1991: Archaeology on the anxious coast

Australian Archaeology 33: 3-1 3
ARCHAEOLOGY ON THE ANXIOUS COAST
Annie Nicholson and Scott Cane
This section of the South Australian coastline,
from Port Lincoln to Ceduna, is some 350 km of
ruggeddiffs and vast bays spread along the coast
either side of Anxious Bay. The waters here are
abundant with a variety of marine life, from sea
lions to bluefin tuna, prawns, crayfish and
abalone. The area is also home to substantial
numbers of the infamous white pointer shark.
There is a warning in the names of some of the
places, like Anxious Bay, Coffin Bay, Avoid Bay
and Cape Catastrophe.
Warren (1988)
INTRODUCTION
In recent years a significant amount of archaedogical
work has been carried out on the Nullarbor Plain. This
adds to previous studies done in that region about two
decades ago (Pretty 1977; Wright 1971) and indudes
excavations at Allens Cave, preliminary ardaedogical
work at Oddea, the description and recording of the
Footprint Site at Bookabie, investigations into the
distribution of flint at archaedogical sites across the
Plain, and mapping of the Wilson Bluff flint quarry (see
Cane and Gara 1989; Gara and Cane 1988; Gara et
al. 1988).
An issue raised by this archaeological work relates to
the nature of coastal occupation (Gara and Cane
1988). Bates (1912, 1918) and others (Greenway
1973; Tindale 1974) state that Aboriginal occupation
within the larger Nullarbor environment concentrated
on the coast. As a result one would expect to find
midden sites similar to those found elsewhere in
Australia. Yet this is not the case. There are no
middens of the type found in eastern Australia
recorded on the 300 km of the Nullarbor coastline.
This raises questions about the nature of Aboriginal
occupation in this semi-arid coastal area. Specifically,
if occupation did focus on the coast why is there so
little evidence of it?
The unexpected absence of sites on the Nullarbor
coastline promoted investigations further afield; in this
case the Anxious Coast immediatelyto the east (Fig. 1).
Once again the large midden sites were absent. The
archaedogical sites found along th~scoastline were
National Heritage Studies, PO Box 92. Hall ACT 2618
mostly small, containing thin surface scatters d
deflated midden material. This demonstrated that
Aboriginal people did live on this coast, but it suggested
they were not using marine resources extensively.
This raises an interestingquestion: Why were coastal
resources under-exploited on the west coast d the
Eyre Peninsula when elsewhere in Australia marine
foods contributed significantlyto Aboriginal economies?
The answer to this question is the subject of a major
study by Nichdson. At this stage we would like todraw
attention to the archaedogical character of the region
and identify a series of interesting issues for future
debate. To do this we will describe the results of an
initial archaedogical survey and provide a summary of
the relevant ethnographic evidence. We will then
examine how other schdars have interpreted
Aboriginal subsistence and settlement of coastal
areas, and in so doing raise the question: Why dMn't
the people of the Anxious Coast eat shellfish?.
THE ANXIOUS COAST
Parts of the west coast of the Eyre Peninsula are
extremely rugged and remote. Steep rocky diffs rise
out of the ocean to tower above a coastline exposed to
the persistent groundswell of the Southern Ocean.
These cliffs are made of Pleistocene dune calcarenite
capped by Hdocene dunes (Short et al. 1987) and
have extensive areas of reef platform rich in a diverse
range of edible resources - although this is something
that will require quantification at a later date.
Numerous bays are also present along the west coast.
They range from wide, exposed inlets (Anxious,
Searcy, Corvisart and Fowlers Bay) to enclosed, lcrw
energy environments (Streaky and Smoky Bays). The
protected bays are characterised by well-developed
inter-tidal flats (Venus Bay) and, in some cases,
mangrove cdonies (Laura and Twrville Bays). Many
of the bays contain long stretches of sandy beaches
backed by extensive sand bodies.
No creeks or streams flow into any of the bays along
the west coast This is an important consideration as
it severely limits the availability of drinkable water. The
only 'creek'on this coastline (Acraman Creek) is saline.
Some ground water flows out of springs located on the
margin of many of the salt lakes. This water may have
been potable in the past. Soakages are also fairly
s k:haeology on the Anxious Coast
S O U T H
A U S T R A L I A
Fmme
PENINSULA
Figure 1 The Anxious Coast, west coast of the Eyre Penlmulp, South Australia
dose to the surface at many locations in the vast sand
dunes present on this coast.
Despite extensive land dearance for wheat cultivation,
the coastline itself has remained virtually unchanged
since Europeans first settled the area in the 1860s.
The west coast retains a remoteness derived
essentially from its rugged, windswept character. It is
easy to imagine life in this area before European
settlement Overlookingthe vast Southern Ocean, the
archaeological landscape somehow becomes more
tangible.
FIELD RECONNAISSANCE
Two months were spent on the Eyre Peninsula during
the summer d 198911990 assessing the nature of the
archaeology and undertaking a preliminary season of
s l e recording. The field survey cavered a 300 km
length of coast, from Fowlers Bay to Elliston (Fig.2).
When the number of bays and small indentations along
this coast are considered, the actual length d coastline
is much greater than this. A total of 160 archaeological
sites were located during this field season. None of
these sites had been recorded previously as virtually
no archaeological work has ever been carried out on
the Eyre Peninsula. A couple of the sites in the Streaky
Bay area were knownto the NationalParks and Wildlife
Service and a couple more were listed on the South
Australian Aboriginal Heritage Site Register. No
detailed records were available for any d these sites.
so the information recordedduring this survey provides
the first substantial insight into Aboriginal occupation
patterns on the west coast
The sites recorded can be broadly dassed as either
middens or open campsites, although these categories
do not adequately describe the variation in site types
recorded along the coast This variation will be detailed
Nicholson and Cane 5
YRE
INSULA
0
,
$Ohm
Figure 2 Fowlers Bay to Elliston - the study area on the west coast of Ihe Eyre Peninsula
in later work. The fdlawing discussion will be largely
descriptive, focusing on the qualitative features as a
means for providing an overview of the nature and
location of sites on this stretch of the west coast of the
Eyre Peninsula.
Middens
Most d the midden sites were found in small blowouts
in difftopdunes above rocky coastlines. These contain
periwinkle shells, both Nerira atramentma and two
species of Austroaxhlea, A. concamerata and A.
constricra. These latter species are also known as
Diloma concamerata and Mondonta constricts
respectively. Limpet shells (Patella laticostata) are
also present in smaller quantities in these middens.
This midden material tends to be present in discrete
dusters despite the eroded nature d the sites. The
periwinkles are highly fragmented, suggesting they
were broken to exlract the meat. This proposition is
reinforced by the presence d rounded beach pebbles
and small rock slabs which could have been used to
smash the shellfish open.
Flaked stone artefacts are sometimes present in low
numbers, rangingfrom a couple of isdated artefacts to
scatters of around 30. These are scattered wer
deflated areas adjacent to the midden material, rather
than being located amongst the shells.
Other middens are characterised by scatters d
individual rather than dustered shells. These sites
differ in two ways from the former. They cover larger
areas (often up to several hundred metres) and contain
larger gastropod species. Most common are turban
shells (Turbo torqoatus, T. undulatus), fdlowed by
cartrut (Thais orbita) and abalone (Haliots sp.).
These are mixed with the stone artefact material.
These shells are generally at the maximum end d the
size range for each particular shell type. The large size
suggests that foragers were only selecting the biggest
individuals when gathering. This raises interesting
questions about the subsistence strategies assodated
6 Archaeology on the Anxious Coast
with the sites. For example, were the occupants of the
sites employing an affluent form d optimal foraging or
does the size of the shells reflect the structure of the
natural population. Also of interest is the uniform
fracture pattern on the cartrut shells. Hdes of the same
size and shape in identical places are present on these
shells indicating they were punctured to extract meat.
Turban opercula were also found within these sites.
The size d the opercula correspond to Me large size
d the parent shells. One particularly large operculum
shaved evidence d having been 'retouched' around its
margin. Similar retouched shells have been identified
at coastal Nullarbor sites and suggest the use of shell
took in this region.
Estuarine middens were also found. These sites
contained W e s (Donax deltoides, Katelysia sp.),
scallops (Pectin benedidus albis), mussels (Mytiius
edulis) and mud oysters (Ostrea angasr). Although
only represented in small numbers, the presence of
scallop shells in these middens is interesting as this
shell type has not often been recorded in Australian
middens. Scallops can be collected in shallow water
on the west coast, and contemporary oral histories
indicate that scallops were a traditionalAboriginal food
in this area.
Open Campsites
These sites contained more stone flakes than shells
and, in some instances, fauna1 remains and emu
eggshell. The largest artefact scatters are often
located on wide deflated areas of calcrete pavement
either on difftopsor adjacent to transgressive dunes
immediately behind the beach. These scatters
generally contain hundreds of artefacts spread wer
wide deflated areas. Artefact densities were low,
generally less than l/sq m, and most were made of flint.
Several different cdwred flints were identified. They
may all be derived from the wtcrops at Wilson Bluff,
as there is considerable variation present within this
outcrop. A small, rnore inaccessible flint outcrop is
located at Sponge Cwe at Head of the Bight and this
may also have been used by Aboriginal people as a
source of flint (Eyre 1845).
The presence offlint at archaeological sites along the
entire section of coast surveyed indicates the
movement ofthis raw materialwer distances of at least
300 km. The proportion uf flint at the sites varies. Flint
is the dominant raw material at sites around Fowlers
Bayand Ceduna, but further east alongthe coast (away
frwn the source) the proportion of flint at the sites
decreases. Flint artefacts locatedat sites around Lake
Newlands near Elliston (at the eastern limit of the study
area) tend to be much smaller than those found at sites
doser to the Nullartxx Plain. Several small bipolar
cores were found at these sites and the flakes had thin
striking platforms. This suggests the conservative use
of this precious stone resource at sites more distant
from the quarries.
As the distance between sites and the flint quarries
increases there is a proportional increase in the use of
local carbonate rock as a raw material in the
manufacture of stone tools. Artefacts made from
various types of carbonate were identified. Some of
these are coarse-grained materials with poor flaking
characteristics but others are quite uniformly finegrained. Only a few showed evidence of having been
retouched.
Quartz artefacts are also present at some sites. No
quartz outcrops have yet been identified in the study
area but the high proportion of this raw material at sites
around Point Brown (in the centre of the study area)
and the large number of cores and large primary flakes
found at these sites suggests a local source is likely.
Quartz seams are probably present within the
underlying granite basement rock and this is exposed
at several locations near Point Brown.
Other raw materials present at the sites indude various
types of quartzite, silcrete and chert. Some artefacts
made from volcanic rocks were also found. Outcrops
of quartzite may be located in the coastal region but the
other raw materials come from more distant sources.
The volcanic material is likely to have come from the
Gawler Ranges, 200 km to the northeast. The nearest
source of silcrete and chert is likely to be in the desert
region to the north of the Nullarbor Plain. This indicates
that these raw materials have beentransported intothis
coastal area, over distances of about 500 km. This
movement of stone suggests the existence of travel
routes or exchange links between west coast
Aboriginal groups and the inland people from both the
Gawler Ranges and the northerndesert region. Exotic
raw materials are more common at sites dosest to the
Nullarbor. This supports an idea that some ofthese
materials originatedfrom the desert region to the north
of the Plain, probably travelling along trade routes
extending east from Oddea via Fowlers Bay (Gara and
Cane 1988).
Most of the artefads found at these coastal sites were
unretouched flakes, cores and broken fragments.
Flakes showing evidence of retouch or usewear were
also recorded and small grinding mortars and
manuports (usually beach pebbles or flat slabs of local
granite rock) were found at many of the sites. However,
the larger campsites containeda range of formal tods.
Tod types present indude adzes and adze slugs,
scrapers, points and micrdiths induding thumbnail
scrapers and geometric micrdiths. By far the most
common of these are the adzes. Both tula and burren
adzes were recorded. Scrapers are also relatively
common, while points and micrdiths are rnore
restricted in their distribution. Formal tods are
Nicholson and Cane 7
generally made of flint and silcrete and are most
frequently found at the sites in the western portion of
the study area.
Other evidence of Aboriginal occupation induded the
widespread presence of emu eggshell. This was
frequently found scattered amongst the artefacts at the
larger open campsites. Some had been burnt and this
has been collected for dating. Other evidence of fires
is provided by the presence of blackened calcrete
stones and some recent charcoal hearths.
A small amount of faunal material is present at a few of
the sites but generally conditions are not suitable for its
preservation. The most extensive range of faunal
material was identified at a series of sites just south of
Streaky Bay. Initial observations indicate this material
represents a variety of small marsupials including
wallabies, bettongs, bandicoots, qudls and possums.
One of the wallaby species present has never before
been identified outside southwestern Western
Australia and Central Australia. A small number of
native mice and goanna bones as well as seal,
penguin, sea birds and a variety of fish remains have
also been identified.
Fauna1 material was found on Long Beach in the Point
Sinclair area. Once again small marsupials dominate
the assemblage with wallabies, bettongs, bandicoots
and dunnarts represented. Native mice and lizard
remains are also present, and a small amount of fish
material was recorded. Of particular interest is the
presence of emu and dingo bones. The emu remains
suggest a large part of the bird was butchered and
consumed at this site.
Some sites 'Ontained
evidence of other cultural
activities. For example, a large fossil manuport of two
cockie shells was found at one site. This manuport
must have been carried to the site by the ~boriginal
occupants and is likely to have come from as far away
as the Nullarbor diffs. Another site contained evidence
of decoration. A series of small cone shells, all had a
hole in the tip of the shell, suggesting they had once
been strung together and worn as a necklace. Baler
shells were found at several of the sites. Baler shells
are associated with trade and religious or ceremonial
activities in other semi-arid regions (Akerman 1980).
The role of the shells at these coastal sites poses an
interesting question. They were only found at the
larger sites; never in associationwith the small deflated
difftop or foredune middens. Southern balers are a
deep sea speaes, and presumably were collected
dead, washed in on the beach. Contemporary
Aboriginal people daim their ancestors dived for them
but there is no evidence to confirm this. The shells may
have been used as vessels for carrying food and water,
or as decorative items.
At a superficial and regional level the nature d the
archaeologicalmaterial on the Anxious Coast indicates
small scale, sparse settlement. Many of the shells
contained within the middens are large, indimting
selective use of the best quality resources. The stone
component is typically that of a desert typological
tradition, unlike other coastal assemblages found
elsewhere in southern and eastern Australia. The
nature of the archaeological evidence suggests
minimal, selective exploitation of the coast by people
with a desert cultural tradition.
THE ETHNOGRAPHIC RECORD
To help interpret the archaeological remains and further
understand the nature of the coastal occupationwe can
turn to the ethnographic literature available for this
area. Because of the nature of European settlement in
this region and the influence it had on the Aboriginal
population, there are few descendents of the original
Aboriginal inhabitants now living on the Anxious Coast.
Although the number of Aboriginal people now living on
the coast is greater than in pre-contact times, many of
these people have come from the northern desert
regions to settle at Yalata, Koonibba and Ceduna
following a complex process of historical change (see
Cane and Gara 1989). The Point Lincdn area also has
a relatively high Aboriginal population but the area in
between is virtually devoid of Aboriginal people. In fact,
the coastal area between Streaky Bay and Elliston is
considered taboo by local Aboriginal people, who will
frequently travel inland to avoid this stretch of coast.
One wonders if this was the case in the past but the
feeling seems to stem from hostile race relations which
characterized the contact period.
Of particular
significance is the reprisal massacre of a large number
of Aborigines which is said to have occurred at Elliston
during the late 1800s (Chatter 1989; Pope 1989).
The ethnography is sketchy, and only a limited amount
of information relatingto Aboriginal occupation patterns
on this coast is available. Some of this information is
derived from early historic accounts (Angas 1847;
Provis 1879; Schurmann 1846; Taplin 1879). More
detailed information comes from early anthropological
investigations carried out amongst Aboriginal people
congregated at Oddea, on the eastern edge of the
Nullarbor Plain, and later at Yalata (Bates 1918, 1938;
Berndt 1941; Berndt and Berndt 1942a, 1942b, 1943).
It appears that two different groups occupied the west
coast. To the north and west were the Wirangu whose
territory extended along the coast from Head of Bight
to just south of Streaky Bay and inland to Oddea and
the western end of the Gawier Ranges (Tindale
1W4:2 19). The W irangu probably consisted of coastal
and inland groups such as have been recorded
amongst the Nullarbor coastal tribe, the Mirning. The
8 Archaeology on the Anxious Coast
Wirangu, like the Mirning, are recognized as being
different from the people who occupied the adjacent
desert regions and who belonged to the Western
Desert Cultural Bloc (Berndt 1942a:324). Berndt's
work amongst the Wirangu at Ooldea in 1941 indicates
that they themselves recognized this distinction and
saw themselves as different from the desert people
(Bemdt 1985:128). However, this is not reflected
archaeologically.
To the east of the Wirangu were the Nauo. Their
territory covered half of the Eyre Peninsula, from Venus
Bay to Coffin Bay. During the historic period these
people were concentrated in the coastal scrub country.
Tindale (1974:214) speculates that they may once
have inhabited the majority of the Peninsula but were
forced to contract their boundaries when Lake Eyre
groups moved south into Nauo territory.
Even less information is available for the Nauo than for
the Wirangu as few traditions belonging to this group
survived the initial contact period. From the evidence
available it appears that the Nauo were socially and
culturally different from the Wirangu. They appear not
to have had much contact with the Western Desert
groups, but instead had links with the people belonging
to the northern Lakes groups from around Lake Eyre
and Tonens.
Thus it appears that there were two different
socio-cultural systems operating on the west coast
during the more recent past. Because of the limited
information available about these groups, particularly
the Nauo, it is difficult to identlfy specific characteristics
of the groups which have relevance to the
archaeological record. Nevertheless, some general
information is available about the nature of Aboriginal
occupation in this area. Most of this is derived from
Bates' (1938) work amongst the Wirangu.
Schumnn's (1846) early description of Aboriginal
people in the Port Lincoln area also provides some
useful details but this has only limited relevance as it
relates specifically to the Banggala from the northern
Lakes district (who occupied the eastern portion of the
Peninsula during historic times).
From all accounts it appears that life on the west coast
was strongly influenced by the availability of water.
Aboriginal settlement patterns tended to be
charaderized by seasonal movements which were
determined by water availability and designed to
maximize resource availability. Duringthe dry summer
months people were concentrated in the coastal areas
where water supplies were more reliable.
As
mentioned previously, soaks and springs are located in
the coastal sand dunes and lakes. The higher rainfall
and lower evaporation rates characteristic of coastal
areas meant that rockholes were likely to be filled and
remain fuller than those inland. It was only after winter
rains that people ventured away from the coast. During
these times people dispersed widely to hunt game and
collect vegetable foods. As the smaller, temporary
waters dried up, people concentrated at the larger
rockholes such as Euria Rockhole located a short
distance inland between Fowlers Bay and Penong.
When these dried up people were once again drawn
back to the soaks and wells along the coast. Within
this general pattern of seasonal movement small
parties are likely to have travelled inland at any time,
using water from mallee roots and other sources (such
as morning dew). Large groups also probably moved
inland after heavy summer rains.
The ethnographic information clearly illustrates the
importance of coastal water sources. Bates (1938)
lists a number of water sources which were of particular
importance to the Wirangu. These indude the
permanent wells and soaks in the sand dunes at Head
of Bight. This location, known as Illcumba, was a
summer camp and had been 'a gathering place from
time immemorial' (Bates 1913). The wells and soaks
in the dunes at Fowlers Bay were also important water
sources. Edward Eyre (18 W 2 19) who travelled
overland along the west coast in 1840-41 described
Aboriginal wells dug to a depth of 4 m to 5 m in these
dunes. Further east along the coast (through both
Wirangu and Nauo territory) Eyre visited numerous
other soaks, wells and rockhdes. Without his
Aboriginal companions to guide him to these water
sources. Eyre's overland journey would have been
impossible.
Past Aboriginal population densities on the west coast
are difficult to estimate.
One of the earliest
observations of Aboriginal people living on this
coastline is provided by Flinders (1814) who mapped
the area during his voyage of discovery in 1802. He
saw the smoke from what he presumed to be Aboriginal
fires at many locations along this coast (hence the
name Smoky Bay) and found the remains of d d camps
at Fowlers Bay. It was onlyat Coffin Baythat Aboriginal
people themselves were seen and this led Flinders to
remark that 'these shores were therefore better
inhabited than the more western parts' (1814: 127).
This statement provides a clue to the nature of the
archaeology; it suggests the sites are sparse, because
the population was sparse. This is little more than a
speculative observation, but more precise information
is extremely limited. Very few official records are
available upon which to base population estimates for
this coastal area. When considering the limited
evidence that is available, the effect of post-contact
demographic changes must be remembered. These
indude the alteration of traditional boundaries through
the contraction of some groups' territories as a result
of the expansion of others. In addition the population
is likely to have already been reduced significantly by
both introduced diseases and the effects a
f poor living
conditions.
Nicholson and Cane 9
In the Fowlers Bay area a census recorded 162
Aborigines in the settled districts west of Penong. No
direct population estimates are available for the Nauo.
Berndt (1985:127) does however provide a figure of
2000 as an estimate of the total pre-contact Aboriginal
population of the Eyre Peninsula. This is a population
density of roughly one person/20 sq km; much lower
than the east coast of Australia.
Let us now look at the specific question of the rde
marine food resources played in the subsistence
economy. The ethnohistorical evidence suggests that
fish contributed to the diet of coastal groups across the
entire west coast, although only selected species were
eaten. Those chosen for consumption were caught by
spearing, herding or by the use of traps, both natural
and human made. There is no evidence of nets or
hooks having been used in this area (Schurrnann
1846:218). The difficulties associated with catching
fish during the rough winter weather conditions has
been cited by an early explorer in the region as an
additional reason why Aboriginal people moved inland
during the winter months (Register 2 11911858). Fish
appear to have contributed to the diet, but the size of
this contribution is difficult to estimate.
The role of shellfish in the Aboriginal diet is even more
difficult to ascertain as the evidence is somewhat
contradictory. Historical accounts suggest that coastal
groups did not eat shellfish (eg Schurmann l846:216),
while information collected by Bates amongst the
Wirangu implies shellfish had both a domestic and
ceremonial role. She described how some of the
coastal people belonged to the 'mdlusc totem'. When
visiting relatives inland the 'mdlusc' people were
required to take gifts of mdluscs. When visited by
inland relatives a 'great feast' of cooked molluscs was
prepared. In another observation this is partially
contradicted. Bates (1921) noted that when desert
people came to the coast they were unhappy entering
the water and were reluctant to eat the shellfish
gathered by the coastal tribes. Bates (1938:134) also
described the exploitation of other marine food
resources including seals, penguins and sea birds.
Reference is also made to occasional feasts of
beached whales.
This brief summary indicates three basic points which
have relevance to understanding how Aboriginal
people exploited the Anxious Coast in the prehistoric
past The first is that people did in fad live on the coast.
The second is that there were not many people, but
there were probably more than on the Nullarbor coast,
and finally that people did eat marine resources. How
intensely these resources were used is the questionwe
seek to answer.
COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY : A REVIEW
In one sense, the ethnographic literature raises more
questions than it answers. These relate to issues
frequently encountered in coastal archaedogical
studies and indude the relationship between coastal
and inland areas, the nature of coastal resources and
the contribution of coastal resources to the overall
subsistence economy. An additional question is that of
the antiquity of coastal resource exploitation. When
and why did Aboriginal people start exploiting the
coast? To address these issues and so facilitate an
understanding of Aboriginal occupation patterns on the
west coast, it is helpful to look at how archaeologists
have interpreted the evidence from other coastal areas
in Australia. This review will focus on work carried out
in southeastern Australia and Tasmania as these areas
are most relevant to an understanding of occupation
patterns on the Anxious Coast. Relevant information
derived from investigations carried out in other coastal
areas will also be induded. In particular, the nature of
Aboriginal coastal occupation in the southwest of
Western Australia will be considered as there appear
to be similarities between that region and the west
coast of South Australia.
Archaedogical investigations in Tasmania provide an
important base for understanding Aboriginal
occupation of the Anxious Coast. Over the last 25
years many archaeological studies have been carried
out and these have provided the fdlawing
interpretationof the rde of the coast in the Tasmanian
Aboriginal economy.
The coast provided the focus for occupation in
Tasmania with virtually all groups having some access
to coastal resources. As a result population densities
were high in coastal areas. The large number and size
of middens along this coast indicates the importance
of coastal resources. An example of this is the 8000
year d d site at Rocky Cape which consists ofa midden
deposit 7 m deep. In Tasmania the coast appears to
have played a greater role in the economy of west mast
groups than those of the east. This is thought to have
been related to the inaccessible nature of the west
coast hinterland which forced people to exploit the
coastal resources (Jones 1984). On the west coast,
occupation focused on the coast throughart the year.
'Coastal bases' were established from which
surrounding local resources could easily be exploited.
On the east coast occupation patterns appear to have
been seasonally determined (Lourandos 1WO).
During summer people dispersed across the
landscape and exploited terrestrial resources. In the
winter months they concentrated on the coast where
shellfish resources were exploited.
10 Archaeology on the Anxious Coast
This indicates that shellfish may have been seasonally
exploited and raises the question of the overall rde of
shellfish in the coastal economy. Jones (1984)
describes how the exploitation of shellfish on the west
coast occurred more intensely during the winter
months. Beyond the identification of seasonal
resource exploitation the implication of this is that
shellfish resources were exploited more intensely
when other more preferablefoods were unavailable. In
this sense shellfish appear to have provided a reliable
resource to fall.)backon during leaner times. This
notion has been questioned by Vanderwal and Horton
(1984) who, on the basis of archaedogical work in the
southwest, believe that shellfish were a relatively
constant source of food throughout the year.
In terms of the antiquity of coastal occupation, Jones
(1984) suggests that intense exploitation of coastal
resources only occurred wer the last 1500 years.
Obviously shellfishing began before this time (Rocky
Cape is 8000 years dd) but most midden sites are
younger than 1500 years. Jones opens the question
for debate and suggests that the exploitation of coastal
resources is mare complex than the simple issue of
resource availability. Perhaps a more complicated set
d factors induding techndogical developments and
changes in population structure influenced eaoitation
strategies. To investigate this issue further it is
necessary to consider evidence from other coastal
areas.
The archaeological evidence from South Australia is
quite limited in this regard. Work carried out by
Lampert (1981) in the 1970s suggested that very few
coastal sites, and virtually no middens, were to be
fwnd west of the Coorong. He assumed the absence
d sufficient mollusc resources to be the reason for this
and suggests that coastal people focused on fishing
rather than shell fishing. Lampert raised the important
issue dwhether middens accurately refled occupation
densities in areas where molluscs were not
preferentially exploited.
He suggested that the
orientation d coastal groups towards fishing may be
virtually invisible as fish remains do not preserve well
unless incorporated into a deposit
More comprehensive work has been carried out by
Luebbers (1978) on the Coorong. He identified a shift
tuuvards the coast and the exploitation d shellfish
resources wer the last 2000 years. He links this
economic shift to regional demographic changes
caused by changing ernhnmental conditions. He
argues that occupation shifted to the coastal strip when
the inland swamps dried up during the late Hdocene.
Further east, evidence from Vidoria indicates that
inithl coestal occupation occurred immediately
fdluwing sea level stabilizationaround 6000 years ago,
with intense coastal occupation only occurring in the
last two thousand years. Population densities were
high on this coastline, with figures comparable tothose
of the densely populated Arnhem Land coastline
(Lourandos 1980). Much of the work carried out on this
coastline has been done by Coutts (1981). He has
identified two types of coastal sites; temporary camps
located immediately on the foreshore and base camps,
located a short distance inland. The latter represent
longer term occupation sites from which the resources
of the surrounding landscape were exploited. For
Coutts, environmental factors determined site location
and content, and changes in resource availability
explainvariations in coastal occupation patternsduring
the Hdocene.
A greater amount of archaeological work has been
carried out further up the east coast. On the south
coast of New South Wales many middens have been
excavated and a detailed picture of Aboriginal
occupation is available.
Evidence from two
Pleistocene sites, Burrill Lake (Lampert 1971a) and
Bass Point (Bowdler 1970), indicates that occupation
intensity was low during the Pleistocene and early
Hdocene but increased between 6000 and 4000 years
ago, with a marked increase after 4000 BP. The
gradual increase has been attributed to the
development of an expanded littoral zone which
provided a rich variety of resources and enabled
increased Aboriginal usage of the coastal zone. The
more recent increase in occupation levels, however,
cannot be attributed to changing environmental
conditions as, by this time, the littoral zone had
developed and the estuarine and marine environments
had stabilized. Instead, other factors such as
population increasesandlor the development of a more
effiaent technology, have been used to account for the
late Hdocene increase in coastal occupation (Hughes
and Lampert 1982).
Coastal occupation in this area was characterized by a
'mixed economy' which involved the exploitation of all
available resources induding woodland, estuarine and
marine resources. The 'rich dependable resources of
the seashore' have been emphasized within this
economy (Lampert 1971b:64). The ethnohistorical
evidence suggests that occupation patterns on this
coast varied throughout the year. Coastal occupation
during the summer months was semi-nomadic with a
wide range of estuarine and marine resources being
exploited. In winter a reduction in resource availability
forced people to become more mobile. Nomadicwinter
subsistence patterns may have induded the utilization
of inland areas nut visited during the summer months.
The sites themselves vary between short-term
specialized camps, and main camps characterized by
longer occupation and more generalized foraging.
This research gives us some dues into the ways in
which Aboriginal people used the coast. It is food for
thought and has mnparative value for our Anxious
Coast investigation.
Also of relevance are
Nicholsonand Cane 11
archaedogical and ethnographic observations on the
tropical north coast. Here coastal subsistence appears
to have been less intense than further south. At
Princess Charlotte Bay on Cape York Peninsula,
Beaton (1985) notes that resource availability was not
necessarily the determining factor in resource
exploitation. He demonstrates that people do not
always make maximum use of the resources available
to them, a characteristic also identified by Jones (1984)
in relation to Tasmania. Beaton's work also illustrates
that shellfish beds were subject to short-term
fluctuations. This questions the perceived notion of the
reliability and stability of shellfish resources.
Meehan (1977, 1982) originally raised this point in
relation to changes in foraging strategies amongst
coastal people in Amhem Land. S he also provided a
number of other interesting insights of relevance to our
study. For example, shellfish were found to represent
a constant and predictable food resource which
prwided an important and irreplaceable contributionto
the coastal economy. Two main types of site were
identified: base camps, which are occupied for
extended periods throughout the year; and dinnertime
camps, which are small campsites used by people
while on foraging day trips away from the main camps
(Meehan 1982, 1988). This 'dinnertime' analogy is
often used to explain the behaviour associated with
small midden sites throughout eastern Australia, but
one wonders how many times this analogy can be
accurately used. It is tempting to use the analogy in
the case of the Anxious Coast sites, but as the
descriptions offered earlier indicate, the cultural
behaviour and subsistence techniques seem to have
more complicated elements.
Further, and possibly more relevant information is
available from work done in the southwest of Western
Australia. This work indicates a situation similar to that
recorded on the Eyre Peninsula. In the southwest of
Western Australia there is only sparse evidence of
Aboriginal coastal occupation. The few middens
located on this coast tend to be small, deflated sites
dating from the mid- to late Hdocene. Several options
have been examined by Dortch, Kendrick and Morse
(1984) to explain the absence of midden material.
They point out that as sufficient resources were
available for Aboriginal exploitation, lack of resources
cannot be used to explain the low number of middens.
They also consider whether sites may have been
destroyed by natural processes, although they do not
think this is an adequate explanation. Ethnohistorical
information used by them indicates that mollusc
resources played only a minor role in the Aboriginal
economy. At European contact,Aboriginal people in
this area did not eat shellfish. Hcwever, estuarine
fishing was both economically and socially important.
This activity occurred at the time of the year most
suitable for the collection of rockplatform mdluscs,
and possibly negated the need for marine shellfishing.
Dortch, Kendrick and Morse (1984) proposed that
Aboriginal people visited this coast primarily to utilise
the rich food resources of the hinterlandrather than the
shellfish resources.
THE ISSUE
This discussion has identified a number d common
themes in coastal archaeological studies. As we
understand the data, it would seem that the
mid-Hdocene sea level stabilization and the
subsequent development of a rich and diverse littoral
zone provided Aboriginal people with a new resource
zone for exploitation. This environmental change
provided an opportunity for the development of
different subsistence and settlement patterns. Coastal
resources, most noticeably the easily cdlected and
reliable shellfish, became increasingly exploited. The
dependable and abundant resources of the sea
enabled population levels to increase and led to the
development of a less mobile lifestyle. Population
densities were high in coastal areas and
semi-sedentary settlements occurred in some areas.
The terrestrial resources of the coastal hinterland were
still utilized, but were complimented by marine
resources. The emphasis was on estuarine and
marine foods. A dear distinction between coastal and
inland groups existed in some areas. In southern,
more temperate areas, coastal occupation generally
remained seasonal. Coastal resources, particularly
shellfish, provided a reliable food supply to fall back on
during periods of resource scaraty.
If one draws this information together into a broad
pan-Australiansummary the following pattern can be
identified.
Coastal middens are frequent and extensive along
the southern, eastern, and northern coasts d
Australia, but are sparse and infrequent along the
western and southwestern coasts.
Coastal occupation and use of marine resources
seem to have intensified during the last 2000
years.
The coast prwided a rich and reliable supply d
food; at times shellfish were used as a backup
resource.
Coastal occupation was sometimes seasonal.
Coastal occupation typically reflects the presence
of large, centralized base camps, and smaller,
more mobile foraging camps.
The essential ingredients of this pattern are not
reflected in the archaeological landscape of the
Anxious Coast. Here the occupation could barely be
described as intense. The middens are nat common,
large or consolidated. The coastal resources do not
seem important in the Aboriginal diet
These
12 Archaeology on the Anxious Coast
differences needto be explained but the explanation itself
raisesfurther questions. If, for example, the people of the
south and west did not need marine resources, why did
the people d the east and north need aWor exploit them
so extensMP
The implications of questions such as this are likely to be
cmplbted, yet may lead to a refinement d our
understanding d the role of marine resources in the
coastal economy. This is the essentialtheme d w r study.
The questions, h e v e r , hint at the need for some
reinterpretation d the role of the coast in Aboriginal
ecorwxnies more generally. For example, there is some
evidence from bath Tasmania and the southwest d
Western Australia to suggest that coastal resourceswere
only eaoited intensely when dher resources were nd
available. Evidence from Princess Charlm Bay and
Arnhem Land suggests that shellfish beds were subject
to short-term environmental fluduations, indicating that
the dependable nature ot this resource should not be
assumed categorically. The assumption that the richand
dependable resources d the sea led to population
increases in southern coastal New South Wales, may be
flawed and may need some other social, cultural or
technological explanation.
.
It is within this broader cultural context that the issues
relevant to the sites on the Anxious Coest are so
interesting. On this coast the fundamental question is:
why is there so little evidence of marine exploitation?
There may be a series d individual andlor inter-related
answers to this. Perhaps the vident oceanic mditions
along this cmst preventedAboriginal exploitation of the
littoralshores. Perhaps Aborigines were afraid ci sharks.
Perhap the shellfish and m r marine resources were
so limited that people could not exploit them to an e>ctent
that was archaedogically visible. Perhaps preservation
conditions are so poor that most of the archaedogical
evidence has decayedinthe last 100 years. Perhapsthe
absence d sites is relatedto behaviour, maybeAboriginal
discard patterns were such that evidence d coastal
exploitation is archaedogically Invisible. Perhaps
occupation on the west coast was primarily land locked,
with only short visii tothe coast each year. Perhaps the
coastal dwellers were descendants of a desert tradition,
and lived, in effect, with their backs to the coast. Perhaps
the reason is demographic. Population levels may have
been so low that people did m tax the bounty d their
envirorrrnent Maybe people had little r e a m to get their
feet wet in the pursuit &food. If there is little evidence d
middenmaterial lt may be becausethe Aboriginal people
ate very IWe seafood. This contradids the generally
accepted view d coastal resources as a reliable food
supply, eagerty exploitedbyAboriginalpeople with a taste
for seafood adsine. Insteadcoastal resourcesmight only
have beenusedwhen populationlevels becametoo high,
and the canying capedty d the land was stressedto the
point that cuastal resources had to be exploited. This
wodd suggest exploitation by necessity, rot choice.
All these questions emerge from the evidence presented
in this initial reconnaissance paper. They are interesting
questions, both as they seek to understand the nature d
human occupationalong the Anxious Coast, and as they
affect the conventional interpretation of the place d the
sea in the traditional economy d Aboriginal people. This
paper does not attempt to prwide an answer to these
questions at this stage. Instead the questions are
presented for consideration. They will be the subject d
further fieldwork, analysis and interpretation during the
next two years.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This paper is based on fieldwork carried out jointly by
National Heritage Studies Pty Ltd and the Australian
National University. The projed was funded by the
Aboriginal HeritageBranch,SouthAustralian Department
of Environment and Planning, using a grant from the
Australian Heritage Commission.
Thanks go to the Department of Environment and
Planning for prwiding a vehide for use in the field. In
particular the authors would like to thank Bob Ware and
Tom Gara for their assistance with the project. Field
assistancewas provided by the SouthAustralian National
Parks and Wildlife Service, particularly Ross Allen, Don
Mount and Tim Fuhlbohm. Assistance in the w t fieldwork analysis of shell material and fauna1 remains
by K e y Walsh (ANU), Jeny Van Tetr
was ~xa~ided
(CSIRO) and Karren Gowlitt-Hdmes (South Australian
Museum). The figures were drawn by Winifred Mumford.
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