Pastoral life in Poland

CULTURE AND NATURE: THE EUROPEAN HERITAGE OF
SHEEP FARMING AND PASTORAL LIFE
RESEARCH THEME 3: PASTORAL LIFE
RESEARCH REPORT FOR POLAND
By Małgorzata Maj PhD
Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology
Jagiellonian University
MUZEUM KRESÓW W LUBACZOWIE
NOVEMBER 2011
The CANEPAL project is co-funded by the European Commission, Directorate General Education and Culture,
CULTURE 2007-2013.Project no: 508090-CU-1-2010-1-HU-CULTURE-VOL11
This report reflects the authors’ view and the Commission is not liable for any use that may be made of the information
contained herein
Pastoral life in Podhale
Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3
Ownership relations in the Tatras and forms of pasturage......................................................... 5
Organization of work in shepherds’ families ............................................................................. 8
Organization and course of pasturage ...................................................................................... 10
Agenda and life on a pasture land ............................................................................................ 12
Food.......................................................................................................................................... 14
Dishes, equipment and other accessories connected with pasturage ....................................... 18
Cheese production .................................................................................................................... 21
Outfit of shepherds of Podhale................................................................................................. 23
Rites and beliefs connected with sheep pasturage ................................................................... 26
Glossary of dialect concerning pastoralism ............................................................................. 30
Literature .................................................................................................................................. 31
Il. 1. The sheep pasturage in Podhale. Phot. Diana Woch, 2011
Introduction
The Polish Carpathians are a part of a vast mountain range spreading across the whole
middle Europe. They cover the majority of northern western part and a small part of the
eastern wing of the Carpathian arch. The highest mountain group in the Polish Carpathians is
the Tatras, for which high mountainous Alpine landscape is characteristic.
Talking about cultural image of the Polish Carpathians on one hand it should be
emphasised that in many aspects this region is separate from neighbouring areas and it has its
own peculiarity, and on the other hand, it is also greatly diversified inside. The basic factor
which influenced the cultural image of the Polish Carpathians, besides direct and indirect
influence of natural environment, was the fact that it was the crossroads of previous
agricultural and ethnic waves of settlers arriving here from flat parts of Poland from the 13th
century and those arriving in the mid 15th century to eastern Carpathians whereas in the 16th
and mid 17th centuries the western part of the Carpathians was flooded by Russian and
Romanian-Balkan people (Vlach migrations), which is said to have spread the skills of sheep
breeding and pasture in higher parts of mountains. Depending on different courses of
processes of crossing of these settling waves the initial ethnic and cultural divisions took
place. Later they continued, for example in connection with a few-century lasting activity of
patrimonial authorities, which led to significant unification or spreading of the same cultural
complexes within ownership and administrative units. Also cultural contacts leading to
adoption of new values played an important role and in this category of factors the most
noticeable ones are pastoral migrations, various kinds of seasonal migrations as well as
contacts of smaller reach, for example trade ones. Under the influence of these factors over
centuries cultural differences between various regions of the Polish Carpathians deepened.
Ethnographers, historians and linguists broadly considered the problem of RomanianBalkan elements in the folk culture of the Polish Carpathians, which were the effect of the
significant participation of the pastoral people of Transilvania and the Balkans in creating the
ethnic and cultural image of the region. Although it is very problematic to decide what the
real influences were, it is assumed that, besides natural conditions, the phenomena related to
the “primary” cultures of Carpathian and Balkan highlanders (called Vlachs) shaped the
particular archaic and specific folk culture of the region.
Il. 2. Podhale landscape around Zakopane. Phot. S. P. Makara, 2011
Since the mid 19th century attempts have been made to define, in ethnographical aspect,
the population of the Carpathians. Among many regionalizations which can be found in
ethnographic literature it is worth mentioning one made by Bronisława Kopczyńska Jaworska,
the author of famous works about the Carpathian pastoralism. She distinguishes nine ethnic
groups in the Polish Carpathians, which are explicitly different. Moving from west to east
they are: Górale Śląscy (Silesian highlanders), Górale Żywieccy (Żywiec highlanders), Górale
Babiogórscy (babia Góra highlanders), Orawiacy (Orawa highlanders), Spiszacy, Podhalanie,
Górale Szczawniccy, Rusini Szlachtowscy, Łemkowie.
In this short study it is not possible to discuss the whole diversity of pastoral economy
forms with which we deal in this enormously varied, also in settling and physiographic aspect,
part of the Polish Carpathians. Thus, this elaboration will concentrate only on the high
mountain region called Podhale, where great pasture of sheep was the basic form of economy
and up till now the pastoral traditions are definitely more vivid than in other regions of the
Polish Carpathians.
Podhale is a region in southern Poland spreading at the foot of the Tatra Mountains – the
highest mountain range in the Central Western Carpathians. The landscape qualities of this
area as well as the peculiarity of the local folk culture (Podhale highlanders), starting from the
19th century attracted numerous Polish ethnographers, travellers, artists and later – masses of
tourists. During the period of national bondage (the 19th c.) this region was strongly
mythicized and proclaimed the oasis of Polish national identity and independence. During the
Second World War German occupiers attempted to pursue a denationalization action among
local people by realization of the so-called Goralnvolk idea. Nowadays, Podhale is one of the
most interesting regions in Poland. This relatively small area (24 km x 34 km) is the centre of
the Polish Carpathians not only in the geographical but also in the cultural sense. Even today
Podhale is considered to be the bastion of vivid folklore, where elements of the folk tradition
are still creatively developed by the inhabitants. The contemporary situation in Podhale,
social-economic transformations initiated by the system transformation in 1989 forced the
change of development strategy of the region. From the area where the basic source of income
was until recently the agricultural-pastoral economy temporarily reinforced by incomes from
tourism and emigration to the USA, Podhale has turned into a typically tourist region, which
takes advantage of its landscape and cultural resources1. [a map of Podhale from Misińska’s
work]
Ownership relations in the Tatras and forms of pasturage
Pastoralism has been connected with the Tatras for ages. It is assumed that we owe the
pastoral economy and culture to high mountain shepherds of Balkans and modern Romania.
In summers they used to pasture herds on pasture lands and in winters they had to look for
shelters in lower lying settlements. Mixed with the population of lands through which they
were migrating they also reached the area of Podhale. After some time, these nomadic groups
started settling down and thus they initiated the agricultural-breeding economy and the
pastoralism became a seasonal activity [Starek, 45]. As the settlement was approaching the
foot of the Tatras, more or less at the turn of the 15th century, the development of pastoralism
entering higher and higher mountain areas started. The flow of settlers and development of
settlements at the foot of the Tatras caused the increase in number of co-owners of particular
pasture lands, and thus the pasture of bigger and bigger number of animals. Clearings of
forests connected with ores mining in the Tatras enabled crossing beyond the upper border of
1
In the administrative sense Podhale is divided into Tatra County, which spreads at the foot of the Tatras and
Nowy Targ County, which covers villages located in the southern part of the region. It is worth noting that as
much as 65% of the professionally active population works in services. The tourism dynamically ousts, or even
has already ousted traditional form s such as pasture and agriculture. Source: http://www.powiat.tatry.pl
forest, where vast spaces of high mountain pasture lands opened to shepherds [Śmiałowska,
81]
Il. 3. Shepherd's hut in the vicinity of Zakopane. Phot. Diana Woch, 2011
The historic, economic and social transformations of the second half of the 19th century
caused weakening of the developmental dynamics of pastoralism in the Tatras. It was the
period of crucial ownership changes in the Tatras, and among others, also the purchase of
some pasture lands from highlanders of Podhale in connection with plans to set up the
National Park in this territory. It was also the time when Austrian authorities regulated
servitude laws of pasture and clearing trees. In the 1920’s horses, oxen and goats were
removed from pasture lands. Also the number of pastured cows was systematically decreasing
while the number of sheep was increasing. Immediately after the Second World War this
increase was significant. The ownership right to the Tatra mountain pasture lands was
different from the ownership right to the land in valleys. Town located in Skalne Podhale or
those located the closest to the Tatras did not have communal pasture lands, which were so
common in lowlands. Usually each Tatra pasture land created the so-called cerkiel. In this
area we were dealing with:
a/ individual separated property, i.e. clearings,
b/ a form of co-ownership in case of pasture lands above the upper border of forests or
those parts of pasture lands which were not good for haymaking use. The possibility of their
utilization was limited to pasturing sheep.
The ownership was not determined with
dimensions of the area but the number of sheep, cattle or horses which a given owner had the
right to pasture there,
c/ pasture servitudes in forests adjacent to the area of a given pasture land. The owners
had the right, in the same proportions, to pasture animals in forest areas as on the pasture land
itself. [Drozdowski, 61-64].
Il. 4. Transhumance sheep in the spring (“redyk”) in Podhale. Phot. W. Werner, 50s
Twentieth century (Collections Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
The limitation and then disappearance of sheep pasturing on pasture lands of the Tatras
was first caused by administrative decisions, when in 1947 a decision was taken to move the
pasturage to the territory outside Podhale [Śmiałowska, 81 – 83], and then by setting up the
Tatra National Park in 1955, within the borders of which today only the so-called agricultural
pasture is carried out, which is organized for touristic purposes. It requires, among others,
preserving traditional equipment and shepherds’ outfits, old technologies of cheese production
or speaking the dialect in huts.
Organization of work in shepherds’ families
The sheep pasturage in the Tatras was and still is seasonal. During the summer sheep
stay on mountain pasture lands and they spend winters in their owners’ stables or sheepfolds.
[Kopczyńska - Jaworska, 70-73] Before beginning and on completion of the proper pasturage
on pasture lands sheep often used to be pastured in villages. It was usually temporarily
organized by each farm, and it still is today.
Il. 5. Shepherd's hut in Polana Kominy Dudowe (Chochołowska Walley). Phot. T. and S.
Zwolińscy, 20s Twentieth century (Collections Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
During the whole winter the sheep were looked after by men, usually assisted by
children. At the times when the breeding was very well developed the highlanders were much
busier on their farms in winter than inhabitants of lowland regions. [Kopczyńska-Jaworska,
90] We can also speak about a distinct seasonal rhythm as far as the organization of family
life is concerned. The family of a shepherd pasturing sheep on pasture lands remote from
home for the whole summer time was missing one or more family members. Every year a
man at his best age left his family for a few months to work as a baca or an adolescent son
was employed as a juhas. It imposed organizational changes in the family farm. The baca’s
wife had to take over basic duties of a farmer. It also definitely altered the position of a
woman both in the family circle and in the rural community. At the end of the 19th century in
Podhale shepherds came back from the mountains for harvest, but in the interwar period,
when they stayed longer on pasture lands, the time of pasturage overlapped with the time of
intensive farm works. If a baca had adult sons, they replaced him at some farm works and
they stayed in huts only temporarily. However, quite often it was necessary to hire workers
for haymaking or reaping. [Kopczyńska-Jaworska 1969, 97; Kopczyńska-Jaworska 1962,
146-147].
Il. 6. Shepherd's hut in The Polish Tatras. Phot. 1918 (Collections Tatra Museum in
Zakopane)
Nowadays, when the significance of sheep pasturage in Podhale is limited, when the
huts are located not far from family farms, and when pastoralism is only one of sources of
income, being occupied with sheep pasturage by a baca or a juhas does not cause a significant
change of the organization of farm works or family life.
During sheep breeding the obtained fleece was processed into wool and cloth, which
besides leather, were used for making clothes, meat was eaten, and milk was processed into
cheeses, which were produced directly on pasture lands. Nowadays, these products have less
importance for households and the income obtained from sheep breeding is getting lower and
lower. [Drozdowski,70-71; Hermanowicz-Nowak, Wesołowska, 96]
Organization and course of pasturage
Il. 7. The sheep pasturage in Podhale. Phot. 50s the twentieth century (The collection
Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
At the times when sheep breeding in Podhale was still well developed the farmer– gazda
on average owned 5-10 sheep. Only by making bigger herds it was possible to create a
rational milk economy. Thanks to collective pasturage it was possible to obtain a large
quantity of milk with a limited number of persons employed for pasturage, because one
shepherd could take care of 50 sheep. Moreover, gathering a bigger number of sheep in one
place enabled natural fertilization of clearings and pasture lands by the herd, and in this way it
increased their fertility.
A village or a group of farmers hired a baca, whom they entrusted the organization of
pasturage on pasture lands belonging to the sheep owners or leased by them. Since the
pasture lands located on mountain slopes were usually significantly remote from villages,
those who drove the sheep away in spring did not return home before “St. Michel’s day” (29th
Sept.).
Il. 8. Transhumance sheep in Podhale. Phot. 50s Twentieth century (Collections Tatra
Museum in Zakopane)
In the 20th century the once-popular habit of collective driving sheep and cows to lowerlying clearings and pasture lands in autumn died away. On pasture lands a baca was in charge
of all the works connected with pasturage. It was also him who employed juhases, who
assisted him. Young boys called honielnicy assisted them. They received remuneration in
oscypeks, elements of outfit, and they were provided food. [Kopczyńska – Jaworska 1962,
111-115; Hermanowicz-Nowak, Wesołowska, 96 – 98]
The function of a baca gave prestige and high social position. The condition in which
the sheep would return to farmers and whether the owners would receive the due cheese in
adequate and anticipated quantity depended on the baca. In the past only a gazda, i.e.
somebody who already owned his own farm, could become a baca and with his property he
guaranteed that he would meet the commitments he had made. The preparation for this
profession started from a boy’s age. Boys from the age of 10 were taking part in pasturages as
honielnicy and their duties included driving sheep for milking, pasturing lambs by the hut,
chopping wood, washing the dishes and similar minor activities. At the age of 17 one could
already become a juhas, who took over most duties connected with the very pasturage of
sheep herd on pasture lands. The apprenticeship of these assistants took at least 10 years.
Besides the full board honielnicy received remuneration in a form of oscypeks or cheese,
sometimes shoes. Juhases similarily, although in bigger quantity, moreover, baca provided
them with tobacco. [Kopczyńska-Jaworska 1962, p.114-115; Drozdowski, 70-72]
Il. 9. Shearing sheep in Podhale. Phot. 50s Twentieth century (Collections Tatra Museum in
Zakopane)
Agenda and life on a pasture land
Every day started with milking sheep early in the morning. After milking the herd a
meal was eaten, and afterwards the appointed juhases drove the sheep to the pasture land. In
the meantime the baca was occupied with processing milk into cheese. Juhases, who did not
go to the pasture land took care of sick sheep or helped the baca to produce cheese. The sheep
were driven to koszar (an enclosure) twice a day, for midday and evening milking. The
agenda was altered only at time of terrible heats, because then at midday time the sheep did
not graze. Then the first milking started at night and the sheep went to pasture lands before
dawn and came back in the morning to lie in shadow. The next milking took place in the
afternoon and the last one late in the evening. [Kopczyńska –Jaworska 1962, 131-135;
Drozdowski 70-72]
Il. 10. Milking sheep in Hala Pięciu Stawów. Phot. Z. Kamykowski, 50s the twentieth
century (The collection Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
During the whole stay on the pasture land the bonfire – watra, which had been lit on the
first day of the pasturage, was fed. At night shepherds slept around the fire, and if meadows
had been mowed in the neighbourhood, they were allowed to sleep in hay. The juhases
appointed to look after the sheep slept outside lying by the herd. In the areas where wolves
prowled bonfires were lit at the ends of the koszar, and dogs were tied to its corners.
[Drozdowski, 71] Dogs were inseparable companions of shepherds both during redyk and on
pasture lands. In Podhale one breed was dominant – Polish Tatra sheepdog. During periods of
large threat from wolves and bears the dogs wore collars with steel spikes, which would
protect them in case of attacks of wild animals. However, the Polish Tatra sheepdogs did not
help with pasturing but due to their posture and fighting character they were to defend people
and the herd if necessary. [Drozdowski, 69]
As for sanitary treatments the shepherds staying on pasture lands used to wash
themselves in springs, and they cleaned their teeth by chewing resin and eating oats pancakes.
By saturating the clothes with fat and żętyca not only were they impregnated but also the
shepherds protected themselves from vermin and insects bites. [Starek, 57]
Il.11. Shepherds meal in Podhale. Phot. Z. Kamykowski, 50s the twentieth century (The
collection Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
Food
Shepherds used to eat three meals daily. The food was not varied, and its basic
ingredients were: żentyca, bread and cheese. Still in the beginnings of the 20th century bread
was not eaten on pasture lands, but as bread produced by bakeries became more and more
popular this cheap product started to replace cheese in shepherds’ food. The lack of time and
intensive rhythm of work, tradition and male unwillingness to prepare meals were the reasons
why cooked dishes were seldom eaten; once a week or even more rarely. In the mornings
shepherds had cold sweet żentyca from evening milking and bread, sometimes also cheese. At
midday, after the sheep had returned to koszar lunch was eaten. If a hot meal was prepared, it
was fresh żentyca directly after cheese production, more seldom kluska, i.e. oats flour cooked
in water. From time to time cooked cabbage was brought to the hut by the baca’s family
members. The last meal, consisting of the same products, was eaten in the evening after the
sheep had been taken care of. [Jostowa, 22 – 24]
Il. 12. The boiler for the cooking of milk. Phot. Barbara Woch, 2011
As regards leisure time activities in case of the Tatra pasture lands, not only shepherds
but also girls pasturing cows stayed there all summer. The youth of both sexes used to meet
although even today in conversations the prohibition for women to visit huts or in general
pasture lands is mentioned as they are “unclean”, at least till St. John’s day. The pasturages of
cows and sheep were organized separately but huts for sheep and sheds for cows were often
on the same clearings and juhases and young girls staying there all summer without adults’
supervision could enjoy more freedom than in villages. We may even say that during the stay
on pasture lands there was a different from every day system of standards concerning contacts
between male and female shepherds, which allowed more freedom in mutual relationships.
[Kopczyńska – Jaworska , 104 -106]
It is also worth noting that in numerous descriptions presenting shepherds’ lives on
pasture lands there are mentions about relations between shepherds and mountain robbers. It
has been recorded that on one hand huts and shepherds with their herds often became victims
of robbers’ attacks which were carried out to get food, but on the other hand shepherds had
friendly relationships with the mountain robbers by helping them, giving them shelter or even
taking part in looting expeditions. Plundering of huts still took place in the first half of the 19th
century, and during robberies usually a few sheep were slaughtered and a special dish was
prepared from their meat, which was many times described in literature, and the dish was
meat cooked in żentyca. A lot of authors claimed that shepherds’ attitude to mountain robbers
was friendly, and what is more, in pastoral life mode they saw a reason of becoming lazy,
while in pastoral tales and songs – encouragement to robbers’ lives. [Kopczyńska 1962, 153]
Il. 13. Shepherds dishes inside the shelter in Podhale. Phot. U. Janicka-Krzywda, 2010
Il. 14. The bucket pastoral (Podhale). Phot. Phot. Barbara Woch, 2011
Il. 15. The pastoral ladle (Podhale). Phot. Phot. Barbara Woch, 2011
Dishes, equipment and other accessories connected with pasturage
Mountain and piedmont areas were distinguished by abundance of forms and decorative
techniques and motifs of wooden products connected with sheep breeding. The character of
pastoral activities to a large extent contributed to the development of wood-carving craft.
During a few-month-long stay on pasture lands the leisure times was filled, among others,
with producing small pieces of equipment and tools, especially those used for pasturage, but
also for home use. In Podhale czerpaki were often made and they were used as measure for
milk and as a dish for drinking żentyca. They were czerpaki with handles attached vertically
or diagonally to the dish, in a form of ram’s horns. Spoons produced by shepherds during
their stays in huts had as decorated forms as the dishes.
Very characteristic products connected with pastoralism are matrixes for sheep cheese,
which was not only food but also remuneration for work, tax or gift. It was formed in many
shapes and decorated. A few types of wooden matrixes are known. Oscypeks in Podhale were
made in oscypiorki, i.e. two semicircular forms, the inner walls of which were engraved in
such a way that they left convex pyramid ornaments on spindle-like cheeses. This kind of a
matrix is today most common.
Others are parzenicorki (or another name is sercówki) for impressing flat cheeses, which
didn’t use to be sold but given as presents to sheep owners, relatives or shepherds’ fiancées.
They had very rich and diversified ornaments, both geometrical and floral; the motifs of the
sun, starts, rosettes or crosses were also engraved. The third type of matrixes produced
cheeses in shapes of animals (sheep, deer, bear and others) and it consisted of two halves with
identical images. Also numbers were made, which had a round shape with an ornament of a
star sometimes enriched by geometrical-floral patterns. They were used to mark bruski –
cheeses in a shape of a round cake, although their production was given up in Podhale.
Particular shepherds always produced at least a few different forms with their own, original
ornaments. However, nowadays their assortment is very poor. [Kopczyńska-Jaworska
1962,126-128]
Il. 16. The interior of the shelter shepherd in Podhale. Phot. Barbara Woch, 2011
Dishes used for storing, transporting and processing sheep milk were bought from
coopers, but also they were made by some skilled farmers for their own needs and for their
neighbours. Today most of these dishes are replaced with factory products. In the pastoral
economy on pasture lands a lot of wooden stave dishes were connected. They were mainly:
gieleta – for milking sheep, obońka – for transporting milk from mountains, rajtok – for
storing milk or water, puciera – for coagulating milk. The stave dishes of old type had
wooden rims, which were later replaced with metal ones. Some coopers were trying to give
their products aesthetic appearance and so they used two kinds of wood, e.g. larch and
sycamore to diversify the colours. They were also decorated with burnt in ornaments using the
stamp technique. [Drozdowski, 68-69]
The equipment owned by the baca included cauldrons. One copper (sometimes tin)
cauldron was necessary to cook żętyca. It was half-round with a hoop for hanging over the
bonfire. The other smaller kotlik was used to heat water and cook food in the hut. Moreover,
the baca brought to the hut: pucieras – wooden dishes for processing milk to cheese; gieletas
(or skopce) – for milking, in the number appropriate to the size of the herd, usually one gieleta
for 100 sheep, but also a few spare ones were taken; ferula – a wooden device for mixing
skrzep; matrixes for cheeses; scales for cheese – in the past it was one arm scales produced by
rural smiths. The baca also owned bells attached to the sheep just before driving them to
mountains. They were made of copper plates and hung on leather straps, often with decorative
buckles. A bell with decorative buckles on a strap used to cost as much as one sheep.
[Drozdowski, 70]
Il. 17. Preparation of cheese ("oscypek") in the hut "baca" Joseph Słodyczka in
Kościelisko in Podhale. Phot. Barbara Woch, 2011
A great number of stories have been recorded on a probability of transferring on pastoral
equipment and dishes magic power during their production. Thanks to it they or their contents
were protected from evil powers or casting a spell, but also one could cause their negative
influence on environment. These objects were marked with various signs as well as
apotropaic substances were put in them, the so-called duse. Thus, e.g. a mean baca should be
punished and he received a puciera in which milk always went bad. Special activities also
accompanied the preparation of a knife which the baca used on the pasture land – he cut
cheese with it prune sheep hooves. So that the knife served the baca well he had to forge it
himself in a smithy on Good Friday at midnight, being with an empty stomach and saying
“special” prayers, and then he had to have it consecrated on Holy Saturday. [Bazińska, 173174] The unusual richness of beliefs and magic practices concerning objects, as well as all
activities connected with pastoralism definitely proves that it had an important role in lives of
Podhale highlanders.
Cheese production
From milk obtained on pasture lands cheese was produced in the following forms:
bundz, bryndza and smoked oscypkeks. Production of cheese was the baca’s domain. To
warm milk just after milking klag (dried and powdered stomach of young calves) was added
to accelerate coagulation. Skrzep, which in this way originated, was gathered into big soft
mass called gruda or cheese and today commonly bundz.
Il. 18. Cooking sheep's milk in the boiler. Phot. Zbigniew Kamykowski, 50s Twentieth
century (Collection Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
The remains were initially sweet and then sour żentyca, of thick consistency and high
content of fat. Burda, which gathered in its upper layer, was an important ingredient of
shepherds’ nutrition. The worse one gathered at the bottom was called zwarnica and it was
used to feed dogs. The formed gruda after dripping was put on a shelf in the hut, where the
cheese was left to mature for a few or a dozen of days. From dried, crushed, and today
ground, gruda, which was salted and beaten in wooden dzieżkas they produced bryndza.
Another technology was applied to produce oscypeks and redykołkas. The traditional
production process required only the use of purely sheep milk. It was seldom mixed with cow
milk, which is nowadays a common practice. The milk intended for production of these
cheeses was heated to higher temperature than when making bryndza.
Il. 19. Preparation of cheese ("oscypek") in the hut "baca" Joseph Słodyczka in
Kościelisko in Podhale. Phot. Barbara Woch, 2011
The obtained skrzep, prepared in a similar way as for bundz, was put into very hot water,
which gave it flexibility. The cheese mass was carefully kneaded with hands and then formed
into a spindle shape. By putting a ring matrix around it an ornament was made. Redykołkas
were made in small matrixes. Finally the cheeses were placed in rosół, i.e. very salty water
and heated. After one or two days they were smoked in bonfire smoke, hung or placed under
the roof of the hut. Sheep cheeses were considered luxurious food products and they were
eaten only on special occasions. In Podhale they were also paid with. The baca used them to
remunerate shepherds or he paid the lease for pastoral lands with them. [KopczyńskaJaworska 1962, 122-128; Hermanowicz-Nowak, Wesołowska, 101 – 103]
Outfit of shepherds of Podhale
Although the outfit of the shepherds of Podhale was adjusted to life in the mountains
and pastoral jobs, it did not much differ from clothes commonly worn by all inhabitants of
Podhale. One of the oldest images of the Tatra highlanders can be found in the 17th c. eternal
copperplate. He is wearing a simple shirt with wide sleeves, tight tied trousers and a hat with
high head. Numerous later drawings and descriptions allow us to trace down the changes
which occurred during a few centuries in the highlanders’ outfit, also those directly occupied
with sheep pasturage. [Starek, 45 – 59]
The outfit of bacas and juhases in the interwar period and in the middle of the 20th
century, that is at the time when pastoralism was still well developed in Podhale, basically
consisted of the same elements: cloth trousers, a shirt, a leather belt called opasek, a dark hat,
kierpce on foot, and extra coat - cucha and serdak, additionally, when needed, a leather or
woollen bag. Juhases, unlike bacas who had high financial status, not always could afford
kierpce and they were often given them by employers as a form of remuneration for seasonal
pasturage. Similarly, not everybody could afford opasek. As far as shirts are concerned, their
style changed over centuries, but it is worth noting certain features conditioned by life
conditions on pasture lands and jobs carried out. Thus, for example at the bottoms of wide
sleeves there were strings attached so that they could be thrown to the back over the shoulders
and not disturb during work, especially when producing cheese. Moreover, the shirts, just like
hats were saturated with fat by soaking them in sheep butter so that they were waterproof and
then they were exposed to bonfire smoke. The saturated with fat and smoked black shirts
made it easy to distinguish a juhas from a highlander not occupied with pasturage. Sometimes
also trousers were impregnated by this method, or even cuchas. The shepherds’ trousers have
always been made of home-made white cloth and their style or decorations did not differ from
those worn by highlanders every day. For pastoral season the bacas took to pasture lands one
casual, worn out pair and a festive one worn only for celebrations on pasture lands and on
holidays. [Starek 51-53]
Il.20. Cheese production, Podhale (Poland). Phot. Stanisława Trebunia-Staszel, 2006
Serdaks of sheep leather and cloth cuchy were mainly worn by bacas on pasture lands.
Cucha was worn on shoulders on cold rainy days, and they used it as a cover during sleep. An
important supplement of pastoral outfit was opasek, a wide, decorated with buckles and
buttons belt. Many people call it bacowski opasek, and after some time it became a symbol of
the pastoral profession. In the past it had a very practical function, among others it
strengthened abdomen muscles and the spine when they were moving fast on uneven, rocky
slopes. A supplement of shepherds’ outfits were metal buckles. Initially they were used to
fasten shirts with a front slit, although they were also attributed a magical meaning.
Possessing one or two decorated buckles was a reason to be proud, especially for juhases.
[Starek, 55-56]. Also ciupagas and sticks supplemented the shepherds’ outfits. Besides
ciupagas, which had utilitarian character and were used for cutting branches like axes, also
more decorative ciupagas were taken to pasture lands, as elements of festive outfits for the
time of festivals on pasture lands.
The sticks - kule, with handles made of natural curves of branches were made and
decorated by shepherds themselves. They used them as walking sticks or to pen sheep.
Il. 21. Clothes on Podhale shepherd. Phot. T. Stadnicki, 20s Twentieth century
(Collection Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
The above discussed outfits were worn by shepherds in the territory of the whole
Podhale. In neighbouring regions of the Polish Carpathians there was a different fashion and
decorations of trousers or cucha, and even different forms of sticks. It was one of easily
recognizable signs of a shepherd’s appurtenance to a concrete region of the Carpathians.
[Starek, 56-57] The pastoral outfit has not significantly changed over centuries and though it
was not much different from the outfit of highlanders not occupied with sheep pasturage, it
was more conservative, the example of which may be such its elements as a buckle or an
opasek without which even today the shepherd’s outfit would not be considered complete.
[Starek, 60]
Il. 22. Clothes on Podhale shepherd. Phot. Stanisław Piotr Makara, 2011
Rites and beliefs connected with sheep pasturage
Redyk, and then stay on pasture lands and autumn return with sheep to villages are the
times with which a great number of beliefs, magical practices and rites concerning people,
animals, nature and space, especially huts and koszar, in which sheep were kept, are
connected. They were particularly focused on protecting shepherds and sheep from dangers
and securing favours of extraterrestrial beings, to which the power of influencing the
prosperity of all actions connected with the pasturage was attributed. [Bazińska, 167-171]
For many years in Podhale the annual pastoral cycle starts with Sunday solemn service
in the sanctuary in Ludźmierz, and this day is called “bacas’ holiday”. Each baca is given
chips from the bonfire consecrated in front of the church on Holy Saturday, and with which
on arriving to the hut he lights the bonfire in his hut. [Hermanowicz-Nowak, Wesołowska,
115]
Il. 23. Transhumance sheep in Biały Dunajec (Podhale). Phot. W. Werner, 50s Twentieth
century (Collections Tatra Museum in Zakopane
The first extremely important moment was the beginning of redyk. Its precise date was
determined by the farmer (gazda), and usually it was in the middle of May or in the beginning
of June. The so-called lucky days of a week were chosen, which included Wednesday or
Saturday.
The sheep belonging to all farmers were driven into one fenced place - koszar. In the
morning on the redyk day the sheep owners and the baca with his assistants gathered there.
The baca and juhases went around the koszar three times incensing the herd with smoke of
burnt herbs consecrated on Our Lady of Herbs day (15th August), sprinkling with holy water
consecrated on Epiphany and saying a prayer. When the sheep were let out of the koszar a
chain in a form of a cross was put on the ground, so that each animal had to jump over it.
[Bazińska, 168-171]
Especially the first day of the stay on a pasture land was filled with numerous magical
practices, which accompanied each activity done for the first time.
Il. 24. Shepherd Stanislaw Mrozek Bundz before his hut at Hanla Mała Łąka in Tatras. Phot.
Zbigniew Kamykowski, 50s the Twentieth century
On arrival to the pasture land the baca had to “chase away the evil” before entering the
hut by saying a prayer or making the sign of a cross. He behaved in a similar way before
lighting the watra – bonfire, which should burn continuously till the end of their stay on the
pasture land. If the fire went out, it was a very bad sign. [Bazińska 179] All activities
performed on this day required similar protective actions. The baca “welcomed” and
sprinkled with holy water the spring or the waterhole, which supplied the shepherds with
water. Before the first milking the sheep were incensed and the baca blessed juhases,
afterwards walking backwards to the hut with the milk obtained during the milking he secretly
poured it into the cauldron over the bonfire. The first day of the stay on pasture lands finished
with a treat sponsored by the baca for his assistants and with music they celebrated the
beginning of the pasturage. [Bazińska 180] The above are just a few examples of a great
number of beliefs and rites accompanying all activities of the first day of stay on pasture
lands. Similar activities filled the last day of the pasturage. Descending from the pasture
lands, the so-called osod, should customarily take place on St. Michael’s day (25th Sept.). It
started with farewell to the pasture land. The baca walked around and incensed with the
smoke of consecrated herbs the whole place in which the shepherds and the sheep were
staying. All the equipment was brought onto a cart, so they made the so-called „ład bacowski”
(baca’s order) on the pasture land. Juhases kneeled before the bonfire and prayed, and then
they extinguished the fire by pouring rosół – salty water in which oscypeks produced on the
pasture land were preserved into it. [Bazińska, 178 – 182]
After they descended from the pasture land to the village, farmers came to collect their
sheep. Until the 1st World War the settlements with sheep owners were based on mir, i.e. on
measure. Three days after the set off to the pasture land, the sheep owners came to control the
pasturage and each of them milked their sheep three times a day to establish the “water
amount”. The obtained milk was poured into a dish and measured with a stick. They marked
the level with a cut and it was divided in two parts – one was taken by the sheep owner and
the other was kept by the baca. On completion of the pasturage both of them in the same way
established the water level and it was poured out in the amount multiplied by the weeks of the
pasturage. Afterwards on scales it was balanced with cheese intended for the sheep owner.
[Kopczyńska – Jaworska 1962, 112; Drozdowski, 67-68].
During the interwar period this system of remunerating the sheep owners died away.
Calculating the amount of cheese which depended on the number of sheep entrusted for
pasturage became popular. For a milk sheep the owner could receive 4 - 5 kg cheese. But for
pasturing a jarka i.e. non-milk sheep, the owner had to pay the baca. Nowadays, when the
profitability of sheep breeding has changed, it happens that farmers pay the baca for admitting
their sheep for summer pasturage. Pasturing is considered a hard work and at present it is very
hard to find a good juhas. [Drozdowski 67-68; Hermanowicz-Nowak, Wesołowska, 114-115]
During the stay on the pasture land baca had to make a large number of redykałeks i.e.
small cheeses in a shape of cocks, ducks, parzenicas, which he gave to sheep owners so that
they could make presents for their children. It was also his duty to prepare a treat for persons
collecting their sheep, and the farmers contributed to it by bringing alcohol or smoked cold
meats. The end was also solemnly celebrated. [Bazińska, 182]
Il. 25. Festival of highland culture in Zakopane. Phot. Stanisław Piotr Makara, 2011
Nowadays, when the significance of pastoralism is limited and the pasturage often held
near villages, both redyk and osod are no longer so celebrated. However, some traditional
forms connected with the beginning and the end of pasturage or collecting their sheep by
farmers from a baca can still be observed. They still are important events for farmers, who
continue sheep breeding and bacas and juhases occupied with them. The shepherds pasturing
on clearings usually wear casual clothes but for redyk and osod they always put on a festive
highlander’s outfit. The preservation of some ritual forms, such as a solemn return to a village
or a treat at the baca’s when sheep are distributed among their owners can still be observed.
Glossary of dialect concerning pastoralism
Based on: Szyfer Anna, Słownictwo pasterskie Tatr i Podhala, in: ed. W.Antoniewicz,
Pasterstwo Tatr Polskich i Podhala, v. IV, Wrocław – Warszawa –Kraków p.162 – 193
baca – shepherd managing a pasturage
gazda – a farmer
juhas – a shepherd, baca’s assistant
honielnik - a boy helping with pasture
kierdel - a herd of sheep
koszar – a pen for sheep
strąga - a barrier dividing koszar
gieleta – a dish into which juhases milk sheep
puciera - a dish in a barrel-like shape into which milk is poured
obońka –wooden, flat and round dish for transporting żętyca
klag - powdered dried calf’s stomach added to milk for coagulation
klaganie – coagulation of milk
żentyca –whey remaining after dripping cheese
burda – cream gathered on the top of żętyca
oscypek (oszczypek ) – sheep cheese of a spindle-like shape, smoked in smoke
redykołka – small cheeses made from sheep milk in a shape of animals or parzenica
cerpak (czerpak ) – a wooden dish with decorated handle for drinking milk, żętyca, water
ciupaga – a shod shepherd’s stick finished with a narrow steel cap used by shepherds to
facilitate walking on hard mountain ways and for protection
cytanie – counting the sheep
redyk - shepherds’ departure with sheep to a pasture land or their return
osod, osad (rozsad) - giving back the sheep by a baca to their owner after descending from the
mountains
watra - bonfire
Literature
1966.Antoniewicz W., Góralska sztuka plastyczna pasterzy Podhala i Tatr Polskich w: red.
Antoniewicz W., Pasterstwo Tatr Polskich i Podhala, t. VI, Wrocław, Wyd. Zakład
Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich;
1966.Bazińska B., Wierzenia i praktyki magiczne pasterzy w Tatrach Polskich, in: ed.
Antoniewicz W., Pasterstwo Tatr Polskich i Podhala, v. VII, Wrocław-WarszawaKraków,Wyd. Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich, p. 65 – 229
1961.Drozdowski A., Owczarstwo podhalańskie i jego rozwój, w: red. Antoniewicz W.,
Pasterstwo Tatr Polskich i Podhala, v. III, Wrocław– Warszawa –Kraków Wyd. Zakład
Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich, p. 41-99.
2000.Hermanowicz- Nowak K., Wesołowska M., Gospodarka rolno-hodowlana, in: ed.
Tylkowa D., Podhale. Tradycja we współczesnej kulturze wsi, Kraków ,Wyd. Instytut
Archeologii i Etnologii PAN, p. 85 – 121
1967.Jostowa W., Pożywienie pasterzy, w: red. Antoniewicz W., Pasterstwo Tatr Polskich i
Podhala, v. VII Wrocław– Warszawa –Kraków, Wyd. Zakład Narodowy Imienia
Ossolińskich p. 19-44
1962.Kopczyńska Jaworska B., Gospodarcze i społeczne podstawy pasterstwa tatrzańskiego,
w: red. Antoniewicz W., Pasterstwo Tatr Polskich i Podhala, t. IV, Wrocław– Warszawa
–Kraków , Wyd. Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich, p. 107 – 155.
1969.Kopczyńska-Jaworska B., Tradycyjna gospodarka sezonowa w Karpatach Polskich,
Wrocław–Warszawa – Kraków Wyd. Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich,
1967.Starek E., Ubiór pasterzy podhalańskich, w: red. Antoniewicz W., Pasterstwo Tatr
Polskich i Podhala, v. VII, Wrocław– Warszawa –Kraków, Wyd. Zakład Narodowy
Imienia Ossolińskich, p. 45 - 62
1960.Śmiałowska Z., Zagospodarowanie hal i uregulowanie pasterstwa w Tatrzańskim Parku
Narodowym, w: red. Antoniewicz W., Pasterstwo Tatr Poslkich i Podhala, v. II,
Wrocław– Warszawa –Kraków, Wyd. Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich, p. 8183.
CULTURE AND NATURE: THE EUROPEAN HERITAGE OF
SHEEP FARMING AND PASTORAL LIFE
RESEARCH THEME 7: ORAL TRADITION
(PART 2)
RESEARCH REPORT FOR POLAND
By Justyna Cząstka-Kłapyta, MA (ethnomusicologist)
Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology Jagiellonian University
MUZEUM KRESÓW W LUBACZOWIE
NOVEMBER 2011
The CANEPAL project is co-funded by the European Commission, Directorate General Education and Culture,
CULTURE 2007-2013.Project no: 508090-CU-1-2010-1-HU-CULTURE-VOL11
This report reflects the authors’ view and the Commission is not liable for any use that may be made of the information
contained herein
Oral tradition (Music) (Part 2)
1. Song folklore ........................................................................................................................ 34
Pastoral calls......................................................................................................................... 35
Pastoral short song forms ..................................................................................................... 35
Features of pastoral songs .................................................................................................... 36
Ritual function of songs ....................................................................................................... 38
2. Pastoral dances ..................................................................................................................... 38
3. Traditional pastoral instruments and their regional peculiarity ........................................... 40
Dudy (bagpipes) ................................................................................................................... 41
Piszczałki (pipes).................................................................................................................. 44
Trombita and Róg................................................................................................................. 47
LITERATURE ......................................................................................................................... 51
Il. 1. Highlander plays “the goat” (known as Podhale bagpipes). Fig. Sławomir Pytel
1. Song folklore
In the territory of the Polish Carpathians the pastoral traditions are best preserved in the
following ethnical groups: highlanders of Podhale, Pieniny, Babia Góra, Żywiec, Silesia,
Orawa, also to a smaller extent in Lachowie Sądeccy and Limanowscy and highlanders of
Spisz living in villages on the border of Zamagurze Spiskie and Podhale (Jurgów, Łapszanka
and Rzepiska). Geographically this area covers the territory of Podhale, Orawy, Spisz, Pienin,
Beskid Sądecki, Babia Góra, Żywiecczyzna. A characteristic feature of oral tradition in the
mentioned area of the Carpathians is freedom in combining the same oral plots with various
melodies and the same melody with various lyrics, as well as significant variability of the oral
tradition (Stęszewski, E.P., 1974).A characteristic feature of song production is its spontaneity
and anonymity. A song transferred in the oral process was subject to variations in the layer of
lyrics and in the layer of melody, always within locally conditioned limits. These features also
refer to pastoral songs, the melodies of which create an incredibly interesting source of the
most archaic motifs in the territory of the Carpathians (U. Janicka – Krzywda, 2001). Pastoral
songs performed in the open space are different from the remaining local repertoire. They are
usually performed more slowly and the sounds are fluently combined with the characteristic,
regionally diversified voice phonation (J. Stęszewski 1974). Their specific feature is vocal
manner of performing solo and jointly (Beskidy) or jointly (Podhale and Pieniny). The
performance of certain songs may be accompanied by instruments such as bagpipes or more
rarely a violin (gęśle, złóbcoki), which had a function of preceding the song’s melody or an
interlude between its verses (eg. Pieniny, Podhale). In Silesian Beskid, Beskid Żywiecki and
near Babia Góra (Zawoja) the accompaniment of instruments when singing was more spread.
Pastoral songs were performed in open space, always in leisure time during stay in a hut,
usually only after St. John’s day eve. Similarly, joint songs (female-male) and dances were
performed only in this period. Music, dancing and singing were also held after the completion
of the pastoral season, when the baca prepared a treat at his place (U. Janicka – Krzywda,
2006).
Pastoral calls
The sources of the pastoral songs are various shepherds’ calls, shouts and cries made by
children, women and men with a communicative function, which at the time of reaching a
certain melody form became one of elementary music forms. Examples of these are
coquettish pastoral calls of women and girls of Podhale, the so-called wyskania (ex ample) or
a little more melodically complex calls of Silesian Beskid, the so-called helokania. A
characteristic feature of these calls is a falling melody based on a few syllables or short texts
with a semantic meaning. The semantic message was particularly characteristic for men’s
calls of Skalne Podhale (Z. Przerembski, 2005) and Silesian Beskid: Helo, helo, Zuzanko,
jako ci się pasie?, Helo, heloooo...!.
Pastoral short song forms
The Polish Carpathians are the centre of intensification of short song forms kept in even
or free metre. Only Silesian highlanders have tripartite metre songs, although they are scarce.
With regard to oral lyrics construction the whole discussed Carpathian region shows large
coherence, although we may not exclude a supposition that in the past the regional diversity
was bigger, which is hard to confirm, because there are gaps in resources. The basic form was
a twelve-syllable distich with a caesura in the middle with rhymes and often added
interjection at the beginning of a verse “ej”, “hej” (example). In six-syllable lyrics the rhyme
is the following: a – b – c – b. The stress falls on the first syllable of a word and it defines the
melodic line of the sentence (T. Staich, 1967). Silesian highlanders have lyrics with syllabic
construction of Word verses (8 + 6), the lyrics are full of local dialect with Russian,
Romanian, German and Slovakian borrowings. Another, more developed syllabic
construction, often non-symmetrical, appears in ballad lyrics, which were more seldom sung
during pastures (e.g.: 5 + 5, 7 + 7, 5 + 5). In Podhale there were native and Slovakian ballads
of Janosik and robbers.
Features of pastoral songs
These songs are distinguished by melic and rhythmic descendentalism, which is
manifested in falling, vertical type of melody, the basis of which is multi voice. At
highlanders’ of Babia Góra, Silesia and Żywiec the melody line tends to fall, especially in
music sentence ends, and at highlanders’ of Pieniny and additional distinctive feature, besides
the falling melody, is the tetrachord construction of melody phrases (example 3), which also
penetrates into the repertoire of melodies of Podhale, based on the Podhale scale. B. Bartok
(1951) connects these features with one of the oldest influences in the Carpathians (Greek or
Thracian), brought through Vlach migrations. The very system of tetrachord construction of
melodic phrases originates from the scale of a known in almost all the Carpathian territory
pastoral instrument without side openings – fujara.
The second elementary feature of songs performed in open space is the occurrence of
developed multi voice practice. Multi voice singing distinguishes folk vocal practice of the
Carpathians from other music regions of Poland. In the territory of the Polish Carpathians the
multi voice exists in a natural innate form. More modest multi voice forms also occur in
Beskid Sądecki and in some regions of Zamagurze Spiskie (Jurgów, Łapszanka, Rzepiska).
The biggest phenomenon is the multi voice of Podhale and Pieniny (2 examples). The multi
voice of Podhale is a relatively late phenomenon and it does not have an element of old folk
polyphony, the traces of which can be found in the multi voice of Pieniny. In Podhale there is
always a main melody line in the highest voice, which is not surpassed or crossed by other
voice lines as at highlanders’ of Pieniny. The most generally two types of multi voice can be
distinguished: the older one, in which harmonies are to a large extent based on a quarter and a
quint interval, and a younger one with a dominant role of a third. The singing is usually
initiated by a soloist, who is followed with the third syllable of the lyrics by the remaining
voices. The course of a melody ends in a unison or also a third (Pieniny). The multi voice also
occurs in Slovakian mountain regions. Southwards from the Eastern Carpathians, in Romania
and Hungary this practice is unknown. This fact suggests that in the area where multi voice
occurs between the Carpathians and the Balkans there is no direct stylistic-territorial
connection. South-western and western Balkans have a vocal type of music dialectics, which
has no direct connection with the vocal tradition of the Ukrainian, Slovakian and Polish
Carpathians. The influence of the multi voice tradition on the vocal culture of highlanders of
Pieniny could exclusively come from the east and south-east, from Zakarpacie area, where
even today the ancient type of folk polyphone (variation polyphony) is spread, especially
among Russian people. The traces of this polyphony can be found in melodies of highlanders
of Pieniny.
Another characteristic feature of pastoral songs is a specific manner of performance,
which may be a relic of archaic forms of singing cultivated by old pastoral cultures (K.
Bielawski 1970). It may be described as „melismatic style”, which is present in almost all the
Carpathians. It is characterised by liberation from all schematism and formal constructivism,
freedom of rhythm. Melodies often contain melismata, usually short ones made of two to four
sounds, it moves within a small sound ambitus with broadly planned breath phrases. This
style can be encountered in nuty wierchowe (Podhale), nuty polanowe (Pieniny), pasterskie
(Beskid Żywiecki, Silesian, Babia Góra) and Vlach’s (Orawa). Melismatics is most
characteristic for melodies of Silesian Beskid and Beskid Żywiecki; based on scales: narrowrange, pentatonic, Lydian and minor (Kopoczek, 1994). In the repertoire of pastoral songs
there are also a lot of melodies with more characteristic metro rhythmical features. It is
assumed that in some regions of the Polish Carpathians (Pieniny, Beskid Sądecki) five-metre
used to exist. Its traces were found during field expeditions in the second half of the 20th
century by Jadwiga Sobieska, who considered them to be a trace of Old Bulgarian dancing
rhythms, which were brought to this area through the route of Vlach shepherds’ migrations
(Bielawski, 1970). However this view was never developed.
Another element unifying the pastoral music culture is the scale foundation of song
melodies. It may not be excluded that it was another Vlach trace (J. Cząstka – Kłapyta 2008).
An example is the scale with lowered 3rd and increased 4th degree, which many folklore
researchers call Vlach of Gypsy (example). It occurs in Beskid Żywiecki (Bobrowska, 2000)
and Silesian Beskid, as well as in the area of Morawy (Kresanek, 1951) and in some regions
of Slovakia (Kopoczek, 1994). It has not been found in melodies of Podhale (Chybiński,
1961). Another spread tonal feature is the application of variable intonations in 3rd, 4th or 7th
degree of the scale, which cause fluctuations of the mode. They were noted by F. Kołessa,
who explained that this musical phenomenon either has oriental, Turkish or Tatar origin or it
is possible that various scales overlapped (Kopoczek, 1994). The highlanders’ of Podhale
singing is based on the so-called Podhale scale (A. Chybiński 1961) with the Lydian quarter
and lowered 7th degree (example). It probably originates from the scale of a pastoral fujara
without finger openings, which utters aliquote tones through blowing. According to Slovakian
ethnomusicologists the following tones could be played on it: g(h), d(f), g(a), h(cis) d(e), f
(Kresanek 1951). To sum up, pastoral songs had a mainly communicative function, which
tightened social relations. The question of their ritual function has not been proved by
researchers.
Ritual function of songs
The pastoral songs had a mainly communicative function, tightening social relationships
and ma king the time of leisure during the pasture pleasant. It may not be excluded that the
music also had ritual functions. The buzz of the redyk (leaving for pasture lands, pasture
clearings) and returning to villages from the pasture (not later than on St. Michael the
Archangel’s day – 20th September) with shepherds’ singing accompanied by pastoral
instruments and sheep’s bells ringing created the ritual “noise”. In its primary aspect it might
have had an apotropaic function connected with entering the sphere of sacrum. “The ritual
noise” had purifying functions, protecting the herd and shepherds from evil and all spells and
it intensified the vital powers. The music had a similar function during the holiday of the socalled Wawrzyńcowe Hudy (Beskid Żywiecki), which was connected with celebrations of St.
Laurence’s day (10th August). The roots of the Laurence’s Evenings are in the pagan cult of
fire and the belief in its magic power. It started with sounds of trembitas, singing and girl’s
calls, who accompanied lighting a huda (hołda) [wooden framework, up to 10 meters high,
filled with brushwood and branches].
2. Pastoral dances
The character of highlanders’ songs and dances was not only conditioned by the limited
space of huts, in which they were created and performed, but also the lively temper of the
pastoral people. Thus, there were no conditions favouring the creation of dances with a big
number of dancing couples or a large dancing impetus. The pastoral dances may be divided
into two groups. The criterion of their division is conditioned by the place where they were
created: in open space or indoors. The oldest dances performed in the open space, both by
shepherds and mountain robbers (zbójnicy) include male dances of a weapon character with a
primarily magical, ritual function. They remain in close connection with mimetic dances. First
of all, they include zbójnicki podhalański (Podhale, a variety in Pieniny), hajduk and juhaski
podhalański. An important feature of zbójnicki is its improvised character, which results from
the application of individual figures by its participants. It is based on walking around a
bonfire and stamping, knee bending, jumping up and other show off figures. Nowadays, on
stages it is presented in a new form with a complete coordination of movements and no
improvisational factor. The weapon function of this dance results from application of ciupagi
(axes), which in the outer form give it a war character. Perhaps, the use of weapons (axes) and
the show off of skills may have primarily had a function of getting excited before a fight or
bringing fertility and health (K. Moszyński, 1968). Similar dancing forms were encountered at
Hutzuls’ (the Eastern Carpathians, Ukraine). A variety of zbójnicki, most probably in the later
period borrowed from Podhale also appeared at highlanders’ of Pieniny (Grywałd, Krośnica).
Il. 2 Pastoral Dance (Podhale). Phot. Zbigniew Kamykowski, 60s Twentieth century
(Collections of the Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
A dance similar to zbójnicki is called hajduk,; and it is based on male agility show off.
Its variations can be seen in some regions of the Western Beskidy and partially the Eastern
Carpathians. An archaic variety of this dance occurs at highlanders’ of Babia Góra and
Żywiec. The dances are accompanied by short songs performed jointly before music (band)
on mountain robbers or heroes themes. (K. Kołacz, 2003). In a little different form hajduk was
also popular among highlanders of Szczawnica (Szczawnica Wyżna), where one short song
for this dance has been preserved. It was performed solo by a dancer before music. After it has
been performed, the proper dance started before a girl. It involved a lot of figures of a show
off character (G. W. Dąbrowska, 2005/2006).
Juhaski podhalański was one of typical pastoral dances which used to be spread in
Skalne and Niżne Podhale. It was performed by juhasi na szałasie during sheep pasture. Two
or a few juhases danced together without ciupagas (axes) (G. Dąbrowska, 2005/2006). In this
collective performance shepherds moved with synchronized steps around a circle following
the apparent movement of the sun. Imitation of qualities of the worshiped object (the sun, as a
life-giving power and light) might have been connected with a deep magical foundation of
this dance of causative magic (mimetic).
Another dance of mimetic character was taniec pasterski performed on clearings in the
area of Babia Góra. It was mainly danced by young boys who were using palice (shepherds’
sticks). It was based on imitating movements accompanying driving cattle, sheep, games at a
bonfire, such as: jumping over stones, fire, cracking the whip. This dance could be also
performed in pairs with girls. The pairs were sliding around a circle. It was accompanied by
boys’ show off figures, which were meant to present their agility and strength (K. Kołacz
2003).
The so-called tańce zwyrtane popular in the Western and Eastern Carpathians may also
be associated with the pastoral culture. They may have originated in a mountain chamber or
hut. They are dances performed in pairs, rotary, kept at lively pace and even metre. Among
them we can number different variations of obyrtany, which has different names with local
populations: obyrtka at highlanders’ of Babia Góra, obertany at highlanders’ of Żywiec and
Pieniny (Grywałd, Krościenko), toniec at highlanders’ of Szczawnica and zielona (Podhale).
Hucułka (the Eastern Carpathians) is similar to obrytka of Babia Góra and Żywiec. The step
of obyrtany is also known by Łącki, Czarny and Nadpopradzki highlanders. The region of
Podhale is distinguished by occurrence of a dance which highlanders call góralski
podhalański. It is a kind of a “suite of dances” composed of ozwodny, krzesany with show off
elements of a dancer. Both dances are performed by dancers separately preserving appropriate
distance without an eye contact, in the meantime zwyrtanie (turning around of a partner when
a sign is given by a partner)) must take place. Finally, they dance in a pair, the so-called
zielona, when a partner grabs his partner and turns around with her. It is a dance of an
improvisational and strongly spectacular character (W. Kotoński, 1956).
In turn, a pastoral culture dance representative for Silesian highlanders is a dance of one
or a few couples - owięziok (G. Dąbrowska, 2005/2006).
3. Traditional pastoral instruments and their regional peculiarity
In the Polish Carpathians the instrumental composition is colloquially referred to as
music. The oldest one is a combination of a violin and gajdy: Silesian Beskid and Żywiec
Beskid (dudy). Later on, the original composition of regional bands was expended by the
second violin, a bass, a pipe and haligonka – diatonic button accordion (A. Bogucka, 1997).
In Podhale the composition of the music which accompanied dances in huts or on pasture
lands included: two violins (gęśle, złóbcoki), more seldom one and a bass. Typical
instruments for the whole Carpathian range were solo instruments of the bag-pipe instrument
group (dudy podhalańskie, żywieckie and gajdy śląskie and orawskie), lip aerophones
(fujarki) and mouthpiece ones (trombity, rogi), as well as a group of ceramic aerophones
(okaryny). Ocarinas were played during pastures in Silesian Beskid and Beskid Żywiecki (A.
Kopoczek 1996). The melodies played on these instruments were performed solo or
collectively together with singing, which had a superior role to the instrumental
accompaniment or had a function of a vocal interlude. (A. Kopoczek, 1984). The music
repertoire was often connected with song melodies.
Dudy (bagpipes)
According to J. Stęszewski (1974) dudy were brought to the Carpathians by Vlachs.
This instrument is typical for the region of Podhale (dudy podhalańskie) (phot. 2), Beskid
Żywiecki (dudy żywieckie) (phot. 1) and Silesian Beskid, where it is called gajdy śląskie
(phot. 3). Dudy belong to reed blow instruments (clarinet). In their construction 4 basic parts
can be distinguished: 1. chanter (gajdzica, Podhale, B. Żywiecki and Śląski) with three lines,
two of which produce one invariable tone each and the third one - five melodic tones, 2. a
drone pipe (bąk, Podhale; huk, B. Żywiecki and Śląski), 3. a reservoir bag (miech - bellows,
Podhale and B. Śląski; tymel B. Żywiecki), 4. a mouthpiece (duhac, Podhale; dymac, B.
Żywiecki). Gajdy śląskie instead of a mouthpiece have bellows called demlok, which
manually brings air into the bellows (A. Kopoczek, 1994). Bagpipes were used by shepherds,
mountain robbers and also during migrations, especially for haymaking or harvesting. In the
neighbourhood of Babia Góra playing bagpipes was popular during Christmas, when carolling
(Maleta, 2003). In Hutzul Land (the Eastern Carpathians, Ukraine) dutka also had a ritual
function during funerals when it played tuhe melodies over a ready grave. The tradition of
playing the bagpipes survived the longest in Silesian Beskid and Beskid Żywiecki, but it quite
quickly disappeared in Podhale and Górna Orawa (gajdy). The last piper of Podhale was
Stanisław Budz – Mróz (1858-1943), who made his living by playing on tourist routes in the
Tatras.
Il. 3. Jan Pituła of Międzybrodzie Żywieckie (dob O6.07.1951r.) is playing the bagpipes
of Żywiec, made to contemporary fashion, i.e. fur outside. The bagpipes of Żywiec tuned to
“F” tone together with a violin used to be the basic highlanders’ band in Żywiec. Jan Pituła
is the founder and leader of Regional Highlanders’ Band “Roztoka”, which originated in
Międzybrodzie Żywieckie and still plays.
In Podhale this instrument was obligatorily used during pastoral holiday on St. John’s
day (23rd/24th June), when girls could, for the first time in a pastoral season, dance with
juhases by huts. This event was often accompanied by a bigger composition of the music: a
prymista playing złóbcoki and a bass player, composed of musicians of a few pasture lands
(K. Trebunia – Tutka 2004). In Góra Orawa at the end of the 19th century gajdoszowe bands
were popular. They were first founded in the beginning of the 20th century in Slovak Górna
Orawa (M. Kowalczyk, 2003). Nowadays such bands are founded for the use of a stage in
Jeleśnia (Kapela Hulbój) and Pewel Wielka (the Byrteks’ band). At present gajdy (bagpipes)
are produced in Murzasihl (Podhale), Istebna (Beskid Śląsk-Zbigniew Wałachi), and in
Slovakia in Oravska Polhora and Sihelne. Here is an example of lyrics of one song performed
with accompaniment of this document in Podhale (Kościelisko) (A. Chybiński, 1961):
Zágrajcie mi, dudzicki
z téj siwej kozicki,
Co mi sie zabiła
z wysokiéj turnicki
Il. 4. Bagpipes from the region of Podhale (dudy podhalańskie), pipes from the region of
Silesian Beskid and shepherd's horn from the region of Podhale and of Silesian Beskid.
Author: Piotr Kłapyta
Il. 5. Bagpipes from the region of Silesian Beskid (gajdy śląskie). Author: Piotr Kłapyta
Piszczałki (pipes)
In leisure time shepherds entertained themselves by playing various types of pipes.
There were two types of pipes with side openings and without finger openings. In noopenings pipes the modulation of the height of tones depends on the power of blowing
through which one may produce the particular sounds of the harmonic series. The range of
occurrence of these varieties of pipes is the same as the route of Vlach migrations and it
clearly indicates their Vlach origin. In Silesian and Żywiecki Beskid they are called: kusoc,
kuwiek, sowa.
A little longer variety is fujara postna or wielkopostna, which besides Żywiec and
Silesian Beskid also appeared in Podhale and Orawa (fujara kolarska) (M. Kowalczyk,
2003). Its length does not exceed the arm length, because the opening had to be blocked up
and opened with an index finger of the right hand. (A. Kopoczek, 1994). The tonality of this
instrument is based on highlanders’ wałaska scale with a Lydian quarter and eolic septima.
Analogons of this instrument may be seen in Slovakia (koňcovka), Romania (tlinka), and
Ukraine (Zakarpacie: tylynka, Galician Hutzul land: telenka). The repertoire of these
instruments was strictly connected with pastoral songs (A. Kopoczek, 1996). It was also the
only instrument which could be played during the Holy Week. The melodies which were then
played were a kind of free improvisation not connected with song melodies. (A. Kopoczek
1996). This instrument, besides its melodic function also had a function of a support (palica)
during juhases’ migrations and possible defence from wolves and dogs (M. Kowalczyk 2003).
Il. 6. Jan Pituła of Międzybrodzie Żywieckie wiht the bagpipes of Żywiec. Phot. from the
collection Justyna Cząstka-Kłapyta
From among pipes without side openings it is worth noting the so-called piszczałka
sałasznikowa, which used to occur in Silesian Beskid, also called trąba sałasznikowa the total
length of which was 170 cm. Today we only know its form from reconstructions of local
instruments producers: Jan Kawulok (1894 -1976) and Józef Broda (born in 1941). The name
of this instrument suggests its function during Silesian highlanders’ stay in huts. It belonged
to “a group of a hut” and it was a symbol of sałasznik’s authority (A. Kopoczek, 1996). It is
still played commercially: Janko Macoszek of Istebnej (Wojtosze), Zbigniew Wałach
(Istebna, Kubitkula). Since 2009 Piotr Kohut has been using its variety without a support
during pasture: na szałasie, na mieszaniu (joining herds of sheeps) and rozsodzie (separating
herds of sheep).
Different varieties of pipes with side openings were popular in the Carpathian territory;
starting from simple three-openings pipes (Beskid Żywiecki and Podhale) through sixopenings ones, also seven-openings ones to nine-openings pipes (B. Żywiecki).
Unfortunately, there is no information concerning tonal properties of these instruments (A.
Kopoczek, 1994). The eight-opening pipes were produced by Jan Kawulok. They were
instruments made of sycamore or lilac, 80 cm long.
In the circle of the Carpathian culture the most popular pipes had six openings and in
some Carpathian regions they were called fujarki (Pieniny, Podhale). A. Chybiński (1961)
noted that highlanders call smaller pipes piszczałki, and the bigger ones fujarki or fujary. The
bigger fujaras often had characteristic floral or geometric ornaments typical for mountain
decorations In the Eastern Carpathians (Hutzul Land – Ukraine) the six-openings pipes are
called sopiłka, denciłka. More scarce are three-opening pipes, which besides the region of
Żywiec and Podhale were also recorded in the Carpathian range in Slovakia under the
following names: pist’ala, piščala, jednoručka (O. Elschek, 1983, A. Kopoczek 1996). The
Podhale fujara is one of the oldest instruments in Podhale .The instrument comes from Biały
Dunajec, it is made of sycamore wood and its length is 90, 5 cm. In Podhale there used to
exist an instrument of an aerophones group without a bottom – a six-openings single pipe
(Leng, 1981), the closest equivalent of which is Hutzul fłojera, which since the 1960’s has
had a role of accompaniment to a rite of farewell with a deceased person in his/her home. The
production of sound was always accompanied by permanent low burden sound, which was
produced by the player with his voice (Cząstka 2006). Its variations were found in the area of
Romania (fluierul du cop), Hungary (furuyla), Slovakia (pištalka pasterska) (Leng, 1981).
Another instrument, probably connected with Vlach migrations is a piszczałka dwoista
(double pipe) with two canals (Chybiński, 1961). It probably only occurred in the territory of
Podhale and Orawa in the Polish Carpathians and it was called dwojnica (picture 7) The
question whether this instrument also existed in other parts of the Polish Carpathians, such as
Żywiecczyzna, has not yet been answered, although J. Mikś, (1974) classifies it as one of the
instruments long existing in this territory. It is a known fact that this kind of instruments were
played in Podhale only by elderly people. They were produced in Poronin and in Brezowica
(Slovakian Orawa). The material of which they were produced was sycamore or ash tree or
spruce (Hutzul land). They had different length from 25 cm to 39 cm and width depended on
their length from 3,3 cm to 3, 7 cm. In Podhale and Hutzul land (Ukraine) they were made
from one piece of wood. Without side openings (the right one) has one tone, the height of
which depends on the power of blowing (cis, d, e), and the second one with six openings
produces a series of tones. In case of basic tone „d” in the right pipe it is the following series:
d, e, fis, g, a, h, cis. Dwojnica podhalańska is very similar to dvojnica południowosłowiańska,
and particularly to Bulgarian - Romanian kawal (A. Chybiński, 1961). In the area of Podhale
the practice of playing such pastoral instruments soon became extinct. Therefore, the
collection of preserved instruments is not particularly varied. During a few recent years it was
brought back to stage by, among others, Jan Karpiel – Bułecka and Krzysztof Trebunia Tutka.
Il. 7. Pipes “dwojnica” from the region of Podhale and Orawa and pipes “relikt
karpacki” from the region of Podhale. Author: Piotr Kłapyta
Trombita and Róg
Another instrument particularly connected with the hut economy is trembita. It used to
exist in Podhale, in Beskid Śląski and Żywiecki, where it had a function of a signalling
instrument during a stay on pasture lands. Unfortunately, a very few examples of melodies
played on this instrument have been preserved. Trombita (together with róg) belongs to the
same group of mouthpiece aerophones occurring in the Carpathians. It is made of two
grooved halves of spruce wood cut to the length of the instrument, which are glued with
“smoła” the boiled resin. When attached they create a narrow, conic pipe gradually widening
from the bottom to the top outlet. In Silesian trombitas for better seal of the instrument’s bosy
it is wrapped, along its whole length, in cherry or lime bark. (A. Kopoczek, 1996), and in
Hutzul land in birch bark (Maciejewski, 2007). Its length may be from 1.5 m to 4 m. The
biggest trombitas come from Silesian Beskid and Bieszczady whereas the trombitas of
Podhale and neighbourhood of Limanowa and Piwniczna are the shortest. The lightest variety
is Hutzul trembita, which is 3.5 m long and thus, may be held by one person and not two as in
case of trombits of Western Beskid (Cząstka, 2006). In the territory of the Western
Carpathians this instrument was always played solo, unlike in the Eastern Carpathians (Hutzul
land), where it performed only in company of other trembtitas (minimum two), or in
combination with rogi (rihamy). Trombita informed shepherds by means of different signals
with semantic meaning about important events during their stay in huts, such as: the
beginning and the end of pasture at the sunrise and sunset, morning, midday and evening
milking, supper, and attacks of wild animals on sheep herds. The soonest trembita was out of
use in Podhale, which happened at the end of the 19th century. For sure it was used by Spisz
shepherds of Jurgów during pastures at the end of the 19th century in the Bielsko Tatras (A.
Chybiński 1961). In the living tradition it was the longest used in Silesian Beskid and Beskid
Żywiecki (A. Kopoczek, 1984), and today it has ritual function only in Hutzul land during
funerals. It is not excluded that in the past in the Western Beskid this instrument had a magic,
ritual function, similar as at highlanders’ of the Eastern Carpathians (Hutzuls), where it was
played at the moments of transition (at sunrise, midday and at the sunset). In folk culture such
border moments are not ontologically certain and crossing them was connected with danger of
facing extraterrestrial chaos, the appearance of which required special protection and ritual
behaviours (P. Kowalski, 1998). In this case the protective function was performed by sounds
of the instrument and accompanying prayers, which were said also in Podhale during signals
played in evenings, probably at sunsets. An instrument related to trombita is róg (horn) (pict.
2). Its presence in the area of the Polish Carpathians is poorly documented. Besides Podhale
it was known in Silesian Beskidz., Żywiecki Beskid and in the neighbourhood of Gorlice,
Tarnów and Nowy Sącz (Muszyna) (A. Chybiński, 1961). Rogi karpackie were made of
spruce, sycamore or alder wood, as well as natural buffalo antler, or even of glass
(neighbourhood of Krosno) (A. Kopoczek, 1996). Similarly as trombita it had a signalling
function especially during hunting and a pastoral one, which is indicated by name róg
bacowski preserved in Nowy Targ (A. Kopczek, 1996). In Hutzul land it still has a role of an
instrument accompanying carolling processions. The horns of Silesian Beskid and Beskid
Żywieci are the biggest and the smallest ones are rogi podhalańskie (A. Kopczek 1996). In
Beskid Śląski trembitas are manufactured by: Tadeusz Grucki (Koniaków, Szańce), Zbigniew
Wałach (Istebna, Kubitkula) and Józef Zawada (Istebna).
Il. 8. Music for the spring migration of sheep (Podhale). Phot. Zbigniew Kamykowski, 60s the
Twentieth century (Collections of the Tatra Museum in Zakopane)
Nowadays, in fact from the mid 20th century a lot of old pastoral songs, dances and
instruments, due to the decline of pastoral economy and social-cultural transformations,
started going out of use. The process of transformations is also reflected in pastoral music,
which, separated from its natural function context, became almost totally extinct in its natural
form. Relatively alive is still the region of Podhale in which keeping the pastoral economy
and fashion for music folklore favours the continuation of the pastoral music tradition during
trailing of the sheep and outdoor festivals, but now it has a commercial character. The music
folklore has become a kind of artistic performance often subordinated to audience’s tastes.
The primary communicative and magic function of vocal and instrumental folklore has
disappeared. Now the action of restoring various forms and genres of music mountain folklore
by local amateur rural bands based on documented records and oral information is being
carried out. The pastoral music tradition may most often be watched on stages during folklore
reviews, such as International Festival of Mountain Lands in Zakopane, Pastoral Holiday in
Lipnica Wielka, Orawy Summer in Jabłonka, A Week of Beskidy Culture, Meetings of
Gajdoszes in Orawska Polhora, Autumn of Babia Góra in Zawoja. Playing the trembita
Contest (Koniaków, Szańce). Nowadays the mountain music is developing in two trends: one
referring to past and a modern one fascinated with past tradition as a source of inspiration for
creating new music (folk). Polish ethnomusicologists have not yet prepared a complex
elaboration of a monographic character on the pastoral music culture of the Polish
Carpathians.
Key words: pastoral song, melodic scale, multi voice, variation heterophony, pastoral
dance, pastoral instruments.
Il. 9. The famous highlander from Podhale, musician and storyteller: Jan Krzeptowski Sabala
from Zakopane. Phot. A. Penther, "Wierchy", 1923
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