s stated “… I don’t think that at the
end of the day they [developers] can just come and push you off of the land…”. Haylee believed that
37
“… if something is going to happen then it will happen for the best… I believe whatever they
[developers] do, they will do it for the best, so [if] they have to relocate me, [the developers have to]
make me how they find me or even more comfortable...”. She underlined that “… I am not worried
about it [relocation] because I am always up for change and I believe it [development] is going to
bring employment, and that’s one of the things we need…”.
Yet this perspective was not common among case study respondents. Furthermore, Junior, a water
sports operator and recreational fisher, questioned the benefits that local community members in
Six Men’s can gain from marina and condominium type tourism developments. He stated that “…
building marinas and condos don’t help tourism. It helps for probably [those] who’s investing or
probably who’s building…”. Junior suggested that in comparison to hotels, marina and condominium
type developments provide less employment opportunities. He gave the example of a hotel along
the west coast of Barbados that was closed and re-established as a condominium development, and
stated that “… when you see it maybe a hundred and twenty people out of work, re-employing only
about ten…”.
Decline in coral reef health
Respondents in Six Men’s and Holetown typically described that near-shore reefs are in a state of
degradation and decline. An example includes Kelly, a boat captain in Six Men’s who stated that that
“… the actual cover of coral closest to the shore
has been going down, down, down over the
years…”. He compared the near-shore reefs
with those further offshore and reported that
“… as you go a bit further out [to sea], like a
hundred and fifty yards or so, you still see it
[the coral reef] [is] fairly alright …”. Greyson, a
water sports operator in Holetown, echoed
this and commented that you have to travel “…
pretty much now way off a mile out or so…
[then] you really see what a reef is supposed to
look like…”.
A degraded reef area near Holetown
Guy, a resident of Holetown, reported that he recreationally dives the coral reefs of Barbados. He
highlighted that certain reefs are in a better condition than others. Guy explained that “… we find in
recent years the south coast reefs seem to have recovered a little bit, and the west coast reefs seem
to have gone downhill a little bit. The reefs up the north-west coast are in quite good shape…”.
Crucially in Holetown, respondents described that changes in coral reef health are likely to impact on
tourism. Brooks, a water sports operator in Holetown stressed that “… it hurts a lot to see that my
livelihood could come to a closing end in the next ten or fifteen years. Because you taking tourists to
show them the reefs and the coral and stuff, and if they don’t see nothing, you know, they don’t
spread the word [to other potential tourists]…”. Brooks underlined that the reef “… is not as healthy
and the fish is not there as plentiful as [they] used to be…”.
38
Denzel63, a lifeguard in Holetown, felt that the degradation of coral reefs could already be affecting
tourism. He noted that “… the repeat tourists say that the reef is not as lively as before…”. Denzel
believed that “… this may influence their decision on whether they come back [to Barbados], because
the reef is all part of the Barbadian experience that tourist expect when they come to the island...”.
Contrastingly, Christophe, a water sports operator in Holetown suggested that the declining health
of coral reefs is unlikely to affect tourism in this way. He outlined that “…the tourists who come to
the island they appreciate and enjoy what they see. They don't know what it [the reef] was like
before, so they don't have a clue of what the areas was like before…”. Christophe acknowledged that
the coral reef has changed including “…the different types of coral, there was carnation coral, there
was finger coral, there was brain coral, different types …that has died…”.
Additionally, across Six Men’s and Holetown fisher reported that the degradation of the coral reef is
impacting fisheries. A case study example includes Colt, a fisher in Six Men’s, who stated that “…
shore side you wouldn’t meet the fish so close, you have to go further where the coral is nice and you
know better...”. Colt underlined “… the reefs dying out and I’m not sure why… but the reefs are not
like one time…”.
Drivers of declines in coral reef health
Like Colt, Junior, a resident of Six Men’s, reported that “… the reef and stuff aren’t quite as they were
before…”. Junior underlined that “… I can’t tell you exactly what it is but the fish have dropped [for]
quite a few years, and most the reefs actually die off a bit…”. Across the research sites, other
respondents identified potential drivers of coral reef changes and suggested that an important diver
causing degradation and decline of coral reefs is the impact of run off from coastal development and
agricultural lands. This driver was recognised in particularly by respondents in Holetown, where
tourism and the associated coastal development are most prominent.
Evan, a fisher in Holetown, reported that “…I am not too sure, but I believe that a lot of the runoff
from the hotels and a lot of the pesticides and herbicides…” is causing the degradation and decline of
coral reefs. He underlined that “…everything ends up in the sea so people need to be more careful
how they dispose of stuff because their waste affects the reef and what affects the reef affects us
fishermen…”. Similarly, Macey64, a retired community member and subsistence fisher in Holetown,
echoed this perspective. Macey stated that “… the water going in[to the sea] from the hotels,
swimming pools, pesticides and chemicals, all these things does go in the sea and kill the reef and
scare the fish…”.
This driver was also repeated by Henry, a water sports operator in Holetown. Henry outlined that “…
what [is] really affecting the reefs and killing or scaring the fish away is the pollution. You got all
these hotels with their waste, hardware stores throwing paint in the sewers and all the pesticides and
runoff from land going into the water courses and canals which go into the sea. That is the main
thing that affecting the reefs…”.
Institutional responses to declining coral reef health
Responses to the degradation and declines in coral reef health and the associated fisheries have
focused on institutionally enforced conservation measures. This specifically has involved the
63
64
39
establishment of Folkestone Marine Park in 1981, which comprises of a scientific zone, two water
sports zones and a recreational zone (Cumberbatch 2001). For respondents in the Holetown and Six
Men’s, Folkestone Marine Park appears to provoke mixed opinions, with stakeholders such as fishers
generally recognising the need for protection, but resenting the impact on their livelihood.
Christophe, a water sports operator and subsistence fisher in Holetown, reported that “… the only
hiccup… the only thing that they had a quarrel with when this park was introduced [was that] they
say you cannot fish at all in the park…”. Christophe underlined that “… a lot of the bait lives within
the park…” and the fishers want to harvest this here. He noted that he does not see a problem with
this “… if the guys could cast their net, that’s all they are doing within the Sunset Crest area, which is
in the park, catch their bait and go off, there’s no damage done…”. Christophe highlighted that this
activity is not permitted as cast nets are associated with driving the degradation and decline of coral
reefs. He stressed that he does not believe that fishers would allow their net to touch the coral reef
as “… they’re made of nylon…. if you
keep casting your net on rock what’s
going to happen? It’s going to tear it
to pieces…”.
Joel, a fisher in Holetown, explained
that “…I have no problem with the
park, you know. But I feel that the
park should open up at least three or
four months a year and let people fish
and then probably shut it back. That
would be the best…”. This perspective
was echoed by a number of other
Folkestone Marine Reserve patrol boat
fishers. Leroy, an ex-fisher in
Holetown, stated that “…I am aware
that there is overfishing so in that way the marine park is good give the fish a chance to catch
themselves. [But] what would be best is if the fishers were allows to fish for like two months in that
area and then shut it down for ten months this would be the best of both worlds..”.
In Six Men’s, Luca, a community fisheries advocate similarly stated that “… see what they have done
with Folkestone marine park and that is good but I think that thy should open it up at certain times of
year…”. Luca suggested that there should be “… enough scientific material on spawning so that
during that time leave them…” and at other times fishing is permitted. Another respondent, Kelly, a
boat captain in Six Men’s, suggested that “… what I would like to see in the marine park area is not
restrictions but policing. If we can make a living there let us have access to it for a particular period of
time…”. Kelly suggested that “… so if we [fishers] go in before nine or ten AM before the [tourism]
business time and after then that would be good. We could also just get a particular quota to
make..”.
40
Summary of Key Findings
The aim of this case study has been to present an understanding of the diversity of forms that coral
reef dependency can take, how coral reef dependency has been affected by change, and how people
have responded to those changes in two communities in Barbados. In the following section, we
summarise the key findings of the research in relation to the principle themes of livelihood
dependence, change and response to change.
Livelihood Dependence
Across the two research communities, the research captured case study examples of livelihood
strategies that depend in multiple ways on the ecosystem services provided for by coral reefs. These
case studies reveal the following key insights into the nature of coral reef dependence in the Six
Men’s and Holetown communities.
Fisheries Dependence

In Six Men’s, fisheries play an important role in providing employment, income, subsistence and
recreation. Respondents described their village as a fishing community, and those people
engaged in fishing reported the influence of tradition in their livelihood activities. Across Six
Men’s, fishers displayed a number of differing characteristics, most notably in terms of age
groups and affluence levels of the people involved.

Contrastingly, in the second research community of Holetown fishing appears less prominent
and the research captured fewer households that exhibit dependence on fisheries activities for
their employment, income or subsistence. Two case studies of people that depend on fisheries
in Holetown hint at the diversity of opportunities that coral reef-associated fisheries can
support, including providing bait for those fishers pursuing offshore pelagic fisheries.

Fishers across Six Men’s highlighted that coral reef-associated fisheries are amongst a portfolio
of different fisheries opportunities. This includes those opportunities to fish coastal (i.e. for
jacks) and offshore (i.e. flying fish) pelagic fisheries. Markedly, case studies captured by the
research in Six Men’s indicate the importance of offshore pelagic fisheries, and in particularly
flying fish fisheries, for generating employment and income. For those households that cannot
access pelagic fisheries, reef fisheries represent an important resource, as they are easily
accessible by foot or using small Moses vessels, and require minimal gear investments.

Pursuing fisheries activities for employment and income might not always be motivated by the
potential financial gains. This is illustrated by a case study in Six Men’s who reported shifting
from his employment as a tradesman to focus on fishing full-time. The respondent highlighted
the sense of independence he attains from his new livelihood strategy.

Beyond the direct extraction of fisheries resources, there are also other related opportunities
which some household respondents in Six Men’s reported pursuing, namely fish processing and
vending. Like fishing, these opportunities are not necessarily pursued as a full-time livelihood
activity, but nevertheless represent an important aspect of households’ employment and
41
income. Unlike fishing, fish processing and vending activities are pursued by both male and
female community members.

Interestingly, fish processors may not always request monetary payments for their services. This
is illustrated by a case study in Six Men’s who reported that friends may pay him in-kind, and
additionally other customers may combine both monetary and in-kind payments.

A common feature in the Six Men’s community includes the in-kind sharing of fish catch, and a
number of non-fishing households reported that they receive fish catch in-kind from other
community members. For two retired case studies, the in-kind exchange of fish appears to be
particularly important for their household’s subsistence.
Tourism Dependence

As with fisheries dependence, the research observed a difference in the prominence of tourism
based livelihood activities between the two research communities. At Holetown, the local
tourism industry appears to be a central source of employment and income. Tourism-related
livelihood opportunities include freelance opportunities such as water sports operating, or
employment at tourist resorts including as a gardener, waiter or cleaner.

A key tourism related livelihood opportunity in Holetown is that of a water sports operator. This
includes activities such as glass bottom boat tours, guided snorkelling trips, and jet skiing.
Respondents recognised that this opportunity and the activities it involves are dependent on
coral reefs.

More widely, the tourism industry in Holetown was described by respondents as dependent on
coral reefs. These respondents highlighted that the coral reefs provide an important attraction
to international visitors.

A number of case studies in Holetown reported pursuing both water sports and fisheries
activities to fulfil their livelihood strategy. Combining fishing and tourism activities like this is not
unsurprising in a community that was traditionally one of Barbados’ core fishing communities.
For those case studies that reported pursuing a combined livelihood strategy, water sports
operating generates their income, while fishing provides their subsistence.

At Six Men’s, fisheries is an important provider of employment and income opportunities, with
fewer case study households involved in tourism. For those respondents in Six Men’s that stated
that they work within the tourism industry, they reported travelling to tourist resorts or
attractions outside of the village.
Seasonality of Dependence

Across the two research sites, fishers reported that their livelihood activities experience seasonal
fluctuations. Many fishers in Six Men’s pursue flying fish fisheries between November and April.
Outside of this season, fishers reported that they pursue other fishing activities such as those
associated with the coral reef. In this way, coral reef fisheries act as an important keystone
42
resource, which underpins fishers’ livelihood strategy by providing a source of security to off-set
seasonal variability in the flying fishery.

Like fishers, fish processors in Six Men’s are similarly affected by seasonality in fisheries. One
full-time fish processor detailed that she uses a similar strategy as fishers, and processes
different fish species according to the time of the year. For other fish processors in Six Men’s,
this livelihood activity is part of a mixed livelihood strategy, with the flying fishery offering a
seasonal opportunity to pursue fish processing and boost the household’s income.

Tourism based livelihood activities are also characteristically seasonal, with peaks and troughs in
the number of international visitors to Barbados. Respondents in Holetown detailed that
typically the tourist season extends from November to April, with the off peak season from May
to September. One way that tourism related businesses reported that they respond to the off
peak season is to reduce labour requirements.

Water sports operators in Holetown described that within the peak tourism season the demand
for different water sports activities varies according to the demography of the international
visitors. They reported that generally older, retired tourists visit the community in periods up to
Christmas, and younger tourists visit around Easter. To respond to changes in income, water
sports operators stated a number of different strategies including utilising savings, relying on
family members and targeting local customers. One respondent detailed that he engages in a
mixture of tourism and fisheries based opportunities allowing him to maintain his employment
and income throughout the year, despite seasonal fluctuations.
Coral Reef Dependence as a Safety-net

As well as acting as a keystone resource, coral reef-associated fisheries have a safety-net
function. As a safety-net, coral reef resources are critical in helping households respond to an
unexpected shock or crisis period. In distinction to keystone resource dependency, relying on
coral reefs as a safety-net resource is not a product of seasonal fluctuations, but a response to
occasional sudden hardship Examples include the case study of a resident of Six Men’s that relies
on fishing when he receives little work as a tradesman.

In a further case study in Six Men’s, fish processing has offered one respondent an important
safety-net. This respondent detailed that they used to be employed as a shop assistant, but after
losing their job turned to fish processing full-time. While this respondent initially depended on
fisheries resources as a safety-net, coral reef resources now represent a permanent and primary
feature of her livelihood strategy.
Changes in Coral Reefs
The research captured case study examples of respondents whose fisheries or tourism based
livelihood activities have been exposed to short-term changes and long-term changes. Such changes
have important implications for livelihood security now and into the future.
Short-term Change

An important risk and uncertainty for those households involved in fisheries activities is the
exposure to fluctuations in the weather, particularly during the hurricane season. In Barbados,
43
the hurricane season represents a significant period of weather variation, extending from June
to October. Fishers in Six Men’s highlighted that during this season there is a very real risk that
their boat will be damaged or lost, and emphasised that they do not have access to affordable
insurance. Subsequently, fishers underlined that they rely on an informal agreement with the
owner of Port St Charles to allow them to dock their boats here when there is the imminent risk
of a hurricane.

For respondents involved in the tourism sector, the sudden loss of employment was identified as
an important uncertainty and source of livelihood insecurity. Two respondents in Six Men’s
stated that they have recently become unemployed and blamed the global recession, which they
claimed has curbed a once growing tourism demand.
Long-term Change
Alongside sudden and unpredictable changes, fisheries and tourism dependence is additionally
influenced by long-term change in access and availability of coral reef services. Research in
Holetown and Six Men’s revealed three key areas of long-term change.

1. Decline in coral reef-associated fisheries:
A wide range of case study respondents in the two communities stated that they have observed
declines in the abundance of coral reef-associated fisheries. Commonly respondents compared
the current status of reef fisheries to a time when they were younger.

As well as declining availability of reef fish, a common feature across respondents’ descriptions
of change included a reduction in the abundance of sea urchins, which were once a local
delicacy, in addition to being used as bait to catch reef fish.

Respondents suggested that a change in fishing gear, such as the increased use of fish traps,
meant that some fishers are harvesting of juveniles and subsequently driving declines in coral
reef-associated fisheries. Other possible drivers of declines in reef fisheries identified include the
impact of climate change, but respondents appeared unclear as to how this change might impact
fisheries now and into the future. Additionally, a number of respondents identified coastal
development and an increase in boat traffic as drivers of change. However, these respondents
detailed that these drivers act as a detractor for fish, scaring them from utilising near shore
reefs, rather than a driver of declines in the absolute number of reef fish.

2. Growth in coral reef-associated tourism:
The greatest expansion of coral reef-associated tourism has been experienced in the community
of Holetown and people here described that their community has transformed from a small
village, traditionally dependent on fisheries, to a centre for international tourism. The expansion
in the tourism economy has resulted in many households shifting away from traditional fishing
activities towards tourism related opportunities. Yet, despite a shift in the local economy, it
appears that fisheries resources remain an important livelihood resource providing subsistence
for some individuals and their household’s, even where they participate in the tourism industry.
44



Growth in coral reef-associated tourism has taken place in those areas bordering the southern
perimeter of the Six Men’s community including the marina and condominium developments of
Port St. Charles and Port Ferdinand. Notably, for a range of respondents in Six Men’s, the
construction of these tourism developments pose a threat to the community. Respondents
highlighted that many of the households in Six Men’s are “squatters” and do not own the legal
rights to the land that their house is built on. They suggested that additional tourism related
developments might seek the land that the Six Men’s community “squat” on, thereby displacing
the community.
3. Decline in coral reef health:
Respondents in Six Men’s and Holetown typically described that near-shore reefs are in a state
of degradation and decline. Crucially in Holetown, some respondents highlighted that this
change could negative impact tourism, as coral reefs provide a key attraction to international
visitors.
Across the research sites, respondents suggested that an important driver causing this
degradation and decline of coral reefs is the impact of run off from coastal development and
agricultural lands. This driver was recognised in particular by respondents in Holetown, where
tourism and the associated coastal development are most prominent.
Response to Change

Respondents have adopted a limited number of strategies to respond to declining catches from
coral reef-associated fisheries. These strategies can be primarily categorised as the modification
of existing activities (i.e. increasing the time invested in fishing or the number of fishing grounds
visited). Other reported responses involve utilising income savings to cope with hardship.
Typically, respondents used a combination of these strategies to respond to change.

Two respondents suggested that fishing households are shifting, or diversifying their livelihood
strategy to focus on alternative livelihood opportunities “on land”. Direct case study examples
include one respondent that has shifted his livelihood from engaging in fishing to pursuing
opportunities in post-harvest fisheries. Along with the above modification and coping strategies,
this response strategy is unlikely to be sustainable into the long-term if declines in coral reef
fisheries persist.

At least one respondent suggested that coral reef-associated fisheries offer a potential response
strategy for lower catches in offshore pelagic the flying fishery. Moreover, as fuel prices rise,
reef fisheries could come under additional pressure, as fishers are likely to experience declining
profit margins when fishing offshore. However, into the future, if reef fisheries are utilised in this
way, this is likely to increase pressure on coral reef resources and might further contribute to
their decline.

Beyond household responses to changing fisheries and tourism access, an institutional response
to the perceived degradation and decline in coral reef health has included the establishment of
the Folkestone Marine Park. Although there is support among fishers in both communities for
some form of protection, these stakeholders also highlighted the negative impacts of
45
conservation on their livelihoods. Fishers suggested that rather than fully restricting access to
the Folkestone Marine Park, fishers should be designated open and closed times.
46
Implications for Understanding and Action
In this final section, we consider the consequences of our understanding for practitioners and policy
makers concerned with coral reef change and the vulnerability of coral reef-dependent livelihoods.
Combining an understanding of coral reef dependency, change and response to change, reveals a
picture of livelihood vulnerability for Six Men’s and Holetown, from which a number of key insights
emerge.
 Coral reefs and the services they provide are undergoing considerable change. This is taking
place both as a loss and a shift in services important to the livelihoods of households in Six Men’s
and Holetown (e.g. a loss of provisioning services from fisheries and a shift towards cultural
services supporting tourism). But the exposure of livelihoods to coral reef change is not simply
due to the longer-term loss and shift in services. Critically, it is also related to the cyclical (e.g.
seasonal changes in fish abundance and tourism arrivals) and sudden (e.g. extreme weather)
changes in access to coral reefs and the services they provide. This is important as it suggests
that coral reef dependent livelihoods are exposed to multiple sources of change which operate
over varying temporal scales, driven by a complexity of socio-ecological drivers. Moreover, these
different sources of change do not operate in isolation. Rather they converge and in doing so
amplify the effects and ultimate exposure of livelihoods.
 Households in Six Men’s and Holetown are dependent in varying ways on the coral reefassociated fisheries and tourism as a source of employment, income, subsistence and
recreation, with many cases combining both fisheries and tourism dependence within one
household. This dependence varies from one household to the next and throughout the year;
including cases where dependence is critical at certain times of the year (i.e. as a keystone
resource) off-setting lows in other sectors, or in facing sudden hardships (i.e. as a safety-net).
Such dependency makes household sensitive to changes in coral reefs and the services they
provide. Moreover, it implies that some households may be particularly sensitive to changes in
coral reefs at certain times of year when dependence is critical. It also suggests that households,
who have had little dependence on coral reefs in the past, may suddenly and unpredictably find
themselves highly sensitive to coral reef change as a result of relying on the reef as a safety-net.
 Examining the way in which households have responded to changes in access to coral reef
services and the factors which have influenced these responses, provides insight to their
capacity to adapt to coral reef changes in the future. The current research suggested households
have limited strategies for responding to declining coral reef-associated fisheries, with little
evidence of sources of external support enabling them to respond to change. Interestingly, there
was an indication that coral reef-associated fisheries may be seen as offering a potential
response strategy to declining off-shore fisheries and the constraints felt by increasing fuel
prices. However, such a strategy risks driving further declines in the coral reef fishery,
exacerbating the vulnerability of dependent livelihoods. Moreover, it places further pressure on
the existing institutional conservation responses to declines in coral reef health, which are
already perceived to be having negative impacts on fishers’ livelihoods.
 Given this understanding, vulnerability to change in coral reefs is likely to be particularly acute
among fisheries dependent households in Six Men’s, where there are strong traditional ties with
47
a declining fishery and few strategies, or sources of support available to assist households to
respond and build capacity to adapt to continued change in the future. In addition, the research
suggests that the more recent tourism development adjacent to Six Men’s has not offered the
same opportunities to households as tourism growth did for households in Holetown in the past.
Indeed, case study respondents at Six Men’s suggest that the nature of recent tourism
developments may threaten their livelihood security.
This understanding suggests three critical implications for any practical or policy response to changes
in coral reef services:
1. Institutional efforts to conserve coral reef resources need to consider the livelihood
implications of restricting access. In particular, such restrictions need to understand and
account for the often over-looked importance of coral reefs for subsistence and as a
keystone resource or safety-net, which are a crucial source of livelihood security.
Conservation should not be viewed in isolation of this livelihood context, and any restrictive
measures must ensure community members who utilise fisheries resources are not
adversely impacted. Moreover, a lack of awareness of the livelihood context and
consequent negative impacts risks undermining local community support for conservation,
even where stakeholders acknowledge the need for safeguarding resources.
2. Support is needed in the form of policy and practice that encourages livelihood
diversification and promotes alternative livelihood opportunities in order to address
vulnerability to coral reef change. Such policies and practices must be based on an
understanding of the varied nature of change that livelihoods are exposed to, including
seasonal, short-term and long-term changes, as well as households varied sensitivity to
those changes. Furthermore, it must be grounded in an understanding of households’
capacities to change, acknowledging the tradition of coral reef dependence and its
importance supplementing household income and subsistence.
3. The provision of support for alternative livelihoods should avoid reinforcing exposure to
similar patterns of short and long-term change. For example, the promotion of offshore
fisheries is likely to expose individuals to the same sources of unpredictable and sudden
change. Equally, the promotion of tourism based opportunities as an alternative livelihood
strategy, overlooks tourism’s sensitivity to changes in coral reef health, or global market
forces, as well as the inaccessibility of large scale tourism development, which in certain
cases may represent a threat to local livelihood security.
48
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Reef Dependency and Change: Barbados Case Study

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