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July 31, 2013
Qualitative
Sociology
Review
Volume IX
Issue 3
Cultures of Narrative and
Narratives of Culture
by
Antony J. Puddephatt, Steven Kleinknecht
& Carrie B. Sanders
&
Special Summer Edition
Available Online
www.qualitativesociologyreview.org
QSR
Qualitative
Sociology
Review
Qualitative
Sociology
Review
Patricia A. Adler
Stephen Hester
Robert Prus
Peter Adler
Judith Holton
George Psathas
Mahbub Ahmed
Domenico Jervolino
Antony J. Puddephatt
Michael Atkinson
Benjamin Kelly
Anne Warfield Rawls
Kate Bacon
Robert A. Kenedy
Johanna Rendle-Short
Howard S. Becker
Steven Kleinknecht
Brian Roberts
Laura Bisaillon
Hubert Knoblauch
Roberto Rodríguez-Gomez
Cultures of Narrative and
Nicolette Bramley
Joseph A. Kotarba
Bernt Schnettler
Attila Bruni
Ireneusz Krzemiński
William Shaffir
Marie Buscatto
Margarethe Kusenbach
Phyllis N. Stern
by Antony J. Puddephatt,
Tanya Cassidy
Riitta Kyllonen
Antonio Strati
Steven Kleinknecht & Carrie B. Sanders
Kathy Charmaz
Staffan Larsson
Joerg Struebing
Catherine A. Chesla
Geraldine Leydon
Andrzej Szklarski
Cesar A. Cisneros Puebla
Lyn H. Lofland
Massimiliano Tarozzi
Adele E. Clarke
Jordi Lopez Sintas
Roland Terborg
Jan K. Coetzee
Michael Lynch
Victor Thiessen
Juliet Corbin
Christoph Maeder
Jan Trost
Michael Dellwing
Barbara Misztal
Jonathan H. Turner
Norman K. Denzin
Setsuo Mizuno
Dennis D. Waskul
Robert Dingwall
Lorenza Mondada
Shalva Weil
Agata Dziuban
Janusz Mucha
Fred Wester
Rosalind Edwards
Elena Neiterman
Ingrid Westlund
Peter Eglin
Peter Nugus
Patrick Williams
Gary Alan Fine
Tony O’Connor
Ruth Wodak
Silvia Gherardi
Sandi Michele de Oliveira
Kiyomitsu Yui
Barney Glaser
Dorothy Pawluch
Giampietro Gobo
Eleni Petraki
Jaber F. Gubrium
Constantinos N. Phellas
Tony Hak
Susan Pickard
Scott R. Harris
Jason L. Powell
Paul ten Have
Andrea Press
©2013 QSR • ISSN: 1733-8077
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Krzysztof T. Konecki, University of Lodz
EXECUTIVE EDITORS
Łukasz T. Marciniak, University of Lodz
Magdalena Wojciechowska,
Volume IX
Issue 3
University of Lodz
ASSOCIATE EDITORS
Anna Kacperczyk, University of Lodz
Sławomir Magala, Erasmus University
APPROVING EDITORS
Steven Kleinknecht,
Brescia University College
Geraldine Leydon, Southampton University
Antony J. Puddephatt, Lakehead University
BOOK REVIEWS EDITOR
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&
EDITORIAL ASSISTANT
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Magdalena Chudzik
COVER DESIGNER
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2
©2013 QSR Volume IX Issue 3
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Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org
3
CONTENTS
Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of Culture
by Antony J. Puddephatt, Steven Kleinknecht & Carrie B. Sanders
Editorial
Articles
Antony J. Puddephatt, Steven Kleinknecht, Carrie B. Sanders
Robert Prus
Introduction to the Special Issue.
Love, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis
Qualitative Analysis Conference 2012: Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of Culture
8
of Intimate Relations
124
Michael Salter
Articles
Through a Glass, Darkly: Representation and Power in Research on Organized Abuse
Donileen R. Loseke
Nicholas A. Guittar
Keynote Address: Empirically Exploring Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Life
12
32
Reluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and The Reproduction of Hegemonic Masculinity
Elizabeth Krahn
Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén, Lena Borell
Transcending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration
Managing Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Child of Stalinist Oppression 188
204
46
Paula Sequeiros
Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri,
Reading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User Profiles Ambreen Mohammad, Nish Petal
Contextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding Practices Among Arab Women in the State of Qatar
168
Paul Sargent
Deborah K. van den Hoonaard
Telling the Collective Story: Symbolic Interactionism in Narrative Research
The Meaning of Coming Out: From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosure
152
220
74
Rosemary Ricciardelli, Amber Gazso
Investigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial
Correctional System
4
96
5
Cultures of Narrative
and
by
Antony J. Puddephatt,
Steven Kleinknecht
& Carrie B. Sanders
Introduction to the Special Issue. Qualitative Analysis Conference 2012: Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of Culture
T
his conference marks the 29th year of a growing
remains committed to publishing important quali-
tradition of qualitative research and analysis
tative research from a wide range of perspectives,
in Canada. As well as drawing several Canadian
is completely free and open-access, and maintains
Steven Kleinknecht,
Brescia University College, Canada
ethnographic and qualitative scholars, both junior
solid standards of peer review. Indeed, this should
and senior, we attract more and more international
be a model for other journals to follow in the grow-
Carrie B. Sanders,
Wilfrid Laurier University, Canada
researchers each year. We have also enjoyed excel-
ing future of electronically mediated scholarly
lent funding support from the Social Sciences and
publishing.
Antony J. Puddephatt,
Lakehead University, Canada
Introduction to the Special Issue
Qualitative Analysis Conference 2012:
Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of Culture
is an Associate Professor
With Antony Puddephatt and William Shaffir, he has co-
in the Department of Sociology, Lakehead University,
edited Ethnographies Revisited: Constructing Theory in the Field.
Canada. His main research interest is in the philosophy
of George Herbert Mead, and its relevance for contem-
email address: [email protected]
Humanities Research Council (Canada’s national
funding body), as well as a number of partnering
This special issue features two papers that are
universities from across Canada (see www.quali-
based on our keynote and featured presentations
tatives.ca for more information). This past year,
from the 2012 conference, as well as three excel-
we held workshops on practical considerations in
lent papers from the regular sessions. This issue,
qualitative research, narrative methodology, actor-
much like the conference, contains a strong nar-
network theory, and autoethnography. We also
rative theme, considering the potential of this for
welcomed featured speakers who discussed differ-
building on existing qualitative traditions. We
ent issues related to qualitative research. These in-
also include other papers that did not correspond
cluded Beverley Diamond on the problematic silen-
to this theme but were very strong qualitative re-
cing and censoring of First Nations collaborators,
search papers and hence, excellent contributions to
Andrea Doucet on the concept of reflexivity, and
this issue. As usual, we received many papers for
Deborah van den Hoonaard on combining narra-
consideration, but we were only able to select these
tive inquiry and symbolic interaction in research
five for inclusion in the special issue.
designs. We were pleased to welcome Donileen
porary debates in social theory. He has also studied the
competitive culture of amateur chess, as well as various
Carrie B. Sanders
is an Associate Professor of
Loseke as our keynote speaker, who gave an en-
Our first paper is based on the keynote address by
issues facing the discipline of sociology in Canada. With
Criminology at Wilfrid Laurier University. Her theor-
Steven Kleinknecht and William Shaffir, he is the Editor
lightening talk about how to study and analyze
Donileen Loseke, entitled “Empirically Exploring
etical areas of interest are social constructionism, sym-
of the volume Ethnographies Revisited: Constructing Theory
bolic interactionism, social shaping of technology, and
narrative patterns in social life.
Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Life,”
in the Field (Routledge 2009), which centers on first-hand
critical criminology. Her research interests include
reflections about ethnographic “theory-work” from top
qualitative methodologies (specifically, the role of emo-
qualitative researchers, including Norman Denzin, Loïc
tionality in the research process) and policing, with
Wacquant, Harry Collins, Kathy Charmaz, Trevor Pinch,
Donileen Loseke, Patricia and Peter Adler, and Laurel
Richardson, among many others.
Steven Kleinknecht
is an Associate Professor of
Sociology at Brescia University College in Canada. His
research interests lie in the study of deviance, subcultures, online interaction, and cultural continuity. He has
researched computer hackers and Old Order Mennonites.
8
and asks how to best interpret and decode narrative
The editors of the Qualitative Sociology Review (QSR)
meanings in the context of our increasingly diverse
were again most gracious in permitting their jour-
and fragmented modern society. Building on her re-
nal to serve as a forum for some of the research
search about stories of family violence, this paper puts
Her ethnographic research on police information tech-
presented at our 2012 conference. Readers may be
forth a methodology for narrative inquiry, and uses
nologies and the shift toward intelligence-led policing
directed to volume VIII, issue I, of the QSR for an-
the concepts of emotion codes and symbolic codes to
in Canada is funded by the Social Sciences and Human-
other feature in this journal, which showcased pa-
think about how characters, plots, morals, and stories
ities Research Councils of Canada. Her research has ap-
pers from our conference in the previous year. We
are interpreted by different social groups according
peared in journals such as Sociology, International Journal
certainly extend our thanks to the editorial team
to specific logics. The result is a truly inspiring agen-
here for what is growing to be a journal for qualita-
da for those interested in pursuing narrative inquiry
tive research with a truly international reputation,
with qualitative research, but from an analytical and
endorsed by the contributions of some world re-
empirical framework, that strives to make the com-
nowned scholars. The Qualitative Sociology Review
plex become clear rather than vice-versa.
a specific interest in intelligence-led policing practices.
of Policing and Society, Canadian Review of Sociology, Social
Science and Medicine, Qualitative Health Review, and Science and Public Policy.
9
Antony J. Puddephatt, Steven Kleinknecht, Carrie B. Sanders
Introduction to the Special Issue. Qualitative Analysis Conference 2012: Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of Culture
Our second paper is based on a featured presen-
experienced a certain emotional unavailability on
research can help inform state, cultural, and in-
threat, such as presenting a confident and authori-
tation by Deborah K. van den Hoonaard, entitled
the part of their mothers. Krahn argues convin-
dividual practices pertaining to healthcare provi-
tative self-presentation, building positive relation-
“Telling the Collective Story: Symbolic Inter-
cingly that instead of dealing with trauma on an
sion and decision-making.
ships with colleagues, and maintaining respectful
actionism in Narrative Research.” Building on
individual basis, these intergenerational narra-
her research on the contrasting experiences and
tives can help bring collectively experienced trauma
Finally, Rosemary Ricciardelli and Amber Gazso’s
stories of widows and widowers, as well as the
to the surface, and allow for greater understand-
piece, entitled “Investigating Threat Perception
We had a fun time working as guest editors, oversee-
tales from Iranian Bahá’í refugees to Canada, van
ing and emotional healing. This paper is a true
Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian
ing the development of the diverse papers that make
den Hoonaard considers how narrative inquiry
model for both the importance of autoethno-
Provincial Correctional System,” provides an in-
up this special issue. We thank our peer review-
might be adopted from a specifically symbolic
graphic research that is rigorously grounded in
sightful analysis of the ways in which violence,
ers and the authors for their hard work throughout
interactionist standpoint. She aims to take the
the narrative experiences of multiple others, and
or threats of violence, shape correctional officers’
the revision process, as well as the editorial staff at
seemingly idiosyncratic stories individuals tell,
for the advantages and practical gains made pos-
sense of self and self concept over time. In this ac-
Qualitative Sociology Review. We invite the readership
and, using sensitizing concepts and hunting for
sible by intergenerational research strategies like
count, Ricciardelli and Gazso draw attention to
of QSR to consider joining us in Canada for a future
latent meanings, consider their patterning across
this one.
a social world in flux – a space where correctional
Qualitative Analysis Conference, and until then, we
officers serve as protectors to others (such as the
hope you enjoy this special issue.
cases, eventually “telling the collective story” of
relationships with the prisoners.
the marginalized populations she studies. This
The fourth article, by Behrokh Nikaiin, Tam Don-
general public and offenders), as well as to self.
paper is as fascinating as it is emotionally grip-
nelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Am-
Through in-depth interviews with correctional of-
ping, providing deep insights not only into her
breen Mohammad, and Nish Petal, is entitled
ficers, the researchers illuminate how threats ex-
research strategy but also the touching personal
“Contextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding
tend beyond physical and mental victimization to
Practices Among Arab Women in the State of
one’s ever evolving self concept. Finally, through
Qatar.” Noting the significant health benefits of
their analysis, they uncover the strategies correc-
Steven Kleinknecht
tional officers employ to mitigate victimization and
Carrie B. Sanders
reflections of her respondents.
Third, Elizabeth Krahn has provided an informa-
breastfeeding, Nikaiin and her colleagues con-
tive research paper entitled “Transcending the
sider how social factors and women’s knowledge
‘Black Raven’: An Autoethnographic and Inter-
of breastfeeding affect the choice to breastfeed.
generational Exploration of Stalinist Oppression.”
In-depth interviews with 32 Arab mothers pro-
Her study focused on Russian Mennonite women
vide insight into how these factors operate in
and their sons and daughters who lost male family
the social context of Qatar. Supportive parents,
members to Stalin’s oppressive regime, and fled
husbands, healthcare professionals, and work
Russia in WWII to settle in Canada. Bringing
schedules are particularly influential. In consid-
together narratives from 16 individuals, she builds
ering their findings, the authors offer suggestions
a collective narrative for each generation, explor-
for promoting breastfeeding. For instance, they
ing how they deal with the trauma of these past
argue for increased education of mothers and em-
events. The narrative work they do in the present
ployers on the benefits of breastfeeding and the
matters for how they remember and give meaning
need for government to oversee the development
to the past, for example, emphasizing resilience
and implementation of supportive workplace
during the events while downplaying emotions
policies. In carefully situating women’s perspec-
and weakness. But, the pain and insecurity that
tives on breastfeeding within the local context of
was not talked about in this history had damag-
Qatar, Nikaiin and her colleagues have developed
ing long-term effects, and the second generation
a study that is demonstrative of how qualitative
10
Kind regards,
Puddephatt, Antony J., Steven Kleinknecht, and Carrie B. Sanders. 2013. “Introduction to the Special Issue. Qualitative Analysis Conference 2012: Cultures of Narrative and Narratives of Culture.” Qualitative Sociology Review
9(3):8-11. Retrieved Month, Year (http://www.qualitativesociologyreview.org/ENG/archive_eng.php).
11
Donileen R. Loseke
University of South Florida, U.S.A.
Keynote Address: Empirically Exploring
Narrative Productions of Meaning in Public Life
Abstract Because socially circulating stories are key vehicles producing shared meaning in globalized,
views unite in cognitive and emotional evalu-
widespread evaluations that they are believable
ations of events that lie outside their own lives.
and important. How is it that some stories – and
Such events are not personally experienced and
only some stories – are cognitively and emotion-
they involve strangers, so meanings must be based
ally persuasive to more than a few people?
on some form of public communication. How can
public communication encourage particular ways
I will begin with briefly summarizing the con-
of thinking and feeling among mass audiences?
sequences of socially circulating stories. This
justifies my claim that such stories do important
My focus is on the persuasive work of socially
work in both private and public life so research-
stories – and only some stories – can be evaluated by large numbers of people as believable and
circulating narratives. These narratives – sto-
ers should examine questions about their produc-
important. How do stories achieve widespread cognitive and emotional persuasiveness? I argue
ries – about particular people or about types of
tion. I will continue by exploring how systems of
that understanding narrative persuasiveness requires a cultural-level analysis examining
people are used by politicians to sell themselves
ideas, called symbolic codes and emotion codes,
relationships between story characteristics and two kinds of meaning: Symbolic codes which
and their policies, by advertisers to sell products,
furnish the building blocks to construct narrative
by preachers and teachers to demonstrate moral
scenes, plots, characters, and morals. Then, using
principles, by social activists to inspire moral out-
the exemplary social problems story of “family
rage, by textbook writers and journalists to gen-
violence,” I will demonstrate my claims that cog-
and I conclude with some thoughts about how sociologists might approach the production
erate attention. My interest is in understanding
nitive and emotional persuasiveness are encour-
of socially circulating stories as topics of qualitative research and why there are practical and
how such stories work and the work these stories
aged when the story contents reflect how audi-
theoretical reasons to do so. My central argument is that examining relationships between
do in encouraging shared meaning in globalized,
ence members make sense of the world around
cultural systems of meaning and the characteristics of narratives is a route to understanding
cyber-mediated worlds characterized by extraor-
them. My central argument is that the more story
dinary social, political, and economic heterogene-
elements reflect widely and deeply held systems
ity and moral fragmentation.1
of cognitive and emotional meanings, the more
mass-mediated, and heterogeneous social orders, it is important to understand how some
are systems of cognitive meaning and emotion codes which are systems of emotional meaning.
Persuasiveness of narratives is achieved by using the most widely and deeply held meanings of
these codes to build narrative scenes, characters, plots, and morals. I demonstrate my argument
using the example of the codes embedded in the social problem story of “family violence,”
a key method of public persuasion in heterogeneous, mass-mediated social orders.
Keywords Narrative; Symbolic Code; Public Communication; Emotion; Persuasion
stories have potential to be widely evaluated as
Donileen R. Loseke is a Professor of Sociology
at the University of South Florida. Her books include
The Battered Woman and Shelters: The Social Construction
of Wife Abuse (recipient of the Charles Horton Cooley
Award from the Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction), Thinking About Social Problems: An Introduction to
Constructionist Perspectives, and Methodological Thinking:
Basic Principles of Social Research Design. She has served
as chair of the Theory division of the Society for the
Study of Social Problems and President of the Society
for the Study of Symbolic Interaction. Her long-term interests have been in exploring relationships among cul-
The topic of relationships between socially circu-
believable and important and, therefore, to go on
lating stories and shared meaning has two cen-
to do important work in private and public life.
U.S.A. and guns down 20 six- and seven-year-old
tral dimensions: There are questions about how
I continue by outlining some possible questions
children and six teachers. There is a united defini-
stories create meanings, and there are questions
for sociological, qualitative researchers about the
tion of the event throughout the Western world:
about how practical actors use their understand-
productions of meaning in socially circulating
ings of these meanings as sensemaking tools in
stories, and I end with reflecting upon some prac-
their own lives. While questions about meaning
tical and theoretical reasons why such studies are
nonetheless travel great distances to attend the fu-
constructions and consumptions are inextricably
needed.
nerals of the young children, the Wall Street Journal
related; here, I will primarily focus on the produc-
D
ecember, 2012: A 20-year-old walks into an
elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut,
This is unthinkable, it is grotesque, it is a “massacre
of the innocent.” Many Americans and Canadians
having no personal ties to the people of Newtown
reports that this event was so emotionally devastating that it decreased Christmas shopping throughout the United States.
ture, narrative, and emotion from social constructionist
tion of stories and bracket questions about their
The Importance of Socially Circulating
consumption. My basic questions are practical
Stories in Private and Public Lives
and straightforward: While many stories are told,
perspectives.
Consider this event as evidence of a puzzle: From
only some circulate widely, and very few achieve
time to time enormous numbers of people sharing
1
12
little in the way of practical experiences or world
I benefited enormously from the comments and suggestions
of Antony Puddephatt on an earlier draft of this paper.
Public life is awash with stories. There are those
of particular people, the individual heroes and
villains and victims, and there are those types
13
Donileen R. Loseke
of people, such as “the alcoholic,” “the terrorist,”
tiple consequences for practical actors in their pri-
can stories in public spaces achieve cognitive and/
ter if the story does not make sense given what
“the soldier.” Stories circulating in the media, in
vate lives.
or emotional persuasiveness? This is an especially
audience members “think they know, what they
important question within modern environments
value, and what they regard as appropriate and
courts, speeches, textbooks, sermons, and advertisements do a great deal of work in both private
Socially circulating stories also do considerable
where social, political, and economic heteroge-
promising” (Davis 2002:17-18). This leads to ques-
and public life.
work in public life. It is stories, not statistics, that
neity and moral fragmentation discourage wide-
tions about relationships between culture and the
sustain war as culturally and morally acceptable
spread agreement about the cognitive or emo-
productions and contents of narrative meanings.
Socially circulating stories are important in pri-
(Smith 2005), and stories define the meaning of
tional meanings of particular events and people.
vate life. For example, individuals in modern en-
“national identity” (Shenhav 2009). Stories told in
Yet, we know that social life – especially within
“Culture” comprises a range of ideas and objects,
vironments must craft their own stories to create
public policy hearings define moral landscapes of
democracies – depends upon shared meaning. If
including norms, myths, traditions, rituals, mate-
a sense of a coherent self (Gergen 1994; McAdams
problems (Whittle and Mueller 2012), and these
stories encourage shared meaning, it is important
rial artifacts, and so on. Socially circulating sys-
1996), and, to be evaluated as believable, these
stories justify social policy (Schneider and In-
to understand how they do so.
tems of meaning that are used by story authors to
stories must “at least partially reflect the kinds
gram 1993) and the institutional arrangements
of stories that prevail in…culture” (McAdams
that result (Alexander 1992). Because stories mo-
The Cultural Contexts of Narrative
als are of particular interest in understanding the
1996:301). Further, it is not uncommon for people
bilize social activists (Polletta 1997), and activ-
Production: Symbolic Codes and
persuasive possibilities of stories. Symbolic codes
experiencing troubles, such as illness or divorce,
ists use stories to persuade the public to support
are systems of meaning surrounding cultural
to scan the social environment for stories to help
social causes (Loseke 2003), narratives have been
Emotion Codes
them make sense of their experiences, to offer im-
called a foundational characteristic of movements
Much is known about the characteristics of stories
ways of feeling. The more widely shared, the more
ages of who they are, of who they might become
for social change (Davis 2002). Socially circulating
that tend to be evaluated by relatively large au-
these systems of meaning can be understood as an
(Plummer 1995). Still further, there is evidence
stories of types of people with different types of
diences as believable and important (see Loseke
important aspect of the “collective consciousness”
that socially circulating stories function in the
problems also serve as templates for social service
2007 for a review). For example, in the not-so-dis-
(Durkheim 1961), or as an “impersonal archipela-
background of thinking in daily life. For example,
workers to make sense of the unique people using
tant past, before the so-called “new media,” the
gos of meaning…shared in common” (Zerubavel
women who are raped sometimes categorize their
service agencies (Santiago-Irizarry 2001; Rains,
most common way for a story to become widely
1996:428).
own experiences based on their understandings
Davies, and McKinnon 2004), pattern the work of
known was for it to circulate through mass media
of the archetypical story of “rape” (Wood and
courts of law (Amsterdam and Bruner 2000), and
(television, radio, newspapers, magazines) and
Rennie 1994), battered women sometimes refuse
shape political campaigns and presidential com-
this required conforming to a certain media logic,
to define their own experiences as those of “wife
munications (Smith 2005). Critically, while the
which privileges stories characterized by drama
I will follow Jeffrey Alexander (1992) and call the
abuse” because they believe their own experi-
narrative form is apolitical in its structure, stories
and flash (Altheide 2002). In addition, observers
first type of meaning system “symbolic codes,” al-
ences do not match that socially circulating story
can be very political in their consequences: Stories
traditionally have argued that storytellers matter:
though this concept has much in common with
(Baker 1996). Still further, women relying on wel-
can be used to support or challenge the status quo,
Stories told by experts or other advantaged people
similar ideas such as discursive formations (Fou-
fare (Seccombe, James, and Battle Walters 1998)
to support or challenge calls for social change, to
tend to be evaluated as more believable and more
cault 1980), semiotic codes (Swidler 1995), inter-
and mothers who are teens (Kirkman et al. 2001)
support or challenge political agendas, laws, or-
important than stories told by people who are so-
pretive codes (Cerulo 2000), cultural coherence
believe others respond to them not as unique in-
ganizational procedures, and so on (Ewick and
cially, politically, economically, or sexually mar-
systems (Linde 1993), cultural themes (Gamson
dividuals but as instances of the narrative char-
Silbey 1995).
ginalized (Loseke 2003).
1988), and symbolic repertoires (Williams 2002).
compose story scenes, characters, plots, and mor-
ways of thinking; emotion codes are about cultural
Symbolic codes
While larger theoretical frameworks lead to dif-
acters found in socially circulating stories about
“welfare queens” and “teen mothers.” While here
Academics claim that the narrative form is perva-
Behind these often mentioned factors influenc-
ferent kinds of questions and assumptions about
I am bracketing questions about how social actors
sive throughout social life because it is persuasive,
ing audience evaluations of narrative believabil-
these systems of meaning, all share a basic concep-
understand the meanings of particular stories, it
and this form is persuasive because it has poten-
ity and importance lies something much less dis-
tualization of these codes as densely packed, com-
is clear that socially circulating stories have mul-
tial to appeal to both thinking and to feeling. How
cussed: Story flash and story tellers do not mat-
plex, and interlocking visions of how the world
14
15
Donileen R. Loseke
works, how the world should work, and of rights
fragmentation, and resulting personal insecurities,
of the United States to the present, American pres-
systems of feeling. Particular cognitive images of
and responsibilities of people in this world. Ob-
have led to more emphasis on emotional conscious-
idents have used “war rhetoric,” a particular type
people (such as victims, mothers), events (such as
servers have de-constructed the contents of many
ness where what we feel can be judged as more im-
of communication whose goal is persuading citi-
war, floods), places (such as home, country) are
symbolic codes, among the most central are the
portant than what we think (McCarthy 1989). Not
zens that war is necessary. Historians and others
associated with expectable emotional reactions
“Standard North American Family” (Smith 1999),
surprisingly, observers note increasing appeals to
have found that, throughout all eras, such com-
toward such people, events, and places. We feel
mothering (Gazso 2012), family values (Williams
emotion in public communication (Waddell 1990;
munication blends appeals to logic justifying the
about family every bit as much as we think about
2002), individualism (Bellah et al. 1985), Ameri-
Altheide 2002; Richards 2004). This brings me to
practicality and expediency of war with appeals
family, we feel about war every bit as much as we
can values (Hutcheson et al. 2004), the American
a second type of cultural meaning system, “emotion
to emotions such as national pride (Murphy 2003),
think about war, and so on (see Irvine 1997 for an
way of life (Johnson 2002), citizens and enemies
codes.”
the joys of victory (Moerk and Pincus 2000), anger
example of how “co-dependency” is both a sym-
toward and/or fear of the enemy (Burkitt 2005),
bolic code and an emotion code).
(Alexander 1992), victims (Holstein and Miller
1990; Best 1997; Lamb 1999), violence (Cerulo
Emotion Codes
1998), the deserving poor (Loseke and Fawcett
and sympathy for American casualties (Coles
2002). Others have argued that the narrative abil-
Second, there are multiple variations in code con-
1995), good health (Edgley and Brissett 1990 ), the
What I am calling emotion codes goes by other
ity to appeal to emotion is critical in social prob-
tents. There are predictable national variations
Stockholm Syndrome (Adorjan et al. 2012), and
names such as emotion schemas (White 1990),
lems advocacy (see Loseke 2003 for a review) and
(see Safdar et. al. 2009 for an example) and con-
emotion (Lutz 1986).
emotional cultures (Gordon 1990; Stearns 2010),
in encouraging support for public policy (Waddell
tents tend to vary over time. For an example, the
emotionologies (Stearns and Stearns 1985), and
1990). For example, the 1996 welfare reform hear-
symbolic code of “mothering” has changed in the
Considerable research has shown how symbolic
feeling rules, framing rules, and expression rules
ings in the United States can be understood as re-
recent past with consequences for social policy
codes are consequential. For example, the codes
(Hochschild 1979). These codes are complexes of
flecting the “politics of disgust” toward women
(Gazso 2012), and there have been important his-
of “welfare recipient” (Gring-Pemble 2001) and
expectations, standards, and ideals surrounding
welfare recipients (Hancock 2004).
torical changes in the code of jealousy (Stearns
“deserving poor” (Small, Harding, and Lamont
emotion; they are cognitive models about which
2010) shape public policy toward poor people in
emotions are expected when, where, and toward
General Characteristics of Symbolic and
strength and importance of codes. Some codes are
the United States, and the justification of the civ-
whom or what, as well as about how emotions
Emotion Codes
known by relatively small numbers of people (tip-
il rights clause in the Violence against Women’s
should be inwardly experienced, outwardly ex-
Act drew on the “victimhood” code (Picart 2003).
pressed, and morally evaluated. These systems
As analytic concepts, symbolic codes and emo-
ings), while others are known to much larger au-
In addition, the code of “romance” discourages
of meaning are the “structuring and constitut-
tion codes have several characteristics that define
diences (individualism, patriotism). Some codes
young women from using condoms to prevent
ing resources which we utilize in expressing our
their usefulness, as well as their limitations. First,
are centrally important (the innocence of young
disease (Kirkman, Rosenthal, and Smith 1998),
own emotional states and in responding to those
although symbolic codes and emotion codes are
children, freedom), while others are superficial
and media in the United States constructed the
of others” (Tudor 2003:241). Although there has
analytically distinct, they are inextricably inter-
(Christmas gift giving, weddings). Finally, there
meanings of the events of September 11, 2001 in
been far more interest in examining the contents
twined in practice. Although Western scholars tra-
are major variations in how the contents, mean-
terms of the codes of “victims,” “villains,” and
of symbolic codes, some emotion codes have been
ditionally argued for a body-mind dualism, rel-
ings, and importance of codes are understood by
“heroes” (Anker 2005).
deconstructed. Among them are codes surround-
egating emotion to the body and cognition to the
individuals. In addition to unpredictable individ-
ing jealousy (Stearns 1989), sympathy (Clark 1997),
mind, observers now argue that it is not possible
ual differences, there are predictable variations
Symbolic codes are systems of thinking. As such
love (Swidler 2001), fear (Altheide 2002), and clo-
to separate thinking from feeling in embodied
in how people understand codes associated with
they can be useful in constructing narrative scenes,
sure to grief (Berns 2011).
experience (see Loseke and Kusenbach 2008 for
places (national, regional, and urban/rural differ-
a review). Furthermore, thinking and feeling can-
ences), as well as with social and demographic char-
plots, characters, and morals that persuade through
1989). Third, there are differences in the social
ping etiquette in New York City apartment build-
appeals to logic. While important, observers note
There are many empirical examples demonstrat-
not be separated in their discursive formations
acteristics: Consequences of race/ethnicity, class,
that characteristics of the modern social order, such
ing the importance of emotion codes in public
because symbolic codes – systems of thinking –
gender, and religiosity can encourage people to
as loss of faith in institutions, rapid change, moral
communication. For example, from the beginning
invariably are accompanied by emotion codes –
see the world in very different ways (see Karasz
16
17
Donileen R. Loseke
2005 for an example of variability in understand-
ings (see Abiala 1999; McCoyd 2009; Keys 2010 for
opinion polls, the understandings and decisions
my students’ lack of concern with violence that
ings of “depression” and how these influence
examples).
of police, judges, juries, child protective service
does not seem too severe (such as slaps, pushes, or
workers, and shelter workers, only some stories
shoves), or with violence that might be evaluated
help-seeking). In brief, when I claim that codes
can be “shared,” this is a shorthand of saying
Thus, while the concepts of symbolic code and
cognitively and emotionally persuade audience
as done for a good reason (such as self-defense),
“more or less shared by a greater or lesser” num-
emotion code cannot predict individual subjectiv-
members to evaluate violence as morally intol-
as not intentional (accidental), or as yielding no
ber of people.
ity, they are a part of the cultural context that pro-
erable and therefore, as something that must be
injury is predictable: Their lack of concern reflects
vides the material from which actors shape their
condemned and eliminated.
the cultural code surrounding the meanings and
Emphasizing variability is important in order to
own understandings of the meanings of objects,
avoid conceptualizing practical actors as “cultural
experiences, events, and people. The more widely
Understanding how stories of family violence
robots” who somehow “apply” codes to whatever
shared and the more deeply held these codes are,
do – or do not achieve – cognitive or emotional
On a case-by-case basis, individuals evaluate the
needs evaluating. That image cannot be correct
the more available and potentially important they
persuasiveness requires examining four prin-
moral meanings of particular instances of vio-
because an important characteristic of our modern
can be in shaping evaluations of meaning and ex-
cipal symbolic codes that shape story contents:
lence and they do this by drawing from common-
world is the presence of many, often contradictory,
perience. This leads to a prediction that the per-
violence, family, victims, and villains, which, in
sense assumptions about what is and what is not
meanings. Stories that present gay marriage as
suasiveness of socially circulating stories will be
turn, are associated with a variety of emotion
intentional, justified, and excessive, and about
a simple civil right circulate alongside stories of
encouraged when story elements – scenes, plots,
codes including anger, hate, and disgust toward
what does and what does not constitute serious
gay marriage as a sin; stories containing a “poor
characters, and morals – more-or-less reflect au-
villains and violence, compassion and sympathy
injury. Therefore, it is to be expected that there
person” character who seems a victim of an un-
dience members’ understandings of the symbolic
toward victims.
can be major differences in individual evaluations
just economic system circulate with other stories
codes and emotion codes that shape story contents.
containing a “poor person” character who seems
I will demonstrate this with a story of my experi-
First, stories of family violence feature particular
violence. What is a “good reason” to one person
lazy and morally suspect.
ence teaching a course about “family violence.”
plots that revolve around violence. While diction-
might not be a “good reason” to another, what is
aries define “violence” as a synonym of “force,”
“serious injury” to one person might not be a “se-
evaluations of all violence.
of the moral status of any particular instance of
Because symbolic codes and emotion codes are
The Scenes, Characters, Plots, and Morals
these behavioral descriptions are morally neu-
rious injury” to another, and so on. As a conse-
macro-level concepts, they neither explain nor
of the Story of “Family Violence”
tral while courses in family violence – as well as
quence, stories that are successful in encouraging
public concern with violence – is about violence
a widespread evaluation of violence as morally
predict how particular people cognitively and emotionally evaluate socially circulating stories. Yet,
For many years I have taught an undergradu-
evaluated as abuse, a term that is a moral evalua-
intolerable abuse rather than morally tolerable
these codes nonetheless are important because
ate course called “family violence.” What I have
tion rather than a behavioral description. Not all
violence tend to emphasize its intentionality, un-
they are aspects of a “cultural toolkit” (Swidler
found is that students are not very interested
violence or force is typically evaluated as abusive.
reasonableness, excessiveness, and harmful con-
1986), a “scheme of interpretation” (Schütz 1970),
in many violent behaviors – they do not care if
Indeed, Karen Cerulo (1998) found that very few
sequences (Loseke 2003).
“interpretive structure” (Miller and Holstein
adult couples slap, push, or shove one another,
Americans are true pacifists who condemn all vi-
1989), or a “membership categorization device”
nor do they care if parents spank their children
olence. Most people tend to approve of – or at least
Second, stories of family violence take place with-
(Sacks 1972). The more widely circulating, the
or if siblings fight or throw toys at one another.
are willing to tolerate – some kinds of violence
in a particular scene – the family. At first glance,
more codes are available for social actors to use
Critically, what is not interesting is, simultane-
with some kinds of consequences on some kinds
the juxtaposition of the codes “family” and “vio-
– or decide to reject or to modify – to serve prac-
ously, not morally troubling. What is interesting,
of occasions by some kinds of people. A specific
lence” seem contradictory within industrialized
tical purposes. As an obvious example, we have
what is morally troubling is extreme violence ex-
instance of violence tends to be labeled as abusive
Western countries where family and childbearing
multiple examples of how codes, what Hochschild
perienced by the most morally exemplary victims,
when – and only when – it is evaluated as inten-
are increasingly less understood as mandatory
(1979) calls feeling rules, framing rules, and ex-
especially when this violence is done by morally
tionally done and as done for no “good reason”
obligations and are more embraced as voluntary
pression rules (what I call emotion codes), actual-
reprehensible offenders. This evaluation tenden-
and as involving behaviors that sound severe and
relationships valued for their emotional support
ly shape individual experiences and understand-
cy is not just about my students: As reflected in
as creating serious injuries (Cerulo 1998). Hence,
(Thornton and Young-DeMarco 2001). Although
18
19
Donileen R. Loseke
the symbolic code of family is incompatible with
– forgivable. The kind of violence that is not toler-
good people who are greatly harmed through no
All of this is quite complicated. On a case-by-case
the morally pejorative behaviors of abuse, expec-
ated is “instrumental violence” which is violence
fault and for no good reason. Therefore, to evalu-
basis in daily life we accomplish categorizations of
tations about family relationships allow for, and
judged as intended and done in order to achieve
ate a person as a victim is, simultaneously, to eval-
violence, victims, and villains – and all else. In so
might even predict, the presence of the non-pejo-
a goal (Cerulo 1998). Given these ideas, it is under-
uate the person as worthy of sympathy. Further-
doing, we simultaneously evoke systems of ideas
rative behaviors of violence.
standable that stories encouraging audience mem-
more, Clark maintains that the code of sympathy
about expectable emotional responses. Symbolic
bers to evaluate violence as abusive often tend to
includes the expectation that sympathy should
and emotion codes link victim characters with sym-
For example, while not as pronounced as in ear-
emphasize that, while victimizers often claim they
be accompanied by the behavior of “help”: Good
pathy, and sympathy with help; they link villain
lier eras, many Americans continue to believe that
“lost control,” in reality they use violence in order
people who are greatly harmed through no fault
characters with condemnation, and condemnation
parents have the right – indeed, the obligation –
to terrorize their victims into submission.
of their own should be helped. Therefore, social
with punishment. Likewise, evaluating violence as
services help women leave their abusive partners,
abuse simultaneously leads to a range of emotions,
from disdain to anger to disgust, and so on.
to “socialize” their children and that this might
require “punishment.” Within this symbolic code
Third, for a story of violence to be evaluated as
they help abusive children by taking them away
of parenting behaviors known as “spanking” be-
important and persuasive it must contain a vic-
from abusive parents, and so on. This is a very
come morally tolerable because they are done for
tim story character. The code of victim has been
practical reason why stories containing persua-
In summary, my claim is that symbolic codes and
a “good reason.” Stories encouraging evaluating
much examined (Holstein and Miller 1990; Best
sive victims are especially important: Linking
emotion codes are the building blocks to con-
violence as abusive must circumvent the tenden-
1997; Lamb 1999), and observers agree that being
victim to sympathy and sympathy to help is the
struct story scenes, plots, characters, and mor-
cy to evaluate parents’ violence toward children
evaluated as experiencing harm is necessary, but
justification for social intervention.
als. The more stories incorporate the most widely
as morally neutral “punishment,” and a common
not sufficient, to be accorded the status of victim.
way to do this is to construct plots containing
Victim is a designation for a person evaluated as
Fourth and finally, persuasive stories of family vio-
have the potential to be cognitively and emotion-
the most extreme violence yielding the most ex-
a (1) good person (2) who has been greatly harmed
lence must have a villain, a type of character evalu-
ally persuasive to large audiences. Conversely, the
treme consequences. Stories of such extreme be-
(3) for no good reason and (4) from no fault of their
ated as an (1) immoral person who (2) intentionally
more stories contain contentious, debated codes,
haviors and extreme consequences – particularly
own. Again, because individuals have very differ-
(3) does great harm and (4) who does this harm for
the more likely they will not receive widespread
when victims are infants – lead my students to the
ent standards for judging moral worth, extent of
no good reason. The cultural code of villain is as-
support. Under these generalities lie countless
strong emotions of moral outrage.
harm and responsibility, and the adequacy of rea-
sociated with particular emotional reactions and
empirical questions, to which I now turn.
son, stories that achieve widespread persuasive-
behaviors: A villain can be hated or despised, and,
Our images of family as people whose lives are
ness will tend to dramatize victim morality, lack of
within the logic of emotion codes, if villains are
Empirically Examining Productions
physically and emotionally intertwined can also
responsibility, extent of harm, and lack of reason
condemnation worthy then they also deserve the
of Narrative Meanings in Public Life
lead to expectations that family relationships
for the harm. The most persuasive stories of child
behavior of punishment. Not surprisingly, just as
should include deep emotional attachments, ex-
abuse tend to feature babies and toddlers rather
persuasive stories of the social problem of family
Because publicly circulating stories are an impor-
pectations, and experiences that, from time to
than teens, and stories of wife abuse tend to fea-
violence contain the purest of victims, they contain
tant source of meaning creation, they are worthy
time, might be experienced as emotionally over-
ture women who are portrayed as saintly in their
villains who are most clearly evil. One of the in-
of empirical examination. I will start with some
whelming. In popular understandings – and in
characteristics, motivations, and behaviors. It is
triguing characteristics of common stories of fam-
observations about stories as a topic of research,
practical experience – the emotions of family can
abusive violence on these types of characters that
ily violence is that the villainy of villains often is
and conclude with some types of questions that
overpower logic. This assumption is so common
leads to moral outrage.
dramatized by describing it as hidden; to outsid-
might be asked.
that there is a term for violence evaluated as re-
held and centrally important codes, the more they
ers, family violence villains often seem to be mor-
sulting from unplanned, unintended, and un-
The symbolic code of victim is inextricably linked
ally exemplary people. Their atrocious behavior
controllable emotional overload: “expressive vio-
to the emotion code of sympathy. According to
toward their family members is unexpected. This
lence.” This type of violence is often evaluated as
Candace Clark (1997), sympathy is the expected
common twist in villain characters makes these
People interested in stories as topics of research
unfortunate, yet understandable, and therefore
emotional response toward people evaluated as
stories particularly interesting.
agree that such studies require qualitative data and
20
Narratives as Topics for Qualitative Research
21
Donileen R. Loseke
analytic techniques (Stalker 2009). However, my in-
only briefly explore some of the potential types of
does this story promote? A careful examination of
Just as problematic is when analysts do share
terest in developing methodologies for such ex-
questions that might be asked about the produc-
the contents of stories – scenes, plots, characters,
codes of the story’s author, there is a tendency to
aminations is not a project supported by all mem-
tion of socially circulating stories.
morals – often can show the subtle meanings and
not recognize systems of meaning as systems of
moral evaluations that are being carried by the
meaning but rather to gloss over them as if they
story. In other words, this kind of analysis cannot
were simple “factual” statements about the world.
be done by “coding” words or phrases in the sto-
Codes such as race/ethnicity and gender are par-
bers of the community of narrative scholars: Some
people believe that analysis must be so inductive
Questions about Story Production
and allow for so much variation and creativity
that efforts to specify, much less codify, methods
The first questions in examining any particular
ry; it is not about what is obvious in the story. At
ticularly prone to be unanalyzed. Codes that are
are counter-productive (Josselson 2003). My own
socially circulating story must be about context:
times, whole systems of moral values and moral
not recognized as codes are particularly powerful
beliefs are with others who argue that the poten-
Who authored the story? Why was the story au-
evaluations lurk under explicit story contents, at
precisely because they are invisible and do their
tial for narrative research to yield useful insights
thored? Where is the story located? Who is the
times, it is more important to examine what is not
work outside of conscious awareness (Hall 1999).
about social life will not be realized without anal-
intended audience? What consequences would be
in the story than what is in it (see Loseke 2012 for
yses that are more systematic than what now is
expected from these story characteristics? Within
an example of how a story of the “teen mother”
Consider, for example, the American obsession
common (Atkinson and Delamont 2006). Stated
our mass mediated world these can be difficult
contains such subtle lessons).
with “good health.” When de-constructed (Edgley
bluntly, while a hallmark of qualitative, interpre-
questions because the sources – authors – of sto-
tive research is its insistence on the importance of
ries can be hidden, stories often have multiple
context, this leads to an inability to generalize and
authors, these authors often tell stories that seem
hence, to continued accumulation of case studies
only slightly different, but which lead to major
Here, I have focused on the importance of under-
that “health” is under individual control, which
that are not easily combined. While remaining
differences in their morals, stories can be repeat-
standing persuasiveness for the obvious reason
implies that people are responsible for any “bad
true to our understanding of the importance of
edly transmitted from one site to another, they
that persuasive stories can go on to do a great
health” they suffer. “Good health” also leads to
context, we nonetheless need to move away from
can be mis-attributed, maliciously or unintention-
deal of work in private and public life. Because
expectations about lifestyles – such as the neces-
the “relativism, subjectivism, and fetishization of
ally modified, taken out of the original context of
symbolic codes and emotion codes are the social
sity to eat high quality food and to engage in for-
the uniqueness of each setting” (Smith 2005:35).
their telling, and so on. While locating answers
structures of meaning that allow stories to be
mal exercise programs – that can be met only by
to questions about the contexts of story produc-
evaluated as believable and important by more
people with considerable money and leisure time.
Within this contested terrain, methodologies for
tion can require considerable detective work, es-
than a few people, unpacking the contents of
Further, “good health” is both a symbolic code
examining personal narratives, the stories people
tablishing story background is critical because
codes contained in stories is an especially impor-
and an emotion code because good health is tak-
tell about themselves, have been the topic of con-
without context it is not possible to say anything
tant task. Yet, most certainly, this is very difficult
en as a sign of moral goodness which should be
siderable attention (see Riessman 2008; Gubrium
about the possible or probable processes behind
work. There are obvious problems when analysts
praised, while bad health is taken as a sign of mor-
and Holstein 2009; Holstein and Gubrium 2012).
the creation of stories.
and story authors do not share meaning systems,
al weakness that should be condemned. My point
particularly when meaning systems structur-
here is because the goodness of “health” seems
Yet, there has been little interest in developing
and Brissett 1990), what sounds so positive – good
Questions about Story Persuasiveness
health – is a system of ideas that has multiple
negative consequences. This includes assuming
methods for examining questions about socially
Once context is established questions about story
ing particular stories are antagonistic to those of
obvious, analysts might well not even see this as
circulating stories. As a consequence, published
contents can be asked: What is the scene? Who are
the analyst. The more systems of meanings con-
a code, as a system of ideas containing multiple
works on these topics tend to include only the
the primary characters and what types of people
tained in stories challenge those held by analysts,
layers meaning, not all of which have uniformly
thinnest of descriptions of the data, as well as
are they? Are there victims, villains, and/or he-
the more difficult it is to grasp the internal logics
positive consequences.
little or no attention to the techniques used to
roes? Are story characters particular people or
of these systems. Any project of de-constructing
analyze data. My project is to develop qualitative
are they types of people? Where is agency and
systems of ideas requires sustained attention to
While I have been focusing on how analysts can
methodologies that, while recognizing the value
what can it do? What is the story plot? What is
these predictable problems when analysts do not
examine systems of meaning embedded in social-
of creativity, nonetheless, promote the value of
central to the plot and what is mere detail? What
share a belief in the meaning systems encoded in
ly circulating stories, it is critical to distinguish
systematic explorations (Loseke 2012). Here, I will
are the morals of the story? What kind of a world
the stories being examined.
between analysts’ understandings and those of
22
23
Donileen R. Loseke
audiences. We know a great deal about narrative
essarily understandings shared by disadvantaged
how my examples here have been focused on sto-
While my question about apparent persuasive
consumption – how stories are used by social ac-
segments of the population.
ries and codes circulating in the United States.
abilities of socially circulating stories is only one
Portions of my rendition of the social problems
of several questions about the interrelated pro-
tors to justify policy, sell politicians and products,
mobilize publics, and so on. We need more atten-
While qualitative researchers often have the skills
story of family violence might make little or no
cesses of the productions and consumptions of
tion to how audience members understand narra-
to recognize subtle meanings contained in so-
sense to those embracing different understand-
narrative meaning, this is an important question
tive meaning. All too often sociological analysts
cially circulating stories, it is nonetheless critical
ings of the symbolic codes of violence, victim,
for practical and theoretical reasons.
focus on understanding what is most common
to explore and understand narrative meaning as
villain, and family. How much of what I claimed
and therefore, questions about “outliers,” the less
perceived by audience members. Who is persuad-
is particularly American and therefore, limited
Understanding the organization and work of vehi-
common, are not in sharp focus.
ed by particular stories? Who is not persuaded?
to one country? This is a demonstration of what
cles of public persuasion is of practical importance
What are the social and political implications of
has been called the primary need for direct cross-
in our world increasingly characterized as global-
Consider, for example, the story of “September 11,
patterns of persuasion? Important projects about
-cultural and historical comparisons (Stearns
ized and cyber-mediated, where vast differences
2001” told by American President George W. Bush.
the production of meaning should be in the form
2010). The problem of cross-cultural communica-
in experiences and life chances yield extreme het-
Public opinion polls show that Bush’s speeches
of audience reception studies: How do different
tion, that traditionally was a concern primarily
erogeneity and moral fragmentation, even when
about the events of September 11 were remark-
groups of people make sense of socially circulat-
for academics, tourists, and foreign diplomats,
people are sharing space and engaging in joint ac-
ably effective in both calming the great majority
ing stories? How does story persuasiveness vary
has been transformed into a global problem cre-
tivities. Under these conditions, meaning becomes
of Americans, as well as in encouraging them to
by race/ethnicity, social class, immigration sta-
ated by global communication, global economics,
a problem: The meaning of events, objects, or
support what was to become known as the “war
tus, political identification, and so on? How do
and global politics. Understanding the internal
people is not given; meaning can rapidly change.
on terror” (see Loseke 2009 for a review of this
important stories – those justifying policy, social
logic of meaning systems is a necessary step in
When meaning is a problem, shared meaning is
literature). However, not all Americans were per-
arrangements, and so on – reflect or ignore the
achieving cross-cultural understandings.
particularly difficult: The meanings of any particu-
suaded by this melodramatic story featuring mor-
understandings and needs of various sub-popu-
ally pure Americans as victims who now had the
lations? How are the meanings of these important
opportunity to become heroes and save the civi-
stories understood by particular groups of immi-
lized world from the evil terrorists. Cheryl Mat-
grants? Given the social and political work that
I have focused on one question in this manu-
is the meaning of immigration? The problems with
tingly and her colleagues (Mattingly, Lawlor, and
stories do it is critical to understand whose mean-
script: How is it possible for socially circulating
meaning become particularly important in democ-
Jaccobs-Huey 2002) talked with poor minority
ings are embedded in stories and how stories are
stories to achieve cognitive and emotional per-
racies which require debate and compromise. Con-
mothers and found that the poverty and racism
understood by those whose meaning is not reflect-
suasiveness in large, heterogeneous, and morally
sider the current political condition in the United
patterning these women’s lives led them to re-
ed in them.
fragmented audiences? I argued that persuasive-
States where divisions between Democrats and Re-
ness can be encouraged when story scenes, plots,
publicans are so great that the federal government
ject the truthfulness of the “America as victim”
lar object, event, or person are often multiple and
Conclusions
highly contested. What is the meaning of abortion?
What is the meaning of Islamic head scarves? What
story. The daily harshness and deprivation these
Finally, stories are built from symbolic and emo-
characters, and morals reflect the world views
has been all but paralyzed for over the last two
women faced because of their race and poverty
tion codes, and these codes are culturally situated.
and moral reasoning of audience members who
years. While this is a continuing source of material
led them to find it amusing that the events of Sep-
Given the rapid, worldwide circulation of stories,
evaluate story believability and importance. The
for comedians, it is serious: The work of governing
tember 11 had led privileged, pampered middle-
it should be expected that stories of all kinds will
more stories are built from the systems of mean-
is not being done. Consider also the social prob-
class Americans to experience “psychological
be associated with mis-communications and mis-
ing contained in the most widely circulating and
lems throughout Europe that are being created
trauma.” In brief, the general persuasiveness of
understandings. While cross-cultural communi-
the most deeply held symbolic codes and emotion
by vast immigrations of people who do not neces-
Bush’s speeches was accomplished by construct-
cation always involves such potentials, stories are
codes, the more persuasive the story potential is.
sarily share a Western, Christian/Jewish vision of
ing a story reflecting the underlying assumptions
especially prone to be misunderstood because so
Conversely, the more stories are built upon con-
the world, and who do not perceive they are being
of the politically central portion of the total popu-
much of what is conveyed in them is in subtle im-
tested codes, the smaller the approving audience
treated fairly, and so on. These are the problems of
lation in the United States. Yet, these are not nec-
ages rather than in explicit statements. Consider
for that story likely will be.
meaning in our modern world.
24
25
Donileen R. Loseke
Although questions about meaning are important
are also stories embedded in particular sets of
Atkinson, Paul and Sara Delamont. 2006. “Rescuing
Fisher, Frank. 2003. Reframing Public Policy: Discursive
for very practical reasons, these questions are
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also theoretically important. Indeed, sociologists
wise, observers note that politicians must justify
16(1):164-172.
versity Press.
argue that questions about the cultural produc-
war by constructing a “cultural mandate” (Smith
Baker, Phyllis L. 1996. “‘Doin’ What it Takes to Survive’:
Foucault, Michael. 1980. Power/Knowledge: Selected Inter-
tions and consumptions of meaning must be cen-
2005), that we cannot understand political speech
Battered Women and the Consequences of Compli-
views and Other Writings. New York: Pantheon Books.
tral in explorations about the organization and
without knowing the underlying structures of
structures of the social world (Lamont 2000). Con-
meaning from which this speech draws (Alexan-
cerns about the process of meaning making and
der 2010), and that if we want to understand po-
the contents of this meaning are visible in several
litical divisions, we must explore relationships be-
lines of research.
tween political platforms and underlying visions
of morality upon which these platforms are built
For example, observers interested in the workings
(Lakoff 1996).
of culture have been examining how social actors
go about categorizing people, objects, and events
These examples are merely instances of the gen-
and how these conceptual distinctions can be-
eral point: We cannot take meaning in our modern
come objectified as forms of unequal access to and
world for granted. We know that a common vehicle
unequal distribution of social resources (Lamont
for meaning making is socially circulating stories
and Molnár 2002). Observers of public policy ar-
and we know a great deal about the work these sto-
gue that understanding the process and contents
ries do in public and private lives. Now, we need to
of social policy require examining how policies
pay more attention to how these stories work.
ance to a Cultural Script.” Studies in Symbolic Interaction
20(1):73-98.
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Hanspeter Kriesi and Sidney Tarrow. Greenwich, CT:
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Berns, Nancy. 2011. Closure: The Rush to End Grief and
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26
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30
St. Thomas University, Canada
As a symbolic interactionist and student of How-
1993 I did not have the vocabulary to describe it,
ard S. Becker (1967), I have been heavily influenced
I had been captured by the widows’ narratives.
by the concept of the hierarchy of credibility that
acknowledges that there is a tendency to consider
People “narrativize particular experiences in their
that those with higher status have the right to de-
lives, often where there has been a breach between
fine the situation. I also use the concept of generic
the ideal and the real, self and society” (Reissman
social processes (Prus 2005), which suggests that
1993:3). These breaches encompass the day-to-day
social processes may be consistent across different
experiences of those who inhabit socially marginal-
Abstract Recent years have seen tremendous growth of interest in narrative approaches
social settings. These approaches have informed
ized spaces (Reissman 2001). My analysis of widows’
to research in both the social sciences and the humanities. Much of this research
my decision to study members of socially margin-
personal narratives allowed me to study systemati-
alized groups whose voices are often silent and si-
cally the social meaning, as well as the enormity
lenced. Hence, I have focused most of my research
of the disjuncture and emotional side of becoming
on widowhood among older people, older women,
a widow. I came to refer to the “breach between the
and Iranian Bahá’í refugees who live in Atlantic
ideal and real self” for new widows as “identity
Canada.
foreclosure” (van den Hoonaard, D. K. 1997):
Telling the Collective Story: Symbolic
Interactionism in Narrative Research
focuses on the stories of individuals and how they tell them. This article addresses
the contribution of a symbolic interactionist approach to develop the “collective
story” (Richardson 1990) through the use of sensitizing concepts. It focuses on
research on the experience of widows, widowers, and Iranian Bahá’í refugees to
Canada to demonstrate how one can use sensitizing concepts to craft a collective
story of members of marginalized populations that sit at the bottom of the “hierarchy
of credibility” (Becker 1967).
Keywords
Narrative Research; Symbolic Interaction; Sensitizing Concepts; Widowhood; Bahá’í;
I would like to start this discussion of telling the
Marginalized Populations
collective story with a story of my own. This story
starts when a student in my Sociology of Aging
Deborah K. van den Hoonaard is Canada Research Chair in Qualitative Research and Anal-
I
work in a Gerontology Department with two of
the best internationally known writers on narra-
ysis and a Professor in the Gerontology Department
tive gerontology. Both work in a theoretical realm
at St. Thomas University in New Brunswick, Canada.
and a practice realm (narrative therapy) (e.g., Ken-
Her research interests lie in studies of members of
marginalized social groups, such as old widows,
widowers, and non-European immigrants to Atlan-
yon, Bohlmeijer, and Randall 2011) rather than a sociological arena. Their approach centers more upon
tic Canada, as well as how they interact as research
individual life stories and narratives and how to use
participants. She is the author of The Widowed Self:
the process of life-story telling in a therapeutic set-
The Older Woman’s Journey through Widowhood (2001),
ting than mine as a sociologist. My first impression
By Himself: The Older Man’s Experience of Widowhood
of narrative was that it was too individualistic to be
(2010), and Qualitative Research in Action: A Canadian
Primer (2012). With Will C. van den Hoonaard, she
has co-authored The Equality of Women and Men: The
Experience of the Bahá’í Community of Canada (2006)
useful for a sociologist, that it did not encompass an
understanding of community and social forces. It
turned out I was wrong. Catherine Kohler Reissman
class lent me When Things Get Back to Normal by
M. T. Dohaney (1989). This short book was comprised of the author’s personal journal that she had
kept for the first year after her husband’s sudden
[i]t is almost as if [the widows’] identity were composed of a pyramid of elements, and their husband’s
death has resulted in a bottom block’s being removed
– the other elements may still remain, but they need
to be reassembled in a new way on a new foundation. It is the recognition of identity foreclosure that
has allowed these women to construct a new identity brick by brick. (p. 547)
death following a game of senior hockey. I took
the book home and spent two hours engrossed
Further, telling a “collective story” allows one to
and deeply moved. Having studied with Helena
bring in a more critical understanding. Laurel Rich-
Z. Lopata, the first sociologist to study widow-
ardson explains that a collective story “displays an
hood (1973; 1979), I had focused on the experiences
individual’s story by narrativizing the experiences of
of widowed persons in a Florida retirement com-
the social category to which the individual belongs
munity for my PhD. I already had an interest in
rather than by telling the particular individual’s sto-
widows. The power of this woman’s narrative was
ry or by simply retelling the cultural story” (1990:25).
striking. The literature on widowhood up to that
point tended to be quite dry, and no widow would
In this way, she argues we can “give voice to those
see herself in it. By the time I had put the book
whose narratives have been excluded from the pub-
and Essentials of Thinking Ethically in Qualitative Re-
has written about narrative: “[t]o the sociologically
down, I knew that my first post-PhD study would
lic domain and civic discourse … we convert pri-
search (2013).
oriented … studying narratives is … useful for what
be an analysis of published autobiographical ac-
vate problems into public issues, thereby making
they reveal about social life-culture ‘speaks itself’
counts by widows about their experience with los-
collective identity, and collective solutions possible”
through an individual’s story” (1993:5).
ing their husband. In other words, even though in
(1990:28).
32
33
Since Laurel Richardson introduced the idea of col-
ows, widowers, and Iranian Bahá’í refugees to At-
was only a word in the English language. Now it was
friends, they have to “be fairly cheerful and up-
lective stories, researchers across a variety of disci-
lantic Canada.
me… (1989:6-7 as cited in van den Hoonaard 1997)
beat” and not talk about their husbands too much:
plines have used collective stories to communicate
the experiences of individuals who inhabit a vari-
Sensitizing Concepts in Widow’s
ety of social categories. Ayala Aylyn (2010) devel-
Narratives
oped a collective story to communicate the experiences of individuals who had undergone trauma in
their lives and who identified themselves as resilient. Richard Pringle (2008) used collective stories
In interviews with widows, the intensity of the iden-
Well, you’re going to go away from here thinking that
tifying moment is a central part of the narrative:
I’m fine and I feel fine. Maybe you won’t be at the end
of the road ‘til I’ll be weeping, but that’s all right. (p. 65)
All of a sudden it occurred to me, “I am a widow.” Even
In much of the literature on widows (even today)
and in much of their portrayal in the public domain,
widows are depicted as sad, lonely, and the victims
though my mail may come to me as Mrs. ________,
If I’d have wept and wailed and howled [in my
I am a widow… And it was like all of a sudden I re-
friend’s] soup for the last six months…[my husband]
alized it… It hadn’t occurred to me…at the time of
would be very upset with me… Very disapproving…
of men’s experience with a rugby union in New
of life’s problems. Their collective story recognizes
Zealand, where rugby is ubiquitous and dominates
the challenges they face but also depicts them as
the formation of masculinities, as a pedagogical
creative, resilient, and courageous. The following is
tool to communicate to his students the link be-
a sample of the sensitizing concepts I “found” in my
It hit me so hard, it almost turned me sick for the mo-
feeling rules by doing the emotion work (Hochs-
tween masculinities and rugby. Although Richard-
data and developed: “identifying moments,” “keep-
ment. Somebody said, “You’re a widow.” And, it almost
child 1979) necessary to succeed:
son conceived of the collective story to address the
ing up appearances,” “couples’ world,” “making
made me feel sick to my stomach. That was the first
situation of people in socially marginal positions,
do,” and “my children have their own lives.”
death or at the funeral… Just all of a sudden, it hit me,
“Hey, I am a widow.” (van den Hoonaard 2001:37)1
Part of “keeping up appearances” is conforming to
time – I had never thought of myself as a widow. (p. 38)
I start with “identifying moments” because it is
dominant groups encountered and were trans-
a sensitizing concept that I adopted from Kathy
formed by recognizing their own privilege.
Charmaz’s work on chronic illness. She defines
identifying moments as “telling moments filled
Using the model of a collective story responds to
with new self-images … telling because they spark
Howard Becker’s classic question: “Whose side are
sudden realizations [and] reveal hidden images of
we on?” (1967). We are on the side of those who
self” (1991:207). Having read Good Days, Bad Days,
belong to social categories that are marginalized or
I immediately recognized the concept of identi-
stigmatized in some way.
fying moments in the autobiographical accounts
I read for my first study of widows. For example,
One way to make collective stories meaningful is
M. T. Dohaney wrote in her journal:
These stories of the discovery of a new identity,
to be very cheerful about the whole thing. (van den
the identifying moment, carry a power in the tell-
Hoonaard 2001:65)
ing that far exceeds a third-person description.
Through the shock and sudden recognition described almost like being punched in the stomach,
the story demonstrates that being a widow is an
unwelcome identity that carries with it stigma and
lower status. In fact, most widows say that they dislike the term. Even one of the reviewers of my article entitled “Identity Foreclosure,” herself a widow,
commented on her discomfort with the term.
to identify sensitizing concepts within them. Sensitizing concepts are constructs “derived from the
I was called a widow today. “Sign here” the girl in
As all research has shown, when a woman becomes
research participants’ perspective, use their lan-
the office of vital statistics said when I went to pick
a widow, she loses many of her friends. The women
guage or expressions [that] sensitize the researcher
up a copy of your death certificate … “Right here.
I interviewed concurred. They also knew that they
In the block that says widow of the deceased.” The
had lower status as single women and particular
to possible lines of inquiry” (van den Hoonaard,
W. C. 1997:1). In other words, sensitizing concepts
help researchers to understand their participants’
worldview (van den Hoonaard 2012). The next sec-
word pierced me like a lance and my sharp intake
of breath was audible … Later, as I walked home,
I tried to give voice to my new label. Widow! Widow! I mouthed the word over and over and although
tions explain a number of sensitizing concepts that
I could hear it thundering in my head, no sound
I developed to write the collective stories of wid-
would leave my lips … Until two weeks ago, widow
34
I just decided I have to pull myself together, you
know, take the bull by the horns. I have always tried
Middleton, Anderson, and Banning (2009) developed a collective story of how members of socially
ashamed of me. (p. 64)
responsibilities, one of which was “keeping up appearances.” This sensitizing concept refers to wid-
The way widows talk about the importance of
keeping up appearances communicates their lower
status. If they do not succeed, they will lose any
friends who did not desert them at the start.
A related sensitizing concept is “couples’ world”
which refers to the widows’ feeling of not fitting
into society in a comfortable way. When friends invite them out:
And much as they say, “Well you’re welcome to come
with us,” you always feel like the third person out. (p. 73)
I know that there’s always going to be parties…that
we used to go to that I’m not going to be included…
I tell you, it’s a couples’ world. (p. 74)
ows’ understanding that if they want to keep their
All quotations in this section, unless otherwise noted, are
from van den Hoonaard (2001).
1
Another aspect of widows’ collective story relates
to their relationship with money. For most, “making
35
do” or “getting by” is the concept that captures
tive to their needs, their adult children have “their
be down to watch TV. And he watches the house…
are central to the story highlight that they must
how they interpret their financial situation either
own lives.” These mothers need to make sure they
He checks to make sure everything’s all right. (p. 56)
“keep up appearances,” adapt to living as a single
because they are “on a strict budget” or “don’t care
do not overstep an invisible boundary that would
about money” (p. 104). This sensitizing concept
result in invading privacy, crowding, or expecting
This widow’s story of her relationship with her
do” with little money, and accept that their children
demonstrates older widows’ reluctance to appear to
too much. Several women demonstrated much cre-
children exemplifies successful negotiations of
“have their own lives.” Nonetheless, the collective
feel entitled to more than the minimal income many
ativity in establishing a new relationship charac-
a reciprocal relationship that protects an older
story also reflects creativity, resilience, and strength
of them receive. They compare themselves favorably
terized by reciprocity.
widow’s sense of herself as a competent adult and
that belie the stereotype of older widows as helpless.
recognizes that her children have their own lives.
to women who do not know how to handle money
through narratives of the inability to write a check2:
Like I have a friend whose husband died suddenly,
woman in a “couples’ world,” find pride in “making
One story of a successful negotiations comes from
one of the very few women who go south for the
Not all stories are of equal importance. Kenyon and
winter. She started by explaining:
Randall (1997:46-47) have developed the concept of
she’d never written a check. She didn’t have a clue…
“signature story,” a tale people like to tell about them-
and it was dreadful for her. She had no idea how
And my family, well, they’re just wonderful; they’re
selves or situations that they like to narrate. Similarly,
much money there was available, where it was, and
friends, as well as family. If I need anything, I only
on top of having all the emotional things to deal
a collective story may include a signature story. In the
have to make a phone call. And if I don’t want them
with is really, really too much. (p.106)
around, they don’t crowd me. (p. 55)
study of widows, the signature story communicates
challenge, perseverance, and the development of
a sense of competence and confidence, all of which
This situation of not being able to write a check
In return, this woman feels comfortable calling on
came up in many of the stories women told about
her children if there’s something she needs help
their friends or acquaintances even though they,
with, but she usually tries to fix things herself. She
themselves, knew how to write checks. It symbol-
told the story of installing window blinds. She put
ized the relationship (or lack thereof) that women
Well, there’s one thing, for instance, and it’s so sim-
up one set of venetian blinds, which took her over
ple…when the hydro goes out on the VCR and the
of their generation often had with money while
an hour to accomplish. Her son came to visit, and
clock…it’s blinking, twelve o’clock, twelve o’clock.
they were married. The reference to not being able
she went into another room for just a few minutes,
I never, now this is so simple, I never adjusted that
to write a check allowed the women to compare
and when she returned, he said:
themselves positively to women who were not as
well prepared. In fact, learning about finances while
“Your blind’s up.” He said, “I could have done that the
their husbands were still alive is the most common
first time, but I knew you wanted to do it.” So he let
advice these widows had for other women.
The last sensitizing concept in the widows’ stories
is “they have their own lives.” The women used
this phrase to describe their place in their children’s lives. It recognizes that although most widows expect their children to be aware of and sensiThe interviews took place in the mid 1990s. Today, widows
would more likely talk about ATM’s or internet banking. I am
currently doing a new study to see how the collective story of
older widows has changed in the last 20 years.
2
36
me try it. (p. 56)
This same woman needed someone to pay her bills
while she was in Florida and to keep an eye on her
characterize the accomplishments of widows and are
a central part of their collective story:
Sensitizing Concepts in Widowers’
Narratives
For older men who become widowed, the collective
story is different.3 One of the first questions people
ask when they find out that I’ve studied both widows and widowers is whether women’s and men’s
experiences are very different from one another.
And how! When asked to describe in a very general way what it is like to become a widow, many
women talked about how they met their husbands
and what their marriages were like. They could
not tell their story without including information
about what was lost, as well as what had happened.
In response to a similar question, men often talked
thing, and I just didn’t even know how to open this
about whether or not they wanted to get married
little box there… I left it for about…a week, blinking.
again or observed that women are “after them” as
Well, I put up a book so I wouldn’t see it… Yeah, I put
widowers.4 It is not surprising, then, that the sensi-
a book up and said [to myself], “I don’t know how
tizing concepts that construct widowers’ collective
to do it.” So, one day, I went downstairs and I took
my glasses and I said, “I’m going to fix this thing or
it’s going to be unplugged.” So, I sat down and I got
the instructions out and I just went step by step and
I thought this was a major, oh did a major job. Finally,
story are different.
The story, for men, revolves around the challenges
widowhood presents to their identity as masculine,
house in the winter. Her daughter pays her bills,
I got it. And it was just the idea, I had never done it,
adult men. I had not expected to approach the wid-
and her son checks on her house. She developed
and I had never even looked at the instructions. And
owers’ collective story in terms of masculinity, but
a novel system of reciprocity:
a child, of course, could do it. But, it was a big achievement there. (van den Hoonaard 2012:123)
Unless otherwise specified, all quotations in this section
come from van den Hoonaard (2010).
3
In fact, while I was working on the widower study, I was
interviewed by Anne Kingston for an article she was writing
about widowers for Maclean’s Magazine entitled: “The Sexiest
Man Alive” (2007).
4
Yeah, well, my son is very fond of ice cream, and he
can’t get cable [TV]…and he loves TV. So, I fill the
The collective story of older widows makes visible
freezer downstairs with ice cream, and I know he’ll
their lower status, and the sensitizing concepts that
37
the theme of being a real man was ubiquitous in the
ready gotten the man. Alinde Moore and Dorothy
I’ve played senior hockey; I’ve played senior basket-
what was wrong, things simply progressed until
data. Instead of looking at the men’s style of interac-
Stratton (2002) report a similar phenomenon, the
ball; I’ve played volleyball; I’ve played softball. Now,
their wife died. They summarized this process as
tion as a problem, I used Holstein and Gubrium’s
“casserole ladies” who also turn up in John Bayley’s
(1995) active-interview approach and used the inter-
book about his experience as a widower. Bayley,
action as data. I went back and listened to all the re-
widower of author Iris Murdoch, opens his memoire
cordings again to be sure that then men were “doing
with: “‘[n]ow, eat it while it’s nice and hot,’ ordered
gender” throughout the interviews.5 The following
Margot, putting a lump of casserole on my plate”
is a sample of the sensitizing concepts that emerged
(2001:3). Bayley (2001) writes about his own sense of
from an analysis of the data: “casserole brigade,”
being pursued by women as a “fantasy”:
“nothing fancy,” “all downhill from there,” “one
thing led to another,” and “getting out of the house.”
The most obvious example is the “casserole brigade” which is comprised of single women who
are lonely and seem almost predatory to the men
[t]here was really no need to feel threatened and disquieted. No doubt widowers’ weakness, as it might
be called, was a well-known phenomenon in circles
which widowers…frequented. They misunderstood
the kindness women bestowed on them in their trouble. (p. 45-46)
of course, I spent nine years coaching hockey at all
the provincial levels; I coached baseball, you name it,
and got involved with it, and I’d say, “Hey, come on
home, I’ll cook you a steak.” So that to me was enjoyable, it still is enjoyable. (van den Hoonaard 2010:151)
told about how they got together with their new wife
dent in the way the widowers told the story of their
or permanent girlfriend. In this situation, the sensi-
wife’s death. Notably, the men appear as central ac-
tizing concept is “one thing led to another.” This man
tors in these narratives. These stories have a partic-
from Atlantic Canada told how he met his girlfriend:
ular trajectory that includes: the woman’s hiding or
downplaying symptoms, an initial misdiagnosis or
minimizing of the ailment on the part of the doctor, a great deal of detail in the descriptions of the
relationship. This response came from a man who
A telling counterpoint in this collective story is
what happened after the diagnosis into the phrase
lived in a small town. He was replying to a question
the reaction of the widowers to the question about
about whether or not anything had surprised him
whether they knew how to cook and clean before
as a widower.
their wife died. The concept of “nothing fancy” char-
town I lived in]…is a small village of about 350 people, and I swear, 200 of them are widows – all living
alone. So the “casserole brigade” started, and I hate
casseroles. So, I had…a commercial freezer full of
casseroles… And [they] would start pounding on the
door. That kind of frightened me. (p. 95)
their cooking was quite simple; they did not know
how to make casseroles or desserts. Here, the men
used their story to distance themselves from women
and their traditional tasks by claiming not to make
the very kind of dish that women make when they
are in pursuit of men as romantic partners.
“it was all downhill from there.”
The men appear as central characters in the stories
of what happened when their wife first became ill.
For example, this man explained that the doctor initially thought his wife had an allergy. He recounted:
After a time, I didn’t think so. And I had a conversation with the doctor… I told him why…because of what
I said, he sent her for some X-rays. [Later when his wife
had severe headaches] I thought it was connected because they’d found a spot on her lungs… I thought it has
In an earlier study, a widow who lived in a Florida
retirement community remarked that if you showed
up with a casserole while a widower is sitting shiva,6
it is too early. But, if you wait until shiva is over, you
will be too late – some other woman will have alFor an in-depth discussion of widowers’ strategies of selfrepresentation, see van den Hoonaard (2009).
5
6
During this week of confinement from routine duties, the
widow or widower allows herself or himself to be cared for by
family and close friends (Marcus 2004:216). At the end of the
mourning period, the person rejoins society with the new status.
38
Men who could cook often listed masculine dishes,
There is a similar lack of details in the stories the
The need to claim their masculinity was also evi-
wife’s symptoms, and a truncated description of
Yes, about a month after my wife passed away. [The
outcome stands out as a crucial aspect of the story.
Atlantic Canadian widowers who were repartnered
in their attempts to attract a widower to a romantic
acterizes their story. Most of the men explained that
“downhill from there.” The inevitability of the final
spread… So, I talked to the doctor about that. (p. 99)
And there’s this lady next to me, and I asked her how
long the boardwalk was… And she was kind of chatty, got talking to her…it sounded like her husband
was something like my wife… So, one thing led to
another. (p. 36)
Compare his story to this American widower’s. In this
story, he initially approached his “friend,” but then:
After, she decided that she liked me… She came over
a lot more than I realized. I didn’t mean to make
a regular routine of it. I just asked her out once, and
before I knew it, here she’s coming in like she’s my
girlfriend… Actually, she pushed herself into it. (p. 98)
As noted in the introduction, narratives often reflect
the culture of the teller. This potential is realized
in the widowers’ stories about developing relationships with women, which reflected strong cultural
such as steak cooked on a George Foreman Grill,
or associated their cooking with masculine activi-
This type of agentic speech – in which the narra-
differences between Atlantic Canadians and big-
ties. This man provided a list of sporting activities
tor portrays himself as an independent actor (Kirsi,
city, Jewish Americans. The Canadians’ stories have
as part of his discussion about cooking. The story
Hervonen, and Jylhä 2000) – characterized many of
a fatalistic flavor captured in the concept, “one thing
of cooking steak for other athletes is an important
the stories the men told of their wife’s death (van
led to another.” The Jewish American stories also
part of the story:
den Hoonaard, Bennett, and Evans 2012).
involve a lack of agency on the men’s part, but, in
contrast, they emphasized their friend’s assertive-
I enjoyed cooking, enjoyed it, really. And yet, despite
In these widowers’ narratives, the terminal diagnosis
ness in establishing a relationship. There were some
the fact, and I used to tell a lot of people, you know.
was a singular moment in the story. Once they knew
assertive women in the Canadian widowers’ stories,
39
but in these stories, the men rebuffed or were fright-
For the widowers, getting out was also the alter-
reluctance to have too many commitments, freedom
stuff.” … And I said, “Well, does she owe you any
ened by the women’s forwardness. These differenc-
native to wallowing in one’s misery. Hence, the
and independence are two things that they appreci-
money?” They wouldn’t tell me that either. So finally,
es reflect very different, culturally-based definitions
mirror image of the concept of getting out is sit-
ate about being single. These quotes communicate
of the situation.
ting around. The men equated staying home with
the spontaneous nature of the men’s activities:
I said to the girl, “Well, I hope she does… You’re going
to have to find her to get it.” And I never heard from
them about that. (p. 59)
sitting around, with giving up on life:
The last sensitizing concept in the widowers’ collective story is “getting out of the house.” The absence of their wife as a companion was a frequent
theme, and being busy was a notable antidote for
We usually call one another up and “Meet you on the
river,” or something like that. Usually ski up and down
ter to be busy than sitting around doing nothing, sit-
the river and go across the road there. Don’t have to
theme of “winning” that is familiar in stories which
ting around and thinking. Now, I don’t sit around,
drive anywhere. Just put on my skis and go. (p. 133)
portray a man as a “lone hero pitted against the
solution for these widowers was “getting out of
Like I say, the pool [in the retirement community] is
According to this widower, having nothing to do is
equivalent to not getting out:
the house.” This sensitizing concept encompasses
how uncomfortable the men felt when they were
[Were there any times that were more difficult than
alone in their house and the imperative to keep
others?] [When] you’ve got nothing to do… Like an old
busy that is often seen as a panacea to life’s problems for older people (Ekerdt 1986).
dog, you go out [to] the road and look up and down the
Finally, community events provide opportunities
for some widowers to maintain a full social life:
where… Just get in the truck, head for town. (p. 128)
I keep myself busy… Everybody asks me where the
The collective story of older widowers illustrates
the challenges around masculinity for older men.
The sensitizing concepts that fill out the story
bring attention to areas that challenge widowers’
masculinity, such as lack of control and developing new skills that were traditionally done by
women. If there was one statement that sums up
the men’s collective story, it is: “I was the man.”
church suppers are for the weekend. So, I start look-
Put succinctly:
I go out as frequently as I can… So, what I do is go out
entered his house after his wife’s death:
– get the hell out of the house. (p. 128)
From a home point of view, for the first few months
The importance of “getting out” is related to the
after her death, and particularly the first time
men’s reluctance to have guests in their home. Their
I opened the door. I looked in to see if she was play-
collective story of keeping socially connected by
ing Solitaire at the table…and she wasn’t there. And
going out suggests that they are not likely to invite
so, the house was like a big, empty cavern, canyon,
guests in:
cave, anything you want to express is. There was
an emptiness there, and I was looking for her, and
I rattle around this house like a pea in a box. I get out
I couldn’t find her. And then, gradually, I accepted
quite a lot. Try to mix and socialize. (p. 128)
the fact… I got this storey and a half house all to
I like to have people around. I hate being alone. That’s
why I’m gone all the time. (p. 129)
This man’s alliterative description captures the
discomfort of being home alone. The only solution
“Getting out” is also a mechanism for informal and
is to “get out of the house.”
unplanned socializing. It reflects many widowers’
ing. If I want to be left alone, I just stay away. (p. 132)
I got to quite a few concerts… Meet friends there…
ample, one man told the story of the first time he
40
So, if I want…people, I go down to the pool in the morn-
… Like I say, you just have to pick up and go some-
ing to spend time in their empty house. For ex-
myself, and I’ve got to live with it. (p. 126-127)
a meeting place. You meet everybody there, eventually.
road and say, “Which way am I going to go today?”
When the widowers’ wife died, the meaning of
being at home changed. They found it challeng-
odds” (Coates 2003:196).
kind of, ”What am I going to do with myself?” (p. 127)
loneliness and being alone, which the widowers
talked about as if they were synonymous. The
This and other stories the men recounted have the
I’m not just sitting around the house, moping. It’s bet-
ing about Wednesday…and I’ll go to a church sup-
Iranian Bahá’í Refugees in Atlantic
per on Saturday… And, you meet a lot of friends
Canada
there… So, it almost got to the point where people
go to the supper and say, “Oh, I wonder if Patrick
will be here.” (p. 132)
The last collective story is that of Iranian Bahá’í
refugees who settled in Atlantic Canada. The
Just as there was a signature story for the collective story of widows, there is also one that communicates the challenge of older widowers to preserve their masculinity. This story involves a widower’s attempt to get customer loyalty points from
two different stores:
Bahá’í faith originated in Persia (now Iran) in
the mid-19th century when a young man, the Báb,
announced himself a prophet of God and the Harbinger of a Manifestation of God who would bring
in a new era in human history. Baha’u’lláh proclaimed himself to be this messenger and spent
the last 39 years of his life as a prisoner and exile.7
Like I went to [the store]; I knew she used to have
Bahá’ís have been persecuted in Iran since that time.
[their] credit card. And she had [their customer-loyal-
After the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the persecution
ty card]. So, I went in one day…to transfer her…points
became a severe and systematic attempt to strangle
to my name. No way in hell. No, they wanted a copy
the community.
of her will… They wanted her death certificate… So,
that kind of ticked me off… They say, “Well, maybe
you kicked her out, and you’re trying to take all her
Bahá’í social teachings include the unity of humanity, the
equality of women and men, and the elimination of racial and
other prejudices, among others.
7
41
The Bahá’í community of Canada has existed for
ting there…it was great. We stayed at his house for two
The Bahá’í refugees used hospitality and creativity
socially marginalized. In his book, Working with
almost 100 years and has about 33,000 members.
months, and that is the time I felt that being a Bahá’í
to address these issues:
Sensitizing Concepts, Will van den Hoonaard (1997)
Many Bahá’í refugees arrived in Canada in the
was the most incredible thing in life. (p. 4)
1980s through a cooperative program between the
Government of Canada and the National Bahá’í
Community of Canada. Most of the Bahá’ís who
came through that program now live in major urban centers, such as Vancouver and Toronto, but
a small number have stayed in Atlantic Canada. It
is the collective story of that small group, numbering about 200, that this article addresses.
The sensitizing concepts that arose in the newcomers’ stories are: “not knowing what to expect,”
“being treated like family,” and “using creativity
says that sensitizing concepts move us toward
They’re scared… But, we showed our love, we show
Like members of a family, I had no idea who they
more abstract or general theorizing. This article
all of it, we show all our love, and, “How are you?
were and they didn’t have any idea who I was. But,
suggests that they can also be the building blocks
Good morning.” (p. 8)
of a collective story.
they accepted me with open arms, and we became
almost like a family, and being here twenty years…
we still feel like a family. (p. 5)
The warm reception from the local Bahá’ís was
a contrast to the reception the Persian newcomers
received from the broader community. The implicit prejudice they faced made it hard for them
to find work or make friends other than Bahá’ís:
The collective story includes a combination of creativity and hospitality. Here is a signature story of
Persian Bahá’í refugees in Atlantic Canada:
[I heard from a neighbor that] “people think that
you have a rifle in your basement, and you are
waiting for some good opportunity to attack”
… I said, “No [we don’t have such things], you
can come and visit us.” Later on, they came over
Laurel Richardson writes that although a collective story is about a category of people rather than
individuals, “the individual response to a welltold collective story is, ‘That’s my story. I am not
alone’” (1990:26). She argues that the collective
story should be written in language that is accessible to members of the social category it involves
(1988) as a means of constructing a “consciousness of kind…a concrete recognition of sociologi-
and hospitality to neutralize blame and overcome
It was really hard to get a job. And everybody was fear-
prejudice.”
and, on purpose, I said, “Okay, I want to give you
ful, “Is this guy a good guy to work for me and is he
a tour of my house.” You know, let’s see the bed-
cal bondedness [which can] break down isolation
going to be able to talk in a [way] that I can understand
room, and… I take them to the basement, and here
[and potentially] alter the system” (Richardson
The story of settlement in Canada starts with the
it? Is he going to drive my customers away?” You know,
is the laundry room, here is the workshop…just
2000:336).
newcomers’ not knowing what to expect. They
you’re either white, Canadian people or you were not
show them everything, and now they are very,
part of them. So, it was kind of hard to break into. (p. 6)
very friendly. When they have any family problem
had no idea how rural Atlantic Canada is:
they come over here, and they ask us to solve their
Yeah, there were no tall buildings. When I came to
The newcomers chose to avoid taking the rebuffs
Canada… I thought we were going to a place like
personally:
problem. (p. 10)
You know, it’s very obvious [that I was being passed
ers includes the persecution that drove them out of
over for promotion]… I don’t [take it] personally. If we
their homeland and tells how they were welcomed
Nonetheless, even though they were unprepared
do…we never improve ourselves. You know, don’t get
to their new homes, the barriers they faced, and
for life in Atlantic Canada, the Canadian Bahá’ís
personal… That is life, and I’ve never been Canadian,
into Halifax…nothing but trees. (p. 2)
8
welcomed them like family:
And I remember, Mr. R. told me that, “You go [by train]
even after 100 years… I am [an] immigrant. You know,
I have to accept that and do my job. (p. 8)
and meet the gentleman called Bill.” And that was it.
They explain that, given the circumstances in the
No last name… So, we were supposed to stay at their
world, no one should be blamed for fearing strang-
home… And, when we came to the train station, the
ers, especially dark-skinned ones:
their efforts to overcome those barriers. The sensitizing concepts provide an entry to understanding
how these immigrants interpreted and dealt with
their situation.
Unless otherwise noted, all quotations in this section are
from van den Hoonaard and van den Hoonaard (2007).
8
42
search on widowhood appeared in the local newspaper, one of the volunteers for the study said that
she had read the book, found it very helpful, and
wanted to be interviewed for the new study to help
other widows.
This article has demonstrated the usefulness
of sensitizing concepts in the construction and
telling of a collective story. Because sociologists
develop these concepts inductively and use the
Conclusion
language of research participants to name and
formulate them, they have a unique potential to
train stopped…all the Bahá’ís were there… Very exciting time… And a few minutes later we were at Bill’s sit-
The Widowed Self (van den Hoonaard 2001), has met
this standard. When an article about my new re-
The collective story of the Iranian Bahá’í newcom-
New York…tall buildings, you know. And we flew
It appears that the widows’ collective story, told in
Not that I blame them because there are so many
This article has focused on three studies to dem-
contribute to collective stories that are both pow-
things going on in the Middle East that you don’t
onstrate how sensitizing concepts can assist us to
erful and accessible to scholars and members of
know, “Should I trust this guy or not?” (p. 8)
construct the collective story of groups who are
categories whose story is being told.
43
Acknowledgements
A Meta-Narrative Approach.” Journal of Transformative
pressed in Autobiographical Accounts.” Ageing & Soci-
Education 7:294-311.
ety 17:533-551.
The study of widows was funded by a Community
ers was funded by a Social Sciences and Humanities
Moore, Alinde J. and Dorothy C. Stratton. 2002. Resil-
van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K. 2001. The Widowed Self:
Researcher Award from the Seniors’ Independence Re-
Research Council Standard Research Grant, and the
ient Widowers: Older Men Speak for Themselves. New York:
The Older Woman’s Journey Through Widowhood. Waterloo,
search Program of Health Canada and a Grant to Small
study of Iranian Bahá’í refugees was funded by grants
Springer.
ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.
Universities from the Social Sciences and Humanities
from the New Brunswick and Atlantic Studies Re-
Pringle, Richard. 2008. “No Rugby, no fear: Collective
van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K. 2009. “Widowers’ strat-
Research Council of Canada. The study of widow-
search and Development Centre and Metropolis.
stories, masculinities, and transformative possibilities in
egies of self-representation during research interviews:
schools.” Sports, Education & Society 13(2):215-237.
A sociological analysis.” Ageing & Society 29:257-276.
Prus, Robert. (2005) “Studying Human Knowing and
van den Hoonaard, Deborah. K. 2010. By Himself: The
Acting: The Interactional Quest for Authenticity.” Pp.
Older Man’s Experience of Widowhood. Toronto: University
7-13 in Doing Ethnography: Studying Everyday Life, edited
of Toronto Press.
by Dorothy Pawluch, William Shaffir, and Charlene Miall. Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
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45
Transcending the “Black Raven”: An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational Exploration of Stalinist Oppression
Elizabeth Krahn
University of Winnipeg, Canada
Transcending the “Black Raven”:
An Autoethnographic and Intergenerational
Exploration of Stalinist Oppression
Abstract Many of Canada’s aging immigrants were displaced persons in Europe post-WWII and
Rabe) might appear, but, when it did, it was in the
and journeyed to Russia, Siberia, and Ukraine
dead of night and all would awaken as it made
in 2005. These experiences, juxtaposed with my
its way through the village, fearing that dread-
mother’s death, stimulated deep reflection that led
ful knock on the door which meant the arrest of
to my current research focus. I was curious how
a loved one, never to be seen again. My mother told
Russian Mennonite survivors, particularly women,
me about this dark period, known by historians as
and adult sons and daughters of survivors would
the Great Terror (Epp 2000). She would tremble in
reflect on their personal and intergenerational
bed as she heard the Black Raven approach, terri-
life experiences and possible emotional or mental
fied that my father would be taken. He was spared
health needs.
that fate, but my five uncles were not as fortunate.
The following central research question emerged
have internalized psychological effects of their traumatic past within a society that tends
to marginalize or pathologize them. While early collective trauma literature focuses on
individualized, psychotherapeutic approaches, more recent literature demonstrates the
importance of externalizing and contextualizing trauma and fostering validating dialogue
within families and community systems to facilitate transformation on many levels. My
research is an autoethnographic exploration of lifespan and intergenerational effects of
The earliest narratives I recall from my childhood
were incomplete storylines of my mother’s life, told
with little coherent context or feeling. The beginning of my life coincided with the first decade of
trauma perceived by Russian Mennonite women who fled Stalinist Russia to Germany
my mother’s fifty-year separation from her sisters,
during WWII and migrated to Winnipeg, Canada, and adult sons or daughters of this
who had all been sent to labor camps in northern
generation of women. Sixteen individual life narratives, including my own, generated
Russia and Siberia. Not all survived. Only decades
a collective narrative for each generation. Most participants lost male family members
later did I grasp more deeply her hidden pain and
during Stalin’s Great Terror, verschleppt, or disappeared in a vehicle dubbed the Black Raven.
Survivors tended to privilege stories of resilience – marginalizing emotions and mental
weakness. The signature story of many adult children involved their mother’s resilience,
suppressed psychological issues, and emotional unavailability. Results underline the
How do Russian Mennonite women who immigrated to Canada after the Second World War, and
their adult children, perceive the effects of Soviet
trauma on their quality of life and emotional or
mental health today, and what do they identify as
strengths and possible areas of emotional need that
require greater understanding and support from
how it had unconsciously affected my own mental
the...[social, cultural, and/or professional commu-
and emotional wellbeing. I also began to recognize
nities with which they are linked]? (p. 3-4)
this in other Mennonite families.
As both researcher and participant in this collec-
importance of narrative exchange that validates marginalized storylines and promotes
Keywords
(Krahn 2011):
individual, intergenerational, and cultural story reconstruction within safe social and/or
In my role as a geriatric mental health social worker,
tive Russian Mennonite experience, I was drawn
professional environments, thus supporting healthy attachments.
I witnessed evidence of unresolved effects of politi-
to an autoethnographic approach. But, first of all,
Autoethnography; Collective Trauma; Displaced Persons; Aging; Attachment; Narrative
cal trauma in some clients, and its effects on family
let me take you through my process with the lit-
members. As emotional or mental health issues had
erature.
Approaches
often been left hidden or suppressed until a triggering health crisis engaged these survivors with the
Elizabeth Krahn
completed her MSW at the
University of Manitoba in 2011. In addition to private
T
he Black Raven has long been a symbol of
death in certain cultures and, during the peri-
The Discourse on Collective Trauma
health care system, standard biomedical and psychiatric treatment often dominated an overall plan
Research evidence from various disciplines, in-
of care. Additionally, the needs of adult children
cluding psychology, sociology, social work, and
practice and independent research, she is currently
od of collectivization and political terror in Stalin-
were addressed only as they pertained to the care-
neuroscience, was explored to gain an understand-
also part of a research project at the Oral History
ist Russia, was a colloquialism used at many levels
giving needs of their parents (Mental health prac-
ing of the evolving discourse on collective trauma
Center, University of Winnipeg – her focus being on
of Soviet society to refer to the vehicles driven by
tice experience, 1998-2007).
and its lifespan and intergenerational effects.
aging WWII refugees and displaced persons. Stalin’s state police – then known as the NKVD (Ziolkowski 1998). In the case of Russian Mennonites, it
My worlds merged when I met my mother’s sur-
The study of collective trauma has, to a large ex-
was never certain when the Black Raven (Schwarzer
viving family members for the first time in 2003
tent, focused on Holocaust survivors and war
46
47
Elizabeth Krahn
veterans, although literature relating to other cul-
internationally (Porter and Haslam 2005), there is
els of stress to clinical diagnoses, including the re-
around the significance of the earliest attachment
tural groups has been emerging particularly with-
little acknowledgement in the literature (corrobo-
triggering of unresolved trauma due to significant
bonds between parent and child (Bowlby 1979),
in the last two decades (Danieli 1998). Much of
rated by Durst 2005) of long-term mental health
transitions or losses in old age (e.g., King et al. 2007;
accounts for difficulties in parent-child relation-
the literature addresses lifespan effects of trauma,
effects on the nearly 250,000 European displaced
Kuwert et al. 2012).
ships due to traumatic experiences and losses of
as well as intergenerational transmission, a very
persons and/or refugees of the WWII era who im-
strong focus generated by the Holocaust literature
migrated to Canada between 1947 and 1962 (sta-
Reynolds, in her exploration of psychological ef-
body of literature acknowledges the role of ear-
as early as the 1960s (Danieli 1998). There is also
tistics from Kelley and Trebilcock 1998). There is
fects in a non-clinical sample of 67 Russian Men-
ly attachment in the quality of attachments over
a growing amount of literature on the effects of mi-
a sense that WWII immigrants are a silent, invis-
nonites who fled to Canada following the Bolshe-
the lifespan (Merz, Schuengel, and Schulze 2007).
gration on mental health (e.g., Grinberg and Grin-
ible minority, assumed to have successfully assimi-
vik Revolution, found that anxiety, somatic com-
The attachment experience can also be considered
berg 1989; Berry 2001).
lated into the dominant culture.
plaints, and PTSD were exhibited at “significant
within the concept of familial transmission, which
levels above the norm” (1997:70) over seventy years
relates to family patterns, rules, expectations, se-
one or both parents (Weingarten 2004). A growing
Cumulative Trauma: Political Oppression, War,
Historical, ethnographic, and/or oral history pub-
post-trauma. This quantitative study was the only
crets, silences, and parenting styles that contrib-
Migration, and Displaced Persons
lications presenting culture specific displacement
research found that specifically addressed the
ute to issues and concerns of children of survivors
and refugee experiences of Poles, Lithuanians, Es-
question of lifespan effects of trauma in relation to
(Weingarten 2004).
In her classic book, Trauma and Recovery, Judith Her-
tonians, Latvians, Ukrainians, Mennonites, Ethnic
Mennonites, although Epp (2000), in her compre-
man (1992) speaks to the experience of prolonged
Germans, and other groups (e.g., Aun 1985; Danys
hensive ethnography of Russian Mennonite female
Societal transmission has been linked to forced or
trauma due to political oppression, war, and/or
1986; Plakans 1995; Werner 1996; Epp 2000; Isajiw,
refugees of WWII, provided a rich qualitative ac-
unconscious silencing of groups who can bear
captivity, which may contribute to a host of mental
Boshyk, and Senkus 2002; Patalas 2003) may pro-
count of women’s experiences of oppression, war,
witness to the past (Connerton 1989; Danieli 1998;
health issues. Related migration or displacement
vide personal anecdotes but rarely refer to men-
and immigration.
Volkan 2001). As Volkan (2001) further suggested,
is an additional crisis that compounds the entire
tal health effects. It is in presenting my research
trauma experience (Grinberg and Grinberg 1989).
to social workers in geriatric settings that I have
Drachman (1992) provides a stage-of-migration
received professional confirmation of the potential
framework to contextualize three primary stages
for long-term effects of trauma and displacement
The literature affirms the experience of intergen-
identity. Rousseau and Drapeau (1998) stated that
of refugee migration – pre-migration, transit, and
on European immigrants of diverse ethnicities.
erational transmission of collective trauma within
anthropological and sociological research regards
the context of many oppressed cultural groups,
society as the bearer of social trauma, contribut-
though little research has been conducted with the
ing to change in the web of human relations and
families of displaced persons of post-WWII Europe
collective representations, and influencing future
The literature related to lifespan implications of
besides Holocaust survivors. Psychological; famil-
generations.
Kuwert and colleagues (2012) found that displaced
collective trauma suggests three main trajectories
ial; cultural and societal; and biological modes of
persons of the WWII era, who currently reside in
(that at times overlap): (1) resilience based on inter-
transmission are presented (see Danieli 1998).
Germany, are significantly more affected by post-
nal and external resources that promote the abil-
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and somatoform
ity to go on with life despite adversity (e.g., Aya-
Psychological transmission was verified by Reynolds
that gained the “sacred status” of martyrdom,
symptoms than non-displaced participants, and
lon 2005); (2) post-traumatic growth which extends
(1997) who reported that children and grandchil-
while the suffering and degradation of their sur-
that symptom intensity is related to the amount
beyond resilience and involves reconstructing life
dren of Russian Mennonites who immigrated to
viving wives and children merely “symbolized the
of trauma experienced during displacement. Al-
meaning and value beyond being a victim (Janoff-
Canada in the 1920s demonstrated levels of anxi-
decline of the Soviet Mennonite people” (1998:114)
though increasing attention is being given to the
Bulman 2004) and transcending pre-trauma levels
ety and depression significantly higher than the
due to lack of male leadership. Epp (2000), in her
mental health of recent immigrants and refugees
of adaptation (Tedeschi and Calhoun 2004); and (3)
national norm. She also found evidence of attach-
ethnography of Russian Mennonite women who
in Canada (Khanlou 2010; Kirmayer et al. 2011) and
psychological effects ranging from non-clinical lev-
ment issues. Attachment theory, which centers
immigrated to Canada post-WWII, also challenges
resettlement stages – all of which tend to involve
traumatic experiences and the ultimate challenges
Lifespan Implications of Trauma
of adaptation and acculturation.
48
cultural transmission may involve the silencing of
certain cultural stories and privileging of others
Intergenerational Transmission
for the purpose of protecting and repairing group
In the case of Russian Mennonites, Taves suggests
that it was the men who disappeared or were killed
49
Elizabeth Krahn
cultural and religious narratives that marginalize
and that genetic expression is dependent upon
logical symptomatology that can arise in old age
text and underlines the importance of respect-
women’s experiences.
one’s ever evolving lived experience (Lickliter
(Tedeschi and Calhoun 2004; Walsh 2007). Viewing
ful social relationships and supports, as well as
2008; Siegel 2012). Moreover, as it is a relational
this through the lens of neuroscience, we see that
structural community change to enhance wellbe-
As Mennonite history is rooted in the Radical
phenomenon (Siegel 2012), as well as a cultural
authentic and validating narrative dialogue with
ing and quality of life.
Reformation of the 16
century (in The Nether-
one (Ivey, D’Andrea, and Ivey 2011), groups of
those who have experienced trauma and insecure
lands) when thousands were severely persecuted,
people may be neurobiologically shaped by com-
attachment, on an individual and a collective lev-
I have used a life course approach to contextualize
tortured, and killed by Catholic and Protestant
mon lived experiences and narratives over time or
el, facilitates neurobiological adaptations that, in
the multi-faceted experiences of survivors across
authorities over the course of a century (Loewen
generations. Thus, it is important to be cognizant
turn, support more positive human development
the lifespan (Hooyman et al. 2002). Also, view-
2003), Russian Mennonite suffering has been lik-
of the relationship between post-traumatic growth
throughout the lifespan and intergenerationally
ing these lived experiences through the lens of
ened by some Mennonites to that of 16th century
and the quality of individual and collective expe-
(Jordan 2008; Lickliter 2008; Ivey et al. 2011; Siegel
critical gerontology situates individual scenarios
“martyrs” (Smith 1981 as cited in Loewen 2003)
rience, memory, and narratives.
2012). Thus, we have a scientific explanation for
within socio-cultural and political conditions,
the tremendous importance of qualitative, inter-
both past and present, that point to a systemic
personal, and narrative processes in stimulating
problem rather than the sole problem and respon-
positive individual and social change.
sibility of the individual (Chambers 2004). Criti-
th
and the escape from Russia portrayed as a modern
equivalent of Moses’ exodus (Kroeker 2000). Such
Beyond Individualizing Trauma
powerful religious metaphors and a long tradition
cal gerontology and feminist perspectives on aging
of piety, stoicism, and pacifism have marginalized
Although various psychological perspectives re-
narratives not befitting of Mennonites (Kroeker
garding trauma assessment and treatment may
2000). In the case of women, this included stories of
have a place in human service, an overview of the
rape or other forms of abuse, as well as unresolved
literature demonstrates the importance of mov-
There appears to be a common societal perception,
be understood merely in simple cause and effect
emotional or psychological issues. Epp (1997) con-
ing beyond individualizing trauma and, rather,
reflected in social policy, of homogeneity with re-
terms. They are part of multiple, complex interact-
cludes that such experiences were often internal-
contextualizing it, thus, working with commu-
gard to older adults – a perception that can be in-
ing factors across long periods of time linked to
ized as a personal rather than a collective tragedy
nity systems to facilitate dialogue, healing, and
sensitive to differences in ethnic origin, history,
particular cultural, political, and historical con-
and judged by others as personal frailty or even
change on many levels (e.g., Walsh 2007; Den-
lived experience, and needs, as well as the fact that
texts that often affect men and women differently
pathology.
borough, Freedman, and White 2008). Earlier re-
our social construction of old age blurs multiple
(Hooyman et al. 2002).
search focusing on individual traumatic memo-
generations of individuals ranging in age from 65
Regarding biological transmission, empirical re-
ries does not account for broader social and cul-
to 100 or more years (MacCourt 2004). The sub-
Autoethnography provides the qualitative lens
search reveals a relationship between maternal
tural memories or the impact of social discourse
ject of older adults seems most often linked with
and framework for soliciting marginalized voices
trauma and cortisol levels in children born post-
on individual meaning-making, narrative, and
the rise of Alzheimer’s disease and the decline of
of women survivors and their adult children and
trauma, resulting in lower stress thresholds and
sense of identity (Hunt and McHale 2008). This
healthcare dollars.
constructing, from their individual narratives, rich
exaggerated stress responses to environmental
takes the process beyond the domain of individu-
stimuli (Yehuda et al. 2005). Empirical research
al or even group therapy and into that of social or
When older adults experience physical, emotion-
milial, socio-cultural, and political factors related
also points to the underlying neurobiology of life
community dialogue (e.g., Denborough et al. 2008).
al, and/or mental health issues related to early
to lifespan outcomes of collective trauma.
experience, parenting behavior, and attachment
It has been demonstrated that adequate social
life trauma, this tends to be viewed within the
– contributing to intergenerational transmission
support and validating witnesses to one’s lived
healthcare system as a personal pathology requir-
of either healthy or insecure attachment (Strat-
experience pre- and post-trauma on an inter-
ing individual treatment – which often privileges
hearn et al. 2009) and thus, impacting quality of
personal, family, and community level can sup-
a primarily biomedical approach. This research
While classical ethnography interprets in-depth
life across the lifespan. Neuroscience also informs
port adaptation that transcends pre-trauma lev-
recognizes the need for greater emphasis on a so-
accounts of human social activity within particu-
us that our neurobiological system is constantly
els of functioning, and/or counter or ameliorate
cial model of health and care (MacCourt 2004), which
lar cultural or social groups (Wolcott 2008), native
adapting to its internal and external environment
late-onset stress, loss of meaning, and psycho-
sees the individual within his or her social con-
autoethnography involves the study of one’s own
50
Theoretical and Conceptual Framework
within a life course framework suggest that early
life events, such as traumatic experiences, cannot
collective narratives that shed light on personal, fa-
Autoethnographic Methodology
51
Elizabeth Krahn
culture, which integrates the researcher role with
phenomena. Anderson has identified the capacity
Data collection involved participant observation,
and trust. Thus, data not only emerged from past
that of insider and, from this dual vantage point,
of autoethnography to facilitate self-understand-
interviewing, and archival research (Wolcott 2008).
experiences of participants but also from this mu-
highlights the voices of marginalized groups, often
ing “that stands at the intersection of biography
Participant observation occurred within the con-
tual sharing (Coffey 1999).
to challenge dominant oppressive discourse about
and society...self-knowledge that comes from un-
text of scheduled interviews, and insider status
their lived experience (Reed-Danahay 1997). It was
derstanding our personal lives, identities, and
provided an understanding and sense of Men-
The examination of archived documents, historical
Hayano (1979) who first advocated a shift from
feelings as deeply connected to and...constituted
nonite culture and experience. One-on-one taped
writings, and biographical literature sensitized me
the detached outsider status of colonial anthro-
by – and in turn helping to constitute – the so-
interviews were conducted with six survivors and
to the magnitude and weight of the story carried
pologists to a more subjective insider one. Thus,
ciocultural contexts in which we live” (2006:390).
seven adult children. One survivor was apprehen-
by Russian Mennonite women, but discussion of
sive about the use of a tape recorder, while an out-
this material is beyond the scope of this paper.
with the interpretive turn (Adler and Adler 2008)
and concern about the representation of the other
by outsiders, ethnography began to adopt a more
post-modern constructivist view (O’Byrne 2007)
and, in keeping with a transactional and subjectivist epistemology, findings are said to be constructed during the research process itself (Guba
and Lincoln 1994), emphasizing that the other
can only be understood in relation to the self and
that meanings emerge through social interaction
(Atkinson and Hammersley 1994).
Hammersley and Atkinson (2005), in Ethnography: Principles in practice (2
nd
ed.), suggested that
traditional ethnography and autoethnography
can exist within each of three paradigms – classical, critical, and postmodern (as cited in O’Byrne
2007). Attentiveness to research goals, personal
biases and assumptions, and what is best for the
cultural group under study is critical in the selection of compatible paradigms and approaches that
Having stood between two or more worlds of experience, I resonate strongly with this statement,
and identify with native autoethnographers who
highlight issues concerning exile, memory, and/or
shifting multiple identities, which lead to ambiguous insider/outsider status (Reed-Danahay 1997).
This autoethnographic process has facilitated in
me a personal shift from being an island between
the worlds of others to being a bridge.
Applied Methodology
This research project was endorsed by Mennonite community leaders in the city of Winnipeg.
Recruitment information was provided to pastors
of ten Mennonite churches, which had become
home to post-WWII Russian Mennonite immigrants. Personal announcements, in both English
and German, were welcomed at three churches
and provided the familiarity necessary for women
of-province participant provided me with a previously taped interview (the latter approved by
Data analysis involved description, analysis, and
the Chair of the Psychology/Sociology Research
interpretation (Wolcott 1994; 2008). Description in-
Ethics Board). Eight participants were members
volved the writing of a collective narrative account
of mother-child dyads, and remaining partici-
for each generation of participants, allowing their
pants were unrelated. Though two older women
voices to stand on their own with as little inter-
demonstrated early signs of dementia, consulta-
pretation as possible. In accordance with condi-
tion with family members provided full support
tions specified in the Consent to Participate, I have
of their participation.
used pseudonyms in the current paper in order to
protect the identity of participants. Participants of
Two one-on-one interviews (approximately two
each generational cohort were given the opportu-
hours each) were conducted with most respon-
nity to read their collective narrative to ensure that
dents who were invited to share their life sto-
they felt adequately represented and to provide
ries in relation to the research question outlined
overall feedback. Data analysis occurred through-
above. Specifically, participants were asked to
out the research process and involved organizing
reflect on how their (or their mother’s) Soviet ex-
the descriptive narrative account, as well as cod-
perience had affected them across the lifespan
ing and identifying prominent themes. Although
physically, mentally, emotionally, and spiritually.
preconceived ideas and theories that emerged
All participants were asked to reflect on their own
from the literature, to some extent, guided data
and/or their mother’s personal needs and how
gathering and description, the latter tended to be
these might best be served at this time. Addition-
an inductive process, with themes emerging or
maximize the research process. For the purposes
and adult children to approach me and feel safe to
of my research, I used the analytical autoethno-
participate. Nine respondents participated as a re-
al questions were asked as required for further
becoming clear during the course of the research
graphic approach proposed by Anderson (2006),
sult of my church presence – five older women and
clarification. I was interested not only in narra-
through careful observation and the privileging of
which integrates classical ethnography and native
four adult children. Two additional churches were
tive content but in the subjectivity of the narra-
participants’ voices (Anderson 2006; Wolcott 2008).
autoethnography and emphasizes analytic reflex-
the source of three more respondents, and remain-
tive exchange. Just as I witnessed participants’
Dominant themes highlighted in this paper were
ivity, narrative visibility of the researcher’s self,
ing participants learned about the research project
stories and their meaning-making process, they
related to matters of identity, emotional or mental
dialogue with informants beyond the self, and
from others who had informed them. Survivors
also witnessed elements of my own family story,
health and agency, culture, religion, gender, and
commitment to the use of empirical data to devel-
were between the ages of 78 and 96 years old, while
though to a limited extent, and, particularly, early
power (Reed-Danahay 1997; Fraser 2004). I was
op theoretical understandings of broader social
adult children were between 51 and 67.
in the interview process, to establish connection
particularly interested in patterns and themes that
52
53
Elizabeth Krahn
emerged within and between each generation. Al-
of Mennonites to Canada; no further migration
tended family members. Ella, Liese, Martha, and
camps. Anna’s sister and niece also disappeared,
though I integrate certain guiding concepts into
was permitted after 1930, when Stalin began the
Neta spoke of the intensity of the work on the col-
never to be seen or heard from again. Liese and
the discussion and interpretations of the results,
exile of community leaders, collectivization, and
lective. Liese commented: “...we were alone for
Martha were also being evacuated, but were
I do so only when these concepts are in resonance
Sovietization of the school system. The remain-
days that we didn’t see mom. We were in bed al-
saved from this fate because the areas they were
with what I have heard from participants. This em-
ing six participants – Frieda, Helga, Liese, Mar-
ready when she came home from work... In the
in were already under heavy German military
phasis on participants’ voices counters the risks of
tha, Neta, and Sara – were born between 1926 and
morning when we got up she was gone already.”
fire. Martha painted a heroic picture of her very
researcher bias or the privileging of my own per-
1932. The year 1933 brought a widespread man-
Both Liese and Martha had been given responsi-
anxious but resilient mother fleeing a bombed out
sonal experience (Anderson 2006).
made famine due to the forced export of all grain
bility at a very tender age (seven and eight years
train with four young children, no home to return
grown on collectives. All women experienced and
old) to care for siblings younger than themselves.
to and nowhere to go; armed only with faith, she
spoke of the chaos of this period.
Liese further commented, “I would...pick mush-
had found a home in an empty village that had al-
rooms and fry [them], and if we had other stuff.
ready been evacuated. Frieda reported how close
Findings
A presentation of the findings includes (1) high-
By the mid-1930s, Stalin called for mass arrests by
I built me a stove outside...and so I would cook
she had come to being shot as a Jew by German
lights of the collective narrative account of each
the NKVD. Seven of the eight women interviewed
then for our brother, my two sisters, the baby, too,
troops and expressed her empathy for the Jewish
generation and (2) an interpretive discussion of
had lost fathers tragically, primarily through
you know, and that’s how we existed.” Martha’s
population in Ukraine during that dark period.
these narratives, with a focus on the lived expe-
these NKVD arrests. Anna, who had lost her fa-
comment appeared to cloak an underlying child-
rience of participants. Their reflections on helpful
ther during the revolution, now lost her husband,
hood fear about her mother’s state of mind: “...the
Women’s narratives moved fairly quickly to the
social and/or professional supports are beyond the
step-father, and other extended family members.
cream of wheat wasn’t sweet...and we...told every-
drama of the flight to Germany with the retreat-
scope of this paper. The collective narrative of sur-
In the case of Frieda and Helga, both parents were
body mom wanted to poison us... We didn’t eat any-
ing German army, with the majority en route dur-
vivors includes a chronology of historical events
arrested. Ella stated, “Das war so eine unheimliche
thing that day.”
ing the fall and early winter of 1943. Two modes
seen through their eyes. Intra- and intergenera-
Zeit, so unheimlich. Dann wurde bloß so geflüstert:
tional themes are discussed and viewed in relation
‘Dem haben sie geholt, dem haben sie geholt, dem
Frieda and Helga, who had each at 11 years of
eling in horse-drawn wagons and half in freight
to relevant literature.
haben sie geholt,’ und nie mehr gesehen.” [Trans.:
age lost both parents and been taken to a Soviet
trains. Most were women, children, and elderly as
“That was such a sinister time, so sinister. You con-
orphanage, were shown images of people being
many men had already been lost. The pursuing
Russian Mennonite Women: The Collective
stantly heard whispers: ‘So-and-so was taken,
killed and pushed into mass graves and informed
Soviet army was a constant threat. Neta’s aunt,
Narrative
so-and-so was taken, and so-and-so was taken,’
that this was the fate of their parents. “We had to
whose husband had been taken in 1941, was so
and never seen again.”] This was one of the dark-
denounce our parents...say they were traitors,” said
emotionally distraught that she expressed the fol-
For each participant, life on Russian soil, from the
est periods experienced by these women and, for
Helga. Frieda recalled, “They told us...forget about
lowing: “Waut soll etch met [miene Tchinga]? Soll
moment of birth, was steeped in war, political un-
most, the fate of their fathers, and husband, has
your parents, [they] are enemies of the state and...
etch dei dautschlone?! [Trans.: “What should I do
rest, and/or oppression. The year 1914 and WWI
remained a mystery.
Father Stalin is going to take care of you.”
with [my children]? Beat them to death?!”] Great
of transit were used, with half of the women trav-
pain also resulted from the loss of loved ones to
marked the dramatic beginning of one participant’s life, a woman I will call Anna. During the
Mothers had to be very resourceful in order to
With the German invasion in 1941, participants
so-called natural causes exacerbated by condi-
Bolshevik Revolution, all males in her father’s and
survive with their children. The loss of the male
came under German occupation and thus, pro-
tions of war, and the inability to ever revisit their
grandfather’s generations were violently killed
head was accompanied in three instances by the
tection from Soviet forces. However, several were
graves. Ella lost her 18-year-old brother to tuber-
and their families dispossessed of their land.
family’s eviction from their home or even the vil-
separated from family members who had been
culosis and Anna’s mother died due to a poorly
A widespread typhus epidemic and famine fol-
lage – in Anna’s case having resulted in a move
relocated to eastern parts of the Soviet Union
treated bowel obstruction.
lowed, bringing us to 1922 and the birth of Ella. By
to a large urban center post-revolution and, in
prior to the German invasion – losses still deep-
this time, a tremendous climate of insecurity and
the cases of Liese and Martha, finding shelter in
ly mourned today. Young men, including Neta’s
In addition to the terror of bombings and survival
terror had set in, stimulating a massive migration
makeshift accommodations with the help of ex-
uncle, were “herded like cattle” and sent to work
in a war zone, several women also spoke of the
54
55
Elizabeth Krahn
ongoing risk of remaining in East Germany or Po-
early years, and long-term effects involved spinal
Only two women – Helga and Sara – disclosed
ing her middle age and onward. Anna’s sister
land during the Russian invasion, which included
stenosis for Neta, and osteoporosis, as well as ar-
having had severe emotional distress during the
and the mothers of Liese and Martha developed
not only the threat of repatriation but also a high
thritis, for Sara.
post-migration period; in both cases, the absence
dementia in older age, and each of these experi-
of family of origin and an adequate support net-
ences reportedly unleashed unresolved emotions,
work were primary factors. Remaining women re-
delusions linked to the past, and/or agitated be-
ported few emotional concerns during their period
havior. As Martha said about her mother: “She
incidence of rape by Russian troops. Martha’s
words reflected the constant fear they lived in:
Emotional Themes
“...group rape...it was traumatic, and my mother...
was so afraid...that that would happen to us. That’s
Although the emotional element could be felt and
of acculturation into Canada, but, in several cases,
would hit...kick...and bite...people – she was fight-
why she was very, very anxious to get us out of,
was, to some extent, articulated in women’s nar-
referred to friends or family members who had
ing, fighting against what had happened in her
and when we were in Germany it was just touch
ratives, it was not given much emphasis. Several
unresolved emotional issues such as “bad nerves,”
life...” Her mother would frequently pile all of her
and go, whether it would go to the Americans or
women attributed most of the emotional burden
unresolved grief and loss issues, and bitterness or
possessions onto her walker and announce it was
resentment about the past.
time to leave, as if preparing to “flee.”
Mental Themes
Spiritual Themes
The majority of participants placed a high value
A universal theme among all participants was that
on mental strength to cope with the challenges they
of gratitude for having escaped the Communist
faced. Their stories reflected incredible resource-
regime and survived in the midst of bombing and
fulness and agency – they were “doers.” Liese
warfare – having been “protected.” As Neta put
stated matter-of-factly, “If you keep working, you
it, “[The Russians] were always behind us [dur-
eat!” The corollary of this was that women could
ing the flight]...we had no passports, nothing, we
not afford to be “mentally weak,” too engaged with
just had faith.” Their faith enabled them to draw
their emotions. Such women were regarded as
“strength and...courage to face whatever [was]
lacking in character, will, or even faith. Liese ini-
coming [their] way.” Neta likened the escape to
tially described her grandmother as having been
the biblical Exodus and Hitler’s army was accept-
“weak,” but later decided that she “might have
ed for its role in this great escape, though Frieda
been a little bit depressed” as “several” of her sons
and Helga had experienced conflicting feelings
had been “taken.” Martha referred to an extended
about the German army because of its actions
family member – who had been sexually abused
against Ukrainian Jews. In general, all women ac-
post-immigration, kept the abuse largely hidden
cepted their powerlessness in relation to political
for the duration of her life, and been diagnosed
forces and relied on their faith in a higher power
ed her escape to Germany. Even when she learned
with schizophrenia – as having been mentally
to keep them resilient.
of her mother’s survival in a labor camp, and it
weak.
the Russians.” Helga described the Angst of these
times as follows: “...displaced persons didn’t want
to go back to Russia; there were suicides, they just
slashed their wrists...hung themselves, whatever,
because the liberators weren’t really sending them
to their homelands, they were sending them to Siberia.” Sara had suffered the fate of repatriation
and, at the age of 16, had been forced to work as
a logger. In 1967, she, her husband, and their children were sponsored to Canada by her mother-in-law who had lost contact with her son during the chaos of war and immigrated to Canada
with her other children soon thereafter. Ella had
initially immigrated to Paraguay with her family
as Canadian immigration policy had rejected all
applicants with health issues. As her brother was
terminally ill, it fell on Ella to help her father clear
twelve hectares of land, as well as produce the
bricks to construct their new home!
Physical Themes
to their mothers who had lost, or had been at risk
of losing, their men, and whose biggest concern
had been the survival and cohesiveness of the
family unit during the war that followed. Both
Liese and Martha expressed that their mothers
had provided little affection and emotional validation, being focused on survival. Liese’s mother
had minimized the loss of her husband, constantly reminding her children that “every[one] had experienced the same thing,” as he had been one of
seventeen men “taken” that night. Liese was still
deeply hurt by her mother’s unsympathetic parenting, and feels a degree of shame and guilt for
feeling this way about her mother, now deceased.
Frieda had adapted to her circumstances and
managed her emotional Angst by focusing on the
education that was available to her in the orphanage and, later, on every opportunity that facilitat-
Older women tended to project an image of life-
became possible to write letters, she remained
long physical strength and resilience and provided
emotionally detached; it was only after the birth
Some participants spoke of mothers or extended
which they enjoyed in Canada – to raise and pro-
few examples of physical repercussions of their
of her own children in Canada that she realized
family members who had demonstrated tremen-
vide for their families in a safe political environ-
Soviet experience. Some did acknowledge the is-
how “my mother’s heart must have been absolute-
dous faith and strength throughout their lives,
ment. They were grateful for the simple things
sue of food shortages and nutritional deficiency
ly broken.... [I] feel more what my mother must
yet, had suffered emotionally as they got older.
in life. Ella put it this way: “Ich bin so reich wie
coupled with physical over-exertion during those
have gone through.”
Martha’s mother had required “nerve pills” dur-
eine Königen! Ich kann jetzt essen was ich will,
56
Women also expressed gratitude for the freedom
57
Elizabeth Krahn
ich hab anzuziehen, ich hab ein Haus, ich brauch
er’s repatriation (Susanna). Edna, Lydia, Marten,
den from him. Fortunately, though injured, the
Emotional undercurrents were picked up vicari-
kein Wasser raustragen und keins rein tragen....”
and Susanna are the children of Ella, Lena, Mar-
children survived. Adult children also reported
ously by adult children within a context that did
[Trans.: “I’m as rich as a queen! I can eat what
tha, and Sara respectively. Diane, Dorothy, Dar-
painful family separations due to dispersal to two
not provide a means of appropriately processing
I want, have clothes to wear, a house, I don’t need
lene, and David make reference to mothers who
or three different continents.
them. Edna recalled a family scene around the
to haul water...”]
were not participants in this study. Adult children
tended to be more introspective, actively reflect-
dinner table, “mother’s tears coursing down her
Intergenerational Physical Themes
cheeks,” father looking grim, and children seated
In Canada, women adapted to the norms of the
ing on physical, mental, emotional, and/or spiri-
existing Mennonite community, which, accord-
tual effects of their mothers’ experiences on their
Darlene, Diane, and Dorothy reported traumatic
frozen little places, nobody said a word. It was com-
ing to some participants, had not fully grasped
lives.
pregnancies and childrearing experiences of their
plete silence.” David, who had been an infant and
mothers, in part due to malnutrition, includ-
toddler during his mother’s encounters with rape,
ing miscarriages, medical abortion, and physical
would often tear up during the interview process
fragility in surviving children. These physical
– his emotions easily triggered when speaking of
themes are closely linked to emotional outcomes,
his mother.
the depth of the traumas they had experienced,
though this was not stated as a criticism. Of sig-
Traumatic Events Experienced by our Mothers
nificance is the fact, mentioned by Ella, Liese, and
Martha, that women who had lost their husbands
Adult children provided brief accounts of the fam-
were initially not allowed to remarry because it
ily story in abbreviated snippets as the story had
was not certain that their husbands had, in fact,
been imparted to us. For Lydia, Martin, Darlene,
died. Indeed, participants recounted bittersweet
and Dorothy, this involved the arrest and perma-
stories of women who had remained true to their
nent disappearance of grandfathers and the im-
husbands only to learn decades later that they had
pact on the family. In other cases, the terror of the
survived in Siberia and remarried.
Black Raven had been no less palpable as women
around the table – invisible. “We were all in our
which will be discussed further in later sections.
Particularly traumatic for our mothers had been
Intergenerational Emotional Themes
the loss of loved ones through exile, disappearance, death, and relocation. For the mothers of
Most adult children were impacted by the emo-
Edna, Susanna, and Diane, immigration had re-
tional residue of their mothers’ past traumatic
sulted in permanent separation from family of ori-
experiences, reporting a range of underlying
gin, resulting in lifelong grief, emotional isolation
emotions mothers masked from the community
within the Mennonite community, and primary
around them, including fear, grief, anger, resent-
reliance on immediate family, particularly eldest
ment, anxiety, paranoia, depression, loneliness,
or only daughters. Each of these three daughters
and/or homesickness. Edna, Diane, and Dorothy
described having been her mother’s “confidante”
identified maternal trust issues; two mothers were
since childhood, and Edna and Diane specifically
quoted as saying: “You can’t trust anyone outside
used this term. Edna expressed that “emotionally,
the family.” Daughters felt this may be related to
I’ve always felt like I’ve carried my mom,” while
the history of fear and betrayal on the collective,
Susanna felt that she had “mothered” her own
but that it was also likely a way of ensuring emo-
mother since childhood. “The focus was more on
several years in prisoner-of-war camps. Without
tional safety in a religious community where they
my mother’s grief and my mother’s experience
the protection of her husband, David’s mother
did not feel totally accepted. Edna, Lydia, David,
than it was really on my experience,” Edna reflect-
Two sons and six daughters contributed to this
had been the victim of multiple rapes while on
Darlene, and Diane stressed their mothers’ focus
ed. Although most children reported that they
narrative. Four of us were born in Canada (Lydia;
the eastern front, protecting herself from group
on “fitting in,” “keeping up appearances,” “saving
knew their mothers loved them, and that mothers
Martin; Diane; Dorothy); two in South America
rape by submitting herself to one Russian soldier.
face,” and “avoiding gossip” within the context of
emphasized maintenance of strong family bonds,
(Edna; Darlene); one had been an infant during
Efforts to avoid his advances put her children at
the Canadian Mennonite community, which meant
Edna, Lydia, Susanna, and Diane found that their
the escape from Ukraine in 1943 (David); and one
risk; indeed, he had thrown a grenade into the
not disclosing innermost thoughts and emotions to
family experience provided little emotional sup-
had been born in the Soviet Union after her moth-
children’s bedroom one night when she had hid-
their peers.
port. Edna expressed it this way:
had lost extended family members. Diane lost five
The majority of participants relied almost exclu-
uncles and, in another dramatic case, Darlene’s
sively on family and church networks to meet
uncle had been informing on male relatives in or-
social needs and appeared to be secure in their
der to protect himself; ultimately, he was also ar-
religious life. However, a few comments suggest-
rested, never to be seen again.
ed that some Mennonite women may experience
guilt in later life related to childhood choices in-
In addition to anecdotes about the loss of loved
fluenced by Communist propaganda. In Liese’s
ones during the Revolution, famine, collectiviza-
case, this had involved the refusal to pray with
tion, exiles, arrests, and flight, Edna, David, and
her parents or to believe in God.
Darlene reported that their fathers had been conscripted into the German army – two having spent
Adult Children: The Collective Narrative
58
59
Elizabeth Krahn
Try to have a real conversation with her. It’s really
The majority of adult children reported their moth-
(Edna’s mother Ella). The former later developed
lens of faith and resilience. A foundational story
difficult to talk about real issues, to talk about what’s
ers had relied upon “mental strength” to cope
dementia, during which underlying suppressed
for him revolved around the experience of his
really going on... I wanted her to be supportive of my
with almost insurmountable circumstances. They
emotions had surfaced. Only Martin described
maternal grandmother who, during the German
were described as “mentally tough” and having
both his mother and grandmother as fully resil-
invasion of Ukraine, stranded with her four chil-
“strength of mind.” David stated: “When they got
ient, applauding their strength of character and
dren “in the middle of the steppes of Russia with
raped, they pulled themselves together.” Another
making no mention of underlying emotional or
absolutely nothing...prayed and asked God: ‘Will
adult child indicated that “they couldn’t give up”
mental health issues.
you really abandon us?!’ and experienced that he
feelings and...emotions [and] it was an impossible
task for her... I think there’s a huge disconnect in the
family...and that causes me anxiety.
Lydia linked this emotional unavailability to her
grandmother’s stoic survival since the Revolution.
and would always “make the best of it.” Lydia said
did not.” Martin provided no further storylines
this about women in her extended family: “Not one
Several adult children admitted to undiagnosed
of them ended [up] in a mental institute, none of
mental health concerns of their own over the
them, they all functioned.”
lifespan. Darlene, Diane, and Dorothy reported
However, most children also held a common
having experienced what they identified as symp-
belief that our mothers had struggled within
Mental strength, faith, resilience, and resourceful-
toms of anxiety, beginning in early childhood,
the context of the Canadian Mennonite church,
ness were interrelated themes in the narratives of
which they attributed specifically to their moth-
which had silenced subjectivity and controver-
adult children. Edna, Lydia, Diane, and Dorothy
ers’ traumatic experiences prior to and through-
sial personal experiences, providing black and
felt that their mother’s mental strength came at
out their pregnancies. Symptoms and related is-
white options that usually involved burying
the expense of “the softer side.” They confirmed
sues included depressed mood, heightened sen-
one’s emotional pain and submitting to a high
that emotional needs and mental health issues
sitivity to light and sound, nightmares, obsessive
moral code which required stoic acceptance of
were often perceived by their mothers as “lack
and/or paranoid behavior (e.g., being triggered by
one’s circumstances or fate. For example, Edna’s
of faith” and/or “weakness of character.” This be-
legal documents and authority figures, particu-
mother, Ella, suffered from depression due to her
lief was thought to encourage women to internal-
larly those in uniform; sleeping with weapons
husband’s refusal to sponsor her parents from
ize emotions and deal with them independently
under the bed), and anorexia with extreme weight
Paraguay. When she sought support from her
as best they could. Several adult children stated
loss. Other adult children had less extreme con-
pastor, he admonished her “to go home and do
that, although their mothers had demonstrated
cerns relating to self-worth, self-confidence, and
riencing those kind of emotions now, some kind
what your husband tells you.” With no safe place
resilience, this had often masked underlying
questions of cultural and religious identity. Many
to turn, she had become socially isolated, relying
of backlash of my [childhood] experience,” which
emotional issues. These adult children described
of the above-mentioned concerns were linked by
for many years on Valium and upon her young
had been “a very traumatic upbringing.”
emotional states that one could associate with de-
participants to the lack of emotional availability
daughter for emotional support.
pression, anxiety, and/or PTSD, though they had
and validation experienced within their family of
no knowledge of any clinical diagnoses ever hav-
origin.
The maternal lineage of strength and control was
marked by the admonition: “Get over it!” “There’s
a hardness there... Somewhere in her experience,
[my mother] developed a hardness which makes
it hard for her to show compassion.” Edna and
Diane also perceived this lack of compassion in
their mothers, but “[b]eing stoic doesn’t mean
they don’t feel; they just can’t show it easily.”
Often the emotionality of the family story was
grasped more deeply over time, in the case of
Lydia, once she began to have her own children,
but, in other cases, even more recently. “It’s only
become more and more clear to me within the last
five [or] ten years,” said Edna, “...I’m really expe-
Intergenerational Mental Themes
beyond that of faith.
The case of fathers being conscripted into the Ger-
ing been made. Indeed, David clearly described
man army was also controversial, first of all be-
Adult children interpreted the term “mental”
a phenomenon known as night terrors, one of many
broadly, ranging from viewing “mental strength” as
possible symptoms of PTSD, in the case of his
a means of managing one’s life and one’s emotions,
mother after immigrating to Canada. In the case
All adult children felt that faith had been a core
in the SS. David reported that his father claimed
to various forms of “mental illness,” such as symp-
of Lydia’s grandmother and the mothers of Edna,
factor in their mother’s survival. David made
never to have killed anyone – always shooting ei-
toms of depression, anxiety, and PTSD. Also in-
Susanna, David, and Dorothy, lifelong resilience
the following comment: “...faith was their whole
ther “up into the air or down into the ground.”
cluded in this continuum was the notion of “mental
was said to have masked emotional distress for
way of life...and gave them the strength of mind
For Darlene’s mother, her husband’s choice to vol-
constructs,” such as thoughts and beliefs of mothers
which at least one (Lydia’s grandmother) had re-
to carry on.” Martin echoed this statement, and
untarily join the SS had stirred in her tremendous
that may have shaped those of adult children.
portedly taken “nerve pills” and another Valium
viewed his family history entirely through the
moral and emotional conflict because she had
60
Intergenerational Spiritual Themes
cause Mennonites were traditionally pacifist and,
secondly, because at least one father had served
61
Elizabeth Krahn
witnessed the loss of good Jewish friends at the
or children out of wedlock, and not adopting life-
questions concerning physical, emotional, men-
or sharpened life experiences that presented posi-
hands of German troops during the occupation
styles or ideologies in conflict with Mennonite
tal, and spiritual aspects of life, though this in-
tive and proactive qualities and flattened and,
of Ukraine. Moreover, the German authorities
dogma. David’s mother had resisted psychiat-
formation was embedded in their narratives and I
in some instances, silenced, those reflecting per-
had ordered her to have their 2-year-old son with
ric care for her schizophrenic son as she felt he
had to sift it out.
sonal characteristics that were inconsistent with
Down syndrome euthanized, though he died of
simply needed more faith. These stances created
natural causes first. These inner conflicts could
significant inner conflict for adult children who
A model of narrative analysis outlined by Spec-
depression, marital discord, poor pastoral care,
not be easily resolved.
felt emotional distance from their mothers and/
tor-Mersel (2010) provides one means of exploring
and twenty years of Valium, while Liese flattened
or were struggling to find their own identity in
how women told their narratives. This model out-
the anger and resentment she continues to feel
a bicultural world.
lines six mechanisms of selection by which bio-
towards her mother, who had never been able to
graphical information is chosen by an individual
provide emotional validation. In both cases, their
for the purpose of supporting a particular claimed
daughters, Edna and Lydia respectively, had suf-
identity. The six mechanisms are (1) inclusion, in-
fered from their emotional unavailability and lack
of compassion.
It was considered “a huge shame to have mental illness.” Several adult children reported that
mothers internalized the rigidity of the Menno-
Analysis and Discussion
nite church doctrine along with their emotional
this image. Ella was completely silent about her
pain, seeking to gain favor within the church
In-depth individual interviews have provided rich
volving parts of the life story preferred in the nar-
community and in the eyes of God. Diane de-
data for collective narratives, as well as a means
rative because they support the identity claim of
scribed this as the “spiritualization of suffering,”
of exploring intra- and intergenerational patterns
the story teller; (2) sharpening, the act of emphasiz-
The flattening or silencing of highly emotional
while Susanna stated, “they didn’t focus on the
and themes. This has revealed a multi-layered
ing or exaggerating preferred aspects of the story;
experiences of early childhood by several par-
love of God, they focused on the rules.” Darlene
story involving the interplay of physical, emo-
(3) omission of certain parts of the story deemed
ticipants, particularly in relation to the emotional
and Diane felt that this focus on following the
tional, mental, cultural, and religious factors that
irrelevant to the claimed identity and preferred
distance or total absence of their own mothers
rules sometimes resulted in women having a cri-
bear on individual, intergenerational, and collec-
story line; (4) silencing parts of the story that con-
(for example, Frieda, one of the orphans, and sev-
sis of faith at the end of their life. At the end of her
tive experiences and narrative meaning-making.
tradict preferred story lines; (5) flattening, mini-
eral participating and non-participating mothers
life, Darlene’s mother feared that “I’m not good
Of interest is the fact that both individual and col-
mizing, or condensing certain facts, events, and
who had carried tremendous responsibility on
enough...I’ve done too many bad things, the Lord
lective marginalization of certain life experiences
periods of the life history to assert their insignifi-
the collective), resonates strongly with the litera-
won’t take me in!” In addition to the loss of her
confined women and their offspring to rigid, and
cance; and (6) appropriate meaning attribution, which
ture describing insecure attachment. Lack of emo-
2-year-old son, Darlene’s mother had required
sometimes unconscious, relational patterns and
refers to the act of ascribing a particular meaning
tional validation from our earliest attachment fig-
a medical abortion of twins for which she felt
emotional or psychological states that were diffi-
to a past event in order to support a claimed iden-
ure shapes quality of attachments across the lifes-
tremendous guilt. This tragic loss of her siblings
cult to transcend. What follows is a review of key
tity. The analysis of women’s narratives was aided
pan, including with our future children (Merz et
coupled with her mother’s deep spiritual conflict
themes, patterns, and needs (1) related to lifespan
by the additional knowledge gained from the nar-
al. 2007).
prior to her death is deeply felt by Darlene – the
effects on older women and (2) intergenerational
ratives of adult children.
replacement child.
effects on adult children, discussed in relation to
relevant literature.
Concern about the rules also meant that several
The literature on post-traumatic growth recomIn terms of inclusion, the majority of women fo-
mends that trauma survivors develop coherent
cused on the challenges they had endured; per-
and congruent life narratives which integrate
mothers imposed high religious standards and
Russian Mennonite Women: Narrative Analysis
sonal losses experienced; reliance upon mental
past, present, and future, including underlying
expectations on their children to counter secular
in Relation to Lifespan Impacts
strength and faith; resilience; and their ability to
trauma-related emotional or psychological is-
reconstruct new lives in Canada. In some cases,
sues (Janoff-Bulman 2004; Tedeschi and Calhoun
influences from the larger community as, under
the scrutiny of the Mennonite community, the
Women tended to provide chronological accounts
the flattening or total omission of emotional and/
2004). Although Frieda and Helga demonstrated
quality of their children’s lives would reflect back
of their lives in which prominent themes related
or psychological storylines was only clearly re-
integration of emotional story-lines into their life
on them. This included marrying within the Men-
to what happened and how they put the past behind
cognized upon hearing the narratives of adult
narratives, it appears that several research par-
nonite community, avoiding the stigma of divorce
them. They did not actively reflect on the guiding
children. For example, Ella and Liese emphasized
ticipants may have experienced mere resilience in
62
63
Elizabeth Krahn
the absence of safe, validating attachments and/
cultural narratives, thus, limiting lifespan and
ability to relate to the deep suffering carried by
one can distinguish between: (1) personal char-
or environments where they could integrate and
intergenerational collective experience and mem-
women and to integrate that experience into our
acteristics that stem from past trauma; (2) inher-
voice a more coherent life narrative.
ory (Volkan 2001).
own (Bragin 2010). In my mind, to silence the oth-
ent personality traits; and (3) familial, cultural,
er is to deny an experience of the whole of which
and religious influences on personal develop-
The collective narrative of each generation points
It is important to note that most women appear
we are a part. “I see a strong parallel between the
ment. Intergenerational patterns and themes that
to a claimed identity of mental strength, faith, and
to have internalized the claimed identity of the
experience of separation and exile, which was so
have emerged suggest interplay between all of
resilience with regard to women survivors. In
Mennonite church. Although many adult children
common during the Stalinist era, emotional ex-
these factors over time in relation to past trauma.
the case of Martin and his mother, Martha, each
noted that their mothers had struggled emotion-
ile within the Mennonite community and fam-
These are presented within the categories of fa-
gave dramatic accounts of a terrifying incident
ally within the Mennonite church context, such
ily, and exile from one’s deepest self” (Krahn
milial, cultural, and biological modes of trauma
experienced by the grandmother, where the lat-
critique was missing – omitted or silenced – in the
2011:175-176).
transmission.
ter had felt the protection of God in the middle of
narratives of older women.
Tedeschi and Calhoun (2004) stress the impor-
Familial Transmission
the steppes of Russia when the train she and her
children were to be on was bombed during the
Older women tended to minimize or flatten their
tance of crafting complete, coherent narratives
German invasion. In each account, the dominant
suffering. One woman even felt that I may not be
that incorporate new perspectives; mutual sup-
The concept of familial transmission has been
meaning attributed to this experience was that of
interested in her story because she believed she
port and narrative exchange so that stories tran-
applied to comments related to family patterns,
mental strength and faith. While Martin’s version
had not suffered as much as women who had
scend individuals; and self-disclosure in support-
rules, secrets, silences, parenting style, and at-
completely omitted his grandmother’s experience
grown up on a collective. This was the woman
ive social environments – all of which lead to the
tachment experiences that many adult children
of emotional pain, Martha’s did acknowledge her
who had lost all male members of her family dur-
further revision and transformation of one’s life
identified as contributing to intergenerational is-
mother’s anxiety though emphasized resilience.
ing the Revolution and later lost her husband dur-
story, as well as post-traumatic growth as opposed
sues or concerns (Danieli 1998; Weingarten 2004).
She later also admitted that unresolved anger and
ing Stalin’s purges. Women tended to normalize
to mere resilience. They also apply the concept of
Several adult children internalized emotional
terror had surfaced during her mother’s demen-
and internalize the spirituality of suffering and,
post-traumatic growth to social change in the af-
undercurrents that permeated the household,
tia process once mental strength and resilience
in some cases, rigid, and rule-based religious
termath of trauma in order to challenge socially
such as heightened anxiety, fear, mistrust, dif-
were no longer available to her. Martin, on the
practice – a perception which was held by several
and/or culturally shared schemas that restrict
ficulty expressing emotions, underlying anger,
other hand, appeared totally oblivious to the life-
adult children. Moreover, women’s expression of
such growth. We would do well to engage in vali-
resentment, guilt, or grief. These undercurrents
long emotional suffering of his grandmother and,
faith, strength, and resilience tended to be linked
dating narrative and relational practices in all so-
were often felt within the context of silence, in-
when describing her final years, did not identify
to a more silent, meek, and submissive role than
cial and professional environments that touch the
cluding unexpressed emotions and/or storylines.
any of the delusional behaviors or emotional out-
that of men; they had been conditioned both under
oft marginalized lives of older adults.
At least three daughters had also become part of
bursts mentioned by his mother. This example,
Communism and by their Mennonite upbringing
as well as stories such as Neta’s likening of the
to work hard and carry on without overt com-
Adult Children: Narrative Analysis in Relation to
her mother’s confidante at a young age, and had
escape from Russia to the biblical “Exodus”, dem-
plaint, to successfully cope within the parameters
Intergenerational Legacies
been entrusted with certain family secrets. This
onstrate the power of preferred but incomplete
of outside forces. Thus, silence applied not only to
meanings often attributed to life experiences,
emotional pain but to other forms of expression,
Adult children tended to be quite reflective and
resented unhealthy attachment relationships,
and the potential for these meanings to restrict
and often meant bowing to external authority, in-
articulate about the influence of their mother’s
which denied daughters the emotional valida-
coherence and post-traumatic growth across the
cluding that of husband and church.
lives on their mental-emotional development
tion that they themselves required. The fact that
and wellbeing. However, they had not neces-
all mothers had experienced painful losses and
lifespan and intergenerationally (Tedeschi and
an unconscious pact of silence, as each had been
emotional dependency upon the daughters rep-
Calhoun 2004). Moreover, we can see, by exten-
The silencing of the other is sometimes an uncon-
sarily made a connection between the traumatic
separations had contributed to a strong empha-
sion, the power of dominant meaning attribution
scious act, and may involve emotionally distanc-
experiences of the past and the emotional out-
sis on family cohesiveness, though family con-
of the Mennonite church to restrict coherence in
ing oneself from the world of the other – the in-
comes. Indeed, some participants wondered how
nection on a deeper level was, in several cases,
64
65
Elizabeth Krahn
felt by adult children to be inadequate or absent.
Half of adult child participants in this study felt
in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia, namely,
phrenia within the extended family; war rape;
These examples clearly demonstrate the kind of
that their individual identities had, in their youth,
general anxiety and depressive mood, with un-
SS involvement; marital conflict due to husband’s
family dynamics that contribute to the intergen-
been overshadowed by the family and collective
derlying guilt and fear of rejection or punishment
refusal to sponsor wife’s family to Canada; lack of
erational transmission of insecure attachment
history of trauma, as well as the collective theol-
by God, low self-esteem, self-deprecation, and
pastoral support to resolve marital conflict; men-
(DeOliveira, Moran, and Pederson 2005). Many
ogy and values of the Mennonite church. Most
a host of somatic symptomatology. Although it
tal health issues of anxiety, depression, and/or
adult children also had difficulty breaking away
adult children spoke of the experience of living
is not my intention to essentialize or pathologize
PTSD; inner spiritual conflict regarding a medi-
from designated family roles, identities, and ex-
in two or three worlds – the old world of their
the Mennonite community, I wonder if a combi-
cal abortion; and life resolution issues of family
pectations, and moving into adulthood more in-
parents that was left behind, but ever present; the
nation of intense historical, religious, and cultur-
members who were palliative or experiencing
dependently.
Canadian Mennonite church community; and
al factors, as well as incoherent meaning-making,
dementia.
the world that existed beyond those parameters.
claimed identity, and cognitive schemas, predis-
Adult children had, to varying degrees, experi-
posed some Mennonites to the unique states de-
enced difficulty understanding their identity and
scribed above, not the least of which is its foun-
To be Mennonite has historically been a very in-
navigating these worlds. Indeed, Reynolds (1997)
dational history of persecution and self-defined
The transmission of physical and psychological
sular cultural and religious experience – sustained
found that 62 percent of children, born to Rus-
martyrdom at the hands of the Catholic church
symptoms, including anxiety, attributed by Dar-
over a 500-year period. As a diasporic community
sian Mennonite survivors who had migrated to
(Loewen 2003).
lene, Diane, and Dorothy to the impact of mater-
that has settled in many parts of the world, Men-
Canada during the 1920s, perceived that con-
nonites have traditionally maintained a strong
forming to Mennonite norms was more impor-
Adult children who participated in my research
literature demonstrating a relationship between
collective identity centered around core principles
tant to their parents than their individuality.
were youth in Winnipeg at the time of the Thies-
maternal trauma and cortisol levels in children
sen, Wright, and Sisler (1969) study, and our per-
born post-trauma (Yehuda et al. 2005). Diane and
Cultural Transmission
of Christian faith, pacifism, and relatively closed
Biological Transmission
nal trauma on pregnancy, is verified by empirical
communities, as well as rigid cultural and reli-
In a Manitoba study, Thiessen, Wright, and Sisler
sonal experiences resonate, in general, with the
Dorothy described the emotional unavailability
gious norms strengthened by the establishment
(1969) compared 204 Mennonite youth with an
findings of that study. Most adult child partici-
of their mothers, while Darlene had felt over-
of their own schools, hospitals, professions, agri-
equal number of non-Mennonite youth and found
pants voiced the challenge of breaking through
validated and over-protected as her mother had
culture, and other community structures within
that the Mennonite cohort was more highly mo-
limiting culturally and family imposed belief
previously lost four babies. Moreover, adult chil-
the parameters of the dominant societies in which
tivated to interpret behavior in religious terms,
structures, as well as resolving intergenerational
dren who had experienced vicarious trauma also
they live. In the case of Russian Mennonites, their
more concerned about moral issues and orienting
emotional and behavioral patterns.
described the emotional unavailability of their
communities were totally disempowered during
life around religious values, and more inclined
the Stalinist era (Epp 2000). Moreover, post-WWII
to experience deep inner conflict and feelings of
In light of Volkan’s (2001) comments regarding
strates the underlying neurobiology of insecure
immigration to Canada coincided with a period
guilt when lines were crossed. The researchers
the privileging and silencing of particular cultur-
attachment and parenting behavior (Strathearn
of increased urbanization, in contrast to their past
also commented on an observation made by the
al narratives in order to protect and repair group
et al. 2009), which supports the perspective that
agrarian lifestyle, resulting in greater exposure
psychiatric community in Winnipeg, Manitoba
identity in the aftermath of trauma, we can see
brain and body development, and genetic expres-
to the modern, secular world. This also brought
at that time – that Mennonite patients tended to
the power of Mennonite institutions and the col-
sion, is primarily mediated by one’s experience,
less control over the education of their children,
display a unique disturbance characterized by
lective Mennonite psyche to reinforce a claimed
particularly in utero and during early childhood,
though previous Russian Mennonite migrations
“depressed affect, strong feelings of guilt, delu-
identity of faith and resilience and contribute to
and the quality of one’s attachment bonds.
to Manitoba had produced a strong network of
sions of persecution, and emotional detachment,”
the repression of emotions and exacerbation of
churches, private schools, and other Mennonite
a cluster of symptoms dubbed “Mennonite psy-
mental health issues across the lifespan and gen-
In considering the Russian Mennonite history, we
institutions. Winnipeg currently has one of the
chosis” (Thiessen, Wright, and Sisler 1969:129-
erations (Reynolds 1997). Narratives that were
can also imagine the collective neurobiological
largest urban Mennonite populations in the world
130). Jilek-Aall, Jilek, and Flynn (1978) found
silenced or minimized within the family and/or
imprint made over the course of almost five cen-
(Driedger 2010).
similar symptom formations among Mennonites
community context included two cases of schizo-
turies of relatively closed community, reinforced
66
mothers. Empirical research now also demon-
67
Elizabeth Krahn
by stoic and pious collective theology, memory,
Conclusion
and narrative. Thus, it makes sense that Russian
us all to be more cognizant of our own cultural
observe participants in one specific Mennonite
location and the importance of cultural sensitiv-
setting. In-depth follow-up interviewing of par-
Mennonites may have experienced and processed
This study provides a rich description of lifes-
ity in our interactions with others. My insider/
ticipants after the reading of their collective nar-
Stalinist oppression and the aftermath of war and
pan and intergenerational effects of trauma on
outsider status has allowed me to act as both an
rative would have provided valuable additional
migration in unique ways as compared to other
aging members of a cultural group that experi-
intergenerational and intercultural bridge, and
data, but was not possible. My position as a child
ethnic groups who also suffered persecution dur-
enced Stalinist oppression over sixty-five years
this autoethnographic approach can be of value
of survivors was potentially the most significant
ing this era. This complex legacy was vicariously
ago. Multiple layers of this subjective story have
to professional and academic audiences who rep-
limitation as it posed the risk of projecting my
absorbed by adult children and contributed to at-
emerged. There is no doubt that all women had
resent a variety of disciplines and cultures that
own experiences onto the narratives of partici-
tachment insecurities.
experienced highly traumatic circumstances, of-
touch the lives of older adults – be they long-term
pants or privileging narratives that most resonat-
ten compounded by the physical or emotional ab-
or recent immigrants, refugees, or visible minori-
ed with my own experience. It was my hope that
sence of their mothers. Their emphasis on mental
ties, including indigenous peoples. Trauma ef-
the depth and breadth of the interviews would
strength, faith, and resilience was reinforced by
fects must be recognized as problems to be ex-
balance that risk, as a larger sample size, which
the church community and, in many cases, con-
ternalized and addressed collectively rather than
would have broadened and perhaps added more
tributed to ongoing minimizing of emotions and
individualized and treated as a pathology. More-
diverse storylines to the collective narrative, was
potential exacerbation of psychological symp-
over, there is a need for social, professional, and
not possible.
toms, including insecure attachment, across the
spiritual structures that support inclusion, inter-
lifespan. Narratives of adult children demon-
generational exchange, and safe, validating plac-
Limited Canadian research exploring the rela-
strated the phenomena of biological, familial, and
es for people of all cultures and social locations
tionship between immigration, ethnicity, aging,
cultural modes of trauma transmission, which
to share their stories of vulnerability, strength,
and quality of life provides a direction for future
involved the transmission of insecure attachment
and resilience. Conscious attention to the narra-
research. Moreover, the tendency for the voices
and vicarious trauma.
tives we internalize and construct is necessary so
of older adults to be marginalized underlines the
we are not confined by limiting storylines. It is
significance of qualitative methodologies that
This was striking for several adult children, as
a paradox that we are impacted by history and
bring these to light. Engaging research partici-
we had not clearly recognized that we had a story.
yet, are also its transformers and co-creators. The
pants in both individual and focus group inter-
The interview process and emergence of a coher-
narratives we construct and tell are critical to our
views to witness a collective dialogical process of
ent collective narrative, which all participants
future social evolution (Freire 1973).
meaning-making within and between different
Importantly, the effects of insecure attachment
are open to further change as individuals continue to interact with and adapt to their social
environment over the lifespan. Dallos (2004)
suggests it is possible to transcend insecure attachment histories by developing coherent narratives and relating to one another emotionally.
It is emphasized that a coherent narrative must
provide a clear structure, reflect affect, and integrate events, feelings, and meanings (Baerger
and McAdams 1999 as cited in Dallos 2004). Jordan describes this as follows: “[t]hrough mutual empathy we can heal...places of fear and disconnection. Mutual empathy arises in a context
of profound respect, authentic responsiveness,
humility, non-defensiveness, an attitude of curiosity, mindfulness...and an appreciation of the
cultural, generational, and gender cohorts would
read, was cathartic for many as it became even
more evident that lifelong issues were not the out-
This research project was not without its limita-
bring added dimensions to collective cultural
come of mere character flaws of either our moth-
tions. Although I had hoped that the majority of
narratives. In relation to the current study under
ers or ourselves. Indeed, one mother expressed
participants would be part of mother-child dy-
discussion, it would be valuable to add the subjec-
her delight that her daughter now understands
ads in order to achieve a more in-depth explora-
tive narratives of Mennonite men to the collective
Thus, our biology is affected by our perceptions,
her better, after reading her collective story. This
tion of parent-child patterns and themes, I was
Russian Mennonite narrative.
thoughts, and beliefs, and the quality of our rela-
underlines the potential for narratives to be re-
pleased to have four dyads and greatly valued
tionships with family and the larger community;
written individually and collectively to facilitate
the contributions of non-related participants.
With increased immigration, large numbers of vis-
and neurobiological imbalances can be effective-
transformation.
Participant observation was limited to what
ible minority populations will become Canada’s
I was able to see during the interview process,
future seniors; thus, further qualitative research
power of learning” (2008:235). She further states
that this relational transformation is then inputted into and reworks the neurobiological circuits.
ly addressed narratively and relationally (Siegel
2012). In this way, outworn individual, family,
The voices represented in this paper carry a mes-
with regard to personal affect and participants’
to explore the lived experiences, strengths, and
and cultural narratives can be transformed.
sage for a number of audiences, and encourage
personal living spaces, as it was not possible to
needs of aging recent and long-term immigrants
68
69
Elizabeth Krahn
and refugees would be of value. Also of interest
children, which resonate so strongly with my
DeOliveira, Carey Anne, Greg Moran, and David R.
Hayano, David M. 1979. “Auto-ethnography: Para-
would be research that, for instance, highlights
own experience. I am equally struck by our ca-
Pederson. 2005. “Understanding the Link between Ma-
digms, Problems, and Prospects.” Human Organization
community-based, narrative, and/or intergenera-
pacity to collectively rewrite the historical nar-
ternal Adult Attachment Classifications and Thoughts
38(1):99-104.
tional approaches to facilitating post-traumatic
ratives that have shaped our lives. I like to ask
growth, development of secure attachments, and
myself: “Is the story writing me or am I writing
end-of-life resolution.
the story?” This narrative process has dispelled
the power of darkness that had been vested in
It has been profoundly moving for me to witness
the Black Raven and has rewritten the outcome
the narrative accounts of survivors and adult
of that dark period of Mennonite history.
and Feelings about Emotions.” Attachment and Human
Development 7(2):153-170.
math of Violence—From Domestic Abuse to Political Terror.
Drachman, Diane. 1992. “A Stage-of-Migration Framework for Service to Immigrant Populations.” Social Work
37(1):68-72.
New York: Basic Books.
Hooyman, Nancy et al. 2002. “Feminist Gerontology
and the Life Course: Policy, Research, and Teaching Is-
Driedger, Leo. 2010. At the Forks: Mennonites in Winnipeg.
Kitchener: Pandora Press.
sues.” Gerontology and Geriatrics Education 22(4):3-26.
Hunt, Nigel and Sue McHale. 2008. “Memory and
Durst, Douglas. 2005. “Aging amongst Immigrants in
Meaning: Individual and Social Aspects of Memory
Canada: Policy and Planning Implications.” Retrieved
Narratives.” Journal of Loss and Trauma 13(1):42-58.
August 30, 2012 (http://www.ccsd.ca/cswp/2005/durst.
pdf).
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Wolcott, Harry F. 1994. Transforming Qualitative Data:
73
Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Nahrida Nazir,
Ambreen Mohammad
University of Calgary-Qatar, Qatar
Tam Donnelly, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri
University of Calgary, Canada
Nish Petal
Chief Executive Officer, Women’s Hospital, Qatar
Contextual Factors Influencing Breastfeeding
Practices Among Arab Women in the State
of Qatar
Abstract
Breastfeeding is an important source of nutrition and sustenance for infants and toddlers, and has also been linked to several aspects of emotional, physiological, and psychological developments. Benefits of breastfeeding include lower morbidity and mortality rates in infants, appropriate nutrition for early physiological development, and
improved immune system development. Some studies also suggest it may enhance cognitive development and reduce the risk of diabetes. These health benefits positively influence the physiological status of the infant throughout his or her early childhood and
adolescence. The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends that breastfeeding be
initiated immediately following birth and continued until the infant is at least 6 months
of age. However, according to the UNICEF report, between 2000-2007 in Qatar, only 12%
of babies under 6 months were exclusively breastfed. Funded by the QNRP (Qatar Undergraduate Research Experience Program), the goal of this exploratory qualitative study
was to find ways to effectively promote breastfeeding practices among Qatari women
by investigating factors affecting the ways in which Qatari women (national and nonnational Arab women) make decisions to engage in breastfeeding practices and their
overall knowledge of breastfeeding. Purposive sampling was used to recruit 32 Arab
mothers as research participants and individual in-depth, semi-structured interviews
were conducted with each participant. Results showed that professional support from
doctors and nurses, social support from parents and spouse, cultural and religious values, economic ability work restrictions, time, as well as availability of help and care at
home, personal challenges, such as perceptions of pain, body image, and body changes,
were some of the major factors in making decisions to breastfeed or not.
Keywords
74
Breastfeeding; Qatar; Arab Women; Qualitative; Social Support; Professional Support
Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin is a Faculty member at
the University of Calgary-Qatar. She is a PhD student in the
Memorial University of Newfoundland in the Community
Health program. Her clinical interests include Maternal-Child
Health, Midwifery and Health Promotion, Primary Health
Care/Community Nursing. She has been involved with organizational and academic education since 2000. Some of her
research interests are: breastfeeding, postpartum depression,
cerebral palsy in newborns, and governmental/institutional
policies on maternal-child issues.
email address: [email protected] Dr. Tam Truong Donnelly is a Full Professor at the
University of Calgary, Alberta, Canada and Associate Dean
of Research at the University of Calgary-Qatar, Doha, Qatar.
Her research interests include women’s health, mental health,
health promotion, and disease prevention. She uses both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies.
Nahrida Nazir Band is a full time student in the Mas-
R
ecent research has shown that there were significant long-term benefits to both mother and child
if breastfeeding were allowed to continue to a minimum of six months and up to two years. Breastfeeding, especially in the early months of infancy, has
a history of multiple physiological, psychological, and
emotional benefits for the developing child (Lawrence
1989; Slusser and Lange 2002; Forster, McLachlan, and
Lumley 2003; Gartner 2005; Lawrence and Lawrence
2005). Comparisons of morbidity and mortality rates
between infants and young children that were breastfed against those who were bottle-fed indicates that
the health of breastfed children is superior to those
who have received bottle-feeding (Lawrence and
Lawrence 2005). These health benefits appear to influence the physiological status of the infant through-
ter of Nursing Program at the University of Calgary-Qatar. She
has worked as an RN, Case Manager, and Quality Management
Reviewer. Her research interests include primary prevention
and awareness about cancer related diseases and quality improvement at health care systems in the State of Qatar.
out his or her early childhood and adolescence, as
Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, student in a Master program,
of food and respiratory allergies, fewer skin condi-
Faculty of Nursing at the University of Calgary, Canada. She
holds a BS in nursing with distinction from the University of
Calgary-Qatar. She has practiced as an RN at several adult and
pediatric units in the state of Qatar. Involved in varies research
including quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methodology.
Her study and research focus include public and community
health nursing. Ambreen Mohammad is a charge nurse in a cardiology accident and emergency ward. She started her career
as a diploma nurse and was passionate about doing her Bachelor’s in nursing. She was successful in completing her bachelors with distinction at the University of Calgary-Qatar. Her
research interests are in cardiology. She is looking forward to
completing her Master in nursing in the near future.
Dr. Nish Patel has been the Chief Executive Officer of
Women’s Hospital, a member hospital of the Hamad Medical
Corporation, Doha, Qatar since April 2008. Prior to that, he
was a senior administrator at the Mayo Clinic, Rochester, MN.
He has been a consultant to many health organizations and an
invited faculty to professional academic associations.
longitudinal studies that followed the development
of breastfed and bottle-fed infants for up to 17 years
have shown that breastfed subjects had lower rates
tions, and increased resistance to atopic disease (Saarinen and Kajosaari 1995). Therefore, the World Health
Organization (WHO 2005) recommended that exclusive breastfeeding be initiated immediately following
birth and continue until the infant is at least 6 months
of age (Saarinen and Kajosaari 1995).
Both the WHO and UNICEF demonstrate that breastfed children have at least six times greater chance of
survival than others within the first six months of life
(WHO and UNICEF 2003). Breastfeeding, in this respect, significantly decreases the chance of infection
and death from acute respiratory diseases and diarrhea
(Callen and Pinelli 2004). These statistical differentials
were found to be true not only for children of women
in developing countries but also in developed nations
such as the United States, where UNICEF found a 25%
75
Behi (Behrokh) Nikaiin, Tam Donnelly, Nahrida Nazir, Roqaia Ahmed Dorri, Ambreen Mohammad, Nish Petal
increase in mortality among non-breastfed infants
2010). The Kuwaiti study found that a major indicator
diabetes in children is not convincing. A few scholars
ence Qatari women’s breastfeeding practices and their
(UNICEF 2007). In the UK, as well, six months of ex-
of breastfeeding success was the interest or approval
believe, “the observed advantage of breastfeeding on
decision to breastfeed. Also, the study was conducted
clusive breastfeeding was shown to decrease hospital
of the baby’s father in breastfeeding (Dashti et al. 2010).
IQ is related to genetic and socioenvironmental factors
to explore mothers’ knowledge of breastfeeding and
admissions for diarrhea by 53% and respiratory tract
In a similar fashion, only 10% of Turkish mothers
rather than to the nutritional benefits of breastfeeding
how this influences their breastfeeding intentions.
infections by 27% (Kramer et al. 2008).
breastfed their infants immediately, with most women
on neurodevelopment” (Jacobson, Chiodo, and Jacob-
(90%) breastfeeding two days after birth (Ergenekon-
son 1999:71). Other studies suggest that the higher level
Breastfeeding has a number of other benefits, which
Ozelci et al. 2006). There is also evidence of the preva-
of IQ might be related to maternal behavior and the
drastically reduce the chance of mothers and chil-
lence of prelacteal feeding, the feeding of a newborn
possibility that mothers who breastfeed their babies
Qatar is a small country in the Middle East with a pop-
dren being affected by both infectious diseases and
baby with carbohydrate-electrolyte solutions to reduce
spend more time with them later in life (Krugman et
ulation of 1.6 million. Qatar residents are from many
long-term illnesses. For children, it provides protec-
initial weight loss until breastfeeding is fully estab-
al. 1999; Mortensen et al. 2002). It’s been suggested that
different cultural backgrounds. The majority of them
tion against gastrointestinal infections, as well as a de-
lished. This was reported in a Lebanese study where
some studies that have reported benefits such as lower
are Muslims with strong religious beliefs that influence
crease in the potential for high blood pressure, dia-
49% of women used sugar water as a prelacteal feed-
diabetes rates are biased. Wolf states that studies in this
their daily activities. There is no systematic data bank
betes and related indicators, serum cholesterol, over-
ing practice (Batal and Boulghaurjian 2005), as well as
area “failed to point out that the decision to bottle-feed
in the country and, as a result, accessing information in
weight and obesity (WHO 2005). In addition, breastfed
61% in a Jordanian survey (JPFHS 2003) and 60.2% in
was also correlated with less exercise and more central
any area including the health care system is very diffi-
children have been shown to have higher intellectual
an Iraqi study (Abdul Ameer, Al-Hadi, and Abdulla
obesity, both independent risk factors for the disease”
cult. Women’s Hospital is the largest hospital that pro-
performance over the course of their education (Kram-
2008). A recent Iranian study shows that, although
(2007:29; see also Pettitt et al. 1997; Simmons 1997).
vides maternal-childcare to the families. The majority
er et al. 2007; 2008). For mothers, exclusive breastfeed-
post-hospital breastfeeding is around 57%, this rate is
ing for six months or more indicates a decrease in the
increasing due to promotion of breastfeeding through
Even though recent research around breastfeeding
16,000 births per year. There is no community health-
acquisition of type 2 diabetes and breast, uterine, and
hospital services and through booklets, pamphlets,
has raised some controversy, particularly around the
care system in the country and public health is miss-
ovarian cancer (UNICEF 2007). Furthermore, some
breastfeeding journals, CDs, workshops, and websites
claims of higher IQ and lower rates of obesity and dia-
ing some critical components in regards to maternal-
studies have also found that breastfeeding can help to
(Olang et al. 2009). Although the numbers of studies
betes for breastfed babies, the health benefits of breast-
childcare, such as systematic prenatal and postnatal
prevent the onset and severity of postnatal depression
are increasing in the Middle East, the low prevalence
feeding, particularly for respiratory and gastrointesti-
education, and breastfeeding education and support.
in mothers (Weaver et al. 2004).
and short duration of breastfeeding in the region have
nal health in the first few years of life, are accepted by
The primary health care centers also provide some
highlighted the need for more investigations into the
the majority of scholars. Thus, most would agree that
prenatal and postpartum care to mothers, but the data
problems associated with continued breastfeeding.
mothers should be supported in choosing this method
is not accessible. There is no official prenatal education
of feeding. As UNICEF (2007) illustrates, there are ma-
service available to the public and the only breastfeed-
According to a recent UNICEF report, between 20002007 in Qatar only 12% of babies under 6 months were
Qatar
of births happen in this hospital. The number is close to
exclusively breastfed, 42% were breastfed with com-
A large body of evidence suggests that breastfeeding
jor problems associated with the societal and commer-
ing clinic is located in a small hospital with only 1500
plementary food between the age of 6-9 months, and
has obvious benefits, but some academics are con-
cial pressure to stop breastfeeding. This means that
births a year in a city 45 kilometers away from the main
12% breastfed for 20-23 months (UNICEF 2009); this is
cerned about the strength of the scientific evidence be-
the provision of support for breastfeeding mothers
Women’s Hospital in Doha, the capital city. There are
the only report on Qatari breastfeeding practices pub-
hind a number of these studies. In her book, Is Breast
and their children should become a priority (Weaver
no official statistics available on the number of births in
lished in the past ten years. Similar findings are evi-
Best? Taking on the Breastfeeding Experts and the New
et al. 2004). Education around the use of and benefits to
each hospital or even the prenatal/postpartum services
dent in other countries in the Middle East. In a recent
High Stakes of Motherhood, Wolf (2007) argues that the
breastfeeding should be connected to social education
that are provide by the health care agencies. The Qatar
study of breastfeeding practices in Kuwait, researchers
science behind some breastfeeding studies is problem-
classes for both male and female students, so that so-
Information Exchange website is a national project run
found that less than one third of mothers (29.8%) were
atic. Wolf states that in the science we trust most, we
ciety can begin to grasp the rationale for its utilization
by a number of government bodies. The website offers
fully breastfeeding their infants after release from
do randomized controlled trials. But, we can’t do that
in public and in the family home (Callen and Pinelli
limited information about Qatar statistics which indi-
hospital, fewer than 1 in 5 infants (18.2%) received co-
with breastfeeding because the groups are self-select-
2004). Thus, the aim of this qualitative study was to
cates that the number of live births across the country
lostrum as their first feed, and only 10.5% of infants
ing. Some studies, for example, argue that the associa-
gain insight on how personal values, social, cultural,
has been 19,504, including the number of births in the
had been exclusively breastfed since birth (Dashti et al.
tion of breastfeeding with higher IQ, lower obesity, and
economical, and professional support systems influ-
private hospitals (see www.qix.gov.qa). In many cases,
76
77
a person-to-person conversation with the agencies’ ad-
different social and geographical but also professional
ministration is required to obtain reliable data. Qatar is
backgrounds. Almost all health care providers in Qa-
a fast developing country and despite its tremendous
tar are expatriates and do not have strong bonds with
infrastructure and urban construction in the past 15
their patients’ population and the community. Many of
years, it is still working vigorously to fully develop and
the health care providers do not have any knowledge
implement the most necessary systems to run the new
about the social, cultural, and religious beliefs of their
establishments.
patients. Regardless of the institutional breastfeeding
policies, the health care providers use their own pro-
In regards to the breastfeeding promotion efforts at
fessional expertise, judgment, knowledge, and attitude
the hospital, the hospital policies support exclusive
to provide care to the mothers and guide them with
breastfeeding, initiation of breastfeeding within 1 hour
breastfeeding practices. Although similar studies have
after delivery, and not using the formula unless there
been done in other countries in the region, this research
is a medical indication for it. In reality, although many
has focused on Qatar and its unique demographics and
health care providers try to help mothers with breast-
context. Although there are similarities in regards to
feeding, they do not receive regular training to improve
culture and beliefs among Arabs who live in the Middle
their support skills. In some cases, the breastfeeding
East, significant differences also can be found. For ex-
initiation is conducted within the first hour, but the use
ample, according to our participants, mothers in many
of formula is quite common and normally formula is
Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia are more open
being offered to many mothers. There are only a few
to breastfeeding in front of the family members or in
lactation consultants present at the hospital. With 16,000
public as long as they are covered. Mothers in Qatar are
births per year, this makes it more difficult to provide
uncomfortable with both. They require a private space
sufficient support to mothers. There are not enough
for breastfeeding either at home or in the community.
pumps on the postpartum units to help mothers with
Recognizing these specific cultural, social, and reli-
breastfeeding issues maintain their milk supply. There
gious beliefs can help us understand the practices better
are also no breastfeeding clinics or postpartum clinics
and enable the health care system authorities to develop
to support mothers with the breastfeeding problems af-
more sustainable interventions to promote breastfeed-
ter they get discharged. All the above is being improved
ing practices in this country.
as the Qatar National Health Strategy document rec-
Methods
review interview data during the process, and to share
reflections on the process of conducting the interview,
Participants
personal feelings, and analytic descriptions.
A purposive sampling technique was used to recruit 32
Data Collection
Qatari women (national and non-national Arabic women) in the 3rd to 8th week of their postpartum period as
Female participants who met the inclusion criteria were
research participants. This exploratory research was
interviewed in this study by four bilingual (Arabic and
conducted in the prenatal unit of Women’s Hospital.
English) female research assistants from Qatar. Inclu-
The research utilized a semi-structured questionnaire
sion criteria were described as being an Arabic woman
to encourage participants to explain their experiences in
who is in between the third and eighth week postpar-
their own words. An interview guide was used, which
tum period and is in stable physical and emotional con-
included open-ended questions regarding participants’
dition. Research assistants involved in this study were
breastfeeding knowledge, attitude, beliefs, and practic-
nurses who had experience working in different units,
es, what problems the participants think they would ex-
and were also in their final year of a nursing bachelor’s
perience and what help/service they think needs to be
degree program in Qatar. The students were trained
in place for them to engage in breastfeeding practices.
extensively prior to and throughout the research pro-
Questions assessing socio-demographic information
cess. Detailed contextual information was obtained by
provided additional information about participants’
using individual in-depth interviews. These interviews
social support networks. Each participant was inter-
were conducted in Arabic by using a semi-structured
viewed once, within 3-8 weeks after birth at the hos-
questionnaire with open-ended questions. The ques-
pital, conducted in either Arabic or English by four bi-
tions were about the women’s past and current experi-
lingual female nursing students. The participants were
ence with breastfeeding. Also, investigated factors that
informed that the project has been approved by the
influence their decision to engage in breastfeeding their
Ethics Boards of both Hamad Medical Corporation and
baby, and perceived barriers and motivators to such
the University of Calgary. They were ensured no risk
activities. The participants were asked as well about
would be involved and the participation in the study
their perception regarding the best possible strategies
would be completely voluntary and kept confidential
for promoting breastfeeding practice among Arabic
by the researchers. The participants were identified by
women living in the state of Qatar. With the permission
ognized improving breastfeeding as one of the main
The other reason that makes this research significant
pseudonyms to protect their identities. Interview data
of the participants, the interviews were recorded on
priorities of the health care system in 2012. Women’s
is the fact that there are only three research projects in
recorded on a digital voice recorder was converted from
a digital voice recorder. The interviews lasted between
Hospital officials are working on obtaining the Baby
relation to breastfeeding which have been conducted
audio to text using a transcriber, and a qualitative data
20-50 minutes with the majority of the interviews being
Friendly Hospital Initiative (BFHI) for the hospital and
in Qatar in the past 20 years. Lack of general knowl-
analysis approach was used for the examination of nar-
30-45 minutes. The interviews were stopped when it
efforts such as staff training, initiation of breastfeeding
edge in this area could contribute to poor breastfeed-
rative data. Transcripts were coded to identify prelimi-
reached data saturation and no more new information
in the first hour after birth, and facilitating breastfeed-
ing practices there. This study sheds light on the so-
nary themes and to formulate a list of code categories
could be identified (after 32 women were interviewed).
ing practices have significantly been increased.
cial, economical, cultural, and religious factors that
to organize subsequent data. Data codes were exam-
The data was translated into English by the bilingual
positively or negatively influence mothers’ breastfeed-
ined for relevance. The final outcome of this analysis
student researchers, and then transcribed and analyzed
The Qatar community’s challenges are not limited to the
ing practices and can help the health care providers in
is a statement about a set of complicated interrelated
by the research team. Selected demographic data was
above. The health care providers come from not only
their future planning in this area.
concepts and themes. Research team members met to
also obtained from the participants (Table 1).
78
79
Table 1. Participants’ socio-demographic data.
Data Analysis
ability to participate in breastfeeding, and their interest in doing so, were largely determined by key
Variable
Range
N
%
Age
Country of Birth
20-30
31-40
Qatar
Oman
Sudan
Egypt
Syria
Lebanon
Qatari Citizen
Qatari Resident
0-10
11-20
21-30
31-40
Married
Single/Never married
Yes
No
Muslim
Other
Primary/Junior
High School/Trade School
University
Work Full-time/Part-time
Full-time Homemaker
Unemployed
Receptionist
Secretary
Teacher
Health Care Provider (Nurse)
Primary/Junior
High School
Trade School
University
Other Degrees
Management, Business, Science, Accountant
Service Occupations
Military Occupations
Office Work
Less than $30,000
$31,000-$70,000
More than $71,000
Don’t know/Chose not to answer
Within family only
Within religious community only
Within all: family, neighborhood, religious community
Don’t participate in community events
23
9
21
3
1
2
2
3
15
17
6
5
14
7
32
–––
32
–––
32
–––
4
19
9
8
16
1
3
1
3
1
3
16
2
8
3
15
7
6
4
6
5
6
15
6
7
13
6
72%
28%
66%
9%
3%
6.5%
6.5%
9%
47%
53%
19%
16%
43.5%
21.5%
100%
–––
100%
–––
100%
–––
12.5%
59.5%
28%
23%
50%
3%
9%
3%
9%
3%
9%
50%
6.5%
25.5%
9%
47%
21.5%
19%
12.5%
19%
16%
19%
46%
19%
21%
41%
19%
Current Citizenship Status
Years in Qatar
Marital Status
Having Children
Religion
Education Level of Participant
Employment Status of Participant
Participant’s Current Occupation
Education Level of Husband
Current Occupation of Husband
Annual Household Income
Activities Involvement
Source: self-elaboration.
80
The narrative data was analyzed using NVivo 8
factors that included (a) knowledge of breastfeed-
software. Analyses were performed in the follow-
ing and professional support for learning breast-
ing four steps. (1) The student researchers translat-
feeding techniques; (b) social support including
ed and transcribed the collected data from Arabic
parental, spousal, cultural, and religious values
into English. The students were trained by two Uni-
regarding breastfeeding; (c) economic ability or
versity of Calgary-Qatar faculty members to con-
necessity, including work and time constraints, as
duct data collection and analysis. A professional
well as home help or care; and (d) personal chal-
translator validated the translated and transcribed
lenges connected to perceptions of pain, body im-
information. (2) The coding process started early
age, and body changes linked to breastfeeding.
in the project. As data was collected, a preliminary
Participants suggested viable means to engage the
list of code categories was developed. The catego-
Qatari female population in advancing the knowl-
ries evolved as more data were collected through-
edge and promotion of breastfeeding.
out the project. (3) Categories were compared and
a list of interrelated data categories was gener-
Knowledge of Breastfeeding and Professional
ated. The transcripts were reviewed carefully by
Support for Learning Breastfeeding Techniques
the student researchers and the faculty members
for the purpose of developing code categories and
Qatari women, for the most part, were well-in-
subcategories. The codes evolved as the research-
formed about breastfeeding and professional sup-
ers reviewed more transcripts. (4) Similar themes
port for learning breastfeeding techniques through
and concepts emerged and were identified across
both personal experience and hospital informa-
data set transcripts and across research subjects as
tion. One participant noted: “…what I know about
they were discussed among the researchers. The
breastfeeding has come from my personal expe-
emergent themes, ideas, and concepts generated
rience. The kids who are not breastfed are more
a higher level of data conceptualization. This al-
prone to getting sick. Also, I think nonbreastfed
lowed the researchers to develop a deeper under-
babies feel unhappy.”
standing of the data, the cultural and religious beliefs, the social and professional support systems,
Respondents noted other benefits of breastfeeding,
and the incentives and barriers regarding breast-
such as greater immunity from disease, lower rates
feeding practices.
of maternal cancer, better maternal health, better
bone density for babies, and normalcy in infant
Findings
bowel movements. Respondents also noted the necessity of maternal training and the provision of
A number of overarching themes emerged from the
information for new mothers, especially first time
data, which illustrated that Qatari women’s experi-
mothers. One respondent recommended: “…be-
ences of breastfeeding were similar to those of oth-
fore her delivery, there should be classes to edu-
er populations in the Middle East region. Women’s
cate mothers about the benefits of breastfeeding
81
and show the mother how to breastfeed her baby.
About a third of the women interviewed presented
country, health care providers are visiting mothers
Social Support Including Parental, Spousal,
This will help her to be emotionally and physical-
more challenging viewpoints on breastfeeding.
six weeks postdelivery to teach them about breast-
Cultural, and Religious Values Regarding
ly ready for that.” There was a general consensus
One respondent noted, “In Doha, they prefer for-
that mothers and babies were better able to connect
mula feeding from the first day of delivery. I have
emotionally and cognitively through breastfeed-
seen it in the community of my friends and fam-
ing than through formula feeding. One respondent
ily,” while another stated:
stated:
My mother told me to breastfeed my baby and not
…when Allah gifted me breast milk, I started
to give him formula. But, I didn’t listen to her. I was
breastfeeding. As I started breastfeeding, [the
more influenced by my friends who told me formula
baby] bonded with me and my breast. He felt com-
and breast milk are the same. Now I know they are
fortable with me and I felt the bonding became
not the same.
very strong between us. That is how I started
breastfeeding.
The findings point to women’s different levels of
awareness about breastfeeding as recommended
The majority of respondents noted that they be-
by international health organizations, with obvi-
lieved that breast milk contains vitamins and other
ous gaps in certain communities. As one respon-
nutrients necessary for a child at the beginning of
dent noted, it was the professional support that
life. Nonetheless, there were respondents who be-
she received that helped her continue with breast-
lieved that formula was a viable option if it was not
feeding:
possible to breastfeed. Most respondents reported
feeding. She visited me at home and taught me different positions to feed my baby and how to use pillows
to be more comfortable. However, I think if she saw
me right after delivery, it would be easier for me to
follow her instruction.
Breastfeeding
On a social level, shifts in the awareness and use
of breastfeeding among Qatari women are evident
as most of the women in the study were clearly
These quotes alluded to the possibility that if pro-
aware of the need to breastfeed and some felt that
fessional support for breastfeeding was available in
they had the social support to do so. Family mem-
hospitals, it would have been easier for this wom-
bers, especially mothers, are strong supporters of
an, as well as others, to benefit from breastfeeding
breastfeeding. Women in this study demonstrat-
instruction. Another study respondent stated:
ed that they felt that breastfeeding, especially in
the early months of infancy, has a history of mul-
It was very difficult to breastfeed my first baby because I didn’t know how to breastfeed and I couldn’t
hold my breast and feed my baby. However, the nurses in the hospital tried to help me.
When I was putting my breast in my baby’s mouth, he
tiple physiological, psychological, and emotional
benefits for the developing child (Lawrence 1989;
Slusser and Lange 2002; Forster et al. 2003; Gartner
2005; Lawrence and Lawrence 2005). A participant
mentioned:
was not taking it. He was crying a lot and his face was
becoming red as he was unable to breathe. It was scary.
My mother encourages breastfeeding. As I have al-
that because they did not know what components
The conversations, like ours, encourage me to breast-
So, I stopped breastfeeding. I tried hard to breastfeed,
ready mentioned, she had breastfed all of us. So, she
were included in formula milk, and whether for-
feed in the future. Such conversations between pa-
but then I gave up and started bottle-feeding.
is always encouraging me by saying breastfeed your
mula would be good for the baby or not, they re-
tients and health care professionals are really impor-
frained from using it as much as possible. There
were common thoughts expressed that some babies
suffer from dehydration, diarrhea, constipation,
and abdominal distention due to formula feeding.
One mother said:
When I go to the health care center, I talk to mothers who have babies like me. Most mothers are there
because their kids have diarrhea, constipation, and
other digestion issues and almost all those kids
are formula fed. I see that among my family and
friends too. The breastfed babies are healthier and
tant. If someone is nicely and calmly talking and advising, it also has a positive influence on breastfeeding. Hospitals should remind mothers over and over
again about the importance of breastfeeding. Also,
they should remind mothers about the Qur’an sayings in order to encourage them to breastfeed.
Another respondent observed that there was a dis-
encouragement and support I feel happy and relaxed
to take it. I think he got used to the bottle because the
while breastfeeding my baby.
formula was sweeter compared to breast milk.
According to participant responses, social support,
During that time, I had depression and I felt that there
was no milk in my breast or it was not enough for my
baby. No matter how much I fed her, she still continued
crying and my mother blamed me that I was not able to
including parental, spousal, cultural, and religious
values regarding breastfeeding, was also a major
factor in the choice as to whether to breastfeed or
breastfeed my baby properly. In addition to that, my vis-
not. Many respondents noted that their mothers and
breastfeeding information at the present time; she
itors always said that she was very thin and maybe the
mothers-in-law were pivotal forces in encouraging
had to look outside of the health care system to get
milk was not enough for her. I was not experienced and
them to breastfeed, or to prevent them from breast-
all these suggestions led me to have mild depression.
feeding. As respondents noted:
this information. She stated:
This clearly shows mothers’ frustration with the
My mother also encourages me to breastfeed, and she
breastfeeding my baby or not, she told me that she
challenges that exist in Qatar hospitals and commu-
calls me from my home country. She texts me to ask
was a breastfeeding specialist. Usually back in her
nity, as discussed in the introduction section.
if I breastfeed or not.
often sick, it’s diarrhea, cold, constipation, or oth-
One of my teachers in my school asked me if I was
er things. It seems that they are not as strong as
breastfed babies.
I had milk and he took a bit of it and then he refused
tinct lack in the ability of hospitals to provide
don’t get diarrhea often, the formula fed babies are
82
baby like this, and do this and do that. Due to her
83
…I mean, my mother, she really values breastfeeding.
their generation, they pointed out that older Qatari
Economic Ability or Necessity, Including
The participants also reported that the decision to
Even if I complain to my mother that I do not have
women were likely to provide them with encour-
Work and Time Constraints, as well as
breastfeed would also depend on whether or not
agement. Many respondents noted that the practice
Home Help or Care
a woman had access to servants in the home, who
enough milk, she will advise me to eat food that increases the milk production.
The husband’s encouragement is another salient factor. As noted by respondents:
My husband is 100% encouraging the breastfeeding
and this encourages me more to breastfeed my babies.
of breastfeeding was also discussed in the Qur’an,
would more likely be responsible for childcare.
which gave them an incentive to participate for reli-
The evidence showed that economic ability or neces-
Formula may, in those instances, be more preva-
gious reasons. As three women claimed:
sity, including work and time constraints, as well as
lent. Whereas, women who could not afford home
home help or care, were also factors in choosing to
care or the cost of formula would be more likely to
breastfeed or not. Participants reported that many
breastfeed.
Yes, it is mentioned in the Qur’an that a lady should
breastfeed her baby for 2 years. I think it has influenced me to breastfeed my child. My mother always
Qatari women are constrained by having to return
to work, and in that case it is not possible for them to
The challenge in addressing issues linked to breast-
be able to always breastfeed. One respondent stated
feeding seems to point to differing belief systems
Allah Almighty has given women breast milk to
that she was able to pump and save her milk in the
based on socioeconomic values. What is evident
provide health to her child and to herself. The bases
refrigerator, but that it was not always possible. Most
from the respondents’ answers to questions is that
of beliefs and values of Arabs have come from our
there is an understanding that people who have
It was also evident that lack of social support had
of the working women, however, did try to keep giv-
religion, Islam. Allah has provided breast milk to
a negative influence on mothers:
women, which means that it is something beneficial.
ing their babies breast milk the majority of the time.
used to remind me this.
My husband provides me nutritious meals, encourages me to breastfeed and he also provides me a restful
environment to breastfeed.
Breastfeeding contains necessary ingredients like
To be honest, my friends told me to bottle-feed my first
child so I don’t lose my breast firmness. I was young
and wanted to stay beautiful. I listened to them.
My husband encouraged me to breastfeed, but all my
friends were formula feeding their kids. They told
me it was impossible to work and breastfeed at the
same time. I didn’t know if I could do anything else.
I thought I should have stayed home to breastfeed my
child. So, I started giving him formula.
I had to go back to work two months after delivery.
I was not able to focus, everything was overwhelming. My husband had to work and we didn’t have any
family member around or even a maid to help us.
vitamins and all other nutritious elements. These
ingredients are not added by humans. These ingre-
Some participants were also concerned, however,
that the psychological stress of their jobs would be
passed on to their infants via breastfeeding. Work
dients are inside your body and blessed by Allah
also meant that many women were over-tired at the
Almighty. Even we don’t know what breastfeeding
end of the day, which made breastfeeding more dif-
consists of. Allah Almighty has said in the Holy
ficult. Nonetheless, because of time inflexibility and
Qur’an that a mother should feed her baby for two
the necessity of breastfeeding indoors due to cultur-
years and it is a clear indication to breastfeed babies. The things mentioned by Allah Almighty are
something we can’t deny and is surely beneficial for
a child. I have strong believes that anything men-
feeding to breastfeeding.
tus has influence on artificial feeding, then I will tell
you “yes.” In the countries like Africa, some other
of sleep; I was not able to think straight. It was so dif-
can be learned quickly on one’s own. Strong pro-
erything has become easier. So, they prefer formula
one respondent noted:
I was still sore, I couldn’t even sit properly. I had lack
of Allah Almighty breastfeeding is not a skill that
in outside activities, with comfortable lifestyle ev-
breastfeeding, but if you ask me if the economic sta-
breastfeed all my children.
struggle.
With the availability of servants, mother’s interest
to a combination of breast and formula feeding. As
I had to go back to work forty days after giving birth.
from many respondents that even with the support
to do so. As noted by the respondents:
No, I don’t think economic status has influence on
That is why I support breastfeeding, and I try to
I decided to formula fed my child so I didn’t have to
formula, for the main reason that they can afford
al constraints, working mothers often had to resort
tioned in the Holy Qur’an can’t be doubted about.
Despite these claims, there is also a clear indication
more economic resources are more likely to use
ficult to go back to work. I pumped my milk for a few
days, but I didn’t have much knowledge about that
and I never felt I had enough for my baby. It was also
difficult to come home from work when I was very
tired and started thinking about pumping and restor-
Asian countries, yes, economic status may influence
breastfeeding, but a country like Qatar, everything
is available here and the population isn’t poor.
I can say that sometimes economic status has an influence on a few Arab women’s decision to breastfeed or not. If a mother is able to buy expensive artificial feeding, which is believed to have all-impor-
Nonetheless, what was even more evident in re-
fessional support and encouragement is necessary
sponses was that the development of an interest in
when the art of breastfeeding has been diminished
breastfeeding was aligned with social and religious
within women’s own families, due to the increased
norms. Although many respondents were aware
reliance on formula feeding in some communities
sure many mothers will breastfeed their children if
What this demonstrates is that there is a higher
of a general negativity about breastfeeding among
in Qatar.
they have longer maternity leaves.
level of social status connected with the idea of
84
ing milk. The maternity leave is too short. I was not
even recovered from the birth itself when I was back
tant nutrition, then why should she make herself
tired by breastfeeding?
to work. I think it should be at least 6 months. I am
85
Discussion and Recommendations
tices in their communities on a broader social level.
using formula. This is because of the fact that
dia, or even health care agencies. As mentioned
only the wealthier in the country are able to af-
above, this trend is changing as breastfeeding has
ford formula milk and assistance, such as daycare
been recognized as one of the areas of focus for
Similarly to the findings from other studies, wom-
the respondents were significant in specific popu-
or servants, to take care of children that would
health care officials. As such, recently more open
en in this study felt that breastfeeding, especially
lations and areas, and when women were confined
necessitate feeding children formula. In this way,
and visible promotion is being conducted in the
in the early months of infancy, has a history of mul-
by their job schedules. Wyatt (2002) supported this
there is a need to recognize the complexity of try-
country.
tiple physiological, psychological, and emotional
fact by reporting that due to lack of preparation
benefits for the developing child (Lawrence 1989;
and support many woman stop breastfeeding soon
ing to change some women’s minds on the value
The challenge in addressing the issues noted by
of breastfeeding since they may potentially give
Personal Challenges Connected to Perceptions
Slusser and Lang 2002; Forster et al. 2003; Gartner
after they go back to work; therefore, the number
up social status by eliminating the practice of us-
of Pain, Perceptions of Body Image and Body
2005; Lawrence and Lawrence 2005). Thus, there
of breastfeeding after returning to work is disap-
ing formula. While this is not seen to be the case
Changes Linked to Breastfeeding
is an increasing interest in returning to breast-
pointingly low. The challenge these women were
feeding after years of formula prevalence. At the
facing was linked to the fact that there was a dis-
Finally, personal challenges connected to percep-
same time, this does not necessarily mean that
tinct lack of value placed on breastfeeding when
tions of pain, perceptions of body image and body
all women were actually taking on the practice of
there were easier alternatives available to them.
changes linked to breastfeeding were also factors
breastfeeding for themselves. Many of the women
In addition, a portion of women in the study also
in the breastfeeding choice. There were conflicting
in this study were well-informed about the value
suggested that there was a difficulty in reconcil-
levels of understanding about the effects of breast-
of breastfeeding but they were also thoughtful
ing the association between formula feeding and
feeding on a woman’s body; some women correctly
about the benefits and challenges of this method
wealth in certain parts of Qatari society, due to the
asserted that breastfeeding would help women get
of childcare. They presented the difficulties that
fact that only women who had the economic means
back into physical shape after giving birth, while
they would face in breastfeeding, including social,
were likely to formula feed.
others were concerned that it would ruin their fig-
professional, economic, and practice-based chal-
ures (or stated that their female relatives had told
lenges. Social support seemed to be one of the most
Many working mothers suggested that short ma-
them so). Pain was a factor, in that many women
significant factors in choosing this route. As noted
ternity leave is one of the main reasons that they
had difficulty breastfeeding at first due to physical
by participants, they were more likely to breast-
could not continue breastfeeding even after initiat-
issues, but most respondents carried on nonethe-
feed, or know other women who breastfeed, if their
ing it at the hospital. Mothers recognized longer
less. It was noted that a fear of pain might be a fac-
parents, husbands, and work schedules provided
maternity leave, having access to daycare at the
tor for some women. A mother stated:
them with the means to do so. Similarly to a study
work place, and being able to use a private room
by Reeves and colleagues (2006), the present study
to pump their milk at work would all help them
I started breastfeeding right after birth, but it was
found that mothers have identified the father’s
breastfeed for longer. Many studies confirm the
very painful. Every time, I felt that the baby is biting
themselves from the traditional practices and
support as a very important factor in continuing
positive effects of such breastfeeding friendly poli-
me. I stopped it because I was scared of the pain. With
breastfeeding, whereas the decision to discontinue
cies and facilitation. According to Meek (2001), on-
follow the formula feeding practices. Formula
my second baby, I learned if the baby has a proper
breastfeeding was mainly due to the need to return
site childcare, pumping at work, efficiency at breast
feeding has been associated with being rich and
latch, breastfeeding is not, and shouldn’t be, painful.
to work or school. Many participants were buoyed
milk expression, adequate break time to nurse or
by the fact that there is support in the Qur’an for
pump, private place for milk expression and stor-
breastfeeding, which allows women to generate
age at work, flexible scheduling, and support of
support for their interest in breastfeeding among
colleagues are all factors that can significantly
it’s difficult. I thought it was much better to get my
members of their community. At the same time,
increase the breastfeeding rates among working
promoting it among the younger generation in
maid to bottle-feed the baby at night instead of get-
there were also difficulties which were noted by
mothers. To support mothers, it is important to
schools and universities, public places, the me-
ting up and feeding him myself.
the respondents in taking on breastfeeding prac-
educate them and the employers on the benefits
in every community in Qatar, it is noted by some
respondents to be very likely in Doha and some of
the other major urban centers.
As of 2007, oil and natural gas revenues had enabled Qatar to attain the highest per capita income
in the world. Economic status has had huge positive influence on the community’s growth and development, quality of life, and health care services.
On the other hand, financial improvements have
had some negative influences on the Qatar population. One of the most important and most evident is
lifestyle. The Qatari population has rapidly moved
toward a more modern and unhealthy lifestyle,
leading to higher rates of diabetes and obesity.
Breastfeeding is another area of concern. The better financial status has enabled families to remove
fashionable and breastfeeding has been looked at
as a necessity for poor families, difficult and undesirable. As breastfeeding has been somewhat
of a taboo, not many efforts have been put into
86
I wish someone helped me the first time.
Many of my friends told me not to bother with breastfeeding. They told me it would damage my figure and
87
of breastfeeding. It is also necessary for the gov-
tari female population in advancing their knowl-
breastfeeding has a religious basis in Islam and
ers. As mentioned earlier, a study has emphasized
ernments to develop and implement breastfeeding
edge of breastfeeding. Suggestions included pre-
it is recommended that the mother breastfeed
strongly on adding Islamic teaching in encourag-
policies at any work place.
natal classes at the hospitals where doctors could
her offspring for 2 years if possible (Shaikh and
ing mothers to initiate breastfeeding (Shaikh and
provide clear and concise information, and chal-
Ahmed 2006).
Ahmed 2006).
To this end, participants suggested that the discon-
lenge existing normative values in some communi-
nection between common practice and the needs of
ties where formula feeding is more common, in-
Despite these positive steps towards a greater so-
Participants emphasized that that professional sup-
children should be addressed within a hospital en-
cluding teaching extended family members about
cial acceptance of breastfeeding, most women feel
port was one of the major factors in making deci-
vironment because this was the only way to be able
its value. Responses indicated that many women
that there are not enough professional support sys-
sions to breastfeed or not. Therefore, they recom-
to provide women with information that counters
were likely to search the Internet to find answers
tems in place. Even when they are available, many
mended:
social trends and belief systems. This is because not
for their questions regarding breastfeeding’s im-
women are not aware of these supports. Women
all women will get the social support and informa-
portance and benefits, and demonstrated that
tion they need through their female relatives and
Qatari health websites, especially those linked to
who are in favor of breastfeeding because of their
friends. Participants suggested that not all women
hospitals and women’s birth centers, would likely
grasped the true benefits of breastfeeding either
help improve matters. Other suggestions included
for their babies or themselves, and recommended
magazine articles and advertising, as well as tele-
that further communication about these should
vision programs and advertising. Finally, partici-
be prioritized by hospitals and health authorities.
pants suggested that girls’ school education pro-
If there was no community-based discourse about
grams should cover the topic of breastfeeding, es-
breastfeeding, or tradition within women’s families
pecially in relation to its Qur’anic recommendation
to make it a priority, then there was also a lack of
on breastfeeding.
ability which women presented in these interviews.
awareness of its need and benefit still struggle to
commit to practice due to limited social support
and/or professional instruction. Because there has
We should advertise about breastfeeding in hospitals. We should also advertise about the benefits of
breastfeeding. We should convey the messages about
breastfeeding to friends, relatives, and especially to
those mothers who have delivered for the first time.
been a decrease in breastfeeding practice among
We should tell them about the benefit of breastfeed-
the women of Qatar, there is a lack of social sup-
ing. We should encourage mothers to give maximum
port and knowledge regarding breastfeeding in
time to practice breastfeeding. Mothers should be in-
many communities. One of the mothers stated:
The important thing is to encourage women during
pregnancy and prepare her for that, especially prime
formed that breastfeeding is best for her and her baby.
She should think what benefit in harming the health
of her child is. I was encouraged by nurses and doctors at hospital who were forcing me to breastfeed.
My family members supported and encouraged me
Women expressed a need for professional support,
Some women also demonstrated that on an eco-
mother. So, before her delivery, there should be class-
whether directly through training at a hospital, or
nomic level it is sometimes difficult for women
es to educate mothers about the benefit of breastfeed-
indirectly through information sessions or other
to take the time they need to breastfeed, espe-
ing and show the mother how to breastfeed her baby.
means, in order to ensure that they had the tools they
cially if they have a financial obligation to their
This will help her to be ready emotionally and physi-
needed to be able to achieve the goal of breastfeed-
family. Findings demonstrated that women with
cally for that.
ing on their own at home over a long term. Women
additional financial resources were more able to
wanted to feel confident in making sure that they
breastfeed. At the same time, the fact that more
One of the challenges pointed out by the partici-
were providing their children with the best nutri-
economically secure women are often better able
pants in this study was that much depended, as
tion and schedule possible, and this was not an easy
to breastfeed has meant that it is socially desir-
well, on the woman’s individual level of education
all this information she is the one who decides wheth-
task to accomplish without clear information. Ac-
able to be able to afford formula among some
and the culture in which she had been raised. For
er she wants to breastfeed or no. She is responsible for
cording to Porteous (2000), the professional support
women, as indicated in the study. Culturally and
this reason, one of the suggestions which was men-
her decision afterwards.
has an important role in increasing the duration of
religiously, however, women are more inclined
tioned frequently as a point of connection for all
breastfeeding among the mothers who identified
to value breastfeeding, especially because of re-
women was support in the Qur’an for breastfeed-
themselves without support.
ligious incentives to do so. A study reported that
ing. Because of the fact that this would be a com-
by understanding and supporting islamic beliefs
mon place in which to start the education process,
Participants were also able to suggest to the re-
of breastfeeding, clinicians can help mothers to
it was raised as an opportunity for hospital admin-
and mother. We should distribute such magazines
searchers viable means by which to engage the Qa-
initiate healthy feeding practices of infants as
istrators to begin the discussion with new moth-
and books in the hospitals.
88
to breastfeed.
The health care professionals, such as a doctor, can
spend a few minutes during mother’s antenatal visits in explaining the benefits of breastfeeding. He can
give her information about why and how it is beneficial and healthy for the baby and how it can help in
the child’s growth and development. After knowing
We can give them all the information about breastfeeding. We can discuss such topics in magazines and
books. By these ways, we should convey this message
that breastfeeding is beneficial for the health of baby
89
What this means is that without specific informa-
intrinsic risk to Qatari women’s children. Women
feeding among the population of Qatari women.
training the health care staff, promoting breast-
tion from professional instructors, such as nurses
in this community are aware of the benefits, but
This means that more work needs to be done in
feeding by educating mothers, helping mothers to
and doctors with breastfeeding knowledge, many
seem, in many cases, to lack the basic skill set that
order to provide options for training on breast-
initiate breastfeeding in the first 30 minutes af-
Qatari women are not able to gain an interest in the
they need to effectively feed their children without
feeding techniques to younger mothers. The study
ter birth, showing the breastfeeding methods to
practice because of a lack of knowledge regarding
an overt reliance on formula in the short term. This
demonstrates that there are a number of options
the mothers, promoting exclusive breastfeeding,
breastfeeding techniques and its benefit for the in-
means that during the most crucial period of child-
available to increase awareness of breastfeeding
practicing rooming-in, encouraging breastfeeding
fant’s health. The result was that turning to formu-
care women are likely to need assistance.
among mothers-to-be which could be pursued
on demand, providing no artificial soothers and
both in person through training and coaching,
establishing support groups in the community
la was a better solution for them because of the fact
that they feared that their children would starve
Personal challenges, such as the perception of pain
and through awareness-raising campaigns on-
for breastfeeding mothers. Although health care
without it. The focus of most of the respondents
and body image, also seem to significantly influ-
line, in magazines, and in hospitals. The health
agencies in Qatar are working towards obtaining
was a clear lack of education programs in hospi-
ence women’s decision on breastfeeding. Research
care providers need to be trained and knowledge-
BFHI status, so far none of them have achieved
tals that would provide them with specific sets of
indicates that women with higher degree of body
able about the mothers’ opinion of breastfeeding
this goal.
instructions and which would be able to help them
image satisfaction are more likely to engage in
and the influencing factors to be able to have open
practice the skills associated with breastfeeding
breastfeeding (Huang, Wang, and Chen 2004), and
and non-judgmental discussions with the moth-
Some studies provide proof that BFHI policies
in a safe environment where they would not have
postpartum body image dissatisfaction is linked
ers in order to help them.
cannot be successful by themselves and other fac-
to fear for their infants’ survival. It was clear that
with a lower likelihood of breastfeeding (Walker
many individuals had had to learn how to breast-
and Freeland-Graves 1998). Some studies have
In the end, all these won’t be successful if the
as well as in the health care agencies, to increase
feed on their own and had come up with their own
shown that mothers who are highly concerned
breastfeeding and mothers’ friendly legislations
this strategy’s success rate. Kramer and col-
methods of making sure that their baby would
about their body image and weight are more likely
and policies are not established in the health care
leagues (2007) suggest that along with the BFHI,
feed, which was both frustrating and discourag-
to make a decision during pregnancy not to breast-
agencies and the community. The BFHI has shown
a highly centralized system of breastfeeding pro-
ing. Combined with postpartum depression, this
feed their babies and follow their decision in the
positive results. Merewood and colleagues (2003)
motion and support should ensure that all moth-
would be a very difficult situation for many wom-
postpartum period (Foster, Slade, and Wilson 1996;
found that the BFHI has been linked to improved
ers receive the necessary support for breastfeed-
en, as indicated above. It would often mean that in
Barnes et al. 1997; Waugh and Bulik 1999). Similar
breastfeeding rates in U.S. hospitals. In a study of
ing. This study also emphasizes that prolonged
the first, crucial months of life their babies were
to our findings, some mothers decide to formula
a neonatal unit, it was seen that the “breastfeeding
postpartum hospital stay allows mother to gain
relying just as much on formula as on breast milk,
feed their babies because of pain, discomfort, and
initiation rate increased from 34.6% (1995) to 74.4%
confidence in breastfeeding and establish good
even when the mother was able to breastfeed. This
tiredness (Murphy 1999; Bailey and Pain 2001; Sch-
(1999),” that “[a]mong 2-week-old infants, the pro-
breastfeeding practices before leaving the hospi-
presents a significant level of disconnect between
meid and Lupton 2001; Lee 2007a; 2007b; Miller, Bo-
portion receiving any breast milk rose from 27.9%
tal, which could increase breastfeeding success.
the recommendations of the leading global health
nas, and Dixon-Woods 2007; Stapleton, Fielder, and
(1995) to 65.9% (1999),” and that “the proportion
care organizations and the actual Qatari women’s
Kirkham 2008). Other studies report that mothers
receiving breast milk exclusively rose from 9.3%
Other studies argued that particular attention
practices, even when they themselves were com-
recognize formula feeding as a valuable, easy, and
(1995) to 39% (1999)” (Merewood et al. 2003:166).
should be paid to the community leadership de-
mitted to providing breast milk to their infants.
convenient method that provides them the oppor-
Reasons for the improvement in breastfeeding
velopment as a foundation for sustaining breast-
The difficulty was, therefore, not in the level of
tunity to “get back to normal” and “having free-
were directly attributed to the support structure
feeding efforts. To be successful, an integrated
commitment in many cases but instead in the abil-
dom” (Earle 2002; Lee 2007a; 2007b).
and the introduction of baby-friendly policies,
and comprehensive breastfeeding support sys-
which had a direct effect on a new mother’s will-
tem must be constructed and measured not only
These issues point to the fact that there is a need
ingness to breastfeed. To achieve BFHI, the “Ten
through continued financial stability but also by
for health care organizations to step in and pro-
Steps to Successful Breastfeeding” policy should
the capacity of the community leaders, hospitals,
What this demonstrates is that due to a lack of
vide support, and for public health initiatives to be
be implemented in the health care agencies. The
insurance companies, and the health care provid-
clear information on how to breastfeed, there is an
initiated in order to raise awareness about breast-
steps include: developing breastfeeding policies,
ers to accept ownership for protecting, promoting,
ity of the women to actually put their commitment
into practice due to their lack of knowledge.
90
tors should be implemented in the community,
91
Acknowledgments
and supporting breastfeeding (Slusser and Lange
prove the health care system to a comprehensive
and support for Qatari mothers to breastfeed. It is
2002). Similarly, Demirates (2012) indicates that
system that could provide health care services to
important to provide Qatari women with explicit
supportive strategies for breastfeeding can influ-
the whole population. This document specifically
and detailed instructions, bedside coaching and
This research and publication was funded and sup-
ence and benefit mothers. Strategies were catego-
emphasizes improving the preventive health care
follow-up aftercare, so that they might be better
ported by Qatar National Research Fund/Under-
rized in five groups: collaboration with commu-
for women and children. In the women and child
prepared to take on this important role in their
graduate Research Experience Program (UREP). We
nity and family members, confidence building,
health section of this document, prenatal health
children’s lives. Without this commitment from
would like to thank Dr. Tam Truong Donnelly for her
appropriate ratio of staffing levels, development
and breastfeeding have been recognized as areas
the Qatari health care system, it is less likely that
utmost guidance and support, staff and management
of communication skills, and “closing the gaps.”
that require improvement. The goals of the wom-
women will be able to take on the challenge of
of Women’s Hospital, especially Mr. Nish Petal, Ms.
He also argued that governments, hospital, and
en and child health section of the Qatar National
breastfeeding. Health care professionals need to
Haila Salim, and Ms. Sheika Al-Dosari, who had fa-
community management, key persons locally in
Health Strategy are: exclusive breastfeeding and
participate actively in the promotion of breast-
cilitated our research and the University of Calgary
religious and educational settings, midwives and
complementary feeding education, enhancement
feeding and to alleviate the current gap in social
main campus and Qatar branch for the ongoing sup-
nurses themselves should take action for policy
of prenatal care services, improved postpartum
knowledge around breastfeeding practice so that
port. We also appreciate Ms. Afrah Mousa Saleh’s
change. A Turkish study also confirms the above
services, childhood vaccination coverage, domes-
it can be re-incorporated into the lives of Qatari
contributions to this project. We are mostly grateful
finding. The study concludes that traditional be-
tic violence victim support services, maternity
women. Over the long term, it is hoped that once
to the breastfeeding mothers who shared their expe-
liefs should be understood by health care profes-
leave policy, and women’s health screening and
again this knowledge will be adopted by the com-
riences, knowledge, and recommendations with us.
sionals, the community programs should be de-
IVF regulation. This document, along with the
munity so that more women will be able to gain
The content of this research is entirely the responsi-
veloped to explore and address such practices and
research conducted in the area of breastfeeding,
the social support they need to feed their children
bility of the authors and do not represent the views of
incorporate them into women’s education where
could help layout a culturally appropriate plan to
successfully without a need for formula.
Qatar National Research Fund.
appropriate, and women should be educated and
develop intervention plans to improve the breast-
trained in breastfeeding. Professionals also need
feeding practices in the state of Qatar.
to be trained how to establish linkages between
tradition and modern health promotion messages
Summary and Conclusion
to encourage the new ways of doing in the community (Ergenekon-Ozelci et al. 2006).
As mentioned above, the goal of our study was
to find ways to effectively promote breastfeeding
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Investigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers in the Canadian Provincial Correctional System
Rosemary Ricciardelli
Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada
all federal prisons (Correctional Service Canada
in federal prisons, where offenders are incarcer-
2008; see also the Canadian Unitarians for Socail
ated for two years or more (Griffiths 2010), explic-
Justice 2010 for overviews of cuts to institutional
itly in the relationships among prisoners and those
programs and funds). This trend is already well
between prisoners and correctional officers. Fol-
established in most provincial systems across the
lowing from Sykes’ classic study (1958), researchers
country. This, combined with recent changes at
have established the importance of an inmate code
the policy level, has the potential to further es-
that enforces conduct rules, such as not “ratting” on
calate violent prisoner and officer relationships
fellow prisoners, distrusting prison officials, and
within all prison systems (i.e., federal and pro-
doing “your own time” (Sykes and Messinger 1960;
vincial). For example, the passing of Bill C-10 will
Irwin and Cressey 1962; Ricciardelli forthcoming).
lead to more overcrowding in federal prisons due
Griffiths (2010) maintains that a code of behavior
to offenders being mandated to serve longer sen-
also shapes correctional officers’ interactions with
tences and criminal law being less tolerant of “sec-
interact daily with prisoners, voluntarily participated in detailed 60- to 180-minute in-depth
colleagues. This “code” places a premium on officers
ond chances.” However, at the provincial level,
interviews. Analysis of interview transcripts reveals that violence is prevalent and men either
protecting other officers in danger, refraining from
we can anticipate more individuals being charged
experience or anticipate experiencing physical or verbal victimization at work. Additionally,
becoming friends or too friendly with prisoners,
with crimes and serving more time in remand cus-
officers employ strategies, such as a confident and authoritative self-presentation, building
and never talking behind the backs of colleagues.
tody (i.e., time served in provincial remand facili-
Larivière (2002) found officers’ negative attitudes
ties while awaiting trial, even when an offender
towards prisoners, such as the view that prisoners
is facing a federal sentence) due to the extensive
violence or their threat shape officer’s self-concept over time; the ways officers interact within
have too much power, were largely attributable to
backlog of cases/offenders awaiting trial. Indeed,
their prison work environment creates a shift in their self that extends beyond the prison walls.
problematic policies that undermine their authority
the Toronto Chief of Police, William Blair, noted
and escalate their potential to experience violence
that “over 65% of people in custody have not had
in interactions with prisoners. Samak (2003) investi-
a trial” (Speech given at the 50th Anniversary of
gated the relationship between working conditions
the Centre of Criminology at the University of
and health, safety, and general well-being for cor-
Toronto, November 21, 2012).
Amber Gazso
York University, Canada
Investigating Threat Perception Among
Correctional Officers in the Canadian
Provincial Correctional System
Abstract This paper presents findings regarding the perception and experience of threat among
correctional officers in the Canadian provincial correctional system. Men employed in
provincial remand centers or corrections institutions in diverse provinces across Canada, who
positive relationships with colleagues, and respectful relationships with prisoners, to mitigate
this threat. However, we found that threat to safety extended beyond simply those of physical
or verbal victimization to include threat to men’s sense of self. Specifically, victimization and
Keywords Prison; Violence; Sense of Self; Corrections Officer; Static Self; Interaction
Rosemary Ricciardelli
Dr. Amber Gazso is an Associate Professor in Sociolo-
is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at Memorial
University of Newfoundland. She earned her PhD in
Sociology at McMaster University. She has published
in a range of academic journals including: Sex Roles,
Criminal Justice Review, Canadian Journal of Sociology,
Journal of Crime and Justice, Journal of Gender Studies,
The Prison Journal, and Journal of Criminal Justice Education. Her primary research interests include evolving conceptualizations of masculinity, and experiences and issues within different facets of the criminal
justice system. Her current research looks at prisoner
culture, their coping strategies and risk perception,
as well as those of corrections officers. She also continues to investigate wrongful convictions and the
perceptions of individuals who have had such experiences.
gy at York University. She completed her PhD in Sociology at
the University of Alberta in 2006. Her current research interests include: citizenship; family and gender relations; poverty; research methods; and social policy and the welfare state.
Her two current research projects, both funded by SSHRC,
explore: (1) how diverse families make ends meet by piecing
together networks of social support that include government
programs (e.g., social assistance) and community supports,
and informal relations within families and with friends and
neighbors; and (2) the relationship between health and income inequality among Canadians and Americans in midlife. Her recent publications focus on low income mothers
and their experiences on social assistance or with incarceration; comparing mid-life Canadians and Americans’ different experiences of the recession and generational relations;
and health disparities among aging Canadians.
96
I
n Canada, there is considerable research interest
rectional officers employed in the Canadian federal
prison system. He found that levels of harassment
There is limited scholarship, however, on the pro-
for officers were “alarmingly” high and the stress of
vincial governments’ role in the Canadian criminal
working in the federal prisons “spilled-over” into
justice system, particularly on male prisoners’ expe-
their private lives (Samak 2003).
riences in remand centers (pending trial or sentencing) or of being incarcerated for two years less a day
Harassment may intensify with prisoners who
in provincial correctional institutions (Motiuk and
have more idle hands and idle time. A grow-
Serin 2001; Griffiths 2010).2 There are some notable
ing possibility given that there is an increasing
exceptions. Comack’s (2008) illuminative qualita-
trend toward the removal of all or most rehabili-
tive study of incarcerated Aboriginal men revealed
tative resources and work programming1 across
that cultures of masculinity inside and outside of
This national campaign referenced draws attention to closure of work-programs in federal prisons in Ontario (Canadian Unitarians for Socail Justice 2010).
2
1
Federal, provincial, and territorial governments in Canada
share the responsibility of managing custodial and non-custodial sentences (Motiuk and Serin 2001).
97
Rosemary Ricciardelli & Amber Gazso
prison facilitated the gendered violence for which
number those actually sentenced and in provincial
their arrival in jail. Moreover, officers are exposed
officers as having agency to adjust their roles within
they were criminalized. While Weinrath’s (2009)
custody (Weinrath 2009). The John Howard Society
to possibly violent behaviors from offenders post-
these settings; thereby, transforming their identities
survey of men in remand custody presented their
highlights the problematic conditions of remand in
detox. Remand and provincial correctional institu-
in the process (see also Stets and Burke 2003). In this
views on the increased use of pre-trial detention,
Ontario, such as 12-hour lock-down during day-
tions, by nature of these characteristics, facilitate
regard, how “self as officer” implicates the daily lives
as well as the two-for-one value of time served at
time hours, inadequate exercise or work opportu-
a prisoner culture that is hardly solidified and per-
of correctional officers outside of the workplace will
the time (i.e., until February 22, 2010, each day an
nities, and lack of access to educational opportu-
haps more in a state of flux than that found in fed-
also be investigated. The shift work of correctional
offender served in custody pre-trial was counted
nities (e.g., teachers and libraries). Overcrowding,
eral prisons. Daily interactions amongst prisoners
officers, their “code” of conduct, their own “institu-
as double; thus, a person sentenced to six months
indicated by the double or triple bunking of pris-
who have their own unique criminal perspectives
tionalization” within the centers where they work
in prison who had served three months in remand
oners in cells and a high prisoner to officer ratio, is
and tendencies and personal/psychological health
(e.g., they are locked “in”), and their perception of
would have served their sentence before ever being
commonplace across Canada with most provincial
and well-being, combined with the administra-
constant actual or potential threat are factors which
to court). Most commonly, he found that prison-
institutions not large enough to accommodate the
tive controls that shape these interactions, create
potentially make this sense of self the most salient
number of prisoners. Men are sentenced to provin-
a fertile environment for violence (see Trammell
across multiple settings. To this end, four questions
cial institutions for a diverse range of offenses, in-
2012; Ricciardelli forthcoming) – one correctional
directed this research:
cluding failure to pay child support, theft, minor
officers must constantly navigate. In fact, the long
drug offenses, and assault. However, in some re-
history of correctional officers being victimized in
Q1. How do provincial correctional officers perceive
mand centers men sentenced to provincial prisons
provincial institutions is made evident in the me-
the prison environment?
and those still in remand are mixed (e.g., prison-
dia (see the Ontario Ministry of Community Safety
ers are not divided based on if they are sentenced
and Corrections 2012). Correctional officers serve
Q2. How and what types of threat do officers’ expe-
or not, rather they are divided by security needs);
the function of protecting the public from offend-
rience on the job?
thus, men charged with murder can live alongside
ers and/or protecting offenders from each other,
men who failed to pay their parking tickets. As
but face the possibility of first- or second-hand vio-
well, officers are inhibited in providing rehabilita-
lence every day: violence directed at themselves or
tive programming by the length and diversity of
offender violence that they must disrupt through
men’s sentences and the high turnover in the pris-
containment tactics, including force.
ers felt the length of remand time was increasing
because extensive amounts of time passed before
cases went to trial due to insufficient resources in
the court system.3, 4 Looking at provincial offenders
from a different angle, Boyd (2011) surveyed 200 correctional officers working in provincial institutions
in British Columbia to explore their experiences and
perceptions of violent incidents.
With the exception of Boyd (2011), however, we
are not aware of any research that focuses on correctional officers’ experiences and perceptions of
threat in provincial remand centers or correctional
institutions. Such research is important for several
reasons, including that there has been a large increase in the number of men awaiting sentencing
in provincial remand centers and these men outOther reasons for the increase in remand time before 2010,
beyond employing the strategy of using remand as long as
possible to decrease time served, include zero tolerance policies, increased difficulties in getting bail, lawyering and police conduct, and offender drug use.
3
Research ethics approval was obtained and participant
confidentiality and anonymity were protected. Participants
were able to ask for clarification about the study or procedures. They were also reminded of their ability to withdraw
from participating during the interview and that they were
not obligated to answer any questions or discuss any topics.
They were also informed that, due to the procedures used
to ensure anonymity, their data, once transcribed, could not
be removed from the study. In this document, pseudonyms
were used to protect the identities of the respondents and
the names of the correctional facilities have been removed.
4
98
Q3. How do officers maintain their safety at work?
Q4. How does this threat affect their sense of self?
The paper is organized such that we begin, first, with
oner populations (see also Griffiths 2010). In both
settings officers must work with repeat offenders,
Our aim in this paper is to highlight officers’ experi-
a review of the literature relevant to our research
who may interact with different prisoners upon
ences in the provincial correctional system. We draw
objective. Since little exists on our specific topic, we
each sentence served, creating both friends and en-
on qualitative interviews with 41 current or retired
draw heavily on Canadian scholarship on federal
emies and potentially perpetuating gang activity.
male correctional officers who worked in provincial
prisons and American research on state prisons or
remand or correctional institutions of maximum-
county jails to illustrate what the correctional offi-
Beyond prison-to-prisoner dynamics, officers ad-
security classification for male offenders in multiple
cer role entails and how its performance can change
ditionally manage the personal trials and tribula-
Canadian provinces. Our interests lie within male
a person (e.g., their health and well-being). Second,
tions offenders face as they await trial. These of-
officers’ perceptions and experiences of threat and
we introduce our theoretical framework, situated
fenders are possibly anxious about their future,
how this connects to and shapes their self-concepts
within the interpretative paradigm, as one that en-
concerned about what is happening to their pos-
in their role as correctional officers. The workplaces
ables an understanding of how self can be perceived
sessions and family, and angry with their situ-
of correctional officers, the prisons, are viewed as
as changing in response to threat. We then review
ation. Officers must also work with men experi-
social structures with fixed settings and predeter-
the methods and present the findings. The analyses
encing addiction and who undergo detox during
mined roles. However, we additionally understand
of interviewee transcripts reveal that correctional
99
officers, by nature of their work, experience actual
reduced well-being, greater alcohol and tobacco use,
Lahm 2009; Sorensen et al. 2011), as well as prisoner
(2008) discovered that violence extends beyond that
and anticipated threats of physical and verbal victim-
and concerns about life outside of work (e.g., finan-
overcrowding (Gaes and McGuire 1985; Martin et al.
of prisoners toward officers. Indeed, a third of their
ization. But concurrently, they experience “threats to
cial concerns), increasing physical problems (e.g.,
2012) have also been documented as relatively accu-
participants reported experiencing repetitive ag-
their sense of self.” Their self can be dramatically
headaches, stomach aches, back pain), and longer or
rate predictors of assaults on officers or of prisoners
gressive acts from co-workers or their superiors.
changed or change can even be stalled in the daily
more frequent sick leaves (Bierie 2012).
threatening officers. Each year, many correctional
activities of their job, often with a rippling effect on
officers are victims of physical assault, battery, in-
The Corrections Officer: Role Conflict
their daily lives outside of the prison. The impor-
In comparison to that of workers in the general pop-
jury, punctures or stabbings, and verbal assaults
tance of our research stems from the realization that
ulation, the work environment of corrections officers
(Hayes 1985).
threats extend beyond the possibility of physical and
in provincial prisons in Quebec, Canada was corre-
mental victimization but, instead, are intimately con-
lated with high levels of psychological distress (e.g.,
Consistent with American findings, officers in the
been linked to interpersonal challenges, such as
nected to interactional changes in the self.
for corrections staff) and adverse psychosocial fac-
Canadian correctional system are exposed to the
the balancing of custody and treatment as embod-
tors (Bourbonnais et al. 2005). Specifically, between
threat of violence, intimidation, and at times are
ied in the officer role (Blair, Black, and Long 1981;
2002 and 2004, male and female officers reported
victims of violence on the job. For example, Boyd
Hemmens and Stohr 2000). Hemmens and Stohr
experiencing more psychological distress when they
(2011) reported that provincial correctional officers
found that male officers, although less so than fe-
The Prison Environment and Threats Faced by
were exposed to high psychological demands, when
in British Columbia were prone to “credible threats
male, tended more toward a human service orien-
Officers
rewards were scarce at work, and they had low au-
of harm” from prisoners that included: physical as-
tation (e.g., a responsibility to rehabilitate) rather
tonomy. Other factors impacting distress included
sault, being hit by feces, blood, vomit, urine or spit,
than the “hack” orientation (e.g., a “hard-line ap-
Extensive variation exists in prison conditions
experiences of job strain, a lack of social support from
and other types of victimization. Moreover, years
proach to their job and interactions with inmates”
across the United States, ranging from prisoners
supervisors and peers, or feeling either harassed or
on the job increased exposure to violent incidents
[2000:343]). While education and age did not af-
having limited access to hot meals, recreational
intimidated at work. Across North America, the fed-
and higher levels of stress. He maintained that
fect preferred orientation among officers, having
activities, and anything deemed unessential (Lenz
eral and provincial penal work environments ap-
transient populations like those in provincial insti-
a prior military background was correlated to the
2002) to the extreme, and infamous, conditions in
pear to negatively impact the overall well-being of
tutions increase the threat and degree of violence
adoption of a hack orientation. Lastly, they found
the Phoenix jail system under Sheriff Joe Arpaio. In
those employed within the institutions. As a result,
in the institution (Boyd 2011). Looking at officers in
that military veterans, rather than non-veterans,
Phoenix, prisoners are limited to two meals a day,
some researchers have begun to investigate the high
the federal prison system, Seidman and Williams
were more likely to endorse the use of force to gain
forced to wear pink underwear, and temperatures
rates of job burn-out, job dissatisfaction, and turn-
interviewed 27 officers that had been victims of
compliance with an order (Hemmens and Stohr
are allowed to rise to over 130 degrees in the sum-
over among correctional officers (Lambert, Hogan,
prison-based hostage takings. Respondents, here,
2000). The limited Canadian literature in the area
mer (Shorey 2003). Existing American research on
and Tucker 2009; Lambert, Altheimer, and Hogan
most frequently reported having thoughts of “dis-
includes Linda Simourd’s (1997) doctoral disserta-
federally incarcerated prisoners, however, has es-
2010; Lambert and Paoline 2010).
belief, fear of injury and death, and survival” dur-
tion, where she investigated correctional officers
ing the incidents, while their emotional reactions
in the federal prison system. In this quantitative
Background and Literature Review
tablished a concrete connection between the prison
In American research on state prisons, the roles
and responsibilities of correctional officers have
environment and the potential deterioration of cor-
American research has established that violence
exposed feelings of “shock, anxiety, terror, frustra-
study of front-line staff, she found that many were
rectional officers’ health and well-being, specifi-
in the workplace is a major source of threat to the
tion, vulnerability, powerlessness, humiliation, and
supportive of the prison’s rehabilitative approach,
cally as demonstrated in the work of Bierie (2012).
occupational health of correctional officers (Hayes
isolation” (1999:30). The personal impact of these
but were additionally concerned that greater staff
His data showed that prison-level aggregations of
1985; Dignam and Fagan 1996; Garcia 2009; Lahm
extreme high-threat situations was evident in how
corruption or manipulation may be a product of in-
harsher conditions, in some cases mandated by
2009; Sorensen et al. 2011). In prisons, both male and
these officers became hyper-vigilant on the job, de-
creased interaction with prisoners. Lanthier (2003)
policy (Finn 1996), are significantly associated with
female officers experience harassment, although
veloped sleep disorders, and, as reported by over
also noted the difficulties associated with the com-
a marked deterioration in officers’ physical and psy-
women more so than men (e.g., Savicki, Cooley,
50% of the respondents, felt that their personal lives
bined security, service, and reintegration functions
chological symptomatology that extends beyond
and Gjesvold 2003). Prisoner age and their years of
were negatively affected (Seidman and Williams
of federal correctional officers in their occupational
individual-level effects. Such deterioration includes:
experience on the job (Ditchfield and Harries 1996;
1999). More recently, Merecz-Kot and Cebrzyńska
role. He explained how officers’ conflicting roles
100
101
intensify in their opposition and stressfulness due
-officer interaction is connected to male officers’
According to Rosenberg (1979), self-concepts in-
possible), was also collected. Convenience and
to their low (the lowest) status as a civil servant in
sense of self. From this approach, the self is under-
clude how people think, feel, and imagine who
snowball sampling were used to meet these offi-
the penitentiary hierarchy. Indeed, officers sit just
stood as always acting in a social context. Identities
they are, their idealized views and their actual
cers. In practice, this meant that word of mouth re-
above prisoners and must comply with their tasks
and behaviors, as wells as changes therein, are per-
practices of self. People experience negative or
cruitment in the community or through supportive
as proclaimed in official regulation or are threat-
ceived as the product of social structures, particu-
positive emotions based on their self-presentation
provincial ministries was used to find officers who
ened with penalty – including dismissal from their
larly interactions within social structures. Stets and
and sense of self, which vary according to how
were interested in voluntarily participating in in-
position (Lanthier 2003). Overall, scholars have
Burke (2003) further argue that the opposite is true,
they feel they have met the expectations of a role
terviews. For the purpose of this investigation, the
found that role conflict, the need to punish yet re-
that social structures materialize through patterned
identity. In light of these emotions, they may
data analyzed was limited to male respondents,
habilitate prisoners can be so commonplace among
actions among individuals over time.
change their behavior or alter their conception of
currently or previously employed as correctional
the situation. In altering the meanings they attach
officers, who had worked with adult males in pro-
correctional officers (Grusky 1959; Hepburn and
Albonetti 1980; Poole and Regoli 1980; Toch and
In the structural variant of symbolic interaction, the
to a situation or behavior, individuals can change
vincial correctional institutions or remand centers
Klofas 1982; Liou 1995) that compliance with one
self is understood to be made up of multiple parts
their identities. Identity change and the constant
that held maximum-security prisoners.
aspect of the role can make compliance with an-
or “identities” which are linked to social structures
(re-)conceptualization of the self is an ongoing
other near impossible (Toch and Klofas 1982).
(Stets and Burke 2003). Individuals’ identities in-
likely outcome of social interactions in larger so-
This was the specific focus for a variety of reasons.
form their roles or relationships within society. Any
cial structures (Stets and Burke 2003). To this end,
First, each prisoner population (e.g., adult males
This role ambiguity and contradiction, combined
person can have multiple identities; for example,
we specifically explore how male correctional offi-
or females, youth males or females) differs in their
with different views of what the correctional offi-
a male correctional officer may have “self as friend,”
cers’ experiences of violence or its threat are con-
behaviors and needs, as well as the policies sur-
cer role entails, may lead to officers feeling torn be-
“self as father,” “self as officer,” or “self as men-
nected to their sense of self.
rounding their custody arrangement (e.g., women
tween conflicting self perceptions or even suggest
tor” as an identity. Moreover, each person can at-
their need to create multiple presentations of self.
tribute multiple meanings to what these roles entail
Indeed, some scholars have noted the “performa-
or mean (i.e., what is known as the content of role
tive” quality of correctional officers’ attitudes when
identities). A male correctional officer, for example,
We conducted in-depth interviews with 100 cor-
cordance. Second, prisoner behaviors, as well as
referring to officers who engage in diverse presenta-
may perceive his role as that of a “protector,” “en-
rectional officers previously or currently employed
the role and expectations of officers, may change
tions of self and their emotions in their interactions
forcer,” or “counselor.” Stryker (1980) argued that
in provincial remand or correctional institutions in
based on the security classification of the prison in
while on duty (Crawley 2004). In this same vein,
one role identity may be played out frequently and
various provinces across Canada (e.g., New Bruns-
which they are employed (e.g., the offenders have
Guenther and Guenther (1972) explored how officers
across different situations, what he terms a salient
wick, Ontario, Alberta, Nunavut, Prince Edward
more restrictions and supervision in maximum-
manage or cope with uncertainties and unpredict-
identity. The salient role identity emerges when an
Island) between October 2011 and December 2012.
security). Given remand centers are only housed
ability while on the job. Their study revealed that
individual presents this identity in a greater num-
A demographic survey, tracking places of employ-
in maximum-security facilities (e.g., experiences
actions (e.g., force and/or assault) used to deal with
ber of interactions with people, who are in turn in-
ment, age, marital status, and field notes (where
of remand officers and those in less secure pris-
diverse situations, sometimes threat-based, were in
teracting with this identity and who develop strong
conflict with correctional philosophy.
ties to the individual (in the capacity he or she is
presenting him/herself only). The development of
Theoretical Framework
strong ties with others reinforces this identity and
enables a positive environment for the individual
Theoretically, the work of Stets and Burke (2003)
to continue with its adoption. An identity becomes
is followed and a structural approach is adopted
salient when it is the identity an individual utilizes
in our symbolic interactionist interpretation of
or embodies most often (e.g., it becomes internalized
how violence or the threat of violence in prisoner–
and understood as a representation of self).
102
and youth cannot be double bunked in many in-
Methods
stitutions while men can be triple bunked if necessary); thus, officers’ behaviors may change in ac-
5
Additionally, there is little research on women’s experiences
serving sentences in provincial correctional institutions. Exceptions include Buchanan and colleagues’ (2011) participatory action research with women incarcerated in a provincial
prison in Western Canada for drug and alcohol offenses (for
3 months on average) to understand women’s perspectives on
their addiction and its relationship to their criminalization.
Croteau (2000) and Griffiths, Yule, and Gartner (2011) studied
violence among female inmates. Notably, Croteau (2000) found
that provincially incarcerated women experienced psychological abuse and institutionalized violence alongside physical assault. Griffiths and colleagues’ study outlines how trivial issues can escalate into violent altercations among women incarcerated in a provincial institution in Ontario.
5
ons cannot be reliably combined) our sample is restricted to men working in maximum-secure or remand facilities. Lastly, female correctional officers
were not included in the sample because, given
fewer women work in direct contact with prisoners in adult male facilities in comparison to men,
too few women were interviewed who worked in
this capacity to successfully compare experiences
by gender, or at least to do so without potentially
103
breeching the confidentiality or anonymity of our
We used a semi-structured interview guide to con-
encouraged conceptual themes to emerge directly
Both authors reviewed the transcripts and ensured
female participants to date. Thus, 41 was the total
duct our interviews in person or by telephone.
6
from the data. The premise behind this process
agreement was achieved regarding all codes and
number of interviews analyzed for this paper.
Of these interviews, 37 were conducted in person
was founded on that first put forth by Glasser and
emergent themes noted in the data (e.g., a qualita-
and only four were done by phone. Each interview
Strauss who suggested researcher’s “use any ma-
tive understanding of inter-rater reliability). Below,
Respondents’ years of work as correctional officers
lasted up to three hours in length, depending on
terials bearing on his area that he can discover”
these themes are explored, first, by reviewing how
ranged from approximately two to 27. All men in-
a variety of factors including their multitude of
(1967:169). Specifically, our data analysis employed
officers perceive their environment and the threats
experiences and general talkativeness. The inter-
a constructed grounded theory approach that
they experience and, second, how they mitigate
view guide contained open-ended items cover-
was driven by the data but also attentive to exist-
these threats. Throughout, we direct our analysis to
ing an array of topics related to the experiences
ing theory (Charmaz 2006). In this sense, we ap-
how violence or its threat shapes their sense of self.
of correctional officers in the prison environment.
proached the data with our knowledge about the
The open-ended nature of the questions allowed
research questions suspended and allowed themes
Officers in the Provincial Correctional
to emerge from the data. To this end, our analytic
System
cluded in the sample had worked with adult males
in maximum-security facilities; 36 were currently employed as correctional officers. Aside from
working or previously working in maximumsecurity provincial remand or prisons, ten of the
respondents had experiences with other prisoner
populations (i.e., youths and females) or adult male
offenders serving time in less secure facilities.
A few also had some experience in federal corrections and 31 of the men had previous employment
experience outside of corrections. Interestingly, all
participants self-identified as White and Canadian
and most had a college diploma (n=30) followed by
the interviewer flexibility to probe any conversational paths and topics as they emerged. Once
respondents were comfortable discussing their
experiences, the interview followed the conversational path of the respondent with probing when
particular topics of interest arose. The in-depth interviews permitted a deeper understanding of the
specific reality as experienced by respondents to be
grasped.
a university degree (n=11). The minimum education of the sample was a high school diploma (n=3).
Interviews were conducted in English, audio re-
In terms of religiosity, 13 men identified as prac-
corded, and transcribed verbatim.7 The interviews
ticing their faith, 16 as non-practicing, and 9 men
were coded thematically. We used a coding strat-
determined any sort of religious affiliation to be
egy that has some comparability with that which is
non-applicable to their distinctiveness. The ages of
used in a modified grounded theory drawing from
respondents ranged from 22 to over 65; the aver-
Strauss and Corbin (1990) and Glaser and Strauss
age age of respondents was 35 years old (although
(1967).8 This strategy ensured a rigorous process of
data on age was missing for two men). 21 of the
data analysis was undertaken that, systematically,
men interviewed had at least one child. Interestingly, 16 men reported a change in their marital
status since they first started in corrections (recall
some men had a few years of experience and were
in their early twenties when interviewed). Nonetheless, 4 men were divorced (at least once) and
remarried, 14 were currently married, 15 were single/never married, and 8 lived in a common-law
relationship.
104
The few phone interviews were due to the extensive distance
between where the officers and researchers resided. We found
no discernible difference between the in-person and phone
based interviews.
6
Any direct verbal quotes from participants have been edited
for speech fillers such as “like”, “umm”, and “ahh”, and grammar in order to assist with comprehensibility and flow. Although, to stay true to the voice of the respondents, transcriptions were verbatim and any edits were minimal and did not
affect the participant’s vernacular, use of profanity, or slang.
7
We make no claims that we completed a grounded theory
research project, for example, generating theory. Instead, we
adopt a coding strategy that is informed by some procedures
outlined by Strauss and Corbin (1990).
8
strategy was as follows. Upon reading the interview transcripts, we first assigned codes (similar to
Perception of Actual or Anticipated Threat
Strauss and Corbin’s open codes) to the data that
(Q1; Q2)
seemed to capture the different ways officers spoke
about their experiences, for example, “being there
The theme violence is expected captures how partici-
for me” and “quick code response time.” Our next
pants described threats as multifaceted and largely
step was to reflect upon how officers’ responses
attributable to diverse elements unique to the pris-
had shared dimensions, patterns, or relationships,
on environment. We must recall that correctional
what we perceived as central organizing themes
officers, even when instructed to be peace officers,
(similar to Strauss and Corbin’s axial coding). For
are trained in the use of force tactics; therefore,
example, we perceived the codes “being there for
they are primed to anticipate violence when inter-
me” and “quick code response time” to coalesce
acting with prisoners. The presence of violence or
into the larger theme “Do you got my back?” Cen-
its threat while on duty was described by all cor-
tral themes were composed of multiple respon-
rectional officers working with adult males as com-
dents describing similar experiences, views, and
monplace. It was viewed as a natural part of the
feelings regarding a particular topic. Specifically,
prison work environment. For example, Jackson,
major re-current themes that emerged across all
an active officer, explained that he feels the poten-
or some participants’ narratives were determined.
tial for physical violence “a hundred percent” of
Figure 1 is an example of how we conceptually and
the time. While Nate, a retired officer, described:
theoretically used our findings in answer to our
research questions (see Appendix A); space limitations do not permit us to provide a figure for each
research question. Figure 1 depicts how we understand certain factors (shared in interviews) as
linked to perceptions of threat by correctional officers (Q1), which we discuss in our findings section.
Being assaulted and attacked. To me it was part of my
job... Some were fighting hard, you end up with a brawl.
They’re punching, kicking, biting, and spitting, and everything like this... [Sometimes] you [have to] give it to
them just as much as they give to you… It just happens.
Sometimes you open the door and the inmate just suckers your face, nailed ya. You just don’t know.
105
Officers with decades of experiences noted that
ment. These factors included high prisoner to of-
riots and stuff, where they refused to come in from
prisoner interactions, officers associated any lack of
violence and its threat remained customary even
ficer ratios, a lack of co-worker cohesion, being
the yard and you have to go in, fight them, and bring
solidarity and cohesion among co-workers, some-
though correctional officer conduct had changed
assigned to dangerous units, and confrontations
them back in... (Aaron)
times exacerbated by institutional policy, with an
over the last 15 to 30 years. These men explained
with particularly dangerous prisoners. The high
that when they started in corrections the culture
prisoner to officer ratio (e.g., two officers on a range
Beyond overcrowding, ranges that housed high
perpetuated violence by abusing or maltreating the
with 16 prisoners double bunked or two officers on
profile prisoners or prisoners with particularly
a range with over 60 double bunked prisoners) that
violent or aggressive criminal histories were con-
was intensified by overcrowding in prisons (e.g.,
sidered particularly dangerous, contributing to
two officers on a range with 24 prisoners triple
this sense of threat. The men on these ranges were
bunked; two in the beds and one on the floor on
viewed as more violent, given the nature of their
folks [that] didn’t seem to understand how to carry
a mattress) where prisoners vastly outnumbered
charges, and perhaps more likely to be victimized
out the job” [Mike]). More so, all officers were most
correctional officers was commonly mentioned as
because of the dynamics within the group of per-
interested in working with a colleague that they
a contributing factor to experiencing not only the
sons sharing the range (e.g., the types of charges
felt would offer them protection in a potentially
threat of violence but actual physical attacks as
different people held, the notoriety of their crime,
threatening situation. Jake, currently employed
well. Cells in many prisons contain one bunk bed
the mix of gang or criminal affiliations between
as an officer, explained that: “when you’re work-
and are approximately six by nine feet in size. Pris-
the prisoners, etc.). Many officers, retired or active-
ing with somebody, you want to know that some-
oners could be locked into their cell for 16 hours on
ly employed, described their experiences on these
body backs you up … I think you pick up a sense
a standard day, more time if the jail was in lock-
ranges, and in doing so revealed how their sense
down. The extent of overcrowding was described
from people whether they would be there for you if
of their role as officer had multiple meanings, with
by many:
things get a little rough.” This thought process was
explicit feelings attached to these meanings. The
reiterated by many who described a strong level of
meaning of officer as “protector,” “enforcer,” or
solidarity between themselves and some of their
“counselor” included feelings of being “nervous”
co-workers due to their similar backgrounds (e.g.,
and “prepared” and “alert.” For example, Greyson
military training, etc.) and strong amicable rela-
explained, “I remember being nervous. You always
tionships (e.g., “our shift hangs out all the time”
feel you’ve got to watch over your shoulder and
[Victor]).
prisoners. For example:
Once my partner came out of the unit, I called him
out. I said “Let’s go get the mops.” And back in the
day when I first started in the business that was one
of those code words. If an inmate said [anything to
us] he was going to get the mops. We’d take him to
the mop room. Out of sight, out of mind. He might get
a beating on him. (Patrick)
He, echoing others, noted that although the culture
had changed – the focus was now on peace rather
than conflict – and it was no longer acceptable for
officers to engage in acts of physical violence with
prisoners (e.g., “inmates are getting killed and our
mandate, it says in our policy: care, custody, and
control, in that order we are responsible for their
safety and you can be held accountable” [Buddy]),
physical violence continued regularly and the
sense of threat was omnipresent. Other officers,
It really is a brand new challenge every time you come
in on duty. The place was fit for fifty-seven inmates
and you got to come [into work] with ninety-two [prisoners]. Then the next thing you know, sheriff comes
in with three guys… They have to sleep in the gym
increased sense of threat. Solidarity among coworkers promoted safety, collective perceptions of
the role of officer as “collegial” or “protector,” and
decreased threat. All interviewees noted that they
preferred working with certain colleagues rather
than others (e.g., “it was tough to work with some
like Steve, described incidents where they were
or phone room, which there’s not enough room to put
stuff. After a while you still got to be careful be-
attacked by prisoners: “When I got assaulted, one
a single mattress on the floor. They gotta spend a whole
cause you can’t really trust any of them because
Most, although not all, officers stated that the safe-
of the times I had to get taken out in a stretcher
weekend there. And it’s hot in there, it’s filthy, it’s gross,
they are criminals.” Others described specific
people spit on the walls and snot and… (Mason)
ty of their co-workers was first and foremost in
prisoners or situations where a prisoner was more
importance to them while working. Specifically,
likely to attack an officer: “If you’re dealing with
the safety of their colleagues was more important
an inmate or a guy, that’s just very agitated…he
than the safety of the prisoners, demands or de-
doesn’t like authority and he’ll come up from be-
sire of the administration, and that of the public.
hind you and pop you in the head or whatever...
The reasoning here was simply that they needed
That’s one of their things. The inmates, they don’t
to “protect” each other. Officers had to feel that if
care. They’ll fight you” (Johny).
they were in danger or threatened, their colleagues
and [the prisoners] saw… You’d think they’d killed
me they were all cheering as I was being taken
out on the stretcher…” Nonetheless, respondents
explained that if they retaliated and were caught
inflicting physical harm on a prisoner, the current
climate would ensure the officer was suspended
(with or without pay) or terminated.
Not surprising, many respondents described experiencing threat as a result of overcrowding:
Oh, it affected everybody. Everybody was involved in
it. When you have, instead of ten, thirty in each area
and one officer outside and one officer inside, it’s a big
difference. Where you got thirty, you’ve got problems.
would respond. For example, this level of trust
Officers viewed several factors as underlying the
You have a problem with thirty, not a problem with
The theme Do you got my back? reflects how, despite
was seen as vital especially during codes, an alarm
violent and resulting high threat prison environ-
ten. At times it was [frightening]… I was involved in
much of the violence in prison being attributable to
indicating an officer was in danger. When asked
106
107
about the importance of responding to emergency
Moreover, some participants explained that they
trouble for this?’” Unfortunately, all too often offi-
prisoners and their personal safety. Many officers
situations and if they had done so during their
would second-guess their actions during physi-
cers had experiences “cutting down,” “untying,” or
explained the importance of presenting them-
careers, many officers explained that they always
cal altercations with prisoners because they feared
“seeing blood gushing” (Goodwin) from prisoners
selves as confident, in control, and fair mannered;
responded as quickly as possible because even
institutional investigations and punitive repercus-
trying to end their lives, sometimes successfully
although not overly sympathetic:
a few seconds passing was enough time for an of-
sions in response to their behavior. For example,
and other times not. Yet, such concerns about their
ficer to be hurt, even killed. Officers also reported
beyond adhering to institutional policy, Carmen
behaviors when trying to save prisoners’ lives was
I certainly didn’t want to come across like a bleeding
feeling less safe working in larger facilities be-
explained that:
omnipresent for officers. The quotes illustrative
heart social worker, that I’m here to help you every
of Do you got my back? reveal that solidarity and
cause response times would increase simply due
to the distance that the emergency response team
(ERT) and their other colleagues would need to
travel to come to their aid. Although respondents
described the importance of responding to these
Inmate dynamics and mentality has changed that
now if staff ever so much as flicks them, first thing
they’ll do is call the police. If you put on the cuffs
and they were struggling and it made a mark on
their wrists, they want to call the police and have
good relations between co-workers were presented
as (although selectively present or absent between
peers) an essential and vital element for threat
reduction. The potential for lack of assistance or
minute of the day…you have to have a presence that
is firm but fair and you have to have the wherewithal
that when something is not feeling right. People are
trying to pull the wool over your eyes, so you learn
how to behave … [If] you go into those settings looking vulnerable…the inmates will pick that up very
pictures taken. So, [we] just take extra steps. We have
support from colleagues or perceived institution-
uncommon for some officers to either not respond
more cameras present [and we] make sure that the
al constraints on behavior appeared to be a major
to these emergency situations at all or simply just
camera sees when we do the finger check to show
contributing factor to the perception of and actual
observe them as they unfold rather than interven-
that cuffs are not too tight. When they have to stay
Respondents also valued appearing neither as
threat experienced among some officers. Given the
overly aggressive nor vulnerable in any way. The
wide-ranging potential sources of threat, the ques-
idea here was that if an officer presented as too
tion remains, how do correctional officers negoti-
aggressive, he could be viewed as “hiding” his
ate their safety?
fears or as “scared” rather than someone to be
“codes” as paramount, others noted that it is not
ing and/or providing assistance.
Indeed, respondents explained that while many
professed that a “team atmosphere” existed among
correctional workers and a “team player” was
a central identity attached to the officer role, in reality, this was not always the practice. Many hypothesized that these divisions were due to “gossip,”
institutional policies, or other personal frictions
in cuffs and shackles for a period of times. We will
go back, I think, every 15 to half hour with a camera
again to show “cuffs check, still okay.” We need to
protect ourselves.
Other officers explained the difficulties associated
with how every use of force must be followed by an
investigation that includes a use of force assessment
by an independent third party. The necessity of
these investigations combined with the punitive
quickly…so you may be targeted… (Mike)
feared. In the same sense, if an officer demonNegotiating Safety (Q3)
strated his vulnerability, he could quickly become
preyed upon. Steve explained that:
I’m not a bleeding heart is a theme that refers to officers’ presentation of self in a way that, through
Where they’ll [officers] be confident, the inmates
their body language and physical/verbal asser-
will pick up on that. Or we’ll have some people that
aren’t as confident and they have a tough guy act,
between colleagues. For example, officers spend up
measures that could follow (e.g., suspension, job
tion of confidence and authority, fosters respect
to 16 hours a day with each other and they have
loss) were described as a hindrance to job perfor-
from prisoners and protects them from threat.
varying personalities, work ethics, ages, and politi-
mance: “It’s ridiculous. We’re afraid to go to codes
The respondents perceived prisoners as keenly
cal viewpoints that can impact how well people get
now; you have to describe why you took him in an
observant, with ample time on their hands, and
along. Some of the policies in place to promote an
arm bar to the ground. Why? It’s hard to articulate
unforgiving. Officers felt that prisoners would
equal work environment were described as being
that in a report. They’ll [investigators] say it was
look for their insecurities and then wait for an
“used as weapons against each other; which is sad”
excessive use of force” (Justin). In the same sense,
opportunity to exploit them; they felt prisoners
(Steve). These policies, and the allegations that
Jace, like many others, described his anxieties at
had endless amount of time to watch, learn, and
some officers have made against each other have
work after being suspended for using force while
wait before they acted. Their awareness of pris-
Beyond behavior, physical stature and body image
resulted in distrust among some staff and a lack
trying to prevent a prisoner from committing sui-
oners’ perceptiveness prompted them to change
were also important forms of self-presentation. Be-
in confidence in how quickly, or even if, a fellow
cide: “I always have to watch what I’m doing. I feel
their self-presentation, physically or in terms of
ing physically fit (e.g., muscular), large (e.g., tall),
co-worker will respond to an emergency situation
I suffer from post-traumatic stress… You know,
their personality, in order to garner respect and
and being perceived as or having a reputation for
(i.e., a code being called).
‘cause I’m always worried… ‘Am I going to get in
trust, and have some semblance of control over
being a “tough guy” (e.g., strength) assisted in
108
where they have to be overbearing and they have to
kind of throw their weight around more than they
should because they’re insecure and you can see
that. [The] inmates, they’ll say: “That guy’s walking
crazy.” He walks in with “I’ll kill anybody” [a look
on his face] they say “Why he is acting like that?”
Because he’s scared.
109
creating a confident non-vulnerable self-presenta-
of counselor to have some meaning for their cor-
As evident in Jason’s story, the ways in which offi-
begin to suggest how the correctional officer role,
tion that warranted prisoner respect. Respondents
rectional officer role. For example, Barry explains:
cers interact with their clients (the prisoners) have
and the feelings and behaviors associated with it,
who reported their height as “shorter than aver-
“you need to have good verbal communication for
extensive implications for their personal safety. In-
can, for some men, become a salient identity over
age” described making up for their physical height
sure when you’re dealing with these guys every
deed, many officers placed a high value on treat-
time. For some officers, threat occurred in con-
in strength, speed, and muscularity. Some respon-
day, talking to them every day. You’ve got to be
ing prisoners fairly, consistently, and simply as
frontations with released former prisoners they
dents explained they started body building be-
very firm when something needs to be done”.
human beings, which was distinguished from the
encountered in public 9 or even at their homes af-
unacceptable behavior of being their “friend” or
ter former prisoners or affiliates of current prison-
cause of their occupation, they described work out
routines and diets designed to assist with muscle
Talking allowed the prisoners to save face and of-
a “care-bear.” This strategy produced some sense
ers followed them home. Nate explained a situa-
gain. Some spoke about their disrespect for over-
ficers to garner their respect, and, in consequence,
of safety, or at least more of a sense of safety, than
weight officers who had “let themselves go” (Drew)
maintain their safety (e.g., prevent threat). This is
“chirping,” disrespecting, teasing, or taunting the
tion where he was out with his family:
and others went so far to as to view these officers
evident in Cole’s description of his preferred “part-
prisoners.
as threats to their safety. Clearly, physical stature
ner”: “…my preference for people to work with is,
was considered as important for personal negotia-
I don’t care if you’re 6’2” or 5’2”, I still always want
tions of safety. It enabled officers to feel they could
to work with people who will prefer to try to de-
hold their own and handle or even intimidate the
escalate, to deal with situations verbally, that will
As the above findings and discussion begin to re-
prisoners in their custody; they could possess the
respect inmates and treat them as a person because
veal, the high threat environment on the job and
“enforcer” correctional officer role. Yet, while val-
it makes everybody’s life easier. If everybody has
after hours appeared to have a personal impact on
ued in one-on-one confrontations and interactions,
respect for the inmates, it is a world easier.” Also,
the sense of self of the correctional officers inter-
physical prowess was not relied on by participants
at times, it was easier and more effective to “talk”
viewed. Here, we draw upon themes that specifi-
when trying to diffuse an altercation among sever-
to a prisoner rather than to use force. Respondents
cally illustrate how respondents’ perceptions and
al prisoners – here words were the optimal choice
described a culture among prisoners that would
experiences of threat impacted their sense of self
of weapon – because officers explained: “if you’re
force a prisoner to act aggressively toward a cor-
inside and outside of their paid work. Applying
inside a range with thirty guys that are all grown
rectional officer who they felt was negatively im-
Stets and Burke (2003), it appears that the percep-
men… You’re not going to win” (Willie). Some par-
pacting their reputation in front of or among their
tion of potential violence within the social context
ticipants did use their physical stature in emergen-
peers. Thus, words could be needed to “de-esca-
in which officers work, and the roles they took on
cy/violent situations; however, these altercations
late” a situation. Participants frequently described
while interacting in the prisons shaped their sense
were “necessary” or with few or a single prisoner.
the value of respect and trust in general prisoner
of self over time; sometimes this resulted in a self
choose not to enter certain establishments in their
Overall, bodily presentation was not enough in it-
management and diffusing crisis situations. Jason,
that was far removed from the person they were
time off work as a result of their knowledge of
self to mitigate threat and provide safety.
for example, explained how his respectful inter-
when they first started working in corrections.
and interactions with prisoners. Their fear is that
We had officers who were getting threatening phone
calls at home and stuff like this. [I was with] my wife
Self in Transition (Q4)
downtown and [the] kids, and they call me one day.
Eventually, we walk into restaurants and I say: “If this
actions with prisoners ensured his safety during
Another predominant employed strategy geared
toward threat reduction was communication and
talking with respect. Here, participants explained
that tactful and non-threatening communication
when confronting prisoners in front of their peers
was essential to reducing threat. Indeed, many de-
a prison riot:
So, on one afternoon shift there were some, we got
a sense that something wasn’t working right. They
walked by me and said “Boss get off the floor” and
I said “What’s going on?” he said “Just get off the
floor,” and so they started rioting and smashing some
things and some people couldn’t deal with them and
they just quit.
Following our interview with Ben, he abruptly
returned home because his partner called and reported seeing someone looking into their home
windows and trying to enter the premises. These
experiences of threat were particularly worrisome
for participants because they affected the safety
of their family and loved ones. Many officers even
Beyond the sense of threat experienced in the
role they may act upon, such as father or husband,
prisons, respondents described threats to self
should they confront ex-prisoners in a non-institu-
that extended beyond the workplace. Following
tional setting. Others noted that because they had
me home refers to how the threat of victimization,
been “followed before,” they had become more
violent or otherwise, could sometimes follow of-
cautious over time. For example, at a public event,
ficers home into their personal lives. All partici-
John described that he:
stuff up…they absolutely beat this guy to a pulp, this
pants described some experience of threat while
on” when on duty and so understood the identity
correctional officer; [they] didn’t even touch me…
they were not actively on duty. These experiences
it and call the police.” But, you had to deal with these
their correctional officer role will replace any other
scribed their “voice” as their most powerful “weap-
110
happens, you people just run there and I’ll take care of
Not all encounters with former inmates are negative or threatdriven.
9
111
…ran across a couple inmates that have been in jail
less caring, your attitude changes, and it has some-
deed, when environmental or situational cues from
subtle ways, such as locking prisoners in their
at [institution’s name]. I’m walking with my wife and
thing to do with your everyday expectations. It’s
my little girl and my father-in-law and my brother-
the prison passed to the outside the perceived bar-
cells for 24 hours, that they found just as effective
not the same. You just don’t care after a while.”
riers between the two worlds seemed to dissolve
in displaying their authority. This need for an au-
Beyond more noticeable changes in self, the over-
and the ability to distinguish between selves fol-
thoritative presence at work appeared to be largely
whelming majority of respondents spoke of their
lowed suit.
a consequence of the unique and violent dynam-
in-law. But, these guys said: “Well, you’re not in uniform. We can kick the crap out of you…” I walked
with my daughter. I stopped to look, I turned around
and they were after me again…all this in front of my
two-year-old daughter.
Indeed, the experiences of threat described by participants indicated that they did not “leave their
work at work” (Larry).
The majority of respondents, but not all interviewees, commonly described becoming harder over the
course of their employment in corrections. While
the degree varied by respondent, officers perceived
their previously more sympathetic, empathetic, or
emotional self was replaced, at some point, with
a hardened self; essentially, for some officers, their
work self or correctional officer self. Indeed, peo-
ics inherent to the corrections environment. The
ple too often fail to recognize gradual changes in
Among some respondents there was a shared per-
actions officers witnessed on a daily basis alone,
self or even personality until extensive time has
ception of how they changed that expressed, in-
with or without awareness of the details of exact
passed and the change becomes more pronounced.
directly or directly, their growing need for power
crimes prisoners had been charged or convicted of
This work self was predominantly described as
and dominance. This desire for power was not
committing, suggested to officers that without au-
“tough” and “hard,” it entailed displays of confi-
necessarily such that officers wanted to be domi-
thority – control and power – they would be more
dence and aggression, minimal humor and the cre-
nators in their overall life; rather they wanted to
ation of a “wall” when in the presence of prisoners.
vulnerable.
be authoritative and in a position of status in their
For some respondents, this self “came out” as they
neared the jail:
I went to work one day and I was driving in with this
friend of mine. I was living with him actually…he
says: “I’ve gotta say something,” we laugh and joke
from [a city] to the west end of [another city] every
officer role (e.g., supervisor, super-intendant, etc.)
(Un)comfortably numb is a theme that captures how
in their workplace. Said another way, they wanted
at a certain time in the careers of some correction-
prisoners to view them as powerful. The theme
al officers their self-conception as officers became
power hungry captures how the presentation and
static and resistant to change. Said another way,
identification of self as authoritative and “control-
these officers could look back and note a signifi-
ling” began to seem central to the officer role and
cant change in their personality or self that dif-
role as “counselor” was increasingly replaced
day. And the minute you hit the drive way, you stop
officer-prisoner relationship and thus, impacted
fered from the previous meanings and feelings
with a role of “enforcer.” Derek explained how he
laughing, your face turns like stone and we go into
their overall sense of self. In line with Stryker’s
they attached to their correctional officer identity.
had changed when working as a corrections offi-
the jail. And I said: “I don’t know, I always did that.”
(1980) argument, that the playing out of role iden-
For example, some officers spoke about their real-
It was like I turned a different person on when I went
tity across situations and frequently can encourage
ization that they had become less sensitive to the
embracement of this role identity, the consistent
challenges experienced by the prisoners. Whereas,
presentation of an authoritative self when interact-
they felt they previously cared more and respected
ing with prisoners can easily create a sense of self
prisoners at least at a basic level of human rights –
that is the most salient for some officers.
they wanted to see them succeed and thought they
cer: “I think the jail is the formula to change most
people’s values and I don’t think it’s much different from being a cop actually. In the sense you become harder. You become maybe a little less sensitive to others ‘cause you’re a little less compassion-
inside the jail ‘cause I felt I had to… [I got] caught up
in the whole lifestyle, and thought that I had to be
this mean, tough son-of-a-bitch walking into the jail.
I had that look on my face like: “Don’t mess with me
or else.” (Mac)
had a chance at “making it” on the outside. These
ate.” Many correctional officers also felt they were
less respected than police officers. They expressed
Respondents identified a need to at least try and
Some officers described their use of power to con-
same respondents, however, now felt that they had
feeling they had little respect at all from society
separate their on duty self from their off duty self.
trol prisoners, repeatedly. They explained that ex-
developed an increasingly negative, non-sympa-
in their occupation – recognizing that more often
However, in many cases as previously noted, the
erting their power was simply a necessary part of
thetic, disgruntled view of the prisoners over time.
than not they too were hidden away from main-
distinction between an on duty and off duty self
the job – prisoners “needed” to know the officer
They viewed these incarcerated men as deserving
stream society in jails where they associated with
was difficult to maintain over time. Often it seemed
was in charge. In the words of John: “they have to
of their situations, unable to change, and problem-
individuals that society had deemed unfit to live in
the on duty self eventually carried over to when an
learn that [the easy way] or they’re going to have
atic for society. Respondents tended to feel that
the community.
officer was no long working; especially whenever
to learn it the hard way. There are other ways [to
“usually when they’re arrested, they’re arrested
aspects of the work environment crossed into the
teach it]: play mind games with them, not get in
for a reason” (Si) or “99% of the time they were in
Nate noted that his “harder” self largely emerged
non-work environment (e.g., running into former
their business, [but] take the TV away from them.
there because they deserved to be in there” (Jep).
as a form of protection: “You become a lot tougher,
prisoners on the street, worrying about safety). In-
They’re like kids.” However, others spoke of more
Thus, it appeared that, particularly, as correctional
112
113
officers became engrossed in the criminal justice
were simply part of their everyday life and played
members, who often would not tolerate their hos-
among respondents that the threat of violence was
system, seeing the “revolving door” (e.g., the same
a role in defining who they had become. Mac dis-
tility in the home environment, as the persons who
very real; it was an ever-looming and largely an-
prisoners leaving and returning to prison over and
cussed his experiences in court at an inquest for
reminded them of just how much their outlooks,
ticipated reality (Q1, Q2). The prison environment
over again), and embracing the structural and in-
a prisoner that had died in his arms, of natural
and even the language they use in conversation,
is perceived as being shaped by this potential for
teractional dynamics within the prison system,
causes. In doing so, he alludes to his emerging
had changed (e.g., “I was married, when I went
violence and its threat, which stem from elements
their sense of self changed in accordance to these
awareness of how his sense of self had changed:
to work at the jail and my wife said: “Boy, you
native to the prison work environment (e.g., over-
didn’t used to talk like this”” [Matt]). In the same
crowding, the prisoners, stress, deprivation, etc.)
realm, other officers spoke about being reminded
itself. In consequence, officers tended to view vio-
to “be sensitive.” Overall, these men discussed
lence in the prison as largely unavoidable. In this
their challenges as they learned to trust again
context, their understanding of the penal environ-
and reach out to people anew as they began to
ment created their need to be wary, on guard, and
and gone. In my…in my opinion, or my feeling at that
interact in new settings or situations. Others still
primed for threat – or they were even more likely
Likewise, over time this sense of self, as they inter-
time was “Oh well, okay, the world’s better off with-
employed in corrections talked about their well-
to be harmed.
acted more and more within this negative environ-
out somebody like that.” But then, when I was at the
being and needing to change before their relation-
coroner’s inquest, I saw the mother crying and the fa-
ships with their families became too strained or
In describing their experiences of threat, officers
their insensitive nature lead them to disassociate
began to reveal the multiple meanings and feelings
themselves from others. However, a small, yet
attached to their sense of their role as officers. Of-
notable proportion of older respondents talked
ficers’ identities ranged from “counselors” to “con-
about eventually becoming soft again; becoming
trollers” and such identities could change at any
less negative, more patient, and more understand-
moment depending on if or how threatened they
ing. Often these men had personal experiences
felt (Q4). In turn, officers’ behaviors were shaped by
that were trying in nature (e.g., loss of loved ones,
a desire to maintain their safety (Q3) – the potential
deaths, incarcerated family, etc.) and recognizing
for violence in a penal environment could never be
that the world was not always a positive place and
disregarded or forgotten. Their duties pertaining to
it was not their place to lay any judgment.
the officer role – the need to ensure the safety, secu-
experiences. It became shaped by the environment
in which they were exposed most often – their
work. Some officers extended this discussion to
include how their experiences of the adverse, violent, and threat-filled penal environment started to
negatively affect their sense of self when working.
ment, became their dominant self.
Indeed, officers, over the course of their employment working with adult men, described seeing
everything from men being killed to fathers and
sons sharing a cell; they talked about seeing suicides, self-harming acts, abandonment (by wives
and families), loss, tears, volatile anger, and everything in between. Many had held dying men
in their arms, feared acquiring non-curable diseases on the job, cut down men who had hung
themselves, had feces or urine thrown at them
repeatedly, seen the aftermath of shanks (knives)
…[the parents] were up at the front and the mother
was crying. Now we’re talking almost two years after
the kid had passed. And, it was at that time that it
hit me, I didn’t care that that kid died. I didn’t care
that that he was twenty-two, twenty-three years old
ther hugging her, it was at that time I went “Wow, that
kid had a mother and father and probably brothers
and sisters and friends who, who cared for him.”
For some officers, it was such occasions that reminded them of who they “used to be” (e.g., their
previous emotionality or sensitivity to the plight
of prisoners, or their less soured orientation to corrections) before or at the start of their current occupation.
Many officers, who were in their mid-thirties or
older, described recognizing and not necessarily
rity, and control of prisoners, society, and colleagues
Concluding Thoughts
while also assisting with prisoner care and rehabilitation – created challenges for officers as they
in circulation, and other tragic behaviors. The cu-
being comfortable with this change in their sense
mulative effect of these experiences appeared to
of self. Those few who were no longer employed
Correctional officers are surrounded by threat
sought to mitigate personal threat to their physical
result in some officers taking on a static, negative
in corrections experienced personal struggles
and the potential of being harmed, psychological-
safety, as well as their self-concept (Q3, Q4).
orientation. In some ways this could be viewed as
post-employment when they realized just how
ly, physically, and interpersonally, while on duty
becoming desensitized, however, it was definitely
negative and insensitive they had become. In-
and, even possibly, in the community. This study
Differences exist in how officers tried to diminish
more than that. This static orientation followed
deed, some officers spoke about their wives, chil-
is aimed at understanding how provincial correc-
this experience of threat and create some semblance
these officers in all realms of life and extended be-
dren or parents reminding them to “check” their
tional officers, working with adult males, perceived
of safety while on duty or, even, in the community
yond the prison – it became their new, dominant
on duty self at the door when they returned home
this prison environment (Q1), the threats they ex-
(Q3). Respondents described a variety of tactics
sense of self. Said another way, they learned to
after a day of work – perhaps a strategy to help
perienced at work (Q2), how they negotiated their
used to maintain “safety” in the prisons, which
minimize their feelings toward otherwise nega-
hold on to their “older self.” These men often cited
safety in this work environment (Q3), and how such
revolved largely around their self-presentation,
tive realities largely because such experiences
their supportive and strong wives or other family
threat impacted their sense of self (Q4). We found
their relationships with their colleagues, and their
114
115
relationship with the prisoners. Officers opted to
element in their self-conception that had started
this lack of emotionality potentially carried over
realistically achieved through elementary physical
create a presentation of self that was authoritative
to gain precedence in their day-to-day work lives
into their life beyond the prison walls, where
or psychological means alone. Careful social navi-
and confident – ensuring that all prisoners knew
and perhaps even at home. For these officers, the
changes in sense of self (e.g. personality, behavior,
gation, fostering rapport and respect from prisoners
just “who” was in charge or had control (Q4). Some
correctional officer role was no longer maintained
perspective) could be personally noted by others
through effective communication and perception
worked on their muscularity in order to be pre-
at work and instead largely became a salient iden-
close to respondents. These changes were often re-
are, in fact, considered to be some of the most effec-
sented as physically dominant and strong, while
tity. Moreover, some respondents even discussed
flected on comparatively (e.g., who they were now
tive tools at the disposal of correctional officers in
others discussed using their verbal skills to build
a “numbness” or “desensitization” that suggested
versus who they had been prior to their career in
managing the threat-filled occupation. Perhaps, fur-
rapport and create positive relationships between
their perception of their self as a correctional of-
corrections) and, often, it became apparent that
ther exploration of the experience of threat will pro-
themselves and the prisoners. Overall, officers
ficer had become static and resistant to change.
who they were on duty soon influenced who they
vide insight that may benefit officers new to the field
were off duty.
or currently within the field in terms of managing
described self-presentation, understanding of the
social nuances of prisoner daily life, the dynam-
The hardness and authoritativeness that developed
ics of co-worker relationships, and the importance
while on duty for many correctional officers was
of communication, as well as positive-professional
readily identified by their family and/or friends
relationships with prisoners as effective strategies
outside of the work environment. Although this
in reducing threat.
self was created and reinforced through interactions in the prison environment, where it success-
personal safety and its impact on self. Regardless,
Overall, the management of threat for correctional
the presence of threat is undoubtedly a complex
officers is complex and vital to the performance of
experience that appears universal among officers
their roles and duties and has a significant impact
working with adult men. It provides a unique lens
on their sense of self. It is also clear that ensuring
in examining the social nuances unique to a highly
one’s safety in the prison environment cannot be
dangerous and underexplored profession.
The social dynamics related to the experience of
fully assisted with the construction of safety and
and/or mitigation of threat was connected to an of-
the mitigation of threat, some participants were
ficer’s self-concept. The social context in which the
aware that the change in self was gradual, yet,
correctional officers work plays an integral part, as
eventually, did become permanent for some – self
well as their interaction with colleagues, adminis-
as “correctional officer” was a salient self. In con-
tration, and prisoners in defining who they are and
sequence, this self unconsciously surfaced both on
who they become as persons over time (Q4). In-
and off duty and had implications for the personal
Bierie, David. 2012. “The impact of prison conditions on
Reasons for Use, Consequences, and Desire for Change.”
deed, not only does the perception of threat shape
relationships, persona, and life of officers. Particu-
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Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 50(2):81-100.
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larly, it appeared that the desire or even need to be
and Comparative Criminology 56(1):81-95.
found impact on personal identity, behavior, and
safe and reduce threat by adopting an authorita-
Blair, Robert B., Clifford M. Black, and Henry J. Long.
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Sociology and Social Welfare 8(4):875-898.
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Bourbonnais, Renée et al. 2005. “Work characteristics
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118
119
Appendix A
Figure 1. A Conceptual Map of Data in Answer to Research Question 1.
The column on the far left notes the factors that are linked to officers’ perceptions of threat. The next column indicates how these
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officers perceive prisoners and whether or not they feel safe or threatened in their interactions with colleagues and prisoners.
Ricciardelli, Rosemary and Amber Gazso. 2013. “Investigating Threat Perception Among Correctional Officers
in the Canadian Provincial Correctional System.” Qualitative Sociology Review 9(3):96-120. Retrieved Month, Year
(http://www.qualitativesociologyreview.org/ENG/archive_eng.php).
120
Special Summer
Edition
Love, Despair, and Resiliency: Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist Analysis of Intimate Relations
Robert Prus
University of Waterloo, Canada
It’s convention, no more, that men play the part of pursuer.
the inter-linkages of classical Greek and Latin
Women don’t run after us; mousetraps don’t run after mice.
scholarship with the contemporary social scienc-
(Ovid [The Art of Love, Book I: lines 275-280];
Love, Despair, and Resiliency:
Ovid’s Contributions to an Interactionist
Analysis of Intimate Relations
Abstract Ovid (Ovidius – Publius Ovidius Naso; 43 BCE-18 CE) is well known in classical studies and
poetic circles for his insightful portrayals of heterosexual relations. However, his The Art of
Love and related texts have received scant attention from those in the social sciences.
Ovid’s writings on love may be best known for their advisory and entertainment motifs, but
this same set of texts also provides an extended and comparatively detailed set of observations
on heterosexual interchanges, as well as some remarkably astute analysis of interpersonal
relations more generally.
Developed within a symbolic interactionist frame (Mead 1934; Blumer 1969; Strauss 1993; Prus
1996; 1997; 1999), this paper gives particular attention to the processes by which people engage
others in romantic contexts, make sense of their experiences with one another, deal with
an assortment of third-parties, and manage wide ranges of related emotional sensations as
they work their ways through aspects of the broader relationship process (from preliminary
anticipations and initial encounters to terminations and re-involvements of relationships). It
is in these respects that this paper considers the more distinctive ethnographic potential of
Ovid’s depictions of love in the Roman classical era.
As an instance of ethno-history, Ovid’s considerations of people’s involvements with love,
sex, and romance, as well as the varying emotional states that people experience along the
way, add some highly instructive cross-cultural and trans-historical dimensions to more
contemporary, generic examinations of affective relationships. Using Ovid’s materials as
an ethno-historical database with which to assess contemporary interactionist notions of
“developing relationships,” this paper concludes with a consideration of the implications of
Ovid’s works and contemporary interactionist studies for research on intimate relationships,
emotionality, and influence work.
Keywords Ovid; Ovidius; Love; Relationships; Sexuality; Intimacy; Romantic; Symbolic Interaction;
Influence; Ethno-historical
A
Robert Prus is a Sociologist at the University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. A symbolic interaction-
known works on morality, education, religion, and philoso-
ist, ethnographer, and social theorist, Robert Prus has been
phy), mindfully of their pragmatist affinities with Aristotle’s
examining the conceptual and methodological connections
foundational emphasis on the nature of human knowing
of American pragmatist philosophy and its sociological
and acting, as well as Blumerian symbolic interactionism.
extended attention on the part of social scientists.1
largely ignored the classical Greek and Latin
Still, while Ovid’s depictions of intimate relation-
literatures as resources that might help them bet-
ships were predated by other analyses of love and
ter comprehend the humanly known and enact-
friendship (most notably by Plato [Symposium]
ed world, this literature offers some remarkably
and Aristotle [Nicomachean Ethics]),2 Ovid’s quasi-
valuable materials for those interested in develop-
ethnographic materials are highly instructive on
ing concepts of a more enduring trans-contextual
their own and have particular value when located
and trans-historical nature. Still, not all of this
within a more generic or trans-situational com-
material is equally instructive for comprehending
parative analysis of human relationships.
the human condition. Likewise, one also requires
a theoretical and methodological means of devel-
After (a) overviewing the premises and method-
oping strong, viable linkages with the classical lit-
ological emphases of symbolic interaction and (b)
erature. The intellectual key for developing link-
addressing Ovid’s (circa 43 BCE-18 CE) texts on
ages between classical and contemporary notions
love as ethno-historical documents, this paper
of human knowing and acting is to be found in
concludes by (c) briefly considering the relevancy
symbolic interaction.
of Ovid’s work with respect to a series of subprocesses subsumed in interactionist analyses of re-
Interestingly, while often seen as a unique, twentieth-century creation, symbolic interaction (a sociological offshoot of American pragmatist philosophy) is more appropriately rooted in classical Greek scholarship (most especially Aristotle
– see Prus 2003; 2004; 2007; 2008a; 2009; Prus and
ogy that focuses directly on the problematics and
processes of human knowing and acting, symbolic interaction provides the essential technology
for connecting classical and contemporary scholarship in highly enabling and sustained terms.
The present paper has been developed within the
he has been analyzing a fuller range of texts produced by
context of a much larger project that focuses on
124
ent statement, Ovid represents only one of a much
lthough contemporary social scientists have
Latin, and interim scholarship. As part of this larger project,
[email protected]
ed texts are given particular attention in the presbroader set of classical authors whose works merit
Camara 2010). Further, as a theory and methodolEmile Durkheim (most notably Durkheim’s later but, lesser
offshoot, symbolic interactionism, with Classical Greek
Humphries trans. 1957)
es. Thus, whereas Ovid’s The Art of Love and relat-
lationships, emotionality, and influence work.
Since few social scientists are apt to have extended familiarity with Ovid’s materials, these will be
presented in ways intended to enable readers to
follow the overall flows of each of his texts as well
In addition to considerations of love and friendship (Prus
and Camara 2010; present paper), some publications derived
from “the Greek project” have focused on the matters of morality, deviance, and regulation (Prus 2007; 2011b), education,
knowing, and scholarship (Prus 2006; 2011a; Puddephatt and
Prus 2007), rhetoric (Prus 2008a; 2010), history and ethnography (Prus 2008d; Prus and Burk 2010), poetics (Prus 2008b;
2008c; 2009), and religion (Prus 2011c; 2011d).
1
Prus and Camara (2010) provide an interactionist analysis
of Plato and Aristotle’s depictions of love and friendship. For
another discussion of influence work and romantic involvements in classical Greek (particularly poetic and philosophic sources), see Nicolas P. Gross (1985) Amatory Persuasion in
Antiquity.
2
125
Robert Prus
as gain a more focused appreciation of what Ovid
Symbolic Interactionism: Foundational
ties to take themselves and others into account in
deal of insight into the ways in which heterosexual
has to say about the emergence, continuity, inten-
Premises and Methodological Practices
engaging [objects], (6) people’s sensory-related ca-
relations might be conceptualized, approached, and
pacities and [linguistically meaningful] experienc-
managed by his contemporaries.4 Much of Ovid’s
ships and people’s experiences with emotionality
Approaching interpersonal relations as problem-
es, (7) the meaningful, formulative, and enabling
work is directed toward young men interested in
along the way. Still, readers are cautioned that
atic, interactionally accomplished realms of hu-
features of human activity, (8) people’s capacities for
mastering romantic relationships, but Ovid also ad-
without examining Ovid’s actual texts, they will
man group life, this statement builds on the sym-
influencing, acknowledging, and resisting one an-
dresses the ways that intimate relationships might be
lose much of the more entertaining and eloquent
bolic interactionist tradition developed by George
other, (9) the ways that people take their associates
anticipated, redirected, engaged, and sustained by
features that Ovid develops.
Herbert Mead (1934), Herbert Blumer (1969), and
into account in developing their lines of action, (10)
their female counterparts. Consequently, although
the ongoing or emergent features of community life,
often prescriptive and satirical, as well as openly
(11) the ways that people experience and participate
depreciative on occasion, Ovid’s texts still are suffi-
in all aspects of community life in the specific “here
ciently detailed, open, and sustained to foster com-
and now” occasions in which they find themselves
parisons of early Roman heterosexual relations with
“doing things,” and (12) the ongoing flows of com-
more contemporary ethnographic materials.
sification, and dissolution of intimate relation-
others working in this sociological extension of
Although Ovid could not possibly have anticipated
American pragmatist philosophy (for overviews of
the subsequent twists and turns in scholarship that
these materials, see Strauss 1993; Prus 1996; 1997;
would take place over the ensuing centuries, contem-
1999; Prus and Grills 2003).
porary readers are apt to be struck not only by the
detailed accounts of human circumstances that Ovid
While many readers may be familiar with aspects
provides but also by his remarkable attentiveness to
of interactionist thought, it is important to estab-
relationships in the making. Particularly consequen-
lish a set of shared reference points for examining
tial, thus, is Ovid’s recognition of intimate relation-
people’s intimate relationships and emotional ex-
ships as developmental realms of human intrigues,
periences within. Whereas Herbert Blumer (1969)
influence work, resistance, and emotionality.
provides an exceptionally valuable statement on
the theoretical and methodological foundations of
Ovid may have written his materials as a poet
symbolic interactionism, one may identify twelve
and an advisor, but because his texts provide so
premises pertaining to human group life. Thus,
much detail on people’s activities in, and experi-
human group life is (1) inter-subjective; (2) knowingly
ences with, intimate relationships, Ovid’s writings
problematic; (3) object-oriented; (4) (multi-)perspectival;
are highly instructive as ethno-historical materials
(5) reflective; (6) sensory/embodied and (knowingly) ma-
and comparative-analytic resources. As well, be-
terialized; (7) activity-based; (8) negotiable; (9) relation-
cause of the more generic nature of intimate rela-
al; (10) processual; (11) realized in instances; and (12)
tionships in the Western world, readers will find
historically enabled.
much of Ovid’s material to have relevance for their
own life-worlds and those of their associates. Thus,
Methodologically, a fuller appreciation of these as-
once one looks past the (more superficial) trends of
sumptions would require that social scientists at-
the day and the seeming quaintness of other eras
tend to (1) the ways in which people make sense
(both of which Ovid is acutely aware), contempo-
of the world in the course of symbolic (linguistic)
rary readers are apt to be intrigued by the parallels
interchange, (2) the problematic or ambiguous na-
suggested through Ovid’s observations. Still, as
ture of human knowing (and experience), (3) the
a means of framing the subsequent consideration
object-oriented worlds in which humans operate,
of Ovid’s works, it is instructive to outline the basic
(4) people’s capacities for developing and adopting
features of an interactionist approach.
multiple viewpoints on [objects], (5) people’s abili-
126
munity life in each area of human endeavor – even
as people linguistically, mindedly, and behaviorally
Relatedly, while offering advice in an entertain-
build on, accept, resist, and reconfigure aspects of
ing manner, Ovid openly attends to a multiplicity
the (cultural) “whatness” that they have inherited
of viewpoints that people adopt in their romantic
from their predecessors and have come to know
endeavors. Hence, Ovid acknowledges the stand-
from their more immediate associates, as well as
points of the various participants (i.e., as central
through their adjustive considerations of earlier,
players, supporting casts, competitors, and ob-
present, and anticipated activities.
structionists) who become involved in romantic intrigues, as well as the differing ways that the same
Ovid – Engaging Intimacy
people may view and engage their relationships
with others over time. Additionally (and in a highly
Although much better known as a poet than as a stu-
reflective manner), Ovid uses his text to take explic-
dent of human behavior, Ovid’s (circa 43 BCE-18 CE)
it direct issue with those (moralists, literary critics)
texts, The Art of Love, The Remedies for Love, and The
who may judge his writings to be overly sexually
Loves clearly take readers into the realm of meaning-
explicit or erotic in emphases. Thus, Ovid also ex-
ful, intentioned, tactical interchange. While his state-
plicitly addresses his own role as an author/strate-
ments are clearly playful at times and his materials
gist in the process of developing his texts.
are often expressed in more stylistic ways, Ovid’s
texts depict human interchange in rather detailed,
processual terms and have considerable value as ethno-historical accounts.3 Indeed, Ovid provides a great
Ovid may be better known for Metamorphosis, an extended
statement on transformations that assume distinctively poetic (fantastic or absurd) dimensions, than for his materials
on love, but his works on love also have generated a great deal
of attention (analytic, as well as admirational, applicational,
and condemnational) over the millennia.
3
Although related, Ovid’s The Art of Beauty (of which only
a small portion has been preserved) is more directly cosmetic
in its emphasis.
4
While lacking the more analytical quality of Ovid’s other
works on love, The Heroides represent a series of fictional
narratives that depict human-like experiences of various
mythical and legendary women. Addressing aspects of these
characters’ struggles with love, these fictions seem intended
for consumption primarily as entertaining, romantic stories.
Still, in more general terms, they also reflect human viewpoints, sensualities, intrigue, dilemmas, tactical interchange,
disappointments, losses, and the like.
127
Robert Prus
Further, because Ovid deals with aspects of de-
nent materials in his texts. Readers should recog-
Ovid’s The Art of Love [AL] consists of three books.
these individuals can cause great anguish on the
sire, anticipation, ambiguity, representation, im-
nize that in developing these synopses I have not
The first two are addressed to men who wish to ob-
part of those who become enchanted with them.
ages, tact, tolerance, flattery, deception, and on-
been able to sustain the poetic images or even cap-
tain instruction on the ways of love. The third book
going adjustment in developing his analysis of
ture the fuller analytic detail that Ovid has crafted
is written for their female counterparts.
romantic relationships, his texts also contribute
in these statements. Indeed, considerably more in-
notably to the broader study of influence work
sight into human relationships can be gleaned by
(Prus 1999). Thus, Ovid indicates how a variety of
careful readings of his texts. My objective, more
actors (more central and secondary) may become
generally, has been to establish the relevance of
Intending Book I for men who require instruction
to be confident in their approaches and to recog-
involved and tactically engaged in romantic re-
Ovid’s works on love as resources that contribute
in developing and managing intimate relation-
nize that, by convention, it is they who will be the
lationships. Still, as a careful examination of his
to a trans-contextual, trans-historical understand-
ships, Ovid (AL, BI:1-34) first emphasizes that love
pursuers.
texts reveal, his considerations of influence work
ing of intimate relationships and associated no-
is an art to be learned and that he, Ovid, deserves to
also represent documentaries on “impression
tions of emotionality.
be considered the master of the art.
one may encounter love objects, Ovid (AL: BI:265352) next offers advice on ways to obtain the object
Book I
of one’s desires. He begins by encouraging males
The Art of Love 5
Appreciating intimate indulgences more gener-
way of winning the affections of one’s desire is to
ally, Ovid (AL, BI:35-134) encourages newcomers
develop an alliance with her maid. Although these
Take some trouble, at first, to make her handmaiden’s acquaintance:
to adopt the role of the hunter and to be prepared
instructions may be of limited value to many, Ovid’s
She, more than any one else, really can lighten your way.
to seek out all manners of places (including the
advice is tactically astute and provides insight into
theatre, law courts, and festival games, as well as
people’s relations with others more generally. Thus,
more casual urban contexts) as settings in which to
Ovid is particularly attentive to the opportunities
make contact with prospective females.
that certain insiders (e.g., maids, family members,
“emotionality as a humanly engaged process”
(Prus 1996; Prus and Grills 2003).
In more sweeping, historical terms, Ovid’s The Art
She must be one you can trust, if she knows of the tricks you are playing,
of Love may be seen as a highly consequential pre-
Confidante, wise and discreet, high in her mistress’ regard.
cursor not only to Andreas Capellanus’ (circa 1185)
The Art of Courtly Love but also Guillaume de Lorris
Spoil her by promising much, and spoil her by pleading a little,
(circa 1212-1237) and Jean de Meun (circa 1235-1305)
What you seek you will find, if she is willing you should.
Using the openness of events such as horse races as
The Romance of the Rose, and other 12-14th century
She will choose the right time – a maid is as good as a doctor – …
an illustrative context, Ovid (AL, BI:135-229) sug-
French and Italian poetic accounts of romantic rela-
to initiate a conversation with a lady of his choos-
mindful of the ways in which women can entice
ing. Ovid then indicates how an admirer might
them into buying them presents or loaning them
create a more engaging and favorable impression
money; neither of which, he cautions, are likely to
in her mind.
be repaid to their value.
Ovid (AL, BI:230-264) also discusses home parties
Continuing, Ovid (AL, BI:440-459) observes that
as another viable setting in which to pursue wom-
sweet talk conveyed in written text may be help-
(Ovid [The Art of Love, Book I: lines 351-360];
en, noting that wine often helps minimize people’s
ful, but defines these endeavors as much less con-
sorrows and reservations. Still, Ovid cautions his
sequential than material goods. Still, even more
students not to drink too much or to disregard the
important than any gifts actually given are the
flaws hidden by the evening light, lest they later find
promises of gifts to be given. Noting that gifts are
themselves in undesired situations. Shifting frames
often taken for granted, once received, Ovid points
somewhat, Ovid also suggests that young men be
to the value of not only promising women things
mindful of more pious virgin females – noting that
but of promising more freely.
(1469-1527) The Prince. Whether or not “all’s fair in
Let her say with a sigh, or the softest murmuring whisper,
love and war,” the tactical (anticipatory, enacted,
“I don’t suppose, after all, there is a thing you can do,”
and adjusted) features of human interchange in-
Then let her talk about you, and add some words of persuasion,
troduced in Ovid’s writings address some essential
Let her swear that she knows you must be dying of love.
features of ongoing community life.
In what follows, attention will be given to Ovid’s
The Loves (TL). In each case, I will follow the overall flow of the materials that Ovid develops so that
readers might more readily appreciate the themes
he addresses in his works, as well as locate perti-
128
In developing this statement on Ovid, I am particularly indebted to Rolfe Humphries’ (1957) translation of The Art of
Love. The citation numbers are based on those provided in
J. H. Mozley’s (1939) translation of Ovid: The Art of Love and
Other Poems, Loeb edition. Still, readers may appreciate that, as
a poet, Ovid tends to blend his discussions somewhat, as well
as embark on illustrations of a more entertaining quality.
5
romantic involvements.
Ovid (AL, BI:400-439) also suggests that men be
Let her keep urging her on, let her add oars to the sail,
a noteworthy forerunner to Niccolò Machiavelli’s
friends) have to encourage and discourage people’s
gests that a man find some common base on which
While her maid is at work, combing her hair in the morning,
tions (Prus in progress). Ovid’s text also represents
The Art of Love (AL), The Remedies for Love (RL), and
Then, focusing on women of some standing in the
community, Ovid (AL, BI:353-399) suggests that one
management” (Goffman 1959), the “careers of relationships” (Prus 1996; Prus and Grills 2003), and
Having provided instruction on places in which
129
Robert Prus
As well, Ovid (AL, BI:460-486) suggests that young
Then, focusing more directly on one’s primary tar-
I was about to conclude, but – the hearts of the girls! How they differ!
those with capacities to gift extensively have no
men study rhetoric. The objective here is not to
get as someone (with whom earlier receptivity has
Use a thousand means, since there are thousands of ends...
need of his assistance. Defining himself as a “poor
practice law, but to develop a more persuasive
been established), Ovid (AL, BI:608-739) instructs
manner. Likewise, Ovid advises his pupils not to
his students to be direct in assuming the role of the
adopt the mannerisms and speech of the lawyer.
lover. The objective is to convey desire by indulging
The emphasis, instead, is on appearing natural
in flattery. Ovid says that women are highly amena-
Then there’s the question of years, with experience also a factor;
and congenial while embarking on sustained per-
ble to flattery and that all, regardless of their quali-
Wary, naive – you must choose which is the method to use.
cially disadvantaged can expect to endure more
suasive endeavor. More generally, Ovid contends,
ties, wish to hear themselves described in terms of
If you seem coarse to a prude, or learned to some little lowbrow
hardship in their quests for love. Thus, he encour-
persistence, especially coupled with patience, is
praise, beauty, and delight.
She will be filled with distrust, made to feel cheap in your eyes,
ages extended levels of patience, tolerance, and in-
the key to success in matters of love.
Continuing, Ovid recommends bold promises, as
Still more is involved, Ovid (AL, BI:487-525) ob-
well as the practice of calling on the gods to wit-
serves. It is important to be attentive to, and ac-
ness one’s sincerity. Observing that women are no
commodate the whims of one’s desired object.
less honorable than these pretentious lovers, Ovid
Ovid also encourages men to be clean, neat, and
further encourages the timely use and manufac-
pleasant in appearance and personal hygiene, but
ture of tears and other emotional expressions on
to recognize that excessive concerns with mas-
the part of males. Adding that women want to
culine appearance may be self-defeating, as also
pretend that they are unwillingly giving them-
may the adoption of more feminized appearances
selves to their lovers, Ovid says that it would be
on the part of males.
foolish for the lover to assume that the girl would
Hearts have as many moods as the heaven has constellations:
He who is wise will know how to adapt to the mood...
So she will run away from an honest man, and go flying
Off to the safer embrace of some inferior clown.
(Ovid [The Art of Love, Book I: lines 737-772]
man’s poet,” Ovid says that the financially disadvantaged are required to be much more careful in
their manners and language than their wealthy
counterparts. Also, he adds, those who are finan-
gratiation. In the absence of wealth, Ovid instructs
his students to be amenable to whatever their love
objects desire; to blame what they blame, deny
what they deny, laugh when they laugh, and join
them with tears when they cry.
Likewise, in games of chance and skill, it is pro-
Book II
ductive for the man to cheer for the woman’s side
Ovid opens Book II of The Art of Love with a some-
and, in games of contest, to sacrifice one’s own
what different emphasis. Here, Ovid (AL, BII:1-159)
victories so that she may win. In addition to more
intends to provide advice on maintaining the ob-
extended courtesies, Ovid instructs men to be
or should be the aggressor. If more substantial
ject of one’s affections. Noting that things are con-
thoughtful, helpful, and appear dedicated to their
In a later shift of emphasis, Ovid (AL, BI:565-
resistance is encountered, Ovid suggests that the
tinually changing. Ovid (AL, BII:91-159) observes
lady in the face of whatever obstacles they may
608) focuses somewhat more directly on men’s
lover invoke patience and assume the situation-
that good looks represent a fleeting and only par-
encounter.
involvements with married women. While en-
ally more acceptable posture that one wishes only
tially advantageous feature of obtaining love.
couraging male lovers to be discreetly attentive to
“to be a friend.”
Commenting on the desirability of men developing
Noting that the art of love is not for the lazy or
an enhanced quality of mind, Ovid advises his stu-
cowardly, Ovid (AL, BII:233-249) likens love unto
the woman involved, Ovid also recommends that
these men endeavor to become defined as friends
As Ovid (AF, BI:740-754) concludes Book I, he offers
dents to become more cultured, and especially to
war. Love also is not a place for personal pride or
by the women’s husbands. To this end, lovers
two other pieces of advice to his students. First, he
become more accomplished in the liberal arts and
concerns with comfort.
are advised to be openly generous toward and
suggests that men not praise the objects of their af-
languages. Relatedly, instead of focusing on good
thoughtful of the husband in order to better ad-
fection to their friends, lest their friends also be-
looks or physique, Ovid describes tact and tolerance
Ovid (AL, BII:250-274) also stresses the importance
vantage themselves with the objects of their affec-
come interested in these particular women.
as more desirable virtues. Noting that wives tend to
of winning favor with the maids and other servants.
be quarrelsome, Ovid instructs his students to tell
He advises his students to be thoughtful, warm, and
tion. Relatedly, Ovid cautions his students about
excessive drinking and, especially, about the im-
Secondly, in something of an afterthought, Ovid
their mistresses only what they want to hear. Thus,
gracious in dealing with these people, providing
portance of avoiding violent interchanges. Still,
(AL, BI:755-774) extends his analysis by observing
Ovid recommends the extended use of courtesy,
them with small gifts when this can be managed.
he observes that lovers may obtain certain advan-
that women differ so much in their styles and ro-
flattery, and endearment.
Relatedly, he suggests that even those with limited
tages, including a tolerance of some indiscretions
mantic leanings that it is a continual challenge to
by pretending to be drunk in more affable or play-
match one’s approach with the orientations of one’s
Then, observing that wealth contains its own form
love objects with inexpensive gifts (as in bringing
ful manners.
object of desire:
of genius, Ovid (AL, BII:160-233) flatly states that
baskets of fruit when these are in season).
130
funds can find ways of appearing gallant to their
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Robert Prus
As for poems, Ovid (AL, BII:275-287) observes that
this would only confirm one’s guilt. More impor-
desirable qualities of objects can be redefined and
Thus, although observing that they are apt to be
they may be warmly acknowledged, but poets
tantly, Ovid advises his readers to engage in pas-
made more palatable.
deceived by men, Ovid says that women effec-
cannot compete with extravagant, even illiterate,
sionate lovemaking with the indignant party.
tively lose nothing, but gain much joy by particiRelatedly, Ovid (AL, BII:663-732) instructs his stu-
pating in intimate relations. Ovid says he is not
Later, Ovid (AL, BII:435-493) adds that some wom-
dents not to ask potentially embarrassing ques-
encouraging promiscuity and cheapness, but in-
Then, returning to ingratiation as a tactic, Ovid
en grow complacent in the absence of rivals. Given
tions of their lady friends. He then points to the
stead is fostering a more adequate and enjoyable
(AL, BII:288-314) suggests some other, more effec-
more exclusive attention, they lose their interests
redeeming qualities of more mature (over thirty)
life-style for women.
tive, ways of winning favor than writing love po-
or capacities for passionate involvements. These
women. In particular, Ovid emphasizes their
ems. In addition to giving the woman credit for
women, he says, require anxiety about their part-
whatever good deeds one does, it is important,
ner to re-establish their desires to love. Following
greater desires for romantic involvements, adding
Ovid says, to openly stress her beauty, charm,
more frantic, angered confrontations, they may be
attire, hairstyle, dancing ability, seductive quali-
receptive to intense romantic involvements.
spenders.
ties, and so forth. And, if deception is necessary
in such matters, Ovid states it is to be concealed in
Then, observing that those who follow his sagely
order to be effective.
advice will win out in the end, Ovid (AL, BII:494522) also says that those who pursue the course of
Continuing, Ovid (AL, BII:315-384) also instructs
love should expect to have much to endure.
men on how to deal with instances of ill health on
the part of their love objects. As before, he encour-
Noting that women often are not as faithful as they
ages attentiveness, sympathetic reactions, and in-
claim, Ovid (AL, BII:523-642) encourages his stu-
gratiation. However, Ovid cautions his students,
dents to be patient and to appear to believe what
more zealous flattery is less apt to be appreciated
they are told, even when they definitely know
when people are not well.
otherwise. Emphasizing the importance of letting
the woman’s deceptions be sustained, Ovid dis-
that he despises girls who only reluctantly give in
bed or do so only out of a sense of duty. Observing
that love is an art only adequately learned later in
life, Ovid further emphasizes that love is something never to be hurried.
Observing that the cultivation of a more attractive appearance is a matter of first importance,
Ovid (AL, BIII:103-239) recommends that women
take care to make the most of what they have been
given. Adding that men find elegance irresistible,
Ovid encourages women to be mindful of their
hairstyles, facial features, and the like. He also
Concluding Book II (AL, BII:733-746) with a request that his male students afford him recognition as an instructor of the art of love, Ovid says
that he will now direct his attention to those females who desire his instruction.
states that fashion currently changes so quickly
that it is not appropriate to recommend any particular style or look. Still, Ovid discusses matters
such as dyeing one’s hair and adding store-bought
tresses for effects. He also suggests that women be
attentive to the effects of particular fabrics and colors of clothing on one’s overall appearance, noting
Book III
that certain colors better compliment certain skin
Then, addressing a female clientele, Ovid begins
While encouraging men to spend as much time
courages men from embarking on confrontations
in the presence of their love objects as their ladies
or attempts to expose a woman who has lied or
might desire, Ovid also recommends that they
cheated on them. Likewise, he dissuades his stu-
not depart until they are likely to be missed. Even
dents from setting traps for their love objects or
then, he suggests that shorter absences are prefer-
any rivals they may have. Later, he comments on
able, lest one be too quickly forgotten and possi-
the desirability of keeping one’s own affairs secret
help guide them in the art of love. Likewise, Ovid
bly replaced.
and explicitly discourages readers from boasting
adds, while men are generally deceptive and con-
about their conquests or pseudo conquests.
niving, women of a comparable sort are more dif-
Book III (1-59) of The Art of Love by stating that it
would be unfair for him to equip men so fittingly
for the art of love and not do as much for women.
Rather than leave them defenseless, Ovid will
tones. Referencing his own text, The Art of Beauty
(only part of which has survived), Ovid then comments on the importance of personal hygiene and
the ways that women more effectively may use cosmetics. He also reminds his students about decorum. Thus, Ovid explicitly distinguishes between
back region preparations and the ways that women
show themselves to others. Like other artists, women are instructed to “keep the studio door shut.”
ficult to locate.
Ovid (AL, BII:385-434) subsequently engages the
topic of multiple involvements. While emphasiz-
Shifting frames somewhat, Ovid (AL, BII:643-662)
ing discretion, he recommends highly insistent
advises perspective lovers to be tolerant of a girl’s
Ovid (AL, BIII:60-102) then encourages women to
their maids with respect. This way, they are more
denial if ever one is caught being unfaithful.
flaws, to ignore these shortcomings, or to pretend
enjoy life while they can. He observes that time
apt to benefit from their maid’s loyalty and their
Relatedly, he states, it is important not to be too
that those do not exist. He goes on to show how,
will take its toll on one’s physical charms and old
maid’s more viable, concerned assistance in their
offended or excessively attentive afterward since
through the particular words one uses, the less
age often finds people cold and alone.
preparations and other matters.
132
Ovid (AL, BIII:240-252) also advises women to treat
133
Robert Prus
Noting that beautiful girls require little or no help
Ovid encourages his students to be charming in
if women, even beautiful girls, do not avoid in-
ing their husbands. While noting that brides may
at this point, Ovid (AL, BIII:253-312) says that he
every way they possibly can.
stances of intense anger, they will suffer for it.
be expected by law to honor and obey their hus-
No one who sees her own angry face in the mir-
bands, Ovid also observes that women have vari-
will offer the pretty ones, as well as the homely
ones, ways of disguising or minimizing troubling
At the same time, Ovid (AL, BIII:433-465) cautions
ror, Ovid notes, would like to admit that that face
ous ways of screening their activities from hus-
imperfections. In quick order, Ovid offers sugges-
girls to avoid certain kinds of men. Thus, women
is her own. Likewise, says Ovid, expressions of
bands and guardians. Appreciating that wine and
tions for a variety of concerns women might have
are encouraged to distance themselves from men
pride, arrogance, haughtiness, or contempt also
sedatives can be effective in distracting people,
about height, body shapes, teeth, and so forth.
who are flashy dressers, those devoted to (their
are quickly disenchanting to anyone whom those
Ovid notes that seductive maids can effectively
Ovid then provides explicit instructions on more
own) immaculate appearances or elegant natures,
women may desire to find them attractive. Also,
occupy men’s attention. He also alerts women to
appropriate ways of governing one’s laughter,
and those who dress expensively or wear a lot of
Ovid adds, few people are apt to be attracted to
the advantages of bribery (as with the household
learning how to turn on tears, and attending to
jewelry. He also encourages women to avoid those
glum or dour individuals.
staff) provided they are wise enough to maintain
one’s posture and walk.
who request material favors or assistance from
secrecy and that the bribe is adequate. As with
women, those with bad reputations, and those
In addition, Ovid (AL, BIII:525-592) observes,
the men, whom he cautioned about praising their
In addition to the beauty of appearance, Ovid (AL,
who swear insistently of their undying love. As
there is the matter of the girl choosing the man
love objects to their associates, Ovid observes
BIII:313-379) instructs his pupils on achieving
for those men who make big promises, Ovid says
best suited for her purposes. Thus, at different
that women’s friends are no less trustworthy.
other attractive qualities and mannerisms. While
that women are free to match these. However, he
times, women may prefer those who (variously)
Relatedly, he suggests that ladies monitor their
some may be able to take advantage of beautiful
adds, it also is expected that those men who live
offer wealth, advice, eloquence, entertainment,
maids since they may be prepared to do more for
voices and musical talents to help charm men,
up to their promises will be rewarded according-
exuberance, or maturity. Ovid also insists that it
the man they are sent to distract than does the
Ovid observes that it is desirable for women to
ly, lest the women who accepted these promises
would be foolish of women to expect any pres-
lady they serve.
read classical and contemporary poets (suggest-
be considered dishonorable because they broke
ents from a poet other than his poems. Noting
ing that some may find his own works worth-
their promises.
that a woman should not plan to deal with differ-
As he works his way to the conclusion, Ovid (AL,
ent people in the same manner, Ovid encourages
BIII:667-747) says that he will indicate where men
while in developing their talents in this area).
Then, after commenting on the allures of talented
In dealing with the approaches they encounter
them to adjust accordingly, but to still insure that
are most defenseless. Here, he instructs women
dancers, Ovid also points to the value of achiev-
from men, Ovid (AL, BIII:466-499) recommends
they maintain an intensity of desire on the part of
to make men feel that they are loved. This, Ovid
ing familiarity with dice games, chess, and the
that girls be thoughtful about these matters. He
the man they have selected.
says, is an easy task, since this is what men want.
like, but instructs his pupils on the advantages of
also notes that some delay may be advantageous
losing to their lover, as well as the disadvantages
in enhancing an admirer’s passion. However, an
Once a women has captured a lover, Ovid (AL,
indications of disappointment and mild resent-
of appearing too clever. Then, observing that peo-
extended delay is generally unwise. Thus, while
BIII:593-613) continues, he ought to be made to
ment for being neglected, as well as a willing-
ple often express themselves emotionally in the
discouraging reckless involvements, Ovid sug-
feel as if he is the only one. Later in the relation-
ness to maintain composure. Ovid also cautions
course of gaming, Ovid explicitly warns women
gests that delays involving desirable males be
ship, Ovid suggests that it may be desirable to let
his students about being too quick to believe the
about the importance of maintaining composure
presented in ways that convey hopefulness. When
him suspect more than is the case, lest he takes
worst and he especially stresses the risks of wom-
and, in particular, the necessity of avoiding an-
messengers are involved in the liaison, Ovid rec-
her for granted. Still, Ovid states, it is most impor-
en engaging in fits of jealous rage.
gry, quarrelsome displays.
ommends even greater discretion. Only trusted
tant that the girl provides her lover with genuine
individuals are to be involved, lest these assis-
pleasure. Otherwise, he is apt to conclude that it is
Then, after encouraging women to be charming
While noting the advantage that beautiful girls
tants later use their knowledge of the situation for
not worthwhile to spend his nights in the present
and lady-like (as in elegance, manners, and the
have in attracting men, Ovid (AL, BIII:415-432)
personal advantage.
company.
restrained consumption of food and drink), Ovid
Thus, he encourages expressions of affection, and
contends that the girl who is eager to please also
(AL, BIII:748-812) turns more directly to the inti-
will gain attention. Thus, while luck also enters
Ovid (AL, BIII:500-524) then turns to what he con-
Extending his text somewhat, Ovid (AL, BIII:614-
macies of lovemaking. He instructs women to be
into attractiveness and other affairs of the heart,
siders more consequential matters. First, he states,
666) next considers the matter of women deceiv-
mindful of matching their methods of relating to
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135
Robert Prus
their lovers with their personal physical assets.
leisure time. If one cannot find enough work to
Then, noting that some people may be unable to
agements of re-involvement with the troublesome
Still more important, Ovid contends, is that the
occupy one’s time, Ovid recommends recreational
keep away from a troublesome love, Ovid (RL:525-
individual, warning that women have many ways
woman enjoys the encounter and insures that her
forms of involvement. Likewise, he discourages
542) suggests that they indulge themselves so fully
of re-establishing their influences if given the op-
lover enjoys being with her. If pretense is neces-
people from “counting the days and hours” and
that they become bored, weary, or otherwise disaf-
portunity to do so.
sary, it is essential that her performance be con-
from reflecting back on “what was.” He also dis-
fected with her company.
vincing. Paralleling his conclusion to Book II,
suades people from seeking help through witch-
Ovid asks that grateful female students simply
craft, spells, potions, and the like.
To assist in these distancing practices, Ovid (RL:708Continuing with his advice to those suffering from
787) suggests that the wounded lover may make
love, Ovid (RL:555-579) recommends that people set
comparisons with other girls that the troublesome
Those men haunted by former loves also are in-
aside concerns with mistrust of the other and focus
one is sure to lose. Ovid then cautions people to
structed (RL:288-314) to itemize all of the woman’s
instead on diversionary matters, such as their finan-
avoid reading love letters that had been written to
negative qualities and deeds, as well as the expen-
cial woes (mortgages, debts, creditors), their proper-
them by their former lovers. He also recommends
Although Ovid’s The Remedies for Love [RL] is con-
ditures and other losses she has caused. Likewise,
ties, and related obligations.
that they avoid all manners of places and things
siderably less developed than The Art of Love, RL
observing that one can find fault with anyone, Ovid
is an important statement on the disinvolvement,
suggests that his students explicitly exaggerate or
Ovid (RL:580-644) also instructs heartbroken lovers
Likewise, Ovid instructs those struggling with
disentanglement, or detachment process. RL con-
dramatize (to themselves) any negative qualities
to avoid lonely places and seclusion. He encourages
a troublesome love to avoid reading all manners
siders the matters of dealing with loss or rejection
they might associate with particular love objects.
these people to be around others, especially a good
of love poems (including many of his own poems),
friend if possible. Ovid explicitly discourages the
lest they develop or renew more intense sentiments
Somewhat relatedly, Ovid (RL:315-439) suggests
wounded from spending time in places where they
for their love objects.
that one’s love object be encouraged to display any
might encounter the women they love. He also dis-
While RL primarily is addressed to those men who
negative qualities that she has so that this may
courages men from associating with her acquain-
As Ovid (RL:788-794) concludes RL, he instructs his
have suffered loss or rejection in love, Ovid (RL:1-
provide a more pronounced reminder of her fail-
tances. Saying that things of this sort are to be
students to put aside any thoughts they may have
52) acknowledges a parallel concern on the part of
ings. In addition to seeking solace in other girls,
avoided, Ovid recommends that the affected male
about rivals faring better than them with the trouble-
women. Ovid is going to offer advice on how lovers
Ovid also suggests that the men employ other
establish a social world that is notably removed
some love object. Instead of regarding the rival as an
may recover from these wounds.
women as more desirable comparison points with
from the woman’s presence.
enemy, thus, Ovid encourages his students to treat
Ovid (RL:53-134) begins by recommending that peo-
ing on her every defect.
attest to the value of his instructions.
The Remedies for Love 6
of love among people severing romantic relationships more generally.
ple attracted to others keep their passions under control, thereby reducing risks from the start. Still, he
recognizes that this seldom is adequate advice, especially for those who are currently suffering from love.
Next, defining idleness as a major source of difficulty, Ovid (RL:135-287) instructs those experiencing the loss or rejection of love to eliminate their
This statement on Ovid’s RL is based on Rolfe Humphries’
(1957) translation. However, I have used the somewhat more
precise, standardized notations provided in the Loeb edition
(J. H. Mozley’s [1939] translation of Ovid: The Art of Love and
Other Poems).
6
136
that might foster sensations of love for that person.
the rival in a congenial manner, if only in shorter-
the former love. He encourages concerted focusLikewise, Ovid (RL:645-682) explicitly instructs his
term pretence. Later, when one can greet the rival
students not to ask about their love-objects or even to
with heartfelt gratitude, the loss of love is no more.
After observing that the loss of a lover is less pain-
complain about them. It is much better, he says, to let
ful if one formerly had two sweethearts, Ovid
love fade and die through silence. Still, he cautions,
Ovid (RL:795-811) also cautions distraught lovers
(RL:440-487) suggests that one consult his earlier
it is not appropriate to hate someone that one once
about their diet. In addition to avoiding foods asso-
books on love.
loved. It is enough not to care. Gifts that were given,
ciated with passion, he also warns people about the
likewise, are to be left with the girl, lest they become
risks of wine. Either one should remain entirely sober
When around these troublesome love-objects in
points of contention. Should the parties meet on oth-
and thereby unaffected by the temptations associated
group settings, Ovid (RL:488-524) instructs his
er occasions, Ovid encourages emotional distancing,
with wine or drink so much that one ceases to care.
students to maintain the appearances of compo-
treating the former lover as if she were a stranger.
Ovid (RL:812-815) ends by saying that his readers
sure and good spirits no matter how those women may act and, likewise, to distance themselves
Ovid (RL:683-707) further instructs troubled lovers
will thank him after they have come to terms with
whenever possible.
not to be receptive to suggestions or other encour-
their situations.
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Robert Prus
The Loves 7
tend to one another in the presence of the woman’s
TL, BI: XI [“Getting Help from the Maid”] This poem
TL, BII: VIII [“The Implicated Maid”] Here, Ovid
husband and how they may deal with him.
recognizes that women’s maids, as insiders to their
makes reference to a suspicion by his lover that
mistresses’ life-worlds, can be of considerable tacti-
he has been involved with her maid. Insisting that
Denoting a collection of Ovid’s shorter poems on
love, The Loves [TL] is much less systematic in its
TL, BI: VII [“Violent Encounter between the
cal assistance in fostering romantic intrigues on the
nothing has been going on, at least to the temporary
development than either The Art of Love or Remedies
Lovers”] Here, the poet laments the violence he has
part of their mistresses. Ovid discusses the value of
satisfaction of the mistress, Ovid later reminds the
for Love. Still, TL provides a noteworthy series of
inflicted on the girl he loves. Acknowledging his
male lovers entreating maids to help them obtain
maid of her obligation to him. He threatens to share
observations about love as a socially engaged es-
ill treatment of the girl, he expresses remorse, as
access to their mistresses.
every detail of their liaison with the mistress if the
sence. While fragmented and disjointed as a col-
well as anger toward himself for having acted so
lection, and overlapping with Ovid’s other texts in
violently.
certain respects, the materials in TL not only com-
maid subsequently refuses him.
TL, BII: IV [“Being Attracted to Women”] Likening
himself to a ship tossed about by the whims of the
TL, BII: XI [“The Military Metaphor”] Here, Ovid
plement Ovid’s other considerations of interper-
TL, BI: VIII [“The Meddlesome Old Woman”] Ovid
ocean, the poet says that despite all of his desires to
likens the conquest of a mistress to a military suc-
sonal relations but also suggest a number of points
describes the attempts of an old woman to keep
be otherwise, he lacks the ability to avoid finding
cess. While not claiming originality, he explicitly
of departure for future analysis.
two lovers separated both by her actions and by the
women attractive. Observing that there is no one
emphasizes the tactical nature of his romantic
things she says. At the same time, the old woman
particular type of girl that he finds alluring, he finds
campaign.
Whereas Ovid’s TL is packaged in three books and
encourages the younger woman to make the most
himself hopelessly attracted to an extended array of
each entry is numbered, the individual poems have
of her presently good years. Stating that poets are of
women, including those of seemingly opposite quali-
TL, BII: XIII-XIV [“The Abortion”] On learning that
not been named by the author. Assuming some lib-
little value beyond their poems, she encourages the
ties. Thus, whether they are short or tall, modest or
his beloved had attempted an abortion on her own,
erties, I have selected those entries that seem more
younger woman to be more aggressive in using her
brash, distant or warm on the surface, cultured or
Ovid expresses a number of viewpoints on the mat-
central to a consideration of people’s relationships
good years to accumulate material goods. Relatedly,
folksy, or whether they are talented in certain ways
ter. While extremely grateful that his lover has sur-
with others and have designated these accordingly.
the old woman also advises the younger woman on
or not, there are elements in each girl that he finds
vived the ordeal, he also expresses the fear that he
Still, even more minimalist examinations of these
ways to obtain more presents from her lovers. Thus,
irresistibly appealing.
probably, or at least possibly, was responsible for
entries offer snippets of insight. Further, while
for instance, maids and other acquaintances maybe
Ovid presents these materials as if they were his
used to drop hints on behalf of the woman or one
TL, BII: V [“Confronting his Lover about a Rival”] In
sort again, he also chastises her for not following
own experiences, readers may recognize the more
may have more than the usual number of birthdays
this poem, Ovid addresses instances of males con-
through on the pregnancy.
prototypical qualities of the acts, actors, and situa-
as occasions on which to be gifted. The old wom-
fronting their lovers about affairs they believe their
tions being discussed.
an also suggests that some rivalry might prompt
lovers have had with other men. After the challenge
TL, BII: XV [“The Ring”] In this playful little poem,
greater generosity. She also says that loans obtained
and angered reaction, the lover acquiesces and takes
Ovid begins by noting that the ring is useless except
TL, BI: II [“Identifying Oneself as a Victim of
from lovers need never be returned. As well, the old
pity on the woman’s helpless state. While subsequent-
as a token of the giver’s love. Then, after savoring the
Love”] Ovid discusses the matter of identifying the
woman advises the younger woman to be coy and
ly benefiting from her heightened affection, the lover
closeness the ring will achieve with the recipient’s per-
(often debilitating) symptoms of love (e.g., restless-
attentive to the use of flattery.
is left wondering about her relations with the rival.
son, he dispatches the ring as “love’s ambassador.”
dealing with the emotional states that take them
TL, BI: X [“The Poet’s Justification”] In this entry,
TL, BII: VII [“Facing Jealousy”] Focusing on the re-
TL, BII: XVIII [“Being Distracted”] In this little entry,
by surprise.
Ovid observes that women can use their charms
actions of a jealous (female) lover, Ovid discusses
Ovid makes reference to the demands that an affec-
to obtain wide ranges of goods from the lovers.
the presumption of his sexual interest in other girls
tionate girl can make on one’s person at the times
TL, BI: IV [“The Lovers Deal with the Husband”]
Acknowledging his comparative poverty, Ovid
on her part. Stating that nothing has been going on,
a poet should be working to produce text.
Ovid considers the ways in which lovers may at-
says that he only can offer his poems. Still, unlike
but still suffering the blame, he comments on the
many other things, Ovid says, poems can have
wearying effects of the invectives to which he has
TL, BIII: II [“Race track Venture”] Viewing the race
a lasting splendor.
been subjected.
track a another setting for meeting girls, Ovid
her predicament. Imploring her to do nothing of the
ness, anxiety, loneliness) and the notion of people
This discussion is derived from Rolfe Humphries’ (1957)
translation of Ovid’s TL.
7
138
139
Robert Prus
describes the ways in which one may use an out-
he also asks her to deny her involvements and, in
Still, focusing more directly on Ovid’s work on love,
structive to ask if, and in what ways, Ovid’s materi-
ing such as this for making contact and consoli-
other ways, make it easier for him to imagine her
it should be noted that in contrast to much contem-
als might be used to assess and/or extend present
dating oneself with someone that one finds at-
sincerity for this is what he very much wishes to
porary scholarship in sociology and psychology
day notions of relationships in the making. While
tractive.
believe.
that depicts intimate relations in more static and/or
space limitations preclude a more detailed consid-
depersonalized manners (as in studies of attitudes,
eration of Ovid’s texts with respect to each of the
TL, BIII: III [“Beauty has its Privileges”] Here,
TL, BIII: XV [“Hoping to Endure”] In closing The
class backgrounds, religious similarities, and the
subthemes addressed herein, much still may be
Ovid notes that even though they may lie and oth-
Loves, Ovid (now seemingly in his later years) notes
like), Ovid clearly attends to the processual, enact-
gleaned by considering these matters in light of
erwise are known to be deceitful, beautiful girls
that he has had rather humble origins and has lived
ed, tactically engaged, and emotionally experienced
Ovid’s materials.
are apt to be forgiven for their transgressions. If
a modest life-style. Still, he hopes that his writings
features of affective relations.
there are gods, Ovid contends, even the gods are
may bring some fame to his small community and
likely to find the charms of these women so irre-
that his works may last well beyond his lifetime.
sistible that they too would forgive them for any
wrongdoing.
TL, BIII: VIII [“Money Counts for More”] Noting
Ovid in Historical Context
As Gross (1985) notes, aspects of the analysis of in-
that the gifts of poets and other authors hold
timate relationships can be traced back to Homer
little allure compared to the attractions women
(circa 700 BCE), Hesiod (circa 700 BCE), and Sappho
have for wealth and position, Ovid asks wom-
(circa 600 BCE), as well as the Greek tragedians
en who are attracted to such things to consider
(Aeschylus, circa 525-456 BCE; Sophocles, circa
the killing and other injuries (as with military
495-405 BCE; and Euripides circa 480-406 BCE) and
personnel) that has allowed these people to obtain wealth and position (compared to the gentle life-style of the poet). Because of their own
greed, Ovid contends, these women effectively
are turned into slaves for the wealthy. However,
less advantaged men still may be able to access
these women by bringing them gifts. Still, Ovid
laments, it would be nice for neglected (and impoverished) lovers to have a god who might help
make things right.
TL, BIII: XIV [“Trying to Believe”] In this entry,
the speaker acknowledges his inability to keep his
lover (spouse) from being involved with other lovers. Still, he asks that she try to be more discreet
in her activities and the ways in which she manages appearances. While noting that he does not go
snooping or otherwise try to trap or discredit her,
140
the philosophers: Plato (circa 420-348 BCE) and
Aristotle (circa 384-322 BCE).8 While this does not
diminish the remarkable contributions that Ovid
has made to the study of intimate relationships, it
makes an even more compelling case for social scientists giving more direct attention to the classical
literature. Thus, in addition to the value of these
classical sources in other ways, these works are
even more important for the trans-contextual and
trans-historical resources that they offer to present-day scholars.
For a somewhat parallel interactionist consideration of love
and friendship in the works of Plato and Aristotle, see Prus
and Camara (2010). Contemporary readers in the social sciences may be struck by the exceptionally insightful and detailed analytic quality of the materials generated by Plato and
Aristotle. Indeed, Plato and Aristotle not only have much to
offer students of the human condition but they also provide
an instructive base for assessing the adequacy of contemporary sociological and psychological analyses of interpersonal
relations.
8
As part of an ongoing quest (Prus 1987; 1996; 1997;
Although Ovid is somewhat presumptive and pre-
1999; Prus and Grills 2003) to identify a series of
scriptive in his analysis, as well as poetically playful
subprocesses that would enable social scientists
at many points, Ovid’s materials also attest to the
to better comprehend and examine the ways in
great many astute observations he has made about
which people develop relationships with others in
human relations, as well as the remarkable assort-
all manners of settings, four features of the rela-
ment of analytic insights he has generated.
tionship process are delineated. These are: (a) anticipating encounters with others; (b) focusing on par-
While not suggesting that Ovid’s materials are to be
ticular others; (c) intensifying association; and (d) deal-
used as the prototype for subsequent research and
ing with distractions and disaffections.9 Focusing on
analysis, it is appropriate to observe that only a small
number of contemporary book-length ethnographies
addressing the matters of love, sexuality, and emotionality explicitly acknowledge process, activity, agency,
persuasion, and emotionality in ways that favorably
compare with Ovid’s texts. Although it will not be
possible in the present statement to develop sustained
considerations of Ovid’s texts with respect to interactionist analyses of (a) relationships, (b) emotionality,
and (c) influence work, it is hoped that those who have
examined the preceding depiction of Ovid’s texts may
begin to appreciate the potential his work offers for
further analysis of these three interconnected aspects
of community life.
Relationships in Process
To better assess the contributions of Ovid’s texts on
love to the contemporary social sciences, it is in-
Despite their centrality for the study of human group-life,
intimate relationships have received comparatively little sustained ethnographic attention. Some instructive studies of
intimate relations include ethnographies focusing on heterosexual life-worlds (Waller 1967 [1930]; Hunt 1966; Bartell 1971;
Prus and Irini 1980; Vaughan 1986; Rosenblatt et al., 1995), homosexual encounters (Reiss 1961; Warren 1974; Humphreys
1975; Ponse 1978; Correll 1995), and transsexual interchanges
(Kando 1973; Ekins 1997).
9
In addition to studies that focus directly on intimate relationships and interchanges, scholars also are apt to appreciate the
ethnographies that address the development, maintenance,
and severance of relationships in other settings. Especially
noteworthy in this sense are considerations of the relationships
that people develop within the contexts of: bar life (Roebuck
and Frese 1976; Prus and Irini 1980); religious involvements
(Lofland 1977 [1966]; Prus 1976; Van Zandt 1991; Jorgensen 1992;
Shaffir 1993; 1995), the thief subculture (Shaw 1930; Sutherland
1937; Maurer 1955; Letkemann 1973; Prus and Sharper 1977;
Adler 1985; Steffensmeier 1986; Shover 1996; Jacobs 1999), the
marketplace (Prus 1989a; 1989b; Prus and Frisby 1990), fantasy
role-playing games (Fine 1983), entertainment (Becker 1963;
Faulkner 1971; MacLeod 1993), outlaw gangs (Wolf 1991), the
tattoo subculture (Sanders 1989), medical treatments (Roth
1962; Davis 1963; Schneider and Conrad 1983; Charmaz 1991),
and pronounced interpersonal difficulties (Lemert 1962; Karp
1996). For some reviews of the broader literature on the social
psychology of interpersonal attraction and interpersonal relationships, see Secord and Backman (1964), Erber and Erber
(2000), and Hendrick and Hendrick (2000).
141
Robert Prus
these four aspects of the relationship process, the
opposition; and (d) being defined by themselves
timate relationships represent one area in which
as well as within subcultures in particular com-
following extract from that volume addresses the
and/or others as a unit.
people’s experiences with affectivity tend to be
munities, it is apparent that people’s emotional
particularly prominent. Hence, while people’s
experiences represent consequential features of
Following the overall relationship along, it also is
relationships also reflect the matters of acquir-
their intimate associations. Relatedly, people may
Anticipating encounters with others would include
instructive to ask the ways that people deal with dis-
ing perspectives, developing identities, doing
engage a rather extended range of affective sensa-
such things as (1) getting prepared for meeting
tractions and disaffections. This means examining:
activities, making commitments, and achieving
tions within the context of specific relationships.
people more generally; (2) envisioning oneself
(1) the kinds of things that participants define as
linguistic fluency (see Prus 1996; 1997; 1999; Prus
In given instances, thus, this may include mat-
as available for association; (3) defining specific
problematic or that emerge as points of contention
and Grills 2003), some more focused attention
ters pertaining to love and animosity, intimacy
others as potentially desirable associates; (4) ap-
among the participants; (2) the ways that people
and distancing, generosity and greed, calm and
proaching others and/or receiving indications
attempt to deal with these troublesome situations;
will be directed toward emotionality as a feature
anger, sadness and joy, anxiety and complacency,
of receptivity from others; (5) encountering and
(3) when and how these episodes continue, inten-
of intimate relations.
indicating acceptance and/or distancing with re-
sify, dissipate, and possibly become renewed and
spect to others; and (6) assessing self and others
extended among members of the group; (4) when
as viable associates for desired relationships.
and how other people (insiders and/or outsiders)
subprocesses embedded within these four themes:
become involved in these interchanges, and what
As people begin attending to particular others, we
sorts of directions the ensuing interchanges may
may expect that their associations would assume
take; and (5) how these interchanges are worked
a somewhat more distinctive cast, reflecting pro-
out with respect to any longer term relationships
cesses of the following sort: (1) assessing self and
between the members of the particular group un-
other for “goodness of fit;” (2) developing interac-
der consideration.
tional styles with the other; (3) managing openness and secrecy in associations with the other;
Although this statement has a notably more ge-
(4) developing shared understandings, joint pref-
neric emphasis than Ovid’s depictions of intimate
erences, and loyalties with the other.
associations, a quick review of The Art of Love and
Remedies for Love attests to the comprehensive, de-
Focusing on people developing a sense of “close-
tailed, analytic quality of Ovid’s material. Indeed,
ness” to the other, we can also ask about people
once one puts Ovid’s advisory stance and poetic
intensifying association with their acquaintances.
playfulness aside, the preceding processual por-
This may involve such things as (a) developing
trayal of relationships may be seen to summarize
dependencies on the other – as in getting help
Ovid’s analysis of intimate involvements. Still,
from the other, attending to benefits/resources,
as suggested in the subsequent considerations of
and accessing/sharing other’s things; (b) pursu-
emotionality and influence work, Ovid has yet
ing acceptance by the other – as in being helpful/
more to offer to students of human group-life.
considerate, adjusting to the other, engaging in
ingratiation, and defending/protecting the other;
Experiencing Emotionality
(c) working as a team – as in embarking on cooperative ventures, establishing mutuality of rou-
Although matters of emotionality are consequen-
tines, and collectively dealing with threats and
tial to people’s relationships more generally, in-
142
fear and courage, and pride and shame.
As used herein, the term “emotion” refers to the
affective dispositions or self-feelings (involving
bodily states and related sensations) that people
attribute to themselves and others.10 While one
finds considerable variation in the ways in which
people engage emotionality across communities,
For some ethnographic research that addresses emotionality in more sustained terms, see: Brown’s (1931),
Ray’s (1961), Becker’s (1963), and Biernacki’s (1988) work
on drug-related experiences; Blumer’s (1970[1933]), Blumer
and Hauser’s (1970 [1933]), and Harrington and Bielby’s
(1995) studies of people’s encounters with the media; Evans
and Falk’s (1986) and Evans’ (1994) examination of people
learning to be deaf; Lofland’s (1977 [1966]) and Van Zandt’s
(1991) studies of religious cults; Roebuck and Frese’s (1976)
and Prus and Irini’s (1980) accounts of bar life; Bartell’s
(1971) work on mate-swapping; Rosenblatt and colleagues’ (1995) account of multiracial couples; Reiss’ (1961),
Warren’s (1974), Humphreys’ (1975), and Ponse’s (1978)
depictions of homosexual relations; Ekins’ (1997) inquiry
into trans-gendering; Waller’s (1967 [1930]) and Vaughan’s
(1986) analysis of marital dissolution; Lesieur’s (1977) examination of gambling; Lemert’s (1962) study of paranoia;
Karp’s (1996) research on depression; Rubinstein’s (1973)
and Charles’ (1986) depictions of police work; Dietz’s (1994)
consideration of people’s involvements in ballet; Davis’
(1963), Schneider and Conrad’s (1983), Charmaz’s (1991),
and Anspach’s (1993) studies of illness; Haas’ (1972; 1977)
examination of high steel iron workers; Wolf’s (1991) portrayal of outlaw bikers; Holyfield’s (1999) and Jonas’ (1999)
account of people’s experiences in white water rafting; and
Fine’s (2001) study of high school debaters.
10
Although writing over two millennia ago, Aristotle provides some exceptionally insightful analyses of emotionality in Nicomachean Ethics and (especially) Rhetoric (see Prus
2007; 2008a). Plato and Aristotle’s depictions of love and
friendship (Prus and Camara 2010) are notably relevant here
as also is Cicero’s consideration of emotionality in his portrayal of rhetoric (Prus 2010).
Further, although emotionality often is envisioned
as an individualistic or psychological phenomenon, people’s affective experiences more accurately reflect the realms of (linguistically-enabled) inter-subjectivity that people achieve with others in
the community. Indeed, even though people often
experience emotionality in more solitary ways,
people’s experiences with emotionality become
meaningful only within the (shared) terms of reference invoked within particular human groups.
Thus, not only do people often intensify, neutralize, and redirect one another’s experiences with
affectivity in more particular instances but they
also may instruct one another on more particular frameworks within which to interpret, as well
as experience instances of emotionality (see Prus
1996; 2008a; 2009; 2010; Prus and Grills 2003; Prus
and Camara 2010).
While people commonly define and promote, as
well as neutralize and discourage, emotional experiences pertaining to sincerity and trust, patience
and composure, banality and boredom, and disaffection and disloyalty, other emotional themes
revolve around the pursuit of more intense, often overt emotional experiences (and expressions)
143
Robert Prus
which are associated with drama and excitement,
situations and/or encouraging others to adopt par-
counters and intrigues, his work provides testi-
celebrations and euphoria, and anger and violence.
ticular emotional standpoints or expressivities),
mony to the pervasive relevance of emotionality
Indeed, these notions are pertinent to the fuller
(d) commitments (as in anxiety and/or excitement
in intimate relationships.
range of emotional states.
about objectives, options, and long-term obliga-
Engaging in Influence Work
Ovid is sometimes criticized for depicting the
manipulative and deceptive features of human
tions), and (e) relationships (as in expressing affec-
Recognizing that people often have difficulties
interchange, but it should be acknowledged that
Still, this does not mean that people will be able
tion, concern, or disenchantment with respect to
defining and dealing with their emotional sensa-
Ovid is very much concerned with the actuali-
to define all of their emotional states in precise or
particular others).
tions, Ovid sets out to instruct his pupils not only
ties of human relations and the ways that peo-
on ways of achieving desired love objects but also
ple manage their affairs as thinking, purposive,
singular terms. Hence, while people may develop
fluencies in discussing certain kinds of emotional
Further, although people often experience as-
ways of managing the wide range of emotional
tactical agents. Thus, while Ovid may be seen as
sensations, they may struggle to describe other
pects of emotional sensations in more solitary
states that may be associated with these “affairs
endorsing intimate relationships rather than in-
emotional experiences (and sensations), both on
(i.e., private, reflective) terms, people’s experienc-
of the heart.”
voking moralities of a more puritanical sort or
their own and with the assistance of others. As
es with affective states typically reflect (a) peo-
well, even when people define themselves in par-
ple’s present associations (and interactions) with
Albeit often overlooked in contemporary consid-
a social scientist, Ovid still provides considerable
ticular emotional states, it should not be assumed
others, (b) their earlier interchanges with others,
erations of romantic relationships, there also is
insight into the viewpoints, practices, dilemmas,
that they would be able to manage these situa-
and (c) the encounters that they anticipate having
the matter of human resiliency, wherein people
and limitations of people who become caught up
tions in more direct or adequate terms.
with others.
attempt to revitalize or regenerate themselves
in romantic intrigues.
adopting the more detached analytical stance of
(and/or others) after some loss, disappointment,
Because readers can obtain a fuller analysis of peo-
Relatedly, while people may desire specific emo-
or rejection – attempting to achieve or restore
Clearly, Ovid is only one of a great many clas-
ple’s experiences with emotionality (as a generic
tional experiences and diligently work toward
more desired levels of competence, composure,
sical Greek and Latin scholars who provide de-
social process) elsewhere (Prus 1996:173-201), it
these ends, they often encounter complexities and
persona, and the like.
pictions of influence work (and the associated
may be sufficient at present to identify three broad-
actual lived situations that blunt these objectives
er sets of processes central to people’s notions of
and nullify their efforts. Thus, whether people ex-
Notably, too, while love may be experienced as
may refer to Plato (Phaedrus), Aristotle (Rhetoric),
emotionality: (1) learning to define emotional ex-
perience, invoke, or attempt to shape instances of
an individual or personal state, Ovid draws at-
Cicero (De Inventione, Brutus, De Oratore, Orator),
periences; (2) developing techniques for expressing
emotionality on their own or in association with
tention to the ways that people engage these no-
and Augustine (On Christian Doctrine) for other
and controlling emotional experiences; and (3) ex-
others, each episode or feature of their situations
tions in reflective, active, and interactive terms.
analyses of influence work. Indeed, as one of
periencing emotional episodes and entanglements.
represents something to be accomplished in its
Likewise, Ovid is acutely attentive to the role of
“the liberal arts” (see Martianus Capella, cir-
own right.
the other in the emotions of the self, as well as the
ca 380-440), the study of rhetoric or persuasive
processual nature of affectivity as a humanly-
endeavor has been basic to the development of
-experienced essence.
Western scholarship.
These aspects of experiencing emotionality pre-
matters of cooperation and resistance). Thus, one
sume that people (a) acquire notions of what emo-
As a result, people may not only find themselves
tionality is and how emotionality might be ex-
dealing with matters of affection, intimacy, dis-
pressed, viewed, and managed in particular group
tancing, loneliness, and the like but also with
As with the preceding consideration of relation-
Ovid’s contributions to rhetoric are overshad-
settings. Further, people’s conceptions of emotion-
ambiguity, confusion, resistance, and risk as they
ships, Ovid’s statements on love provide further
owed by other classical scholars, especially
ality also (b) include notions of who may or may
and their associates pursue particular interests
trans-historical and cross-cultural validation of
Aristotle (Prus 2008a), Cicero (Prus 2010), and
not experience particular affective states and how
(and emotional states) amidst the concerns, inten-
an interactionist analysis of emotionality. At the
Quintilian. Likewise, Ovid’s materials on rheto-
others might deal with people in these conditions.
tions, and adjustments of the others.
same time, as well, the present consideration of
ric are less extensive than those of Thucydides
emotionality shows how carefully and thought-
(circa 460-400 BCE) who instructively attends to
Considerations of affectivity also imply an attentiveness to: (c) people’s activities (as in expressing
Although Ovid’s considerations of emotionality
fully this classical scholar has dealt with emo-
political and military rhetoric in The History of
emotionality in certain manners and in specific
are embedded within the context of romantic en-
tionality as a humanly-engaged essence.
the Peloponnesian War. Nevertheless, by providing
144
145
Robert Prus
a highly sustained consideration of influence
of the preceding processes in light of Ovid’s The
work (and resistance) in romantic settings, Ovid
Art of Love and Remedies for Love reveals that he is
rather uniquely indicates the relevance of rheto-
acutely mindful of these matters. Thus, Ovid envi-
ric in more casual interpersonal contexts.
sions influence work in process terms – as denoting anticipatory, deliberative, enacted, interpreted,
To briefly situate Ovid’s texts within the context
resisted, and adjustive realms of activity. Ovid also
of a more contemporary analysis of influence
shows how influence work is inter-constituted with
work, it may be useful to focus on the following
people’s relationships and notions of emotional-
aspects of the persuasion process (Prus 1996:158):
ity. Relatedly, while encouraging people to adopt
certain tactics in dealing with others, Ovid also is
• Formulating (preliminary) Plans
aware of people’s more common circumstances,
dilemmas, tactical ventures, and the problematic
• Role-Taking (inferring/uncovering the perspec-
nature of success.
• Generating Trust
• Proposing Specific Lines of Action
• Encountering Resistance
• Neutralizing Obstacles
• Seeking and Making Concessions
Ovid has not set out to develop a theory of influence work per se. Nevertheless, an examination
Whereas the subprocesses outlined here are most extensively illustrated in an ethnographic study of interpersonal
selling activity (Prus 1989a), the influence process is given
much more comprehensive attention in Beyond the Power
Mystique (Prus 1999). Envisioning power as a humanly-enacted (vs. structuralist or moralist) essence, the emphasis
is on the ways in which people engage influence work as
agents, targets, and third parties.
11
146
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151
Michael Salter
University of Western Sydney, Australia
ciated with a range of trauma-related mental ill-
and children’s testimony has been a deeply ideo-
nesses amongst victims, as well as other poor life
logical one that has drawn on entrenched views
outcomes (Williams 1993; Leserman et al. 1997;
of women’s and children’s memories as porous
Gold et al. 1999). Many of the interviewees for the
and highly susceptible to influence and contami-
project were too disabled by abuse-related mental
nation (Campbell 2003). This was particularly the
health conditions to work and so they lived in ru-
case for victims of organized abuse, whose narra-
ral and country towns, where their disability pen-
tives of sadistic sexual abuse by groups and net-
sion went further than in the city. Interviews were
works came under scrutiny in the 1980s and 1990s
often preceded by hours spent on trains, planes,
(Salter 2008). Despite the serious health needs of
and buses, and followed by overnight stays in
survivors of organized abuse, a range of academ-
with histories of organized child sexual abuse. Organized abuse has been a particular
country motels. The liminal experiences of travel
ics, journalists, and activists have argued that
flashpoint for controversy in debates over child abuse and memory, but it is also a very
served as something of an allegory for the nar-
their access to mental health care and the crimi-
harmful and traumatic form of sexual violence. Research participants described how, in
ratives I was gathering, which involved violence
nal or civil courts should be curtailed on the basis
childhood, threats and trauma kept them silent about their abuse, but in adulthood this
against children of a scale beyond what is com-
that disclosures of organized abuse do not reflect
silence was reinforced by the invalidation that accompanied their efforts to draw attention
monly acknowledged to be real or possible. Mol-
actual events but rather they are the product of
to the harms that have befallen themselves and others. This paper will examine the role
lon has suggested that narratives of organized
“moral panics” and “false memories” (e.g., Loftus
of qualitative research in addressing a form of alterity whose defining characteristic is the
abuse are, in many ways, external to “the domi-
and Ketcham 1994; Guilliatt 1996; Ofshe and Wat-
silencing and dismissal of narrative.
nant symbolic structure determining what we
ters 1996). These claims have proven so influential
normally believe to be true, possible and within
in the adjudication of criminal and child protec-
the nature of reality” (2008:108). As a result, al-
tion matters that, in some cases, child and adult
legations of such abuse have often been interpret-
complaints of organized abuse have been ignored
ed as myths or fantasies since the “possibility of
by social services (South Australian Ombuds-
their reality has no place” in the symbolic order
man 2004; Seenan 2005) and children have been
constructed by “mainstream cultural and media
returned to their parents despite ongoing com-
discourse” (Mollon 2008:108).
plaints and evidence of such abuse (Rafferty 1997;
Through a Glass, Darkly:
Representation and Power in Research
on Organized Abuse
Abstract This paper draws on the author’s experience undertaking life history research with adults
Keywords Sexual Abuse; Crime Victims; Life History; Sensitive Research; Coherence;
Representation; Power
Nelson 2008).
The life histories of survivors of sexual abuse have
Michael Salter
is a Lecturer in Criminology
at the University of Western Sydney. His research
long been the subject of heated and sometimes
Like other researchers (Itzin 2001; Scott 2001),
vitriolic debate. Over the last twenty years, much
I sought to apply a qualitative methodology to
of this debate has been ostensibly concerned with
the study of organized abuse in order to address
experimental psychology and “memory science;”
what was absent in public debates about orga-
however, it has reflected a long-standing tradition
nized abuse: that is, the voices of the survivors
of disbelief in relation to the testimony of wom-
themselves. The ways in which research method-
en and children. As Habermas (1984) observed,
ologies create distances between researchers and
with histories of sexual abuse have reported
questions of ethics and justice are increasingly
research participants – in political and ethical,
multi-perpetrator, multi-victim sexual abuse.
reframed in the public sphere as “technocratic”
as well as spatial terms – has been a key factor
Such experiences of abuse have been called “or-
issues dominated by scientific vocabulary. Behind
in shaping the academic and media debate over
ganized abuse” (La Fontaine 1993) and are asso-
the scientific rhetoric, the debate over women’s
organized abuse. Few researchers have directly
I
spent much of 2007 and 2008 travelling around
Australia interviewing adults with histories of
focuses on the intersections of gendered violence,
sexual abuse by groups or networks of people.
health, and culture, and in particular on the ways
Whilst most child sexual offences involve one of-
in which violence and its impacts are represented
fender and one victim, some children and adults
and made meaningful by victims, perpetrators, and
others.
152
153
Michael Salter
engaged survivors of organized abuse in the re-
together” (1995:5). Disclosures of organized abuse
of child abuse and violence against women (Gal-
resentation and acknowledgement. Child sexual
search enterprise through qualitative interviews,
have gained considerable prominence in public
lagher, Hughes, and Parker 1996; Kelly 1998; Scott
abuse victims often grow up in contexts in which
so there is little systematic analysis available re-
discourse, but paradoxically, they have often been
2001). The life history method was applied in an
their efforts to articulate distress and seek care
garding the content of survivor descriptions of
“storied” in ways that have silenced and discred-
exploratory fashion in order to examine these
and support are systematically invalidated, disbe-
their abuse. Survivors have rarely been afforded
ited, rather than empowered, children and adults
linkages further. Survivors of sexual abuse are
lieved, and disavowed (Linehan 1993). Hence, the
a presence in the research literature in their own
describing such abuse. As a result, they have
rarely engaged in qualitative research, perhaps
dynamics of the debate over the veracity of sexual
right, and whilst some have represented their
found themselves distanced from vital supports,
due to the concerns of researchers and ethics
abuse testimony reproduced and even intensified
own histories through autobiographical writing,
including health and welfare services and the po-
committees that they may experience distress in
the characteristics of sexually abusive environ-
their contributions have largely been ignored
lice. The struggle for enunciation and recognition
the interviews (DePrince and Freyd 2004; Becker-
ments in ways that many victims found distress-
or devalued by many academics and journalists
were fundamental aspects to their experiences
Blease and Freyd 2006). However, the proposition
ing and humiliating.
writing on organized abuse. Many quantitative
of abuse, ill health, and discrimination. The re-
of Becker-Blease and Freyd (2006) that adult sur-
researchers have instead based their view of sur-
search encounter was not simply an opportunity
vivors of child sexual abuse are able to accurately
Such invalidating dynamics were reflected in the
vivors upon pejorative mass media depictions,
to communicate or uncover this struggle. By the
predict and manage the potential risks of retrau-
conduct of various professionals and workers that
generalizing quantitative data drawn from sur-
very nature of qualitative research, it became im-
matization in qualitative research found support
participants had approached as adults in times of
veys and case reviews in order to argue that such
plicated in the struggle itself, and this article aims
in this study. As the article will discuss, no par-
crisis. In the interview, Darren described how one
testimony is the product of “moral panic” and
to examine the interplay of power and representa-
ticipant expressed regret for their participation
psychiatrist’s effacement of his memories of orga-
“false memories.” By undertaking a qualitative
tion within the interview encounter.
and many indicated that they gained some benefit
nized abuse was “one of the worst things” that
from participation.
has ever happened to him.
project, I hoped to place survivors’ perspectives
at the centre of discussions on issues that most
Methodology
Abuse, Representation, and Power
directly affect them.
Participants were recruited through counseling
The psychiatrist I went to see, he summed me up
within ten, fifteen minutes. He’d turned around
and basically told me I was crazy, and I was a vic-
Initially, I envisaged that my role as an interview-
agencies and the newsletters and mailing lists
As a researcher, my focus was on the criminologi-
er was to provide a context in which participants
of organizations in the fields of mental health,
cal dimensions of participants’ accounts of their
felt safe engaging in the exposition of these his-
sexual assault, sexual abuse, and child protec-
lives: the contexts in which they experienced
tories with me. As the project progressed, it be-
tion. It was a prerequisite of participation that
organized abuse, the acts that were committed
a serial killer. Yeah, he really just said, out and out,
came clear that, for many participants, the inter-
participants had or were accessing mental health
against them, and so on. However, what I discov-
“You are a crazy man.”
view was a nodal point in a larger struggle for
care, and that they had a caring person in their
ered within the interviews was an environment
survival that had, at its heart, the right to self-au-
life that knew about their history of abuse and
charged by a range of pressures and expectations,
...It’s just hard for me to even think about, it was
thorship. I came to realize that the very currency
could support them during or after the interview
spoken and unspoken. Flooding into the research
one of the worst things that has ever – just, I’d
that qualitative research trades in – words, signs,
if they wanted. The interview was based on the
encounter was participants’ desire to speak and
symbols – constituted, for these participants,
“life history” method (see Plummer 1983; 1995), in
be heard, to be a speaking subject rather than an
a mode of exchange within which they had been
which participants were invited to discuss their
object of discourse. In the interviews, participants
pervasively disempowered. Plummer suggests
lives from childhood to the present day. The ma-
were highly sensitized to their social and political
that narratives of sexual abuse survival are one
jority of literature on organized abuse consists of
invisibility as victims of serious and life-threat-
me. I walked out of that place so – I hadn’t been that
of the dominant “sexual stories” that has prolif-
commentary and speculation rather than empiri-
ening harm. There was an irreconcilable gap in
suicidal in years.
erated across the contemporary media landscape
cal analysis of organized abuse cases, although
their lives between the severity of the abuses they
but he also notes that such stories have a role in
the available research reveals provocative link-
had witnessed and been subject to, and the ways
For participants, the ways in which their recol-
“pulling people apart,” as well as “holding people
ages between organized abuse and other forms
in which these abuses were denied public rep-
lections of organized abuse have been denied
154
tim of “fraudulent memory syndrome” or something like that, “false memory syndrome.” He’d
likened me to some nutcase that thought he was
wanted to, I’d been waiting to get enough money
to see this guy, and I’d pinned a lot of hopes on being able to talk to this fellow. Because I’d actually
talked to him before ... and he’d seemed like basically a decent sort of guy. But then, he just nailed
155
Michael Salter
representation and acknowledgement were in-
I’d tell people little bits and pieces about my past
day, she’s [the therapist] just going to come in with
the 1980s, stripped of its collective and political
trinsically linked to their current experiences of
because I’d worked something out and I’d be
a straight jacket and it’ll be cool and I’m just crazy
pleased to finally understand it. And they’d zone
and it’ll be all over. And it’ll make sense because
dimension and relegated to a private narrative of
out, or they’d freak out worse than I do. So I want
I’ll just be mad.”
illness and marginalization. With no legitimacy
attached to their self-representations, they had no
power to externalize their suffering and hence,
find care and support for the mental health problems and distress associated with their history of
harm and loss. It was this devaluation that participants sought to redress through their partici-
to tell people, but I don’t want to incapacitate either.
pation. Public and political value are accorded
And people sometimes just think I’m insane. So I’ve
Until she handed me that bit of paper, and I’m sit-
ended up very isolated from people that could be
ting there, looking at it. And she said, “Oh, I’m just
helpful at this point.
handing it to you, you don’t even have to partici-
where the individual is valued as a participant
pate. You can screw it up, and throw it in the bin.”
in the public sphere, the place of civic engage-
And I’m looking at it, thinking, “Hmmm … That
ment; an engagement not only traditionally de-
makes things concrete … you are handing it to me
nied to women (Pateman 1988) but particularly to
abuse. The subsequent collapse in self-valuation,
to truth claims born from personal experience
leading to thoughts of suicide and death, was re-
Throughout their lives, participants had been de-
flective of their devaluation in the eyes of poten-
nied the opportunity to speak in full about their
tial care-givers who refused to acknowledge the
most formative experiences, and where they had
level of their need. Goodwin has observed the
attempted to narrate their own histories they had
frequency of an incredulous response amongst
often been confronted by shock, disbelief, and
physicians confronted with narratives of sadistic
denial. They were therefore relegated to a con-
abuse, arguing that this response is an “intellec-
strained enunciative position in which they were
Another part of me thought, “Nah, if you ignore it,
to testify to her abuse in a public way and thus,
tualized variant of derealization” that serves to
restricted from accessing care and support or gen-
that means all this is going to be for nothing. And
disrupt the silence that allowed her abusers to
“gain distance from terrifying realities” (1985:7).
erating a sense of meaning and significance from
that means they are going to keep winning, and you
“keep winning.” This new testimonial position
For Darren, there was a direct relationship be-
their experiences of abuse. If culture is based
don’t want that either. And you can’t do what he’s
opened up new ways for Isabelle to view herself:
tween the effacement of his narrative of abuse
upon the circulation of symbols and narratives,
and the effacement of him as a person; as he says,
as Geertz (1973) proposes, then the fate of a popu-
“I hadn’t been that suicidal in years.” The means
lation excluded from this symbolic exchange was
through which the psychiatrist sought to under-
starkly described by participants in this study.
stand and rationalize his violent experiences con-
The opportunity to speak about their lives in the
stituted him as a person beyond belief and hence,
research encounter was therefore a powerfully
beyond hope.
symbolic one attended by anxiety and trepida-
The life history format may be used by research-
tentials of qualitative research with people who
tion. This is well in evidence in the excerpt below
ers to bring attention to the lives of the vulner-
have been pervasively denied other forms of pub-
Campbell (2003) suggests that, in Western societ-
from Isabelle, who discusses her response when
able (Plummer 1983:58); however, in this project,
lic self-representation.
ies, the valuation of a persons’ testimony is linked
her therapist handed her the advertisement for
it was clear that research participants had sought
to the valuation of the person themselves. Where
the research project.
out, identified, and acted upon the testimonial
fundamentally delegitimized. If subjectivity is socially constituted through engagement and interaction, then the persistently invalidating nature of
participants’ social encounters resulted in a sense
of self that was experienced as diminished and
screw it up.
women who speak out against men’s sexual violence (Armstrong 1994; Scutt 1997). In Isabelle’s
account, qualitative research had the potential to
breach the public-private divide and enable her
[the researcher] doing, because it’s not safe to do that
[run a project on organized abuse]. But maybe, it’ll
be OK to talk to him.” So, then, that happens, and
a couple of days go by with lots of anxiety, on a scale
as neither a crazy woman nor a woman in a crazy
world but rather as a victim of a terrible harm
that demands redress. The fact that she perse-
of 1 to 10 it was past that. And we1 still thought,
vered with this decision despite a high level of
“Nah, it’s cool, we are going to do this.”
fear and anxiety highlights the significance of
this opportunity for her, and the symbolic po-
(1994) has noted the ways in which women’s tes-
“Fuck, that makes this concrete. The fact that
timony of sexual abuse has been devalued since
you’ve even handed this to me makes my history
concrete.”
Up until that point, it was kind of like, “Oh yeah,
I think I’m talking to someone [a therapist] about it
[organized abuse], but maybe it’s not real. It’s still
powerless. Sky said:
over there, it’s still just my imagination, and one
in my folder, and I didn’t know whether I should
I got handed the research ad and I just went [gasp]
subordinated. They often felt isolated, alone and
156
abuse]. Oh fuck.” And I’m kind of … I just put it
The Historiography of a Life History
opportunity presented by the project. Armstrong
memory and testimony are called into question
then the bases of identity and personhood are
because I’m one of them [a survivor of organized
Some participants had a diagnosis of dissociative identity
disorder, a mental illness associated with severe abuse in
childhood and defined by the “presence of two or more
distinct identities or personality states” that repeatedly
take control of the person’s behavior, as well as recurrent
memory loss during such incidents (International Society
for the Study of Trauma and Dissociation 2011:118). People
with such a diagnosis may sporadically refer to themselves
as “we.”
1
In the debate over the credibility of sexual abuse
disclosures, psychologists and psychiatrists have
been at pains to emphasize the complexities and
ambiguities of memory. They have accused adults
with histories of organized abuse and those workers that support them of being hopelessly naïve
about the vagaries of autobiographical memory.
However, in this study participants indicated
157
Michael Salter
that they were intimately familiar with the
slow, arduous work. Some participants brought
participants and severely disrupted their lives.
...So it was played down, it was – “Big deal.” It was
unreliability of personal memory, which they
an extraordinary high index of suspicion to their
In Renee’s case, the emergence of these traumatic
played down. Mum was there and he said, “Well, as
described as an elusive and sometimes assaul-
own recollections, refusing to introduce new rec-
memories presaged a prolonged period of illness
tive force in their lives. They recounted periods
ollections into their life history before they had
and disability that had continued to the time of
of their lives in which they suffered from exten-
rigorously tested them for accuracy. Where they
the interview.
sive amnesia for previous experiences, as well
encountered uncertainties in their recollections
as periods in which they were disabled by the
of abuse, they often identified this themselves.
I blocked out my memories, and didn’t remem-
uncontrollable intrusions of recollections of vio-
At times they refused to accept as necessarily
ber until I was twenty-seven. I had a breakdown,
lence and abuse. Participants were under no il-
true a recollection of abuse if they felt it was
I guess. All of a sudden, one night, I was going over
lusion that their life histories were naturalistic
untrustworthy. In his discussions of his early
my life: “Oh, yeah, when we were six we lived in
productions, since their histories were narratives
childhood, Darren mentioned that his mothers’
this town, and then we moved and we lived with
fort to resolve this confusion, and to reject Mark’s
that they had consciously worked to develop and
boyfriends would sometimes come to the house
Nanna and Pa and then we moved in with Mark
imputation that her memories were the product
construct, often over years of torturous reality-
when she was absent, but he quickly broke off
[stepfather]” – and then, just, my heart’s pounding,
of mental illness, she began to undertake signifi-
I felt sick, and these flashes of people, and – at the
cant investigatory work in an effort to verify her
time I was seeing a counselor and I rang her that
memories of abuse.
testing and corroboration.
Prior to undertaking this effort, participants often
had no life history or self-narrative to call their
own. They confronted prolonged gaps and blackouts in their recollections of childhood and irrec-
that discussion:
All that really early stuff – I don’t want to talk about
that, it’s like the mists of time, y’know. It’s really
early childhood memory, and I would say that, as
day. And it wasn’t long after that I left the job that
I’d been in for ten years, I just – fell to pieces.
alcoholism, and drug abuse. She began to remem-
out who was leasing the place, a whole lot of stuff.
level of insight into the process by which they
This abuse included a local photography studio
constructed their stories, their identities, and their
where she remembered child abuse images be-
understanding of organized abuse. The interview
ing taken of her. In her adult life, the emergence
was therefore a site in which they could recount
not only their life history but the history of this
history; their own historiography.
pening. But, it wasn’t until I was older, and I remembered that conversation, and I thought, “But,
In the interview, Renee described how, in her
that’s not true.” But, we were all taught to bury the
late twenties, she had a “breakdown” brought on
truth. (Anne)
by uncontrollable “flashes” and images of abuse
that made her physically sick. A number of other
Attempting to recreate their life histories was
participants also recalled periods of their lives
therefore an attempt to impose order upon inter-
in which they did not recall their experiences of
nal disorder and craft a sense of self and history
childhood abuse; however, once these memories
from the recollections of abuse that confronted
them. The development of this new history was
I guess I did a lot of my own detective work. I knew
research, found out who owned the place, found
by a group of Mark’s extended family and friends.
158
about what her memories represented. In an ef-
ther, Mark, in a house characterized by violence,
nographers of their own lives, with an unusual
family, which was different to what was really hap-
gled with her own doubts and bewilderment
I don’t really want to go back there.
their own memories.
about the way we were fed certain stories about our
the more upsetting for Renee because she strug-
phy] studio was. I went to libraries, and did all this
ber being sexually abused by Mark at home and
her a few days earlier. So, again, this is what I mean
Her mother’s and stepfather’s responses were all
Renee had been raised by her mother and stepfa-
Participants were, in a very real sense, the eth-
dren.” And I distinctly remembered being hit by
So his attitude was, “What’s the big deal?”
where we lived as kids, I knew where the [photogra-
lives that they inherited from their parents and
house, and Mum said to her, “I don’t hit my chil-
with my dick when I was a kid, and I quite liked it.”
a child – scared witless – and, as a child, in my mind,
oncilable contradictions between the story of their
[When I was a child] a neighbor had come to our
a matter of fact, one of my dad’s mates used to play
And it all started to add up. It was years until all
the memories were in sequence and it made sense …
I wasn’t backing down until I found out who owned
that bloody place, their names, who leased it. Being
stubborn can have its benefits.
of these recollections was profoundly disturbing
She was later able to go into a local shop that she
to Renee and she was initially uncertain how to
believed had been the site of the photography stu-
make sense of them. She confronted her mother
dio and verify that it had the same layout as she
and Mark about what she remembered and their
remembered. Having uncovered the name of the
ambivalent response only served to inflame her
leasees at the time, she visited their private house
sense of distress and humiliation.
only to find that it fit drawings she had made in
hospital of the house that she had been driven to
[Mum said] “Oh, yes, he does remember going into
for abusive “parties.”
your bedroom one night and getting into bed with
you. He was drunk.” My stepfather. Yeah. He said
I had a drawing of the house from when I was in
that to mum, he remembers. One night, accidentally.
a psych unit. I actually went there to put a brick
began they could not be stopped. They mani-
“But nothing happened!” Because he was drunk.
through their window – and there was the draw-
fested as intrusive “flashbacks” that incapacitated
But, they were always drunk.
ing. I went there during the day and said, “There’s
159
Michael Salter
that backyard where we had a party.” It was just
ences – far from it. In the interview, she provided
In absolute terror, uh, clutch- clutching a sibling,
I find it really hard to put things in language and
bizarre.
a detailed description of the strategies she had
when the, when this monster who was someone
context half the time. It’s just this messy imagery,
employed to construct the history of her life and
that you normally loved and trusted would be pa-
sensory … it’s like my body is there, and if my body
rading around the bedroom saying, “Where are
could tell you exactly how and when, there would
you? COME OUT!” And um, um, I’m just having
be a context. But, everything is just so scattered in
a little bit of trouble divulging here, because I don’t
our mind. Sometimes it feels like there are twenty
In the interview, Renee sometimes appeared
trapped between her desire to affirm the validity of her recollections and the ambiguity of the
images that confronted her in flashbacks and
nightmares. She described her life history as
a jigsaw puzzle that she was unsure if it will ever
fit together, but she felt that she had been able to
generate a general (if somewhat patchy) sense of
order that explained the chronology of her abuse
and the development of her disabling trauma
the circumstances that shaped the evolution and
development of her self-narrative. The forces and
processes at play in the interview environment –
representation, symbolization, recollection – were
the very forces that Renee and other participants
sought to describe and articulate.
“Sick with the Memories”:
The Limitations of the Interview
want to go too far...
different events all connected in one. I just feel
like … it’s unraveling this messy … you know how
The struggle to enunciate the subjective experi-
cats play with balls of wool? And they get them all
ence of trauma calls attention not to the revelatory
knotted up and messy? Sometimes you can’t un-
power of disclosure but instead to the potentially
messy it, it’s beyond repair. That’s what it feels like
destructive consequences of the inadequacies of
in our head, sometimes.
language. Psychological trauma is presaged by
the collapse of systems of meaning and represen-
Testimony of trauma, particularly where it in-
The effort to translate memory into verbal or writ-
tation in the face of overwhelming physical and
volves intense personal suffering and grief, is
I’ve been told, and I don’t know if it was true, but
ten representation was an ongoing struggle that
emotional pain (Herman 1992). Kristeva (1976)
necessarily incomplete because of what Scarry
there was quite a lot of money to be made back in
participants recounted in great detail. Cara spoke
has emphasized how language and representa-
the seventies with that kind of stuff [child pornog-
of being “sick with the memories” of organized
(1985) identified as the “inexpressibility of pain”;
tion organizes the energies, rhythms, and forces
raphy]. And when I look at all: my stepfather, and
abuse and described “big, big flashbacks” knock-
however, the possibilities of the interview en-
of corporeal experience, a relationship which im-
ing her off her feet. Other participants talked of
bues language with significance and meaning.
counter for survivors of violence are further nar-
memories punching them in the stomach and
However, the collapse or deformation of mean-
making them vomit, or waking up at night feeling
ing, in the face of trauma, fundamentally dis-
hands around their throat or on their shoulders,
rupts this dialectic, leaving the unity of language
holding them down. The risk that participants’
imperiled by an overflow of fragmented and
memories might manifest in uncontrollable or
threatening psychic material.
symptoms.
money, and sex, and yeah, it all kind of doesn’t really make … full sense. There are bits that do, where
I can say, “Yeah, that definitely happened.”
Interactionist approaches to qualitative research
have emphasized the co-production of narrative
between the interviewer and interviewee. In relation to organized abuse, skeptics have gone fur-
rowed by the limitations that systems of representation place upon the subject. The severity of
the violence disclosed by victims of organized
abuse is such that Cooper, Anaf, and Bowden
(2006) and Sarson and MacDonald (2008) have
questioned whether the terminologies of “child
distressing ways in interview was one that had to
abuse” and “domestic violence” can adequately
be managed throughout the research encounter. It
In the interviews, participants had to continually
was clear that some recollections of abuse could be
negotiate between the desire to articulate them-
narrative. Whilst the narrative structure that
directly addressed in the interview whereas other
selves and the maintenance of coherence and
emerged in the interview with Renee was un-
memories needed to be approached obliquely or
meaning that may be threatened when violence
doubtedly shaped by the research encounter, she
avoided altogether. Some horrifying experiences
is brought to the threshold of language. In the in-
came to the interview with a sense of her history
were mentioned in passing, but participants were
terviews, participants sought to narrate a stable
to “unravel” the spool of self-hood and history
and identity that was not spontaneously reorga-
unable to speak about them at length; accounts
sense of self, albeit with recognition given to the
that participants had spent many years untan-
nized to suit the particularities of an interview or
of abuse, violence, and losses that were, literally,
fragmentation and ambiguities of self-hood(s)
gling. As a result, there are necessary limits to
an interviewer. Her self-narrative did not grant
unspeakable. These experiences were marked by
emerging from traumatic contexts. A self with
the capacity of the research encounter to docu-
me, as the researcher, unmediated access to social
silence rather than discourse, or else by the sud-
a fragmented past is necessarily a fragmented
ment and communicate fully the experiences of
realities or lived experience but nor was her nar-
den termination of narrative, as in this example
self, a point made vividly by Isabelle when she
abuse and violence that had characterized par-
rative independent of these realities and experi-
from Jane below:
said:
ticipants’ lives.
ther, claiming that interviewers can “implant”
or impress upon a vulnerable interviewee a false
160
describe them. Whilst some recollections of abuse
could be directly addressed in the interview, others were too “messy,” as Isabelle suggests, to be
put into words. Attempting to do so threatened
161
Michael Salter
Evaluating the Research Encounter
Participants were drawn from an extremely trau-
which the constructs of benefit, expected upset,
All participants except one reported that they had
Beyond words and discourse, “a real world and
and regret were measured using the 5-point Lik-
experienced benefit from their participation, with
real lives do exist, howsoever we interpret, con-
ert items below:
two-thirds of the sample strongly agreeing with
struct and recycle accounts of these by a variety
the benefit statement. The results of the unexpected
of symbolic means” (Stanley 1993:214). Adult ac-
upset measure were mixed. Over half the sample
counts of organized abuse have been pervasively
reported that they did not experience unexpected
reduced to “just words” by academic and media
upset during the interviews, with 20% responding
commentators, characterized as textual produc-
neutrally to the question and 20% reporting some
tions with little or no relation to social reality. In
experience of unexpected upset. Nonetheless, no
the interviews, participants described how these
participant reported regretting their participation,
discursive maneuvers left them unable to access
with two-thirds of the sample strongly agreeing
treatment for disabling psychological symptoms
with the statement that they would have partici-
or to protect themselves from sexual and physical
pated in the interview if they had known what the
violence. Consigned to a liminal space in which
experience would have been like.
their words, feelings, and needs were assigned no
matized population and they had a spectrum
1. I gained something positive from participating
of mental health diagnoses, including dissocia-
in the interview;
tive identity disorder, schizophrenia, psychotic
depression, manic depression, bipolar disorder,
2. Participating in the interview upset me more
and “personality disorders.” Nonetheless, par-
than I expected;
ticipants’ feedback was very positive about the
experience of the project. In order to evaluate
3. Had I known in advance what the interview wo-
participants’ experiences in the interview, all par-
uld be like for me, I still would have agreed.
ticipants were sent a brief post-interview evaluation questionnaire a month after the interview.
Of the 21 participants, 16 returned their question-
The questionnaire included three items that were
naires, which was approximately a 75% return
selected to measure participants’ experience of
rate. One participant only completed one of the
Participants expressed few adverse reactions to
viability of a life characterized by ongoing suffer-
the research in terms of the potential benefits,
questions and so was dropped from the analysis,
the study and the majority indicated that they
ing without hope of intervention. Hence, words
psychological distress, and risk-benefit ratio. The
leaving a total questionnaires sample of 15 (70%
had derived benefit through their participation.
are not “just words”: they have a political and so-
items were drawn from Newman, Walker, and
of the total sample). Table 1 shows the distribu-
This finding is particularly significant since of-
cial force of their own.
Gefland’s (1999) study on the costs and benefits
tion of participants’ responses to the three reac-
ten a month had elapsed before participants re-
of participating in trauma-focused research, in
tion questions.
ceived the questionnaire, so their responses per-
In this study, this was a force that participants
tained not only to the interview experience but
identified within qualitative research and sought
its aftermath. Although a minority of participants
to mobilize to their own ends. The urgency that
reported unexpected distress in the interviews, it
victims of violence can bring to the research en-
seems that these experiences were tolerable since
counter, and their power to determine the shape
no participant expressed regret at their participa-
and form of the interview, is evidence of the very
Strongly
tion. The fact that 20% of participants reported
agency that can be denied to them by overly cau-
agree
unexpected distress in the interviews, yet, did not
tious formulations of the “vulnerable research par-
regret their participation, highlights their perse-
ticipant.” That is not to deny the vulnerabilities of
verance and, perhaps, the importance of the op-
victims of violence in their struggle to enunciate
portunity to participate in this research project
experiences of abuse and powerlessness but rath-
for them.
er to situate qualitative research within the poli-
Table 1. Likert scale responses to questions regarding participation in the interview.
Strongly
disagree
Benefita
Unexpected upset
b
No regretsc
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
0
0.0
0
0.0
1
6.7
4
26.7
10
66.7
5
33.3
4
26.7
3
20.0
3
20.0
0
0.0
0.0
5
33.3
10
66.7
0.0
0.0
a
“I gained something positive from participating in the interview”
b
“Participating in the interview upset me more than I expected”
c
“Had I known in advance what the interview would be like for me, I still would have agreed”
162
value, some participants called into question the
tics of representation. Marginalized populations
Conclusion
are the bearers of narratives and self-histories
that are delegitimized by powerful institutions
Plummer questions “the current, almost obses-
and individuals (including academics) because
sive, concern of much analysis which reduces
they disturb the authorized accounts of social life
dense, empirical human life to texts” (1995:16).
that mystify and legitimize power inequalities.
163
Michael Salter
Underlying this is the semiotics of disadvantage,
Marginality and testimonial illegitimacy exist
DePrince, Anne P. and Jennifer J. Freyd. 2004. “Costs and
La Fontaine, Jean S. 1993. “Defining organized sexual
whereby prevailing systems of representation
in a spiraling relation that effects measurable
benefits of being asked about trauma history.” Journal of
abuse.” Child Abuse Review 2(4):223-231.
lack the symbolic resources for the articulation of
changes upon bodies and lives. One of the main
Trauma Practice 3(4):23-35.
experiences that trouble the structures of power
tools that social researchers have used to un-
Gallagher, Bernard, Bill Hughes, and Howard Parker.
cal abuse dimensions on health status: Development
that generate, legitimize, and maintain the hege-
cover and highlight disadvantage – the research
1996. “The nature and extent of known cases of organ-
of an abuse severity measure.” Psychosomatic Medicine
mony of such systems.
encounter – is not divorced from the material-
ised child sexual abuse in England and Wales.” Pp. 215-
59(2):152-160.
ity of testimony and discourse. It proffers a site
230 in Organised abuse: The current debate, edited by Peter
Leserman, Jane et al. 1997. “Impact of sexual and physi-
Linehan, Marsha. 1993. Cognitive behavioral treatment of
In the face of the hegemonic silencing of alterna-
in which narratives of harm and disadvantage
Bibby. London: Arena.
tive accounts, qualitative research offers a space for
can overcome the obstacles embedded in hege-
Geertz, Clifford. 1973. The interpretation of cultures. New
discursive excavation and reconstruction. Scarry
monic constructions of credibility and authority.
York: Basic Books.
argued that experiences of violence can “magnify
The interview cannot capture the totality of suf-
the way in which pain destroys a person’s world,
fering and indeed may add to it when symbolic
Gold, Steven N. et al. 1999. “Relationship between child-
self and voice” so “acts that restore the voice be-
representations prove unable to hold or con-
among women in therapy.” Journal of Family Violence
come not only a denunciation of the pain but al-
tain intolerable affect. Despite these limitations,
14(2):157-171.
most a diminution of the pain, a partial reversal of
within the interaction between interviewer and
the process of torture itself” (1985:5). In this light,
participant, a reconfiguration of the semiotics of
qualitative research not only becomes a site of re-
disadvantage can be produced, whereby symbol-
sistance and protest for subordinated groups but
ic resources are mobilized in ways that reveal,
by Richard Kluft. Washington: American Psychiatric
also a place in which the deconstructive force of
rather than obscure, processes of subordination.
Press.
abuse and violence can be challenged and perhaps
With the legitimization of suppressed narratives
even reversed. This is a political rather than thera-
comes the possibility of the development of new,
Guilliatt, Richard. 1996. Talk of the devil: Repressed memory
Noblitt and Pamela Perskin. Bandon: Robert D. Reed
& the ritual abuse witch-hunt. Melbourne: Text Publishing
Publishers.
peutic contestation (although the two are not mu-
authorized subject positions for people whose
tually exclusive) and, as this project showed, vic-
testimonial experiences have otherwise been
tims of violence may seek out qualitative research
marked by invalidation, disbelief, and margin-
precisely for its public, testimonial qualities.
alization.
borderline personality disorder. New York: Guilford Press.
myth of repressed memory: False femories and allegations of
hood sexual abuse characteristics and dissociation
sexual abuse. New York: St Martin’s Griffin.
Mollon, Phil. 2008. “When the Imaginary becomes the
Real.” Pp. 108-115 in Forensic aspects of dissociative identity
disorder, edited by Adah Sachs and Graeme Galton. Lon-
Goodwin, Jean. 1985. “Credibility problems in multiple
personality disorder patients and abused children.” Pp.
1-20 in Childhood antecedents of multiple personality, edited
don: Karnac.
Nelson, Sarah. 2008. “The Orkney ‘satanic abuse case’:
Who cared about the children?” Pp. 337-354 in Ritual abuse in the twenty first century: Psychological, forensic, social and political considerations, edited by Randy
Company.
Newman, Elana, Edward A. Walker, and Anne Ge-
Habermas, Jürgen (1984) The theory of communicative ac-
fland. 1999. “Assessing the ethical costs and benefits of
tion. London: Heinemann Educational.
trauma-focused research.” General Hospital Psychiatry
Herman, Judith. 1992. Trauma and recovery. New York: Basic Books.
21(3):187-196.
Ofshe, Richard and Ethan Watters. 1996. Making monsters:
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166
Nicholas A. Guittar University of South Carolina Lancaster, U.S.A.
The Meaning of Coming Out:
From Self-Affirmation to Full Disclosure
has been identified as one of the most crucial el-
plore individual variations in all things related to
ements in the development of a healthy sexual
coming out?
identity (McLean 2007).
The ambiguity of meanings related to matters of
The body of empirical research on issues involv-
sexuality is not a new phenomenon. In her book,
ing the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ)
Virginity Lost, sociologist Laura Carpenter (2005)
communities has been growing considerably over
set out to investigate virginity loss as a cultural
the past 20 years. Of all the literature concerning
phenomenon that is important to study in its own
LGBQ persons, coming out, and the development
right. To her surprise, Carpenter quickly came to
with coming out in order to explore the social influences that affect these processes.
of an LGBQ identity are probably the two best de-
However, most studies on coming out are based on the assumption that “coming out”
recognize that perhaps the most challenging ele-
veloped concepts (Shallenberger 1996). However,
ment of her study was the dearth of research on
Abstract Qualitative researchers have begun to analyze narratives of individuals’ experiences
has a singular shared meaning. The present study is centered on challenging this very
assumption by taking a constructivist grounded theory approach to exploring the
meaning of coming out for 30 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) individuals via
1
most studies on coming out are based on the assumption that “coming out” means the same
thing across individuals. Further, it is assumed
[o]nce I began to research the topic, I found that the
by much of the psychological community that the
scholarship on early sexuality was largely silent on
and personal beliefs and values. All 30 participants in the current study agree that com-
experiences associated with coming out are likely
the meaning of virginity loss, and even more so
ing out is a transformative process and an important element in identity formation and
to fit a series of formulaic stages (Savin-Williams
about its definition. This silence surprised me, giv-
maintenance, thus challenging the notion that coming out is no longer a relevant con-
2001). But, coming out is not a simple linear, goal-
en how consistently American institutions – mass
cept. For some participants coming out is more of a personal journey of self-affirmation,
oriented, developmental process (Rust 1993), and
open-ended interviews. Coming out does not have a universal meaning among LGBQ
persons; rather, it varies on the basis of individuals’ experiences, social environment,
while for others it is about the sharing of their sexuality with others – and oftentimes
a combination of these two characteristics. Implications for future research on coming
out are included.
the experiences associated with coming out are
as numerous as the number of people who have
taken their lesbian, gay, or bisexual identities
Keywords Coming Out; Meaning; Sexual Identity; Sexuality; LGBQ; Gay and Lesbian Studies
public.
Sociological research is still underdeveloped in
terms of taking a more inductive approach to exploring the unique experiences of those with an
Nicholas A. Guittar is an Assistant Professor
of Sociology at the University of South Carolina Lancaster. He attended the University of Central Florida
H
eterosexuality is still very much the sexual
norm throughout the U.S. (Katz 2007). As
such, individuals who identify as having a sexu-
where he earned a PhD in Sociology with a focus on
al orientation that falls outside of this dominant
social inequalities. His research interests lie primar-
heterosexual framework face myriad difficulties
ily at the intersection of gender and sexuality, and his
in identifying and maintaining a sexual identity.
current research focuses more specifically on sexual
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) indi-
identity formation and maintenance among mem-
viduals are tasked with many difficult and often
bers of the LGBQT community.
168
the meaning of virginity loss:
ambiguous challenges associated with maintaining a healthy sexual identity. Central to these
challenges is the process of coming out, which
LGBQ identity. Even qualitative studies that employ an objectivist take on grounded theory typically assume that respondents share their meanings (Charmaz 2000). As long as research relies on
the assumption that coming out means the same
thing to everyone, how can we really begin to exAlthough this study is designed around the use of these
labels, study participants may very well identify as lesbian,
gay, bisexual, queer, questioning, pansexual, poly-sexual,
fluid, or they may prefer to abstain from attaching any such
label to their sexuality. Essentially, I am interested in anyone who engages in a process of coming out related to their
sexual orientation, so the participants need not self-identify
as LGBQ.
1
media, medical science, schools, religious institutions, public policy organizations, and the government – depicted virginity loss as one of, if not the,
most meaningful events in an individual’s sexual
career. (2005:5)
By simply rereading Carpenter’s passage while
replacing the term “virginity loss” with “coming
out,” we see that the rest of her statement seems
to hold true. Coming out is often touted as central
to identity formation, and its relevance is echoed
throughout American institutions, yet we have
exerted little effort on discerning the meaning of
the concept.
I have yet to identify a single study where one of
the primary research questions is focused on exploring the meaning of coming out. Fortunately,
by scrutinizing the details of previous studies,
it is possible to construct somewhat of a mosaic
of meanings that have been attributed to coming
169
Nicholas A. Guittar
out. Some of these meanings are extracted from
parents, Savin-Williams (1989; 1998) discusses how
similar to the meanings held by individuals out-
acceptance constitute coming out? Does one ever
the narratives of participants within the given
the disclosure of one’s sexuality to family members
side of academia. In the case of coming out, this
truly come out?
studies, although most of them are definitions
is a pivotal and often neglected part of the process,
remains to be seen as very few studies have given
proffered by researchers at the onset of their
yet an explicit definition of coming out is not com-
participants the opportunity to weigh in on its
A few things should be said about the use of blan-
manuscripts. For example, according to Waldner
pletely stated. In his work, there is occasional men-
meaning. Granted, some studies on coming out
ket terms such as “coming out.” Seidman, Meeks,
and Magruder (1999), coming out refers simply
tion of how the psychological community relies
are written by scholars who themselves identify
and Traschen (1999) assert that the use of blanket
to the acknowledgement of a gay identity to oth-
on a rigid definition to explain coming out (Savin-
as having an LGBQ identity. In these cases, it is
concepts like “coming out” itself constructs LGBQ
ers. A slightly more specific rendition of this was
Williams 2001). However, he rebukes such a prac-
possible that the researchers simply use the defi-
persons as suffering a common fate or similar cir-
shared by Merighi and Grimes (2000) who sum-
tice citing how it does not adequately explain most
nition that most aptly describes their own expe-
cumstance. A postmodern take on the use of such
marized coming out as the disclosure of one’s
individuals’ lived experiences. Perhaps the lack of
riences. This is an approach most often used in
categories or labels is that they are unfit to describe
sexuality to family members. These studies, along
definition in his writings then is simply a reflection
autoethnographic works of coming out at work
the varied life experiences of different people. The
with others (Griffith and Hebl 2002; Johnston and
of how the author wishes to avoid placing a defini-
or school. Since the author is the central figure in
same goes for the use of the “closet” metaphor.
Jenkins 2003; McLean 2007), typically maintain
tive label on people’s rather unique experiences re-
these narratives, it makes sense to use one’s own
An example of this shortcoming was encountered
that coming out includes 1) disclosure of a sexual
lated to sexual orientation and identity.
definition of coming out (see: Coming Out in the
by Crawley and Broad (2004) in their study of les-
Higher Education Classroom, a special feature in
bian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) com-
Feminism and Psychology 2009).
munity panels. Although community panels are
identity, 2) the involvement of family, friends, or
co-workers, and 3) a transformative nature to the
Still, many researchers rely on their own defini-
exchange. Considering the variation in defini-
tions of coming out while interviewing LGBQ
tions, it is essential that we gain an understand-
persons. In a study of young lesbian and bisexual
As for studies where the researcher is interview-
LGBT people, “the auspices of the setting and the
ing of how those individuals who are engaged in
women, Oswald states that “coming out is a pro-
ing or surveying a chosen population, the ques-
coming-out formula story call on panelists to typ-
coming out define this concept.
cess of significant change for women who accept
tion remains: is the author’s definition of coming
ify what it means to be LGBT, albeit in ways that
and disclose bisexual or lesbian identities, and for
out in congruence with that held by each of the
contradict popular stereotypes” (Crawley and
Appleby (2001) offers a unique approach to defin-
those to whom they come out” (1999:66). Although
participants? Scholarship in research methodol-
Broad 2004:39). So, although contemporary sexual
ing the concept. Rather than proposing an explana-
Oswald’s definition is an example of circumvent-
ogy has devoted a great deal of time and effort to
identity categorization and storylines associated
tion for what coming out means, he refrains from
ing the question of what coming out means and
investigating how researchers and study partici-
with coming out are intended to bring attention
disclosing a meaning aside from speaking about
defining it for oneself, her definition of coming out
pants construct different meanings of a concept
to individual variation, they still serve to under-
a theme extracted from his ethnographic interview
is unique in that it explains coming out as both
or question (Groves et al. 2009). In many cases,
mine these very differences.
data: that coming out is an ongoing process. Al-
self-acceptance and public disclosure. Oswald lat-
there remains an assumption of shared meaning
though a meaning of coming out is never explic-
er states how each participant in her study “was
between the researcher and the participants. This
Assumptions by researchers about the meaning
itly stated, the author alludes to coming out only
interviewed about how she came out to herself and
assumption of shared meaning even permeates
of coming out may typify people’s experiences in
as the outward disclosure of one’s sexual orienta-
the most important people in her life” (1999:67
many carefully constructed qualitative studies
ways that are not true to individuals’ lived expe-
tion. Still, he at least gives the participants leeway
[emphasis added]). Oswald’s statement begs the
that use various incarnations of grounded theo-
riences. Such assumptions and vagaries are prob-
to define coming out as an ongoing process. Unfor-
question of whether self-acceptance alone might
ry in their coding and analysis (Charmaz 2000).
lematic in terms of gaining a better understand-
tunately, few studies have offered participants this
even constitute coming out. Or, perhaps self-ac-
This brings me back to the question at hand:
ing of what coming out really means to individ-
opportunity to contribute their own input into the
ceptance is simply a prerequisite to coming out as
What does coming out mean to different people?
uals. In reviewing the literature on coming out,
conceptualization of the term “coming out.”
opposed to being part of the process.
Does telling a close friend constitute coming out,
the only conclusion I have come to is that perhaps
or is it a matter of disclosing one’s sexual orienta-
there are so many definitions for coming out sim-
intended to showcase the unique experiences of
Some researchers altogether avoid defining the con-
At some juncture we need to stop and ask our-
tion to a parent? Is it a matter of full disclosure to
ply because “coming out” is not a concept with
cept. For example, in his studies on coming out to
selves if the meaning we ascribe to a concept is
all family, friends, and acquaintances? Does self-
a singular, shared meaning. Through the use of
170
171
Nicholas A. Guittar
constructivist grounded theory I dig below the
grounded theory. Interviews are naturally well-
direct within-group comparisons; however, they
ing a wide range of ages in my sample, I devel-
surface of typical “storytold” meanings and work
suited for a constructivist approach to grounded
limit the investigation of coming out as a gen-
oped theoretical justification for sampling more
with participants to uncover meanings that are
theory in that qualitative interviews are contextu-
eral social process entered into and experienced
participants under the age of 25. While complet-
relevant to their social worlds.
ally-based and mutually accomplished stories cre-
by people from various walks of life. In order to
ing the transcription and open coding of these
ated through the collaboration of researcher and
minimize the homogeneity of the sample I em-
early interviews, I realized that I needed to fo-
participant (Gubrium and Holstein 2002).
ployed some purposive sampling techniques, and
cus more on exploring what coming out means
this move was directed at gaining diversity on the
to those who are newly engaged in the process.
Theory, Methods, and Data
In an effort to investigate the meaning of coming
A total of 30 participants were sought for this
basis of gender, race, age, education, orientation,
Simply put, younger populations are growing up
out, my analysis is informed by symbolic interac-
study. This sample size was instrumental in al-
and “degree of outness.”
in an environment of increasingly open dialog
tionism, and guided by constructivist grounded
lowing me to gather rich data on the meaning of
theory – which was employed for my organiza-
coming out, as well as other themes that arose dur-
Collecting data across multiple dimensions al-
sexual orientation increasing entered mainstream
tion, coding, and analysis (Charmaz 2006). Ear-
ing my grounded analyses. Participants for this
lows for greater representativeness and it helps
conversations) and this came through in the data.
ly foundations in grounded theory (Glaser and
study were recruited by employing both snowball
capture the overall texture of the topic (Corsaro
I had already decided to theoretically sample
Strauss 1967) would emphasize the trouble associ-
and purposive sampling techniques. Considering
1985). Gender, race, age, education, and orienta-
individuals who were early in their coming out
ated with using any particular theoretical frame-
the methodological challenges of obtaining a di-
tion are straight forward, but my decision to pur-
processes. But, now I had a theoretical basis for
work (symbolic interaction) to guide my research.
verse sample of LGBQ individuals, most of which
posively sample people who are varied in terms
sampling individuals who are also quite young.
But, I believe it is natural and unavoidable that
have taken their sexual identities public to some
of outness enabled me to obtain a sample that in-
I still completed my data collection with 10 par-
researchers incorporate their perspectives into
extent, snowball sampling is the most viable sam-
cludes: 1) individuals who have only come out to
ticipants over the age of 25, but having 20 partici-
the work. Symbolic interactionism maintains a fo-
pling choice. Snowball samples, although ideal
one or two people, as well as 2) individuals who
pants under 25 enabled me to further explore the
cus on the creation and evolution of meaning and
for recruiting highly “invisible” populations, are
have come out to a greater degree. Locating and
contemporary meanings of coming out, and gain
how these contribute to one’s personal and sexu-
associated with a variety of methodological con-
including individuals who are very early in their
more insight on recent developments in identity
al identity. The goal then, in terms of employing
cerns, not the least of which is potential homoge-
coming out processes is important in terms of
formation and maintenance.
an interactionist perspective on coming out, is to
neity (Groves et al. 2009). For example, referrals
truly understanding the full gamut of meanings
understand the socially situated meaning of the
from a single LGBQ organization would be likely
individuals may attribute to coming out. Research
There is a fair amount of diversity among the
concept (i.e., coming out) at a given moment in or-
to share many traits with one another. But, by ini-
is lacking on those who have just begun to come
30 participants in this study. The sample is diverse
der to investigate how it shapes individuals’ lived
tiating four to five different trails of snowballing,
out, so these individuals offer the unique oppor-
in terms of age, gender, race, sexual orientation,
experiences.
I worked to minimize this effect and reach pop-
tunity to learn about coming out as a fresh and
education, and social class. Considering how
ulations who may not be accessible through any
emergent theme in their lives. Without purposive
most studies on coming out are about 90 percent
other means.
snowballing, it would have been unlikely that any
white, the participants in this sample are relatively
such individuals would have made their way into
racially/ethnically diverse. Of the 30 participants,
my sample.
18 are white, 4 Latino, 2 bi-racial, 2 Jewish,
The beauty of constructivist grounded theory lies
in its emphasis on seeking meaning (Charmaz
concerning sexuality (especially since 1993, when
2000). Considering the fact that the sole research
Most previous studies on coming out have em-
question of this study is concerned with exploring
phasized a specific segment of the population
the meaning of coming out, this method is invalu-
such as adolescents, college students, young pro-
Since marked differences appeared during the
1 Viking (participants designated their race/
able. Constructivist grounded theory recognizes
fessionals, or people in mid-adulthood. Addition-
course of my data collection that really begged
ethnicity in their own words). The sample consists
that knowledge is mutually created between re-
ally, participants in studies on coming out tend
further exploration, I chose to engage in some
of 12 men and 18 women (two of which maintain
searcher and research participant (Lincoln and
to be white, highly educated, and of a high socio-
theoretical sampling (Strauss and Corbin 1998).
a decidedly fluid gender identity). In terms of their
Guba 2000), and it avoids many of the assumptions
-economic status (Griffith and Hebl 2002). These
My theoretical sampling was centered on age and
present sexual orientation, 15 participants identify
that befall other more positivist interpretations of
sorts of samples allow researchers to make more
“degree of outness.” Although I started by purs-
as gays, 9 as lesbians, 3 as queer, 1 as pansexual,
172
1 Indian, 1 Muslim-Arab, 1 Mediterranean, and
173
Nicholas A. Guittar
and 2 prefernot to identify. Theoretical sampling
was more conceptual than my initial coding and
closure is less focused on legitimating sexualities
interpreted the word “meaning” differently, yield-
enabled me to seek participants who vary based
therefore, allowed me to categorize initial codes
via coming out since non-heterosexual identities
ing a variety of responses. I set out to learn more
on their “degree of outness,” at least in terms of
into broader conceptual themes. Throughout my
are becoming increasingly normalized. That is,
about what coming out means to each individual
the outward disclosure of their sexual orientation.
entire coding process, I followed the recommen-
LGBQ persons are less likely to experience secrecy
(i.e., what it entails). One participant, Eden, pro-
Participants ranged from those who have disclosed
dations of both Strauss and Corbin (1998) and
and social isolation, so “the closet” is not as repres-
ceeded to tell me somewhat philosophically how
their sexuality to only two or three people to those
Charmaz (2000) to participate in memo writing.
sive as it once was. The normalization of LGBQ
coming out means “to live life openly and hon-
identities casts doubt on the relevance of coming
estly.” Many other individuals started by defining
out as a necessary part of identity formation and
the term broadly (as in a definition) and then ex-
maintenance. However, every single participant
plaining how it relates to their lives. Throughout
in this study acknowledged engaging in coming
the interviews some resounding themes emerged,
out. Evidence from my interviews challenges the
such as coming out to oneself, coming out to
notion that coming out is no longer a relevant con-
family/friends, and coming out as full disclosure,
cept. Coming out is a personal and social process
among others.
who consider themselves “completely out.”
The Meaning of Coming Out
All data were collected via face-to-face open interviews conducted by me. This approach gave me
the ability to collect narrative accounts that detail
the meaning of coming out, how participants disclosed their LGBQ identity to others (or not), and
whether and how different factors affected the
coming out process. The use of open interviews
also enabled me to inductively uncover any other
phenomena that may not have been discovered
under the use of a more rigidly structured interview format. Consistent with the aims of grounded theory, my “questions are sufficiently general
to cover a wide range of experiences and narrow
enough to elicit and elaborate the participant’s experience” (Charmaz 2006:29). Interviews lasted 90
minutes on average.
Analysis began with open coding, which was followed by focused coding (Charmaz 2006), and the
The way I define coming out is coming out to my parents because everyone I met and talked to, you know,
my colleagues, my professors, my friends, they all
knew I was queer. But, my parents never knew. (Ari)
At the onset of this study, I set out to discover
what “coming out” means to individuals in the
LGBQ community. In the most general sense,
coming out is often compared to telling or storytelling. For example, in the case of mental health
patients, individuals must often engage in the
telling of their condition – such as in the workplace or around new friends (Goffman 1974). Some
participants in the current study even used the
word “telling” in discussing their coming out experiences. For example, Ram, a 21-year-old gay
male, discussed how he became “addicted to telling.” As he explained, “every little person I told
I feel like a knot was undone.” Or, as stated by
that appears to be omnipresent so long as we operate within a heteronormative society. As seen in
Coming Out to Oneself
the opening quote, the face of coming out may be
changing. Many teens and young adults are as-
One of the most ignored elements of coming out
sumed gay in certain contexts. The assumption that
is whether or not “coming out to oneself” is part
someone is gay is oftentimes based on physical
of the equation. Some scholars maintain that self-
identifiers that are stereotypically associated with
acceptance or self-affirmation is part of coming
gay culture or a gender presentation based in gen-
out. But, if coming out is the public disclosure of
der non-conformity (e.g., a masculine female). But,
one’s sexual identity (as many scholars posit), then
even those who are assumed to be gay still engage
logic would dictate that self-acceptance – an inter-
in some form of coming out.
nal process – must be a prerequisite for coming out
rather than a part of coming out. As one respondent, Athena, put it, “you have to come out to your-
What is Coming Out?
self before you come out to others.” Athena seems
utilization of the constant comparative method.
Gabrielle, a 22-year-old lesbian, “coming out is
Across the body of research on coming out, we
to be indicating self-acceptance as a prerequisite to
Initial or open coding was conducted through
a way of telling others who you are.” Coming out,
have already seen that substantial variability ex-
coming out. However, she later recognized that al-
line-by-line coding, which kept me focused on
or even telling, therefore, assumes that there is
ists in the meaning of coming out. If there is vari-
though her vision of coming out does include the
the data and therefore, left less opportunity to
something that needs disclosing, something that
ability in the meaning attached to coming out
public disclosure of her identity to others, coming
impose extant theories or personal beliefs on my
requires sharing. Taken one step further, it also
within academia, then it is likely that there is
out “has more to do with accepting yourself than
data (Charmaz 2000). Sensitizing concepts (such
implies that there currently exists a certain level
variability among its use within the LGBQ com-
other people accepting you.” Based on the data in
as influence of family, support from friends, etc.)
of secrecy around a particular topic (hence, the
munity too – and this study serves as evidence
this study, self-acceptance is quite central to com-
provided the starting points for organizing some
analogy of “the closet”).
of such variability. It should come as no surprise
ing out and not merely a prerequisite.
then that even the word “meaning” has multiple
of my analyses, but they did not serve as ending points to which I forcibly directed my data
Scholars such as Seidman, Meeks, and Traschen
interpretations. For example, when asked: “What
Across many interviews, the discussion of com-
analysis. I then engaged in focused coding, which
(1999) emphasize that contemporary identity dis-
does coming out mean to you?” my respondents
ing out to oneself was an emergent trend. Not
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175
Nicholas A. Guittar
only were participants discussing the importance
ting her know that she would be loved regard-
Veronica, a 20-year-old female who identifies as
to coming out. Veronica did not feel as if coming
of self-acceptance, but in some cases they were re-
less of her sexual orientation, and they conveyed
a lesbian, embodied the notion that coming out
out was a completed process at that point. Still,
ferring to self-acceptance as being synonymous to
this through concrete action. Kelly describes
means both 1) coming out to oneself, and 2) com-
from that moment forward she had a sense that her
coming out. Pao, a 24-year-old female who identi-
a phone call she received from her mother dur-
ing out to others. As Veronica put it, “coming
coming out was becoming familiar, comfortable,
fies as gay, mirrors this sentiment that self-affirma-
ing her freshman year of college – while Kelly
out, I think, for me...it’s two steps – coming out
and progressive. Coming out to herself verbally
tion is coming out.
was still unsure about her sexuality. “She’s like
to yourself, which was the hardest step, for me,
in the mirror made it real, and telling Matty made
‘Kelly, are you a lesbian or what? Do I need to,
and coming out to the people in your life…letting
coming out a symbol of liberation.
like, buy you a coming out cake or something?’ It
them know who you are.” Veronica’s discussion
really was awesome. I knew that if I ever...” Kelly
of these two elements to coming out went well
Another clear example of coming out to oneself as
conveyed that, from that point forward, she took
beyond this single statement. As is the case with
part of the larger meaning attributed to coming
solace in her family’s support and looked at her
other participants who saw coming out to oneself
out came from Brandon, a 19-year-old gay male.
coming out as purely a personal journey of self-
as one part of a broader meaning to coming out,
As Brandon saw it, coming out is “a three-step
acceptance.
she discussed it often. In fact, her reference to
process.” He spoke first about how coming out
a two-prong meaning came up organically earlier
means “coming out within and having that self-
More common in the current study was the in-
in our interview – before I delved into any ques-
realization of your sexuality.” Following this pro-
clusion of “coming out to oneself” as one element
tions on the meaning of coming out.
cess, there is “an initial disclosing of your sexual
For me, coming out is accepting me, accepting who
I am – I’m gay, that’s it. Telling myself – not really
coming out. I just find that so cliché that people think
that coming out is just practically making a speech,
like, “hey everybody…” Not really. Coming out is me
accepting me – nobody else, just me.
Incidentally, with the exception of her sister, Pao
has not come out to any of her family. But, she does
intend to. It is just that disclosure to her family is
not a defining element of her coming out story, nor
is it a part of what coming out means to her.
Another participant, Kelly, agreed that, at least
for her, coming out means purely coming out to
oneself.
in a broader meaning that individuals ascribe to
identity to those around you – your peers, peo-
coming out. Self-acceptance was frequently de-
I just came out with it to Matty [one of her close guy
picted as an initial step in coming out. In fact, of
friends]. I had come out to myself probably the – well,
the 30 participants in the sample, exactly half of
them (15) indicated coming out to oneself as being a central element in their meaning of coming
out. Most participants were very clear that com-
kind of – like, I didn’t let it process all the way. I had
kind of come out to myself probably the same week
because I was trying to be, like, the aspiring psychol-
to coming out as an ongoing, unending process
– sometimes I do that – I’ll just vent almost to my-
driven by new circumstances and new situations.
But, both Veronica and Brandon shared the senti-
ing out; rather, it was a major part of coming out
self and go on an uncensored rant, and it slipped out
– of the process itself. Even though most agreed
of my mouth that I’d fallen in love with all of these
that coming out to oneself was part of the process,
people, these girls, in my past, and, I mean, it was
people about it, but that’s never been something I’ve
felt like I’ve had to do only because I was lucky and
I knew I would have support no matter what.
Kelly was very careful in qualifying why selfacceptance was synonymous with coming out
for her, but why coming out likely has a broader meaning for other people. In her evaluation,
self-acceptance is more central to her coming out
since she has such strong external support from
others. Kelly’s family had been proactive in let-
176
there was some disagreement. For example, Carly, a 22-year-old female who identifies as queer,
spoke of coming out to oneself as both a part of
the process and a prerequisite:
Coming out to yourself is part of the process. I know
meaning Brandon attributes to coming out goes
front of a mirror and I, whenever I had a breakdown
me accepting myself for loving who I want to love
There are other definitions, you know, like telling
topic just happens to specifically come up.” So, the
one step further than Veronica in that he alludes
ing out to oneself was not a prerequisite to com-
loving who I should love. That, to me, is coming out.
about “the disclosing of your identity where the
ogy major in high school and I sat myself down in
Coming out, in terms of myself, would probably be
and not doing what society tells me – you know, like,
ple you go to school with.” Then, he lastly spoke
out there, but it was like my brain was still fighting it
a little bit until I hung out with Matty and I just said
it, and once it was out there it was just like [whistling
ment of many participants in this study: coming
out to oneself is part of the meaning of coming
out, but self-acceptance alone does not account for
the entire meaning of coming out.
sound] – tssouuh – free. And then, from that point,
Coming out to oneself was central to the mean-
I told a couple of other people.
ing of coming out more often for individuals
Here, Veronica conveys not only that the mean-
who identified their sexual orientation as queer,
ing of coming out has two elements but that they
fluid, pansexual, or open. Research suggests that
combine to create a sense of having truly come out.
coming out is more of a necessity for people who
Coming out to herself gave her the confidence to
are interested only in members of the same sex
of, yeah, coming out to yourself. I think of it as a pre-
come out to Matty, but self-acceptance alone was
(i.e., gay or lesbian) than for bisexuals (McLean
requisite.
not enough to constitute the meaning she ascribes
2007). In the case of bisexuality or various open
people who, on a regular basis, sleep with people of
the same gender, yet, do not even think to themselves
that they can be anything other than straight. I don’t
get that at all, but I feel like that’s an important part
177
Nicholas A. Guittar
identities (e.g., pansexual, fluid), individuals are
other. Those participants who cited coming out as
while for another participant, Carly, the discus-
ing out as “full disclosure” – which will be dis-
not as easily identifiable on the basis of with whom
full disclosure mentioned very little about coming
sion focused more broadly on those people closest
cussed more below.
they engage in relationships. Considering our so-
out to family/friends in discussing the meaning of
to her. Although coming out to family/friends was
ciety’s insistence on binary logic (gay/straight,
coming out. This finding likely has to do with the
a highly prevalent theme across the interviews,
Adam, a 20-year-old gay male, mirrored Ari’s
male/female), those who have attractions for both
methodological differentiation between a neces-
relatively few participants cited it as the lone ele-
meaning of coming out. Adam discussed broadly
men and women, multiple genders, or those who
sary cause and a sufficient cause. Coming out to
ment in their meaning of coming out. But, there
how, for him, coming out means disclosing his
do not use gender as a determinate for choos-
family/friends is a necessary cause for full disclo-
were a few exceptions – three to be exact: Ari, Na-
sexuality to his parents and his close friends. As
ing a mate are often misunderstood (Lucal 2008).
sure, while full disclosure is a sufficient cause for
than, and Adam. This study opened with a quote
Adam sees it, the reason that he places so much
Western societies’ socially constructed, dualistic
coming out to family and friends. So, those who
from Ari, a 28-year-old who identifies as a lesbian.
emphasis on coming out to his parents is because
framework makes coming out more problematic
talked about coming out as meaning full disclo-
As Ari put it:
of how long they have known him under an as-
for individuals who are bisexual, queer, fluid, or
sure inferentially provided sufficient cause for
pansexual. For example, a bisexual woman who is
coming out to family/friends.
currently engaged in a relationship with another
woman will be perceived as gay – that is, bisexu-
One important item to remember here is that I am
ality cannot be understood by a single situational
not concerned so much with to whom individuals
observation. Such realities make the public dis-
do or do not disclose their sexuality or in which
closure of one’s sexuality less central to the mean-
social arena. I am concerned with what coming out
ing of coming out.
means to each individual. Although the discussion
of meaning often includes details related to whom
Coming out to Others
they chose to disclose their sexuality and in what
setting, individuals having disclosed their sexual-
sumption of heterosexuality. “No one’s going to
The way I define coming out is coming out to my
be harder to come out to than your parents be-
parents because everyone I met and talked to, you
cause they had 14 years to get used to the per-
know, my colleagues, my professors, my friends,
they all knew I was queer, but my parents never
knew.
After reflecting on this statement, Ari revisited the
meaning of coming out later in the interview. She
went on to specify that coming out means more to
her than simply telling her parents. “Coming out
means telling the people who are closest to you…
ity to family/friends does not automatically imply
of coming out were rooted only in coming out to
that their meaning of coming out includes com-
oneself, every other participant shared a meaning
ing out to family/friends. Such was demonstrated
relatives, close friends.” This statement repre-
for coming out that included some form of coming
by Kelly above in the section on coming out to
sents a common trend in the meaning of coming
out to others. I should qualify this statement by
oneself. Kelly had disclosed her sexuality to some
out seen throughout this study. The words “fam-
mentioning that the term “coming out to others”
family and friends, but, to her, the meaning of
ily” and “friends” were typically used to refer to
was not found in any of my interviews. Rather, it
coming out was purely a matter of self-acceptance
those people in one’s social network with whom
is a useful way for me to encompass the two most
and self-affirmation.
one has high levels of interaction, strong ties, and
1) coming out to family/friends, and 2) coming out
Coming out to Family/Friends
as “full disclosure.” These two elements of com-
ideals they thought I was going to have, and the
future they thought I was going to have.” This, he
Aside from the two participants whose meanings
common themes outside of coming out to oneself:
son that they thought they were raising, with the
telling the people who matter, and I suppose I’d
have to define ‘matter’ – it would be parents, close
explains, is why family and close friends are central to his meaning of coming out – these relationships are rooted in longer histories and therefore,
greater assumptions. Adam talks a great deal
about coming out to other people as well – new
friends, acquaintances, co-workers – but these
interactions are not central to what coming out
means to him. Simply put, there is very little at
stake with these more distant relationships.
The initial impetus of coming out to my parents, my
friends – that was tough. But, with every day, every
new person I meet it gets a little bit easier, just because
I’ve done it before and I know who I am and who I can
more meaningful relationships. Extended family
depend on, and if it’s not the person I’m talking to,
and distant friends and acquaintances were rarely
that’s fine…
spoken about within the context of these conver-
ing out both include the disclosure of one’s sexu-
Among all of the various meanings participants
sations, except to point out that coming out to
Much more common was the inclusion of coming
ality to another person (i.e., coming out to others).
attributed to coming out, coming out to family/
such persons was not central to their meaning of
out to family/friends as one element in a much
The interviews of a select few participants includ-
friends was the most common. However, there is
coming out. Those participants who felt that the
broader meaning of coming out. More often than
ed mention of both coming out to family/friends
definitely variation in what “family” or “friends”
meaning of coming out includes disclosing their
not, coming out to family/friends was combined
and coming out as full disclosure. But, for the
means from person to person. For one participant,
sexuality to extended family and distant peers
with coming out to oneself, although it was occa-
most part, participants mentioned only one or the
Brian, family refers specifically to his parents,
were also the participants who believed in com-
sionally paired with coming out as full disclosure.
178
179
Nicholas A. Guittar
Those participants who spoke about multiple ele-
that are close to you that you want to know – let-
The notion of achieving liberation or receiving val-
friends. For about one third of the participants
ments to their meaning of coming out rarely ref-
ting them know.” Lee, a 20-year-old gay male,
idation, both from within and from without, was
in this study, the meaning of coming out can be
erenced any series of fixed “stages” or “steps” that
simplifies the connection even further. Coming
by far strongest among participants who saw com-
more aptly described as “full disclosure.”
they went through or are going through while
out is, “acceptance of yourself, acceptance of
ing out to family/friends as central to the meaning
coming out. In fact, the only examples of such
your friends knowing who you are.” One excep-
of coming out.
steps were already shown above in the statements
tion to this implicit or explicit one-way causality
of Brandon and Veronica. Other participants sim-
was demonstrated by Alex, a 24-year-old female
In discussing the liberating power of coming
To me [coming out] is just finally being able to be
ply saw coming out as having various elements
who identifies as gay. “I came out to Pam. That
out, participants sometimes implied liberation
completely yourself in all facets of life. If you’re com-
to the meaning, but they never explicitly stated
was when I came out to myself. And then it was
through the use of analogies. Kyle spoke of how
a “formula” for coming out.
a half-hour of panicking madness.” Alex is ref-
coming out “was a huge weight lifted off my
erencing the first vocal declaration of her sexu-
shoulders because I had been struggling with
Of the participants who spoke about coming out
ality to one of her best friends, Pam. It was not
that for a while.” She was speaking more specifi-
as meaning both coming out to oneself and com-
until that moment when she heard herself utter
cally to the elation she felt after coming out to her
ing out to family/friends, there was sometimes
the words out loud that she began to totally ac-
mom. Ram, a 21-year-old gay male, spoke about
For many people, coming out was not limited to
a hint of time-order in their wording. As stated
cept herself (i.e., identify) as gay. So, coming out
how coming out to his family and friends was an
the select few family members and friends that
by Rachel, a 20-year-old female who identifies
to oneself need not always precede coming out to
“unburdening.” The most colorful analogy came
make up one’s inner circle. Coming out may mean
as gay:
others.
from Alex, who is both a poet and an artist:
disclosing one’s sexuality to any and everyone,
Coming Out as Full Disclosure
ing out, then you’re coming out and you just need to
be out. And, I know that’s not always the case, and it
took me a little bit longer than I wanted it to be. But,
I think that eventually, when you come out, it should
be out to everyone. (Renee)
including extended family, casual friends, ac[Coming out means] coming to terms with who you
are and how you feel about who you want to be with,
who you want to date, who you feel comfortable with,
and who you’re attracted to. And, first of all, coming
to terms with it yourself and accepting it, and usually
telling people you are around and letting them, you
Whether or not coming out to oneself was
achieved prior to coming out to family/friends,
one thing is certain: coming out to those within
one’s social circle is not simply about telling. It
is about gaining acceptance, and even more im-
Coming out is owning it, identifying as it, just letting
people see it, and even if you are a little bit ashamed
of it at first, it’s sort of like that good burn, you know,
like the first time you go and get a really good, deeptissue Swedish massage, and the next day you just
feel like shit, and the day after it you’re like, “Wow,
know, decide “Oh, this is ok with me…” I feel like you
portantly – it is about liberation and validation.
need to accept yourself before you can let, you know,
In fact, the discussion of validation was central to
ing out, for me, was like getting a Swedish massage
be able to let others accept you.
Gabrielle’s explanation of why coming out to fam-
– you can quote me on that.
I feel better now, I can actually move more.” So, com-
coming out:
sality in her statement, more common was the
or just people on the street. Much of the conversation surrounding coming out as full disclosure
revolves around the idea that to come out means
to be yourself in every setting, or as Renee put it,
“to be completely yourself in all facets of life.”
Most participants agreed that, given an idyl-
ily/friends was an essential part of her meaning of
Although Rachel iterated a this-before-that cau-
quaintances, co-workers, classmates, neighbors,
lic setting, they would be out entirely. In fact,
Other participants that emphasized elation as
some participants flat out stated that they loathe
a result of coming out frequently used singular
the process, and the social expectations that
simple mentioning of both coming out to oneself
You come out because you want to be validated, that
words, like “happy,” “free,” “open,” “honest,”
people with non-heterosexual identities are ex-
and coming out to family/friends. Even when
it’s OK. So, it’s either coming out to your parents,
“proud,” and “real” to describe the feeling that
pected to share their sexuality with others. Bri-
causality was not explicitly stated, participants
and them being like “it’s OK” or something inside
followed coming out to family/friends. I often felt
an, a 20-year-old male who identifies as queer,
such a positive shift in the interviews upon en-
emphasized this when discussing the meaning
gaging in this portion of the discussion, which
he attributes to coming out, “I think everyone
reiterates the centrality of coming out to others in
should come out…straight people should have to
the meaning of coming out for so many people.
come out as straight, and queer people as queer.
coming out is a way of getting validated, validating
Of course, for many people, the meaning of com-
I just don’t like how it’s assumed that everyone is
yourself, and encompassing the pride part of it.
ing out goes well beyond coming out to family/
straight – everyone’s one way.” But, in spite of the
almost always spoke about coming out to oneself
before talking about coming out to others. For instance, the meaning of coming out according to
Hannah, an 18-year-old female who identifies as
gay, is “not just knowing that you’re gay or bisexual, but being okay with it, and having the people
180
of you and you can’t keep it inside yourself because
you’re too depressed about it, but you want to get
validated…it’s a sort of validation, and it’s a form of
being proud of who you are…at the end of the day,
it’s what you feel within yourself, and I think that
181
Nicholas A. Guittar
current social climate regarding sexuality, Brian
who is as “out” as can be, is forced to place a figu-
Still, some participants maintained that coming out
As this study demonstrates, coming out is not the
still maintains that coming out means publicly
rative asterisk on her “full disclosure.”
literally means true, full disclosure. Eden expressed
same for everyone. Individuals have varied ex-
perhaps the most open meaning of coming out as
periences with coming out, and this is evident in
Since sexual orientation is not a protected class
full disclosure, which is reinforced by her personal
the different meanings participants attributed to
under employment law in many states, partici-
mantra of living life openly and honestly.
coming out.
disclosing one’s sexuality broadly to whomever
is interested in knowing.
Part of the ideology behind full disclosure is the
pants cited the need to keep their sexualities pri-
notion that “if someone doesn’t accept me for me,
vate in the workplace, regardless of what coming
then I don’t want to be associated with them any-
out means to them. Although employment restric-
way.” As Veronica explained, “I definitely have al-
tions may curb individuals’ degree of outness in
ways had the tendency to always let people know,
the workplace, they did not seem to alter individ-
almost as soon as possible, that I cannot just waste
uals’ meanings of coming out. Participants who
my time with them if they’re gonna reject that
saw coming out as full disclosure, yet were un-
part of me.” She goes on to state that coming out
able to come out at work, still maintained that full
means full disclosure preceded by coming out to
disclosure was their social goal and the mean-
oneself.
ing they attribute to coming out nonetheless. The
Arielle, a 24-year-old who identifies as a lesbian,
this transformation was more a personal journey
meaning remained unchanged, regardless of the
mirrored the sentiment that full disclosure is in
of self-affirmation. Still, for most participants,
structural barriers that currently prevents one
fact full disclosure preceded by self-affirmation.
coming out means much more than just “coming
from being as out as one wishes.
To her, coming out means gaining self-acceptance
out to oneself.” For most participants, coming out
of her sexual orientation and “sharing it with ev-
means (at least in part) the sharing of their sexu-
The most extreme example of a barrier to full dis-
eryone regardless of repercussions, whether posi-
ality with others. This includes disclosing their
I think the most difficult for me was definitely com-
closure was seen in my interview with Michelle,
tive or negative.” But, many participants, such
sexuality to family and close friends, or perhaps
ing out to myself.
a 25-year-old female who identifies as gay. Mi-
as Eden and Arielle, recognize that the meaning
even disclosing their sexuality to any and every-
chelle has spent the past few years employed in
they personally ascribe to coming out may not
one (i.e., full disclosure). Participants most com-
The one caveat to the idea that coming out means
the U.S. Armed Services, and still serves actively
necessarily be congruent with the meaning held
monly referenced both coming out to oneself and
full disclosure is that an individual may choose to
in the military. To Michelle, coming out means
by other people. Coming out is a unique experi-
coming out to others as being central to the mean-
come out entirely within a particular social arena
full disclosure, but due to her military career she
ence that depends on a number of social factors,
ing of coming out.
(e.g., an LGBQT organization in town); yet, refrain
is structurally unable to engage in full disclo-
and so the meaning of coming out varies substan-
from coming out in other social arenas (e.g., one’s
sure within all social arenas. At the time of our
tially as well.
family, close friends, or workplace). The most fre-
interview, the military was still enforcing Don’t
quent example of this in my interviews involved
Ask Don’t Tell, so her desire to engage in full
those who were disinterested in or unable to come
disclosure was limited by her desire to keep her
out in the workplace. In discussing how coming
career intact. To a lesser degree, this same situ-
Coming out is an important element in the lives of
related to sexual identity formation and mainte-
out means full disclosure, Gabrielle stated: “I’m
ation arose in various other interviews, and the
LGBQ persons, and it is widely considered to be
nance. Seidman, Meeks, and Traschen (1999), as
very proud, so I don’t think I would put a level
exception always revolved around employment. It
a crucial element in the development of a healthy
well as other contemporary sexuality scholars,
on [how open she is about her sexuality] unless
would be interesting to ascertain if this same in-
sexual identity among members of the LGBQ
contend that coming out is no longer focused on
I’m working and that’s a different situation.” Be-
teraction would arise for LGBQ persons residing
community. It may serve a multitude of functions,
legitimating sexualities via an outward disclo-
cause of the lack of sexual orientation-based em-
in states that offered legal protections on the basis
not the least of which is self-affirmation and the
sure. True enough, for two participants in this
ployment protections in her home state, Gabrielle,
of sexual orientation.
public disclosure of a non-heterosexual identity.
study coming out was only about self-affirmation
[Coming out means] all the way out, to the fullest
extent. Not like: “I’m thinking about it” or “I’m curious.” It’s like: “You know, I’m gay, I identify as
gay,” letting them know. To me, that’s “out,” but
I think there definitely is a two-step process, and
182
[Coming out] means if your family, friends, pets,
neighbors, people walking down the street, people
on the bus, anybody asks you a question that involves
a statement about your sexual identity, orientation,
gender identity, and expression, then you would divulge. To me, coming out means everywhere I go,
The meaning of coming out varies on the basis of
one’s life circumstances, social environments, and
personal beliefs and values. A singular meaning
of coming out cannot be derived without ignoring the broad variation seen across the partici-
someone’s going to hear about it if it comes up in
pants in this study. All 30 participants did agree
conversation.
on one thing: coming out is a transformative, ongoing process – a career. For some participants,
Aside from detailing the variety of meanings
associated with coming out, the single most im-
Discussion and Conclusion
portant contribution of the current study is the
finding that coming out is still a relevant concept
183
Nicholas A. Guittar
– and not about disclosure at all. Still, coming out
coming out as only a matter of secrecy and disclo-
meaning of coming out change across time. We
identities continue to gain acceptance, coming out
was important to them and their sexualities. Evi-
sure. Although Kitsuse is speaking of “coming out”
know very little about coming out among people
will be more about full disclosure since individu-
dence from my interviews challenges the notion
as it relates more broadly to anyone defined by an-
who identify as pansexual or fluid, but research
als will have less to fear about sharing their sexual-
that coming out is a thing of the past. Every single
other person as a deviant, his point resonates with
on bisexuality may provide a clue. People who
ity. Then again, as posited by Seidman, Meeks, and
participant in the current study actively engaged
the current study. His contention is that, in order to
identify as bisexual, when compared to those who
Traschen (1999), increased normalization of all sex-
in coming out, and they each considered coming
study coming out, special attention must be grant-
identify as gay or lesbian, are less likely to come
ualities may simply make the public disclosure of
out central to their life trajectories.
ed to “the issue of the social affirmation of self”
out to others (Weinberg et al. 1994; McLean 2007).
one’s sexuality unnecessary. Follow-up interviews
(Kitsuse 1980:1). Coming out is not simply about
with the participants in this study may shed some
Coming out is both a personal and a social pro-
satisfying the moral majority. Rather, coming out
Part of the difficulty associated with disclosing
light on the effect of increased public acceptance
cess that appears to be omnipresent as long as we
serves as a way to challenge social conventions and
a bisexual identity is that few people in the gen-
on coming out.
operate within a heteronormative society. The face
expert opinions, and affirm a positive sense of self.
eral population understand anything about bisex-
of coming out may be changing – many teens and
uality (Bradford 2004). As newly emerging sexual
One of the biggest challenges with any qualita-
young adults are assumed gay by friends and fam-
Plenty of people engage in self-acceptance and af-
identities, pansexuality and fluidity are gener-
tive study is obtaining a diverse sample. This
ily. The assumption that someone is gay is typical-
firmation, yet have no interest in disclosing their
ally even less understood than bisexuality. Even
difficulty is magnified when the study involves
ly based on outward characteristics that are stereo-
sexuality to other people. The finding from this
among the participants in this study, many peo-
a “hidden” population such as sexual minorities.
typically associated with gay culture or a gender
study that, for some people, the meaning of coming
ple were unfamiliar with pansexuality. The lack
Although, like many other studies on coming out,
presentation based in gender non-conformity (e.g.,
out is entirely a matter of self acceptance challenges
of public understanding over newly emerging
I had a hard time obtaining racial diversity in the
a masculine female). But, even those who are as-
the definitions utilized by many scholars in which
identities may explain why the meaning of com-
sample, the most challenging characteristic upon
sumed to be gay still engage in some form of com-
coming out is defined only as an external endeavor.
ing out among people who identify as pansexual,
which to draw diversity is what I call “degree of
ing out. Consider a teenage girl who is assumed
The notion that coming out can be a purely inter-
queer, or fluid is more about self-affirmation than
outness.” LGBQ persons who have engaged in com-
gay, yet confronted by her best friend about her
nal process problematizes research that assumes
anything else. Perhaps in the coming years we
ing out are well represented in literature on com-
sexuality nonetheless: she will still be faced with
a heterocentric model of coming out which focuses
will see an increase in the volume of people who
ing out. However, few studies include samples of
matters of self-affirmation and potentially a con-
solely on explaining difference to others. Consider-
perceive coming out as a purely personal journey.
people who have not engaged in any coming out.
firmatory disclosure to her friend – both of which
ing the frequency with which participants spoke of
are examples of coming out. Even if her sexuality
coming out to oneself as being central to the mean-
The meaning of coming out held by most partici-
have come out to differing degrees, very few of
never becomes a public matter, she will still man-
ing of coming out, “coming out” should be concep-
pants still includes some element of coming out
my participants have disclosed their sexuality to
age the process of coming out to herself.
tualized as a process that includes self-affirmation
to others. However, there appears to be a fairly
only one or two people. The meaning and related
(i.e., coming out to oneself).
even split between those who emphasize coming
experiences of coming out are likely very different
out to family/friends versus those who emphasize
amongst those who have and are newly engaged in
Most researchers that study coming out refer to
Although my sample includes participants who
coming out as a purely external endeavor. An over-
Participants who are further removed from con-
coming out to any and everyone (i.e., coming out
coming out. So, I have to recognize this as a limita-
stated focus on the visible element of coming out
ventional dualistic thinking (i.e., they think be-
as “full disclosure”). As was the case with coming
tion of the study. Although there are a few other
– that is the public disclosure of a sexual identity
yond a gender binary) are more inclined to de-
out to oneself, those who stress coming out as be-
limitations to the current study (small sample size,
– can skew the achievement of a full understand-
emphasize coming out to family and friends and
ing a matter of full disclosure are oftentimes in-
lack of participants who identify as black or pres-
ing of the concept of coming out. Public media and
focus instead on coming out as a personal jour-
dividuals who maintain fluid or open sexualities.
ently identify as bisexual), the findings and sub-
the heterosexual majority often frame coming out
ney of self-affirmation. Young people appear to
But, this is not always the case. Many gay and les-
sequent implications far outweigh the limitations.
entirely as a matter of “outing” oneself to others.
be identifying with more open sexual identities,
bian participants also emphasized full disclosure
But, presuming such a thing limits the scope of re-
such as pansexual, queer, and fluid. As these sex-
as a central element in the meaning they attribute
The overall issue of meaning presents a method-
search. Kitsuse (1980) warns against conceiving of
ualities continue to emerge, we will likely see the
to coming out. It may be that, as non-heterosexual
ological concern for studying coming out, and
184
185
Nicholas A. Guittar
any other social phenomena for that matter. As
ings. After all, research findings are typically an-
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An assumption of shared meaning should not be
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fore, provide more meaningful, valid responses
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187
Reluctant Role Models: Men Teachers and the Reproduction of Hegemonic Masculinity
T
he question of what constitutes “men’s work”
to access traditionally male occupations and must
and “women’s work” has been the focus of
find ways to maneuver through the gender en-
much feminist scholarship over the last thirty years
vironment (Sargent 2005). This qualitative study
San Diego State University, U.S.A.
(see, for example, Bradley 1989; Williams 1989; Re-
adds to the latter body of work by presenting the
skin and Roos 1990; Dunn 1996). At the forefront of
results of in-depth interviews with several groups
Reluctant Role Models: Men Teachers
and the Reproduction of Hegemonic Masculinity
this body of work, and the central concern of most
of personnel in ECE.
Paul Sargent
scholars, is the set of difficulties faced by women
who cross over, or attempt to cross over, into oc-
A Typology of Masculinities
cupational areas traditionally seen as men’s work.
This focus is clearly justified considering the fact
Men and women are not homogeneous in the ways
education (ECE) revealed that the men are attempting to perform a type of subordinate
that most extrinsic rewards, such as high pay, ad-
masculinity that could challenge traditional gender relations. However, their attempts
they present or perform (do) their gender. Instead,
vancement, and prestige, are associated with men’s
their performance is affected by the demands of
work, thus contributing to women’s lower social
the larger gender order and by the gender con-
status relative to men.
text of their immediate social landscape (Maccoby
Abstract In-depth interviews with men teachers and other key personnel in early childhood
are thwarted by the gender regime embedded in the occupational structure, particularly
the demand that they perform as “male role models” for the boys in their classes. This
means that they are prescribed to perform in stereotypical ways and to purposely model
traditional masculinity to boys, thereby inculcating hegemonic norms of masculinity.
Keywords Masculinities; Men Teachers; Male Role Models; Boys
1998; Messner 2000).
To a lesser degree, there has been some interest in
the lives of men who cross over into women’s work.
“Doing gender” has become a central analytic
The literature on this issue is a mixed bag. There
concept for feminists since it was widely present-
Associate Professor of Sociology
are those who argue that men who enter occupa-
ed to the scholarly community by West and Zim-
and the Director of the Center for Qualitative Research
tions such as nursing, social work, and early child-
merman in their 1987 article by the same name.
at San Diego State University. His research typically fo-
hood education do so assuming, a priori, that they
They borrowed the ethnomethodological basis
will succeed in terms of priority hiring, faster pro-
of the concept from Garfinkel (1967), but then re-
motions, closer relations with administrators, and
contextualized it to make it more applicable to
freedom from any forms of harassment (Williams
a wider set of constructionist approaches to gen-
We would like to express our deep sorrow over
1992). Others contend that men may not intention-
der. In their narrative, they provide an alternative
the death of Dr. Paul W. Sargent, Associate
ally seek these perquisites, but simply by virtue
to the perspectives that framed gender as either
ly Childhood Education,” Sex Roles: A Journal of Research;
Professor of the Sociology Department at San
a “role,” an essential condition, or a psychological
“Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Men Caught in the
Diego State University, who passed away on
of their status as men, will receive them anyway
February 20, 2013. He will be remembered for
(Uhlmann and Cohen 2005). Both arguments share
Gender Bind of Early Childhood Education,” Journal of
given. Instead, we see that gender is an accom-
Men’s Studies; and “A Qualitative Comparison of the Ef-
his academic accomplishments and commit-
the notion that even in women’s work, men can
plishment and each of us is accountable to oth-
use their access to patriarchal power to their ad-
ers for properly demonstrating our masculinity
vantage, including the potential to masculinize the
or femininity by wearing the correct vestments,
workplace to their advantage.
behaving appropriately, and engaging in gender-
Paul Sargent,
cused on the social construction of gender, particularly
the construction of masculinities. The author of Real
In Memoriam
Men or Real Teachers: Contradictions in the Lives of Men
Elementary School Teachers; “Sociology in the Academy:
A Study in Contradictions?” (with Charles F. Hohm),
The American Sociologist; “The Gendering of Men in Ear-
fectiveness of Private and Public Refugee Resettlement
Programs: The San Diego Case” (with Charles F. Hohm
ment to research and teaching.
and Robert J. Moser), Sociological Perspectives. His research projects included a video recorded ethnography
of a children’s center, to determine if there were differences between the ways adults relate to girls and the
It is a great honor for us to publish his article in
Qualitative Sociology Review.
resentation of male and female victims.
188
There also exists a small, but growing, body of
priate occupation.
evidence suggesting that men who enter occupa-
ways they relate to boys, and a content analysis of CSI,
a television crime series, to evaluate the program’s rep-
affirming activities, including having an appro-
tions such as early childhood education (ECE) and
There is not a single set of accomplishments asso-
Editorial Board
nursing meet with the same kinds of resistance
ciated with being masculine, but several. Connell
of Qualitative Sociology Review
and disfavor that women encounter when trying
(1995) identified four ways in which men engage
189
Paul Sargent
with existing gender relations within a social mi-
ECE doing and is their doing of gender a function
transcribed. I began with open-ended questions
step in coding, focused coding, which consists of
lieu. He termed these four performances of mas-
of the men’s desires or of cultural and institutional
such as:
imposing the emerging themes back on the data in
culinity hegemonic, complicit, marginalized, and
imperatives?
subordinate. Hegemonic masculine practices are
those that serve to normalize and naturalize men’s
Method
dominance and women’s subordination. Complicit
masculinities are those that do not embody hege-
My goal from the outset of this study was to speak
monic processes per se but benefit from the ways
with men teachers and caregivers about the very
in which hegemonic masculinities construct the
personal business of being men in a predominate-
gender order and local gender regimes in hierar-
ly women’s occupation (Oakley 1981). I wanted to
chal fashion. Marginalized masculinities represent
a more deductive style. That is, looking for further
• “Tell me about getting into teaching.” [men
evidence of the existence of data that can be sub-
teachers]
sumed under each major code.
• “Tell me about your experiences as the only
man at your school.” [men teachers]
In general, the analysis followed the grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss 1967) with some
• “Can you relate to me some of the things you
of the particular techniques coming from Sprad-
have heard regarding the employment of men
ley’s (1979) Developmental Research Sequence,
pose questions to men that are more often posed to
in early childhood education?” [all participants]
which made the process lend itself well to comput-
the adaptation of masculinities to such issues as
women regarding their experiences entering and
race and class. Finally, subordinate masculinities
remaining in a gender-atypical work environment
• “Describe for me some of the experiences
are those behaviors and presentations of self that
(Cohen 1991). In addition, I wanted to ask other
could threaten the legitimacy of hegemonic mas-
significant actors in ECE to tell me about their ex-
culinity. Gay men, effeminate men, and men who
periences with men working in the field. Weiss
eschew competition or traditional definitions of
called this forming a “panel of knowledgeable
success are examples frequently cited. To this list
Subsequent questions flowed from my list of
informants” (1995:73) and the narratives of these
we can add men who care for children (Donald-
prompts designed to elicit rich detail. Other ques-
other participants were used to support the men’s
The analysis of the participants’ narratives yield-
son 1993; Sargent 2001). These men are vulnerable
tions concerned problems the participants had
accounts, thus adding credibility to the study.
encountered in the course of their own work lives
ed several persistent themes. First, ECE is indeed
(Harper 1994). By asking the participants to “teach”
a gendered occupation. All social actors within
me about their lives, I was making use of their nor-
the milieu are expected to behave in gender-typ-
mal communicative style (Briggs 1986).
ical ways and gender deviance is met with disap-
to being abused and ridiculed by others, both men
and women.
Participants
you have had with men in your classroom (or
program).” [faculty in colleges of education,
principals and supervisors, women teachers]
er-aided analysis. All of the major themes I present
in this research were confirmed to be in customary
use in terms of being frequent, widespread, and
collective (Becker and Geer 1960).
Results and Discussion
Underlying and supporting the maintenance of
Thus far, I have interviewed 54 men working in
gender hierarchies is the enforcement of “rules
ECE, 20 women who work in ECE alongside men,
The analysis of the interview data was an ongo-
er 1992). Second, there is a division of labor that
of compulsory heterosexuality” (Rich 1980). This
10 elementary school principals, 6 pre-school or
ing process and coding often took place during
assigns men tasks such as lifting, hauling, repair-
means that homophobic ideas and practices pro-
childcare center directors, and 8 faculty members
the transcription process itself. For the most part,
ing, and discipline (Williams 1992) while, prevent-
vide the ideological foundation for the constant
in colleges of education. All participants were lo-
codes were generated inductively, but some were
ing them from close, nurturing interaction with
policing of heterosexual and homosexual mascu-
cated in the western United States in California,
taken from the existing literature (e.g., Hansot and
children (Sargent 2001). Third, men must operate
linities (Connell 1992; Epstein 1997). Homophobia
Oregon, or Washington. Approximately one-half
Tyack 1988; Bradley 1989; 1993; Allan 1993; 1994),
under conditions of extreme scrutiny and suspi-
acts to normalize dominant gender ideologies and
of the schools/centers are located in urban areas;
what Miles and Huberman would call a “start list”
cion. There is a prevailing fear that the men might
performances by creating fears of being seen as
the remainder, are equally distributed between
(1984:37). The first step was “open coding” (Strauss
be gay or pedophiles and these two concepts are
“different.” Boys and men who reject or challenge
suburban and rural locations.
and Corbin 1990), which basically consists of comb-
erroneously conflated. In addition, men are gen-
ing the transcripts and noting segments of partici-
erally seen as being less than competent in areas
pants’ narratives that seem in any way relevant to
concerning the care of children. These themes are
the research question at the heart of the project.
treated in detail elsewhere (Allan 1994; King 1995;
hegemonic forms of masculine behaviors often live
under a constant threat of emotional or physical
Procedure
violence (Pascoe 2007). In this study of men’s lives
proval and negative sanctions (Leidner 1991; Ack-
in ECE, an important question that can be asked of
The data were gathered through in-depth inter-
As it became clear that some of the themes were
Sargent 2001) and will be only tangentially cited
the data is: What forms of masculinity are men in
views. All interviews were tape-recorded and
beginning to be repeated, I proceeded to the next
here when appropriate.
190
191
Paul Sargent
Men as “Male Role Models”
likely be constructing and employing as they re-
The theme that I detail in this paper is one that
cialization prevents them from fitting and thriv-
emerged during the initial analysis of the inter-
ing (Pollack 1998). Others contend that boys’ brains
view data, but has taken on fresh meaning re-
are hardwired in ways that hinder their learning
The themes associated with the concept of MRM
cently because of a public debate that has erupt-
in any but highly structured, competitive environ-
that emerged from the interviews can be orga-
There seemed to be general agreement that hiring
ed regarding the status of boys in school. In 2001,
ments (Gurian 2009). Whether boys’ struggles are
nized into three categories. First, participants talk-
men was a good idea, but the reasons given to sup-
Christina Hoff Sommers published her contro-
considered a function of culture or biology, the
ed about being aware of a generalized discourse
port this were vague at best. Sometimes the rea-
versial work, The War Against Boys, in which she
same solution is typically suggested: hire more
describing a desire for hiring more men. Second,
son for hiring men was presented as a concept that
boldly refuted prevailing claims that boys were
men. Putting men into the classroom is not a new
a few participants addressed, albeit after prompt-
“everyone knows is true” without any supporting
the advantaged sex in the classroom. Her con-
idea, of course. For over a hundred years, there
ing, the possible benefits for girls that might arise
commentary.
tention was that the classroom environment had
has been a call for more men teachers, primarily to
from men teachers’ presence. Third, the majority
become anti-boy through the imposition of theo-
control the behavior of boys and the current debate
of respondents suggested that men teachers affect
An interesting pattern that recurs throughout
ries and practices designed to assist girls in gain-
simply adds one more dimension.
the lives of boys and this happens in two ways.
the interviews is the frequency with which par-
Indirectly, it is assumed that men will inject more
ticipants talked about the fact that they have (or
ing ground. In the ensuing years, the battle over
spond to further probes.
which sex is more likely to thrive in school has
From the interviews I conducted, it becomes
discipline into the classroom, exert more control
should have) one man among their staff. The fol-
gathered participants from all around the ideo-
clear that it is not simply a cry for more men that
over the boys, and thus create a less chaotic learn-
lowing examples support this. [In every case, the
logical compass.
is being sounded, but, more specifically, a call
ing environment. A more direct contribution aris-
emphasis is mine.]
for men who will serve as male role models for
ing from the presence of men is the provision of
There are those who argue that boys are doing
the boys in their classes – an expectation that
a model of masculinity that can be, ostensibly, em-
Katherine (elementary school principal): Most schools
just fine relative to girls. AAUW recently pub-
is fraught with contradictions for both the men
ulated by the boys.
want to have a man on staff. They will go to great
lished another in a series of working papers fo-
teachers and the children in their care, particu-
cusing on gender equity in education. In their lat-
larly the boys.
Hiring Men
performance gaps seen in schools are more likely
In interviews with men teachers, and other signif-
All of the participants in my study were aware of
associated with race and class than with sex cat-
icant actors in ECE, the topic of male role model
the lack of men in ECE and made it very clear that
egory. They also argue that on most indicators of
(MRM) arose in every interview. It were the par-
they assumed this to be the reason behind my re-
educational success (graduation rates, test scores,
ticipants themselves, never I, who brought the
search. One of the first points most of them wanted
etc.) girls and boys are fairly equal when demo-
term into the conversation. From reading popu-
to establish was that they considered a male pres-
graphic categories are taken into consideration
lar and scholarly literature, I had anticipated that
ence to be, in some way, of value to the schools
and that both girls and boys continue to show im-
the concept of role model would arise, but was
and to the children. However, only a few had any
Barbara (elementary teacher): I have friends in other
provement on the majority of indicators. Kimmel
surprised at the complex and contentious nature
specific ideas regarding the actual benefits that
schools and they think we’re so lucky to have a man.
(2006) asserts that many of those who side with
of the concept. There is not a single image of the
might arise from men working in the occupation.
the “boys are in crisis” argument are actually us-
MRM, but several, and these are often ambigu-
As I stated earlier, my opening question was very
There are several overlapping issues here. Par-
ing this position to further an all-out attack on
ous and contradictory. These contradictory mean-
general and of the form that Spradley (1979) would
ticipants seem to be saying that once the school
feminism and feminists.
ings, and the expectations they represent, create
classify as a “grand tour question.” This kind of
has one man working there some objective has
for the men a classic double bind: “situations in
question allows the respondents great freedom
been achieved. Using Kanter’s (1977) theory and
Some of those who contend that boys really are
which options are reduced to a very few and all of
in constructing their initial responses and very
model of tokenism, this theme can be interpreted
struggling in school argue that the routines of
them expose one to penalty, censure or depriva-
quickly establishes for the interviewer some in-
a number of ways. The classic application of Kant-
school are feminized to the point that boys’ so-
tion” (Frye 1983:2).
sights into the context that the participants will
er’s theory is that the smaller the proportion of
lengths to hire one.
Jennifer (Head Start Director): Our parents are always
est publication (2008), the authors argued that any
192
so excited to see Gary. It’s wonderful to have a man
working here.
Sylvia (a college of education faculty member): I’m always happy when I can place a male student at a site
that has a male teacher.
193
Paul Sargent
“tokens,” the less likely it is that they will have
the issue of men in ECE. When asked to describe
Me: Tell me what you mean by male role model.
Me: Can you describe that positive image for me?
any power or agency in terms of effecting change
the concept of MRM that they themselves had in-
Katherine (elementary school principal): I’m not sure
Frank: Just someone who’s nurturing, caring…open
on the workplace (Spangler, Gordon, and Pip-
troduced into the conversation, however, the par-
what you’re asking.
to being demonstrative with his feelings.
kin 1978) or, more importantly for this study, of
ticipants typically asked me for my definition.
Me: Earlier, you said that it’s good for children to
enacting an authentic self (Nelson 1993). Kanter
have a male role model and I’d just like to hear your
Not all participants were convinced that men
also argued that having a member of the under-
MRM is apparently in common use, but not in
description of this.
could provide for the emotional needs of girls. Jan,
represented group can allow the dominant group
ways that would indicate there has been any de-
Katherine: I suppose I just mean all the things a male
a childcare center director, told me:
to consider their organization “gender-neutral,”
gree of analysis of its meaning. People can readily
brings to the job.
thus allowing for trivialization of any minority
incorporate the term into daily discourse without
complaints that might arise. Of course, this be-
having to stop to think critically about what they
Me: Can you give me some examples?
comes a self-fulfilling prophecy because the mi-
are saying, much like the way that the use of ste-
nority group learn quickly that complaints are
reotypes allows us to quickly communicate a set
not well received. Yoder (1991) argued that while
of ideas, knowing that the other person gets the
Kanter’s theory appears to be a rationale for hir-
essence of what we’re saying, and move on.
ing more tokens up to the extent at which a true
gender-neutral workplace emerges, there is dan-
The respondents’ narrative would move along
ger of a dominant backlash occurring once the
smoothly until I would ask for some clarification of
majority of workers feel threatened by the chang-
the term. Then the conversation would take a turn
ing composition.
similar to this exchange with Norman (second-grade teacher):
But, how many tokens does it take to trigger
a dominant backlash? And, are numbers really
the salient issue? According to Turco (2010), this is
dependent on the extent to which gender-specific
Me: How does being a male role model positively
contribute to the children’s school experience?
Norman: Depends on what you mean by male role
characteristics are embedded in the workplace.
model.
As I point out in this research, cultural symbols
Me: Well, I’m simply interested in the definition you
(Reskin 1991), both positive, such as “mother-
had in mind when you said that it’s good for chil-
hood,” and negative, like “pedophile,” are so in-
dren to be around male role models.
trinsic to the culture of ECE that perhaps even one
Norman: Oh, I guess I just meant being around
man in the facility may be enough to evoke fears
men.
and suspicion in the incumbents.
Me: OK. That’s fine. I’m interested in anything about
men that you suspect is likely to contribute to the
Forms of the Male Role Model
Every participant in this study introduced the
children’s learning experience.
Once I reminded them that this was their phrase,
they began to frame their responses in terms of
what they perceived parents want for their sons
and, sometimes, daughters. Two distinct forms of
MRM emerged from the participants’ narratives:
one for girls and one for boys.
clusively in the care of mom, or some other woman.
Nurturing children is not just seen as something
women can do better, it is perceived as a talent
that men lack. In fact, many seem to feel that men
might do more harm than good in their interactions with children. Jennifer, who directs a local
Head Start program, talked enthusiastically about
having a man working in her center.
Modeling for Girls
Jennifer: He’s great. I love having him around. I think
For the girls in their classrooms, the participants
unanimously declared that mothers wanted their
daughters to be exposed to a “new man” (non-tra-
the kids are a little intimidated by him…his size, his
big voice. We have to be careful the kids don’t get too
frightened, of course, but he’s great at getting them to
settle down. We just have to keep the more vulnerable
ditional) who would not behave in stereotypical
kids away from him, I suppose.
masculine ways.
Me: More vulnerable?
Dave (third-grade teacher): They need to see that
men are not the kind of people that will leave their
families, um, that will beat their kids, that will withhold their child support, that will get drunk on Friday nights, or whatever.
Barbara (kindergarten teacher): I would say it’s abundantly clear that moms want their girls to have a male
Jennifer: Maybe vulnerable isn’t the right word
for it. I mean the kids who seem to be in the most
need of nurturing, the most sensitive. Someone
like Greg is not exactly the type you want handling girls.
Greg, to whom Jennifer is referring, is about five
teacher who’s warm and expressive, not cold and in-
feet seven inches tall, weighs about one hundred
a change is probably good in some way.
strumental.
forty pounds, and speaks with a musical lilt in
Frank (second-grade teacher): I hope I rub off on the
a voice that is hardly audible over the cries and
out being prompted to do so. The term is clearly
Even a direct request for a definition resulted in
a permanent fixture in the discourse regarding
confusion.
the male side of things.
classrooms. They have, after all, grown up almost ex-
Norman: Well, as I said, just being around a man for
concept of the MRM into our conversation with-
194
Katherine: You know, just the masculine perspective,
Girls may not thrive as well emotionally in men’s
boys and I hope I leave the girls with a positive im-
other sounds of the classroom. Compared to the
age of men.
other teachers, he is only slightly larger than most
195
Paul Sargent
and certainly does not have a “big” voice. How-
interact were, according to all participants, very
Keith (first-grade teacher): You know, it begs the
ians may not resonate well with the men’s self-
ever, this narrative demonstrates how members of
concerned with making sure that their sons were
question, like well, what is their standard. ‘Cause it’s
-definitions.
an underrepresented group are evaluated in ways
mentored in the ways of traditional (hegemonic)
all, you know, in the eye of the beholder. What is
that accentuate their difference from the majority.
masculinity. However, there was no evidence pro-
Rosabeth Moss Kanter (1977) includes this phe-
vided that the fathers were any more insistent on
nomenon within her model of “tokenism.” This is
this point than the mothers. More importantly, no
important in day-to-day functions, as in the case
participant ever provided me with an example of
of Barry, a first-grade teacher:
parents indicating they hoped their son would
be exposed to the “new man,” so often cited for
I had the strangest thing happen to me. I had a little girl who was getting picked on until she broke
down and cried. I took her aside and wiped her
tears and talked to her for a while until she felt better. Later in the day, one of the other teachers came
in and asked me about the girl. When I told her
daughters, nor did any express a desire for a traditional male for their daughters.
Modeling for boys
their standard of masculinity? What is masculine to
them? If it’s the testosterone, beer drinking, football
playing, bowling night on Wednesday, and poker
night on Friday, you know, smoking the cigars men,
that ain’t me, you know. [Laughs]
It was not just the men teachers who addressed
this. Sarah, an elementary school principal,
seemed to be saying that the request for a traditional male is quite common.
You know, so, they say, oh, he needs a good role
model, or he needs a strong hand, or something like
that. Thinking that since I’m male, I’m going to have
a stronger hand, which is not necessarily true.
George, a second-grade teacher, describes how he
has to deal with the contradictions between his behavior as a father and as a teacher:
It’s hard, you know, I’m very close to my own children, physically, and love just doing things around
I get that a lot. Parents come right out and tell me they
the house with them, working on little projects, mak-
want their son in a man’s room. Then they go on to
ing snacks, the stuff that kids love doing. Then I come
what happened, she told me she had better take the
Javier, a third-grade teacher, echoed what became
girl out and talk to her to make sure she was okay.
a common theme in these interviews. He, like many
explain that they don’t just want any man, but one
I was really insulted by that. She wouldn’t have
other men in my study, was far more likely to have
to work and get asked to take the rambunctious kids
who will act like a “real man.”
gone into a female teacher’s classroom and taken
out to play while the other teachers stay inside and
cultivated artistic, expressive, or contemplative be-
Jan (childcare center director): Oh, there’s no ques-
work on the projects I love doing.
the girl out. I wish I had told her to mind her own
business, but I’d be in trouble.
Several participants echoed sentiments similar
to these and one must wonder why girls, and not
boys, are the ones who would be negatively affected by the change in caretaker gender. Boys, after
all, have also grown up in the care of women and,
arguably, would be as unaccustomed to adult male
caregivers as girls are. Instead, boys are thought to
haviors over his lifetime rather than athletic ones.
tion, but that parents generally prefer a man who
However, it was the latter, along with other stereo-
“acts like a man.”
Being asked to live up to these gendered expecta-
typical masculine traits, that appear to be preferred
Me: When you say, “acts like a man…”
tions, thereby turning descriptive stereotypes (the
by parents and colleagues. The gender composition
of both these reference groups – parents and colleagues – is dramatically skewed toward women.
Javier (third-grade teacher): I’ve had so many parents,
especially single moms, come in and tell me how
happy they are that their son is going to have a male
Jan: Well, I hate to say it, but a lot of people seem to
harbor a deep fear of their sons being exposed to a gay
ways things are believed to be) into prescriptive
ones (the ways things are supposed to be), may
teacher. I guess they feel if the guy’s macho, then he
be the result of what Gutek (1985) terms “sex role
can’t be gay.
spillover,” when gender stereotypes leak into the
workplace culture. Clearly, these attributes are
The various responses reveal that there are sig-
most closely associated with traditional, patriar-
nificant contradictions in the lives of men in ECE.
chal forms of masculinity, what Connell (1987) has
potentially benefit from exposure to men and the
teacher. I asked one woman why that made her so
presence of masculinity in the classroom. When
happy and she told me she was becoming concerned
This is further brought to light when comparing
labeled hegemonic masculinity. It is provocative
describing the parents’ position on boys’ needs,
because her son was getting into art and poetry a little
the men’s sense of who they are with the persons
that these descriptions of boys’ needs, which are
too much. God, I love poetry and try to get all my stu-
they are expected to be at work. Most of the men
in stark contrast with stated girls’ needs, position
dents hooked on it. I didn’t know what to say to her.
do not see themselves as being macho, particular-
boys as “other” in the cultural environment of the
ly athletic or competitive, or capable of imposing
school. Participants feel that boys need some extra
discipline. However, they present themselves as
attention and, in general, agree with the assess-
possessing all of these characteristics as they live
ment that boys lack genuine models of masculinity
up to the expectations embedded in the gendered
(Chodorow 1978), grow up without a living omni-
that they, the parents, really want a guy who looks
ECE workplace. For example, as Dave tells us, the
present example of masculinity, and must seek ex-
and acts like a guy should act.
prevailing image of men teachers as disciplinar-
amples in the exterior social environment. Girls are
the men recounted that parents, almost exclusively mothers, asserted that their sons were in need
of exposure to traditional masculinity. Ostensibly,
this was to compensate for a lack of male presence
in the household. Some were single mothers and
others pointed out that dad is a workaholic who
is rarely present because of occupational obligations. The fathers with whom the participants did
196
Gene (pre-school teacher): When I was interviewed
for the job, they told me that they felt every school
should have a [emphasis mine] man on staff to provide boys with a male role model, but then I found out
197
Paul Sargent
surrounded by adult women, both at home and at
tion between theory and its empirical world and
“masculine” positions, such as administration. Ac-
(Merton 1948) as the men retreat into behavior pat-
school, and have intimate contact with a contem-
prevent their effective interplay” (1954:5). There
cording to Connell (1987), this would be an example
terns that are stereotypically masculine and clearly
porary form of femininity on a regular basis.
is no formal definition of MRM. Instead, there is
of men doing a “complicit” form of masculinity.
contradictory to our perception of motherly behav-
a collage of prescriptions and proscriptions that
Complicit forms of masculinity are those that di-
ior, the oft-cited standard for quality of student–
At about the halfway point in my project, I began
add up to a tacitly understood concept – something
rectly benefit from the systematic, society-wide sub-
teacher interaction in ECE. When men behave in
asking participants to also describe the kinds of
everyone seems to acknowledge exists but cannot
jugation of women, without actively participating
“feminine” ways, they come under scrutiny as pos-
women role models they felt would make the great-
explain with any clarity or certainty. Second, the
in women’s subordination. Complicit masculinities
sibly being gay. Yet, the particular social scene in
est contribution in the lives of girls. Some named
male role model as it is generally, albeit tacitly, ap-
structure the local gender regime in ways that sup-
which men operate is so feminized that “mascu-
specific women, such as Secretary of State Hillary
prehended has little potential to be of any benefit
port and reproduce the wider gender order and that
line” behaviors also draw attention. Strain is found
Clinton, astronaut Sally Ride, Dr. Dot Richardson
to boys because it reinforces traditional forms of
produce a local hierarchy that privileges whatever
in the ambiguities and ambivalence surrounding
(Olympic Gold Medal Softball winner and ortho-
masculinity that are not found to be conducive to
masculinities the incumbent men display.
men who do not display stereotypically mascu-
pedic surgeon), and media star and mogul Oprah
academic successes (Brown, Chesney-Lind, and
Winfrey. What do all these women have in com-
Stein 2006; Juelskjær 2008). This tangle of contra-
mon? They are living lives that are outside the con-
dictions makes it unlikely that any benefits will be
fines of traditional, emphasized femininity (Connell
forthcoming for boys (or girls).
1987). This contrasts dramatically with the above list
of traits for the MRM, which reinforces traditional
masculine stereotypes. Even more striking is the
fact that no participants ever named a public personality to help them communicate their vision of
a proper male role model. In his extensive work on
hegemonic masculinity, Connell has made it clear
that, while we may have a definition of hegemonic
masculinity in the abstract, it is “not the usual form
of masculinity at all” (1990:83). In other words, it
is difficult to identify an actual person who personifies the current form of hegemonic (or counter-hegemonic) masculinity. So, again, we are left with
line behaviors or desires (Connell 1992). There is
The data provided by the participants in the pres-
ample evidence that, starting at an early age, boys
ent study cast considerable doubt on the notion of
are more powerfully sanctioned for doing femi-
“complicity.” Instead, I contend that men in ECE
nine things (i.e., acting like a sissy) than girls are
are attempting to present a “subordinate,” or alter-
for doing masculine things (i.e., being a tomboy)
native, form of masculinity, but are constrained by
(Thorne 1993; Buchbinder 1994; Halberstam 1998).
powerful negative sanctions embedded in the cul-
Later in life, men who do not fit the mold of hege-
ture of ECE. The behaviors presented by the men
monic masculinity, are looked upon with suspicion
are artifacts of the gendered organization, not tools
or are even considered dangerous (Messner 1987;
of the men as they attempt to organize their work
Connell 1992; Buchbinder 1994). Paradoxically,
life. Donaldson (1993:656) has argued that the true
men who try to conduct their lives in non-sexist,
test of hegemonic masculinity is not its ability to
atypical ways may find themselves under suspi-
subordinate only women, but the ability to control
cion from both hegemonic men and many women
Doing Masculinity in ECE
other men. In ECE, this is accomplished in large part
(Kaufman 1993; 1994). Being different exacts a price
through the metaphor of the MRM, which pervades
for men and makes our lives very complicated and
The participants in this study described the social
the culture at both the institutional and interper-
unsettling. A man who is not quite “one of the
organization of ECE as one in which the gender
sonal levels.
boys,” because of his social position, his sexual ori-
Sid, a first-grade teacher, summed up the contentious relationship men have with the concept of
male role model:
When I started out in teaching, I prided myself on the
fact that I was going to be a role model for kids. Now,
it’s my greatest nightmare. It’s an albatross around
my neck.
a rather ethereal concept that has limited usefulness
regime is closely aligned with the gender order
in terms of promoting change.
of society. This finding would be only marginally
James King (1995) suggested that we might be
ship quality, aggression, or drive, may be looked
remarkable if not for the unique status of the men
openly recruiting men into teaching while simul-
upon as a “failed male” (Thorne 1993:115-116) and
To be at all useful, a more complete understanding
employed in the occupation. Many scholars (e.g.,
taneously covertly sabotaging them through scru-
;treated with suspicion. It is this suspicion that
of the concept of “male role model” must be found.
Williams 1992; Allan 1993) who have studied men in
tinizing those who “act funny.” This scrutiny con-
makes the rules of masculinity visible (Connell
Herbert Blumer emphasizes this when he argues
ECE have concluded that the men teachers maintain
tributes to the men’s adoption of “safe” behaviors
1987; Williams 1993; Buchbinder 1994), and this
that “…vague concepts deter the identification of
access to patriarchal power and privilege in order to
around the children. Unfortunately, these same
visibility is particularly enhanced when men are
appropriate empirical instances, and obscure the
either structure the work environment to their ben-
behaviors may also cause men to be seen as defi-
specifically asked to behave in stereotypical ways
detection of what is relevant in the empirical in-
efit or to rapidly move out of the more feminized
cient in their potential to attend to the children’s
as a condition of employment, as in the case of hir-
stances that are chosen. Thus, they block connec-
areas of ECE and move into more stereotypically
needs. This becomes a “self-fulfilling prophecy”
ing men as male role models.
198
entation, his taste in clothes, or his lack of leader-
199
Paul Sargent
Conclusion
for men because the content of such a model is not
Dubuque, IA: Tri-College Department of Education Eric
chael Messner and Donald Sabo. Champaign, IL: Human
clearly understood and seems to call for the men to
Document Reproduction Service No. ED 378 190.
Kinetics Books.
In this article I have presented some findings from
provide one kind of model for boys while simulta-
Becker, Howard S. and Blanche Geer. 1960. “Participant
Connell, Raewyn. 1992. “A Very Straight Gay: Mascu-
a series of interviews with persons associated with
neously providing a contradictory model for girls in
Observation: The Analysis Of Qualitative Field Data.”
linity, Homosexual Experience, and the Dynamics of
Early Childhood Education (ECE). The focus on men
the same classroom. In addition, the calls for men to
Pp. 267-288 in Human Organization Research, edited by
Gender.” American Sociological Review 57(6):735-751.
in ECE is in keeping with a tradition of examining
behave in stereotypically masculine ways contribute
Richard N. Adams and Jack J. Preiss. Homewood, IL:
the lives of individuals who have “crossed over” into
to men’s lack of fit in Early Childhood Education,
Dorsey Press.
gender-atypical occupations, where gender prescrip-
where traditional feminine characteristics are highly
Blumer, Herbert. 1954. “What Is Wrong With Social The-
tions and proscriptions are made most visible.
valued. Finally, boys, who are the intended beneficia-
ory?” American Sociological Review 19(1):3-10.
ries of the proposed increase in the number of men in
The conclusion reached is that ECE is indeed gen-
ECE, may actually be dealt a disservice by an influx
dered in terms of the symbols in frequent use, the
of more traditional masculinity into their school en-
differential structural location of women and men,
vironment. Traditional masculinity has been shown
the internal mental work of individuals as they con-
to have a strong anti-intellectual component.
sciously construct their understandings of the orga-
sity of California Press.
Bradley, Harriet. 1989. Men’s Work, Women’s Work. Cambridge: Polity Press.
A direction for future research, that is strongly sug-
among individuals (Acker 1992:252-253). This is not
gested by this project, is a careful comparison of the
a particularly new or surprising conclusion, but it
kind of role modeling that is being suggested for boys
becomes salient when we try to determine the type
to the kinds that have been recommended for girls over
of masculinity that men are constrained to perform
the last several decades. One obvious contrast is that
(Butler 1990) within the gender regime of ECE. In-
models for girls have been described in non-tradition-
stead of the men performing a complicit masculinity
al (counter-stereotypical) terms, while those for boys
through which they would enjoy some of the perqui-
continue to reinforce traditional (stereotypical) dimen-
sites and privileges of hegemonic men, they are at-
sions. Is it possible that, for girls, emphases on counter-
tempting to live subordinate masculinities in order
stereotypical models, such as astronauts, scientists, and
to challenge traditional gender relations. This takes
surgeons, are also producing a pedagogy that is more
on its most ambiguous and, therefore, troublesome
Donaldson, Mike. 1993. “What is Hegemonic Masculinity?” Theory and Society 22(5):643-657.
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91-93 in Women and Work: A Handbook, edited by Paula
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J. Dubeck and Kathryn Borman. New York: Garland Pub-
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Managing Family Relations and Controlling Information While Supporting an Allergic Child
Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson
Jönköping University, Sweden
Helena Hemmingsson
Linköping University, Sweden
Lars-Christer Hydén
Linköping University, Sweden
Lena Borell
Karolinska Institutet, Sweden
Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson
received her
PhD in humanistic medicine (medical sociology) from
individual or family responses to the illness and
is in narrative accounts and moral presentations of
treatment regimes that have a direct connection
self and agency. She currently works as an Associate
with the individuals’ and families’ disease man-
Senior Lecturer in Social Work at the School of Health
agement (Prout, Hayes, and Gelder 1999; Gabe,
Sciences, Jönköping University, Sweden.
Bury, and Ramsay 2002; Hansson-Sherman,
email address:
[email protected]
Helena Hemmingsson
is a PhD holder and
a Professor in Occupational Therapy at the DepartHealth, Activity and Care, Linköping University,
Sweden. Her research and professorship has a focus
on disability in everyday life, concerning children,
teenagers, and young adults with disabilities and the
opportunities and obstacles they experience at school
and in transitions to working life.
comparisons to what other children without allergies presumably can do (and eat). Although the parents’ goal is to support their child in managing allergies, neither their
practical nor their interactional strategies work in a clear-cut direction to promote the
child’s ordinary life and identity. On the contrary, parents’ accounts convey that they
function just as much against an everyday life and the child’s identity. When managing
family relations, parents expect immediate family members (specifically grandparents)
to understand and accommodate the child’s needs.
Lars-Christer Hydén received his PhD in Psychology from Stockholm University. His current position is Full Professor of Social Psychology at the Department of Medical and Health Sciences, Linköping
University, Sweden, and Director of Centre for Dementia Research (CEDER). His research primarily
concerns the use of language and narrative, especially in the area of health, illness, and disability. He has
2004). It is above all about managing family relations and relations with others as these shape
and affect the child’s everyday life and identity.
In this paper we will explore parents’, mainly
mothers’, accounts about the practical and interactional strategies they use to support their allergic
child in their ordinary lives. Specifically, accounts
about how parents manage family relations, family responsibility, and how they control the information they provide about the child, including
eryday life means that their child can eat and do
what other children without allergies presumably
can eat and do.
There is an overbearing moral imperative, especially in “good” mothering, meaning that they have
the uttermost “responsibility for putting children’s
needs first” (Ribbens McCarthy, Edwards, and
However, claims of family responsibility are made through moral tales about lack of
published extensively in international journals and
Gilles 2000:800). Although parents hold themselves
support from “generalized others.” Family responsibility is also downplayed in par-
edited a number of books about narrative research.
as being uttermost responsible for their child’s upbringing and well being (Ribbens McCarthy et al.
ents’ accounts as demands of support may put parents’ moral self at risk. The strategy
of information control in certain situations and (non-family) relations used to keep the
child safe may risk stigmatizing the child, alternatively, making the child into a social
threat. One of the conclusions that could be drawn from this study is that claims of
family support may be contradictory to other cultural principles that ascribe responsibilities between families and individuals, as the principles of individual freedom
and autonomy.
Keywords Everyday Life; Sweden; Parental Strategies; Childhood Allergy; Family Responsibility; Moral Practice; Moral Self
204
Dahlgren, and Löwhagen 2002; Olin Lauritzen
who the child is, to others. For the parents, an ev-
Abstract This paper explores parental (particularly mothers’) support in the daily lives of children with allergies in a Swedish context. An ordinary life is established by making
ness such as allergies are not merely about
Karolinska Institutet, Sweden. Her research interest
ment of Social and Welfare Studies: Division of
Managing Family Relations and Controlling
Information While Supporting an Allergic
Child
T
he consequences of living with a chronic ill-
Lena Borell
received her PhD from Karolinska
Institutet in 1992. She is a Professor of Occupational
Therapy and also a Director of the Strategic Research
Program in Health Care Research at Karolinska Insti-
2000; 2003; Harden 2005), parenting is not a private
matter as much as it is a socially informed practice
that influences parents’ actions and decisions in
everyday life.
tutet, Sweden. Her main research areas concern the
experiences of living with cognitive impairments in
Having an allergy as a child in Sweden is almost as
people with older age and how they experience their
common as not having an allergy, with an estimat-
ageing environments.
ed 4 out of ten children being affected (Wickman
205
Nina Veetnisha Gunnarsson, Helena Hemmingsson, Lars-Christer Hydén & Lena Borell
and Lilja 2003). Specific to the allergic conditions
for the allergic children is fraught with notions
port from even such immediate family members
focus on allergy awareness in the nurseries and in
is its varying nature. Severity of symptoms and
of and encounters with food, as foods and meals
is something people seemingly object strongly to
the public schools at the time of this study, with
reactions can vary greatly with different aller-
convey important cultural and social meanings
(Finch and Mason 1993).
an aim to reduce the risk of allergic reactions, for
gies, the allergenic substance, situations, times
that organize the socially shared and relational
and places, and between different individuals. It
everyday world of being and belonging with oth-
Thus, in exploring parents’ support in the every-
is often “naturally” changeable over the child’s
ers (Douglas 1992).
day lives and identity of their allergic child, we
All of the participating parents perceived them-
firstly describe how parents establish the ordinary
selves as having the utmost responsibility for the
life-course, and children afflicted by an allergy at
example, by prohibiting peanuts.
infancy or young age may outgrow their allergies
For families with children prone to allergies, the
in their accounts, and how a commonly used prac-
child’s allergy. Specifically, the participating par-
by the time they start school. This is especially
risks of everyday life has a highly realized pres-
tical strategy in managing food allergies is con-
ents were mainly mothers (18 mothers and one
true for food allergies (Sampson 2004), although
ence; however, embodied past happenings and fu-
structed to work for “the ordinary.” Secondly,
father). There is a typical gendered arrangement
it is not uncommon that children’s food allergies
ture ponderings may also be highly “present” in
parents’ support is about how they manage family
of parenthood in Sweden, despite the principles
persist into adulthood and that some develop oth-
parents’ support. Nevertheless, it is often difficult
relations, in and through their accounts of family
of equality that Swedish parents talk about when
er types of allergies with age.
for parents to know and predict how the child’s
responsibilities. Thirdly, the way that parents con-
discussing parenting practices and parenthood
allergy will develop or how severe the reactions
trol the information they give to others about their
(see Elvin-Nowak and Thomsson 2001).
Moreover, as long as children are not exposed to
may become in different situations and over time.
child’s allergy, and of whom the child is (identity)
the substance or substances they cannot tolerate,
Most people do not have to reflect upon their nat-
is crucial in examining parents’ support for an or-
Data collection was made through narratively
many of them do not have any symptoms. There-
ural environment and the taken-for-grantedness
dinary life.
inspired interviews in the parents’ homes or
fore, they may not always be identified by them-
of social reality. However, families with allergies
selves or by others as being ill. However, some
may be compelled to think about and act more
allergens are easier to manage, avoid or remove;
consciously upon such aspects (e.g., to manage
yet, in some situations it is difficult or even im-
and control risks of allergic reactions) on a daily
possible. In addition, participation in important
basis.
social events and activities may become difficult
workplace during 2002. A main broad question
The Study
of, “Would you tell me how you discovered your
child’s hypersensitivity?” was the starting point
in all interviews. For this article, the focus was
Sampling and Data Collection
on how the child’s allergy had impacted the child
In the present study, nineteen parents were select-
and the family’s daily life and how parents man-
for children with allergies (Gabe et al. 2002), in-
Here, family responsibility may come into play as
ed from a larger interview survey with 215 par-
aged the child’s allergy after a diagnosis or parent-
cluding visiting certain social places (Rudestam
to what demands the parents can make on other
ents of 230 school children that had special diets
defined allergy had been established (at the time of
et al. 2004).
family members, such as the children’s grandpar-
in school because of diagnosed or suspected food
the study the children were between 6-18 years
ents. Finch and Mason (1993) state that people have
allergies (see Gunnarsson et al. 2005). Inclusion
of age). The interviews lasted between one-and-
certain views of dependence and independence in
in this and previous studies on the same empiri-
a-half to two hours and most parents were inter-
family relations that are important for how they
cal material (Gunnarsson and Hydén 2009) was
viewed twice.
Children with allergies are exposed daily to situ-
negotiate family responsibility. They found that
based on the information that parents had previ-
ations of risks (Tulloch and Lupton 2003) when
responsibilities between even seemingly con-
ously provided in the telephone survey. A strat-
All parents had attended upper secondary school,
substances they cannot tolerate – both in and
structed independent family units (such as par-
egy of variation sampling was made (Patton 1990)
which the majority of the Swedish population do.
outside of school – are present in social life and
ents and their children and the parents’ own par-
in order to “represent” the variation found in the
Six parents had university degrees (one was still
considered ordinary. In Sweden, school children
ents), although also simultaneously constructed
whole population of the children with special di-
a student in her final year) and additionally, two
are served midday meals, and it is often quite
as most socially liable to each other, can be such
ets. The parents lived in different areas of, a main-
parents had taken courses at the university. One
common that children are given cakes, fruits, and
that adult children who are parents themselves
ly Swedish-born middle class, Stockholm suburbs
mother was born in the U.S., one in the UK and
other foods and treats at school activities or told
still show reluctance about being dependent on
and all children attended public schools. The mu-
one in Chile. At the time of the interviews, the
to bring food packages from home. Everyday life
their own parents for support. Demanding sup-
nicipality, in general, had a special interest and
parents’ ages ranged from 33 to 45 years of age
Food Allergy and Everyday Risk
206
207
and six were single parents. The majority of par-
devices (in this study, for example, distinctions,
ceptions of their child’s symptoms as being an al-
a generalized manifestation of children’s “rights”
ents were from middle class backgrounds, four
reconstructed dialogues, generalizations, rhetoric
lergy (and allergy as an illness) at the time when
to have their dreams:
from upper middle class, and four from working
messages, and moral tales) to explain and evalu-
their child had just been diagnosed.
class.
ate actions from self and others, for example, in-
Twenty-three children suffered from a variety of
volving ways of making excuses and/or justifica-
These kinds of normalization strategies are usu-
tions of actions and behaviors.
ally described and analyzed in an individualized
different food-related symptoms and other allergy
problems, for example, physical manifestations,
And she just nags, every single day, that she wants
family context. Accordingly, it is about the parThroughout the interviews, parents used vari-
ents’ strategies to manage foremost the symptoms
such as eczema, gastrointestinal problems, and
ous ways to show and voice what evidently was
and consequences of the illness in order to allow
airway problems. Sixteen children had asthma,
one of their primary parental goals in supporting
the allergy to have as little impact as possible on
fourteen children suffered from eczema, and four-
their child’s and the family’s everyday life, illus-
the child’s or the family’s everyday life (Prout et al.
teen suffered from pollen or pet allergy. Eleven
trated in the following sentence from one of the
1999; Gabe et al. 2002; Olin Lauritzen 2004). In this
children had all of these problems: asthma, food
parents: “we try to live as normal as possible.”
study, when parents discussed what they wanted
intolerance and eczema, and pollen/pet allergen.
Most parents used the Swedish word “normal,”
and how they supported their child’s “ordinari-
Five children had only food-related problems.
but the conceptualized meaning was analytically
ness,” it was not about managing symptoms of the
translated to ordinary (Swedish: vanligt). Several
illness or its impact on their private family lives.
parents made similar outspoken and often re-
At the time of the study, they had already adapted
current references to an ordinary life and child’s
to their child’s allergy and managed to make their
The interviews in this study were analyzed as
identity in their accounts. Most parents organized
(at home) private family life function well.
narrative accounts and from the understanding
and accounted for their strategies in ways that
of interviewing as a discourse between speakers
made what constitutes the ordinary as being self-
What was particularly evident at the time of the
(Mishler 1986), formed within a context where
-evident and not something that had to be defined
study, however, as all children had started school,
speakers make use of linguistic devices and cre-
or explained (De Fina 2009).
was the challenge to manage the children’s aller-
Data Analysis
gies in the “outside” world, namely, in relation-
ate social meanings that follow socially shared
a dog, but it’s just not possible. But, she must have her
dreams. So, you can’t just turn everything away from
the kids either, but they must have their dreams, they
also need to feel like normal children who can eat everything and can do everything.
Stating that “they must have their dreams, they
must also be able to feel like normal kids” is a powerful statement the mother makes in connection
with her daughter’s daily nagging for a dog. Dogs
and other pets are a common part of everyday life
for Swedish families and the mother doesn’t question her daughter’s appeals. In her brief account,
she switches from talking about her daughter, “she
has to have her dreams,” to “they have to have their
dreams.” She generalizes her daughter’s dreams
and makes it into a general notion that “normalizes” her daughter’s wish. We are, thus, told that
dreaming is part of an ordinary childhood, and
that her daughter’s dream is not comprehended
as anything out of the ordinary. She presents it as
How parents usually make use of different nor-
ships with others and in different social situations
(Atkinson 2009). The narrative accounts are based
malization strategies in managing allergy and
and activities. Most parents presented it as being
on pieces of factual information that are struc-
asthma in order to have an everyday life, in spite
problematic and expressed the difficulty they en-
tured and organized as events and actions that the
of chronic illness or disabilities, to be as “normal”
countered in making others understand the child’s al-
parents evaluate and make sense of in the process
as possible has been well explored. For example,
lergy and needs.
(De Fina 2009). People also construct social mean-
Prout and colleagues (1999) have demonstrated
ings in their accounts to help them make sense
how parents (with a child with asthma) produced
of the past, present, and future. In the analysis,
and maintained ordinariness in everyday life
we follow Scott and Lyman’s understanding of
through normalization strategies, such as control-
an account as a linguistic device used whenever
ling symptoms with asthma medication, and, to
an action is subjected to evaluative inquiry, or
a lesser extent, restricting school and family ac-
A mother of three children, each with different
a statement made by people to explain “unantici-
tivities. Olin Lauritzen further showed that “there
food allergies, stated that children “must feel
pated or untoward behavior” (1968:46). It follows
is not one, but several ways of normalizing”
like normal children.” She talks about one of her
However, the strategies that actually become sup-
that accounts often draw upon different discourse
(2004:1307), but her study explores parents con-
daughters longing for a pet dog and she makes
portive presuming parents’ intentions of their
conventions of speech acts and of social life
208
part of being and feeling like a “normal child” who
can “eat everything and do everything.”
“Not Always Having to Bring Their Own Bag”
The parents’ supporting strategies are often very
Supporting the Ordinary Life
practical. Because in supporting everyday life it
means the parents often have to practically rear-
“They Must Also Feel Like Normal Children”
range everyday life in different ways, in order to establish or reconstruct their child’s everyday life and
identity, in relation to and in situations with others.
209
actions are not a clear-cut matter in terms of chil-
dren were given something. Examples from the
ally have to send something. It’s just to check what
ers are intertwined with the parents’ examples of
dren with allergies. The most dominant strategy
same parent above will be used (other parents also
they are having and others may have things, so it
difficulties in making family members understand
used to support the ordinary life in relation to food
expressed more or less these same ambivalent feel-
allergies can be read from the following example:
ings) to further illustrate how parents may feel and
It’s important, I think, for the children to feel that it
shouldn’t always be like this, to need to come with their
own bag. But, it should be easy. It shouldn’t be like, anything special, they should be like other children.
Here, the mother creates a particular social mean-
think about this:
But, that he always has to feel so special, like in
school, and then, perhaps someone in the class has
something with them and offers, candy or chocolate
(balls), or something, then he can’t eat, then he sits
without, I think that is cruel.
ing of what everyday life for the allergic child some-
works, he can refrain something occasional then. But,
sometimes, you feel that it’s getting a bit tiresome to
have to send ice-cream or something. But, it works of
course, even if he thinks it is fun to be able to eat what
others eat, it’s how it is.
By showing several accounts from the same parent,
the dilemma of the typical “food-bag strategy” is
illustrated more clearly (although evident in other
parents’ accounts too). How to establish what is
considered ordinary in the child’s everyday life is
Here, the mother connects being overlooked and
their own bag” with special sandwiches, cakes,
“without” to her son having “to always feel spe-
and food that the parents prepare for the food-
cial,” for example, differentiated. The mother
allergic child to take with him/her (referred from
found it to be extra “cruel” when he does not get
here on as “the food-bag strategy”). The mother,
anything at all. Being literally overlooked had
however, states this strategy as an antagonist to her
a special emotional connotation for some parents,
idea of an ordinary life but also as a way of making
especially parents who, as this mother, have had
everyday life (easier) practical for the family. “The
allergies themselves as a child (and adult).
of Responsibility
“But It Works Of Course”
In both family relations and interactions with oth-
not a clear-cut matter – because a strategy like that
of “bringing one’s own bag” is also accounted for
as potentially working against the parents’ supporting intentions.
Managing Family Relations in Accounts
So, although specifically, children bringing their
own food when going home to others or to places
where foods are served is quite a typical strategy for
many families in supporting their child’s “ordinariness,” the strategy was accounted for as working in
conflicting directions. First, in support of an everyday life but also working against the everyday life.
“Then He Sits Without, I Think That Is Cruel”
To understand the importance of the “food-bag
strategy” for the parents, it is important to note that
several parents talked about how their child at one
time or another had experienced being overlooked
and left without anything to eat when other chil-
210
ers, what is formulated above all as problematic
Parents who used the “food-bag strategy” did not
present it as optimal or something they “wanted”
for their child, but nevertheless, at times, necessary.
The strategy was not only accounted for as necessary
in the obvious sense of protecting the child from allergic reactions but also because it worked to protect
the child from being overlooked and left out or without. In the previous example, we can read an ambivalence into the mother’s feelings about sometimes having to send the child with “ice-cream or something,”
although as she says, “but it works of course”:
Some are quite sweet, really, and buy special things
when family members, typically grandparents,
have either not understood or been “willing” to acparent explains:
People don’t always understand such things, and the
worst is that it is usually the immediate family who
is like this.
Further into the interview, the mother returns to
the issue with specificity stating that it is “the immediate family” who does not understand, and
a constructed satirical dialogue between herself
food-bag strategy” is constructed in her account as
with allergy from other children.
allergy. Parents give specific examples of situations
commodate their child’s illness and needs. As one
times entails, that of having “to need to come with
a differentiating object that may separate the child
(and thus, support and accommodate) the child’s
and her mother-in-law is used to substantiate her
previous statement:
For example, my mother-in-law, she is a true expert
with that. She can say that she’s been standing and
cooking dinner and so she wants to invite us to din-
by the parents is to make others understand their
ner, and then, it was a small amount of egg in it, but
child’s allergy and specific needs, illustrated in the
it was so little. – Yes, but you said there were no eggs!
following sentence: “to make others understand
– Yes, but it was only one egg in it, and we are twelve
what it means is the hard part.”
people that will eat it. – Yes, but it doesn’t matter!
In managing family relations, parents’ accounts are
Several parents mentioned disbelief in how family
mainly explanations and reflections about family re-
members or other people were particularly unable
sponsibilities, specifically, legitimating and justifying
to understand that even the smallest amount of an
their own claims on family members’ understand-
allergen could make the child ill.
ing and support, and family members’ inability or
In a study about how family/kin negotiate respon-
unwillingness to do so.
sibilities, Finch and Mason (1993) found people to
Claiming Family Responsibility – Moral Tales
be more ready to legitimately refuse support or
help from family if family members had been es-
for him, both ice cream and hot dog buns, and things
Reflections and evaluations of what may be so-
tablished as being unable to provide support rather
like that, such people exist and then you don’t usu-
cially and morally justifiable to demand from oth-
than unwilling to do so. Parents in this study seem
211
to prefer to view family members as being unable
oldest child’s (without allergy) grandparents (simi-
But, you get a little…there is often a great egocen-
It can be taken as saying something about what
(rather than unwilling) to understand and support
lar accounts were also reported about “biological”
tricity in it, this with animals, that is what I hear.
kind of person the parent is (see also Finch and
their grandchildren’s allergy. In this study, we did
grandparents on the fathers’ side) who throughout
not question the parents specifically about family
both children’s childhood have had a dog. Con-
responsibilities. It was the parents, themselves,
sequently, the younger son with an allergy had
who brought up family relations in their examples.
been unable to go and stay over at their home,
Moreover, it can be assumed that portraying close
together with his sister over the years, which he
family members, in particular, as being unwill-
otherwise was welcomed to, and really wanted to
ing may be morally problematic considering how,
do so. Below, the mother explains how, when the
for example, grandparents are constructed as the
seemingly most important kinship for the child.
Additionally, they are close in that they are the parents’ parents. In saying this, it becomes interesting
to mention that most moral tales about grandparents were actually made almost exclusively about
the other parent’s parents. One’s own parents were
constructed in much more “understanding” ways,
as in being more knowledgeable and accommodating towards the child’s allergy.
That it is more important in some way than the
grandchildren, I have a real hard time understanding that.
The mother, thus, considers both her own wrongdoings for making socially unjustified demands
on them, but still holds on to what seems morally
justifiable when weighing different relationships
dog died, she had thought that the grandparents
with each other, that of valuing one’s grandchil-
would prioritize their other grandchild (“we have
dren above that of an animal. To defend her judg-
a child to think about”), and that she would, thus,
ments, she makes use of the generalized other
as a single mother, get the luxury of “getting some
in her account (Holdsworth and Morgan 2007),
relief sometimes.” She says this in mutual agree-
a general notion about dog owners’ ways and mor-
ment with me saying, “you know yourself,” to de-
ally questionable attributes that she places outside
fend her thinking and wishes to be relieved of her
of her own thinking, “that is what I hear.” Thus,
mother role from time to time, knowing that I was
she protects her own moral self in the process and
a single mother too:
tries to avoid the risk of being judged by me as
a potentially “bad” person. The behavior that she
presents as typical for dog owners is talked about
go with them, and so, and then their dog died, and
as egocentric, but not in a personifying way, and
then you felt like: “Oh, God, that’s great!” Because
risky as it may undermine the importance and
she especially avoids connecting it to the grand-
it’s nice, you know yourself, to get some relief some-
parents themselves.
specific expectations of responsibility that parents
times. But, instead then of thinking that we have
at times place on grandparents, as compared to
a child to think about, nope, then they went and
other family members and more distant relations.
bought a new dog! Then you get like, well thanks for
Grandparents are constructed as being in a spe-
that! [Laughter]
as being unwilling to support the child would be
cial responsibility position compared to others,
which Finch and Mason (1993) found indications of
Here, the mother initially attributes some blame on
too. Nevertheless, in the following, we will show
the grandparents’ decision to buy another dog in-
how parents work to just as much downplay their
stead of thinking, “we have a child to think about
claims of responsibility, especially in terms of de-
here”. However, she then makes a “justification
mands on the grandparents’ support.
turn” and considers her own blameworthiness for
is a discursive practice used to show that one is
the kind of person that respects and supports the
And then [son’s name] was so sad that he could never
Nevertheless, labeling grandparents in general
Mason 1993). Downplaying family responsibility
The parents’ accounts illustrate a social reciprocity in family responsibility, which means that par-
needs of others and not someone who lets his/her
own needs override those of others (Finch and
Mason 1993).
Conclusively, in managing family relations and
responsibilities, parents’ discursive moral work
should perhaps be viewed as an important strategy in parents’ support for an everyday life and
parental responsibility. As it is the parents’ obligation to ensure that the material and emotional welfare of the child is met, this also means to take on
responsibility for the child’s relations with others.
Maintaining and protecting what are perceived as
significant relations for the child, and working to
restore family relations and moral selves in their
accounts, is as much an end to their parental responsibility and support for the child’s ordinariness as are the practical strategies they use.
Controlling Information About the
Allergy and the Child
ents, when making responsibility claims on family
members, must also take into account other fam-
When children start school, they will encounter
ily members and the family units independence,
other kinds of relations (and situations), besides
their needs and choices for an everyday life. Par-
family, more independently. For instance, oth-
ents’ responsibility accounts may then be read as
er children and their parents, in and outside of
they are also responsible for other family members’
school, at peers birthday parties and social activi-
everyday lives.
ties. Along with the “food-bag strategy” another
making unjustified demands: “But you can’t im-
important strategy for parents’ support is informa-
pose such demands.” After this sentence, however,
How the parent portrays family members to oth-
she immediately continues by quickly inflicting
ers (e.g., the researcher) may reflect not only “bad-
Downplaying family responsibility may be shown
a “but” and again retaliates the potential blame to
ly’” on the family members about whom moral
The moral messages and tales about family
in an example from a parent who discussed her
a general notion of dog owners’ behaviors:
tales are told but also on the parents themselves.
kin and relations may be implicated in the way
Downplaying Family Responsibility
212
tion control.
213
parents control the information they give about
her peers. The daughter’s problem relates to the
To make people understand the meaning of it, that’s
When I tell this, then you think that it is a UFO. But,
their child’s illness and individual needs to non-
gastrointestinal tract resulting in her needing to
the hard part. So, when I inform about [son’s name]
it is the first [impression] that it became like: – Oh,
family members. It also includes controlling how
use the toilet frequently:
as a person, I say – peanuts – he dies. Then I don’t
who is this? Ugh, how awful, how will this work?
know if that’s for sure, but to be able to, in order to
So, the fear becomes so very, very great, and it’s also
get other people to understand the meaning of it,
not so fun.
others see and “mirror” the child, as counteracting potential social stigma and exclusion. If par-
You have to talk to the adults without her hearing, so
ents’ experiences tell them that close family mem-
I can’t stand and talk to them so that the other chil-
bers, trained health professionals, and school
personnel (they also frequently mentioned not
understanding) have a hard time understanding,
accommodating, and seeing the individual needs
of the child (Kugelberg 1999), the controlling
strategies they use become highly reasonable in
relations with people without the socially binding
ties of family or without expert childcare/medical knowledge. Any moral tales about family relations become an important discursive device that
makes parents’ information control rational and
justifiable.
dren hear. It can’t be done because it doesn’t work, it’s
like belittling her.
“I Say – Peanuts – He Dies”
The clearest example of the importance that
parents ascribe to controlling what information they give about their child to others comes
from a mother who has a son with multiple and
severe food allergies (and additional allergies
and asthma) who has had at least two severe allergic reactions (coconut) in the past, ending up
in the emergency room. In the account below she
“The Balancing Act” of Controlling Potentially
Fatal and Social Risks
draws on one of these events when her son had
accidently eaten something with coconut in it. To
understand her everyday logic of her risk calcu-
Information control, in terms of parenting chil-
lations, it is important to know that throughout
dren with allergies, can be summarized as fol-
the interview she refers to and has closely in her
lows. Parents have to, at different times, over-em-
mind a medical test that was done when her son
phasize the information they give regarding their
was little. She had previously described the test in
child’s problems and “otherness” in contact with
great detail (reading aloud from the test results).
others as to make others understand and keep the
She stated that numbers from 1 to 5 indicate how
child safe or symptom free. Nevertheless, they
severe a person’s reaction is to a certain food item,
must also do so without stigmatizing the child in
with number 5 being the most severe. She added
the process and making him/her into a situation-
that’s the hard part.
Thus, to balance the potentially deadly threat that
For this mother and the child’s father, the risk of
the mother had conveyed about her son, she em-
their son having a potentially fatal reaction from
phasizes his positive attributes and tries to con-
eating peanuts is an emotional reality they live
trol other peoples’ way of looking at him, thus,
with on a daily basis. The past, present, and the
balancing his socially threatening image (Voysey
future are intertwined in their parenting in a par-
1975). She presents him as a person that is ex-
ticular way. The danger is concrete, in the sense
tremely pleasant and competent, for example, the
that the mother has a medical test to “support”
kind of person anyone would want to get to know
her risk calculations. However, the risk is also
and be with. She reframes his social image in the
hidden and hypothetical (in the present and also
following way:
in the future) since their son has never actually
eaten peanuts. Still, she has two severe accidental
And as a person he is so damn nice. So, I always try
reactions (from a food that, according to the medi-
to say that, OK, this is what he has, but he can also
cal test, he is “less” allergic to) embodied in her,
and her son’s allergy is therefore more than an illness to manage. It also carries the social meaning
of the most dreaded potential danger with parenthood, the possibility of your child dying.
do so much damn more; he can do so much more.
He’s really super good at this and this, and this and
this and this, look at that too, please do! Because
otherwise it will be very tough to see this guy, so to
speak. You, all the time, it is a balancing act in how
you inform [him]. And that is how you live, among
other things.
“When I Tell This, Then You Think It Is a UFO”
Controlling the information parents give to othOver the years of informing others about her
ers about their children with allergies may be
child’s allergy in the above way, proclaiming that
understood from this mother’s expression of
with “peanuts he dies,” she has also realized that
a “balancing act.” If we were to use the moth-
her son’s mere presence may be seen as a threat
er’s expression to summarize what the parenting
that her son has a number 4 for coconuts and num-
by others (she is aware of having partly triggered
support for an everyday life for children with al-
al threat, abnormal or “too special,” or someone
ber 5 for peanuts. She starts off her account with
this response by her dramatic formulation). So, al-
lergies may boil down to, perhaps a parental bal-
that others may pity. Potential stigma may be the
a forceful statement about the way in which she
though it may work to keep him safe, it may work
ancing act is an adequate description. Nonethe-
result of informing others about certain symp-
informs others about her son “as a person” – “so
equally as a potential social barrier for her child.
less, like any account or narrative, there is always
toms normally hidden from others that are highly
I say – peanuts – he dies.” She also explains her
The mother uses a particularly strong metaphor
more to a story (and everyday life) than meets
stigmatizing in itself when revealed. One mother
dramatic formulations as a conscious intention on
to make her point about how her son may turn
the eye, and the mother’s ending quote should
shares such sensitive information carefully, so as
her part to make people take her son’s allergies
into an Unidentifiable Foreign Object (UFO) in the
perhaps be added too, namely, “that’s how you
not to shame and belittle her daughter in front of
seriously, adding:
eyes of others:
live, among other things.”
214
215
Discussion
overlooked, “forgotten” and potentially stigmatized
they have certain expectations of the grandpar-
In conclusion, the above discussion sheds some
in certain social situations and activities in their
ents. These are constructed as socially and mor-
light on why parents cannot just demand others,
With regard to parents’ support in the daily lives
schools and their communities. The description
ally justifiable in their accounts, at least to some
close family or not, to change their lives to ac-
of their allergic children, the first aspect that
parents used for how their child felt was that it
extent, such as in expecting grandparents to pri-
commodate their allergic child. With an illness,
arises in the parents’ accounts may be conceptu-
made them sad, sometimes very sad. From a pa-
oritize their relationship with their grandchil-
such as an allergy, working towards an everyday
alized as parents having to manage and control
rental and adult perspective, being overlooked,
dren above that of a dog. However, expectations
life may thus mean a potential barrier to other
a double bind ordinary-risk situations. Accordingly,
excluded, and left out among one’s peers may
of family support, although being morally justifi-
people’s (e.g., family) way of living, and the oth-
the parent does everything he or she can to sup-
have strong emotional connotations, evident in
port an everyday life that, as much as possible, is
parents’ voices and words, especially among par-
able, may still be contradictory to other cultural
equal to that of non-allergic children (establish-
ents who had allergies themselves. Thus, likely
ing the ordinary). At the same time, however, the
connected with their own embodied feelings and
parents must be aware that this may potentially
experiences. Being overlooked could work, as the
mean an increased risk to the child’s health and
“food-bag strategy,” to create the child’s differences
for some, the child’s life (danger with the ordi-
and otherness in the outside world. Since we come
nary). The practical “food-bag strategy” does
to know who we are through the eyes of signifi-
work to protect the child from accidental aller-
cant and generalized others, as pointed out by
gy reactions. However, it is less clear-cut for the
Mead (1934), it is thus through the gaze of others
parents’ support for a socially inclusive ordinary
that the child may come to see herself or himself
life and childhood identity (e.g., threatening the
as different. Due to the fact that children with
ordinary). This means that the parents’ strategies
food allergies, in particular, are not exposed to
of establishing or constructing the ordinary could ac-
what they cannot tolerate, they often neither have
tually discriminate a child in their relationships
any subjective symptoms nor any visible signs
with peers and others, and potentially exclude
of their disease. Their illness is thus usually not
him/her socially.
what makes them stand out as being “different.”
Neither of the constructed parental strategies, as
Reciprocal Family Responsibilities
analyzed in this study, works in a straightforward
principles that ascribe responsibilities between
families and individuals, as the principles of individual freedom and autonomy that parents also
relate to in their accounts. The latter principles of
social life are not negotiated and defended in the
parents’ accounts in the same way as their expectations and claims of family responsibility.
It may thus be possible to argue against Finch
and Mason’s (1993) conclusion about responsibilities in contemporary families. Specifically, that
they are negotiated in the situation, therefore, not
to be seen as bound by any fixed social rules. We
do not argue against them being negotiated but
to the latter conclusion because, alternatively, not
wanting to show that one demands responsibility
from family members may in fact be understood
in itself as a non-negotiable social “rule.” Perhaps prominent in societies where ideologies of
er way around; other people’s everyday life may
work as a potential barrier towards the everyday
life and identity of children with allergies.
The moral aspect of allergy management has not
been acknowledged much in previous research
about allergies (see, for example, Prout et al. 1999;
Gabe et al. 2002; Hansson-Sherman et al. 2002;
Olin Lauritzen 2004), although it seemingly is
important for how families with allergic children
support their children. This study contributes to
saying something about how parents’ management of their child’s allergy is just as much about
being social and moral actors, consequently, having to consider other people, and their needs and
choices in the process. The knowledge about how
other family members and other people’s lives
are intertwined with the parents support could
perhaps work to further support childcare professionals’
interactions
and
communications
with the children’s parents.
way for the purpose of parents’ support. As much
Parents in this study clearly see their own family
as they work against, they also work for their pur-
as independent from the family unit of grandpar-
pose of establishing an everyday life and child’s
ents, but simultaneously construct the particular
identity. Firstly, to repeat, the “food-bag strategy”
children-parents-grandparents everyday lives as
works well to reduce risks of allergic reactions.
intertwined. Not only concerning claims of prac-
outcomes of their own and their children’s lives
This study was funded by grants from Anna and
This, in turn, means that the parents know that
tical support, but specifically in the more socially
(and being “free” to choose how to live one’s life)
Edwin Berger’s Foundation, the Kempe-Carlg-
the child is kept safe or at least “safer.” Thus, it
and mutually agreed and taken-for-granted way.
(Douglas 1992). How other family units and mem-
renska Fund and Queen Silvia’s Jubilee Fund. The
logically follows that they are more inclined to
For example, expecting them to understand the
bers choose to live their lives has to be respected
grant holder was the first author, and would like
let their child “do and eat everything,” and be
child’s allergy and needs so they may be able
and protected, and in so doing, this means the
to offer many thanks for their financial support,
like other children. Secondly, and likewise as im-
to have their grandchildren come and stay with
parents simultaneously protect their own family
having made it possible for me to write and finish
portant, it protects the children from the risk of being
them. Parents show through their moral tales that
units’ “rights” and choices (Douglas 1992).
this article.
216
individuality and personal freedom are strongly
instigated, as in parents being individually responsible for themselves and their child and the
Acknowledgements
217
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219
Reading in Public Libraries: Space, Reading Activities, and User Profiles
Paula Sequeiros
University of Coimbra, Portugal
Reading in Public Libraries:
Space, Reading Activities, and User Profiles
Abstract This single case research was developed within a public library in Porto, Portugal, Biblioteca
Municipal Almeida Garrett. Its main objective was to understand how public library readers
interact with space, the Internet technology, and reading resources, and how these interactions
shape the representations of what a public library is. This case was chosen because the library
has a recent and renowned building, high reader use levels, and Internet access.
The design of user profiles was an intermediate step, and then a partial result in the process
of understanding provision and appropriation of technology, space, and reading resources (all
media and supports) in a specific context. The construction of these profiles is presented and
discussed in this paper.
A qualitative, single case study was designed according to Burawoy’s Extended Case Method,
departing from the framework of several theories – Feenberg and Bakardjieva’s approach to
Internet uses, Lefèbvre and Certeau’s approach on space – and some library users and studies of
Internet user profiles – by Rodrigues, Bakardjieva, and by other authors. A theoretical, diversified sample was constructed. User profiles were designed as a way of depicting common reading practices by grouping readers’ characteristics according to Internet, space, and bibliographical resource usage. Along with this usage, social demographics, motivations, meanings, and
feelings were enquired about to construct a thick narrative. Observation of all forms of reading
practices, in-depth interviews, informal conversations, children’s drawings, photography, and
an architectural and social analysis of the building were used.
The library has diversified uses, tied to present-day everyday life conditions, and its space and
management style are flexible enough to allow for different user appropriations. As to the general reading atmosphere, high satisfaction was reported, and the most appreciated features of
social and architectural space were signaled by readers. User profiles reflect diversified usage
modes, diverse relations to space, to Internet and bibliographic resources, and to other users.
L
ibrary buildings are artifacts that shape reading
reading practices, and the interrelations of all three
practices; readers, inhabiting and appropriating
concepts – space, readers, and the Internet (Sequeiros
these provided spaces, along with staff, reshape them
2010). This was meant to provide context for the main
constantly. While such a statement would not likely
research objectives and those concepts were to be
raise special contestation on a theoretical level, em-
the main dimensions (or facets) of the research ob-
pirically grounded research on how such processes
ject. Having identified different modes of usage both
take place in public libraries is scarce. However, dur-
for library resources and for space, a design of read-
ing this particular research process, understanding
ers’ profiles followed. This multidimensional design
the interaction between all resources – space and
was aimed to depict the main characteristics of read-
reading materials, the Internet included – enacted
ers, how those usages interrelated, what meanings
through public readers’ activities, was considered an
readers constructed around their own practices, and
important step in the study of library users. As social
it was ultimately aimed to provide a deeper under-
relations and space relations are dialectically inter-
standing of the whole framework through an inte-
dependent and interactive, space may be not only an
grated interpretation of results and an integrated
arena for social relations and conflict expression but
presentation of conclusions.
also a contingent location for their formation.
The initial research question was formulated as:
While researching how space, readers, and the Inter-
How do Internet appropriations, space use, and pub-
net (Feenberg 2002) interacted in a particular public
lic library reading practices all interact, and how
library, and how this reflected on readers’ represen-
does this interaction shape users’ representations of
tations of what a public library is, I began by aiming
what a public library is? The following conceptual
to understand the spatial social relations, the actual
map drafts that question.
Figure 1. Conceptual map.
Both the theoretical framework and the selected methodology proved fruitful for the intended
purpose. These readers’ profiles may provide a tool to understand and manage public library
services, given the adequate fittingness. The same may be said about readers’ evaluation of
space, in general, or, specifically, about space appropriations, and, above all, about the production of stimulating reading atmospheres.
Keywords User Profiles; Single Case Studies; Space Relations; Qualitative Methodology; Public
Libraries; Library Buildings; Portugal
Paula Sequeiros is a post-doctoral researcher
with the Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra and a researcher with the Institute of Sociology, University of Porto, Portugal. Her research inter-
220
ests include social studies of public libraries and the
sociology of reading.
221
Paula Sequeiros
As soon as the design of readers’ profiles was con-
2005; Audunson et al. 2007; Fisher et al. 2007;
ferring to academic and/or research libraries were
To address the research question in a theoretically
cluded, they were compared with those previous-
Aabø, Audunson, and Vårheim 2010). An empiri-
not fit for the context under consideration.
informed way, a literature review was made from
ly published, which I knew of. The intermediate
cally based research by Given and Leckie (2003),
result of this comparison presented me with simi-
on readers’ actual practices in the public space
Nagata, Sakai, and Kawai (2007) correlate life-
a conceptual schema. This was further enriched
lar findings, as well as a particular profile, which
of two libraries, allowed the authors to state that
style values and attitudes to library use in two
both from literature and fieldwork issues, depict-
derived from the theoretical-methodological op-
talking was a frequent activity. They reported it
libraries, and conclude that residents and library
ing the additions made to the problematic during
tion of including space as a fundamental dimen-
as occupying a third place in a parallel with using
visitors present a different distribution of values
the research process.
sion. As the outcome of this option became clear,
computers, reading, and writing being first and
from the lifestyle perspective. Yet, the reason why
I thought it would be advisable to discuss both the
second activities. Eating and drinking, while not
they correlate these two dimensions is not quite
theoretical and methodological approaches to the
formally allowed, were also observed, which, as
explicitly stated. What these groups valued is not
research object and the results these approaches
a whole, led them to advocate that libraries ought
clear either as far as attitudes towards the library
Lefèbvre’s theory on how space and social rela-
provided. This is why I treat space here as a fun-
to be conceived more as interactive places and less
are concerned. Advantages of using such a meth-
tions interact in the production and reproduction
damental dimension of the whole project, while
as silent spaces.
odology appear difficult to be sustained from
of space was a fundamental starting point: being
a pragmatic perspective. Bakardjieva (2005) re-
simultaneously a condition and a result of social
Christina A. Peterson (2005) focuses on the iden-
ports some very interesting research on Internet
practices, “itself the outcome of past actions, so-
Literature Review on Libraries
tification of activities (information seeking, recre-
users, although designed for another context. She
cial space is what permits fresh actions to occur,
and Space
ation, teaching and learning, connection, contem-
grouped users into infosumers – rationalist users
while suggesting others and prohibiting yet oth-
plation), which informed the planning of a new
who repudiated online sociability; instrumental
ers” (1991:73).
Below is a list of titles, selected for being light-
library and the provision of differentiated areas,
relations users – associating rational information
shedding on the concepts underlying the initial
but she does neither aim at providing a theoreti-
seeking and exchange with social interaction;
Being a concrete entity, it should be conceived as
research question. Further reviews were made
cal framework nor at transferring results.
those looking for the debate of ideas – valuing
a space of representations; being also immaterial
informational resources, as well as intellectual
and symbolic, abstract, the representations of space
Terezinha Elizabeth da Silva (2006) associates li-
sociability and political debate; chatterers – prac-
should be considered too.
brary architecture to Foucault’s concept of heter-
ticing forms of relaxed and sometimes humorous
Buschman and Leckie (2007) edited a comprehen-
ochronies and to the metaphor of human memory
sociability; the communitarian – looking for infor-
Lefèbvre’s main concern was to surpass space vis-
sive book on space and libraries, where history,
and feelings of reverence.
mation and support from people sharing similar
ibility, the formal and aesthetic dimensions that
identities. Bakardjieva’s profile design may apply
do not reveal but instead conceal space sociability
presenting the associated results and conclusions.
during the research process to enlighten issues
raised from fieldwork.
gender, the public sphere sociability are some of
which the main concepts were selected to draw
Theoretical Framework
the perspectives chosen to address the issues of
Tina Hohmann (2006) describes some popu-
to similar research on libraries, given the analo-
by the saturation of images. To unveil the social
public libraries.
lar buildings and features most appreciated by
gies between library readers and Internet users.
relations of space, the researcher should consid-
users.
The profiles indicated in this paper eventually
er the interlinked dimensions of form, structure,
presented some similitude.
and function.
Hart, Bains, and Jones (1996) refer to diverse categories of library buildings (temples, cathedrals, of-
Drawing profiles, through the categorization of
fice blocks, glasshouses), which they associate with
people in the groups by common, shared character-
Research by Rodrigues (2007), in another Portu-
Recalling the importance of the opposition be-
knowledge production, the arousal of attitudes
istics, relevant to the research objectives, is a usual
guese public library, points to five modes of re-
tween dominated and appropriated spaces, Lefèb-
and emotions.
procedure when you want to deal with features of
lation with the library – instrumental, cultivated,
vre stresses that property and power issues are
social groups and their practices. But, ethnographi-
self-taught, ludic, and convivial – which are very
a fundamental issue. At this juncture, another ap-
Recently, some research focused on conviviality
cally based research on public library readers’ pro-
similar to the profiles further presented, except
proach concurs to the chosen theoretical frame-
as a fundamental trait of a library’s life (Audunson
files is equally scarce. Some published papers re-
for the absence of the dimension of space.
work: Michel de Certeau’s work on how users
222
223
Paula Sequeiros
individually appropriate and practice space, even-
Method (1998). While comparative approaches
interpretations and socially constructed mean-
Twenty-nine users, one library manager, one as-
tually circumventing constraints, using strategies
favor knowledge generalizability, usually through
ings, and a commitment with the purpose of the
sistant librarian, the maintenance supervisor,
and tactical tricks, sometimes in unpredictable
the extensive collection and comparison of data
research (Haraway 1988).
and the architect were interviewed. When neces-
ways. His operational definition of place was also
from different cases, a single case methodology
borrowed: “an instantaneous configuration of po-
makes a stake on knowledge transferability, creat-
The architectural design of Almeida Garrett
remarks on specific spatial features in the very
sitions, implying an indication of stability … an
ing knowledge from singular situations. Similar
Public Library is innovative and has been an ob-
places where they had sensed them. The process
order in accord with which the elements are dis-
contexts may allow for knowledge transfer, pro-
ject of study. Programmed as a library, it could
ended when data saturation was achieved – data
tributed in relations of coexistence”. Place holds
viding there is enough fittingness for the produced
provide clear clues regarding the conceptual fit-
being collected would not add new properties
“the univocity or the stability of a ‘proper,’” “space
conclusions.
tingness of the architects’ project to the munici-
to the researched categories. The empirical re-
pality demands, whereas a re-qualified building
search design focused on users’ real practices,
could not.
in the context of social inequalities and power
is a practiced place” in the context of everyday life
(Certeau 1984:173).
Social sciences may develop further, in a parallel
sary, readers were asked to move and state their
relations.
with personal knowledge accumulation propitiAiming to analyze activities, “programs or series of
ated by vicarious experiences, which enrich indi-
It is discretely inserted within a public park, in
practices through which space is appropriated,”
vidual repertoires. Drawing on the result of single
the city of Porto. The relation with the park’s tra-
Seeking a strong ethnographic support, observa-
Certeau’s concept of region, a “space created by an
cases, these results may then elicit new questions
ditional space was unclear at the time. Occupa-
tion was a fundamental tool. The readers’ prac-
interaction,” will also be useful (1984:126).
and, desirably, extend theory.
tion levels are high, there appeared to be social
tices were registered in a log for several days dur-
diversity among readers; collections are updated,
ing a period of three months, at different times of
Synthetically, Lefèbvre’s approach allows for
This single case method allows for a depth of
there is wireless Internet access from the incep-
the day (Burawoy 1998) in 2008. Preferred places,
a comprehensive and deep analysis of spatial so-
analysis difficult to attain with other methods.
tion, several computers are publicly available,
activities undertaken, conflicts, accessibility, gen-
cial relations, providing a solid basis to relate read-
Furthermore, linking through theoretical inter-
and recreational reading is an important part of
der and age distribution, and attitudes; bodily
ing activities to space use. Certeau’s perspective
pretation the micro – unique situation – to the
this library’s activity – not common in Porto’s
postures were especially observed. Observation
on power relations, and his focus on the practiced
macro – society as a whole – this method will “tell
heritage-centered municipal library. All of these
proved to be especially useful to overcome most
space, provides guidance on the ethnographic em-
us about society as a whole rather than about the
made Almeida Garrett an interesting case, se-
readers’ difficulties to verbalize how they used
pirical work and on the categorization of readers’
population of similar cases” (Burawoy 1998 [my
lected after consulting experts in the Portuguese
and felt this space.
actual practices.
emphasis]).
public libraries’ network.
Without it, the mezzanine’s role as a privileged
Methodology
Epistemologically, this approach is based on three
A non-probabilistic theoretical sample was con-
place for visual control could have passed unno-
fundamental concerns: reflexivity – theory does
structed reflecting the perceived diversity in the
ticed, and the association of the multimedia area
Pursuing a comprehensive understanding of the
not emerge from data, reflection departs from the
library, taking into account dimensions such as
to relaxed leisure, declared in an interview, would
whole social reality (Donmoyer 2000), I followed
existing theory and questions its results in an in-
gender, age, occupation, ethnicity, visual, and lo-
have stayed unconfirmed.
an integrated, intensive, qualitative approach to
ter-subjective dialogue with the persons and the
comotion disabilities. Readers were chosen as to
analyze and interpret not only those practices but
processes observed, toward theory reconstruc-
the likelihood of providing interesting informa-
Photography of bodily postures, activities, facial
also the wider context of relations and processes,
tion and improvement (Burawoy 1998); complexity
tion for the research objectives, sometimes with
expressions was a useful tool for a subsequent,
as well as the socially constructed meanings at-
– human societies are complex, diverse, living in
the support of staff (as in the case of frequent visi-
detailed analysis (e.g., Figures 4 and 5).
tached to them (Blumer 1969; Geertz 1973).
permanent change and so research should be the
tors). As a qualitative approach was being used,
result of local, situated, and heterogeneous pro-
no sample representativeness was sought; the aim
National law allows photographing individuals’
For the purpose of the wider, current research,
cesses of construction (Nunes 2001); a dialogical re-
was to elicit as much relevant data as possible
public activities in public places. Nevertheless,
I adopted Michael Burawoy’s Extended Case
lationship with the observed, searching for their own
instead.
permission was asked.
224
225
Paula Sequeiros
I also explained photography purposes – scien-
eyes of others, establishing a dialogical relation
tific, not commercial publication – and that a col-
with the social actors in presence, and making
lective space was the general target, not faces. No
a stance for a critical perspective that rejects un-
one opposed.
questioned, single-sided, simplistic interpreta-
Concepts and Function
Figure 2. The main façade of the Almeida Garrett Library.
tions (Haraway 1991).
To analyze users’ practices and discourses, as
well as those of staff, management, and architects, alongside with an aesthetic and functional
analysis of the building, I used in-depth, semistructured interview techniques (Kvale 1996;
Seale 2004). I also engaged in informal talks
with several staff members, and their opinions, doubts, and clues proved to be valuable.
Besides social-demographic data, readers were
questioned on their place of residence, modes
of movement, activities and frequency of visits,
evaluation of functionality and comfort, emotions, privacy and surveillance, preferred/usual
places, et cetera.
Children’s drawings of the library were also used
to supplement their interviews through more informal conversation (Eder and Fingerson 2002).
The use of this set of techniques allowed not only
for the collection of diversified types of data but
also for the triangulation of methods.
Constructing the Case:
A Public Library’s Space
The Almeida Garrett Public Library was inaugurated in 2001 and soon achieved high occupation
rates. This is the second public library in the city,
the older one being more directed to research,
with only one small room with free-access to the
shelves.
The library is inserted within a 19 th century large
public park in Porto. Its romantic design includes
rose gardens, lakes, gigantic trees, and a magnificent view over the Douro River. Presently, it
hosts a sports pavilion, a restaurant, and a children’s park. The area is well-served by public
transportation, and the library is half way from
both city centers, the historical and the tertiary
centre.
The three dimensions Lefèbvre (1991) posits as
Envisioning reading in public libraries as a pub-
fundamental in social space analysis – form,
lic service, I assume favoring the provision of
function, and structure – were empirically ap-
democratic spaces to be enjoyed as places of
Source: photo by indicopleustes, Flickr.
The architect, José Manuel Soares, wanted to “bring
to have a first contact with books,” as well as for stu-
plied to ensure that mere visibility is overcome
the garden into the library,” instead of imposing
dents; a library where one could walk in or out free-
encounter and discovery (Audunson 2005), be
and that social and power relations are unveiled.
a building to the garden. Similarly, the control of
ly, “in continuity with the public space.” He planned
it for culture, leisure, information, or learning
Further categorization of empirical data devel-
natural light should neither block a relation with the
a flexible space, adaptable through time. Inspired by
purposes. A commitment with the intentionality
oped through qualitative, thematic analysis, par-
surroundings nor veil the singularity of the place.
the idea of a Jesuit church, he drew a central, col-
of the constructed research object and with the
tially emerging from the theoretical framework
These were the central concepts to the architectural
lective nave, and lateral, small spaces, which might
purposes of the research is also assumed in an
and partially constructed from empirical data
program, as transmitted by the administration: free
simultaneously facilitate individual appropriation
effort to look at this social reality through the
coding (Seale 2004).
access to stacks; a library for “those who are about
and avoid dispersion.
226
227
Paula Sequeiros
Structure
Figure 3. The inner face of the main façade to the
Figure 4. Rear façade.
right, the park trees may be seen at the end.
Form and Design
Evaluating and Sensing Space
The lobbies and staircase are overlaid with very
A Place Within Reach
white marble. In a brutalist manner, rows of
halved pine-wood logs dress, as a curtain, the
The location was also appreciated, most of the inter-
UV filtering glass main façade, dissimulating
viewed use public transportation to get there, some
it amidst the garden. The remaining floors and
just walk. Many come from neighboring cities.
furniture are made of light-colored wood, which
also partially lines most of the interior walls, and
walls are painted predominantly white.
Simple, pure lines, well-defined surfaces predominate. The ceiling has a wavy design for acoustic
improvement.
This is an almost open space, though separate,
specialized areas were conceived. Alongside the
main floor runs a corridor leading to the adults’
areas. The children’s area, by the entrance and in
a slightly inferior level, is separated from those
by a glass wall, not reaching the ceiling, added
later to soundproof the incoming noise. In the
Source: photo by Eva Lima.
Source: photo by Paula Sequeiros.
main floor there is a series of corners with sofas,
tables in sets of two or four by the front, and back
façades; at the far end, there are tables in rows
According to some readers, the building’s insertion
Soares stated that he tried to avoid a hierarchi-
and an area with computers and Internet access;
in the park is acknowledged and appreciated as
cal distribution of services by floors: the hierarchy
in the middle, a mezzanine reveals an inferior
“it’s integrated in Nature.” Actually, only children
of spaces was strategically used instead to create
level for multimedia and computers with Inter-
use it frequently. Visitors may glance at neighbor-
decreasing noise levels as visitors progress along
net connection.
ing houses, urban insertion was not concealed.
through them, still allowing for a global reading
The building is generally accessible for those with
limited mobility; a lift is also available to transport
baby prams.
A computer workstation is dedicated to the blind
or amblyopic.
Crossing the winding garden paths, however, may
be difficult for blind persons who sometimes ask
for personal guidance.
A Place to Feel
Further to an initial difficulty in qualifying space,
readers resorted to hypallages (Lefèbvre 1991)
when praising the light and transparency and the
integration in the park. In my view, the often mentioned transparency and openness are, above all, the
architect’s well-succeeded translation of the concepts of free-access and continuity within public
space underlying the architectural program.
Although adults are not frequent visitors, they
of space. However, power relations associated to
A patio mediates the space between the cafete-
declared that the garden transmitted a calming
The library occupies two of the four levels, while
space usage were to be observed in the multime-
ria and the children’s area, so relatives may wait
sensation.
an art gallery, a garage, and a technical area occu-
dia region use – including the TV sets availability
there and still watch over their children, which
py the other two. Visibility over the whole surface
– in the use of the mezzanine or in the creation of
is in accordance with Eigenbrodt’s desirable re-
No particular remarks were made on light, ven-
is allowed in each floor.
a reading atmosphere. All of these are analyzed
quirements of “communication, access, orienta-
tilation, temperature, or acoustic conditions, al-
further, and are dealt with in detail by Sequeiros
tion and freedom of designing library facilities for
though both the architect and the maintenance
(2010; 2011).
everyone” (2008:101).
officer acknowledged ventilation problems.
Wireless connection to the Internet is available.
228
229
Paula Sequeiros
Readers expressed their great satisfaction to be
Tranquility, organization, concentration, the pos-
A curious story of users’ appropriation was reg-
brary, reading “is never-ending, it means finding
able to enjoy such a high quality space, and deval-
sibility of integrating a stimulating intellectual
istered: spaces, presently serving as reading sur-
the words for things, resting, and reflecting…very
ued those issues.
labor ambiance were singled out as valued char-
faces all around the mezzanine, were originally
pleasurable.” “If I stopped leading the life I’m
acteristics. Such an atmosphere, however, is not
designed to be waist-level shelves. As users were
used to in public spaces, I would certainly miss
enjoyable if staying home.
uncomfortable when picking books from them,
a true pleasure and the real harmony I’m looking
and this is a coveted area for its central emplace-
for” [woman, 40 years].
I could observe how readers weaved their reading
cocoons: reading gave way to an absent impertinence,
(Certeau 1984), desensitizing from other physical
For a few readers, with personal histories of sur-
ment, they began removing those shelves and sit-
stimuli: two peacocks paced unnoticed along the
passing barriers to become library users, their
ting there. The management did not oppose. Some
The need for privacy is differently felt, seeming
window-sills during one of the interviews.
present status is proudly felt as an accomplish-
particular forms of space appropriation and tactics
to vary according to housing conditions, gender,
of place-making could be observed, and displac-
and social class: a young woman dislikes being
ing some pieces of furniture is an accepted prac-
stared at “in an unpleasant way” by men; the
tice. Children may bring in their toys and draw-
homeless reader does not oppose to having his
ing materials. Chairs were moved according to
screen watched while surfing, “they’re not going
personal tastes. Some users, particularly students,
to take any bite away from me!” The sole idea of
sometimes use tricks (Certeau 1984) to create ad-
lack of privacy in the library makes the young
ditional space and to signal that they don’t want
couple, sharing a single social-housing apartment
company: they scatter books and personal objects
with twelve others, laugh out loud: home was the
on neighboring tables to reserve space. After all,
place where they lacked privacy the most. Petit
this silent competition appears to be based on as-
states: “[t]he absence of intimacy is perhaps the
sumptions of a legitimated presence supported by
best poverty indicator, even more than income”
the credentials of their occupational status: stu-
(2001:118).
ment: a woman, daughter of manual workers who
Emotionally, although indulging in diverse activi-
toiled to get their children educated, and who
ties, they collectively wove a reading atmosphere
became blind in her adolescence, now reads in
(Sequeiros 2010; 2011), a mixed product of the so-
Braille; a retired male reader, attending the Senior
cial spatial relations (Lefèbvre 1991) and of physi-
University, rejoices in watching young people
cal, sensory, emotional, and aesthetic features.
study, a chance he didn’t get in his own time.
A Public Place, Personal and Private
Figure 5. Studying in the mezzanine.
dents are naturally expected to be found here.
Cell phones ringing is the most annoying intrusion
Personal, private space created by reading is like
reported, occasionally leading users to ask for staff
a bubble, soft, but protecting. The rules of co-
intervention.
reading are passed along with learning to read.
Bourdieu developed the concept of habitus to
Aural technology is sometimes used to reinforce
designate “a system of lasting and transposable
those personal, individualized atmospheres (Bull
dispositions which, integrating past experiences,
2006). Wearing headphones also signals a wish
functions at every moment as a matrix of percep-
not to be disturbed.
tions, appreciations and actions and makes possi-
Source: photo by Paula Sequeiros.
230
ble the achievement of infinitely diversified tasks”
Almost all referred to a form of relational contract
(1979:72). It is this practical knowledge, this set of
(Certeau 1984) to tacitly regulate co-presence: us-
dispositions that entitles readers to naturally ex-
ing a public space requires concessions over the
pect not to be disturbed.
personally reserved one.
“I need my private space, [but] live among a lot
Lockers in the lobby are rarely used. Security lock
of people,” a therapeutic community. In this li-
chain cables for portable PCs may be borrowed
231
Paula Sequeiros
at the reception as some thefts were registered in
some behaviors that are more or less predictable
middle-aged or elder women: gender differences
less cultural capital than books (Bourdieu 1979),
the past.
and there is a certain intrinsic order here that is
within illiteracy rates do not seem to explain their
relaxed attitudes and bodily postures developed
motivating” [female student, 40-year-old].
absence; unlike men and younger women, their
in this area are clear markers of a corporal hexis
leisure is still most likely confined to domesticity.
tied to class (Bourdieu 1977).
Surveillance by security guards and cameras,
which are not spontaneously noticed, are felt as
The apparent social diversity is appreciated, senior
The single exception was a woman who became
protective measures. The library is sensed as a safe
readers like watching younger people and children,
a frequent library visitor during her long resi-
space, as the surrounding garden is, in general.
“different faces every day,” the homeless reader de-
dence abroad.
clares to enjoy the social and age diversity.
A Place for Conviviality
Differences and Inequalities
Visiting the library is a social act: children are usu-
Readers’ Profiles of a Public Library
With this vision of a library inside a wide park
Nor did I find evidence of ethnic segregation in
in the back of my mind, some metaphors arose
spite of the regular presence, then, of a noisy and
as a meaningful way to communicate the charac-
large group of African adolescents.
teristics of profiles. Leaning on Haraway’s use of
ally accompanied by adults, some adults and ado-
The most economically dispossessed revealed
lescents come in pairs or groups. At times, a cer-
a unique capacity to reflect on (and cherish!) the
The spot for the visually impaired is appreciated,
more sense to the features of profiles, intending
tain small talk goes on, maybe around the latest
opportunities offered by a public library, reveal-
though underused.
to rely on common situated knowledge (as char-
news headlines, as the observed case around the
ing also that these perspectives were closely tied
sharp rise in bread prices. Co-presence is valued,
to their social positioning, what Haraway (1988)
In spite of positive staff attitudes regarding social
Simultaneously, they were used to rely on the
even if others are not addressed to; usual faces
named the vantage points of the subjugated. They
inclusion, some aspects call for improvement. The
perspectives of those observed, their values and
may be memorized and discreetly followed.
also expressed great concerns about probable
urban figure of the homeless person may embody
meanings. These profiles were an original result
budget cuts within the ongoing privatization of
subjective insecurity feelings, leading to fanta-
of this case study, while showing some similarity
public services.
sizing and amplifying real insecurity situations
to others previously published, as referred.
The need to socialize is clearly felt by many. Proximity without propinquity, according to Park’s ex-
metaphors (1988), these devices were used to add
acteristics associated to animals in folk tales).
(Fernandes 2003). Symptomatically, no real dan-
pression (as cited in Tonkiss 2005), a withdrawal
Some users referred to what they considered to
ger situation was ever reported on the premises.
inherent to reading overlaps with the need for
be the legitimate practices (Bourdieu and Darbel
As they began entering in groups to watch films,
privacy characteristic of urban lives. A former
1966:60) within a library. They sometimes com-
homeless readers were targeted as a problem by
The purpose of occupational users is to actively
typographer, nowadays a homeless person, says:
plain if other readers do not meet these stan-
some users who complained about couches being
occupy their time in a useful way, whether they
“above all, I like coming here a lot when I’m feel-
dards, informally prescribing what they assume
used to sleep on, and TV sets being occupied for
presently have a paid work or not. Their stronger
ing down, I come in and it seems I reinvigorate!
to be the adequate behavior. Which is clearly cor-
too long. Subsequently, one TV set was removed,
motivations: to benefit from an environment fa-
Crossing that door seems like home to me, as if it
related with the predominating class status: man-
one was assigned for documentaries, only two
voring study and from free resources. Tasks may
was my own family, I feel superbly well!”
ual workers are seldom found here, the average
were left for feature films. I could observe that
be organized and planned in detail, from subjects
user is the student or the more educated, intellec-
some normal users do sleep in the (comfortable!)
to schedules. They may stay for the whole day,
Some students and informal scholars declared that
tual worker, as usually occurs at a national level
couches upstairs, which is ignored by staff and
several days, a week: “I leave when the lights go
they look particularly for the togetherness (Ba-
(Freitas, Casanova, and Alves 1997; Fortuna and
other readers, generally.
off, [when] I have no choice! … Now that my day
kardjieva 2004) propitiated by a collective atmo-
Fontes 2000).
sphere of order and concentration: “look, all the
Bees
has ended, I may focus on something else” [male
The architect planned to avoid discrimination in
reader, 34-year-old, unemployed]. A female assid-
other people are also doing the same as I am, so
I could not find evidence from field observation
the allocation of space, associated to floor status.
uous reader belongs to the so-called residents, the
[this is useful] to soften things a little [laughing] if
to support the generalized assumption on femi-
Still, signs of social differentiation could be traced,
local librarians’ nickname for the regulars. “The
it’s something I don’t like to do, that’s what I try to
nization of library spaces. However, a clear gen-
attached not to space but to document physical
day goes by more quickly, it’s more productive”
think about” [male student, 34-year-old]; “there are
der difference was perceived in the absence of
support: multimedia, in the lower floor, requires
[female, 28-year-old, unemployed].
232
233
Paula Sequeiros
They research and write on matters according
Butterflies
to their education or curiosity, they train for job
And yet, another interesting case: a very young
“Here above it’s more for reading, down there
couple comes in pushing two baby prams. Both
[multimedia] it’s more for leisure, to be more re-
competitions. Unemployed or retired are words
Strolling readers, unlike occupational ones, have
22-year-old and under the minimum educa-
laxed” – an African immigrant, in his forties,
avoided in personal narratives, surely for the
no specific activity or purpose, just want to stroll
tional level, the mother is enrolling as a reader,
comes to the library to enjoy several rest days. An
common social stigma; but their disposition and
around and spend time in a pleasant and accom-
he guides her as an experienced user (here and
international truck driver added another library
a work ethic, adapted to their present situation,
panied way, although generally not interacting –
abroad where he was raised). They live in a single
card to those issued in European cities where he
all seem to shape their practices. Were they at an
resembling Wirth’s (1964 [1938]) urban strollers.
room, sharing a single social-housing apartment
occasionally lived. He intends to email friends
office or university, we would not hesitate to state
While strolling they glance at newspapers and
crowded with unemployed or under-qualified rel-
and relatives, scattered all over the world, and
magazines, music or video CDs, Internet pages,
atives. They plan to come with the children and
books, eventually picking items regardless of
use the Internet every Saturday, which they value
Some of the adults, all holding degrees, come to
support. Less qualified (secondary school or less),
for the information on baby care, “more than the
enjoy the company of others and the togetherness
they are manual workers, retired, unemployed
doctor says” during consultations, to look for baby
of the like-minded, which help discipline their
people of different ages, some are children.
games, and to send SMSs. She reads very little, but
they are working.
she reads aloud for the babies. He prefers films
work; some are elderly citizens: one man, strolling
from one continent to another, benefits from the
Most used areas are multimedia, couches, cir-
and music. They value this wide, clean, ordered
Internet access to update his biographical site; an-
culating zones. The mentioned homeless reader
space, quieter than a cybercafé, where they can
other one needs “something to occupy his time;”
comes for one or two hours every day. His street
finally find some privacy.
a woman comes mostly to use computing facilities
companions persuaded him: “you watch a movie
she can’t personally afford. For half of the inter-
and when you go out you feel quite another per-
viewed, using the Internet is the main purpose of
son!” He enjoys age diversity, watching new faces,
the visit, two brought their portables and listened
but, above all, reading the newspaper, especially –
For recreational readers the library is mainly a rec-
to music with headphones; another two referred
and most ironically – the one he got fired from. He
reation and conviviality space. Sparrows gaily en-
to the Internet as a secondary resource.
appreciates closed spaces where he can feel safe.
gage in flock flights, peeping, and playing all the
to spend time enjoying whatever documents are
available. He is the only adult in this group. It’s
worth noting that, in spite of the dreams of a leisure society, and in spite of a growing number of
people without paid work, leisure activities still
carry the burden of a stigma under a dominating
productivist ideology. While consumerist leisure
activities are well-envisaged, that may not be the
case of others, more tolerated than supported – as
a user said, you should not do in a library “things
Sparrows
libraries aren’t meant for.”
time. Most of the multiple readers interviewed
All the others are children who burst in accompanied by relatives and teachers. The interviewed
are aged from 4 to 8.
Other main activities vary, reading newspapers is
Another 50-year-old stroller, a former car mechan-
occasionally bring their own toys in, they attend
the most frequent; a female reader is a multiple user
ic, acknowledges that others come in seeking “not
events, including reading aloud. They may meet
(varied resources in diverse supports); one studies;
to be alone,” which he himself does not admit to
and join other children in games, or participate in
another borrows books and trains computing and
be doing. Having used to read intensely, “maybe
school visits.
books at home. They use chairs, cushions, or lie
language skills, benefiting from an environment
it was a refuge,” he nowadays has an eye condi-
she considers more stimulating for studying than
tion, reason he declares for preferring the Internet
Most used regions are the children’s and the mul-
to do: to scribble on books, to step on top of tables.
the therapeutic community she lives in; another
which he can’t afford at home.
timedia areas. Almost all of them also take a walk
Laughing and moving at ease, sometimes they
in the garden or go to the children’s park.
run. Some are scolded by the staff for using the
one writes notes on the city’s history.
They draw, play computer games, read books, or
attend reading sessions. Almost all of them have
on the floor. They know what they’re not allowed
ramp to get to the top of stacks.
A 9-year-old girl comes every Saturday in the comTheir activities stay anchored to the tables and be-
pany of an adult sister and an elder brother. Regret-
“I read grown-up books about trucks, at school
come visually noticeable when writing, plugging
ting she can’t stay longer for the Story Hour – her sis-
I only read teaching books, I borrow some and
On Saturdays, during Story Hour, the room be-
laptops, changing belongings from one place to
ter must cook lunch – she reads a little at home; her
play with the computer [here].” As a regular play-
comes too narrow to accommodate all the children
another. They occupy the same regions as students
brother, 12-year-old, reads a lot, especially before fall-
er, an 8-year-old boy, created a user profile in a PC.
and their relatives. As the temperature rises, books
and scholars, further on referred to.
ing asleep, and always borrows a film before leaving.
He comes from an adjacent city with his parents.
and sheets of paper are used as fans.
234
235
Paula Sequeiros
The majority prefer to play with the computer.
mined by the absence of a proper locus” and “[t]he
just a few use the Internet for that purpose, their
their health. In her own words: “this is their sec-
A 7-year-old boy, a multiple reader, draws a library
space of the tactic is the space of the other” (1984:36-
readings are instrumental, although perhaps, as
ond home,” “they get accustomed to us, and we to
grasping several crayons at the same time: “books
37). Students compete for space, silently, but actively,
detailed below, in surprising ways. Coincidently or
them!” An anecdotal case may, in spite of its singu-
are multicolored;” using several small squares, he
common-sense assumptions on adequate uses and
not, several disclosed to be reserved persons and
larity, depict how they feel entitled to this special
orders the sheet’s blank space in a fashion similar
users appear to legitimize their presence, taking
declined to be interviewed. No significant social
care: an elderly male reader once knocked at the
to the computer game he played with; he depicts
their occupation as a natural and sufficient creden-
interaction with other users or staff was observed.
staff entrance door, carrying his own sofa, and ask-
himself and inscribes “I read” in the space sig-
tial. Some express their contentment for an environ-
naled as Library; the external context is a smiling
ment that has no complete silence and state a prefer-
They occupy the press corner, sitting on sofas.
bright sun, stars, and his football club symbol.
ence for a light background murmur.
Their attitude is discrete, not so relaxed as in the
They use the complaints book, a resource scarcely
multimedia area. Places remain occupied all day
known to other users.
Owls
Ants
ing to have it placed beside his usual table.
long with a high rotation, readers sometimes havThis familiarity, the frequency and duration of vis-
ing to wait for their turn.
its, their competition for personal attention, all fa-
Student readers come to study, sometimes in groups
Scholar readers, a small group in this library, indulge
or dyads. Some of the interviewees are still attend-
in researching some favorite theme – frequently
An elder male reader admits that, although he likes
cilitate their acting as a pressure group. They have
ing their degree classes, one is taking a Master’s
local history – or to complete a formal education,
to read, he sometimes has short-memory issues.
a noticeable role in the tacit regulation of conducts,
course, they come to study themes in their special-
studying autonomously, at their own pace. They
“Knowledge, it simply makes you grow, [but] that’s
as in the production of a reading atmosphere (com-
ty domains, their ages range from 24 to near 40.
are also drawn by conviviality. As experienced
not for me, not anymore,” so reading simply be-
plaints on noise levels, on inadequate behaviors).
users, they know every corner. They frequently
came a part of his exercise to stay mentally healthy.
Counteracting this, we may still hear some commentaries from less skilled personnel, judging
They are motivated by conviviality, and by a re-
take notes from readings and write essays. Their
laxed environment, joining others equally occu-
presence, quite discrete, is highly regarded both
A man in his thirties searches the Internet, which
them for “not doing a thing in life, besides going
pied. The choice for this library and their read-
by other users and staff. They’re very likely to be
he appreciates a lot, since it is free. He looks for a job
there,” associating negative values to this form of
ing are instrumental, as many university libraries
residents.
and reads several newspapers, especially sports pa-
leisure.
don’t usually allow group study. The library’s bibliographic resources aren’t much used.
pers, compares the news, and sends e-mails.
A single note on a particular kind of reader: the
An elderly scholar states how it pleases him to find
answers in the library’s collections for the “doubts
loners – I could trace numerous lonely people, peo-
The Residents, a Subgroup
ple to whom a collective, common space like this is
They come mostly after lunch, carrying their own
that trouble” him, and how he enjoys watching
books, sometimes laptops, some use mobile audio
younger people at study. He also made a point of de-
Resident readers are the regulars, tending to con-
probably the only opportunity to feel accompanied
to create aural privacy.
claring that such a cultural good should not be mea-
centrate around the mezzanine. It is a privileged
and to be inserted in a lively atmosphere.
sured only according to financial standards, consid-
spot to visually control the whole place. This was
They mainly occupy individual tables, worksta-
ering both its importance to the “cultural yield of
my first assumption, which the interview with the
tions with Internet access on ground or inferior
the population” and its contribution to citizenship.
architect confirmed as very plausible.
floors, and, eventually, the vacant tables at the extreme end. Sometimes they use tricks to create extra
Conclusions
The adopted methodology proved to be adequate
Cats
space: clothes, bags, books are scattered, signaling
This subgroup is mainly composed of scholars but
to support an in-depth, prolonged, and committed
also of occupational readers.
approach to understanding this social reality.
they are not willing to share the next coupled table;
To keep up with the news, to read newspapers or
they sometimes frown at people chatting, making
magazines, is the purpose of informed readers. El-
Some elder male readers benefit from the special
Conceptually, the comprehensive analysis of rela-
clear that their labor is being disturbed. As Certeau
der users predominate; it is an almost exclusively
care of a very attentive librarian: noticed absences
tions among public reading practices, space use,
signaled, these tactics are “a calculated action deter-
male group. Usually, they do not use other media,
may trigger her need to be further informed about
and readers’ practices allowed for an integrated
236
237
Paula Sequeiros
vision of the usage of resources, associated to
a self-fulfilling occupation, to enjoying a space of
emotions and meanings. It also afforded clues as
quality and safety, to gratuity, to playing, to hav-
to a social analysis of those relations, according to
ing a place to study, to relaxing, to collecting use-
the selected dimensions of class, gender, age, eth-
ful information for everyday-life purposes, or to
nicity, power relations, education, et cetera. Space
enjoying privacy.
appropriation proved to be a relevant dimension to
analyze reading in a public library and to construct
Social and usage diversity must be deepened and
meaningful users’ profiles. The consideration of
cherished to stimulate the participation in a dem-
spatial social relations rendered the butterflies’ ac-
ocratic space that fosters the co-presence and the
tivities visible, space appropriation being essential
to this profile, not previously documented, to my
knowledge. The same occurred with the association of social inequalities and power relations to
the usage of regions, as was the case of the removal
of TV sets in the multimedia area.
The architectural program’s concepts were translated into the building’s design, they were perceived,
even if communicated through linguistic devices,
and appreciated.
Almeida Garrett’s urban location is convenient,
although probably not determinant, judging from
the number of readers drawn from neighboring localities; easiness of public transportation is appreciated. The library building is finely integrated in
the surrounding garden. Rather than a traditional
library, it is being used as a civic centre. The library
connection of these differences. The reading atmosphere is welcoming for its scale, spatiality, materials, and social interaction, but should be extended
to absent or under-represented social groups. This
reading atmosphere should also be nurtured by
the institution as a value to preserve.
The analysis of the different reading and social
practices categorized above, and of their connection to space appropriation, may inform the management’s decisions to improve services and to
provide space. It might foster a clearer vision of
a public library’s role, of what readers appreciate
the most, in general, and what particular groups
value and need.
Acknowledgments
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240
QSR
Available Online
For all sociologists for whom interpretative paradigm and qualitative research
methodology are basic perspectives of studying social reality. In order to enable
a free flow of information and to integrate the community of qualitative
sociologists.
EVERYWHERE ~ EVERY TIME
Cultures of Narrative
and Narratives of Culture
& Special Summer Edition
Volume IX ~ Issue 3
July 31, 2013
EDITORS OF THEMATIC ISSUE: Antony J. Puddephatt,
Steven Kleinknecht
& Carrie B. Sanders
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF:
Krzysztof T. Konecki
ASSOCIATE EDITORS: Anna Kacperczyk, Sławomir Magala
EXECUTIVE EDITORS: Łukasz T. Marciniak,
Magdalena Wojciechowska
MANAGING EDITOR: Magdalena Chudzik
LINGUISTIC EDITOR: Jonathan Lilly
COVER DESIGNER:
Anna Kacperczyk
ON THE COVERS: Installation of Elena Tkachenko from Russia (2010)
Presentiment of love, Central Museum of Textiles in Łódź (2013)
ISSN: 1733-8077

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