Montana Reservation Profiles

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Indian Land Tenure
M O N TA N A
T ribal L ands P roject
F O U N DAT I O N
Montana Reservation Profiles
By Julie Cajune
Montana is home to twelve tribes that reside on seven reservations. The Little Shell Tribe headquartered in
Great Falls Montana does not have a reservation land
base and is currently seeking federal recognition.
The Salish, Pend d’Oreille, and Kootenai Tribes of
the Flathead Indian Reservation have the longest
documented inhabitation in Montana. However, oral
histories from other Montana tribes connect them to
places in Montana that go back more than 500 years.
The oral history and literature of these tribes include
numerous creation stories that describe the particular
geography and resources of the state.
Place names in the Salish and Kootenai languages
refer to the time before human beings – the time
when Coyote and Fox were walking the land, making it ready for human beings. There are names for specific
landmarks that relate Coyote and Fox’s activities. The Lolo area is called “Tmsmɫi” which means no salmon
– telling of Coyote’s losing the salmon he was carrying before he could stock the stream. Further south in
the Bitterroot Valley is the Medicine Tree site – the setting of another Salish Coyote story. This site remains
significant to the Salish and Pend d’Oreille people. Every year they continue to journey there and make their
prayers just as their relatives and ancestors have done for thousands of years. The Kootenai hold a similar
relationship with a site in Glacier Park that chronicles thousands of years of ceremony at that particular place.
Glacier Park officials paid recognition to this relationship and have extended the invitation to the tribe to access
and use this site as their relatives did generations ago.
Although Indians surrendered the physical occupation and ownership of their ancestral homelands, they did
not abandon the spiritual possession that had been a part of them.
(The Nations Within, Deloria & Lytle, 1984, p. 11)
While some Montana tribes arrived in the state over the last 500 years, they too have a deep relationship with
a country that provided refuge and survival after violent loss and dispossession. Ivan Wing from the Fort
Belknap Reservation remarked about the refuge his ancestors found. “The mountains opened their arms and
let the Assiniboine in.” For some tribes, their journey was a sacred one. The Crow migration to Montana was
guided by the vision of Crow Chief No Intestines. Some tribes were historically in Montana but do not have a
current reservation in the state, such as Nez Perce, Shosone and Bannock. Hidatsa and Mandan also had historic
villages in the Yellowstone area that go back more than 500 years.
The Northern Cheyenne settled in the Tongue River area, staying just abreast of the intense westward movement
of settlers and other evicted tribes. The Northern Cheyenne, by virtue of geography, became one of the frontier
tribes struggling against the waves of settlers and the cavalry that followed to provide their security as the
“west was settled.” The very location of the Northern Cheyenne placed them in the margin between Indian
Territory and the settled country. As the population pressed west, tribes were moved and territories shifted
and compacted. Inter-tribal conflicts escalated and the Northern Cheyenne allied with the Sioux tribes, facing
© All Rights Reserved 2009 – Indian Land Tenure Foundation
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hostility from both the U.S. military and other tribes. Their history portrays an enormous cost paid to remain in
their home in the Tongue River country.
Indeed, every tribe living in Montana has an intimate relationship with a landscape that sheltered and nourished
them. All of the Montana tribes struggled to maintain a homeland for their people. Tribal histories are filled with
stories of intelligent and brave leaders, whose wisdom and courage in decision making salvaged a place for
their people. While the contemporary reservations represent only a fraction of what once were vast aboriginal
territories, the fierce love for the existing reservation homelands is not diminished.
We were not only connected spiritually and physically to this place, but we enjoyed an intimate relationship
with all of the lands in our aboriginal territory. We were tied to this land by our ancestors’ and elders’ stories that
related our oral history and told us of Coyote’s travels and activities…we have to watch over all of our places
in our aboriginal territory. Our ancestors kept our rights to continue our relationship with our homelands in the
1855 Treaty of Hell Gate. We honor our ancestors through our stewardship of the land and by maintaining and
exercising the rights we kept in our treaty. This is our generational responsibility that we grow up with as Indian
people. (Mission Mountains Tribal Wilderness, Terry Tanner, 2005, p. viii)
A comprehensive study of Montana’s tribes is beyond the scope of this project and would require numerous texts.
This project focuses on a particular part of that history – land history. This topic too, could keep a student busy
for several years! Significant facts and events have been selected for study to provide a basic historic context for
understanding the contemporary circumstances of Montana Tribal lands.
Profiles of the seven reservations are provided to support teacher background knowledge and for study by older
students. A timeline for each reservation is included as a study guide for student lessons. These documents are
not comprehensive reservation histories. They are an overview of significant events that led to the establishment
of reservations and key federal policy periods afterwards. The profiles conclude with basic information on tribal
governments and reservation lands.
Blackfeet Reservation Profile
“It is believed that the Blackfeet were originally an eastern woodlands tribe and migrated westward over three
centuries ago, from a homeland located north of the Great Lakes…The Blackfeet seem to have been one of
the first of the woodland peoples to move westward along the Saskatchewan River…The Blackfeet language
belongs to the Algonquian linguistic family, which is located in the eastern woodlands region of North America.
The shaping of wooden utensils and bowls and an almost forgotten tradition of pottery making also relate the
Blackfeet to the eastern woodlands region.” (The Blackfeet Five View Points, Diane Barlow, Browning Public
Schools, 1978, p. 4.)
Although some Blackfeet oral traditions have them being in and around the Montana region longer than 500 years
ago, this is one documented/written version of their tribe’s history. By the time the Blackfeet had migrated to the
Northwest, they were organized as a confederacy of three politically independent tribes. The southernmost tribe
was the Piegan, the central tribe the Bloods and the northern tribe the Northern Blackfeet or Blackfeet proper.
More specific tribal names for the three groups are: Pikuni – Piegan; Siksika – Northern Blackfeet; and Kainah
– Blood. The Kainah and the Siksika reside on reservations in Alberta, Canada. The Piegan or Pikuni live on the
Blackfeet Reservation in Montana. For consistency and familiarity, this document will use the term “Blackfeet”
to refer to the Piegan or Pikuni people.
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As a plains tribe, the Blackfeet lived and moved in smaller bands to accommodate a buffalo hunting economy.
Buffalo were at the center of the Blackfeet livelihood. Hunters used a variety of hunting methods including
buffalo jumps and drives. A drive involved herding the buffalo into a corral, usually downhill on a slope. Many of
these sites are still visible on the landscape today.
The Blackfeet acquired both the horse and gun in the early to mid 1700’s. Horses were acquired from other tribes,
but guns were secured from the European trading posts and traders. Guns afforded the Blackfeet immediate
military advantage over other tribes. Traders were cautioned by the Blackfeet as to what would happen to them if
they armed other tribes. With guns and horses, the Blackfeet moved onto the plains of Montana and displaced the
Shoshone tribe altogether. By this time, other tribes had also moved into Montana.
The Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851 set boundaries for the Blackfeet though they were not present at the treaty council.
Blackfeet territory was identified from the mouth of the Musselshell River then up the Missouri and then along
the Rocky Mountain Front in a southerly direction to the headwaters of the northern source of the Yellowstone
River. The treaty sought inter-tribal peace and right-of-ways for roads and military outpost construction. Lands
for the Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Crow, Assiniboine, Mandan, Gros Ventre, and Arikara were also identified in
the treaty.
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Four years later, a treaty commission was
convened in 1855 on the Judith River with
the Blackfeet, Salish, Pend d’Oreille, and
Nez Perce. Intentions of this treaty were to
bring peace to warring tribes through the
establishment of a common hunting ground.
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The Blackfoot Nation consent and agree that
all that portion of the country recognized and
defined by the treaty of Laramie as Blackfoot
territory, lying within lines drawn from the
Hell Gate or Medicine Rock Passes in the main
range of the Rocky Mountains, in an easterly
direction to the nearest source of the Muscle
Shell River, thence to the mouth of Twentyfive Yard Creek, thence up the Yellowstone
River to its northern source, and thence along
the main range of the Rocky Mountains, in a
northerly direction, to the point of beginning,
shall be a common hunting-ground for ninetynine years, where all the nations, tribes and
bands of Indians, parties to this treaty, may
enjoy equal and uninterrupted privileges of
hunting, fishing and gathering fruit, grazing
animals, curing meat and dressing robes.
(Article III, 1855 Lame Bull /Judith River/
Blackfeet Treaty)
The treaty included annuities to the Blackfeet
and the Gros Ventre for relinquishment of lands that had been identified by the 1851 Fort Laramie Treaty. This
treaty is known by several names: The Lame Bull Treaty (after a Blackfeet leader, the first signatory of the treaty),
the Judith River Treaty (after the location of the negotiation site) and the Blackfeet Treaty.
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In 1856, a brief ten years later, Blackfeet territory was again the subject of treaty negotiation. Acting Montana
Governor Meagher and Blackfeet Indian Agent Gad Upson were the government’s negotiators. While this treaty
was never ratified, settlers began to occupy the treaty lands designated for cession.
Blackfeet borders were not to remain static for even another decade as President Grant issued Executive Orders in
1873 and 1874, diminishing lands that the tribe complained were some of their prime hunting grounds. The 1874
Executive Order established an undivided tribal territory for the Blackfeet, Gros Ventre, Assiniboine and Sioux.
Tribal complaints were both acknowledged and validated by Congress. President Grant was pressured to issue a
third Executive Order in 1875, restoring some of the ceded land.
Grant’s just action was not to remain, however. In 1880, President Rutherford B. Hayes signed a fourth Executive
Order, taking back the land that Grant had restored in 1875.
Eight years later, the Blackfeet were once again pressed to relinquish more land. The Sweetgrass Hills Agreement,
ratified by Congressional Act in 1888, established the Blackfeet Reservation, the Fort Belknap Reservation, and
the Fort Peck Reservation. Land cessions to the U.S. government by this agreement totaled 17,500,000 acres.
The Sweetgrass HillsAgreement promised $150,000
in annuity payments to the Blackfeet for ten years.
Annuities included cattle, agricultural implements,
buildings, and medical and educational services.
Allotments to individual tribal members were
specified at 160 acres to heads of a household, 80
acres for single individuals eighteen or older, and
40 acres to each child under the age of eighteen.
A final land cession took place in 1896. The
Blackfeet relinquished 800,000 acres, known as
the “Ceded Strip.” Payment for this land was to be
$1,500,000. Tribal members then and today assert
that this was not a land cession, but a 99-year lease.
Tribal members reserved the right to hunt and fish
in this area that is now part of Glacier National Park. Certainly one could determine that this area was possibly the
most valuable acreage of Blackfeet Reservation lands. The loss of this land was enormous.
After this final cession, the Blackfeet Reservation boundaries remain today as they did back in 1896. The changes
to land ownership since have occurred inside of the borders. These changes began in 1907 with the survey of the
reservation for allotments, and the opening for sale the lands not allotted – now defined as “surplus.” During 19071908, approximately 2,656 tribal members were assigned allotments. “In 1911 it was determined 156,000 acres
fit the category of surplus. The children born after mid-1911 were recognized and additional 80-acre allotments
were made. These allotments included surface and mineral rights ownership. Two other allotments were made
for surface only with all mineral ownership being retained by the tribe…” (Days of the Blackfeet, Blackfeet
Community College, 2008, p. 17.)
The total acreage of the Blackfeet Reservation is 1,525,712 acres. Of that acreage, individual allotments amount
to approximately 701,816 acres. Communal tribally owned lands include approximately 311,175 acres. Combined
state and fee lands within the reservation total approximately 511,067 acres. Keep in mind that reservation land
status changes over time as lands are both acquired and taken out of trust and sold. These figures were current as
of 2003.
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The Wheeler Howard Act (Indian Reorganization Act) was passed in 1934. This legislation provided a mechanism
for tribes to structure formal governments, end the sale of “surplus” reservation lands, incorporate to engage in and
conduct commercial business, and acquire some lands lost during the allotment/homestead process. The Blackfeet
Tribe chose to organize under this legislation, with 994 of the 1,785 eligible voters voting in favor of the legislation.
A contemporary tribal government was created through the ratifying of a Blackfeet Tribal Constitution. Originally
there were thirteen elected tribal council representatives. Today there are nine representing four voting districts.
Blackfeet Tribal Business Council members serve four-year terms. The council is responsible for political and
business affairs of the tribe, overseeing 62 tribal departments and programs.
Economic development continues to challenge the tribe and unemployment rates are high. Several tribal businesses
have been tested including a pencil factory and a construction company. The pencil factory is out of business,
but the construction company, Pikuni Industry, is still in business. The tribes opened Glacier Peaks Casino in
2006. The casino is located down the road from the Plains Indian Museum, a popular tourist site. Many tribal
members still engage in farming and ranching. Local schools, the tribe, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs are the
main reservation employers. The Siyeh Development Corporation, a tribally chartered organization, is charged
with supporting economic development on the reservation. Today the corporation oversees eight businesses and
in 2004 had 100 employees and a payroll of $1,000,000. In 2005, the corporation was honored by Harvard
University, receiving the Honoring Contributions in the Governance of American Indian Nations. Currently the
Blackfeet Tribe is exploring the possibility of a wind farm as another avenue of economic development. Oil and
gas development continue to be areas of tribal interest as well. The tribe runs a small herd of buffalo on the west
side of the reservation.
The west side of the reservation borders Glacier National Park and is one of the most spectacular landscapes in the
country. Canada borders the reservation to the north. Cutbank Creek flows through the heart of the reservation and
there are eight lakes and 175 miles of fishing streams. Tribal headquarters are located in Browning, as is Blackfeet
Community College. Of the 15,560 enrolled tribal members, approximately 7,000 live on the reservation.
Crow Reservation Profile
The Crow Tribe – the Apsaalooke- tell of living in the eastern woodlands around the Great Lakes area in earthen
lodges. As food became scarce, fourteen groups of men were sent in different directions to seek out a good source
of food. One group returned from the west laden with buffalo meat. It was decided that the tribe would go in
this direction. As they migrated west, during 1400-1600, it is said that they stopped for a time in the northern
Minnesota, and the southern Manitoba area, before continuing west. When they reached the “Sacred Waters,”
Devil’s Lake in North Dakota, two chiefs, Red Scout and No Intestines, fasted and prayed for guidance from First
Maker.
Each leader was given different gifts and guidance. Red Scout was told to settle down with his people and given
an ear of corn. No Intestines was given seeds and told to seek the place to plant them. No Intestines left with his
group and when they made it to the Missouri River they stayed there with the Mandan for a while. When they
resumed their journey, oral history tells that they went north to the Alberta, Canada area and then south past the
Great Salt Lake. Eventually they found their way to an area in southeastern Montana, surrounded by the Pryor,
Bighorn, and Wolf Mountains. This was the place they were to plant the seeds and call home.
In 1851, the Crow lands were identified in the Fort Laramie Treaty. A total of 38,531,147 acres in southern
Montana and Wyoming were designated as Crow lands. This generous designation did not stand and in 1868 a
second Fort Laramie Treaty diminished Crow lands to 8,000,409 acres. Additionally, Article VI of the second Fort
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Laramie Treaty encouraged tribal members to “commence farming” by assigning tracts of land, not to exceed 320
acres, to individuals and families that would be recorded in the “Crow Land Book.” Annuities and services were
promised as payment for the lands ceded.
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A loss of 30,000,000 acres was only a beginning, and the Crow Tribe endured four more land cessions. Two in
1882, diminished the reservation to 6,300,000 acres. These land cessions were to make way for homesteading,
mineral exploration, and an undisturbed route for the Northern Pacific Railroad. Another Act in 1891 decreased
reservation acreage to 3,700,000. This western cession of land garnered $940,000 and allowed Crow tribal
members to hold allotments in the ceded land. A final Act, termed the “Ceded Strip” (sound familiar?) reduced
the reservation to its current size of 2.3 million acres. The land ceded was on the northern reservation boundary
and in this transaction the United States
held the mineral rights of this land in
Billings
trust for the Crow Tribe.
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The Crow Tribe did not organize under
the 1934 Wheeler Howard Act (Indian
Reorganization Act). The tribe chose
to develop their own constitutional
form of governance that they adopted
through a formal, written constitution
in 1948. The constitution was amended
in 1961. The governing body was called
the general council and included all
adult enrolled tribal members present
at the council meeting. A quorum
required 100 voting tribal members. A
Chairman, Vice-Chairman, Secretary
and Vice-Secretary were elected
every two years. Crow tribal members
referred to this form of government as
a “true democracy”.
In 2001, the Crow Tribe repealed their constitution adopting a new one that identified and separated three branches
of government: Legislative, Executive, and Judicial. Terms of office for the Executive Branch have been extended
to four years, and the new Legislative Branch is
made up of three members from each of the six
reservation districts. Voting of the Crow General
Council, the adult Crow tribal membership,
is now limited to elections, referendums, and
initiatives.
While economic development and employment
remain paramount issues to the Crow Tribe, coal
mining has provided steady revenue for over 20
years. The Crow Tribe leased the mineral rights of
the ceded strip to Westmoreland. Wesmoreland’s
Absaloka Mine produces 7 to 7.5 million tons
of coal annually. The Crow Tribe receives a
percentage of the coal revenues. Presently,
negotiations between an Australian company and
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the Crow Tribe are moving forward to build a coal liquefaction plant on Crow lands. The coal would be processed
to create diesel and other fuels.
Crow reservation geography encompasses 2.3 million acres, and includes the Bighorn, Pryor, and Wolf Mountain
Ranges. The Bighorn River travels north through the reservation, meeting the Little Big Horn River on the
reservation’s northern boundary. The tribe manages a buffalo herd of about 300. Crow tribal headquarters are
located at Crow Agency. Little Big Horn College is also located at Crow Agency. There are 11,357 enrolled Crow
tribal members. Approximately 8,143 live on the reservation.
Flathead Indian Reservation Profile
The Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes reside in a remnant of their aboriginal homeland. The Salish,
Pend d’Oreille, and Kootenai tribes of the Flathead Indian Reservation are fortunate to reside on lands that their
ancestors have known for millennia. Oral histories of the tribes describe the geography of most of Montana,
and parts of Wyoming, Idaho, eastern Washington and Canada. Place names in Salish and Kootenai chronicle
thousands of years of inhabitation and relationship with land.
The Salish, Pend d’Oreille, and Kootenai tribes occupied and utilized an expansive aboriginal territory, living in
bands that came together at different times. The Salish and Pend d’Oreille are “relative” tribes, sharing the same
language. The Kootenai have a different language and culture, and are part of a larger tribe that includes bands
in Canada and one in Bonner’s Ferry, Idaho. The Kootenai allied with the Salish and Pend d’Oreille, and their
relationships were amicable.
Mistakenly, people often think that these tribes
resided exclusively on the west side of the Rocky
Mountains. Bands also occupied camps on the east
side of the mountains. Tribal populations shifted to
the west side of the mountains as a protection strategy
from encroaching tribes. However, the Salish, Pend
d’Oreille, and Kootenai did not relinquish hunting
in their traditional places. While the presence of
competing tribes brought difficulty and conflct, the
tribes remained buffalo dependent people, refusing to
give up their hunts east of the mountains.
In 1855, Isaac Stevens was sent to negotiate treaties
with tribes in the northwest. The government needed
land and right of ways for the railroads, as well as
safe passage for settlers, homesteaders and others
making their way to Oregon and California. When
the Salish, Pend d’Oreille, and Kootenai leaders met
with Isaac Stevens at Council Groves, they were
under the impression that they would be discussing
their problems with the Blackfeet. They were soon to
find out that the government was intent on securing
land and at the end of the 1855 Treaty of Hell Gate
negotiations, the tribes had secured a remnant portion
of their homelands and maintained the right to hunt,
© All Rights Reserved 2009 – Indian Land Tenure Foundation
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fish and gather in “usual and accustomed
places.” What the government gained was a
land cession of over 12 million acres in what
is now western Montana. Treaty land cessions
did not include eastern tribal territory east
of the mountains. These lands were already
extinguished by the 1851 Fort Laramie
Treaty.
Victor, principal chief of the Salish tribe,
refused to relinquish lands in the Bitterroot
Valley during treaty negotiations. Article 11
of the Hell Gate Treaty provided for a survey
of the Bitterroot Valley to determine a suitable
place for Victor and the Salish. The survey
was never done and settlers began moving into the area, even though the treaty promised the lands would not be
opened to settlement until the survey had been completed.
In 1872, James A. Garfield was sent to negotiate an agreement with the Salish for their removal to the “Jocko
Reservation,” as it was called in the Hell Gate Treaty. At this time Chief Victor had died, and Chief Charlo
refused to move or sign any agreement with Garfield. He stood fast on the treaty’s promise for a survey to reserve
land for the Salish in the Bitterroot Valley. The removal agreement was later published with a mark attributed
to Chief Charlo. Charlo was incensed and insisted the mark was a forgery. Dismal resources for making a living
influenced some of the Salish to move to the Jocko Reservation, but Charlo and a number of families remained in
their beloved Bitterroot Valley. Finally, in 1891, the remaining Salish were forcibly removed, being told to leave
everything behind as their material belongings would be replaced. The people received no goods to replace those
left behind. Charlo remained embittered over the multiple deceptions by the government.
After a period of deep poverty, tribal members increased their cattle and horse herds, and acreage under cultivation
saw steady increases. By the turn of the century, it looked as if the tribe were on the verge of achieving some
semblance of self-sufficiency. However, the wheels were already in motion to allot the Flathead Indian Reservation
and secure the lands that would be declared “surplus.”
The state legislature of Montana had by the turn of the century committed itself to bringing settlers to previously
closed areas. In 1901 it sent petitions to Congress calling for the opening of certain national forest reserves as well
as Indian lands…By 1902 the state Republican party had adopted a platform that favored the ‘allotment to Indians
of land in severalty and the throwing open of all lands not thus allotted to settlement.’” (The Politics of Allotment,
Burton M. Smith, 1995, p. 13)
The Flathead Allotment Act was passed in 1904 and in 1910 the reservation was opened to homesteading. In the
years following the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes were to lose over 60% of their reservation land
base.
The tribes chose to organize under the Indian Reorganization Act (Wheeler- Howard Act) and structured tribal
government under a constitution. The tribes’ official government was set up as a tribal council with ten elected
representatives. One of the first actions of the tribal council was to create a land committee with the purpose of
not just land management, but land acquisition. Over the next 70 years the Confederated Salish and Kootenai
tribes were able to restore over 300,000 acres of reservations lands lost during allotment and homestead policies.
Current reservation land status is 62% tribal and individual trust land.
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The Flathead Indian Reservation is bordered to the north by Flathead Lake, the largest freshwater lake west of
the Mississippi. The eastern border is the top of the Mission Mountain Range of the Rocky Mountains. The west
side of the reservation is marked by the Salish Mountains. The Lower Flathead River comes out of Flathead Lake,
flowing through the heart of the reservation before joining the Clark Fork. Timbered lands have been a significant
part of the tribal economy. A hydroelectric dam on the Lower Flathead River was built against the opposition of
the tribes. Revenue from the site lease of the dam was 15.5 million dollars in 2004.
Stewardship of the environment remains paramount to the tribes and the Natural Resources Department oversees the
well being of tribal lands and natural resources, including the 93,000 acre Mission Mountains Tribal Wilderness.
Fort Belknap Reservation Profile
The Fort Belknap Reservation is home to two distinct tribes, the Assiniboine and Gros Ventre. Fort Peck is also
home to Assiniboine bands. The Assiniboine are more accurately called Nakoda meaning “Generous Ones.” The
name Assiniboine refers to “those who cook with stones.” The Gros Ventre are the Ah-Ah-Nee-Nin meaning “White
Clay People.” Gros Ventre is a French word meaning large belly, which came about through a misinterpretation of
the sign for “waterfalls people.”
The Gros Ventre, once affiliated with the Arapaho and Cheyenne tribes, were located on the Saskatchewan River
in 1754. As the tribe migrated west they allied with the Blackfeet living in central Montana and Canada.
“In the very early days the whole Assiniboine Tribe of Indians was in one band. As the population increased, the
distribution of game, killed for meat, became a problem…. It was for that reason that families, with their near
relatives, gradually moved away from the main band…As these small groups increased in size they naturally
formed separate bands.” (Land of the Nakoda: The Story of the Assiniboine Indians, 1942, p. 24.)
“In the mid-1600’s, Assiniboine homelands stretched from the woodlands of the Lake Nipigon and Rainy Lake
region of present-day northwestern Ontario to the northern woodlands and parklands and tall grass prairies of
Saskatchewan, and perhaps as far as west as eastern Alberta.” (The History of the Assiniboine and Sioux Tribes
of the Fort Peck Indian Reservation, Montana, 1800 – 2000, 2008, p.13) This group was known as the Southern
Assiniboine. A second large group of Assiniboines occupied lands bordering their relative tribe, and was known as
the Northern Assiniboine. These are the Fort Belknap Assiniboine. These groups were made up of smaller bands.
At one time, the population of the thirty-three bands of Assiniboine was estimated to be 28,000.
“By 1839 (which was within the living memory of at least two tribal members at the time this book was begun)
the Assiniboine were firmly established as an American tribe, living throughout northeastern Montana and
northwestern North Dakota.” (Land of the Nakoda: The Story of the Assiniboine Indians, 1942, p. 4.)
Both the Gros Ventre and Assiniboine participated in the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851. The Gros Ventre, Mandan,
and Arickara territory was described in the eastern part of Montana along the Missouri, Yellowstone, and Powder
River. Assiniboine territory was identified along-side the Gros Ventre, from the Yellowstone and Powder River
to the Musselshell River. The treaty requested inter-tribal peace and gave right-of way to the U.S. for roads and
military outposts.
© All Rights Reserved 2009 – Indian Land Tenure Foundation
9
Əo
The Lame Bull Treaty of 1855 included the Gros Ventre as part of the Blackfeet Confederacy. A common hunting
ground for tribes was established, territory of the Blackfeet Confederacy described, and the Assiniboine were to
have common hunting rights with the Blackfeet Confederacy. “The parties to this treaty agree and consent, that
the tract of country lying within lines drawn from the Hell Gate or Medicine Rock Passes, in an easterly direction,
to the nearest source of the Muscle Shell River, thence down said river to its mouth, thence down the channel
of the Missouri River to the mouth of Milk River, thence due north to the forty-ninth parallel, thence due west
on said parallel to the main range of the Rocky Mountains, and thence southerly along said range to the place of
beginning, shall be the territory of the Blackfoot Nation, over which said nation shall exercise exclusive control,
excepting as may be otherwise provided in this treaty.” (Article IV Lame Bull Treaty of 1855) “Provided also,
That the Assiniboines shall have the right of hunting, in common with the Blackfeet, in the country lying between
the aforesaid eastern boundary line, running from the mouth of Milk River to the forty-ninth parallel, and a line
drawn from the left bank of the Missouri River, opposite the Round Butte north, to the forty-ninth parallel.”
(Article IV Lame Bull Treaty of 1855)
Forts were established in the territory identified in the treaty in order to provide the treaty rations and annuities
promised to the signatory tribes, which included the Gros Ventre and the Assiniboine. During 1871 to 1876, Fort
Belknap operated on the south side of the Milk River, providing rations and annuities to the Gros Ventre and
Assiniboine. Tribes were in part dependent on these goods, as the buffalo had almost been exterminated. These
were extremely difficult years. Fort Belknap was discontinued in 1876 and the Assiniboine and Gros Ventre were
told to go to Fort Peck Agency to get their rations and annuities. The Gros Ventre refused to relocate, as they
remained hostile with some of the Sioux there. Some
Assiniboine moved to the Fort Peck Agency area.
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Executive Orders of President Grant in 1873 and 1874
reduced the treaty lands of the Blackfeet Confederacy
and other tribes as designated by both the 1851 Fort
Laramie Treaty and the 1855 Lame Bull Treaty. The 1873
Executive Order established an undivided reservation
for the Blackfeet, Gros Ventre, Assiniboine and Sioux.
These tribal lands spanned the area north of the Missouri
and Sun Rivers east to the Dakota border. The 1874
Executive Order moved the southern boundary of this
territory north from the Sun River to the Marias River.
Finally, in 1888, Congress ratified the Sweetgrass Hills
Agreement, setting aside a specific reservation for the
Assiniboine and Gros Ventre. Assiniboine and Gros
Ventre lands were titled the Fort Belknap Reservation,
after the original military post that was established on
the Milk River. The post was named after William W.
Belknap who was the Secretary of War at that time.
The northern boundary of the reservation is the Milk
River. The Little Rocky Mountains are to the south
FORT BELKNAP INDIAN RESERVATION
and the Bear Paws to the southwest. A final loss of
- Gros Ventre and Assiniboine Tribes !
[ Tribal Headquarters
land came as gold was discovered in the Little Rocky
Mountains in 1884. Miners staked claims even though
they were on tribal lands. In 1896 the Assiniboine and
Gros Ventre were pressured into ceding a strip of land in the Little Rocky Mountains where gold had been
discovered. The piece of land measured seven miles long and four miles wide. The tribes were compensated
$360,000. “In 1969, the Fort Belknap Community Council began proceedings to recover that portion of the Little
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County Boundaries
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Rocky Mountains ceded by the Act of June 10, 1896, and thus restore the reservation boundaries described in
the Act of May 1, 1888. As of the year 2003, this proceeding is still not settled and is in the process of being
recovered.” (Montana Indians: Their History and Location, Montana Office of Public Instruction, 2004, p. 41.)
Fort Belknap Tribes chose to organize under the Wheeler Howard Act and approved their constitution and bylaws
in December of 1935. In 1937, a corporate charter was ratified. The tribes’ constitution was amended in 1974, and
then again in 1994. The Fort Belknap Community Council is made up of four representatives from three districts
(two districts get one representative and one district gets two). These representatives serve two-year terms. The
chair and vice-chair run for election as a team and must include one Assiniboine and one Gros Ventre. These
positions are four-year terms. The council then appoints a secretary/treasurer.
A plan to allot Fort Belknap lands was done in 1921, but was not approved and passed until 1924. Tribal members
received 40 acres of irrigable land and 320 acres of non-irrigable land. Mission Canyon, Snake Butte and timbered
areas remained communal tribal lands. Unallotted lands on the Fort Belknap Reservation were not opened up to
homesteading. Of the 675,147 acres of tribal lands, approximately 398,337 acres are individual tribal member
allotments. State lands comprise approximately
19,000 reservation acres. The tribes own 28,731
acres off the reservation.
The Fort Belknap community is very
proud to have their reservation lands intact.
Approximately 96% of reservation lands
remain in tribal ownership. Even during
extreme years of poverty, tribal members did
not sell their land.
One of the significant natural resources of the
Fort Belknap Reservation is the Milk River.
Indeed, it is this site that was the subject of the
famous “Winter’s Doctrine.” Settlers to areas
near the Fort Belknap Reservation began to divert water from the Milk River for irrigation purposes. The issue
went to court in 1908, and the Supreme Court “held that when the Fort Belknap lands were reserved by the 1888
agreement, water rights were also reserved for the Indians by necessary implication.” (American Indian Law,
William Canby, 1998, p. 280) Quantifying tribal “reserved water rights” continues to be a paramount issue for
Montana Tribes. The Assiniboine and Gros Ventre consider the Madison limestone aquifer as a major economic
resource.
A large percentage of reservation lands are used for cattle grazing. An estimated 65,000 acres are used for field
crops. Agriculture continues to be important to the economy of many tribal families. The tribes manage a bison
herd of 600 and operate the first tribally owned, USDA inspected meat packing facility in the United States. The
tribes hold over 20,000 acres off the reservation to use for leveraging funds for different programs and projects.
Employment continues to be a challenge for the tribes. Of approximately 5,426 enrolled tribal members, 5,426
live on or near the reservation.
© All Rights Reserved 2009 – Indian Land Tenure Foundation
11
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Fort Peck Reservation Profile
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The Fort Peck Reservation is home to Assiniboine (Nakoda) and Sioux (Dakota and Lakota) Tribes. In the 1600’s,
,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,
the Assiniboine (Nakoda) and Sioux (Dakota and Lakota) migrated west to the northern plains from the Lake
Superior region of northern Minnesota and southwestern Ontario. The tribes are linguistically related.
“In the very early days the whole Assiniboine Tribe of Indians was in one band. As the population increased, the
distribution of game, killed for meat, became a problem…. It was for that reason that families, with their near
relatives, gradually moved away from the main band…As these small groups increased in size they naturally formed
separate bands.” (Land of the Nakoda: The Story of the Assiniboine Indians, 1942, p. 24) Through geographic
movements, the many bands of Assiniboines became known as two groups, the southern and the northern.
The Southern Assiniboine were allied with the Cree and were the first Assiniboines to trade with the French
and the English. Guns and ammunition provided instant military advantage. This was not to last however, and
the Dakotas soon acquired modern munitions and reciprocated military pressure on the former superiors, the
Assiniboine and Cree. Tribal conflicts and scarce food influenced the southern Assiniboine and Cree to move
west the Lake Winnipeg area. It was during this time that the Assiniboine began to hunt bison in earnest, their
economy changing from a woodland subsistence to a grasslands and plains economy. Persistent pressure from
other tribes eventually brought bands of Assiniboine and Sioux down into the Milk River and Missouri River
country (Montana and the Dakotas).
13
The Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851 recognized expansive tribal territories for the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Lakotas,
Yanktons, Crows, Shoshones, Assiniboines, Gros Ventre Mandans, Arikaras and Hidatsas. Tribes gave permission
to build roads through tribal lands
in the treaty. This was primarily to
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Gold discoveries in 1862, 1863, and 1864
brought boomtowns to Montana and an
influx of settlers and miners crossing
Wolf Point
tribal territory. Disease and depletion
!
[
of resources were only a step behind
MONTANA
the emigration of newcomers and tribal
distrust and hostility were again fueled.
While tribal leaders protested along
FORT PECK INDIAN RESERVATION
Reservation Boundary
official procedures, their opposition met
[ Tribal Headquarters
!
- Assinibone and Souix Tribes County Boundaries
deaf ears and basically went unheeded.
Hostilities escalated in 1866, and Red
Cloud declared war when the United States determined to fortify the Bozeman Trail through Indian Territory.
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The Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868 established the Great Sioux Reservation as the permanent homeland of the Sioux
Nation and preserved the Powder River and Big Horn country as “unceded Indian territory.” The Assiniboine
had been assigned to the Upper Milk River Agency before a sub-agency, Fort Browning, was built south of the
12
Əo
Milk River. Assiniboine and Sioux were to receive their treaty rations at this sub-agency. Then in 1871, Fort Peck
Agency was established to serve the lower Assiniboine and Sioux exclusively.
Confinement to a limited territory and the slaughter of the buffalo forced Indian people to rely on the meager
rations from the agencies established in their territories. Most treaties outlined annuities to be paid to tribes for
their huge cessions of land. These annuities often included basic food items, cattle, and farming and ranching
necessities. Goods delivered to the agencies were often of substandard quality, such as thin cotton material and
food items ruined from moisture during transport. At other times, dishonest Indian Agents sold the goods on the
side to make extra money for themselves. Several corrupt Indian Agents were found out and dismissed from their
positions.
President Grant issued an Executive Order in
1873, establishing an undivided reservation for
the Blackfeet, Assiniboine, Gros Ventre and
Sioux. The territory spanned lands north of the
Missouri and Sun Rivers and east to the Dakota
border. In 1874, President Grant decreased the
territory buy moving the southern boundary
north from the Sun River to the Marias River.
In an attempt to control the Northern Plains
tribes, agents were directed to order off
reservation Indians to agencies. Failure to
comply would result in military action. A
deadline was set for January 31, 1876. At this
time, tribes were trying to find game that was
proving to be scarce. Hunting expeditions were ordered back to the reservations or they would be considered
hostiles. What followed was the Sioux campaign with Sitting Bull, culminating with the 1876 Battle of the Little
Big Horn.
In 1885, a proposal was made to divide the reservation land established by Grant’s Executive Order in 1873. The
Sweetgrass Hills Agreement ratified in 1888, established three separate reservations - the Blackfeet Reservation
for the Blackfeet, the Fort Belknap Reservation for the Gros Ventre and Assiniboine, and the Fort Peck Reservation
for the Assiniboine and Sioux. In this agreement, 17,500,000 acres of land were ceded to the US Government.
This is sometimes referred to the Sweetgrass Hills Treaty, but the treaty period had ended in 1871.
The Fort Peck Tribes were not to rest yet, as a Congressional Act in 1889 reduced the Fort Peck Reservation to
its current boundaries. While the reservation boundaries were not to change again, land would be lost within
the exterior boundary of the reservation. After the passing of the Allotment Act for the Fort Peck Reservation,
1,348,408 acres were classified as “surplus” and opened for homestead entry.
The Fort Peck Tribes developed a tribal constitution before the Indian Reorganization Act (Wheeler-Howard Act)
of 1934 and chose not to organize under the legislation. In 1952 and 1960 the constitution underwent revision, and
in 2008 the tribes held a constitutional convention.
The 2.1 million acre Fort Peck Reservation is 44% individual and tribal trust. The remaining 56% is privately
owned fee land, state land, and federal land. Reservation lands have turned out to be abundant in gas and oil. The
tribes are developing both in addition to wind energy. Another significant natural resource is water. The Fort Peck
Tribes were able to negotiate a historic water rights compact with the state of Montana.
“An important part of the agreement says the Assiniboine and Sioux tribes have been entitled to the 1.05 million
© All Rights Reserved 2009 – Indian Land Tenure Foundation
13
Əo
acre feet of water since May 1, 1888, the date of the Sweet Grass Hills Treaty. This is a priority date, preceding
all non-Indian water rights claimed in the fort Peck area, and preceding establishment of the state of Montana,
thus preempting existing state-appropriated water rights when the tribes actually put such water to use.” (Montana
Indians: Yesterday and Today, William Bryan, Jr. 1996, p. 53)
Northern Cheyenne Reservation Profile
The Cheyenne people tell of living in the Hudson Bay and Great Lakes area. Tribal members today still carry
memories of fishing songs from their ancestors who fished for a living long ago. Their story then moves their
people across marshlands into what is now northern Minnesota. Eventually moving further south, the people
began farming, planting corn, and building permanent earth lodges.
Documentation of the Cheyenne, by French traders through their trade with the Sioux, has their arrival near the
headwaters of the Mississippi River around 1650. During this time, tribes were being displaced from their lands
in the east. Traders had brought modern weapons and those that acquired guns gained immediate advantage over
those that did not. A combination of such events could easily account for tribal movements west, including the
Cheyenne’s that brought them to the Sheyenne River in what is now North Dakota.
The Cheyenne continued planting corn, beans and squash, but buffalo became a larger part of their economy with
their proximity to the Great Plains. When they acquired horses around 1750, buffalo hunting was made more
convenient and brought their eventual move to the Missouri River country of the Great Plains. It was here that
the Tsitsistas and the So’taeo’o met. Oral history tells that the two tribes were prepared to fight, but upon hearing
each other’s language, recognized them as being similar. The groups joined together, forming the “basic ancestral
background of modern Cheyennes.” (A History of the Cheyenne People, Tom Weist, 1977, p. 24)
While living on the Plains, the Cheyenne developed a relationship with the Dakota through trade. Trade demands
brought them to the abundant Black Hills. They allied with the Arapahoes living in that area. Keep in mind that
people traveled and camped in smaller bands out of necessity, so there were bands of Cheyenne throughout the
Plains area.
As other tribes were pressed west by the taking of more Indian lands, the Cheyenne found themselves under
pressure again. Again they looked west, this time to the land that the Crow were now occupying in what is now
southeast Montana and northeast Wyoming. The Crow defended their hunting territory and the Cheyenne allied
with the Oglala against them in conflicts that were to last over 40 years, “until 1862, when the Crows finally
abandoned the hunting grounds south of the Yellowstone River and east of the Bighorn River.” (A History of the
Cheyenne People, Tom Weist, 1977, p. 29)
In 1851, the Cheyenne were part of the Fort Laramie Treaty negotiations. The treaty established a vast territory
for the Cheyenne and Arapaho that spanned lands in Wyoming, Nebraska, Colorado, and Kansas.
A decade later, leaders of the southern Cheyenne and Arapaho signed the Treaty of Fort Wise in an effort to
establish a permanent homeland for their people. By this time, both tribes were recognized as having northern and
southern groups. The 1861 Fort Wise Treaty reduced Cheyenne and Arapaho lands to a fraction of their territory
recognized and established in 1851 at Fort Laramie.
In 1864, Colonel Chivington and 700 Colorado volunteers attacked a camp of southern Cheyennes and a small
14
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number of Arapahoes. The end found 137 people, many women and children, brutally massacred. This horrific
crime stirred hostilities and distrust among all the Cheyennes, Arapahoes and their Sioux allies.
In an attempt to establish a permanent homeland and secure peace, the Southern Cheyenne and the Southern
Arapaho negotiated a treaty in 1865 at the Little Arkansas River. Their new reservation spanned the borders of
Kansas and Oklahoma. Article 6 of the 1865 Treaty acknowledged the grievous violence committed at Sand
Creek and made an attempt at reparations.
The Northern Cheyenne were occupying land that became established as unceded Indian Territory in the 1868 Fort
Laramie Treaty. The treaty also established the Great Sioux Reservation in South Dakota. Article 16 stipulated
that no “white person or persons shall be permitted to settle or occupy
any portion of the same…”
Ì
Ì
Encroachments onto tribal lands, invasion of the Black Hills for gold, and numerous violations of treaties added
to the hostility and mistrust
experienced after the Sand
k
Creek massacre. In December
y
Mt
ns
k
k
of 1875, agents were directed to
!
[
k
Ì
order off-reservation Indians to
Ì
Lame Deer
report to reservation agencies by
Ì
k
the end of January 1876. These
Busby
included Northern Cheyennes,
Ì
Sioux and Northern Araphoes.
k
When only a few complied, the
k
matter was turned over to the
military and the course was set
for violent conflict.
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Ashland
Fisher Butte
2
21
212
Coleman Draw
Fisher Butte
Busby
Crow Indian Reservation
King Mountain
Powder River Co.
Cook Creek Butte
Birney Day School
Ì
Browns Mountain
Stag Rock Mountain
MONTANA
Birney
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Pyramid Butte
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Rosebud Co.
Horn Mountain
Big Horn Co.
k
During the ensuing months
k
k
the Battle of the Rosebud, the
Wolf Mountain Battle and the
G
Battle of the Little Big Horn
k
took place. After the defeat
0 1 2
4
6
8
10
NORTHERN CHEYENNE INDIAN RESERVATION
Reseration Boundary
at the Little Big Horn, the
- Northern Cheyenne Tribe Miles
County Boundaries
!
[ Tribal Headquarters
cavalry pursued the Cheyenne
and Sioux into the winter
Ì
months. The Cheyenne resisted
until provisions, including ammunition, were exhausted. The remaining off-reservation Cheyenne reported to
reservation agencies.
Great Falls
Missoula
Half Moon Hill
Rosebud Battlefield State Park
Billings
Eagle Nest Peak
.
Almost 1,000 Cheyenne were sent to Oklahoma to the Southern Cheyenne Reservation. Malnourishment, measles
and malaria took a significant toll on the children and elderly. Northern Cheyenne leaders Little Wolf and Morning
Star approached the Indian agent to request their people be allowed to return to their northern country. Their
request was denied. The decision was made to try to return home. Traveling on foot, they were able to make it
to Nebraska where they split into two bands, one with Morning Star as leader and the other under Little Wolf.
Morning Star’s band was caught and taken to Fort Robinson. After being held there for several months, they were
to be taken back to Oklahoma. Morning Star and his people told the commanding officer they did not want to
return to the Oklahoma reservation. In an effort to force them to agree to the return, they were denied food, water
and heat.
The decision was made to attempt an escape and make their way home. When night came, the Northern Cheyenne
© All Rights Reserved 2009 – Indian Land Tenure Foundation
15
Əo
Dog Soldiers broke out the windows of the barracks and attempted to shield the others escaping after them. Sixtynine died trying to escape and many more were wounded. Morning Star and his family made it to the Pine Ridge
Agency. The remaining Cheyennes that were captured were taken there as well. This tragic event became known
as the Fort Robinson Outbreak.
Little Wolf’s band was successful in making their way back to their Tongue River country. Cheyenne and Sioux
scouts met the band and successfully convinced them to come to Fort Keogh. In 1879, Colonel Nelson Miles
transferred the survivors of the Fort Robinson Outbreak to Fort Keogh. As the Fort became overcrowded, Colonel
Nelson Miles allowed the Northern Cheyenne to settle and homestead their Tongue River country.
Finally, in 1884, an Executive Order established the Northern Cheyenne Reservation along the Tongue River. The
eastern boundary of the reservation was expanded by Executive Order in 1900, bringing the reservation land base
to 444,157 acres.
The Northern Cheyenne tribe made the decision to allot their reservation land in 1926. At that time all 1457 Northern
Cheyenne tribal members received allotments of 160 acres. The Northern Cheyenne Allotment Act noted mineral
rights as belonging to the Northern Cheyenne
Tribe. However, provisional language provided
for the mineral rights to revert to individual
allottees in 50 years. This provision, overlooked
and perhaps forgotten, was to create grave
concern in the future when massive coal beds
were discovered under Northern Cheyenne
lands.
The Northern Cheyenne Allotment Act set the
stage for potential disaster with mineral rights
language. Fortunately, Northern Cheyenne
lands were not opened up for sale after allotment.
Consequently, the tribe has maintained 98% of
their reservation land base in tribal ownership.
In 1936 the Northern Cheyenne chose to organize their tribe and government through the Indian Reorganization
Act (Wheeler-Howard Act). A tribal constitution was drafted and approved, structuring the formal government
of the tribe. The constitution was revised in 1960, providing for a council representative for every 200 tribal
members.
Farming and ranching were the only immediate sources of economic development on the Northern Cheyenne
Reservation, and efforts found success and failure. Tribal member cattle ranching was getting off to a fairly good
start, but when taken over by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, was a dismal failure due to poor management. The
Bureau broke up the tribal herd and stressed individual ownership. In 1937, the tribal council initiated a tribal
cattle herd again. The enterprise fared well until a 1949 winter caused a significant loss of the cattle. The effort
came to an official end in 1958.
The Court of Claims revisited the dramatic land loss the Northern Cheyenne had suffered. The court awarded
the Northern Cheyenne $4,200,000 for lands taken from them in violation of the 1851 and 1868 Fort Laramie
Treaties.
With little economic development on the horizon, the Northern Cheyenne Tribal Council granted three coal permit
sales in 1966, 1969 and 1971, largely at the persuasion of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The result was 56% of the
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reservation land base under lease to energy companies. Energy companies came to the reservation and offered
millions of dollars to the tribe for their coal. The response from the current Tribal Council was a resounding “No,”
and they voted to cancel all the leases.
Cultural leader Ted Rising Sun gave a representative opinion of the Northern Cheyenne people, “I think I would
rather be poor in my own country, with my own people, with our way of life than be rich in a torn-up land where
I am outnumbered 10 to one by strangers.”
Canceling the leases was not a simple stroke of the pen and the energy companies were not going to give up access
to commercial grade coal easily. The case went to court with the Northern Cheyenne tribe determined to secure
a judgment that mineral rights belonged to the tribe and not to individuals. The “Hollowbreast Case” gained
national attention. After a decision and a reversal, the case went to the Supreme Court. It was determined that the
coal and mineral rights were “reserved for the benefit of the tribe.”
The Northern Cheyenne tribe secured another victory for the environment by having their Class I Air Standards
applied to the neighboring Colstrip expansion project. This application required the project to have improved
engineering and equipment to maintain the air quality as determined by the Northern Cheyenne Tribes
classification.
Today, the Northern Cheyenne have continued to place the environment above economic gains. Only the future
will tell if coal will ever be mined on the Northern Cheyenne Reservation. Tribal lands remain primarily as
they did when established by Executive Order in 1884. The Tongue River draws the eastern boundary of the
reservation and Rosebud Creek flows through the northwest corner. Crazy Head Springs continue to be a place
where people get “life-giving” waters. Allotments remain with families, holding generational memories of family
and ceremonies that survived there. The younger generations of the 9,436 tribal members will play the next role
in how the Northern Cheyenne Tribe determines its destiny.
Rocky Boy’s Reservation Profile
The Chippewa and Cree Tribes found themselves divided and excluded by an invisible political boundary drawn
on lands that their people had occupied for millennia. The political borders of Montana, the 49th parallel, and
treaty lands in Minnesota set the stage for tragedy. The Chippewa and Cree were dispossessed of homelands and
displaced by the tidal wave of settlement pressing west.
As some of the last tribes to arrive in what was to become Montana, the Chippewa and Cree found themselves
taking refuge in a country without land recognition there by treaty or congressional act. The tribes moved around
the state pursuing what game was available and working for whomever would hire them. Their condition was
desperate enough that it brought empathy from the Montana Territorial Legislature in 1887. The legislature
appropriated $500 for relief to the Cree camped on the Sun River. However, the same officials determined the
permanent solution for the “problem” was to send them to Canada. The Metis and Cree resistance taking place
in Canada may in part have influenced this determination. Attempts made to address grievances ended in violent
conflict.
Though the tribes were in the region before Montana became a state, state officials continued pursuing the
deportment of the Cree to Canada. In 1896 Congress appropriated $5,000 to deport the Cree people from Montana
to Canada. Buffalo Coat, Cree Chief, filed a petition with the court arguing that the Cree had not been afforded
due process and claiming residency since 1885.
© All Rights Reserved 2009 – Indian Land Tenure Foundation
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Numerous children in their group had been born in the U.S. In response, the court ruled that it had no authority
as the deportation was through congressional action. In the end the Cree were deported to Canada. However, they
returned to Montana the same year. Still without a home, the Rocky Boy’s band of Chippewa was ordered to the
Blackfeet Reservation. The government set aside 11,000 acres of 80-acre parcels of land for them. Only 50 of the
Chippewa band agreed to the placement. Others claimed the land selected was unsuitable to make a living with
cattle or crops.
During this time, the plight of the landless Indians in Montana had gained attention. Fred Baker was sent by
the Indian Office to Montana to determine a permanent settlement for the landless Indians in Montana. He
recommended the use of the abandoned Fort Assiniboine military lands to the government in 1912. No action was
taken. During this time Frank Bird Linderman took on the cause of the landless Indians in Montana and used his
status and name, along with threats of publicity, to influence a decision to be made.
y
Big Sand
Laredo
Creek
ge
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87
ek
re
Square Butte
Box Elder
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Mount Reynolds
k Gardipee Hill
Haystack Mountain
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ree
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Otis Mountain
Big
Rocky Boy
Camels Back
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Little Bear Peak
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Long George Peak
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Be
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Centennial Mountain
In 1915, a survey of Fort Assiniboine was
completed, and in 1916, Congressional
Act established a reservation for the
landless Indians in Montana. The original
proposal contained four townships.
Havre officials pressured the government
for removal of one of the townships. The
townspeople and officials were successful
and the amended act was passed with a
dramatic land reduction. The end result
was a 56,035 acre reservation for the
Chippewa and Cree. The reservation is
known as Rocky Boy’s after the beloved
Chief of the Chippewa. His actual name
was Stone Child. His name was altered
through translation.
k
Bowery Peak
k
Moses Mountain
k
w
Early years on the reservation were hard.
Much of the land was unsuitable for
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farming as little was irrigated or irrigable.
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Mo
Hill Co.
Around 27,000 acres had timber and a
un
MONTANA
Chouteau Co.
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mill was built bringing some work and
money to the reservation. Tribal members
¦
¨
§
k
were given “assignments” of land. Under
¦
¨
§
Warrick
this process the land remained with
the tribe, but individual families were
Rock Boy's Indian Reservation
encouraged to live on their assignments
- Chippawa and Cree Tribes Reserv_ab9
Tribal
Headquarters
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!
and grow family gardens and engage in
County Boundaries
whatever agricultural activities the land
would support. By 1931 the tribal cattle
herd was increased to 350 and 150 had been sold. During 1931 and 1935 the tribal cattle herd was built up to over
1,500 head. This progress was soon to come to an end by a severe drought in 1936. The tribes were forced to sell
the herd.
Bailey Peak
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4
5
Little Joe Peak
Black Mountain
Elk Peak
Wellen Peak Baldy Mountain
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tain
2
Great Falls
Missoula
Flying A Butte
15
90
Billings
0 0.5 1
2
3
.
Miles
In 1934 the Chippewa and Cree tribes chose to organize through the Indian Reorganization Act. The tribes set up
a representative government under this legislation and leveraged the other opportunities provided therein.
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A year later, the government purchased 35,000 acres adjoining the Rocky Boy’s Reservation for the Chippewa and
Cree and other remaining landless Indians in Montana. Rather than create a second reservation, the land was made
part of the Rocky Boy’s Reservation with the
stipulation that the tribes adopt 25 additional
families from the landless Indian population.
The tribes had held on to their claim of land in
the original 1916 proposal for their reservation.
The township that had been removed included
Beaver Creek Park. Havre town officials and
Hill county officials pledged to assist the tribes
with their land acquisition program in exchange
for the tribes relinquishing their claim to the
park. The tribes did so in 1944. However,
the support they had been promised never
materialized. This issue remains prevalent on
the minds of many tribal members.
Today, the Chippewa and Cree Tribes have
expanded their reservation land base to 124,000 acres. Tribal enrollment on the Rocky Boy’s Reservation is
approximately 5,656. The tribes are one of two in the state that participate in Self-Governance. Tribal leaders are
active within the reservation community and current tribal councilman Jonathan Windy Boy serves in the Montana
State Legislature. Tribal leaders are active in the protection of traditional knowledge and cultural property rights.
Recently the tribes secured interviews of elders and cultural leaders from the Western Heritage Center. The center
interviewed tribal members and planned to utilize the content in educational materials. The Chippewa and Cree
Tribes expressed concern over the center’s plan and requested the materials be returned to the tribes. The center
felt that the materials now belonged to them. Through dialogue and discussion, the tribes were able to retrieve
the material. This is a single example of the many issues facing tribes today and the committed efforts of tribes to
maintain their right to self-govern and self-determine.
© All Rights Reserved 2009 – Indian Land Tenure Foundation
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