Untitled - Portal de la Cultura de América Latina y el Caribe

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Dr. Tania García Lorenzo
Economics Graduated. Universidad de la
Habana. 1978
Dr. of Economic Sciences. 2005 Havana
University.
Researcher at the Instituto Cubano “Juan
Marinello Cultural” specifically in: Culture
Economics.
She cooperates with the UNESCO Regional
Office; the Women's International Democratic
Federation (WIDF). As a consultant and
author she has given seminars and lectures in
many countries
Oficina Regional de Cultura para
América Latina y el Caribe, La Habana
Regional Office for Culture in
Latin America and the Caribbean, Havana
Organización de las Naciones
Unidas para la Educación,
la Ciencia y la Cultura
United Nations
Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization
LAS DIMENSIONES ECONÓMICAS DE LAS FIESTAS
POPULARES Y EL CARNAVAL.
UNA PRESENCIA INVISIBLE
I. - INTRODUCTION:
Few manifestations of the culture demonstrate as many facets as the
traditional festivals, in general, and particularly, the carnival. They
involve an impressive range of social actors from different sectors
of activities and with different motivations. The carnival radiates
the popular feeling expressed by the peculiar incidents of daily life.
At the same time the contagious joy shows the identity, the roots
and the authenticity of the festivity that the community gives to
itself. To understand that the celebration belongs to the people and
for the people, conditions the interpretations that have occurred,
from different angles, around the festivities of the region.
the country's identity ". This confirms that, in the economic
dimensions of the popular festivities, the tensions that characterize
the relationship between economics and culture are expressed.
Inspired by the need to show the great cultural richness in all
disciplines of Latin America and the Caribbean, the approach is
now being addressed to an edge of analysis that has provided us
with views and approaches about the festivities from a novel and
little explored perspective. All the popular festivities, including the
carnival, need a financial support to guarantee its execution. This
occurs through a wide network of activities which combine the
public and the private and the business and the communal sector as
a whole with an only purpose: the celebration of a festival of such
magnitude, that will endure in the popular imagination the time that
lasts between its end and its new start. At the same time, it is also a
tourist attraction so it is a way to propel the festivity and this
demands the whole culture industry. This is an event where the
culture and the economy meet in a peculiar way, due to its broad
and extensive character, the employment it generates and the trade
it boosts.
Mankind has reached a growing awareness of the need to produce
concerted actions to ensure the promotion, defense, and
strengthening of the cultural diversity. A sign of this will was the
long process that culminated with the signing of the Convention on
the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural
Expressions, during the 33 session of the General Conference of the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) in October 2005. This provides a legal instrument that
facilitates and supports cultural exchanges on the basis of equal
opportunities for all countries, as well as the respect and the
dialogue among different cultures. The Convention is a useful tool
to prevent that committed policies at the core of multiple fields of
different styles, do not result in an invalidation of cultures or in the
dismantling of the public policies that support the creation.
Ten studies were performed on two popular festivities (3), whose
primary results have highlighted the need to continue expanding
the multifaceted ties between the economy, the culture and the
imposed dynamics. How is a festivity financed that involves both,
participants and attendees, from throughout the community and
other national places and from abroad? How are the multiple links
interwoven the public, private and communal forces for which the
economic dimensions play a different role? The questions posed to
the experts had answers of different type, because the carnival is a
reflection of an accumulation of habits, needs, obligations and
restrictions which may not resemble, even within the same country.
It should be noted that there were many difficulties in the
production of some of these studies, especially when it comes to the
economic concern, due to the lack of systematic and systemic
statistics, and the constraints on the access to the existing ones. This
is consistent with the absence of the topic in the fields of reflection
and planning which are necessary to draw the experiences and
conclusions. If in the cultural policies are still hidden or
insufficiently focused the economic dimensions of culture, much
more are the economic dimensions of cultural life in the
communities. Therefore, this series of works has been an attempt to
The development of the carnival has had impacts on the local
economy and, in turn, the economy has changed the dynamics of
symbols and the contents and characters of the carnival in some
places, thus giving way to new carnival expressions, modifying
traditional expressions and redefining its identity within a dialectic
process of transformation. It is a process fraught with mutual
resistance and where the sense of belonging to a territory has
proved to be more effective for the preservation of the celebrations
and their identity. In the words of the prominent Dominican
intellectual Dagoberto Tejeda (2), author of various studies
including The Carnival of La Vega, … “marketing can not eliminate
the originality and the organizers must find ways to defend the
essence and the symbolizations of this carnival which,
undoubtedly, is the most important manifestation of the Dominican
popular culture, heritage of the nation and an icon of La Vega and
1
Spaniards depending on the evangelical interests of the colonial
missionaries. It is beyond the scope of this work but it is inevitable
to highlight that the carnival festivities show the evolution of all
societies because they are, precisely, their own reflection. That is
why, in some cases, they had their origins in rituals and religious
festivities. In some others, the origins were associated to oral
traditions of diverse type thus connecting the pre-Hispanic
traditions with those imported with the colonization process.
approach the economic impact and potential of these festivities,
while showing the need to continue these discussions at various
levels and spaces to preserve the popular character of the
celebrations.
II.-. THE CARNIVAL FESTIVITIES
According to Dr.Virtudes Feliú "the carnival is defined as a
celebration that occurs in large outdoor spaces, which is held by the
general people without distinction of class, creed or race. The
participant elements that characterize this event, namely,
comparsas, bands, floats, characters and others are constantly
moving. At the same time it is an expression of almost all
manifestations of the popular traditional culture that have gone
through a process of transculturation and development, which
constitute the characteristic features of the idiosyncrasy of the
community."(4)
The traditional folk culture in all its forms is a primary and
determinant way of communication of the human civilization. As
an authentic example of the cultural diversity, the popular
festivities are part of the cultural heritage identified as "the living
group and in perpetual recreation of practice, knowledge and
representations that enable individuals and communities at all
levels of society, to express the ways of viewing the world through
systems of values and ethics. The intangible cultural heritage
creates a sense of belonging and continuity in communities and it is
regarded as a major source of creativity and cultural creation.”(13)
That heritage is now under consideration and attention from
different approaches and concepts in multiple areas and institutions
at national, regional and international levels. This has been done, in
all cases, with the aim of preserving and promoting the cultural
heritage that the mankind has been accumulating and transferring
from generation to generation in view of the serious natural or
induced hazards of the homogenizing tendencies of the cultural
practice which risk the permanent cultural enrichment of the
mankind.
The popular festivities are a reaffirmation of identity and of a sense
of belonging. According to the experts,... "This is not a legal or
institutional legitimacy; the carnival is an expression of itself and
for itself."(5) To preserve the folk art and the popular and
community festivities constitutes a defense of national identity.
This is a very important element in assessing its development
because the carnival can and should be seen from several
dimensions, including the spatial - geographical, the historical and
the ethnographic ones.
The territorial characteristics determine the specificities of the
carnival. In the many writings by Paulo Miguez, the leading scholar
of Brazilian culture and the author of the work that is part of the
studied carnivals, he points out: "Bahía has always occupied a
particularly special place in the Brazilian cultural scene. (6) As an
ancestral territory of Brazil (7), it enjoys the status of being an
archetypal theme in the Brazilian cultural system. It is a place
recurrently visited by creatures and creators of the popular culture,
the erudite culture and the mass culture. From this point of view,
the examples are many and they cover all the artistic and cultural
languages that have been present at all times. It is a fact that since
the creations of the colonial baroque to the contemporary show
business, there are many creators and creations from Bahía that
have marked deeply and strongly the Brazilian cultural dynamics.
(8) In the same way Guido Münch Galindo says that …"Thus, the
carnival becomes the point from which to build a vision of the
Veracruz society intertwining the history of the harbor since its
foundation to the emergence of the religious festivities and the daily
life of first migrants in these lands.(9)”
In 2001 the first proclamation of the Masterpieces of the Oral and
Intangible Cultural Heritage of Mankind was conducted by
UNESCO, followed by new listings in 2002 and 2003. This has
helped to recognize the universal value of the traditions and oral
expressions. According to the experts of the Andrés Bello
Convention, "…one of the main challenges that are faced today in
the field of heritage conservation is precisely the assessment of the
intangible cultural heritage and there is a growing interest to
identify and protect it.”(14) In this sense, UNESCO also reflected
the concern of the international community for the popular and
traditional culture, especially in the field of the living cultural
heritage, when it adopted the Convention for the Safeguarding of
the Intangible Cultural Heritage in its 32nd General Conference on
October 17, 2003".(15) This convention embodies the melting pot
of the cultural diversity and guarantees a sustainable development.
This heritage is evident in several areas, among which there are
identified: oral traditions and expressions, including language as a
vehicle of communication; the show arts; the social practices, the
rituals and festive events; the knowledge and practices concerning
the nature and the universe as well as the techniques of traditional
craftsmanship. (16) In this context, the Popular Celebrations and
the Carnival occupy a special place, as they constitute a living
expression of that heritage which is linked to the enjoyment of the
society. Two of the carnivals of the continent, that of Oruro and
Barranquilla, have been recognized with the Masterpiece of the
Intangible Cultural Heritage by UNESCO.
The carnival festivities are among the oldest celebrations in the
continent. According to Argeliers León, "The carnival is a festivity
that has its origin in the primitive stages of the human society that
was emerging in the regions where the winter was stood in the way
between man and nature, where the snow layer was covering the
ground and seemed to kill the vegetation.(10)" Dagoberto Tejeda
expressed: "According to the Dominican historian Manuel de Jesús
Arredondo Mañón, the first carnival was held in America before
1520 in the city of Santo Domingo.(11) The history of the Carnival
of Veracruz dates back to 1789. Maria Teresa Rojas referred that the
Shrovetide were held in Havana long before 1585 according to
some reports.(12) Marcelo Lara Barrientos tells in his work about
the historical pre-Hispanic background of the carnival held in
Oruro, which was associated with a system of beliefs and religious
practices in the agricultural activities of the Andean people and how
these rituals and symbols were reinterpreted with the arrival of the
“The need for festivities is present in the activity of all human
societies and they are symbolic constructions that express the
beliefs, the myths, the conceptions of life and the world and the
collective imagery. They are associated with certain stages of the
life cycle, of the economy, of the religious beliefs, of the politics
and of other human motivations. They are transmitted by tradition
and they are original and characteristic of a given society in a
certain space and time.”(17)
2
assessments of economic dynamics that must ensure them, the
demonstrations of productive chains, the employment they
generate, etc., are scarce. This leads, at the same time, to a decrease
in the potential of providing carnivals a medium and long term
perspective view.
For Miguel Barnet, a Cuban writer, poet and ethnologist, the
carnival is the living heritage of a nation; it is a celebration that
people give for themselves and from themselves. (18) This
determines the particular characteristics of this cultural expression
and, as it has come to our days, it has distinctive features in every
nation that expose the syncretism of the Hispanic, indigenous and
African cultures that form its roots. It should also be noted that the
carnival is an expressive festivity born from its roots as a living
expression of itself it is transformed along with it. It is a folk
traditional celebration and it is updated with the transformation of
the social subject that generates it. (19)
To approach the designing and organizing of the popular festivities,
the carnival and other cultural events characterized by their broad
popular participation, from an economic approach, means to
measure both, the economic impact on the territory in terms of
income, employment, tourism, among other categories as well as,
the economic potential that can be generated from the search for a
community sustainability. This leads to primarily establish the
premises and principles on which the institutional frameworks and
the economic policies would be set up and that will help to sustain
them. The studies made have focused the attention on producing a
first diagnosis. The design of new approaches that emphasize on the
potential of becoming a factor of the socio-economic development
has remained pending.
According to different authors, the carnival exhibits the broader
expressions of the social strata, especially the popular ones, and it
restores, for a while, the original order that eliminates the
inequalities experienced in the real world. The carnival gives
personality to a city, so it will never withdraw from the economic,
political and social characteristics that allow its execution. (20)
The area where the carnival is held is, per se, a unit of analysis of the
development process. It is the territorial, neighborhood and
community space which imprints the seal of the celebration,
secular or religious, carnival-like or patriotic. As a geographical
place, the territory is a socioeconomic unit. It has to be seen as a
territorial society, with its interlinks, its inherited historical
autonomies and dependence, operating in the symbolism and in the
imagery of the community who live there. In this context, culture,
society and economy currently constitute an inevitable trilogy that
must be addressed when the welfare is considered from a sustained
and sustainable development perspective. However, it can not be
ignored that two types of economic management operate in the
territories. On the one hand, large units located in that territory,
which respond to the logic of a centralized ownership structure or
function operating from large production scales. On the other hand,
there are decentralized small and medium enterprises operating to a
lower productive level. Therefore, there are, simultaneously, two
types of economic entities that respond to two different local and
sectorial, and not always harmonic, logics. Both are present in the
same territory and have, in many cases, different motivations and
attitudes in the social dynamics of the locality.
This is why, in the popular festivities, the duality that typifies the
culture is revealed with particular force. Namely, it is an important
social function, which reflects the popular subject as a participant,
and on the other hand, it has the need and opportunity to be
financially supported and sustained over the time. So the festivities
should be integrated into a cultural and economic thought, and both
concepts have to be harmonically reflected in the cultural, social
and economic policies of the region and nation.
This is important because if the Carnival is a window from which a
society is in sight, its form of economic organization will also
reflect the peculiarities of the economy of the territory that
accommodates and supports it. If the carnival restores for a moment
the original order that eliminates the inequalities experienced in the
real world, the economic structure which gives support to it will not
respond to different patterns. That is why, broad economic sectors
associated to the popular movements, might seek an economic
space. The economy as a whole and as a cycle and social relations of
reproduction may not, without any doubt, be different from the
society that supports it and that is expressed in the Carnival.
The broad balance of the intersectorial relationships that the
cultural activity generates is reflected in the Carnival as a whole.
This popular and traditional festivity demands textiles, painting,
and a significant range of different materials for the preparation of
the whole production chain of the carnival. All this is an effective
demand for the industry, which generates revenues that go into
providers' hands. If the providers are part of the national industrial
and managerial network this will cause a revival, employment and
economic dynamics, beyond the territory. If the access to foreign
markets is needed, the impact will occur in the nation from which
the products are imported with the consequent reflection on the
Balance of Payments of the country.
The popular festivities, as a cultural product, are an important
source of economic dynamics. They mobilize a large number of
small owners that establish, to their size and level, productive
chains aimed at the folk celebrations. In that context they are no
longer an expense of institutional mechanisms, both public and
private, but can not yet be regarded as a revitalization of the relevant
economic areas to the society.
However, this still generates conflict. How can we be sure that this
living cultural heritage is not subjected to rules that violate its own
development? Why not admit that the popular culture, in its broader
spectrum, demands specific economic policies that will enable it to
develop and to contribute, simultaneously, to the creation and
cultural enjoyment but also to the economic arsenal of the territory
that supports it?
In the same way, in those areas where the economy is structured
with a high transnationalization, organizing the festivities could be
enhanced by these same forces, leaving a little margin to benefit the
people. A carnival is fun, but it differs from the major entertainment
industry in that it reflects the manifestations of folk art in the society
that sustains it.
The economy is an important part of the characteristics of an area
and those special features are the support component of the
carnival. It is significant the poor recognition that still have these
analytical dimensions in the continent. Extensive information can
be found on the carnival festivities and other celebrations from the
cultural, promotional and festive angles. However, the statistics and
The economic impact of the popular festivities can be
circumstantial or lasting. To be perennial the popular celebration
3
IIII. SOME THOUGHTS FROM THE ECONOMIC DYNAMICS
OF THE STUDIED FESTIVITIES
When speaking about economics, it does not mean "to manage the
resources assigned to the carnival nor to seek resources for it".
These are the most commonly heard phrases when dealing with this
process. Economy is referred as a process of creation, production,
change and consumption which is an integrated cycle that should
work harmoniously and proportionately.
requires preserving its identity. If it becomes a show that is sold and
denatured, it ceases to be a carnival to be a live show on the street,
losing its main characteristic which is to be a celebration that people
give to themselves.
In recent years tourism has strengthened its growing importance for
the economic development of the continent. The culture is one of
the key motivations for the arrival of tourists in Latin American
territory. For its richness of color and expressions, it identifies,
distinguishes and promotes tourist products. Therefore, to develop
a successful tourism, the organic presence of the culture, at national
and local levels, is essential as part of the tourist attraction.
However, the inclusion of tourism in the cultural life of the
countries does not always occur without conflict, especially when
this movement is not assumed as an essentially cultural event.
This can be harmonized through alliances that contribute to a
cultural strategy of tourism that, while preserving the best of the
national culture, promote and develop the tourist product of the
continent. This is possible with an active presence of the artistic
expressions in the program or tourist package to be promoted. This
is an extremely important component because the cultural practice
in its various forms is the only thing that can cause an increase in the
added value to tourism.
However, it should be highlighted that, in many cases, the carnivals
are self-financed. This means that, most of the resources required
for the execution of the carnival are generated by it, although it does
not produce a surplus to serve as the basis for a subsequent
realization. This creates instability as the process of entry fees,
sponsorships, trade commitments, loans etc., must be repeated
annually.
This is the only guarantee, in economic terms, for the organization
of the carnival. In many countries, there are no special funds for
these purposes and this represents a high vulnerability for its
support. (22)
However, this cycle has specific features that distinguish it from the
rest of the economic dimensions of culture. One such feature is the
timing and seasonality of the economic processes. The economic
cycle of the popular festivities is not continuous. The studies
demonstrated that it has a long economic process that passes
through a preliminary stage of preparation which includes the
organizational conception, the art design, the investment and the
production and conditioning. According to the cases, this
sometimes lasts from the day following the carnival closing until its
new realization but in most of the cases, it is calculated between
three to eight months. There is also an intense distribution and
consumption phase which only lasts a few days. This means that it
is a variable economic process and that these economic dynamics,
precisely, are part of the conflict between the official and the
quagmire, the indigenous and the imported.
The carnival is, by its own nature a tourist event, which promotes
income and employment in the tourist area. The carnival has, as has
been shown in many countries, its own entity for generating tourism
as long as the cultural promoters and tourism managers have the
objective to show tourists a view of the popular culture since the
very promotion and the preparation of the package tour, and not to
organize the farce of a so called carnival that distorts its true
essence.
The Carnival of Trinidad and Tobago is today an example. Three
cultural components are considered the factors that distinguish the
carnival in this city, which moves tourists from all over the world,
including its diaspora, which considers the carnival a special
moment for reunion. They are: the Calypso, which identifies the
Caribbean music world in any field; the Steeldrums or Steelpan, a
percussion instrument that emerged since 1930, and The
Masquerade or Mas a form of street theater or protest, of a wide
present participation. Two data identify the economic benefits
received by the Trinitarian economy. In a decade it has doubled the
visitors to the carnival with a stay between 10 to 14 days. The
tourist's expenses have more than doubled. Attending tourists
come from USA and Canada as well as from Europe, especially
from England and Germany. (21)
The economy of the popular and carnival festivities as a process has
to recognize the factors that determine the economic movement,
including estimates of revenue, pricing policies, costs and
expenses, investment in the short, medium and long term, level of
participation of the performing actors, generation of permanent,
temporary, direct or indirect employment, and the necessary
investments to be introduced into the carnival the modern science
and technology, among many others.
It is usually necessary to assess the direct effects associated to the
income derived from the influx of new visitors to the town where
the festivity is celebrated and compare them with the usual average
of visitors and with the additional expenses of the residents. These
direct effects increase the sales of the businesses that serve those
visitors directly and of the characteristic events of the festivity.
These increases in sales are associated with higher payments in
wages and salaries, taxes, and supply purchases. Indirect impacts
should also be evaluated. They are related to changes in the
production resulting from the increased expenditure associated
with the new income received in hotels, restaurants, cafes and
transport, due to an increase in supplies to provide services. In the
same way, it would be necessary to consider the induced impacts
which would identify the increase of families' consumption that
result from an increase of the employment in industries that directly
or indirectly serve the participants. In general these impacts have a
A particular impact of this carnival is its influence on the carnivals
of the Caribbean diaspora in their corresponding residence places,
such as Toronto, New York and London, where they generate
significant revenues for the Caribbean economies. At the same
time, they provide work and participation for the Caribbean
creators, while they boost their cultural industry.
Although available in many countries, the generat
ion of carnival byproducts such as films, videos, albums and
graphic posters, as the memory or reference of that event, has not
been sufficiently documented. All this may reflect the popular
imagery and to have an economic and independent life of their own.
4
needed to elaborate the dance costumes. Thus, importers and
wholesalers, who according to the artisans are located in La Paz
where the required inputs cost less, benefit from these transactions.
This proves that the contribution to the local economy is not
significant in this regard. ”.
multiplier effect within the localities. If they are able to provide the
necessary supplies, the impact will be higher.
The Andrés Bello Convention is an excellent work (23) that
recommends methodologies for assessing the economic impact of
local festivities or carnivals of various kinds. It was a useful
reference for experts, however, the difficulties regarding the lack of
information did not allow applying it in its full dimension. For
Monica Lacarreu, the invisibility of the economic dimensions of
the culture is not only related to the absence of data, but also to the
role that its leaders assign to it. She declared that, in her experience,
the Argentine carnival she studied is less dependent on the
monetary resources and much more on the knowledge, ability and
prestige. It must be said that the sense of belonging has sometimes
replaced the absence of systematic resources.
1) Marcelo also notes that… “the production of advertising
materials (TV spots, leaflets, posters, giant pictures, tourist guides,
etc.) requires the participation of specialized publicity companies
and these in turn need energy for their equipment and machinery,
paper, inks, etc., which links them with companies producing these
inputs and other services. It must be pointed out, that most of the
advertising materials to move the carnival are elaborated by La Paz
companies outside Oruro. Foreign companies also benefit from the
carnival publicity; such is the case of the official TV spot that is
elaborated by Peruvian or Chilean companies”. While there are
fields in the logistics that must be carried out outside the town
making the carnival, the use of national resources when possible
would benefit the whole country.
There is no uniformity in the analyzed features, although some
characteristics of interest in the continent are identified. The
financing of the festivities is usually managed in many ways to
cover the cost of the tasks to be performed by different members of
the territorial committees in charge of the financing or by the social
actors involved. Other support actions from the central
governments are also reported. One of them is the exemption of
custom taxes for those supplies needed for the preparations of the
festivities, such as fabrics, masks, etc. It is interesting to note the
tendency of financing the public services for the audience through
government actions and the funding by popular sectors of the
members of dancing groups, floats, parades and allegorical floats
with decorations.
According to the study about the Carnival of Veracruz, the author of
the paper, Alberto Mir Medina, who was also in charge of the
artistic managment of the carnival for some time said: “the making
of costumes is done with the efforts of the own comparsantes and
institutions that participate. These comparsas require dressmakers
that create sources of jobs. They involve craftsmen of a wide range
of specialties including seamstresses, embroiderers, cobblers,
attrezzo, manufacturers and repairers of musical instruments,
among other trades that are specific to different carnival activities.
This movement generates an economic benefit for a public sector in
times of precarnival for approximately 60 days of work”. (24)
The sources of financing of the carnival are the public sector
through the municipal governments, the town council and others
according to the structures of each country, which represent the
state institutions that support these activities. In many cases, the
municipal government provides the stands, the labor in charge of
them, the improvement of lighting, the security services, the
preventive health services, the cleaning units, and some allegoric
ornaments, among others. It also sometimes provides support to
groups of artists that do not have sufficiently own resources to cover
the required costs.
He continues to say: “Different specialties are involved in the
decoration of floats and, as a consequence, each ornament is
peculiar and unique. The income the makers earn is directly
proportional to the specific work they do. Among the most common
specialties are: blacksmiths, sculptors, electricians, carpenters,
designers, painters, makers (molders) attrezzo, and labelers,
among others. The decoration of floats generates 350 temporary
jobs in 60 work days. An average of approximately 10 companies
of the branch is involved in this activity. They are from different
states of the country, mainly from Mexico City, from the port of
Mazatlán in Sinaloa state, from San Rafael and Minatitlan, both in
the state of Veracruz. There are also other local companies that
basically decorate for cultural and educational institutions at a local
level.
In the same way and sometimes in larger proportions, the private
sector plays an important role. It is represented by the national and
local business sectors that act out as sponsors and by small
businesses which will benefit by increasing their specific activity,
and consequently their income, either by providing supplies to the
preparation for the carnival or during the sales in the days of
festivities.
While the carnival global budgets play an important role, they do
not constitute the only financing mechanism of these activities. It is
significant the amount of work performed during the carnival and
popular festivities that are not paid, or only partially covered, from
institutional funding sources. Costs should include the
maintenance of shrines, costumes that have ribbons and flowers,
flags, songbooks, chair rentals, music, food, beverages, electrical
service, fireworks, masses, clowns, children's games, among many
others. Many of these services provide labor. They also lower the
prices as a contribution to the festivities. Besides, the contributions
that are made at home, are not taken into account. (25)
A significant portion of the carnival funding is provided by the
popular sectors among which are the artists themselves who play a
vital role by covering the costs of clothing, cosmetics, instruments,
dancing groups, floats, parades, allegoric floats, masks , costumes
and they besides pay fees according to the different modalities.
It is important to highlight the reactivation of various businesses
related to the security of the infrastructure, both in the territories
and at regional and national levels. This includes the assembly and
disassembly of stands, the chair rentals, and the moving of
passengers and cargo, among others, which are not always
available in the territories for their daily activities. Marcelo Lara, in
his analysis about the Oruro Carnival, said:
“The artisans resort to big businesses to buy materials and tools
A significant amount of people participates in the carnivals and
popular festivities in general. The experts estimate that it surpasses
the volume of participation in any other cultural activity as well as
the proportion of residents in the areas where these activities take
5
One important aspect on the development of the carnival festivities
is related to the promotion, and to the so-called "carnival
atmosphere". In the words of an important Cuban ethnologist,
Jesus Guanche, "it is not going to the carnival, but to be in the
carnival”. (27) The appropriate promotion is an essential requisite
that can be carried out through announcements in different ways or
by creating a suitable environment to induce people to participate.
The lack of an adequate promotion may cause the failure of the
festivities, with the corresponding loss of resources that should
have been anticipated.
place. Conservative estimates place the observers-visitors, in 7 of
the 10 studied carnivals, in the order of 8, 400 000 people. The
principal attendees are the local residents in addition to migrants
within and outside the country and the tourists. This causes a higher
dynamic in hotels, public and private transport, providing income
from different sources.
In all the studied cases, these festivities are true cultural events and
during their period of execution, they become a significant
economic stimulation. From all this activity retail trade sectors of
local and national chains are benefitted, as well as a wide network
of informal domestic businesses of which there are no statistics to
correlate the different types of impacts they produce. However,
during the observation conducted by the experts, one of them says,
"the city becomes financially transformed by the commercial
activities that occur at the time of the carnival, which could bring
about a temporary increase in staff, as in the case of clothing stores,
which sell more than forty-five thousand yards of cloth, over a
million bells, thousands of tennis shoes, small gloves, and fanny
packs, which make them seek for extra staff. Similarly, they sell lots
of accessories, such as pens, fancy stones, etc.., for the ornament of
the masks and costumes. The same is true with restaurants, due to
the demand of more than 60% of the visitors for food and beverages
every Sunday.
The show is part of the most complex economic sectors within the
cultural industry. All the activity that is carried out is high-risk
because it is created and consumed simultaneously. In addition, a
presentation may have different results due to the presentationpublic dynamic.
The carnivals as well as other popular festivities will be assessed at
the time of their execution and they will not have second options
until the next period when the memories of the event will act to
restrain or to stimulate people's participation.
The activity of the carnival should not have trade as its essential
motivation as it is an expression substantially cultural and a
reflection of the identity of the society it involves, so it must be part
of the national cultural programming. Consequently, the state
could assign some resources from the available public funds in a
more active way. The complementarity between the budget and
managerial plans that meet in the carnival activity might have better
results. Funds from private or nonprofit sources that move or cover
expenses characteristic of the activity can also be incorporated.
Everything is not, nor should be, managerial, private or from
foundations. Not everything has to be financed from the state
budget. The financial system that supports any cultural activity can
and should be multifaceted and should converge harmonically.
Coherence should be effective as it can bring to this conjugation the
integrality of the State and its role as mediator and facilitator.
As he explains, "During the process of putting up platforms and
stands, some workers and a number of carpenters are full-time
working, but their number is not still estimated. The maintenance,
monitoring, and security of the stands require a staff that does not
have this work when the carnival finishes. For example, all the
stands and platforms need security, just as the organizers need the
Sunday parades”. (26)
Clearly, the possibility of finding a job, at least temporarily, and
sometimes in precarious conditions, is a very strong motivation for
those who are unemployed in the territories. Very conservative
estimates indicate that in 7 out of the 10 studied carnivals, around
250 000 jobs associated with the carnival can be created. When
compared with the number of unemployed people in the continent,
it is not difficult to conclude that this is not a solution; however, in
the territories without an immediate solution, these opportunities
can be seen in a different way.
As part of the economic conception of the carnival it would be
useful to conduct an analysis on the demand that includes the
purchasing power of the people involved, which must be taken into
account when setting the selling prices and revenue forecasts.
Undoubtedly, the price structure in line with the purchasing power
will determine what kind of consumption will have greater demand
among the offered products.
This means that even if the festivities can be self-financed, its link
with the rest of the national industry will be determined by the
relationship between the industrial and the cultural policy of the
nation; whether the economic policy considers the domestic
market and the national consumption as the axis of the pattern of
accumulation that generates the economic growth or it is the
exportation which boosts it. This, of course, applies to the
economic branches that produce the supplies used in the carnival or
in any massive show. All this consumption can be regarded as
driven by and from the culture and, therefore, it should be included
in the estimation of the contribution that this sector makes to the
development of the national economy.
The studies on cultural consumption are also of great importance to
understand the changes in cultural preferences, not only because
the generational spectrum must be represented, essentially as a
cultural policy objective, but also because the society's own
development makes the design of any artistic programming not to
be immutable, and as part of it the planning of the economy of the
culture that should accompany it either. You see one, you've seen
them all. The migration flows introduce substantial changing
pressures in the patterns of the recipient sites. This is reflected in the
popular festivities, which should be modified according to the
popular subject's requirements as well as for the new residents
when introducing the perspectives of their place of origin.
For the experts it was demonstrated the linkage of the carnival with
many other industries, such as the construction materials industry,
the chemical industry, textiles, leather and others. All these
industries are necessary to ensure the supply of final products to
consumers. The carnival is undoubtedly a spring to encourage the
production processes, the intersectorial relationships and hence the
economy. There is no doubt that the popular festivities and the
carnivals in general have an impact on the local economy, although
in general there is no awareness of it. This is reflected in that the
analysis of these dimensions is not considered in the field of the
reflections that predominate in relation to the popular and
traditional culture.
6
It can not be thought that the economy of culture in general, and that
of the popular and traditional culture is divorced from the events
that occur in the economy field at world, hemispheric, continental
and national levels. The continent has a high concentration of
wealth, supported at one end by outstanding economic managers
with oligopolistic structures of ownership and high levels of transnationalization and, at the other end, by other micro and small
companies that can not offer a systematic employment to a
substantial amount of informal workers that need to participate in
the income for their survival.
of different nature, makes us fear that the cultural manifestations
that rely on charitable contributions will suffer a substantial decline
as it is already happening in other latitudes. It can not be ignored
that the financing based on contributions of this nature are not legal
but moral, they are not stable and they are ratified in each edition.
Therefore they are subject to an appreciable extent, to the ups and
downs of the moment. If the unemployment grows and the
remittances decrease, another way of financing for the carnival that
can be affected is the collection of funds that is characteristic in
many carnivals of the continent.
To consider the carnival as a development factor would imply
thinkink of this activity and others of the literary and artistic culture
as a sector of the economy and thus articulate it with the rest of the
intersectorial relationships in the nation and territories. This would
imply a political will to consider the town as a synergistic factor of
development and to all its current and potential sectors as
components of a cultural strategy of development. This claims for a
proactive action by local and national governments to promote an
international action in this direction. From the above it might result
that the carnival is a strategic investment for the cultural and
economic development and not an expense.
The country risk, the region risk and the activity risk categories, are
now at the forefront of all economic decisions. If the continent
shows an apparent upward trend in prices under conditions of
monetary emissions without financial support, it can be anticipated
that systematic currency devaluations may exert inflationary
pressures. It is expected a possibly continuous increase in the prices
of the supplies for the various cultural activities, including those of
the carnival festivities that are purchased in both internal and
external markets. This rise in prices might increase the expenses
with the consequent offer impairment, in both quantity and quality,
at the carnival. If it is considered that the entire production process
associated with the festivities is highly seasonal and temporary, and
that it entails an advanced preparation and expenses that crystallize
at the time of the execution, the risk that the income does not offset
the costs is increased.
But being a cultural festivity, the biggest challenge is not to
commercialize its practice and, in this context, it is up to the public
policies to set the limits to the logic of the market, by designing and
implementing policies to ensure the diversity of the cultural events,
the popular spirit and the broad participatory character that
characterizes them.
IV.-THE IMPACT OF THE CRISIS ON THE TRADITIONAL
FOLK CULTURE.
If any symbolic practice is, at the same time, an economic practice
(28), no one can expect that the culture be immune to the global
economic situation. The systemic crisis that erupted in the financial
field which already permeates all sectors of the economy, including
the production of cultural goods and services should be examined
in all areas of contemporary life. The crisis will severely impact all
economies and hence all the activities that depend on it.
This crisis could be reflected in the popular festivities through the
decisions that will be adopted by the governments in accordance
with the budget adjustments, and consequently on the government
funds. The CEPAL and other agencies in the area have announced a
severe contraction of the economic growth in Latin American and
the Caribbean countries. According to the report issued by the
cultural MERCOSUR and using some countries as examples …
"the proportion of the budget for the national culture in the total
budget is 0.24% for Argentina (2005), 0.16% in Peru (2004), 1 % in
Uruguay (2005), 0.11% in Colombia (2005), 0.20% in Brazil,
0.28% in Chile (2005), and 0.53% in Venezuela.”(29) If the
assigned budgets are kept low or reduced as part of the austerity
policies, it will obviously risk the ability to sustain these popular
celebrations. Considering this allocation an expense rather than an
investment causes that, in times of crisis, these festivities will be
immediately affected.
Another of the impacts that the economic crisis might produce on
the popular festivities, is the decrease of the auspices and
sponsorships from private companies that have traditionally
supported these events as a mechanism to promote their products or
for reasons of public policy. The instability that characterizes the
financing system of the popular festivities, which is based on inputs
Local societies in the continent have a major support in the flow of
remittances sent by migrants which enter the economy through the
demand side, as insofar they are resources that flow directly to the
consumer in an extensive manner. According to various studies
they are generally directed to everyday consumption and not for
investment. There are countries for which these funds represent
between 10% and 20% of the national available income suggesting
that, at least, part of the demand that is satisfied during the carnival
comes from remittances. As one of the impacts of the crisis in the
central countries is the unemployment increase of the decline of
these cash flows can already be seen today, with the consequent
impact on the domestic consumption in general and in the
festivities in particular.
The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean have a poor
capacity to respond to the crisis. The announced contraction of the
economic growth in the continent means the loss of jobs in all
sectors and thus in the times and necessary resources for the
cultural consumption. According to the experts who conducted the
studies on the carnival of the continent, the participants are mainly
from the territory, but also from the rest of the country and tourists,
to a lesser extent.
As a general characteristic of the recent decades, it has been widely
reported the tendency of changing the way of the cultural
consumption in collective places to the private consumption in
houses. This trend takes on particular strength in times of crisis,
when the tendency to consumption gives place to the propensity to
save as a mechanism of individual protection. According to the
experts on the topic, it is expected that tourist flows undergo a
redirection from international to national tourism and from the
remote to the close. If these trends are confirmed, it could result in
the freezing of the cultural projects, or the impoverishment of the
existing ones.
The events described may cause the breakdown of the productive
framework that has its origins and is reproduced in the territories
from the organization and execution of the popular festivities in
general and of the carnival in particular. The decrease in sales,
which in times of the carnival is a major motivation for some of the
involved actors, and the drop of jobs and sub jobs in the territories
during these festivities, have a significant importance. It should be
kept in mind that informal markets are important means to
compensate for the already alarming levels of unemployment that
are gaining ground in the continent.
It is necessary to ponder on how the ups and downs of the economy
might have different implications on the diverse artistic and literary
creation in general and on the culture of the community. The
solution to these crises requires a especial creative thinking.
V. The community culture. Potential for the cultural cooperation in
the continent.
Above all, it seems advisable to strengthen the institutional cultural
systems. Only the public, economic, cultural and educational
policies may curb the consequences of the world crisis on the arts
and cultures of our peoples. The first answers must be found in our
own strength. It is an imperative to shape development strategies
that give cultural industries their true role in the dissemination and
promotion of indigenous cultures and the best of the universal art.
The production of cultural goods and services in the countries of the
continent is between 2% and 4% of the GDP of our nations so it is
very interesting to think about the conditions under which this
contribution is carried out and how much more the cultural
production can contribute to our weak economies at present. This is
not to assess the economy only from the budgetary allocations,
which are considered as expenditures subject to the ups and downs
of tax policies, or from the mistakes and inadequacies of the market
dynamics, but to acknowledge, in an integral vision, that a single
creative act takes place in environments where public, private and
popular actions are mixed like communicating vessels, and sharing
positive and negative reciprocal impacts.
If to this we add how much it is usurped from the nations cultural
heritage, especially from the underdeveloped ones, it can be
inferred that the defense of the cultural heritage of peoples today,
obviously go from the formation of an integral cultural strategy and
formed by all the nations. Changing the logic with which mankind
has been operating and the coming off from underdevelopment of
large human conglomerates are, above all, a cultural approach,
according to the leading figures from all currents of thought.
If every cultural creation involves a financial support, the economy
of the carnival would stop being the circumstantial and permanent
search of its financing. And this is very important because having an
economic - cultural approach of the festivities means to leave
behind the notion that the culture, the show and the carnival is an
expense and it starts being designed and interpreted as an
investment. Thus they will no longer be a report to become a
welfare support.
An economic strategy calls for an institutional framework to put it
into practice. It also needs to take into account the requirements,
particular operational methods and specific needs of the action that
will sustain and develop. An activity with its own requirements can
not be lost in a multiform structure or be part of a body that does not
understand its particular features. This means that the
organizational setting where the carnival is inserted should have
the flexibilities and own characteristics appropriate to the
economic process of this type of event. Namely, an economic
implementation in the areas of production, including design,
preparation and organization that moves material and human
resources, which extends over prolonged periods of time and a
short period of execution and consumption. This economic process
that involves previous investments and disbursements requires a
mid-term forecast. Any cultural activity that involves a significant
social movement should not be marked by improvisation.
Accordingly, it is a cultural and economic strategy that promotes
the traditional and popular culture while ensuring its sustainability
and contribution to national economies. It is considered that the
carnival festivities can contribute to the income generation and to
the economic movement which, although pro-cyclical by the
nature of its activity, (only rising in contexts of prosperity), can
support a renewal and revival strategy for the territories and thus, to
the national economy as a whole.
This economic strategy should not confuse the market with the
commercialization of the cultural product or wealth with profits.
And this is of outmost importance because it does not mean that the
carnival, the show or any other cultural event with a broad popular
participation might lose its social function or dispel the cultural
message with attachment to their cultural identity and belonging to
encourage higher income. It means to organize them with the
thoroughness, quality and hierarchy that correspond to their social
function, away from banality, pseudo-cultures or attachment to
foreign cultural realities to their roots and customs.
The carnival is a popular festivity that often expresses the artistic
culture of the masses, where music, dance, drama, setting, design,
plastic art, and photography, among others, merge. The
interdisciplinary nature of creation should be expressed in the show
in general and in particular, in the carnival, with all its
magnificence, if it has the quality, rigour and hierarchy that
deserves this cultural expression. This introduces certain
complexity in its economic conception because every artistic
manifestation which is part of it has its own economic cycle. It is
necessary to bear this in mind. That is why it demands for thoughts
and actions directed to preserve the oldest living cultural heritage
which is demonstrative of the most effective democratization of the
culture.
In this context, the different mechanisms of economic and cultural
cooperation can incorporate agreements of diverse types to
promote the logistic of the cultural festivities and to the carnival in
particular. This last issue is now suffering from improvisations and
submissions to the management and financing capacities and to the
discretional nature of institutions. The awareness that the
traditional folk culture is the foundation of every national culture
should compel to incorporate this field to the renewed efforts of the
continent to intertwine their destinies.
The present multidimensional crisis forces us to rethink not only on
the economic-financial sphere but also on the systemic functioning
that the whole culture faces and procreates. Although the crisis
exiting models should not repeat the behavior with which they were
created, they should not either should attempt against the nature of
the management they will have to protect. It should be noted that
the outbreaks of economic and financial crises have an immediate
impact in societies, but the recovery processes are much slower.
- Galarza López Gabriel El Carnaval en Bolivia. 1990 Capítulo 3.
P. 59. Biblioteca ORC/ALC/ UNESCO.
The crisis that is faced at present has caused a sharp increase on the
unemployment and a loss on the revenue that sustain the activities
of multiple communities.
- García Lorenzo, Tania La economía de la cultura y el desarrollo:
creación y mercado. Revista Temas, 54, abril – junio del 2008.
The preservation of cultural heritage of the nation, both in goods
and in intangible services should be the primary purpose of all
actors of society, including the economic logistic of the cultural life
of the communities. If the carnival is a festivity that the community
gives to itself, that is, from the people and for the people, its means
of support and security must have the popular value in the center of
this process and the continuous and creative creation as the core
objective to preserve. That is why it will not be enough to allocate
emergency budgetary resources to solve its support. This will be a
necessary but not sufficient condition. It is the whole society that
secures and preserves the carnival, being its popular essence its
greater guarantee. All the components that ensure this popular
expression will therefore be essential for its preservation.
- García Lorenzo. Tania Las dimensiones económicas de la cultura
y el desarrollo local. www.perfiles.cult.cu Revista Perfiles de la
Cultura Cubana N°1 Enero – Abril 2008.
- García Lorenzo. Tania Reflexiones a propósito de la economía de
la cultura. www.perfiles.cult.cu Revista Perfiles de la Cultura
Cubana N°2 Mayo – Diciembre 2008
- Guanche Jesús “La cultura popular tradicional en Cuba”,
Fundación Fernando Ortiz, junio de 2007, en proceso de edición
para publicar. (copia digital)
- Guanche Jesús 2007a “El patrimonio cultural vivo y su
protección”. Material mimeografiado.
When we think about the cultural integration, it generally refers to
the exchange between the managers of the various art forms and, to
a much lesser extent, to the under-explored potential of the
reciprocal trade. The possibility of generating productive
synergisms around the logistics of the culture has not received the
necessary emphasis. The integration alternatives in the field of the
cultural industries, including the production of musical instruments
and supplies for all art forms, art teaching, distribution channels and
the production of goods related to the community culture, are not
adequately explored. Nothing says it can not be done.
- Lacarreu Mónica. Las dimensiones económicas del carnaval de
Buenos Aires:¿impacto o valoración económica? Revista Digital
Cultura y Desarrollo. Serie las dimensiones económicas de las
fiestas carnavalescas. OR/UNESCO www
- Lam González Yen E. y Cruz Sosa, Niurka Las dimensiones
económicas del carnaval de Santiago de Cuba, Revista Digital
Cultura y Desarrollo. Serie las dimensiones económicas de las
fiestas carnavalescas. OR/UNESCO www
The dividing line between accepting cultural products as goods and
commercializing the artistic creation is a permanent conflict and it
is susceptible of being subjected to incompatible extremes with the
obtaining of two important results: the effectiveness of the cultural
policy and the efficiency of the economy culture. Alfredo Guevara
pointed out that the whole society should be reflected in the culture
and the society must be recognized as a result of a historical cultural process that gives it identity and shape. (30) This
permanent process of cultural construction lives in the community
and it is therefore necessary to design an economic policy that
recognizes its special characteristics and that acts consciously on
that particular product which is the artistic and popular culture,
taking into account that the policy should be the art of combining
the dreams with the attainable.
- Lam González Yen E. y Cruz Sosa, Niurka Las dimensiones
económicas de las Parrandas de Remedios, Revista Digital Cultura
y Desarrollo. Serie las dimensiones económicas de las fiestas
carnavalescas. OR/UNESCO www
- Lara Barrientos Marcelo: Las dimensiones económicas del
Carnaval de Oruro. Revista Digital Cultura y Desarrollo. Serie las
dimensiones económicas de las fiestas carnavalescas.
OR/UNESCO. Ciudad Habana. www.
- Linares Cecilia Rivero, Yisel y Mora Pedro E, Participación y
consumo Cultural en Cuba. ICIC Juan Marinello. 2008.
- MERCOSUR Cultural. Cuenta Satélite de la Cultura, Primeros
pasos hacia su construcción en el Pág. 8.
BIBLIOGRAFIA SELECCIONADA.
- Barnet Miguel y Guanche Jesús. El carnaval de la Habana: pasado,
presente y futuro. CATAURO Revista de antropología. Nº 14/2006.
- Miguez Paulo. Algunos apuntes sobre la economía del carnaval de
Bahía”. Salvador de Bahía, Brasil Revista Digital Cultura y
Desarrollo. Serie las dimensiones económicas de las fiestas
carnavalescas. OR/UNESCO www
- Feliú Herrera Virtudes: “Valoración histórica de la gestión del
Carnaval de La Habana”. Dirección Provincial de Cultura de la
Ciudad de La Habana. Presentación en Taller: “Validación de
estudios y propuestas para la revitalización del Carnaval de La
Habana”, Ciudad de La Habana, 28 -30 de marzo del 2006.
- Mir Medina, Alberto “Dimensiones económicas del carnaval de
Veracruz”, Revista Digital Cultura y Desarrollo Serie las
OR/UNESCO. Ciudad Habana. www.
- Feliú, Virtudes Fiestas y Tradiciones Cubanas, CICC Juan
Marinello, Pág. 136.
- Münch Galindo Guido . Una semblanza del carnaval de Veracruz”
Investigador del Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas de la
UNAM. Pág.20 ISBN 970-32-2431-8. 2005. 415 páginas México.
- G. Quiñónez Domínguez Martha. Las Fiestas Tradicionales en
Honor de Santiago Apóstol en Loiza Aldea. Las Dimensiones
Económicas. Revista Digital Cultura y Desarrollo. Serie las
OR/UNESCO www
- Nurse Keith, The Trinidad and Tobago, Carnival Industry. Revista
Digital Cultura y Desarrollo. Serie las dimensiones económicas de
las fiestas carnavalescas. OR/UNESCO www
9
- OIKOS Andalucía, Luis Palma Martos y colectivo de autores.
“Propuesta metodológica para la evaluación del impacto
económico de las fiestas de primavera en la Ciudad de Sevilla.
Mimeo.
- Rapetti Sandra Buscando Caminos: Gestión, financiamiento y
problemática de las organizaciones culturales del interior del
Uruguay, Investigación realizada en Salto, Colonia y Maldonado.
UNESCO. 2002.
- Rey Germán y Colectivo de autores. CAB La fiesta, la otra cara
del patrimonio. Valoración de su impacto económico, cultural y
social.
- Rey Gina El carnaval cubano: Espacio y comunidad. Mimeo.
- Rojas María Teresa de, Índice y extractos de archivos y protocolo
de la Habana, La Habana Oscar García, 1947 p. 303. Citado por
Virtudes Feliú, Página 137.
- Tejeda Dagoberto Economía y Carnaval en La Vega, República
Dominicana, Revista Digital Cultura y Desarrollo. Serie las
OR/UNESCO www
- UNESCO MISC/2003/CLT/CH/14- CONVENCION PARA LA
SALVAGUARDIA DEL PATRIMONIO INMATERIAL
INTANGIBLE.
- UNESCO. Declaración de Estambul, Comunicado final de la III
Mesa Redonda de Ministros de Cultura sobre “El Patrimonio
Cultural Inmaterial, espejo de la diversidad cultural”, 16 y 17 de
Septiembre de 2002. Párrafo 2.pág 114 – 124.
- Viciedo David y Núñez Ricardo, Una mirada económica al
carnaval habanero, Revista Digital Cultura y Desarrollo. Serie las
OR/UNESCO www
10
United Nations
Marcelo Lara Barrientos.
Graduated from the Technical University of
Oruro, in Anthropology,2002.
He has successfully participated in numerous
courses, seminars, conferences, research and
consultancy.
THE ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS
OF THE ORURO CARNIVAL
Marcelo Lara Barrientos
[email protected]
SUMMARY
1. INTRODUCTION
The 2007 carnival generated a movement of 90.471 people, among
dancers, spectators –national and international-, businesspeople
and musicians. A movement of investments in inputs and other
expenses reaching 3.666.756, 29 USD (three million six hundred
and six, seven hundred fifty six 29/100 American dollars) were
estimate for the two main days of the celebration. The principal
sources of funding for its implementation are: the expenses of the
dancers, and the revenues generated by the carnival itself (which
are managed by the institutions in charge of the organization). This
process must repeat itself each year, since the Oruro Carnival is
self-financing, that is, a great part of the resources required for its
celebration is generated in the Carnival itself.
The Oruro Carnival constitutes a socio-cultural complex in
which different historical moments (from its pre-Hispanic and
colonial antecedents to the present) and dissimilar dimensions of
social life (religious, psychological, political, economic, etc.)
intertwine.
Every year, in the city of Oruro (Bolivia) ancient traditions are
recreated and renewed, which as a whole constitutes the greatest
popular celebration in the country. It is the carnival that involves
a complex ritual process in which folk dances are its principal
component nowadays.
The Oruro Carnival mobilizes and concentrates thousands of
people, both local and not local (national and foreigners). The
motto is to participate to earn the day's bread, or to increase the
revenues of the business, dance (folk dances) following a
religious devotion, or for enjoyment and even due to a sort of
social obligation; take part as a serious or active spectator,
contaminated with the music, the crowd, etc.; share with the
immediate social environment (family, friends), and relate with
others (strangers, visitor) to take experiences to other countries,
etc.
The carnival generated 15.707 permanent and other 9.968 casual
jobs. Carnival related tourism does not yet represent an important
contribution to the local economy. Companies in neighboring
cities benefit more from this area. However, the economic
revenues for hotel services show that carnival tourism can become a
highly profitable activity.
Nevertheless, local awareness of the importance of the carnival as
an economic development factor is still lacking, and there are no
medium or long-term proactive policies for the management of the
carnival, or for its best exploitation to the benefit of the region.
For this reason, the carnival has various connotations. In formal
terms, its intrinsic meanings are related to the catholic devotion
to the “Adit” Virgin (Candelaria Virgin), and the celebration of
an underlying indigenous cultural heritage in the mental and
social structures of the present Bolivian population.
However, the carnival is also carnival-like, that is, the formal
meanings complement other festive behaviors common to the
daily investment of time, play, the crowds, enjoyment,
squandering, and excesses; the liberty to break away from
routines and the ordinary.
For a better understanding of the meanings of the Oruro
Carnival, it is necessary to examine its complex framework. For
this reason, we consider three detailed aspects: 1) the geographic
scenery; 2) its diachronic (historic) perspective, and 3) its
synchronic (ethnographic description of the festive process).
1
that have passed away, or of the ancestors, are called upon to
“liven up” and give life to the crops. According to experts on
Andean religiousness, in the past, the native words “supay” and
“wari” were used to name the dead.
The geographic scenery
The city of Oruro is the capital of the Department of the same
name. Its foundation goes back to the year 1606, during the
colonial period. The discovery of vast mineral riches in the
range of mountains that shelter city, lead the colonialists to found
the city and exploit the silver.
With the arrival of the Spaniards, these indigenous rituals and
symbols were reinterpreted to serve the interests of the
evangelizing colonial missionaries. Following the religious
catholic conception, these rites were seen as an act of the devil.
Supay and wari came to designate the devil itself, translation by
which they are known at present. Nevertheless, the rites lived on
with their old symbolic and ceremonial structure, though with
new meanings that involved the colonial mining context. Thus,
the figure of the “Uncle” (“Tío”) of the mine, who may well
represent supay or wari, or the spirit of the dead, was born. This
was possible because the workers, who were no other than the
native people themselves subjected by the colonial regime,
preserved the ancestral traditions inside the mines.
This same territory was inhabited, in pre-Columbian times, by
numerous peoples among whom the “Urus” stand out. The city
owes its name to this cultural mainstream. Later, the Aymara and
Inca occupation took place in the region. With the exception of
the “Urus”, who suffered a strong process of cultural
assimilation throughout history, it could be said that the current
urban population retains, to a great extent, features of these two
cultural branches (Aymara and Quechua).
The department, located in the center of the Andean high plateau,
borders to the north with the Department of La Paz, to the east
with the Departments of Potosí and Cochabamba, to the south
with Potosí, and to the west with the Republic of Chile. The
Oruro urban settlement is at 3.706 meters above the sea level. Its
climate is cold and dry, though with temperatures rising
significantly during the summer. The average temperature is 10°
C. Rain falls from November to February, but it is dry most of
the year.
Coincidentally, all the ritual process of the Oruro Carnival starts
in November and extends until the carnival. The central figure of
the carnival is the devil of the dance, the representation of the
“supay”, “wari” or “Uncle”, according to the mythological
narrative that the festivity represents.
However, in the framework of the dominant religious order,
Catholicism, the mining rites appear subordinated to the popular
Spanish celebrations, where the figure of saints and virgins have
become the dominant symbols. In this sense, the oral tradition
treats the origin of the Oruro Carnival, that is, by explaining the
celebration from the apparition of the Candelaria Virgin, known
since then as the “Patron of the Miners” or “Adit Virgin”.
Mining is what supports the economy of each department. Due
to the variations that tend to occur with this activity, there have
been serious economic and population crises. Under these
circumstances, activities of other nature, such as agriculture and
husbandry, trade and transportation, have been essential.
Regarding the latter, it must be pointed out the Oruro has a
strategic geographic location that connects it with various
regions in Bolivia. The principal paths that lead to the south of
the country and to the east, cross the Orura territory. Similarly,
the roads that connect the country with the main ports in the
Chilean Pacific also cross it.
According to the Population and Housing Census of the year
2001, conducted by the Statistics National Institute SNI, the
population of the city of Oruro reaches 202.010 inhabitants of a
total of 391.870 in the department.
The celebration of the carnival since colonial times and during
great part of the republican history has not been studied yet, due
mainly to the lack of sources of documentation, and perhaps to
the discriminatory conception of society and the dominating
culture towards popular celebrations that have strong indigenous
participation and roots, since they are considered as synonym of
as “cultural backwardness”. The period of darkness in the
history of the carnival is possibly a result of its marginality and
anonymity.
This fact is evident for the fist forty years of the XX century.
The documents clearly indicate that two contrasting carnivals,
which differ in their social composition as well as in their
expressive forms, coexist in Oruro. One belonged to the people
and has been called the carnival of the “indigenous dancers”
since the official order of the early days. It was the feast
dedicated to the Adit Virgin and included devil dances, dark
skins, plainsmen, sikuris, etc. The other carnival belonged to
the local elites, who had parades with floats, and troops of
carnival revelers, which alluded to enlightened themes such as
the “Mariners of the Danube”, “Robin Hood Knights” and the
like, and elected queens and organized dances in luxurious halls
in the city.
Diachronic dimension of the Oruro Carnival
The pre-Hispanic and colonial antecedents of the Oruro carnival
can be deduced from the interpretation of the symbolic,
mythological and ritual content in which underlie realities
located first in an agrarian and then a mining context.
The pre-Hispanic antecedents of the carnival are linked to a
system of religious beliefs and practices around the farming
activities of the Andean people. The productive and ritual
calendar signals a period extending from February to March, the
rainy season of this high plateau region. The most important
annual sowing season (that of potato) concludes by the end of
November, whereas the pre-harvesting period starts in February
or March, when the flowering of the crops indicate that the yield
is good.
The carnival of the people was held in the marginal streets of the
city and it was not allowed to reach the city center. The rejoice,
music, and ecstasies produced by the festivity, at times, annoyed
the “society people”, who through municipal ordinances sought
to abolish those “grotesque” and “uneducated” manifestations.
Ceremonially, this period is marked by the celebration for the
dead (in November) and the pre-harvesting festival (in February
or March). The dead, meaning in this context the spirit of those
2
However, after the Chaco War (that brought Bolivia and
Paraguay to a confrontation in the 30s), the Bolivian political and
intellectual society wanted to create a new reference for the
nation, a unique Bolivian identity. It was the period of the
emergence of nationalism, whose influence vindicated some of
the traits of the popular and indigenous cultures. It was the case
of the carnival of the people that began to be valued as an Oruro
symbol when increasing sectors of the elite began to join the
troops of carnival revelers performing popular dances.
The central days of the feast, Entrance Saturday and Carnival
Parade Sunday, is the time when the folk groups wear their
costumes and exhibit their choreographies to numerous local and
visiting spectators. On carnival Monday, Catholic rituals take
place in the temple of the Virgin whereas traditional
demonstrations of each participating group are presented in the
Square and on Avenida Cívica. “The Account of the Devils” and
“The Account of the Inca” are also enacted during this day.
On carnival Tuesday, the people spread in their homes and
possessions with liquor. On Ash Wednesday, a ritual process, no
longer related to Catholicism, begins. These rites are conducted
in sacred Andean places (waqas), found in the neighboring
mountain ranges (named the Toad, the Viper and the Condor)
that surround the city. The rites extend until Temptation Sunday,
day for the carnival of the rural migrants, who organized
according to family bonds and guilds, exhibit the troops of
carnival revelers of the southern, eastern and northern zones,
away from the city center, with less official control, and more
popular carnival freedom.
This last event brought about the official recognition of the
carnival and its gradual institutionalization. The various dance
groups appeared in 1963 in the “Committee of Defense of the
Folk Groups”. In 1965, authorities and Oruro personalities
declared Oruro as the “Folklore Capital of Bolivia”. In 1970, the
President of the Republic made the declaration national and
official. In 1984, the declaration of Oruro as the “Folklore
Capital of Bolivia” reached the level of Law of the Republic, by
virtue of its carnival. Finally, in 2001, UNESCO recognized the
Oruro Carnival as “Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible
Heritage of Humanity”. The carnival of the people is now the
carnival of all, patrimony of the humanity.
The economic dimensions of the Oruro Carnival. A first
Approximation.
It is also worth mentioning that the changes occurring with the
"nationalization” of the carnival, brought about an accelerated
growth of the festivity. The carnival extended to all the masses
and increased the number of dances and performers coming from
all walks of life. The systematic organization of the festivity
requiring the adaptation of an appropriate stage and the
construction of temporary stands was thought of towards the end
of the 60s. Before this time, the people only came close to the
streets to watch the carnival. In the 70s, the carnival arises as a
performance going beyond the merely ritual giving rise to new
era, the modern-day version.
The study of the economic dimensions of the Oruro Carnival
faced some difficulties and limitations. The first being the
insufficient information about the theme, since there are no clear
and detailed registers. The principal institutions that organize the
carnival have not been able to supply facts to allow an evaluation
of the economic dimensions of the festivity. In some cases, there
are excessive procedures to deal with the carnival, which causes
a dispersion and displacement of information; in others, there is
a perceived intuitional jealousy to avoid diffusing its
documentation. There is some indication that the Oruro public
opinion is demanding reports about the carnival and the
economic movement it generates.
Brief ethnographic recount of the Oruro Carnival
More than a celebration circumscribed to the days preceding the
beginning of Lent, the Oruro Carnival should be understood as a
festive process of the rainy season. It begins on the first Sunday
in November and its activities extend (though in a discontinued
way) up to the carnival days, at a date established by the
calendar.
On the other hand, availability to the research conducted on these
dimensions would have been useful elaborate on this theme.
However, this is not the case, since the carnival has been the
object of numerous studies, the majority of them has had a
cultural perspective and is more focused on themes such as the
meaning of the dances, history, religiousness, etc. The only local
work done in the economic field, “Report on the Assessment of
the 1971 Carnival” belongs to the Oruro School of Economists.
It senses the potential of the carnival to generate an economic
development of the city when it offers data about the municipal
revenues, the number of tourists, hotel capacities, and estimates
about the expenses of the dancers.
The carnival starts with the First Get-together or first rehearsal
and promise to the Adit Virgin and the Calvary Fair, a Sunday
exposition of handcrafted miniature articles (animals,
automobiles, homes, food, etc.) that have a symbolic and
ornamental value. During the following Sundays and Saturdays,
there are soirees in honor of the Virgin, and rehearsals of each of
the folk groups. The last Get-together or Final Rehearsal, a
parade organized with all the groups wearing rehearsal clothes
that follows a similar program to that of the “Entrance” of the
carnival.
During the 2007 carnival, the Andrés Bello Agreement ABA
undertook the task to assess the “Socio-economic Impact of the
Oruro Carnival”, whose results were released recently (the
beginning of October) in a conference by Viviana Cortes in the
Organization of American States.
Activities such as the band contest gathering more than 5,000
musicians taking part in the carnival take place during the week.
The entrance of Anata Andino, organized by the Federation of
Oruro Farmers with the purpose of exhibiting the carnival
celebrations of the communities of farmers and indigenous
people, is a typical rural manifestation. On the eve of the
principal day of the celebration, the popular festival takes place
and the ch'alla Friday is observed in public and private offices.
Cortes points out that during four months, since the start of the
preparatory ceremonies in November, the carnival generates
about USD 7.534.832, 00 (seven million five hundred thirty four
thousand eight hundred and thirty two 00/100 American dollars).
The detailed results of this important study are not available at
the present time.
3
To face the existing limitations, the Oruro Municipal reports of
the Association of Folk Groups and the Tourism Unit of the
Prefecture, served as basis to draw up the reports. On the other
hand, the ties that we have maintained with the performers of the
carnival for 10 years of research has been important, as they
supplied significant data related to the folk dances, and their
participation expenses, among others. We also conducted
surveys among Orura citizens and in hotel resorts to learn about
their participation as spectators or businesspeople.
Tourism Unit –Oruro Department Prefecture
We hope the results allow us to make progress in raising
awareness about the economic dimension of the Oruro Carnival,
and attract the attention of institutions, organizations and
researchers over its importance, to make it a more profitable
patrimonial resource for the development of the city and region.
As organizers, the OAFG and the Municipality are in charge of
coordinating a series of operational activities with other
institutions, such as the National Police, the Red Cross, the
service of Urban Hygiene, the Catholic Church, etc.
The Prefecture takes part through its Tourism Unit. The latter is
basically in charge of the promotion, and the national and
international media coverage of the carnival. It prepares
materials such as posters, tourist guides, etc. It also regulates
and controls the working order of hotel resorts during the
carnival. It has information coverage for the great numbers of
visitors coming to the city.
3.
FINANCING AND ECONOMIC PROCESS THAT
GUARANTEES ITS IMPLEMENTATION
The article covers themes such as: festivity financing, required
investments, jobs, its potential importance for the local economy,
and the economic dynamic produced by making the Oruro
Department a greater tourist attraction. All of this is presented
descriptively and it is only offered as an advance of what a
broader study could be.
The Oruro Carnival is self-financing to a great extent. On the
one hand, there are fees that the performers (dancers) pay as a
right to participate in any of the folk groups. These fees cover
the expenses of the music bands, the refreshments during the
days of the carnival, and the celebration of the balls in the city
dance halls. The source of finance emerges from the resources
of the performers of the carnival.
2. Carnival Organization
The institutions that take part in the organization of the Oruro
Carnival, according to Republic Law N° 602 are the Municipal
Government, the Oruro Association of Folk Groups, and the
Department Committee for Ethnology and Folklore. As a
complement, though not provided for by law, is the important
participation of the Oruro Department Prefecture, which is the
direct authority representing the state in the regional area.
According to an rough estimate of 15.884 dancers at the 2007
carnival, distributed in 48 folk groups of various numbers of
members and of different characteristics as to the type of dance
executed and the social composition of their members, we have
the following expenses made by the direct performers of the
carnival.
Oruro Association of Folk Groups OAFG
CHART Nº 1
ROUGH ESTIMATE OF THE EXPENSES MADE BY THE
DIRECT PERFORMERS OF THE CARNIVAL
Oruro Association of Folk Groups gathers all the folk groups that
take part in the Oruro Carnival. Officially, there are 48. It has
organizational, programming and financing functions related to
the carnival. Organically, the OAFG has a board of directors
with a president chairing over it. Though it has a permanent
character, it receives operating financing form the carnival. The
OAFG coordinates with a series of institutions to organize the
carnival and foresees such things as the security of the groups,
medical services, control of the carnival development during the
most important days (“Entrance Saturday” and “Carnival Parade
Sunday”), promotion and media coverage.
It is one million four hundred thirty seven thousand nine hundred
and eighty seven 50/100 American dollars.
On the other hand, the major part of the financing of the
organization of the carnival comes from the revenues generated
by the organizing intuitions; OAFG and the Municipal
Government
Oruro Municipal Government
Oruro Municipal Government is in charge of emitting ordinances
that regulate the behavior of businesspeople, spectators, and
service providers. It also is responsible for fitting the venue in
good time for the festival. The municipality delegates these tasks
to a series of departments within its bureaucratic structure, which
at times have no coordination at all.
The Association of Folk Groups OAFG, relies on revenues in
respect to payments by the sponsoring company of the carnival,
which in the year 2007, like in other years, was the Boliviana
National Brewery BNB. It also relies on the sale of seats to
watch the carnival during the most important days of the festival
(Carnival Saturday and Sunday), on the areas where stands and
seats are put up (revenues that they share with the Municipal
Government, in a percentage of 60% for the OAFG), on the
execution of events related to the carnival and on the payment of
leases.
Department Committee for Ethnology and Folklore
This is an entity of an academic nature whose functions are to
conduct permanent research and watch over the conservation of
the values and the intrinsic meanings of the carnival and the folk
dances. This organization does not participate directly in the
management of the carnival.
4
The following are figures that correspond to the revenues
generated by the OAFG in the year 2006:
Conversely, the Oruro Department Prefecture offers financial
support for the tourist promotion of the carnival, the elaboration
of media coverage and publicity materials, and for the execution
of collateral activities on the most important days of the festival.
The following chart shows the expenses of the Prefecture for the
2007 Carnival.
CHART Nº 2
REVENUES OF THE OAFG, 2006 CARNIVAL
CHART Nº 3
FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE PREFECTURAL
GOVERNMENT TO THE CULTURAL ACTIVITIES
RELATED WITH THE 2007 ORURO CARNIVAL
It is one hundred fifty three thousand six hundred and thirty three
78/100 American dollars.
As a supposition for the analysis, we are going to admit that the
OAFG revenues, corresponding to the 2006 control, do not have
a considerable variation in 2007, except for some additional
revenues resulting from private company donations like ENTEL
(Telecommunications) and BTV (Bolivian Television). Sadly,
the Association of Folk Groups could not offer us the required
information required for a more precise analysis.
The OAFG expenses a total of USD 132.977,87 (a hundred thirty
two thousand nine hundred and seventy seven 87/100 American
dollars). This amount covers expenses such as: hand labor for
the construction of the stands and seats; payment for the security
services of the National Police; medical attention of the Red
Cross; payment to the Hygiene Company for the cleaning of the
city during the most important days of the festival; hiring
temporary personnel to control each of the folk groups;
performing other tasks (election of the carnival favorite); putting
up security fences along the carnival route; subsidizing each folk
group for their internal expenses, etc.
It is seventy eight thousand seven hundred and sixteen 67/100
American dollars.
We can summarize the total financing for the implementation of
the Oruro Carnival nowadays in the following chart.
CHART Nº 4
FINANCING THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE ORURO
CARNIVAL
On its part, the Oruro Municipal Government generates revenues
for the sale of areas where stands and seats are put up ( 40% of
the total revenues correspond to them, because 60% is for the
OAFG); for granting authorization and carnival season business
licenses; for the sale of seats; for the use of hygiene services; for
publicity taxes (BNB posters, giant pictures, banners, etc.); for
payments of carnival rosettes for vehicles and in respect of the
realization of dances in public places, of concerts and of media
broadcasts. In the year 2007, the Municipal Government
collected USD 111.636.02 (a hundred eleven thousand six
hundred and thirty six 02/100 American dollars).
The conclusion to this point is that the economic actors that
guarantee the implementation of the Oruro Carnival are two: 1)
the direct performers or dancers, and 2) the institutions related to
the organization, administration and promotion of the festivity.
The financing sources for first are their own savings. They do
not have any subvention from the Municipality or State. The
dancers are the first activators of the festivity and they
themselves must cover all the expenses. The panorama is more
complex for the institutions. The relationship between revenues
and expenses in both the OAFG and the Municipality reports,
indicate that the annual carnival is self-financed, that is, that a
great part of the resources required for its implementation is
generated by the carnival itself.
As for the municipal expenses, the report from the Revenues
Headquarters showed expenditures in respect of: media coverage
material and carnival promotion; improvement of public lighting
in the carnival route; maintenance and assembling of stands and
seats to watch the carnival; improvement of main streets along
the carnival route; payment to the Red Cross for their paramedic
services; construction and placing of carnival ornamental figures;
the preservation of health and the environment; police
reinforcement coming from La Paz; refreshments for the
municipal and police personnel working during the festivity;
coordination meeting between different institutions, etc. The
expense of the Municipality for the year 2007 totaled USD
66.835,00 (Sixty six thousand eight hundred and thirty five
00/100 American dollars).
The OAFG, for its part, has surpluses that only serve its
institutional operations during the rest of the year, but in no way
will they serve to finance the following carnival. As for the
municipality, it does not include in its annual budget resources
exclusively for the carnival. However, authorities at this level
believe that some expenses related to works of urban
infrastructure and annual cultural activities should be taken into
consideration as expenses for the carnival.
5
Oruro Carnival, especially the one concerning the institutions
that organize and manage this festival. On the one hand,
perhaps there should be a basic fund raised from the generated
profits, provided that transparent, clear and detailed reports are
always presented.
The municipal budget does not include concrete resources aimed
at financing the process of the carnival. For the municipal
authorities, some of the works linked with urban development,
such as the adaptation of areas of tourist interest, and the
improvement of streets and avenues, which extend beyond the
carnival calendar, should be considered as activities related to the
festivity. For this reason, those responsible of the municipal
finances cannot give a concrete list of their investments in the
region.
On the other hand, it would be important for the Municipal
Government and the Department Prefecture to specify within
their annual budgets, the granting of resources exclusively for
the Oruro Carnival. As they are inserted in the general budgets,
the expenses made for this purpose do not allow establishing a
concrete relationship with all the investments that these
institutions make for the carnival. Thus, there is no permanent
financing guaranteed for the carnival.
Through its Tourism Unit, the Department Prefecture, on the
other hand, uses resources within its general budget for the
promotion of tourist activities in the Oruro Department.
However, the Prefecture does not have a specific budget for the
Oruro Carnival either. Consequently, investments vary according
to the authorities in office and their general interest in the
carnival.
In reference to this last aspect, according to some recent news
there was a debate about the possibility of receiving financing
from the Oruro Municipality for the carnival. This debate came
up after some company entities were questioned about their
participation as official sponsors of the festival to safeguard its
catholic significance. This proposition severs a great part of the
OAFG revenues and the alternative recommendation was to have
the Municipality take on the required financing. Conversely, it
was indicated that the normative and legal conditions do not
allow the Municipality to have this responsibility. Thus, it can
be inferred that the Municipality does not foresee exclusive
resources within their planning for the Oruro Carnival.
Financing that guarantees the implementation of the carnival
Therefore, one can infer that the financing of the Oruro Carnival
involves the following components:
- Annual quotas of direct performers
plus clothing expenses
- Revenues generated by the
Municipality during the carnival (sale of
seats, granting authorizations for
businesses, dances, the use of services
and areas for the construction of stands,
etc.)
- Revenues generated by the OAFG (sale
of areas for the construction of stands,
sale of seats, carnival events, payment by
the official sponsor, etc.)
1. GENERATED JOBS
Implementation
of
the Carnival
It is only possible to offer rough figures here, as there are is no
comprehensive register of the jobs generated by the carnival.
However, it is worth noting that during this time hundreds of
people turn to different jobs to profit from the occasion by
obtaining revenues. The enormous movement and concentration
of people that the carnival brings, includes a diversity of goods,
services and required inputs.
In this respect, the Oruro Carnival mobilizes artisans in charge
of the elaboration of the costumes for the dancers, music bands,
laborers to do street repairs and assemble the stands and the
seats, artists to make carnival ornaments, people from the urban
hygiene services, security and control personnel, and above all,
thousands of formal and informal storekeepers and vendors
offering a variety of products (food, drinks, accessories for the
dancers, and clothing in general –since the carnival for the
people in Oruro is their principal festival and therefore one must
“dress up”). Other areas of economic activity are related to
tourist services: hotels, restaurants, recreation centers, tourist
companies and guides. This also generates additional jobs
during the time of the carnival.
This process should repeat itself annually and it is the only
guarantee, in economic terms, for the implementation of the
Oruro Carnival. The quotas and expenses of the direct
performers guarantee the presentation of dances and the total
ritual process involved, with all their required inputs (principally
clothes and music). The OAFG revenues will serve for the
operative expenses of organization, control, support of the folk
groups, publicity, and the provision of an appropriate venue for
the feast. The local Municipality resources will cover the
expenses for the improvement of the required infrastructure (the
repair of streets and avenues, public lighting, carnival
ornaments), security services, hygiene services, etc.
According to the testimonies of those involved, the rough
calculation is as follows.
Regrettably, the Oruro Carnival does not have surpluses serving
as basis for the implementation of the subsequent event. The
profits resulting from the expenses of both, the Municipality and
the OAFG, are still not enough to undertake the following
carnival. The OAFG profits will serve to support itself during
the year, while those of the Municipality do not precisely go to
the carnival financial fund, but are added to the general
municipal budget.
Artisans
This includes all those in the trade of embroidery, the making of
costumes for the dances, as well as those that make masks for
the carnival traditional dances (devils, dark-skins). According to
the data supplied by the Association of Embroiderers of Native
Art, there are 70 members that work on a regular basis, who are
also the owners of the workshops. As an average, each one of
Hence, there is a lack of a systematic and systemic evaluation of
all the economic process that allows the implementation of the
6
them hires a number of 2 workers for each workshop, which
makes it a total of 140 whose earnings depend on the number of
items produced.
directly by the spectators and dancers on the Saturday and
Sunday carnival parades.
The “Sebastián Pagador” Association of Folk Masks Craftsmen
gathers all the artisans that produce carnival masks, mainly those
for the “Diablada” (devilish) and “Morenada” (dark-skin)
dances. There are 12 affiliates and work is done in the nuclear
family environment, as this trade is a kind of family inheritance.
Operators are only hired when there is high demand for carnival
masks. A total average of 12 operators would be hired.
Tourist Sector
The wide flow of foreign visitors also mobilizes people involved
in hotel and other tourist related services.
As for the hotel companies, mainly the big hotels usually hire
additional personnel to serve guests, maids, and security and
kitchen personnel. According to the register of the Tourism Unit
of the Prefecture in Oruro, there are 16 hotels (of a total of 83
companies, the rest are of minor categories: guesthouses and
other accommodations). A poll at the main hotels show that
they hire 3 people as an average (though, not at each hotel, as
there are some that only operate with their permanent
personnel). One should include the personnel, about 4 people,
that remain the rest of the year: managers, waiters, security, etc.
In addition, the permanent personnel working in guesthouses
and other accommodations, averaging 2 employees for each
establishment, should also be considered.
These first two areas of artisan activities are the ones considered
the most traditional in Oruro. However, next to them are the
manufactures or tailors and the shoemakers, whose number is of
about 27. In is sector, an average of 100 temporary jobs are
generated to cover the high demand of the carnival.
The artisans so far mentioned do not yet cover the demand of the
great number of dancers, whose number was estimated to reach
15, 884 in the year 2007. For this reason, the artisan themselves
agree that there are numerous artisans that come from La Paz to
offer their products. The Oruro artisans see this as an unfair
competition, since their neighbors from La Paz offer much lower
prices. This is evidence that carnival generated employment
transcends the local borders, as far as the artisans are concerned;
yet, it is impossible to quantify the number of artisans coming
form elsewhere, as they perform their activities in an almost
clandestine way to avoid confrontations with the Oruro artisans.
Thus, one can infer that the hotel business generates permanent
employment for 64 people in the big hotels and 134 in
guesthouses and other accommodations. Also, the big hotels
offer 48 temporary jobs, whereas the other categories of
accommodations do not register any.
On the other hand, the tourist sector also generates jobs related
to the services offered by guides. The Association of
Specialized Tourist Guides of Oruro (with 43 affiliates) claims
that 50% of its members work in the carnival offering their
services to foreign visitors, that is, about 21 people are
employed for this purpose. However, the people involved in this
activity may be more –though not precisely local guides- as
many tourist companies arrive from neighboring cities with their
own personnel. It is impossible to quantify the number of
guides because a precise register of them is lacking,
Musicians
Another important sector related to the carnival-generated jobs is
that of the music bands. The majority of the folk groups
accompany their dance with bands having from 20 to 100
musicians. The Association of Music Bands points out the about
5,000 musicians participated in the 2007 carnival. Their
employment can be considered permanent, as the bands attend a
series of local, national and even international festivities during
the year. It should be bore in mind that the Oruro bands are the
most prestigious in Bolivia and among neighboring countries
where popular festivities take place; thus, there is a great
demand for their services
Other Sectors
Here, we are referring to a number of people with temporary
employment in the carnival season. Some are self-employed and
others are casual workers from public companies. For example,
in this group we can cite the occasional workers of the
Municipality responsible for the refurbishment of the streets
within the route of the carnival, the urban hygiene personnel
from the Oruro Municipal Hygiene Company OMHC, the
workers that assemble the stands to watch the carnival, and the
personnel to control the folk groups (OAFG). This group
includes a total average of 400 temporary employees.
Business
Undoubtedly, this activity generates the greatest number of jobs
at the time of the carnival. First, there are the stable
businesspeople (on permanent basis in this activity), grouped
into three great commercial centers and markets: Fermín López
Market, Mercado Campero Market, and Bolívar Market. We are
talking of about 15,000 people with permanent employment,
who sell products also required by the carnival: food, drinks,
clothing, accessories for the elaboration of clothes for the
carnival, etc.
There are also those that offer security service (Police), medical
attention (Red Cross) and others that, to certain extent, represent
a permanent sector of employees, but that carry out other labor
duties during the carnival. According to interviews of people
involved in this type of employment, as an average, 500 are
permanently employed.
The temporary businesspeople are the second group, but that
only appear during the carnival. According to the register of the
Oruro Municipality Headquarters, there were about 4,147
temporary businesspeople during the 2007 carnival. These are
shopkeepers and vendors offering, above all, ready-made food,
drinks, waterproof clothes (since the rain and play with water are
common during the carnival season), products to be consumed
In summary, the temporary and permanent jobs generated by the
7
tinkus, and others. Finally, 10% of the participants are grouped
under dances corresponding to the lower middle-class, whose
average quota is USD 12, and its investment as a category adds
up to USD 18.690; the Doctorcitos, indigenous groups, Negritos,
Zampoñeros e Incas belong to this category.
carnival can be outlined in the following way:
Chart Nº 5
TEMPORARY AND PERMANENT JOBS BY SECTORS
GENERATED FOR THE CARNIVAL
The expenses of the dancers on costumes are calculated
following the classification artisans make of the carnival: heavy
dances and light dances. The former correspond to the Diablada
and Morenada, whose costumes have a wealth of detail, and are
therefore extremely expensive. The light dances are all the rest,
their outfits are simple, less elaborate and of lower cost. Even
so, both artisans and dancers say that only sometimes can they
afford to buy these costumes, and that they usually have to rent
them in the carnival season.
1. Investments that it generates
In this analysis, investment is understood as the expenses made
by each one of the sectors to acquire the inputs needed.
This approximation will be done drawing from the expenses
made by the following sectors: 1) dancers; 2) institutions
organizing the carnival; 3)spectators; 4) artisans; 5) musicians;
6) owners of stands and seats; 7)hotel and catering 8)
restaurants, and 9) temporary businesspeople.
The costume for heavy dances can cost about USD 600. Its rent,
USD 100.
2. Dancers (or direct performers )
The following chart gives details of the prices.
As we indicated in point 3, the dancers have expenses, mainly to
pay for the quota giving them the right to participate in a folk
group and to cover the price of the costume. It necessary to
remember to that the folk groups are numerous and differ from
one another, due to the social component that makes them
different or to the characteristics of the dances, they represent.
Thus, there are dances whose costumes are extremely elaborate
and costly, whereas others use light and rather cheap ones. As
for the quotas, some upper middle-class groups are usually
charged dollars, while those from the lower middle-class pay
inferior costs and pay with the national currency. The folk
groups from the lower classes have very low quotas and also pay
using the Bolivian currency.
Chart Nº 7
COST OF THE DANCE COSTUMES
The costume for light dances has an average price of USD 25.
Its rent, USD 10.
The sum of the expenses made by direct performers of the
carnival in respect of both quotas and costumes, shows a total of
USD 1.437.987, 50 (a million four hundred thousand thirty
seven nine hundred eighty seven hundred 50/100 American
dollars/ (see Chart No 1)
The following chart reflects the level of the expenses in respect
of the quotas for the different categories motioned:
Spectators
Watching the carnival is not free, it also requires participants to
make an investment, that is, a series of expenses related to the
purchase of seats, food, drinks, and other supplies needed for the
festivity.
CHART Nº 6
INVESTMENT OF THE DIRECT PERFORMERS OF THE
CARNIVAL
There were about 65.440 spectators in the 2007 carnival. This
number is calculated by estimating the average number of seats
available to watch the carnival.
Firstly, the spectators have to buy their seats, whose prices range
from 10 to 30 American dollars, according to their position
along the route or in the framework of the stands (the lower
steps are usually more expensive than the higher ones). The socalled tourist zones are another factor that influence costs, where
the price is of about USD 30. They reserve this zone for tourist
companies. Taking into consideration the average seat of USD
12, we would have a total collection of USD 785.280,00 (seven
hundred eighty thousand two hundred and eighty 00/100
American dollars) in respect of the sale of seats.
It is seven hundred sixty four thousand four hundred and eighty
two 00/100 American
The chart shows that the groups belonging to the upper middleclass represent 36%, with an average quota of USD 80, adding
up to a total investment of USD 453.840, 00; some Diabladas,
Morenadas and Caporales groups can classify under this
category. The middle-class sector represents 52% of the total
number of participating groups, with an average quota of USD
35, and a total investment of USD 291.952, 00; the dances that
characterize this category are the tobas, cullawadas, llameradas,
Secondly, the spectators spend money on food, drinks and other
8
supplies common in the season (small ponchos, waterproof
clothes, balloons, water guns, aerosol foam, etc.). Expenses
vary according to the economic possibilities of each spectator.
There are some that spend more than USD 100 during the main
days of the carnival (Saturday and Sunday), but also there are
those that spend from 10 to 20 American dollars (or its
equivalent in Bolivian currency); the latter represent the greater
number of spectators.
the ones that make the greatest investment, as compared to the
mask makers, clothes manufacturers and shoemakers. Taking
into consideration the number of artisans in the sector is a
starting point to infer the amount of investment made by the
sector
CHART Nº 9
INVESTMENT MADE BY THE ARTISANS OF THE
CARNIVAL
Since calculating the expenses of the spectators is difficult due
to the variations mentioned, we will use an average expense of
USD 15 based on our observations and personal experience.
Combining this sum with the number of spectators, we have a
total expense of USD 981.600,00 (nine hundred eighty one
thousand six hundred 00/100 American dollars).
In the following chart, we can represent the above stated.
CHART Nº 8
AVERAGE EXPENSE OF SPECTATORS
As for the businesspeople sector, we have stated that they are
about 19.147, including temporary and permanent employees.
As for the former, it is difficult to calculate their investment,
above all, for the carnival season, as there is reticence to offer
this data. Therefore, we are going to refer to the 4.147
businesspeople that execute this activity only during the carnival
season.
Local institutions that invest in the carnival
The investment of the temporary businesspeople is also variable,
since it depends on the type of products that they offer. Those
selling food and drink, what is most consumed in the carnival,
are the ones that invest more. Those offering other articles and
supplies appropriate for the season, make the smallest
investments. During “Entrance” Saturday in the 2007 carnival,
the municipality collected a sum of USD 5.184,25, which is no
more than the investment of these sectors in respect of
authorizations and patents, according to the municipal norms.
As for the investment that they make to acquire supplies needed
for their activity, according to some of them, there is an average
of USD 25 (in moderate terms, since there are some that invest
more than others do). This gives us a total investment for
required supplies of USD 103.675,00 (a hundred and three
thousand six hundred and seventy five 00/100 American dollars).
In reference to what we stated in point 3, the expenses of the
institutions related to the organization and promotion of the
carnival, can be summarized as follows:
It is two hundred seventy eight thousand five hundred and
twenty nine 54/100 American dollars.
As the chart shows, OAFG makes the greatest investment, USD
132.977,87, followed by Oruro Prefecture through its Tourism
Unit, with a sum of USD 78.716,67, and finally, the local
government with a total of 66.835,00. The total sum is of USD
278.529,54.
According to the competence of each institution in the general
The following chart shows the average investment of the sector
of temporary businesspeople. Investment that is valid for the
main days of the festivity: Carnival Saturday and Sunday.
CHART Nº 10
INVESTMENTS OF TEMPORARY BUSINESSPEOPLE
organization of the carnival, their investment will cover the
expenses of the adaptation of the urban infrastructure that will
serve as venue, and the tourist publicity and promotion, among
others.
Other productive factors (artisans, businesspeople, seat vendors)
The investment in the artisan sector of the carnival
(embroiderers, mask makers, shoemakers and tailors) may vary
according to the quality and quantity of what has been produced.
There are long-standing artisans with great prestige and thus,
their products are in demand; then there are those relatively new
(sometimes independent of the big workshops) with small
production. Hence, the artisans themselves classify their guild
members as wholesalers and retailers. On the other hand, the
embroiderers (especially those related to the heavy dances) are
The total investment of the 4.147 temporary businesspeople
reached one hundred eight thousand eight hundred and fifty nine
25/100 American dollars.
Synthesis of investments
Only according to the described sectors
9
they are delivered to bars, pubs, and above all to the occasional
vendors along the route of the folk dance parade.
CHART Nº 11
SYNTHESIS OF INVESTMENTS PER SECTORS
Coca Cola y Pepsi are the main non-alcoholic drinks available in
the market, though there are others produced by the national
industry that are also sold.
3) The artisans turn to big businesses to buy materials and tools
needed to elaborate the dance costumes. Thus, importers and
wholesalers, who according to the artisans are located in La Paz
where the required inputs cost less, benefit from these
transactions. This proves that the contribution to the local
economy is not significant in this regard.
It is three million sixty six hundred sixty six thousand seven
hundred and fifty six 29/100 American dollars
This synthesis of investments shows that the Oruro Carnival has
a great economic movement, though this is just a partial estimate
that does not include other sectors such as, tourist services.
However, it is an interesting reference that will allow
understanding the economic dimensions of the festivity. One
must take into consideration that this calculation corresponds
largely to the principal days of the festivity. It excludes all other
activities of the festive process.
1. PRODUCTIVE CHAINING INDUCED BY REQUIRED
INPUTS
The carnival requires a variety of inputs: food, drinks, clothes,
and accessories for the dancer, publicity materials, and tourist
services, among others. This implies the participation of a
several sectors of the economic activity: industries, crop and
livestock producers, publicity companies, tourist companies,
hotel and catering, transportation, restaurants, and mainly, a
broad business sector (formal and informal, permanent and
temporary).
4) The production of publicity materials (TV spots, leaflets,
posters, giant pictures, tourist guides, etc.) requires the
participation of specialized publicity companies and these in turn
need energy for their equipment and machinery, paper, inks, etc.,
which links them with companies producing these inputs and
other services. It must be pointed out, that most of the publicity
materials for the carnival are elaborated by La Paz companies
outside Oruro. Foreign companies also benefit from the carnival
publicity, such is the case of the official TV spot that is
elaborated by Peruvian or Chilean companies.
5) The carnival is undoubtedly the main tourist attraction of the
Department and the city of Oruro. Unlike other seasons of the
year, only during the carnival do we see a significant influx of
national and foreign visitors. This causes a significant economic
movement for companies related to tourism: transportation,
restaurants, establishments offering accommodating, receptive
tourist agents, and telecommunications companies. All of them
require equipping and inputs to function, which relates them to
the business sector.
2. BOOSTING LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
THROUGH THE CARNIVAL
However, there are no real systematic or systemic, intro or intersectorial links. The links established between them are rather
spontaneous and occasional; they are based on the opportunity
that the carnival represents to obtain economic profits. In this
broad sense, the economic sectors benefiting from the process of
circulation of these inputs in the carnival are the following:
1) The primary beneficiaries according to food type are: small
rural producers; agricultural and livestock industries; poultry
industries, and others. Their products first reach the middlemen
in the popular markets of the city, who constitute the permanent
business sector. They in turn, take up the distribution of
products to both restaurants and the informal and temporary
businesspeople.
The elements required for a strict evaluation of this aspect are
nowadays insufficient. An institutional local practice of
analyzing and monitoring the behavior of the carnival to
understand and deduce its contribution to the economic
development in Oruro is non-existent. Though everyone
recognizes that the carnival represents an enormous economic
growth, the concern to evaluate it systematically is still not
included in the priorities of the authorities, institutions,
companies or researchers in the field of economics.
Lino Rocha y Gayle Rocha, economists from Oruro, express the
same idea in their latest publication and suggest the execution
of: “a social assessment…to determine which the real cost is [of
the carnival] and its effect on the economic community of
Oruro” (2007: 93).
2) There are two types of drinks: alcoholic and non-alcoholic.
The former are in greater demand in the carnival, since it is a
real festive celebration, more than just a simple show. Then
there is beer, so it is not odd to find Bolivian National Brewery
BNB as the official sponsor with its “Paceña” beer. Despite its
social reason, BNB forms part of a transnational brewery
company. However, other alcoholic drinks produced by Bolivian
companies, such as the famous “Ron Cola”, are also available.
All of these products reach the distributing agencies from where
10
From our perspective and from that of many other people
interviewed, it is true that the carnival generates important
revenues for the city and its dwellers, but it is just only enough
to “live a few months”. For example, it goes unnoticed that the
surplus revenues generated by the carnival serves for a grater
investment in the development of the city and population of the
municipality.
On the other hand, there is an insufficient development of the
tourist industry in Oruro, in spite of the declarations of the
COMPARISON WITH OTHER MONTHS
The chart clearly shows the months of February (carnival time in
the years mentioned) with a greater number of foreign tourists.
However, remember the chart only refers to those registered in
hotels.
authorities. Also, the hotel companies and restaurants do not
have a considerable growth that can be measured in terms of a
greater capacity and infrastructure. Business, in turn, does not
represent a solid sector within the regional economy, though it
cannot be asserted that it is due precisely to the carnival, as the
city of Oruro is a key spot for commercial activity in Bolivia.
By virtue of its geographic position that links all regions of the
country and its connection with the pacific coast, Oruro has a
permanent commercial dynamic throughout the year.
It is convenient to mention in this section, that an important part
of the economic benefits flow towards other regions of the
country, fact that is important to consider for the future planning
of the policies described. We are talking about the carnival as a
significant market for companies such as Bolivian National
Brewery and tourist agencies from other regions. BNB pays
taxes in La Paz and as most of the tourist companies only come
for a day and their only investment in Oruro is the cost of the
seats for tourists. Artisans from La Paz also take away great
revenues from the Oruro Carnival.
3. ORURO CARNIVAL AS A TOURIST ATTRACTION
SPOTLIGHT
As we have said, the carnival is the principal tourist attraction in
Oruro. As such, many national and foreign visitors concentrate
on this occasion. According to the data of the Traffic Operative
Organization, we suppose that about 30,000 visitors arrived for
the main days of the festivity in the year 2007. Although, the
Traffic Operative Organization agrees that: there is no real
information about the number of passengers; likewise, during
the days preceding the carnival, more than a hundred buses form
different cities of the country, which do not normally follow the
Oruro route but that offer services during this time of the year,
arrive at the surrounding areas of the Bus Terminal. .
This can represent at least 50% increase over the number
initially proposed, that is, about 45.000 tourists arriving for the
carnival. This is very obvious for those of us that live in Oruro
because the city is swarming with “strangers” during the
carnival.
As for the statistics of the Tourism Unit of the Prefecture, they
only record visitors going to establishments offering
accommodation, which in 2007 were 2.671. This unit does not
have a register for the other tourist movements.
On other hand, we must point out that, according to the official
figures of the Tourism Unit, the flow of tourists is greater during
the carnival, as compared to other times of the year. An example
of the first four months of the year in 2006 and in 2007 shows
the following:
CHART Nº 12
FLOW OF FOREIGN TOURISTS DURING CARNIVAL
SEASON
The hotel capacity of the city is logically overflowed by that
number of tourists. According to statistics, the hotel offer in
Oruro is of 83 hotel companies with 2.354 beds, distributed in
676 hotels, 599 guesthouses and 1.078 other accommodations,
which are the official categories for accommodation
establishments.
Therefore, a great number of tourists do not reach the hotels,
they generally stay in private homes, only available during the
carnival (despite the prohibitions aimed at protecting the
interests of hotel companies). In other cases, tourists spend the
night out on the streets or in recreational night centers. These
are “backpack” tourists that do not spend much money in the
carnival.
On the other hand, there is a business sector of tourist agencies
from other regions in Bolivia that benefit from the carnival,
however their revenues cannot be quantified. The package tours
arrive on “Entrance” Day and leave before nightfall. Their only
expenditure in Oruro is on seats, located in the so-called tourist
zones on the carnival route, and whose price is fixed at USD 30
(thirty 00/100 American dollars).
Up to now, the number of these agencies, nor the number of
tourists they move have not been quantified, that is why the real
values of the economic benefits cannot be estimated. As a
reference we list the following agencies working for the carnival
and indexed on internet websites,: SERVITUR, FLAMINGO,
EXPRINTER, ARCO IRIS, CROVY TOURS, BAHÍA
TRAVEL, ATHINA TOURS, TITIKAKA TOURS, PAITITI,
ABOTOUR, INTERCONTINENTAL, TRANSTURIN,
FREMEN, MAGRI TURISMO, SOLVIAJES, TURISMO
KOLLA, CADE TOURS, SHIMA TOURS, GLORIA TOURS,
QUEEN TRAVEL, CALACOTO TOURS, TURISBUS, EBA
TRASTUR. In all, there are 25 agencies that belong to La Paz,
Cochabamba and Santa Cruz.
Locally, there is still an insufficient development of the tourist
business. Three agencies work with receptive tourism:
CHARLIE TOURS, HUAMAR TOURS and SAN FELIPE
TOURS. To a certain extent, the local agencies are bound to
external ones, since they are subcontracted.
In general, carnival tourism can become an important factor for
the economic development of the city, but awareness is lacking
and it is still a long way off. Despite the declarations of Oruro
authorities and of the business sector, the tourist policies related
to the carnival are not yet enterprising.
As an example of the revenues the tourist sector generates, let us
look at what happens with one of its main services: hotel and
catering. According to the official categories, accommodation
establishments have an average price of USD 60; guesthouses
USD 90, and hotels USD 150, three nights per person during the
main days of the festivity: Saturday and Sunday. Guests can
only come at this time and have to make reservations months in
advance.
11
the Municipality also assign some resources of their general
budgets to carnival related expenses: promotion, media coverage,
street and avenue repairs, public lighting, etc.
Taking into consideration the accommodation capacity and the
prices above mentioned, the hotel revenues are of about USD
219.990,00 (two hundred nineteen thousand nine hundred and
ninety 00/100 American dollars). In comparison, at full
capacity on normal days, the revenues would be USD 15.539,00
(fifteen thousand five hundred and thirty nine 00/100 American
dollars), because the prices are lower on normal days.
However, this cycle must repeat itself every year, due to the fact
that the Oruro Carnival generates considerable surpluses which
allow the execution of the subsequent event, at least, there is no
evaluation that proves the contrary.
There is a great difference in revenues between normal days
(USD 15.539, 00) and the carnival days (USD 219.990, 00).
This situation must attract the attention of the institutions and
companies that pretend to make tourism an important factor for
the regional development.
Consequently, there is no permanent financial fund to guarantee
the implementation of the carnival. A comprehensive evaluation
of the carnival, including its economic dimensions, as well as the
resulting coordination that avoids the dispersion of efforts and
expenses, would seem necessary.
1.CONCLUSIONS
4) Carnival tourism is poorly exploited at the local level.
Intuitions and companies only implement few policies and
enterprising actions aimed at developing tourism. A clear
example is the absence of detailed tourist accounts registering
what the carnival generates. Investments are only made on
publicity and promotion, but not on creating the appropriate
conditions for the development of carnival related tourist
activities that benefit the region.
The development of this research has allowed establishing some
conclusions that we consider important:
1) The Oruro Carnival is a celebration that gathers a great many
people, which implies an unusual economic movement for the
city. The 2007 control estimated a participation of abut 90.471
people (15.884 dancers or direct performers; 65.440 spectators,
among whom were 45.000 national and foreign visitors, 4.147
temporary businesspeople that only conduct this occupation
during the carnival, and 5.000 musicians that accompany the
dance groups), only on carnival Saturday and Sunday.
Of about 28 tourist companies that operate with groups
organized for the carnival, only 3 belong to the region, the
majority are from La Paz, Cochabamba and Santa Cruz that only
invest on seats in Oruro.
The cost of the carnival includes an approximate investment of
USD 3.666.756, 29 (three million six hundred sixty six
thousand seven hundred and fifty six 29/100 American dollars),
broken down in the following way: a) participation quotas and
costumes of the dancers, USD 1.437.987, 50; b) seats for the
spectators and required supplies, USD 1.766.880, 00; c)
operative, organizational and promotional expenses of the
organizing institutions (OAFG, Municipality, Prefecture), USD
278.529, 54; d) elaboration of costumes for the folk dance
groups by artisans USD 74.500, 00, and e) acquisition of
supplies by temporary businesspeople USD 108.859,25. This
does not include other sectors because information was not
available.
2) The Oruro Carnival is also a significant job-generating
source. For example, estimates show a total of 15.707
permanent and 9.968 temporary jobs related to the carnival.
Various occupations such as artisans, musicians, businesspeople
–the largest sector– tourists services, causal workers for the
refurbishment of streets along the route of the carnival, urban
hygiene personnel, workers for assembling stands for
spectators, security personnel, management of folk groups,
medical services, etc. Jobs do not only benefit the local
population. A significant number of people from other regions
of the country arrive in Oruro for the carnival: artisans from La
Paz, employees from tourist agencies, temporary informal
businesspeople, whose number cannot be accurately estimated.
The data shows that the majority of foreign visitors come in the
carnival season. However, this also requires describing the type
of tourists that arrive in Oruro. The majority are “backpack”
tourists, who spend little money. In some cases, they do not
even take up accommodation and “spend the night” on the
streets.
Even so, the Tourism Unit is not able to offer a list of the kinds
of tourists and their spending capacity, though it would help
perceive the economic impact of tourism on the area during the
days of the carnival. We have taken as reference the benefits of
one of the main tourist services as an example: hotel and
catering business declares USD 15.539, 00 in revenues for
normal days, and USD 219.990,00 for the 3 main days of the
carnival.
5) All the above shows that even though there could be a
significant impact on the local economy, there is yet no
awareness of the fact. Many of the studies, evaluations and
debates about the Oruro Carnival, are still kept within the field
of “culturalism” and the study of folklore. The only references
to the economic dimensions of the carnival are distant in time
and space, for example the 1971 Report of the School of
Economists of Oruro, or the evaluation of the socioeconomic
impact of the carnival, monitored since the Andrés Bello
Agreement.
3) Financing for the carnival arises from two main sources: a)
the contributions of the performers (quota and costume
expenses), which are covered with the year's savings according
to their own testimonies, and b) the revenues generated by the
carnival itself (sponsor company, sale of seats, authorizations
for commercial activities and public shows, etc.), organizing
institutions: OAFG and the Municipality. The Prefecture and
Hence, there are insufficient elements to assess in detail the
impact of the carnival on the local economy, or on how it could
boost it. Although the perception that we have in Oruro, is that
the carnival does not have significant weight, perhaps
exchanging ideas about it could make institutions and authorities
establish an administration for the carnival to make it emerge as
12
BIBLIOGRPAHY
an important factor for the local economic development.
Coordination between intuitions, transparent and detailed
economic reports, and databases that allow constant evaluation
of the process are all measures that could contribute enormously.
CALVIMONTES, Raúl. “History of the National Pool of the
Carnival”. At:
http://www.besttourinbolivia.com/documentos/oruro/historia.ht
ml. (September, 2007).
CORTES, Viviana (Andrés Bello Agreement). “The Socioeconomic Impact of the Oruro Carnival in Bolivia”. At:
International Workshop: Culture as a Force of Economic Growth
and the Social Inclusion of the Americas OAS, October 1, 2007.
http://www. oas.org/
OASpage/videosondemand/home_spa/videos_query.asp?sCodig
o=07-0275. (Octubre de 2007).
BOLIVIAN SCHOOL OF ECONOMISTS –ORURO BRANCH
Report on the Evaluation of the 1971 Oruro Carnival. Oruro.
1971.
NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF STATISTICS. Population and
Housing Census 2001. Bolivia.
NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF STATISTICS. Statistics of the
Department of Oruro, 2007. http://www.ine.gov.bo. (September
2007)
LARA, Marcelo. Oruro Carnival: Official Visions and
Alternatives. CEPA/ Latinas Editores. Oruro, 2007.
LARA, Marcelo. “The Oruro Festive Process”. At: The Oruro
Carnival: Approximations, Vol. 4, pp. 177-200. Grupo Pukara/
Latinas Editores. Oruro, 2005.
NAVA, Ascanio. References on the Oruro Carnival. Latinas
Editoras. Oruro, 2004.
DOCUMENTS
ORURO ASSOCIATION OF FOLK GROUPS. 2001 Carnival
Statistics Form
ORURO ASSOCIATION OF FOLK GROUPS. 2006 Carnival
Economic Report
NATIONAL POLICE- TRAFFIC OPERATIVE
ORGANIZATION. Bus Movement corresponding to the month
of February, 2007
ORURO MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. Executive Summary
of Expenses and Revenues of the 2007 Carnival
Hotel Offers, 2008 Oruro Carnival
http://www.boliviahostels.com/espanol/guiaviaje/CarnavalOruro.
html.
ORURO PREFECTURE-TOURISM UNIT. Historic Series of
the Flow of Tourists to the Oruro Carnival.
ORURO PREFECTURE-TOURISM UNIT. Financial Support
Given by the Prefectural Government to the Cultural Activities
related to the 2007 Oruro Carnival.
13
United Nations
Dr. Keith Nurse.
Director of the Shridath Ramphal Centre for
International Trade Law, Policy and Services at the
Cave Hill Campus (Barbados) of the University of the
West Indies (UWI). Prior to that, he was senior lecturer
at the UWI Institute of International Relations,
president of the Association of Caribbean Economists,
and coordinator of the postgraduate program in Arts and
Cultural Enterprise Management at the Centre for the
Creative and Festival Arts (UWI), Trinidad and Tobago.
United Nations
THE TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
CARNIVAL INDUSTRY
Dr. Keith Nurse
Director
Shridath Ramphal Centre for International Trade
Law, Policy & Services
University of the West Indies
IINTRODUCTION
CARNIVAL ARTFORMS
The Trinidad and Tobago carnival is one of the largest and most
well-known festivals in the Americas along with the famous Rio
Carnival in Brazil and the Mardi Gras in New Orleans. The
success of the Trinidad and Tobago carnival is reflected in the
high level of media coverage, the visitor arrivals for the festival,
its influence on regional and diasporic festivals and the impact
that the festival has on the economy and society of Trinidad and
Tobago (Nurse 2003).
Three main artforms account for the distinctiveness and specialty
of Trinidad and Tobago carnival (Nurse 1999). The Calypso is
didactic and satirical songs that provide for political and social
commentary. Derivative musical forms have emerged since the
1970s. Calypso has spawned Soca and Rapso that have strong
appeal at the dancehalls and fetes. Spanish Christmas songs,
Parang, have been combined with soca to create parang-soca.
The Indian musical artform of chutney has been mixed to form
chutney-soca. As a plural and multiethnic society, Trinidad and
Tobago produces the widest and most diverse genres of music in
the region which has breed the largest music producing territory
in the Southern Caribbean and the fourth largest in the greater
Caribbean region after Dominican Republic, Cuba and Jamaica.
Trinidad and Tobago's carnival has generated many offspring and
inspired the structure of several carnivals throughout the
Caribbean region (e.g. Jamaica, Barbados, St. Vincent and St.
Lucia). The carnival also has been exported outside the region
and has become the world's most globalized festival. The
globalization of Trinidad Carnival is directly related to the spread
and expansion of a Caribbean diaspora in the North Atlantic
countries, Almost every major city in the United States, Canada
and England has a Caribbean-style carnival that is, in large part,
modeled after the one found in Trinidad (Nurse 2004).
The Steelpan, or steeldrums, which emerged in the 1930s,
replaced the Tamboo Bamboo and the African drum that were
banned by the colonial authorities since the late nineteenth
century. The steelpan is the world's newest acoustic percussive
instrument. It is made of steel shaped into a circular concave
playing surface with raised isolated convex sections (notes) and a
cylindrical resonator (a skirt). The steelpan has generated a
whole social movement and industry of pan yards, pan and
accessories production, recordings, live performances (at home
and abroad) and music education institutions.
Trinidad and Tobago also boasts of having one of the carnivals
with the highest level of local participation. It is estimated that
over ten percent of the population is directly involved in terms of
costuming, singing and playing instruments. The capital city of
Port of Spain is the main center of carnival celebrations but the
carnival is also to be found in over forty towns and villages
throughout the country.
The Masquerade or Mas is a form of street theater and protest as
exemplified by traditional costuming such as devils, bats,
minstrels, wild indians, fancy sailors, jab-jabs, jab molasi and
burroquites. The contemporary masquerade involves a complex
of large kinetic costumes and mas bands of colourful, fantasyoriented costuming, what is often referred to as “pretty mas”. The
largest of the mas bands have thousands of masqueraders (mostly
female) who pay in excess of US$500.00 to play in increasingly
skimpy costumes. There is also children's or kiddies mas where
the emphasis is on more imaginative and elaborate costumes.
On account of these features the Trinidad and Tobago carnival is
one of the most commercialized and well-developed festivals
from an industrial standpoint. The paper explores the key
dimensions of festival tourism, cultural industries and
diasporization to map the contribution of the carnival to national,
regional and global development.
1
nationals, many of whom are from the diasporic Caribbean
community, are a rising share of carnival visitors. In 2000 they
accounted for 75% of estimated carnival visitors.
CARNIVAL ARRIVALS
The tourism industry in Trinidad and Tobago has experienced
rapid growth in the 1990s and early part of the twenty-first
century. Tourism has developed into one of the key emerging
sectors and an important element in the diversification of this
energy-based economy.
Figure 2: Carnival Arrivals by Country of Origin, 2006
Trinidad and Tobago has three distinct tourism seasons based
upon peaks in tourist arrivals. The first is the carnival season,
which runs from the beginning of January until the end of
February to early March. The second season is the summer or
vacation season, the months of July and August, when a large
number of nationals resident abroad return to visit friends and
relatives (VFRs). The third season is that of Christmas in
December where most of the visitors are also VFRs .
February is the month with the largest inflow of arrivals. The
pattern of visitor arrivals for the month of February is such that it
has the highest number of hotel, private and guesthouse visits.
Tourist arrivals in the month of February consistently account for
over 12.0% of total arrivals, except when carnival is held in
March, as was the case in the year 2000. When this happens there
is a definitive increase in arrivals for the month of March.
Source: CSO (2007)
The profile on carnival visitors indicates that extra-regional
visitors (from Europe and North America) tend to stay for two
weeks while regional visitors (from the Caribbean and South
America) spend an average of 8.6 and 10.2 days, respectively.
The extra-regional visitor tends to be in the 40 64 age group
while the age of the regional visitor is between 20 39 years old
(see table 1).
Figure 1: Stopover Visitors to Trinidad and Tobago
Carnival, 1997 - 2006
Table 1
Profile of carnival visitors by region, 2004
Region
% of Carnival
Visitors
Avg. Length of
Stay (days)
Typical
Age
% Stay in
Private
Home
Europe
19.59
14.0
North America
55.16
14.8
Caribbean
South America
16.47
7.49
40 – 64
71.2
8.9
10.2
20 – 39
77.9
Source: CSO (2004).
CARNIVAL EXPENDITURES
The visitor population for the carnival exceeds the available room
stock in the hotel and guesthouse sector. Over seventy percent of
visitors stay in private homes for the carnival. This matches the
level of VFRs among the visitor population. Annual hotel
occupancy rates average 50% to 60%. However, during the
carnival season, hotel occupancy rates increase to over 90
percent, and this is so despite the hike in room rates.
The number of carnival visitors has grown appreciably from
27,414 in 1997 to a peak of 42,646 in 2000 and rising to a high in
2006 of 42,868 (see figure 1 above). Arrival levels declined in
2001 and 2002 due the recession in North America and impact of
the 9/11 attack on the United States. Arrivals rebounded in 2003
and have climbed consistently. Carnival arrivals have outpaced
annual visitor arrival. The largest share of stopover visitors
arrives ten to fourteen days before the climax of the festival.
Most hotels and guesthouses boast of 100% occupancy from one
week prior to carnival until three days after the festivities. Hotels
and guesthouses are also able to charge above premium room
rates. Some of the larger hotels increase room rates by 30%
while some of the smaller hotels and guesthouses are able to
charge over 100%. Hotels and guesthouses in Trinidad,
especially in and around Port of Spain, report that bookings for
the carnival period are usually made one year in advance.
PROFILE OF CARNIVAL VISITORS
Trinidad and Tobago receives its largest number of carnival
visitors from North America, primarily the US. US carnival
visitors account for around 45% of the total number of visitor
arrivals during the Carnival period. Most of these visitors are
from diasporic Caribbean communities in states like New York
and Florida, many of whom are US residents or are Trinidad and
Tobago returning nationals. Visitors from CARICOM, UK,
Canada and the Rest of World are the next largest source of
carnival visitors. The data on carnival visitors shows that foreign
Visitor expenditures have grown rapidly over the period. It is
estimated that for the period 1997 to 2001 carnival visitor
expenditures more than doubled from US$10 million in 1997 to
$21 million in 2001. Estimates for 2004 put visitor expenditures
2
Carnival does create an element of destination loyalty. Hoteliers
indicate that there is a strong element of event loyalty among
customers. The repeat factor for carnival visitors is considered to
be very high. It is also suggested that carnival visitors return to
visit the destination outside of the carnival season. This is
exemplified by the high satisfaction ratings from visitors (50% of
respondents stated that carnival activities were excellent and
34% said it was good). The carnival also generates high
recommendations for the destination (95% of respondents said
they would definitely recommend the destination) (CSO 2004).
at $27.5 million. This impressive growth is reflected in the
festival's rising share of annual visitors arrivals (from 7.7% in
1997 to 10.8% in 2001) and visitor expenditures (from 8.1% in
1997 to 9.9 % in 2001).
An area of visitor expenditure that is not captured is air travel
expense. This is an important income flow to include because
Trinidad and Tobago has national carriers BWIA, the main
national carrier, and its subsidiary BWEE Express. Together
these carriers account for approximately half of annual arrivals to
Trinidad and Tobago. Data for the five-year period 2000 to 2004
indicates a downward trend in the share of the national carrier
(see Table 2). Tobago Express, the inter-island shuttle, also
benefits from the festival in terms of the post carnival traffic,
which is one of its peak periods.
The festival also makes a contribution on terms of media value.
International and regional media coverage is quite extensive as
Trinidad Carnival is considered one of the top three carnivals in
the Americas, along with Rio Carnival in Brazil and Mardi Gras
in New Orleans. No studies have been conducted to measure this
element of economic impact.
Table 2
International Passenger Movements*,
Carnival Months, 2000 - 2004
All Air Carriers
National
Carriers**
(%) National
Carriers
CARNIVAL AND THE CULTURAL INDUSTRIES
March
2000
129,791
February
2001
98,655
February
2002
106,117
March
2003
116,177
February
2004
127,403
64,253
54,324
56736
57,268
57,064
49.5
55.0
53.4
49.3
44.8
The entire carnival season, which begins months before the
actual festivities, creates thousands of jobs in a host of
entertainment-related and down-stream industries. Ground
transportation, accommodation, catering, general retailing, tour
operations, security, advertising, handicraft sales and the clothing
industry are just some of the sectors that attribute an upsurge in
business to the carnival season. In fact, for some people,
employment in those fields is seasonal and is created almost
entirely because of carnival and lasts for the duration of the
festival demonstrating the undeniable impact of the carnival
economy on people's lives.
Notes: * Includes embarkation and disembarkation.
** Refers to BWIA and BWEE Express
Source: AATT (2005).
ECONOMIC IMPACT ASSESSMENT
The cultural industries sector in Trinidad and Tobago is one of
the emerging industries with potential to increase foreign
exchange earnings, generate employment and enhance a growing
tourism product. The cultural industries includes the music
industry, film and video production, commercial theatre and
dance, costume design and production, sound, stage and lighting,
visual arts and cultural tourism. The foreign exchange earnings
of the cultural industries sector were estimated at US$42.4
million in 1995 and $43.5 million in 1996. These earnings
positioned the industry in seventh position among the major
export sectors in the Trinidad and Tobago economy (Nurse
1997).
One of the approaches to measure the economic contribution and
impact of festival tourism is to use a benefit to cost ratio which
involves, for example, evaluating the ratio of public funding of
the festival to the visitor expenditure (Getz 1997). Based upon
the available data, figure 3 provides an assessment of economic
impact for the years 1997 to 2001. In 1997, the state funding, or
government subvention amounted to US$ 2.7 million. Visitor
expenditures for that year's carnival came to $10.2 million,
thereby giving a benefit-to-cost ratio of 3.8: 1. The year 1998
saw a reduction in state funding, but an expansion in visitor
expenditure to $14.1 million for a return of 7.8:1. The benefit-tocost ratio peaked at 9.5 in 1999 due to a 29% increase in visitor
expenditures and a relatively low budget. The years 2000 and
2001 saw a decline in the benefit-to-cost ratio because of a
significant increase in the festival budget relative to the visitor
expenditures. More up-to-date figures are not available.
The carnival arts are the lynchpin of the cultural industries,
which is an emerging sector in the economy. The sector has long
operated in the international economy with the export of the
artforms, for example with the creation of an overseas market for
calypso since the 1930s. The carnival industry has also benefited
from the growth of the diasporic Caribbean carnivals and the
replication of the Trinidad carnival model throughout the region.
For example, for of the carnivals in the Anglophone Caribbean
(e.g. Jamaica, St. Lucia, St. Kitts, St. Vincent and Barbados)
draw heavily on the carnival artforms and practices generated in
the Trinidad carnival. This has lead to the creation of year-round
work for musical artists, masquerade designers and other
professionals. The top calypsonians, mas designers, music bands
and steelbands enjoy regular work overseas from April to
October, outside of the traditional carnival season which runs
from January to March each year.
Figure 3: Budget, Visitor Expenditures
and Benefit/Cost Ratio, 1997-2001
3
resources have been essentially organized on an ad hoc basis.
The human resources have not been upgraded over the years in
keeping with the increasing demands of a rapidly expanding
festival. The organization of the festival has also suffered from
the general perception that cultural products and services are
only important for recreation, social catharsis, political safety
valve and cultural identity and not for industrial development or
the economic well being of the society.
DIASPORIC CARIBBEAN CARNIVALS
The diasporic Caribbean carnivals are an important feature of the
cultural industries because they account for a large percentage of
the year-round work for musical artists and other carnivalists,
such as costume designers. These carnivals have grown rapidly
since the early 1990s and are now the largest street festivals and
generators of economic activity in their respective locations (see
Table 4). The 'Notting Hill' carnival attracts over 2 million people
over two days and generates over £93 million in visitor
expenditures. Similarly, the 'Labour Day' carnival in New York
earns US$300 million while the 'Caribana' festival in Toronto
generates CND$200 million.
One of the consequences of this is that the Carnival has been
perceived as a free good and thus allows for a great deal of free
riding. The Carnival festival generates an increase in economic
activity and foreign exchange earnings for the national economy
but the organising and creative units retain very little of the
profits. For instance, as illustrated above the Carnival generates a
sizeable income for hotels, restaurants, bars, airlines, ground
transportation, fete promoters, beverage producers and the
Government through taxation. Among the artistic creators, the
only ones that appear to make a sizeable profit from their
activities are the large masquerade bands, the top calypsonians or
soca artists and the music bands.
Table 4
The Economic Impact of Diasporic Caribbean Carnivals
CONCLUSION
Source: Nurse 2004; LDA 2003
From the above analysis, it can be concluded that the carnival
generates a healthy return on investment for the Trinidad and
Tobago economy. In terms of tourism expenditure there has
been a significant increase over the years, visitor expenditures
have more than tripled between 1997 and 2004. The hotel and
airline industries are the main beneficiaries in that they enjoy
excess demand, advanced bookings and premium rates. The
benefits also accrue to a wider grouping in the hospitality sector,
as there is a marked increase in guesthouse and other kinds of
accommodations during the carnival period.
There are over seventy diasporic Caribbean carnivals in North
America and Europe. No other carnival can claim to have
spawned so many offspring. These festivals are modeled on the
Trinidad Carnival or borrow heavily from it in that they
incorporate the three main artforms (pan, mas and calypso) and
the celebratory traditions (street parade/theater). In the UK alone,
there are as many as thirty carnivals that fall into this category.
They are held during the summer months rather than in the preLenten or Shrovetide period associated with the Christian
calendar. The main parade routes are generally through the city
centre or within the confines of the immigrant community - the
former is predominant, especially with the larger carnivals.
The carnival industry generates income and employment in a
number of ancillary sectors through backward and forward
linkages. Backward linkages arise when the target sector
(tourism) demands inputs from other sectors. For example, the
carnival sector demands inputs from the food and beverage
sector, and the arts and craft sector.
GOVERNANCE STRUCTURE
The Trinidad Carnival is managed through the National Carnival
Commission (NCC), which acts as the main organizer and
facilitator for the national festival. The NCC is empowered as a
Statutory Body under the 1991 Act. The NCC reports to the
Ministry of Culture. According to its mandate the NCC is
supposed to efficiently manage, organize and market the Carnival
such that it is a viable and profitable commercial, social and
cultural enterprise. The NCC is also required to support the
operations of the Special Interest Groups (SIGs), Pan Trinbago,
Trinbago Unified Calypso Organization (TUCO), and the
National Carnival Bandleaders Association (NCBA). The SIGs
have since 1998 been given greater autonomy and control over
the various carnival events.
The other main beneficiary is the cultural industries sector,
which is intimately linked to the carnival industry. This sector
has benefited from increased foreign exchange earnings in terms
of cultural exports, overseas performance and services income
and royalty income. In terms of the general economy, the
carnival season generates employment, for mas bands and
sectors of the economy such as vendors selling crafts, food, and
beverages.
The business environment for the carnival industry sector has
suffered from a lack of investment capital, managerial talent,
business support and a weak institutional framework in terms of
industrial, trade, intellectual property, technology and innovation
policies. High levels of copyright infringement, weak
distribution channels and foreign competition also plague the
sector.
The NCC is the successor to the Carnival Development
Committee (CDC) which was established in 1956. From its
inception, the CDC was assigned to the Ministry of Culture. The
CDC operated as an ad hoc committee and the Minister
appointed its membership. The NCC inherited many aspects of
the management systems and the organizational structure of the
CDC. The management structure and the allocation of human
The development of technology policies and innovation
strategies is vital to respond to the challenges and opportunities
of contemporary globalization. International best-practice
suggests that sustained global competitiveness entails industrial
4
REFERENCES
upgrading, human resource development, institutional capacity
building and the alignment and harmonization of the business
and governmental environment.
AATT (2005), Air Carrier Statistics. (Piarco: Airport Authority of
Trinidad and Tobago).
CSO (2004). Carnival Report (Port of Spain: Central Statistical
Office).
CSO (2007). Tourism Statistics Bulletin. (Port of Spain: Central
Statistical Office).
Getz, D. (1997). Event Management and Event Tourism. New
York: Cognizant Communication Corp.
LDA (2003) The Economic Impact of the Notting Hill Carnival
(London: London Development Authority).
Nurse, K. (1997). “The Trinidad and Tobago Entertainment
Industry: Structure and Export Capabilities” Caribbean Dialogue,
3.3: 13 - 38.
Nurse, K. (1999). “The Globalization of Trinidad Carnival:
Diaspora, Hybridity and Identity in Global Culture” Cultural
Studies, 13.4:
Nurse, K. (2003) “Trinidad Carnival: Festival Tourism and
Cultural Industry” Event Management (8.3: 2003): 223-230.
Nurse, K (2004) “Globalization in Reverse: The Export of
Trinidad Carnival” in Milla Riggio ed., Culture in Action: Trinidad
Carnival (London: Routledge 245 -254.
NOTES
1 There is some debate as to the origins of the term but it
emerged to be an identifiable musical genre towards the end of
the 19th century. Calypso represents a mixture of several folk
songs in the African tradition. Its function is to praise or deride,
to comment and to relate.
2 The steelpan or pan is a percussive instrument manufactured
from steel drums originally used to contain oil, which is the
mainstay of the Trinidad economy. The drums are cut to
different lengths, tempered and tuned to produce instruments of
different tonal ranges. A musical ensemble of steelpans is
referred to as a 'steelband'.
3 These are bamboo tubes of different lengths held in the hands
and thumped on the ground to create a percussive rhythm. The
Tamboo Bamboo was a major source of music at the carnival in
the latter part of the 19th century after drumming was outlawed
by the colonial state.
4 The term 'mas' is a contraction of masquerade. Associated
terms are 'play mas'- to join a mas band; 'mas camp' headquarters of mas band where costumes are made; 'pretty
mas' - a pretty costume worn during the daytime; 'old mas' j'ourvert style of mas that emphasizes the dark side of carnival,
as distinct from pretty mas.
5 BWIA was replaced in 2007 by a new national carrier called
Caribbean Airlines.
5
United Nations
Paulo Miguez.
Bachelor in Economics, Master in Business
Administration and Ph.D. in Communication
and Contemporary Culture. Teacher and
researcher
United Nations
SOME NOTES ON THE ECONOMY
OF THE BAHIAN CARNIVAL
Paulo Miguez
Bahian Carnival in Salvador de Bahía, just to mention some of
the most vigorous and renown forms that the carnival festivities
take on in Brazil.
Summary
Brazil is a country of many carnivals, a broad array of festivities
that portrays, in vivid colors, one of the most vigorous strokes of
the Brazilian symbolic fabric. Despite the significant differences
that make the many Brazilian carnivals distinct, it is possible to
tell them apart nowadays. Applying a correct logic in economic
practices guarantees that the feasts, especially those in Rio de
Janeiro, Pernambuco and Bahia, acquire the status of great
markets. This article aims at identifying the elements that in the
last twenty-five years have shaped the Bahian Carnival, a
complex economy involving multiple businesses and a great
number of public and private actors.
For example, the Cariocan Carnival is especially characterized
for being a show. The profile of the Pernambuco Carnival relates
more to ideas of tradition and popular participation. On the other
hand, the Bahian Carnival is obviously a feast also having great
popular participation, and it even tends to incorporate a mixture
of traditions and current issues more than, for example, the
Pernambuco Carnival.
The expression of Brazilian Carnival is truly inaccurate, and so
are Cariocan Carnival, Pernambuco Carnival and Bahian
Carnival. Although we stop to look at these carnivals carefully,
the most famous in Brazil, the inaccuracy continues however.
There is a possibility of failing to capture, all at once, the
diversity of the feast and its sensible and important differences.
Let’s take once more the example of the carnival in Río de
Janeiro. Indeed, the parade of the samba schools gives this
carnival its most recognized expression by turning it into a megashow and a privileged spotlight of the media and tourist
economy. Yet, the carnival in Río de Janeiro does not limit itself
to the samba schools and the media and tourist show of the
parades at the Sambadrome. The increase in the number of
groups and bands thousands of anonymous followers have joined
indicates a more participatory and appropriate event than what
took place in the city up to the 60s.
1. Brazil, a country of many carnivals
The carnival is the “religious event of the [Brazilian] race”,
asserts poet and writer Oswald de Andrade, one of the founders
of Brazilian Modernism, whose comment could not be more
precise. In effect, just a simple reference to Brazil is enough to
associate it with the carnival. Definitely, this is how the world
sees us, for better or worse, if there is anything wrong in
describing a nation as festive and cheerful, “after all, crazy are
not the people that stop for almost a week to jump, dance and
play; crazy, are probably, the people that do not pretend to
stop…” (Cortella, 2006, p. 36) -, we are the country of the
carnival.
However, though the expression “the country of the carnival”
serves as a measure to testify one of the symbolic-cultural
dimensions that best expresses Brazilian life, it hides, more than
it appropriately reveals, the panorama of the carnival feasts in
Brazil. As Antonio Risério, poet and essayist from Bahia rightly
says, the cause is that “Brazil is not the ‘the country of the
carnival’ as you can read in the title of Jorge Amado’s work, but
a country of ‘many carnivals’ as Caetano Veloso’s song puts it”
(Risério, 1995, p.90). More than its colors and sounds that have
conquered the world, and the resemblance that many national
and foreign scholars reflect when classifying it as a “national
symbol”, the Brazilian carnival presents specific and particular
dimensions, substantially different between cities where the
tradition of the carnival festivities is of certain relevance.
Thus, giving way to the inexact idea of a ‘Brazilian carnival”, we
can and should talk about the Cariocan Carnival in Río de
Janeiro, the Pernambuco Carnival from Recife and Olinda, or the
Nevertheless, though each carnival has its specific and particular
nature, it is possible to identify common elements in all Brazilian
carnivals by taking into consideration their historical course and
the contemporary configurations.
From a historical point of view, for example, the Brazilian
carnivals stemmed from the Lusitanian carnival brought over by
the Portuguese colonizers1. Common to the Brazilian carnivals
are also the conflicts and disputes that, at the end of the XIX
century, marked the forced substitution of Entrudo2 for the
Europeanized carnival whose dances and processions gave the
best image that the elites wanted to show the world, a picture of a
country abolishing slavery, proclaiming the Republic, and
1
searching for a place among “the civilized nations” 3
From a more contemporary perspective, a common feature of the
carnival festivities in Brazil is the appearance of commercial
practices that give the feasts, especially the Cariocan,
Pernambuco and Bahian, the possibility of being a big business,
and which are nowadays responsible for the motion of a
magnificent and complex economy.
Bossa Nova, Cinema Novo and Tropicália, represent true cultural
revolutions that deeply and radically transformed Brazilian
culture in the second half of the XX century.
Throughout time, history and culture have woven many stories.
However, something that cannot escape one’s notice in the
contemporary Bahian frame of mind and its charm is the
existence of a symbolic market of goods and services fed by a
climate, anchored in the rich emblematic experience of its
inhabitants, especially of its black-mixed raced segment, which
the feast establishes. This circumstance constitutes the main
element of the core of the Bahian culture, which, obviously, does
not exhaust the entire cultural production, the discography
industry, the leisure and tourist economy, and a varied system of
ludic and economic activities.
According to specialist Prestes Filho (2007), in "Llegó la hora de
la Escuela de Samba S.A.", (“The time for the Samba School has
arrived, Ltd”) on the Cariocan carnival, estimates that in 2006,
more than 700 million reales circulated, and that no less than 500
thousand workers were mobilized. What is more, the author tells
us about the Cariocan feasts from a business-like point of view:
“The romantic era has ended. The facilities of the samba schools
operate as assembly lines of a modern factory. Sophisticated
software guarantees allegorical vehicles with lighter and more
resistant structures. The computer controls the light effects that
cast a spell on the public at the Sambadrome. The carnival
artisans and designers discover new materials to make fantasies,
allegorical items and props. There is no space or improvisation.
Efficiency and effectiveness, profitability and opportunity,
recipes and costs, control and quality are the attributes that
should prevail in the parade to satisfy the often dazzle of foreign
and Brazilians tourists attending the parades, the public interests
of prefectures such as paying taxes and rates, the interests of the
private and service industries, the income in respect of services
and sold products; the institutional interests of samba schools,
which should preserve and protect the elation of the fans
appearing in the parade, the tradition of the guilds, the glory of
the institutions and their most relevant personalities.”
Here, at the sight of contemporary Bahia, there is no room for
doubt. It is the carnival, with its rich organizational infrastructure
and the existence of several types of blocks9, such as Afoxés,
electric trios10, and the pipocas11 (see the description in Chart
I), are the elements that constitute and support the exuberant
market of symbolic-cultural merchandise and services that has
characterized the city in the last twenty-five years.
Strictly speaking, it is not strange to associate the coexistence of
commercial practices with the carnival. Even before the carnival
proper, during Entrudo, slaves and free Negroes manufactured
and commercialized wax “lemons” that were used as
ammunition in the street “battles” participants were involved in.
During the carnivals of the first half of the XX century, though
organized and celebrated following a predominant basic ludic
spirit, we can observe the existence of some carnival events, such
as the “carnival cries” 12, fantasy and masquerade musical
competitions sponsored by the big commercial houses, radio
stations, and newspapers that made use of the popularity of the
feast to promote the publicity and expansion of their businesses.
However, the most recent years are the ones that are definitely
going to add the typical dynamism of the business world, thus
shaping what can be called “the business-carnival”, feature that
characterizes the contemporary nature of the Bahia Carnival.
Though having lower figures, but not less significant, it is also
possible to identify the existence of a festive market in the
Pernambuco Carnival, intrinsically intertwined with the interests
of the tourist economy. For example, figures published about the
2005 Carnival indicate that “the Pernambuco Carnival machine,
moving at the beat of the frevo4, the marracatu5, the
caboclinhos6 and other local rhythms drew 204 million reales,
guaranteed an employment rate of 100% in the hotel network,
and generated about “42 thousand direct and 120 thousand
indirect jobs” (Carnaval en..., 2007).
In effect, it is around the Salvador Carnival where the
convergence of tradition and contemporaneousness has
originated the approach of the feast and the logic of the cultural
industry since the 1980s. This very new event is the result of the
combination of three important factors experimented by the
carnival feast in the last fifty years, despite their different cultural
origin and distance in time.
The Bahian Carnival shows a similar result. This festivity, which
we will deal with in detail from now on, is a great market
established in the mid-80s acting as a driving force and organizer
of a solid and multifaceted culture economy.
2. Setting up the Bahian Carnival economy
Bahia has always occupied a special place in the Brazilian
cultural scene7. As a Brazilian ancient territory8, it has the
privilege of being an archetype theme within the system of
Brazilian culture. Creators and people belonging to the popular,
academic and mass cultures visit the place time and again. There
are many examples in this area, and they cover all the artisticcultural languages that have been present during the different
periods of time. It is a fact that, from colonial Baroque creations
to contemporary show business, there have been many Bahian
artists and creations that have had a strong and profound impact
on the Brazilian cultural dynamics. Suffice to mention some
examples of the last 50 years, João Gilbert, brilliant creator of the
Bossa Nova, Glauber Rocha, father of Cinema Novo, and
Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil creators of Tropicália. All three,
2
Chart I
Typology of the Organizations of the Bahian Carnival
Organiz.
Description
Num.(*)
Afoxés1
In Bahia, the Afoxés, as well as in maracatus in Pernambuco, are typical expressions of Afro-Brazilian
religions whose origins date back to the colonial period. Religious brotherhood street festivities
organized by Negroes and slaves made up these displays. They migrated to other street festivities,
first to the Entrudo, and then to the carnival, as the catholic feasts began to adopt an attitude of
greater withdrawal, restricting their liturgical character, and condemning as insulting what they
considered expressions of “African paganism”. As a rule, the Afoxé relates to the candomblé14
fetishism. From a musical standpoint, it is characterized by the use it makes of orchestras with light
percussion instruments like atabaques, agogo bells and shekeres, and for singing canticles of the
candomblé liturgy.
The Bahian Carnival almost disappeared towards the end of the 1960s. With the help of the Afro
blocks, it made a comeback to the carnival scene in the mid-70s, and maintained its basic
characteristics unmodified. It draws about 500 participants, though the traditional Gandhi’s Afoxé
Filhos parades with 8,000 followers.
16
Electric
Trios
(independent)
This category includes electric trios that maintain the traditional inaugurated in 1950, when the
Electric Trio, created by Dodô and Osmar took to the streets for the first time. Participation is free,
so it draws great numbers of followers of the Bahian Carnival behind the truck all along the parade.
30
Afro
Blocks
They appeared in the mid-70s and started the process known as “re-Africanization” of the Bahian
Carnival. The city’s black-mixed population integrates them. Organizations of clear ethnic
inspiration deal with an esthetic repertoire of Afro-Bahian origin that dominates the feast from a
cultural viewpoint. In another sense, these blocks reach a point where their range of performance
transcends the feast as they produce arrangements that combine culture, politics and business.
The largest, as Olodum and Ilê Ayiê, parade with a number of participants that varies from 2,000
to 5,000 followers.
41
Trio
Blocks
Their denomination derives from the fact that they use an electric trio as a substitute for the
bands and orchestras having percussion and wind instruments that characterize traditional blocks.
Trio blocks appear in the mid-70s, but it isn’t until the following decade that they acquire great
importance for leading the commercialization process of the carnival. The largest are able to draw
5,000 participants.
41
13 TN: The afoxés are carnival societies of traditional African inspiration and founded by Negroes from Bahia. The first afoxé paraded with original
African costumes and decorations.
14 TN: Candomblé is religious cult of African origin well established in Brazil that includes a great variety of rites according to the black nations that
practice them:s, expressions of natural forces elevated to a supernatural level due to the impregnation of a magical force or Ketu, Gegê, Angola, and
Congo, Ijexá, Bantú, Xangó, Caboclo. It venerates the orichaaché. Its rituals aim for the descent of spiritual entities in the saint’s children or horses that
reach a trance to take action at the site of the cult. Each deity has their priests (saint father and mothers) and their brotherhoods. The gods are called
upon with drumbeats in the ceremonies. Once they possess their children, the latter dance in away that reminds the identity of oricha. Each oricha has
been assigned a day of the week, a feast, and colors that appear on the clothes of their children and on the guides (ritual necklaces made of crystal
beads). They receive food offerings that serve to obtain their protection. Each one has their own greeting in the different African dialects and their own
specific ritual accessories. They do good or evil, according to what they are requested
3
Organiz.
Cross-dresser
Blocks
Description
Number(*)
Cross-dressers wearing women outfits form this group, and carry out one of the
reversal role rituals so common in the carnival feast. They are rather old, and prove
of it are the records of their presence on the street festivities that date back to the
beginning of the XX century.
12
Indian Blocks
They appeared in the last carnivals of the 1960s. Originally, black-mixed community
youngsters integrated this group until they were organized by the samba schools,
the Afoxés, and the small blocks of popular neighborhoods. They multiplied by using
“Indians” appearing in western films as source of inspiration and sometimes were
able to gather thousands of participants. However, due to the climate of violence
and aggression brought about by their participation in the carnival, they became the
33
Percussion
and wind Blocks
They are the oldest group of the Bahian Carnival. They may be considered the
direct heirs of the blocks, cordões15 and batucadas16 that filled the streets of the
city during the first carnivals. Their basic characteristic is the use of a band with
percussion instruments and winds instrument serving as musical support. Generally,
they draw an average of 400 to 500 members.
2
Alternate Blocks
Thus called because of the place and time they parade. However, they follow the
same organizing and esthetic-musical pattern of the trio blocks.
15
Children Blocks
Children make up these blocks. They follow the same organizing and estheticmusical pattern of the trio blocks.
7
Special Blocks
These blocks gather followers with special conditions, or are organized by the public
to parade for a certain reason or event.
3
Samba Blocks
Having an exclusively samba musical repertoire characterizes them. In the last
years, their numbers have grown significantly.
Small Blocks
They are small carnival organizations made up of friends and neighbors as a rule.
TOTAL
17
221
Electric Duet that would become an “Electric Trio the following
year when another musician joined in- and accompanied by a
group of friends in charge of the percussion instruments, they
headed through the "corso", to a carnival parade of aristocratic
families of the city. They drew “200 meters of people that
pulava20 to the beat of the electric Pernambuco frevo
entertaining Bahia as never before, according to the words of
Osmar himself. (Góes, 1982, p.19).
This first of these factors is the creation or invention of the
Electric Trio by two Bahian people, Dodô and Osmar, in the
1950 carnival, feat that would mark the Bahian Carnival as
original and unique in history.
During the 4th fair prior to the 1950 carnival, the Vassourinhas
Carnival Mixed Club of Recife, famous frevo orchestra from the
Pernambuco Carnival was passing through Rio de Janeiro,
stopped over in Salvador de Bahia, and made a public
presentation. Taking advantage of this presentation, radio
technicians Osmar Macedo, and Adolph Nascimento (Dodô), the
latter owner of a merchandise workshop and both free time
instrumentalists, improvised the first parade of what would come
to be the electric trio.
In an old 1929 “Bigode” Ford, a famous “fobica17”, Osmar
playing the “cavaquinho18” while Dodô the violão19, -an
Picture 1
The “Jalopy” (1929 “Bigode” Ford)
– The First Electric Trio
4
The second factor listed is located in the mid70s, twenty-five years after the Electric Trio
arose. Risério (1981) named this process as
“re-Africanization” of the carnival26.
The emergence of the Afoxés characterized
this process, and especially the force gained
by the Afro blocks –a new form of carnival
participation organized by Negroes and
mixed race youngsters that was experiencing
the impact of the profound transformations
taking place in the world of culture and
FiPicture 3
information, and the consequences of the
Participant of
productive reconfiguration of the economy
the Afro Ilê Aiyê Block
of the state.
Just as the appearance of the Electric trio in
1950 came to revolutionize and distinguish the Bahian Carnival,
the process of “re-Africanization” radically transformed the
Bahian Carnival fabric, particularly when the “Afro blocks”
come into the scene,
The basic signs of this process had been the “rebirth” of
Gandhi’s Afoxé Filhos, one of the symbols of the Bahian
Carnival –an organization established in 1949 by the stevedores
of the port of Salvador a year before the emergence of the
Electric Trio, and that practically disappeared at the beginning of
the 70s– and the rise of Ilê Ayiê, the first of many Afro blocks
that came into being in this period.
With its innovating/renovating character, the electric trio
promotes a definite profound transformation of the Bahian
Carnival. It redefines the street, historically divided in socioracial segments21, as a privileged place for the feast equal to all
without drawing any distinction. The electric trio appears
inaugurating an entirely egalitarian space, asserting a type of
“democracy for playfulness” wherever it passes by.
The invention quickly transforms itself into innovation in the
purest Schumpeterian22 sense, and linked to it, gives birth to a
new logic for the organization of the feast that gradually leads to
a new configuration of the actors that make the Bahian Carnival.
Undoubtedly, there are many far-reaching innovations introduced
in the Bahian Carnival with the appearance of the electric trio,
novelties that will redefine the feast in its artistic, musical,
gestural, territorial, organizational, and technological aspects.
From a technological point of view, for example, with the use of
their “electric sticks” 23 made some years before the appearance
of the electric trio, Dodô and Osmar may be regarded as the
forerunners of the electric guitar that had already been invented
in the United States, but still unknown in Brazil (Góes, 1982;
Risério, 1981).
Picture 4
Drums of the Afro
Ilê Aiyê Block
Picture 2
Electric Trio of the
Timbalada Block
Visual Conception:
Ray Vianna
At the artistic and musical level, the electrification of the
Pernambuco frevo represented “something absolutely original in
Brazilian art” (Risério, 1981, p.113). It ended up creating a new
musical genre that opened an evolutionary line leading to an
unprecedented musical hybridism in Brazilian popular music
with the incorporation of various styles known as rock'n'roll, acid
rock, reggae, ijexá, etc., which would produce the style known as
axé music24 in the 80s.
As far as the carnival is concerned, besides causing a radical
transformation in the feast space, the electric trio created new
forms of participation in the festivities. Firstly, the followers
started to "pular carnaval" –which means dance with simple and
free movements– following the beat of the music of the eclectic
trio. Secondly, the presence of the electric trio as a kind of
“mobile box” that wanders around the city streets eliminated the
box-auditorium duality, predominating in the feast until then, and
thus has defined the participatory character as a distinctive
feature of the Bahian Carnival since then.
Proving to be an excellent means of propaganda, and therefore a
privileged target for sponsors, from this moment on, the electric
trio will delineate the first business areas where the carnival
offered a space for the spreading of a commercial logic signaling
from then on the organization and celebration of the feast. Since
then, participation in the carnival started to demand an everincreasing eventual scale of investment that cannot be supported
by the plan of spontaneous contribution and sponsorship that
used to guarantee its celebration.
The second factor listed is located in the
mid-70s, twenty-five years after the Electric Trio arose. Risério
(1981) named this process as “re-Africanization” of the
carnival26.
The emergence of the Afoxés characterized this process, and
especially the force gained by the Afro blocks –a new form of
carnival participation organized by Negroes and mixed race
youngsters that was experiencing the impact of the profound
transformations taking place in the world of culture and
information, and the consequences of the productive
reconfiguration of the economy of the state.
Just as the appearance of the Electric trio in 1950 came to
revolutionize and distinguish the Bahian Carnival, the process of
“re-Africanization” radically transformed the Bahian Carnival
fabric, particularly when the “Afro blocks” come into the scene,
The basic signs of this process had been the “rebirth” of
Gandhi’s Afoxé Filhos, one of the symbols of the Bahian
Carnival –an organization established in 1949 by the stevedores
of the port of Salvador a year before the emergence of the
Electric Trio, and that practically disappeared at the beginning of
the 70s– and the rise of Ilê Ayiê, the first of many Afro blocks
that came into being in this period.
It is important to highlight the significance of the approach and
the objectives of these new organizations that surpass the limits
5
Following is a list of a variety of private company actions in the
cultural industry area (recording studios, editors, FM radio
stations, big show programs, etc.): significant technical advances
(of the electric trio, recording studios, etc.); political and
managerial actions of great importance (such as aggressive
competent marketing to promote a tourist policy and make the
necessary provision for the infrastructure and the quality public
services that allow the celebration of the feast in the city); and
political-cultural actions (such as those of the Afro blocks). All
these elements articulate the production and amplification of the
Bahian Carnival and its products and markets.
Therefore, supported on the combination of these elements, the
Afro-electric carnival feast arrives at the 90s as a re-qualified
mega event and transformed into a product and market.
The carnival starts to show an increasingly complex
organizational structure and logic with an impressive capacity to
generate, transform and create multiple products (music, artist,
organizations and the Electric Trio), and articulate itself, in a
versatile way, with the cultural industry (radio, television,
discography industry), the tourist and leisure industry, and with
the service economy of the city. It also exhibits an economy and
a completely developed and consolidated industry, as well as
huge and perceptively diversified representative commercial
possibilities as regards to source of employment and income for
the city.
3. The businesses of the feast
Putting it in the language of show business, the Bahian Carnival
transformed itself into a mega event. A quick look at some of the
current figures of the feast presented in Chart II confirms this
point.
of mere participation in the carnival. Thus, the Afro blocks take
up physical and cultural spaces of the city, some stigmatized
before for being “a place for blacks”, others always dominated
by the elites. They become producers and products of the world
of culture and art, and use the market as an important factor of
culture, they take on and make
explicit the black mold of the Bahian
culture in a dimension never
registered before. (Loiola y Miguez,
1995, p.344).
By making its ethnic character clearcut, the Afro blocks dominate the
festivities from an esthetic, musical
and gestural point of view. They
produce levels of insertion in society
by overlapping culture,
11
politics and the market. With their
esthetic and political repertoire of
Afro-Caribbean origin, they
consolidate the basis for the growth of
Picture 5
Timbale player – percussionist the cultural industry and for the
of the "Timbalada" Block
establishment of a cultural economy
that will characterize the Bahian
culture since the mid-80s.
The 80s give place to the third and last factor: the emergence of
the Trio Blocks. With their strings, they privatize the electric trio,
and reintroduce a social hierarchy to occupy a public space in the
feast.
In this way, they carry out a reverse movement as that registered
in 1950 when that same hierarchy disappeared with the rise of
the Electric Trio. From an esthetic point of view and based on the
repertoire the “re-Africanization” created, these organizations
constitute the privilege ground for the birth of the so-called "axé
music", name given to the Bahian Carnival musical genre that
conquered significant positions in the Brazilian discography.
When the “Trio Blocks” organized themselves as entrepreneurs,
and privileged a dimension of the carnival, they take an important
leap forward, which contributes not only to transform the Bahian
Carnival into a product with a celebration cycle that exceeds the
limits of the city (the “Trio Blocks” are responsible for
“exporting” the Bahian carnival model to dozens of Brazilian
cities that do not celebrate their carnivals during the period of the
traditional feasts), but also to stimulate other carnival groups,
especially the “Afro blocks”, to take risks in similar
organizational adventures, particularly in respect of market
operations.
In addition to these three significant factors of the feast whose
coordination determines its current design, other important
boosting elements to the transform the carnival into a big
business should also be added.
Chart II
General indicators of the Bahian Carnival
2006-2007
ITEM
Picture 6
Trio Block Parade
6
DESCRIPTION
Duration of the festivities
6 (six) days
Estimated public
800 thousand people / day (inhabitant)
100 thousand people / day (national
and foreign tourists)
Space taken by the feast
25 Km. of avenues, streets and squares,
and 30 thousand m2 of alternate spaces
for shows and other events
Number of carnival
organizations
227
Temporary jobs
(private sector )
97 thousand
Temporary jobs
(public sector)
34 thousand
People staying overnight
in the hotel network
115 thousand
Hotel occupation
mean rate
72,9%
Passenger flow (railroad
transportation)
156 thousand
Passenger flow (air)
446 thousand
Passenger flow (ferry boat)
238 thousand
Accredited press
professionals
2, 531
1As the figures above suggest, the carnival has begun to demand
the city government a radical change in its institutional, technical
and operative position that will allow to face and solve issues
related to the main planning, organization, management,
establishment of infrastructures and equipment, service sources,
and the training of the personnel, all indispensable for the
celebration of the feast.
It could not be different, considering the physical size of the
feast, which occupies a considerable area of the urban web of the
city, as can be seen in the satellite photograph appearing in Chart
727. Strictly speaking, the carnival takes place in three circuits
along which more than two hundred carnival entities parade
among Blocks, Afoxés and Electric Trios. Also among the
paraders is, of course, the crowd of accompanying partying
followers: the "Osmar", "Dodô" and "Batatinha" circuits –the
first two named after the inventors of the Electric Trio, and the
third to pay tribute to a great Bahian samba musician known by
that nickname. The "Osmar" circuit shown in Picture 8, also
known as the “avenue” circuit, is the most traditional and dates
back to the first carnivals of the city. Paraders of this circuit
include the Afro Blocks, such as Ilê Aiyê, Olodum, Muzenza and
Malê Debalê; Trio Blocks, such as Camaleão, Internacional and
Corujas, the famous Gandhi’s Afoxé Filhos; and a great number
of independent Electric Trios. They set up dressing rooms, the
official Prefecture changing room, and stands at Campo Grande,
a great square serving as staring point. The Blocks and small
Afoxés parade in "Batatinha", (appearing in Picture 9) the oldest
of the three circuits occupying a short stretch of the city between
Castro Alves Square and famous during the carnivals of the 70s,
and in the area called Historical Center, where the not least
famous Pelourinho is located. Both of these circuits have an
extension of 7 kilometers of avenues and streets. The "Dodô"
circuit included in the festivities after the impressive growth of
the feast taking place at the beginning of the 90s extends 4.5
kilometers along the avenue adjoining the edge of the city, where
the big hotels are located. There are many private establishments,
mainly in hotels, bars and restaurants located between Barra
Lighthouse and Ondina, point o departure and arrival of the
parade. Timbalada, Cortejo Afro, Ara Ketu, the great blocks
organized by the feast stars as Daniela Mercury, Margareth
Menezes and Ivete Sangalo, and by some of the independent
Electric Trios as Carlinhos Brown and singer and current
Minister of Culture of Brazil, Gilberto Gil, all parade along this
circuit. However, the carnival area is not exclusively restricted to
these three circuits. Surrounding avenues and streets, and an
infinite number of shops that commercialize all types of food and
drinks also receive crowds of followers. They put up bandstands
in neighborhoods far away from the excited center of the feast
for bands and singers to perform
After all, for the administrative machinery of the Prefecture, it is
a question of facing the challenge of planning and running a
transformed city in its daily feast logic, task that also extends to
some of the State Government sectors, especially those in charge
of public security and private companies that manage licenses of
urban public services (electric power, telephony, cleaning up,
etc.). The municipal administration has become one of the most
important agents of the carnival to this extent in the last two
decades, and has turned into supplier and manager of the
infrastructures and services.
On the other hand, the Bahian Carnival acquired a new shape of
great significance for the social and economic life of the city,
since it has been treated as a strategic business of numerous
public and private actors and institutional agreements that
develop within its environment. In effect, the feast amplifies
business opportunities of a great variety of productive agents and
produces results of great magnitude, as the figures in Chart III
show.
Picture 7
Salvador City
Satellite Photograph of the Carnival Circuits
Picture 8
Osmar Circuit
Picture 9
Batatinha Circuit
7
Picture 10
Dodô Circuit
Chart III
Economic Indicators of the Bahian Carnival 2007
ITEM
VALUE Millions
of American Dollars
Direct financial movement
167,8
Context I – conservative (multiplier = 1,4)
235,0
Context II – moderate (multiplier = 1,5)
251,7
Context III – optimist (multiplier = 1,6)
268,5
Public Incomes
3,2
Taxes
0,9
Rates
1,6
Sponsorship Fees
1,6
Private Incomes
95
Carnival organizations (blocks, afoxés, etc.)
38,5
Hotels
33,3
Dressing rooms
9,4
Railroad transportation
2,9
Infrastructure (assembly, power, cleaning up, etc.)
8,1
Communication / Publicity
1,9
Public Expenses
27,3
Municipal Prefecture of Salvador
11,4
Bahia State Government
15,4
Ministry of Culture
0,5
Private Expense (estimated )
69,4
Sponsorship of private entities (estimated)
16,7
Expenses of Followers
123,9
The feast has an important first system of activities, that is, the
economy attached to the entities and the carnival groups, the
carnival blocks. With a course of action blending with the history
of the festivities, the majority of the blocks turned from simple
ludic clubs to highly lucrative companies, and has led the group
of organizational and technological innovations experienced by
the feast in the last twenty-five years.
the commercialization of symbolic-cultural products of typical
carnival nature, for example:
- Sale of headdresses;
- Finding sponsorships for the parade, which in many cases
spreads to other related events of the block, as taking part in
carnivals outside Salvador, and offering parties and shows
abroad during the whole year;
Amounting to more two hundred, the blocks demand a countless
number of activities. For example, the great blocks may have
about 2,000 people listed among independent workers during the
carnival, and an army of subcontracted musicians, dancers,
waiters, health and security personnel, drivers, "cuerderos"28,
stylists, electricians, carpenters, sound and light technicians, etc.
In addition to this numerous group of service provision, the
blocks hire other people from third companies responsible for
making Electric Trios, assembling support vehicles, making
abadás29, producing ribbons and headdresses, silk screen
printing, etc.
- Commercialization of drinks and food during the parade and
related events;
- Property an co-property of other blocks;
- Franchise of the block brand in many of the 50 Brazilian cities
that celebrate off-season carnivals.
- Association of companies with singers and bands generating a
variety of businesses as the exploitation of electric trios,
participation in off-season carnivals and festivities, and the
promotion and presentation of shows. Along with the growth of
blocks, it is advisable to register the artistic and business success
attained by singers and musical bands having a separate place in
the commercial carnival today. Many common block singers
launched themselves into the market with blocks of their own
and became great stars of the carnival show: they found their
own producers and editors to look after their careers, and sell
hundreds of thousand of records. They have established
recording studios, and, most importantly, made a vigorous entry
in the market of the carnival-business by creating their own
blocks, or becoming the co-owners of exiting ones, either
organizing their own electric trios or taking part in off-season
carnivals and festivities in many Brazilian cities.
Though at a smaller scale and much less professional, the small
blocks also turn to a variety of service representations and
mobilize dressmakers, carpenters, painters, electricians, etc.,
many of whom are associated with the entity itself, live, and do
their informal work next to the original community of the block
or afoxé.
However, the big blocks exploring the carnival-business are the
ones that corporate and make the carnival economy run. Their
commercial portfolio includes countless production activities and
8
economy allowing it to activate the indispensable regulating
measures to establish the limits and the rules of the commercial
practices that the carnival implies. It is absolutely essential for
the Public Power to play its role in the management of the feast
–which in the last years has favored the great capital that
intervenes in the carnival economy. Taking into consideration the
significance that this feast has in the soul of the city and among
its people, it is still more urgent and basic, however, for the
Public Power to assume its role and take the political actions
guaranteeing the predominance of the diversity of
manifestations, the popular spirit, and the participating character
that have made the Bahian Carnival a great feast.
A second and meaningful group of activities overlapping the
carnival-business corresponds to the services and products,
directly or indirectly, related to the tourist economy: the hotel
network, air transportation, travel agencies, tourist operators,
restaurant sector, bars, cabarets, show houses, car rental
companies, taxi fleets, collective public transportation, food and
drink industry, etc.
Equally important, the third group comprises typical activities of
the cultural and leisure industry that particularly relate to show
business and the discography industry. It operates with artists,
musicians, producers, technicians of various specialties,
recording studios, editors and radio stations.
Another system of activities that represents an important element
of the carnival economy is the street trade with its significant
number of people temporarily employed. With a permanent
presence in the everyday history of the streets of Salvador, the
actions of this trade exhibit special coloring during the carnival.
They are the famous Bahian traditions of the acarajé30, cabin
builders, street vendors selling all sorts of products (typical
beers, drinks, mineral water, ice, popcorn, picolé31, queijinho32,
churrasquinhos33, sandwiches, hot dogs, peanuts, cigarettes,
coffee, seasonings, necklaces, apitos34, etc.), of paper and
aluminum can collectors, car attendants, all of whom form an
incredible army of small salespeople ready to take the nearly 25
thousand jobs the feast offers (Emtursa, 2006).
Bibliographic References
ANDRADE, Oswald. Manifesto da Poesia Pau-Brasil (1924).
Antropofagia. Disponível em:
<http://www.antropofagia.com.br/antropofagia/pt/man_paubrasil
.html>. Acesso em: 30 set. 2007.
Carnaval de Salvador 2008. Circuitos. Disponível em:
<http://www.carnaval.salvador.ba.gov.br/site2008/circuitos.asp>.
Acesso em: 30 set. 2007b.
Carnaval de Salvador 2088. Disponível em:
<http://www.carnaval.salvador.ba.gov.br/site2008/index.asp>.
Acesso em: 30 set. 2007a.
4. Challenges of the feast
Despite its size and the strength of its economy, and according to
a conservative estimate shown in Chart III, the Bahian Carnival
generates a movement of about 235 million dollars. However, it
has not had the opportunity to effectively establish itself as a
space where the various survival alternatives attempted by the
population of Salvador can transform into a development project
appropriately tuned with what can be called a post-industrial
vocation of the city of Salvador.
Carnaval no Recife. Guia do Recife e Pernambuco. Disponível
em: <http://www.recifeguide.com/brasil/cultura/visitantes.html>.
Acesso em: 30 set. 2007.
CORTELLA, Mário Sérgio. Não nascemos prontos: provocações
filosóficas. Rio de Janeiro: Vozes, 2006.
EMTURSA. Relatório - Indicadores. Salvador: Emtursa S.A.;
Prefeitura Municipal de Salvador, 2006. 28p.
In effect, the distribution of wealth generated by the great Bahian
feast is absolutely unequal. The major financial advantages are
concentrated exclusively in the hands of the few companies that
act in the segments totally dominated by the great capital
responsible of the multiple businesses of the big blocks and the
hotel network. At the other end of this economy within a highly
competitive environment generating very low benefit rates, micro
and small companies and an army of informal workers dispute a
certain portion of the income. On the other hand, the Public
Power does not collect many taxes, due to tax evasion and to the
degree of informality with which businesses are done. However,
it has to cover considerable expenses of vital areas for the
celebration of the carnival, as for example, infrastructure, and
public and security services. The presence of the Public Power is
indispensable for the success of the carnival, as it regulates both
the market and the management of the feast, without which the
tendency would be to magnify and deepen the inequalities that
have excluded the most fragile agents and sectors from a better
distribution of the economic advantages generated by the feast.
Nevertheless, it is worth pointing out that the challenge is greater
since the carnival is a symbolic and cultural phenomenon. This
issue calls for solutions going beyond the sphere of the economy
of the feast. In this sense, it is important for the Public Power to
move forward and develop the appropriate methodologies to
rigorously draw up the flows that will materialize the carnival
FUNDAÇÃO CULTURAL DO ESTADO DA BAHIA. Casa da
Música. Disponível em:
<http://www.fundacaocultural.ba.gov.br/02/casa.htm>. Acesso
em: 30 set. 2007.
GÓES, Fred de. O país do carnaval elétrico. Salvador: Corrupio,
1982. 122p.
GUERREIRO, Goli. História do carnaval da Bahia: o mito da
democracia racial. Bahia Análise & Dados. O negro. Salvador,
v.3, n.4, p.100-105, mar.1994.
INFOCULTURA. Carnaval 2007: uma festa de meio bilhão de
Reais. Salvador: Secretaria de Cultura do Estado da Bahia, n.1,
set. 2007. 26p.
LOIOLA, Elizabete, MIGUEZ, Paulo. Lúdicos mistérios da
economia do carnaval baiano: trama de redes e inovações.
Revista Brasileira de Administração Contemporânea, Rio de
Janeiro, v.1, n.1, p.335-351, set.1995.
MENEZES, Rogério. Um povo a mais de mil; os frenéticos
carnavais de baianos e caetanos. São Paulo: Scritta, 1994. 192p.
9
MIGUEZ, Paulo. ‘Que bloco é esse?’. In: FISCHER, Tânia
(Org.). O carnaval baiano, negócios e oportunidades. Brasília:
Edição SEBRAE. pp.75-103.
PRESTES FILHO, Luiz Carlos (Coord.). Cadeia produtiva da
economia do carnaval (RJ). In: SEMINÁRIO
INTERNACIONAL EM ECONOMIA DA CULTURA, 1, 2007,
Recife. Textos ... Recife (Pernambuco, Brasil): Fundação
Joaquim Nabuco, 2007. Disponível em:
<http://www.fundaj.gov.br/geral/ascom/economia/economia_car
naval.pdf>. Acesso em: 30 set. 2007.
QUEIROZ, Maria Isaura Pereira de. Carnaval brasileiro: da
origem européia ao símbolo nacional. Ciência e Cultura, São
Paulo, v.39, n.8, p.717-729, ago.1987.
RISÉRIO, Antônio. Carnaval ijexá; notas sobre afoxés e blocos
do novo carnaval afrobaiano. Salvador: Corrupio, 1981. 156p.
RISÉRIO, Antônio. Carnaval: As cores da mudança. Afro-Ásia,
Salvador, Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais da Universidade
Federal da Bahia; EDUFBA, n.16, p.90-106, set.1995.
10
United Nations
Number 5 THE ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS OF THE CARNIVAL FESTIVITIES
4
The Economic
Dimensions
of the Remedios
Parrandas
-CUBAYen E. Lam González,
Niurka Cruz Sosa
Yen E. Lam González
MBA aspirant.
Graduated from the University of Havana in
Economics,2005.
Master of Business Administration
Niurka Cruz Sosa
A specialist in economic research and tourism
Aspiring Master Tourism Management, CETUR,
University of Havana, Cuba
United Nations
OF THE REMEDIOS PARRANDAS
Yen E. Lam González,
Niurka Cruz Sosa
SUMMARY
1. INTRODUCTION
The Remedios Parrandas classify as a feast of popular character
among the first Cuban traditional festivities with its 277 years of
existence in which the citizens of the city of Remedios make use
of their initiatives to preserve the most important cultural event
of the territory. The festivity draws about 60,000 people
including residents from the municipality of Remedios, Villa
Clara province, absent Remedianos, and national and foreign
tourists.
In Cuba, parrandas mean feasts that have a popular character that
are defined as relevant festivities of particular importance and
massive participation following national and local cultural
traditions.
Remedios is the cradle of the parrandas, one of the three oldest and
most important popular Cuban feasts, along with the Bejucal
Charangas and the Santiago de Cuba Carnival; and of great patriots,
intellectuals and artists such as the great musician Alejandro García
Caturla, who is said to have revolutionized the Cuban symphonic
music.
The Cuban Central State, the Provincial Government and the
Municipal Government all budget and finance this festivity. The
latter organizes the contracting of artists, the purchase of
consumables to make floats, town square decorations, and the
artistic programming for the days of the feast. The direct
temporary jobs annually generate about 1,141, 000 CUP, only
among artists, technicians and organizers. The movements of
visitors during the days of the festivity bring about economic
benefits for the state business system located in the territory, and
an increase in incomes for private businesses. Undoubtedly, the
Remedios Parrandas represent a complex socio-economic and
cultural framework.
The Remedios Parrandas represents a socio-cultural event that has
transcended as one of the most significant traditional festivities of
the Cuban popular culture. Since its origin in 1820 and up to the
present, it has managed to maintain its freshness and spontaneity
typical of local festivities deeply rooted in the lives of its
inhabitants. In fact, from Remedios, the parrandas spread over to
the towns of Camajuaní, Caibarién, Encrucijada, Placetas, and
Quemado de Güines. From these municipalities they extend to
other regions: Zulueta, Buenavista, Carrillo, Remate de Ariosa,
Vueltas, Vega Alta, Quinta, Calabazar, and El Santo. Through
Sancti Spíritus, they reach Yaguajay and Cabaiguán, and through
the former province of Camagüey, now Ciego de Ávila, they reach
Morón, Punta Alegre and Chambas.
During the feasts, a great number of people gather in the Remedios
square: Cubans from other parts of the country and from abroad,
who consider the festivity the best time to see their friends and
relatives again, join foreign visitors and the Remedianos, the
largest group of the three. During the whole year, locals, organized
in two groups, prepare the details of feast that will reach its climax
on December 24, and on which they will confront in a festive way
by exhibiting their initiatives and skills to offer a unique show
where dance, music, float design and costumes are combined. This
is why the first and most important significance of this celebration
is its socio-cultural impact. It is an event where participation,
either active or as a spectator, generates an intense cultural
interchange that allows the strengthening of local identity.
1
Caibarién, Yaguajay, Vueltas, Camajuaní, Placetas, and Zulueta,
the City of Remedios was reduced to a seventh of what is was.
However, it retained a privileged place due to its numerous
inhabitants, active commerce, and geographic position, only nine
kilometers from the port of Caibarién (Risquet, 2007).
However, the economic dimension of this cultural phenomenon
cannot be disregarded, particularly when regarded as an important
factor for local development. Its understanding requires the
comprehension of the geographic historic, socio-cultural and
economic context in which the City of Remedios and the
development of its parrandas fall into.
The socioeconomic context
Nowadays, the Municipality of Remedios has a population of 45,
907 inhabitants, of which 50.3% are men (NSO, 2006), a density of
88 inhabitants per square kilometer, and 35 population settlements
located in the community. The administrative center of the city,
the oldest part surrounding the Historic Center, has about 20,000
people, and it plays the leading role in the celebration of the
parrandas.
2. THE CITY OF REMEDIOS
The geographic context
Villa Clara Province, constituted in 1976 according to the new
Administrative and Political Division, represents 7.8% of the total
area of the country, and has a resident population of 811, 671
inhabitants (NSO, 2006). The Municipality of Remedios, with a
territorial extension of 559.6 km², is located in the north of the
province; being the City of San Juan de los Remedios or Remedios
as it is popularly known, its municipal administrative center. This
city is located 9 km from the port of Caibarién and about 45 from
the city of Santa Clara, the provincial capital.
Agriculture and cattle raising characterized the development of
Remedios during the XVI, XVII and XVIII centuries. Towards the
end of the XVII century and the beginning of the XVIII, the sugar
cane industry took off, and the growth of crops such as tobacco,
coffee and cocoa began to spread. The period extending from 1800
to1840 is characterized by the stagnation of the regional economy,
despite of the smuggling and the slight increase of the production of
coffee and cocoa. Commerce was essentially limited to cabotage
with several points of the island, Havana, Matanzas and Puerto
Príncipe.
Due to its location in the very center of the country, Santa Clara has
become a connecting point that facilitates communication between
the west and the east, and the north and the south. It is located 61
km from Cienfuegos, 85 from Sancti Spíritus, 162 from Ciego de
Ávila, 163 from Varadero, 270 from the City of Havana, 270 from
Camagüey, and 598 from Santiago de Cuba. The region can be
accessed by land, through the central highway or the national
expressway, by sea through the Caibarién port, an international
anchorage appearing in nautical charts, and by air through the
“Abel Santamaría” airport.
Since approximately 1840, the “Sugar Boost” takes place as a
direct consequence of the expansion of growers in search of new
fertile lands, all of which triggered an increase of the number of
sugar mills (44), and a considerable economic boom that had an
impact on the communication routes. During this period, Isabel II
Square (now José Martí Square) is completed, the tower of the
Main Church is built, the printing press appears (1852), and the
electric telegraph between Remedios and Santa Clara is
inaugurated (1855), among other things .
The historic context
San Juan de los Remedios known as the Eighth Cuban Village, as it
was registered as such in 1545, but according to Rafael Jorge Farto
Muñiz, Remedios historian, it is the second town of Spanish
registration in the island (1513) after Baracoa (1511). Farto Muñiz
states that the birth of this territory, as a basically Spanish town,
took place before the so-called “first seven villages” (Baracoa,
Bayamo, Camagüey, Sancti Spíritus, Trinidad, Santiago de Cuba,
and Havana). He points out: “San Juan de los Remedios, initially a
private feud of its founder, Porcallo de Figuero, did not form a town
council until several years after its appearance, and, consequently,
it is omitted in contemporary works of the History of Cuba, or its
foundation is included at a later date and not following the order in
which the appearance of the first neighborhoods in the Island
indicates”. In spite of the existing controversies as to the exact date
of the foundation, and as a result of the established regulations in
1986, June 24, 1515 is now recognized as the date on which Villa de
San Juan de los Remedios was founded (Machado Ordext, 2004,
2005).
Today, agriculture is the principal economic activity of the
Municipality of Remedios. It has a company of varied crops and
livestock, and two agro-industrial complexes, “Heriberto
Duquesne” and “Chiquitico Fabregat”. The light industry has
three textile workshops, a glove factory, a tannery, and a shoe
factory. “Los Atrevidos” factory, the noodle factory, and the
“Heriberto Duquesne” agro-industrial complex making rum
contribute to the production of exportable commodities. The main
goods produced in the municipality are: honey, alcohol, rum,
canned food, vegetables, varied crops, green vegetables, and
livestock, besides textiles and construction materials.
Table 1. Socioeconomic Data of the Municipality of Remedios, 2004.
Total Entities
At the beginning, the community was known as “Santa Cruz de la
Sabana de Vasco Porcallo”. The name “Sabana” came from the
indigenous chieftainship exiting there at the time, and “Vasco
Porcallo” after the owner and master of the region; name that
changed for that of “San Juan de los Remedios”, still retained at
present, when the first local government took office on June 24,
1545 (Machado, 2005). There is evidence that Remedios was
under the attack of privateers and pirates from all of Spain's enemy
nations, as it was customary in the Caribbean region, which forced
the town to move away from the coast. In 1843, the title of City was
conferred to Villa Clara, and in 1902, with the appearance of
143
Total Workers
20 398
Government Budget for
Culture and Art
31,.5 million
Commercial
Production
(thousands of Pesos)
58 985,9
Workers
State Sector
11 599
Number of Schools
Net Sales of Goods and Services
(thousands of Pesos)
69
39 years
118 022,3
Workers
Non-State Sector
8 699
Average Age
(Source: Data taken from the Territorial Statistics Office , Villa Clara, 2004)
2
Table 2. Principal Cultural Spaces of the Municipality of Remedios.
The statistic data in Table 1 may have varied substantially in the last
few years due to the economic development of the province, thus
having a fundamental influence on the commercial production
indicators, the sales of goods and services, and the budget for
culture and art, from which the budget for the celebration of the
Remedios Parrandas derives.
The cultural context
The people from Remedios are said to be deeply rooted in their
culture and fascinated with the history of the city, where cultural
events, such as the Anniversary of the City and the parrandas
transcending the provincial and even the national boundaries are
celebrated annually. The parrandas, the most distinctive feature of
the region, are annual festivities in whose honor the Parranda
Museum displaying the memory of the celebrations through
photographs, documents, models, costumes, musical instruments,
and handicrafts was opened in 1980. Another relevant museum,
located in what used to be Alejandro García Caturla's home, guards
numerous items created by this artist born in Remedios in 1906.
(Source: personal elaboration based on the data retrieved from Remedios Cultural website)
These entities form part of an important network of cultural
institutions in the Municipality of Remedios (See Table 2),
considered the second most important in the province following
Santa Clara, the capital. Among them are also the Municipal
Historical Museum, the Culture Home, the library, a bookstore, a
movie theater, all of them with branches in the neighboring
villages, "Las Leyendas” Cultural Center, “Carlos Enríquez” Art
Gallery, and the Cuban Cultural Assets Fund Store. These
institutions stage annual programs of activities, such as parranda
clubs, temporary painting exhibitions, the Remedios traditional
cuisine contest, and the traditional night that includes danzón
dancing at José Martí Square. The city also has a historical archive
with a collection of important documents.
3. ORIGIN OF THE REMEDIOS PARRANDAS
The Remedios Parrandas appear in the year 1820 when priest
Francisco Vigil de Quiñónez decided to hire a group of children to
wake up the Town neighbors during the nights of December 16 to
24, as they preferred to stay home sleeping instead of attending the
Aguinaldo(small Christmas bonus) Mass.
It evolved and
transcended as a folk tradition where the children moved along the
streets making noise with whistles, horns, rattles, guiros, cowbells,
plowshares, hubcaps, cans filled with rocks, and anything that
could make similar noises. The town was divided into eight
neighborhoods: Camaco, El Cristo, San Salvador, El Carmen,
Buenviaje, La Parroquia, Laguna, and Bermeja. In 1835, Don
Genaro Manegía acting as general procurator complained to the
city council about the noise made by the children, so they were not
allowed to go out before four o'clock in the morning. During the
same decade, people began to go out on the streets and sang
serenades accompanied by guitars and mandolins. However, later
the music began to be played with all types of instruments,
cowbells, plowshares, trumpets, and drums producing the repique
(peal), music typical of the parrandas resembling the tolling of
bells. (Valdés Sosa, 2006; Roig, 1944)
The Urban Historical Center in Remedios, declared National
Momument in 1980, has excellent buildings, churches,
monuments, squares, and parks. The legendary José Martí Square,
with its huge flamboyant tress, is the urban cell from where the
weave of irregular grids making up the Historical Center since the
beginning of the XVIII century stemmed. This is the only square in
Cuba having two churches: Our Lady of the Good Trip, and San
Juan Bautista Major Parish Church. The latter has an enormous
gold plated altar, and people can admire a figure representing the
pregnant Immaculate Conception said to be unique in the world.
Liberty Park, Mothers' Square, and the Events Square are all also
located in this area.
Towards 1851, two great groups appeared: El Carmen and San
Salvador led by Doña Chana Peña and Doña Rita Rueda
respectively. La Bermeja, La Parroquia, El Carmen and El Cristo
combined forces on one side; on the other, Laguna, Buenviaje, San
Salvador and Camaco. “The cans and other rustic noise-making
instruments were substituted by guitars, mandolins, accordions,
and other musical instruments; the lanterns multiplied and were
improved; fireworks appeared; the so-called town square
decorations, true works of national or foreign art, were symbolic or
representative of buildings, monuments, etc. No less artistic were
the floats enhanced by the beauty of lovely ladies, daughters of
distinguished people from each of the contending neighborhoods”
(Roig, 1944). However, though there was some form of
organization, there was still no competence between the
neighborhoods as they were not definitely consolidated. At this
time, both groups had a chorus of singers and guitar, mandolin,
harp, quijada de caballos (horse jaw), botijuela (pitcher), bugle,
sticks, and drum players that went out to entertain the festivities.
Next to José Martí Square and across from Our Lady of the Good
Trip Church, rises a statue, which is unique of its type in Cuba, is
made of marble similar to those existing in Paris and New York, and
symbolizes man's yearnings for the liberty. The original monument
sculpted in Carrara marble from Italia by Carlos Nicoly and
Manfredy was finally put up on December 22, 1911 after contractor
Paulino Fraginals did some retouching (Machado, Farto, 2005).
Source: El Villaclareño
3
The town square decorations are the cultural expressions that
distinguish the Remedios Parrandas from other carnivals or
popular feasts. They are based on luminous fountains, wind lamps,
or any other item resulting from the creativity of each
neighborhood to be shown to the competitor. Its dimensions are of
about 100 feet high, but of limited width. They are made of any
material (aluminum, fabric, paper, etc.) that can be shaped into any
given form and become as bright as possible.
Since 1871, the parrandas reach their organizational maturity and
adapted their current essential structure. “These spontaneous but
disorganized popular expressions had, as time went by, those who
set themselves to organize and methodize them; José Ramón
Celorio del Peso and Cristóbal Gilí Mateo, The Majorcan, directed
and channeled the parrandas to provide them with a lasting
structure; establishing the duality between neighborhoods
provoking the contest between the Celoristas (after Celorio) and the
Majorcans, which gradually cleansed the feasts from their rude
elements, and gave them a more refined nature” (Roig, 1944).
Another important distinctive element of the parrandas is the
rivalry between El Carmen and San Salvador neighborhoods. Each
neighborhood makes its entry with all its attributes. On the one
hand, San Salvador displays a rooster, its blue banners with a red
triangle or rectangle, or vice versa, and its standards showing
important constructions and places from their zone. On the other,
El Carmen parades with the hawk or a lollipop-shaped balloon (that
belonged to San Salvador and taken away from him in 1890), its
brown banner with a pink triangle, and its standards with allegories
of its territory or organization.
Therefore, in a time of repression and crisis, the parrandas became a
democratic space people relied on to express how they felt about
political, economic and social events through sayings and Polkas.
Eventually, the increasing fervor of the people combined with the
deep roots they developed in the neighborhoods gave birth to the
rivalry, the essential feature of the organization of the parrandas.
Towards 1888, the people taking part in the parrandas started to
place at Armas Square and that of Isabel II some of their handiwork,
such as towers and miniature sugar mills among other crafts in
which the best artisans of the region competed. In time, these
varied constructions decreased to only one per neighborhood, and
since they were still placed in Armas Square they retained the name
of "trabajos de plaza" (town square decorations). They represent
one of the most significant features of the Remedios Parrandas.
(Cerezo, 2001)
Unlike the traditional carnivals, the parranda floats serving as an
artistically decorated platform for dancers and artists to perform on
are designed following themes taken from the universal literature,
mythology or history, though topics inspired by the artisans are not
excluded.
A parranda starts when the preceding one ends. They hold contests
for float and town square decoration sketches, and though they
keep the designs in the utmost secret, there are always spies that
leak information during the making of the various competing
items. Then, the great machinery starts: carpenters, electricians,
prop people, wardrobe masters and mistresses, draftsmen,
couturiers, administrators, buyers, salespeople, painters,
decorators, drivers, economists, specialists, Remedios Parranda
Museum employees, and the community. They all devote
themselves to the great annual event. They begin to put up the town
square decorations about a week before December 24.
During the 1905 Christmas, the children began to organize their
imitation feast a day before the official one, where adults also took
part. Nowadays, the Children's Parranda is an official feast
representing similar characteristics as those of the major festivity;
rivalry between the neighborhoods, small town square decorations,
little floats, and a peal carried out by the representatives of each
neighborhood.
When talking about the Remedios Parrandas people like Emilio
Torres, Ricardo Corona, First Director of El Carmen Parrandas, and
Tanterín, Founder of Las Brujas should also be mentioned. They
were presidents of very popular neighborhoods due to their love
and dedication. Elected yearly by the people, the president is a
“legal” representative of each neighborhood before the government
authorities.
In the morning of the Official Parranda day, a pilgrimage sets off
from the Parranda Museum to reach the city cemetery, where the
distinguished parranda lovers rest. It is a tradition that calls
scholars, government authorities, musicians that form part of the
piquete, visitors, and all those that join in the procession as it passes
by. The banners of both neighborhoods are waved in front of the
procession, and musicians play polkas while mixed with the crowd.
This type of ritual evokes the dead parranda lovers, who having
been honored, accompany the feast all night long.
There are currently three official parrandas, the Children's Parranda
generally celebrated on December 8, the Small Parranda on the
night of 15 and the midnight of the 16, which mainly consists of the
peals, polkas, and fireworks during which the neighborhoods
threaten and put pressure on their contestant with speculations, thus
becoming the preamble of what will happen during the Official
Parranda, which takes place on December 24, Christmas Eve, each
year. Since it is a tradition reflecting the identity of a people and
due to its cultural and artistic contribution, the Remedios Parranda
earned the Community Culture National Award in the year 2000.
Between four and six in the afternoon, the neighborhoods take
turns entering the square where there is a display of fireworks,
rumbas and arrollao, a preview of what is to happen during the
night. At about nine, the parranda starts with the “greeting”,
entrance during which each neighborhood introduces itself with
music and fireworks. The neighborhoods alternate their entry to
allow their participants and town square decorations to move
around the Square every hour or so (They take turns entering each
year.) This lasts until midnight when there is relative calm, and the
Midnight Mass is held at the Major Parish Church in the midst of
the scene. Later, the feast resumes with a variety of fireworks (that
are never absent from the celebration) and the music of the piquetes
playing challenging rumbas and polkas.
4. CHARACTERIZATION OF THE REMEDIOS PARRANDAS
The town square decorations, floats, lantern games and standards,
fliers, fireworks, symbols of each neighborhood, peal, the piquete,
and the rivalry or competence between neighborhoods are the most
important features of the Remedios Parrandas.
Generally, the first float with its stories and static characters in a
solemn representation of the narrated story comes out at 2.00 AM,
4
According to estimates, during the Official Parranda day
(December 24 ) almost 40,000 locals (more than 90% of the
population of the municipality) get together, and that considering
those absent, others living in the province of Villa Clara, besides the
national and international tourists the number of participants may
reach 60,000.
and moves around the entire square for two hours. Then, the
contesting float appears to make a similar presentation. When the
cultural manifestations end, the fireworks exhibit their broadest
expression, and the celebration of the spectators in defense of the
neighborhood they believe to be strongest starts. When day breaks
on the 25, the members of the neighborhoods go around the streets
proclaiming their victory while they sing victory rumbas at the beat
of the piquetes. The Remedios Parrandas do not have a jury to
select the winner, which always turn the people into victors.
5. ORGANIZATION OF THE PARRANDAS
The Municipal Government through the Municipal Culture
Administration presides over the organization and project structure
of the Remedios Parrandas. It is worth highlighting the importance
of the role the people have as leaders. All the artistic expressions
result from the interest and will of the people. The presidents of the
neighborhoods together with the residents conceive the type of
show they wish to present. At the same time, these presidents work
directly with the Municipal Culture Administration of the
government to match these interests with the availability of funds.
Other institutions such as the Parranda Museum, the Provincial
Music Institute, and the Culture Home are essential actors that
make this complex process possible.
Figure 1. Spatial layout of the main events of the Remedios Parrandas
Almost every art expression comes together in the parrandas. The
theater is present with the characters on the floats having set designs
containing plastic works of art and costumes made following
recreated literary works. The music is appropriate for each
moment, be it the peal, the polkas or the challenging and victory
rumbas that accompany the people during their sweeping dancing
Recorrido
de la carroza
EL CARMEN
Trabajo de Plaza
Plaza Central de Remedios
José Martí
Provincial Government
Its functions are geared towards observing and enforcing the laws
and other general dispositions adopted by the upper levels of the
State, approving and controlling the implementation of the plan
and the ordinary budget of revenues and expenses of the province,
and participating in the elaboration and control of the
implementation of the technical-economical plan. In this way, it
the organization that approves the Culture Budget of the
Municipality of Remedios guaranteeing the efficient and
coordinated use of the budgeted funds.
Línea divisoria imaginaria
de los barrios
Trabajo de Plaza
Recorrido
de la carroza
SAN SALVADOR
(Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de la información obtenida en las entrevistas)
Municipal Government
The Municipal Government is the maximum governmental
representation of the locality. It performs its duties through its
main administrations to ensure efficiency in the development of the
production and service activities, and to satisfy the medical,
economic, educational, cultural, and social needs of the population
by promoting a great popular participation and local initiatives to
solve the arising problems.
along the main streets of both neighborhoods. It is a great theater
when the floats go into the center of the Town since everyone is
anxious to discover each element of the work of art and listen to the
legend. Many locals maintain that these feasts have given them the
opportunity to learn about the world without leaving their small
native land because the themes dealt with are universal. The have
seen performances from the Peking Opera as well as stories about
the Egyptian Queen Nefertari. (Valdés Sosa, 2006).
Among other activities related to culture, the Municipal
Government looks after the development of the popular festivities
through the Municipal Culture Administration.
Municipal Culture Administration
Since birth, a native from Remedios identifies himself with the
familiar tradition of a neighborhood, without taking into
consideration his place of residence. The competition is a tradition
that has gained strength in time to the point that during the feast
couples and marriages break up to allow each one to defend his or
her neighborhood. The parrandas are also an occasion for
schoolchildren to write compositions, play games, and even for old
friends to meet. Many sons and daughters living away come back to
Remedios because they cannot stay away from their parranda, and
look at December 24 as they day of dutiful return. Estimates
indicate that the feasts draw from 80 to 100 “absent” Remedianos,
who only arrive in the municipality with the purpose of taking part
in the parrandas. In the year 2007, the number of these visitors rose
to about 200, about 30 of whom came into the country (as
international tourists) only to participate in the feasts. (Morales,
2008) Moreover, there is evidence that these people made material
and monetary contributions to the neighborhoods where they were
born.
Known as the Culture Sector, the Municipal Culture
Administration has, among its functions, to facilitate the execution
and development of the parranda from beginning to end. At the
same time, it approves the conception of the project presented by
the “Neighborhood Presidents”, and elaborates the Parranda
Budget (including artists to hire, purchase of consumables for the
town square decorations, and floats among other things). It is
subordinated to the Municipal Government that controls all the
planning strategy.
Culture Budgeted Unit
It is a department of the Municipal Culture Administration, better
known as the Investment Budgeted Unit. It is in charge of
controlling how the Parranda Budget is spent. Moreover, it works
directly with the Commerce, Gastronomy and Services Company
(CGS) to cover the expenses of the consumables and contracts.
5
strategies conceived by the National Council of Culture Homes (a
functional vertical structure applies here), that is, the actions of the
“Agustín Jimenez Crespo” Culture Home, established in the city of
Remedios, forms part of a national strategy.
Commerce, Gastronomy and Services Company (CGS)
As part of the Municipal Government, the CGS organizes and
manages the entire gastronomic offer in national currency during
the days of the parrandas. At the same time, it generates additional
funds to commercialize these products, from which the Municipal
Culture Administration receives a share that assigns to the Culture
Budget. It also charges a commission for its intermediary
contracting services.
Among other functions, this entity represents amateur artists and
musicians of the territory, and calls them to participate in the tasks
of the parranda through their contract with the CGS. Dancers are
not included, as the dances displayed during the parranda are a
result of the initiatives of the population, and are performed by
them. The culture houses do not have a budget for this activity
because their sole function is to exhibit the cultural talent of the
territory.
Municipal Presidency of the Neighborhoods
The neighborhoods of the municipal center are represented by their
corresponding presidents. They formulate and establish the
competitive strategies for each neighborhood in locations assigned
by the government. The Presidency represents the needs and
perspectives of the neighborhoods for their performances.
“Nowadays, the government hires amateur artists to work on the
town square decorations and the floats of each neighborhood,
despite their place of residence in the city. This has caused certain
dissatisfaction, due to the fact that these activities are not entirely
resulting from the peoples' own social creativity, since some artists
may be contributing to the decoration of their opponents.”
(Melgarejo, 2008).
Cuban Music Institute
The Cuban Music Institute belongs to the Ministry of Culture, and
is responsible for applying the development policy and promotion
of the music and the national and international shows. It fosters a
comprehensive management to stimulate high quality
development, as well as the commercialization of music in its
diverse forms. In this way and as part of a complimentary cultural
program, it is in charge of providing all the popular feasts
celebrated in the country with musical groups. The Cuban Music
Institute traditionally supplies two top-level musical groups to
Remedios. The Municipal Culture Administration hires these
musicians directly. Isla Azul and Astro are responsible for the
accommodation and transportation respectively. The entities of
artistic representation pay these companies for their services.
6. ECONOMIC PROCESS TO GUARANTEE THE
EXECUTION OF THE PARRANDAS
The economic process of the parrandas includes all the activities
carried out during their preparation and development, including the
presentation of musical orchestras, the parrandas before the main
event, and other cultural activities taking place in the territory
during this time. The financing of the parrandas runs all year long,
as project contests are held since the beginning of the year. It may
be said that the government has been the principal financier for the
last five years. Initially, the main financing came from individual
contributions of the local residents, and where organized and
invested by the “José Martí” National Association of Parranda
Lovers.
Villa Clara Provincial Music Center
The Provincial Music Center is responsible for promoting musical
talents in Villa Clara province, and one of its functions is to
represent the musical groups of the region. It matches the interests
of the municipality (as far as the conception of the show is
concerned) with the show program of these orchestras. The
concerts are held on streets having dais (on the hands of the
Municipal Culture Administration), or in the leading Cultural
Promotion Centers of the territory. Since they are considered
complementary activities, the concerts are presented on days other
than those devoted to the parrandas to avoid minimizing the interest
of the main event.
The study of the economic dimensions of the Remedios Parrandas
faced certain difficulties and limitations. Firstly, the insufficient
amount of information about the topic, as there are no previous
economic studies that specify the statistics of their evolution and
development. The government information available does not
cover the required level of economic detail, and the local state
companies are not allowed to offer numerical information as a
source for a research. All the data was obtained at the Municipal
Culture Administration, the head offices in Havana and during
interviews with specialists in the topic working in this city.
This institute is budgeted and does not have a fund for this activity,
as the Municipal Culture Administration pays the participating
orchestras. This show program makes December a month with
multiple activities in Remedios.
It is important to know that there are two types of currencies
circulating in Cuba, which implies certain economic management
complexities in the companies, and therefore in the understating of
any economic process, which does not exclude the traditional
festivities.
The Parranda Museum
As far as organization is concerned, the principal task of the
Remedios Parranda Museum and the neighborhood presidents is to
lead and promote the presentation workshop call for all draftsmen
interested in taking part during the conceptualization and making of
the town square decorations and floats of the year. The wining
projects are selected taking into consideration the perspectives of
each neighborhood (represented by their presidents), then the
construction stage begins. This workshop takes place in the month
of March each year, and is covered by the state budget.
Financing to guarantee the execution of the parrandas
The parrandas are budgeted by the Municipal Government. The
main asset of the Parranda Budget is made up by the “Effectiveness
Account” created from the funds provided by the Central State, and
the contributions in convertible Cuban pesos (CUC) of the
Provincial Government.
Municipal Culture Home
The Municipal Culture Homes are operative representations for the
Even though the Central State Budget and the Provincial
Government finances the Remedios Parrandas, which is an
6
The “Fund Account” has two main sources: the collection of taxes
from private vendors for the use of public spaces on the streets, and
the differential between the sale of certain commercial and
gastronomic products. For example, the government receives 1
CUP for each bottle of beer sold at 10 CUP. Moreover, these days
beer is sold in other forms. These incomes generated by the CGS
go to the Fund Account of the Municipal Government, thus
contributing to the Municipal Culture Budget throughout the year.
exception in the financing management of popular festivities in
Cuba, they are not exempted from guaranteeing the implementation
of their own coherent income generating means.
We refer to three sources when dealing with their total financing:
the contributions of the Central State Budget and the Provincial
Government, and the funds that the Municipal Government
receives for the economic management during the days of the feast.
They are materialized in the Funds Account, though the latter is not
part of the Parrandas Budget. However, they guarantee the
complementary artistic program, among other aspects referred to
below. It is a tradition for locals to cooperate with material or
monetary contributions, and that any type of raw material be used to
promote the artists' initiatives.
There are no public statistics for this account, and it is currently
under evaluation to improve its financial management. In relation
to the parrandas, this value is mainly used to pay for the national
musical groups (provided by the Cuban Music Institute), the
provincial groups (represented by the Provincial Music Institute),
amateur artists, and the installment of audio equipment during the
days of the feast, which is undoubtedly its inseparable
complement.
Figure 2. Main sources of financing for the Remedios Parrandas.
.
On the other hand, the Provincial Government assigns financing in
Cuban convertible pesos (CUC) for the purchase of, for example
fireworks, new technology consumables that are brighter and less
dangerous, only available in this currency.
Effectiveness Account
Fund coming from the Central State
budget for the celebration of the Parrandas
Contributions of the Provincial Government.
Only component in foreign currency
of the Parranda Budget.
This process repeats itself annually, thus becoming a guarantee in
economic terms for the execution of the parrandas. Regrettably,
there is no research showing a strategic view of how to generate
increasing economic flows that will serve as basis to consider other
forms of financing guaranteeing total economic sustainability,
even when there are conditions that serve as evidence.
Remedios
Parrandas
Fund Account.
Economic surpluses generated
by taxes and commercial activities
in the municipality. Culture Budget
7. GENERATED EMPLOYMENT
As far as generating employment is concerned, it is only possible to
offer estimated figures, as there is no exact registry of the
employment created by the parrandas. However, many people take
on temporary paid jobs, principally artists and musicians from the
Municipality of Remedios. Other workers are also privately hired
to do technical and hand labor, and receive a salary for their work
whether or not they belong to a state company.
The Effectiveness Account is made up of national currency (Cuban
pesos: CUP), and its value is of about 2 million CUP. This value is
approved by the Ministry of Economy and Planning and provided
annually by the Ministry of Finances and Prices.
It is also very important to take into consideration that reference
will only be made of the approximate number of direct temporary
jobs generated by the parrandas, because the number of indirect
jobs, generally related to the state sector, does not vary throughout
the year, and one may say indifferent to the parrandas. There is no
reference to the number of people working for the government, the
state company system (tourism, commerce, gastronomy,
production, etc.), as private workers, security or protection
personnel (police and guards at the presidents' premises), medical
assistance (Red Cross), cleaning, and other jobs. This sector offers
permanent employment, so those working during the festivities are
only fulfilling their labor duties.
Table 3 shows which have been the values received by the
Municipal Government in this respect in the last years.
Table 3. Amount of the “Effectiveness Account” of the Municipal Culture
Administration
At the same time, of the temporary direct jobs only those related to
the parrandas are represented, in other words floats, town square
decorations, and participating musicians. In this sense, we can
identify five main categories: artisans, musicians, neighborhood
presidents, draftsmen, and other technicians. The approximate
number of temporary direct jobs generated by the parrandas may be
calculated as 269, and the value of the salaries earned in this respect
is 1,141, 000 CUP
The value of the “Effectiveness Account” is used to pay the salaries
(40, 8% and detailed under generated employment) of all the
people hired to make the floats and the town square decorations,
and to purchase (about 30% and detailed under investments it
generates) the materials needed for their design and decoration. It
also includes the financing of other activities.
7
SECTOR
Artisans
Music
Design
Organization
Technicians
TOTAL
INSTITUTIÓN TO WHICH
THEY BELONG
Private
Provincial Music Center
Culture Home
Private
Private
JOBS
134
22
26
12
2
2
71
269
Floats (2)
Carpentry
Decoration
Properties
Props
Tinplate
Costumes
Total
Overall Total
80, 000
80, 000
60, 000
50, 000
50, 000
60, 000
380, 000
6,70, 000
15, 000
12, 000
10, 000
356 000
1, 141, 000
CATEGORY
artisans
national musical talent
provincial musical talent
individual musicians
technicians
Neighborhood presidents
technicians
made up of 15 members) charges from 10,000 to 12,000 CUP for
each presentation, and a small group (with 11 members), from
4,000 CUP to 5,000 CUP. Therefore, we estimate that at least
28,000 CUP, are spent to pay the salaries of the 26 musicians for
both of their presentations.
This name is given to sculptors, painters, carpenters, draftsmen,
among other amateurs that are hired for the preparation of the
parrandas. They are freelance and work mainly on the design of the
town square decorations and floats. The neighborhood presidents
are the ones who select the most appropriate artisans to work on
each neighborhood project. They start to work in July after the
projects are approved and stop on December 24, the day of the
official presentation. Following is a table summary of the salaries
earned by this sector.
(UM:CUP)
Concepts
SALARY
EARNED (CUP)
670, 000
50, 000
28, 000
Besides being led by the people, the peals guiding the Small
Parranda on the 16 and the music of the floats are accompanied by
amateur and professional musicians hired to play wind and
percussion instruments. Generally, there are 2 or 3 peals on days
other than the 24, day of the official presentation.
More often than not, the percussion musicians are amateurs, so
Culture Home represents them. They vary in number according to
the way each neighborhood wants the peal to sound. Estimates
indicate that 6 percussion musicians have been employed each
year. They charge from 200 to 300 CUP per non-official
presentation and 500 CUP on the 24. This is why one can say that
each parranda employs 6 amateur musicians. On the 24, 3,000
CUP are earned in respect of salaries. Considering a minimum of 2
extra presentations and 250 CUP as the average salary of each
musician, 3,000 CUP are earned. Thus, we may conclude that
6,000 CUP in salary corresponds to amateur musicians.
Town square
decorations (2)
80, 000
60, 000
50, 000
50, 000
50, 000
290, 000
On the other hand, musicians playing wind instruments are
commonly professionals, and they are hired to give a special touch
of the peal. There are six in a parranda, and charge 500 CUP for
each show as an average. Taking into consideration at least three
presentations (including the parranda on the 24), they can earn
9,000 CUP. In 2007, the Municipal Culture Administration paid
hired musicians and orchestras 93,000 CUP in salaries. The
structure of the payment was estimated taking into account the
specialists' opinions, so it may mismatch reality in some way.
The artisans' payment is generally fixed, and it is about 5,000 CUP
at the conclusion of the task (Lara, 2008), though it may vary
depending on the type of float or town square decoration. Taking
this salary as an average, there would 32 carpenters, 28 decorators,
22 in charge of the properties, 20 prop people, 20 tinsmiths, and 12
costumiers that total 134 estimated jobs.
Musicians
As previously sated, the Cuban Music Institute provides two toplevel musical groups of two different genres, a “Salsa” group made
up of 15 to 20 members, and another one of 5 members, which
could imply 22 generated jobs as an average. Generally, there are
two shows for which both groups receive a direct payment of 25,
000 CUP as an average.
The Provincial Music Institute in Villa Clara provides several
renowned musical groups of the province to make play during the
festivities in Remedios. An orchestra from the province (generally
8
Concept
Top-level orchestras
Provincial Orchestras
2007
50, 000
28, 000
Individual musicians
Total
15, 000
93, 000
always been characterized for having much importance, since the
splendor of the decorations depends on their brightness and
components. For example, a town square decoration needs at least
700 bulbs, among other requirements, as table 8 shows.
Organizers
The posts of “neighborhood presidents” are direct temporary jobs
generated only during the final organization period of the
parrandas. Though these presidents represent the neighborhoods
all year round, they have full-time jobs, that is, their profession or
trade is not that of a neighborhood president. However, they
receive a type of allowance at the end of the parrandas for the job
done (this value is about 5,000 CUP). (Lara, 2008)
Table 8. Material Requirements for the floats and town square decorations for both
neighborhoods.
Technicians
The technicians taking part in the main tasks work as freelance.
Supposing they receive an average salary of 5,000 CUP (Lara,
2008) for the job done, we may estimate 71 technicians in all.
According to the Culture Municipal Vice-president, this is a
coherent figure if we take into account that 15 electricians were
needed for a town square decoration (that reached the height of the
church in 2007).
Concepts
Electricity
Mechanism
Welding
Total
Overall Total
Floats
76, 000
40, 000
40, 000
156, 000
356, 000
Town square
decoration
100, 000
40, 000
60, 000
200, 000
Draftsmen
Draftsmen, who conceive the design of the town square decorations
and the floats, receive 3,000 CUP. Generally, 2 draftsmen
complete 4 projects, two for the floats and two for the town square
decorations, therefore they earn 12,000 CUP.
8. INVESTMENTS IT GENERATES
In this context, the concept of investment may be conceived as the
expense spent either by the government, the companies or by
individuals, which then results in a commercial activity. That is to
say, all expenses incurred that bring about an income associated
with the parrandas.
Watching the Remedios Parrandas is totally free for everyone. One
must bear in mind that this is a feast of popular origin for all the
people to enjoy in an open place. “José Martí” Central Square,
where an unlimited number of spectators flow, plays a leading role
in the main ceremony on December 24. This is why we cannot talk
about investment values to put up seats (bleachers) for spectators,
as it usually happens in traditional carnivals. When we refer to
investment as a strictly economic term, we can only mean the cost
for the acquisition of those consumables that are commercialized in
the parrandas (commerce and gastronomy in national currency)
However, this institution classifies the expense made on materials
needed for the floats and the town square decorations as
investment, though they do not have an associated benefit from an
economic standpoint. The expenses made on materials have
9
Concepts
UM
Costumes
Bag
Cable
Nail
Cardboard
Net
Plaster
Gray Cardboard
m
u
km
kg
sheet
roll
mt
sheet
Wood
Vinyl Paint
Oil paint
Barge Adhesive
PVC
Electrode
Bulb
Corrugated Bar
Cotton Thread
Flour
Güines1
Thick cardboard
Tinplate
Solder
Silicate
Newsprint Paper
Alcohol
Tube
Míneo
Chlorate
Sulfur
Black
Aluminum
Reactive
Aluminum
Potassium
nitrate
Citron Carbon
Oxygen
Acetylene
Rope
Masking Tape
Adhesive Tape
Tape
m3
lit
gal
can
can
kg
u
mt
roll
sack
u
sheet
kg
pound
lit
mt
lit
m
kg
pound
pound
pound
120
3, 000
40
4
2
600
3, 000
6
80
24
400, 000
10
2, 000
60
1, 200
4
400
600
300
300
4 000
200
pound
300
kg
sack
cylinder
cylinder
km
roll
u
u
Quantity of
Materials
40, 000
20, 000
40
4, 000
1, 600
20
10
4, 000
6
200
40
30
2
1, 000
160
160
Chain
TRD Store Chain
Cubalse
Panamericana
Palmares
The preparation of the main streets, urban spaces, roads, and square
is not considered as an associated investment for holding the
parrandas, since the Municipal Government sees their investments
in this sector as another line of work.
It is important to clarify that apart from the Government's direct
investments, the commercial representations of the various chains
established in the municipality invest in consumables to anticipate
a rise in the level of sales (referred to in the productive chaining
section). There are no studies covering this topic, but the registered
results of preceding years serve as basis for these representations to
anticipate the consumables required to face the demand growth,
which is considered an investment.
Cubanacan
ARTEX
“London City” store, belonging to Cubalse Chain and located in
Remedios, increases its general expenses to about 100% in May
and December as compared to the other months of the year, having
the latter the highest values. This corresponds to the increase of the
sales during those months in proportion to the expense. The month
of December is considered the start of the high tourist season
(December - April), and when other festive dates such as Christmas
and New Year's Eve fall, That is why it cannot be stated that this
period's increase in activity is only due to the parrandas.
7,2%
Ene
8,3%
Fe b
7,1% 7,1%
Ma r
Ab r
6 ,2%
Ma y
All the chains with commercial representations listed above
somehow experience an income rise during the days of the festivity.
There are no studies dealing with the factors involved in this
growth, but it is generally accepted that the flow of people
(residents, national and foreign visitors) increases the economic
activity during these days.
ARTEX
Par excellence, ARTEX is the Cuban mercantile society dealing
with the artistic and literary promotions. Doing business is among
its main tasks. Through Commercial Lauros, it exports, imports
and distributes goods for the cultural industry and the artistic
creation, and it places its products in the commercial
representations of the national network of stores throughout the
country. ARTEX Bazaar is the only representation of this chain in
the municipality of Remedios. The items more sold in the
municipality are sound reproducing equipments, souvenirs, and
bags or backpacks. Chart 2 shows the behavior of the monthly
gross income of the year 2007. Its average daily income is about
260 CUC, and during the festive days, they reach 400 CUC.
(Broche, 2008)
14 ,4 %
13 ,9 %
Jun
7 ,2% 7 ,0% 7,1% 7,4% 7 ,2%
Jul
Ag o
Sep
O ct
Nov
Establishment
“La 8va Villa” Store
“London City” Store
“La Unión” Store
“El Guije” Cultural Center
“El Louvre” Cafeteria
Mascotte Hostel
Mascotte Restaurante
“Las leyendas” Cultural Center
“La suite de las Parrandas” ARTEX Bazaar
D ic
e s tru c tu ra d e l g a s to a n u a l
Ene= Jan Feb=Feb Mar=Mar Abr= Apr May= May Jun= Jun Jul=
Jul Ago=Aug Sep=Sept Oct=Oct Nov=Nov Dic=Dec
1 4 ,5 %
Estructura del gasto anual= annual expense structure
1 2 ,9 %
9 ,5 %
9. PRODUCTIVE CHAINING
7 ,3 %
7 ,3 %
M a rz
A b ril
7 ,9 %
7 ,6 %
May
Jun
9 ,8 %
9 ,9 %
O ct
Nov
8 ,1 %
5 ,1 %
By productive chaining, we mean the activation of other economic
sectors not linked directly to the parrandas that increase their
benefits at the time they are held. It includes the participation of
several sectors of the economic activity, such as the state company
system (commerce, gastronomy, accommodation), and the private
activities in the territory.
Fe b
Jul
Ag o s t
Sept
D ic
e s tr u c tu r a d e i n g r e s o a n u a l
Ene= Jan Feb=Feb Mar=Mar Abr= Apr May= May Jun= Jun Jul=
Jul Ago=Aug Sep=Sept Oct=Oct Nov=Nov Dic=Dec
In addition, the Municipal Government is authorized to accept and
promote the participation of local companies in festive activities.
Several representations of the main commercial chains of the
country coexist in the municipality (See table 9).
Estructura de ingreso anual = annual income structure
Table 9. Representations of commercial and gastronomic chains in the Municipality
of Remedios
10
Note that the highest incomes are attained in the months of August
and December, mainly because of the sale of their principal
products. This growth also coincides with the vacation months
(June August) more than with the rise of tourism, which can be
explained by the type of products sold that corresponds to the
demand at this time of the year. In this sense, this store's 2008 sale
plan (charts 3 and 4) also foresees an income increase for these
months. Following is the predicted movement of overall incomes
for the main products during the 2008 most important months.
diplomatic corps and international organizations located on the
island up to its current expansion into other sectors to contribute to
the economic development of the country. Only last year,
CUBALSE had an income reaching 266, 6 million dollars (18
million more than in 1997), with a profit of 73 million, and a
contribution to the state central box reaching 14 million. (Ricardo
Luís, 1999)
“London City” is a mixed store carrying a variety of articles. Its
income shows a significant economic growth in the months of May
and December, the latter coinciding with the celebration of the
parrandas. The income structure of the chain is proportional to the
expenses, which means that the store maintains a stable economic
efficiency.
Charts 3 and 4. Estimated gross incomes per product. ARTEX in
Remedios, 2008
Bolsos y
mochilas
Agosto
Octubre
1 4 ,4 %
1 3 ,9 %
Equipos de
Sonido
8 ,3 %
7 ,2 %
Diciembre
Ene
7 ,1 % 7 ,1 %
Feb
Mar
Ab r
6 ,2 %
May
Ju n
7 ,2 % 7 , 0 % 7 , 1 % 7 ,4 % 7 ,2 %
Jul
Ag o
Sep
Oct
Nov
D ic
e s tr u c tu r a d e i n g r e s o a n u a l
Literatura
Ene= Jan Feb=Feb Mar=Mar Abr= Apr May= May Jun= Jun Jul= Jul
Ago=Aug Sep=Sept Oct=Oct Nov=Nov Dic=Dec
Articulo
fotografia
Estructura de ingreso anual = annual income structure
10. THE REMEDIOS PARRANDAS AS A FOCUS OF TOURIST
ATTRACTION
Agosto
Octubre
Diciembre
As Emilio Roig (1944) would put it when referring to the Remedios
Parrandas: “they offer an extraordinary folk interest and constitute
a show of unique attraction for national and foreign tourism”.
Undoubtedly, the parrandas are a cultural resource with a potential
to generate activities for tourists visiting Cuba during the months of
December, and especially for those staying in resorts near the City
of Remedios. For other certain sectors, though still a minority in
the island, the festivity is a travel motivation for learning and
sharing culture. However, it cannot be stated that the feast
currently contributes significant tourist flows and incomes to Villa
Clara Province.
(Source: personal elaboration based on the information available at the
Economic Administration of the store)
Equipos de sonido = sound equipment
Bolsos y mochilas = bags and backpacks
Literatura = literature
Artículo de fotografía = article of photography
Agosto = August
Octubre = October
Diciembre = December
During 2007, Villa Clara Province received more than 121, 000
tourists, for an approximate growth of 35% in respect of the
preceding year. This development was determined by the
increasing acceptance of the tourist pole on the northeastern keys
(Santa María, Las Brujas and Ensenacho) with more than 2,000
rooms, and several historical, cultural and natural attractions.(AIN
Villa Clara, 2007) The province has 11 resorts to accommodate
tourists (more than 2,500 rooms), 10% of which classify as city
accommodation (See table 10)
Las Leyendas Cultural Center
Las Leyendas Cultural Center is one of the sites in charge of
promoting the cultural development of the territory by presenting
shows with several orchestras from the municipality, province and
other parts of country. It has a gastronomic capacity to serve 120
people that pay 1 CUC as cover charge to see the show. There are 5
performances from Wednesday to Sunday each week. During the
festive season, there are shows seven days a week. This facility's
daily gross income averages 450 CUC, which doubles when there
is a special performance with an orchestra or a comedian from the
capital. This is why there are higher incomes during the festive
days when the best shows are presented. (Jimenez, 2008).
CUBALSE
For 30 years CUBALSE, one of the quality chains in Cuba, has
been evolving as a guarantor of goods and services for the
11
Resort
Meliá Las Dunas
Occidental Royal
Hideaway Ensenachos
Meliá Cayo Santa María
Sol Cayo Santa María
Santa Clara Libre
Hanabanilla
Elguea
Los Caneyes
La Granjita
Las Brujas
Mascotte
Chain / Operator
Gaviota / Sol Meliá
Gaviota/ Occidental Hoteles
Typology/Category
Beach / 5*
Beach / 5*
Isla Azul
Isla Azul
Isla Azul
Cubanacan
Cubanacan
Gaviota
Cubanacan
Beach / 5*
Beach / 4*
City / 2*
Nature / 2*
Nature / 3*
City / 3*
Nature / 3*
Beach / 3*
City / 3*
The Mascotte, from the Cubanacan hotel chain, is the only state
accommodation resort in Remedios. The 10-room building across
from Mayor Square has a colonial architectonic style harmoniously
combining with the atmosphere of the city. The restaurant and the
bar are other income generating facilities of the resort.
Rooms
925
506
360
297
166
125
99
95
75
26
10
Yet, in terms of income, December represents the second mot
important month with a ratio of 12.3%. It is significant that this
participation is achieved with the lowest ratio of tourists/day (8%)
in the high season months (November April). It suggests that the
income increase during the month of December is not only
conditioned by hotel occupation, but also by the growth in demand
of other services such as those offered to hotel guests and tourists in
restaurants, bars, circuits included in the city offer, and in private
homes as well as the services given to single day visitor and local
residents.
Due to its geographic proximity, as it is located in the very scene of
the parrandas, this resort is a good example to value the influence
the festivity has on tourism. However, it is important to stress the
potential of the parrandas as a tourist resource that transcends the
geographical borders of Remedios. Yet, owing to their reduced
offer, the existing tourist, commercial or gastronomic
representations in this city report modest income and tourists/day
contributions to the province. Nevertheless, there are no records of
the tourist flow and income generated exclusively by the parrandas,
because the official statistics only register tourists staying in state
resorts without specifying the reason of their trip.
The importance of December in the management of Mascotte
Hotel also becomes evident when comparing the income growth
rates corresponding to this month and the annual rate: while the
hotel's 2006 annual income reports a 10% increase, and a 2007
decrease of 7%, the growth of this indicator for the month of
December is of 14% and 22% respectively.
The monthly tourists/day structure of Mascotte Hotel during the
last three years indicates a similar tendency of seasonal behavior of
the arrivals in Cuba. In this respect, however, there is a relatively
higher rate in the months of July and August (11% and 12%
respectively) than in the classical months of tourist high season
(November April). (See chart 6)
The behavior of these indicators in the Mascotte Hotel show that
during the month of December growing profits are achieved in the
tourist sector. Though these benefits cannot only be ascribed to the
Remedios Parrandas because they coincide with the Christmas and
New Year's Eve celebrations and with the national tourist high
season, they suggest their importance for the community.
T u ris t a s / d ía s
I n g r e s o s T u r ís t ic o s
14%
14
12%
12
10%
10
b
re
These family residences as an average have 2 rooms rented for 20
and 25 CUC per night. Therefore, there are about 60 rooms to let
apart from the hotel sector. Assuming an occupation of 100% and a
room density of 2 guests, one can calculate that this rent typology
generates a daily average income of about 500 CUC, and a number
of 120 tourists staying in private homes during the days of the
festivities (only in respect of accommodation). These homes offer
other services such as restaurant, bar, safety lockers, telephone/fax,
m
b
re
D
ic
ie
ie
ov
N
O
ct
m
ub
b
o
S
ep
ti
em
st
o
li
Ju
go
A
ni
o
Ju
br
zo
ay
M
A
re
ar
M
ro
eb
ne
E
re
2
re
4
2%
o
6
4%
il
8
6%
ro
8%
F
Private homes are another modality for accommodation in the City
of Remedios. At the moment of the research, 29 of them, having
very similar offers, were legalized to rent rooms to visitors. These
homes directly exploit the city attractions and the parrandas as a
motivation for visitors to stay over, evidence of which is found on
the internet, where values such as the colonial architecture, the
proximity to the Historical Center and José Martí Square, scene of
the Remedios Parrandas, are stressed. During the festivities, this
form of accommodation is in high demand (Dominguez, 2008).
Turistas/días = tourists/days
Ingresos turísticos = tourist incomes
Enero= January Febrero=February Marzo=Marc Abril= April Mayo= May
Junio= June Julio= July Agosto=August Septiembre=September
Octubre=October Noviembre=November Diciembre=December
12
foreign visitors take part in the festivities, 40,000 of whom are local
residents, while from 350 to 400 are tourists staying at the Mascotte
or in private homes. This suggests that the festivity could be
generating a flow of 20,000 national and foreign visitors not
making use of accommodation services, and that a majority of them
only remains in the city for a few hours or a day, but represent a
significant income potential in respect of gastronomy, commerce,
and communication services, among others. The importance that
the Remedios Parrandas have for tourism is shown in the way
tourist agencies and other entities regard them, the Mascotte Hotel
incomes, and on the local authorities and residents' perception of
the flow of visitors and movement of buses during the day of the
festivities. However, these celebrations are still not exploited
sufficiently as a cultural resource, which could yield greater
benefits for the tourist promoters of the area. The design of tourist
offers respecting cultural values could contribute to increase direct
tourist incomes, in terms of not only accommodation, gastronomy,
commerce, and other services during the days of the parrandas, but
also of activities related to the preparation of the festivities and their
museum, which could be carried out throughout the year.
and tourist information. For full service of accommodation and
board (breakfast and dinner), the price per night may reach 50 CUC.
Travel agencies have not inserted the Remedios Parrandas as a
regular offer in their product portfolio, but, like other city
attractions, they are referred to as places of interest or attractions
that act as promotional bait for renting rooms in the Villa Clara
territory and motivating a trip to Cuba. In this sense, they agree to
place it among the oldest cultural traditions of the island. As a
reference, table 11 offers a list of some travel agencies with offers
on the Internet, and the corresponding prices of standard rooms in
Mascotte Hotel.
Website
CubaHotelBookings
(http://www.cubahotelbookings.com)
Cubatravelhotels
(http://www.cubatravelhotels.com)
Hoteles de Cuba (www.cuba.cu)
Cubahotelreservations
(http://www.cubahotelreservation.com)
Flexivacations (http://es.flexivacations.com)
Public Prices
Standard Room
60,50 USD
51,00 USD
66,15 USD
65,00 USD
11. BOOSTING THE LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
89,33 €
The local economic development related to the Remedios
Parrandas is conceived as a result of the socioeconomic and cultural
progress of the territory, through a resolute and arranged
articulation of the different local agents (public and private)
respecting the historical and cultural values of the community and
its identity. However, the economic resources generated by the
festivity are not decisive for the economic development of the
town.
Cubatur and Havanatur Cuban travel agencies operate in Villa Clara
Province. They promote these festivities through their offices
abroad. For example, Havanatur lists them as the most important
event of the country in the month of December. However, there is
no information available as to their optional or tourist package
design including these festivities. Nonetheless, the detailed actions
of their tourist bureaus during the feasts help draw international
visitors to the city, especially from accommodation resorts in the
province and from other tourist destinations. Nevertheless, the
tourists flow and the incomes generated by the parrandas in respect
to the sales of options, transportation, or tourists staying in Villa
Clara Province hotels cannot be estimated.
Nowadays, there are no studies concerning the specific impact of
the parrandas on the local economic development, however
research to assess the local development of Villa Clara Province
from a comprehensive socioeconomic perspective has been carried
out. It would be fair to say that the main impact of the celebration
of these feasts on the territory are the deep roots this cultural
traditional has developed among residents, which undeniably
fosters development, cultural interchange, and reinforces identity.
The appeal the Remedios Parrandas have is not the only evident in
the use travel agencies make of these festivities, but also in the
promotion on websites, in tourist bureaus, and in private homes
offering accommodation. For example, the Cuban Tourist
Directory (http://www.dtcuba.com) has ten articles promoting
Remedios as the Parranda Square, and its feasts as the oldest in
Cuba. It classifies both the feasts and the Museum that recreates
them as one of the most relevant cultural attractions of the island
and Villa Clara Province.
The Cuban tourist website
(http://www.cubatravel.cu) includes them in the “entertainment
and leisure” section as one of the most famous Cuban popular
feasts, alongside with the Santiago de Cuba and the City of Havana
carnivals, and the Bejucal Charangas.
Another important factor is the capacity to generate jobs all year
round, especially in the month of December. Nevertheless, the
importance the artists' individual creativity boost should take in the
region to produce potentially marketable works, such as
handicrafts associated with the feast, during the parrandas and the
rest of the year should not be disregarded.
Something to bear in mind is the fact that the incomes of the estate
and private company systems established in the municipality of
Remedios increase during the month of December. However, the
national representations of several company chains appropriate
these incomes, and do not reinvest them to benefit of the territory.
The International Tourism Fair (FITCUBA), the most important
event of the Cuban tourist industry, will dedicate its 2008 edition to
the theme of culture-tourism integration. Thus, the association of
this topic with the Heritage Cities in Cuba has been proposed to
promote cultural attractions and strengths that highlight these
tourist products, which include the City of Remedios as a place of
obliged visit, and its parrandas as the most relevant appeal.
At present, the Municipal Government has feasible mechanisms to
generate its own economic flows that are materialized in the
“Funds Account”, already analyzed. Though not wanting the
parrandas to become a lucrative activity, we believe that the boost
of these economic flows should guarantee the full sustainability of
the process.
As stated before, an average of 60,000 people, including local
residents and others living outside the municipality, national and
In this sense, talking about the economic management means to
achieve an increase in consumption through the improvement of
13
the quality and diversification of the commercial, gastronomic and
service offer, and of the exiting collection mechanisms, all of which
will benefit both the administration of the state company system,
and the economic management of the Municipal Government
during he parrandas. It is also necessary to increase the knowledge
and the innovating capacity of the local actors and the economic
decision makers involved, though some concrete actions have been
taken in this direction. For example, in the year 2005, a training
course to update tenants of the city of Remedios on tourism and
culture took place.
Remedios. However, it should not be interpreted as an
intensification of the flow of visitors, but as an improvement in
management quality of the territory and in its benefits, which will
also contribute to limit the negative impact of tourist flows on the
cultural heritage of the city. This could be attained by accessing to
segments of specialized tourism, such as cultural travelers;
stimulating tourists and visitors to consume during the festive days
by widening the commercial and gastronomic services, and others
in demand, as well as by selling allegorical handicrafts made
following popular initiatives.
12 CONCLUSIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
- The Remedios Parrandas, expression of the most genuine popular
traditions, places the municipality of the same name as a sociocultural space unique in the island of Cuba, and at the same time,
contributes to the cultural interchange and the reinforcement of the
local identity, having the latter its main impact on the territory.
AIN, Villa Clara (2007).
Luz María Martínez, diciembre 2007, Villa Clara, Cuba. En
http://www.cmhw.co.cu/noticia
Esquenazi Perez, Martha (2002)
“Música de Navidad”. La Jiribilla, enero 2002, La Habana, Cuba.
En http://www.lajiribilla.co.cu
- The State Central Budget, Villa Clara Provincial Government and
the economic management of the Municipal Government finance
the Remedios Parrandas. This financing is done in two national
currencies and reaches and average of 3 to 4 million CUP, and
12,000 CUC.
Felíu Herrera, Virtudes (2003).
“Fiestas y tradiciones cubanas”, Editorial Linotipia Bolivar,
Colombia, 2003.
Fernández Martín, Vivian (2004) “Estudio de los recursos
turísticos para la diversificación de la oferta en destinos con
vocación de sol y playa”. Instituto de Geografía Tropical, Habana,
Cuba.
- The generating capacity of direct jobs throughout the year,
particularly in the month of December, is the main economic
impact of the parrandas on the local development. In 2007, the
amount of salaries earned was 1, 141, 000 CUP corresponding to
269 direct jobs, which fostered a participation of various
professions and trades, and the exploitation of the artistic skills of
the residents.
Machado Ordext, Luis (2005)
“¿1513, Fecha de certidumbre histórica? El origen y fundación de
San Juan de los Remedios es tan oscuro y nebuloso como el de casi
todos los pueblos....” Periódico La Vanguardia, junio de 2005,
Cuba.
- The celebration of the parrandas benefits state and private
commerce, gastronomy, tourism and other service entities.
However, it cannot be affirmed that the profits in these sectors
during the month of December are associated exclusively with the
festivity, as the Christmas holidays and the high tourist season
coincide in this month.
Machado Ordext, Luis; Fartot Muñiz, Rafael (2005)
“Única Estatua de la Libertad de Cuba está en Remedios”,
Periódico La Vanguardia, junio 2005, Cuba.
Machado Ordext, Luis (2004)
“Remedios, la Octava Villa prepara la celebración de su aniversario
490”. Periódico La Vanguardia, diciembre de 2004, Cuba.
- The Remedios Parrandas currently contribute to the generation of
tourist profits for the state and private offer in respect of
accommodation, commerce, gastronomy, and transportation
services among others. Residents of this municipality, tourists
staying in the state or private resorts, and the national and foreign
visitors coming to the city of Remedios to enjoy the festivity
generate these benefits. The latter group is the majority.
Martín Fort, Miguel (1988)
“Las parrandas remedianas”. Editorial letras Cubanas, Giraldilla,
1988.
Martínez, Luís Evideo (2007)
“San Juan de los Remedios cumple 492 años”, junio 2007, Cuba.
- The Remedios Parrandas are an essential cultural resource to
improve the tourist offer in Villa Clara Province. Having this local
event assigns the province a competitive advantage to diversify its
current offer and insert itself in the initiatives of national cultural
tourist offers, as for example, the Cultural Routes.
Méndez Delgado, Elier (2000)
“El Índice de Desarrollo Municipal en diez variantes en Villa
Clara”
- Though not wanting the parrandas to become a lucrative activity,
the Municipal Government should strengthen the current economic
management mechanisms and the company system.
The
generation of new contribution methods such as international
cooperation and the diversification of the tax system should also be
analyzed
Ministerio de Finanzas y Precios (1999)
“Ley de la administración financiera”, Decreto-ley No 192, abril
1999, Cuba
Ricardo Luís, Roger (1999)
“Otro buen año para Cubalse en la captación de divisas”, Periódico
Granma, febrero 1999, Habana, Cuba.
- The tourism generated by the Remedios Parrandas could become
an important promoter for the economic development of the City of
14
INTERVIEWS
Risquet Bueno, Jesús (2007)
“Las Parrandas de Remedios”. Periódico Trabajadores, enero 2007,
Cuba.
- Melgarejo, Alexis (2008). Jefe de Misiones del Consejo de Estado
y expresidente del gobierno de Villa Clara.
- Lara, Rafael (2008). Metodólogo Nacional de Tradiciones,
Consejo Nacional de Casas de Cultura.
- Farto Muñiz, Rafael Jorge (2008). Historiador de la Ciudad de
Remedios.
- Jiménez, Juan Carlos (2008). Director Centro Cultural “Las
leyendas”, Municipio Remedios.
- Morales, Juan (2008). Vicepresidente de Cultura, Gobierno
Municipal de Remedios.
- Broche, Lázaro (2008). Vicedirector Comercial de la Dirección
Económica de ARTEX.
- Martínez, Yirma (2008) Dirección de Inversiones, Cubalse
- Domínguez Ulibarri, Francisco R. (2008). Licenciado en Control
Económico y Contabilidad. Remediano
- Muñoz Baños, Eddy (2008). Especialista Principal de Marketing,
Grupo CUBANACAN.
Risquet Bueno, Jesús (2007) 2
“San Juan de los Remedios. La octava villa cubana”. Periódico
Trabajadores, julio 2007, Cuba.
Roig de Leuchsenring, Emilio (1944)
“Las Parrandas de Nochebuena en San Juan de los Remedios”.
Revista Carteles, febrero 1994, Cuba
Sexto, Luís (2006)
“Las parrandas de Remedios”, octubre 2006.
Valdés Sosa, María Teresa (2006)
“Las parrandas de Remedios: Cultura y tradición en el centro de
Cuba”, marzo 2006.
Cerezo López, Rafael (2001)
“Parrandas y charangas”. La Jiribilla, agosto 2001, La Habana,
Cuba. En http://www.lajiribilla.co
WEB SITES
Sitio Cultural de Remedios en el Sitio de la Dirección Provincial de
Cultura
http://www.cenit.cult.cu/sites/remedios
Oficina Territorial de Estadísticas de la Provincia de Villa Clara
(OTEC)
http://www.villaclara.cu/oficina-estadisticas/anuario
Periódico “El Villaclareño”
http://www.villaclara.cu/region/municipios/remedios
Emisora Radial Provincial CMHW
http://www.cmhw.co.cu
Museo de las Parrandas de Remedios
http://www.cnpc.cult.cu/cnpc/museos/Remedios/remedios.htm
Directorio Cultural
http://www.directoriocultural.cult.cu
Revista Cultural “La Jiribilla”
http://www.lajiribilla.co.cu
15
United Nations
Juan Dagoberto Tejeda Ortiz
Sociologist, folklorist, researcher, university
professor.
United Nations
ECONOMY AND CARNIVAL
IN LA VEGA, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
Dagoberto Tejeda Ortiz
SUMMARY
I. - INTRODUCTION
The carnival of the city of La Vega in the Dominican Republic
object of study of this article, celebrated during the month of
February 2007, entailed the participation of 569,000 people as
direct observers and an investment of 5,067,657 American
dollars, which made a great impact on the everyday local
economy.
During the four Sundays of February, including the 27, National
Independence Day, the city of La Vega of the Dominican
Republic celebrates its carnival in the oldest part of the New
World. The first “Moorish and Christian” theatrical games,
coexisting in Europe with carnival expressions that were actually
medieval manifestations of chivalry brought by the Spaniards in
1492, were first staged here in 1514.
More than three thousand (3,000) direct carnival performers
participated in this carnival local Diablos Cajuelos (Lame
Devils), twelve hundred (1,200) carnival performers representing
18 carnivals from the interior of the country, and more than four
hundred fifty (450) social communicators, musicians and artists.
According to the Dominican Historian, Manuel Mañón de Jesús
Arredondo, the first carnival in America was celebrated in the
city of Santo Domingo before 1520. This colonial carnival
eventually transformed itself with the Dominican social
formation, acquiring a category of identity with the National
Independence in 1884. From that of Shrovetide, it evolved into
the Patriotic Carnival or February Carnival giving way to the
celebration of the “Restoration Carnival” in 1865 when the
Dominican Republic recovered its national sovereignty after
overthrowing and expelling the Spaniards, who had historically
occupied and taken over its territory for the second time. It then
evolved into the “Cimarrón (Runaway) Carnival”, taking place at
the end of Easter week, when the people elaborated their original
propositions of decolonization while searching and consolidating
their identity.
In this process of ludic and recreational cultural expressions, and
despite the First American Intervention of 1916-24 and the
Trujillo dictatorship (1930-1960) when the Hall Carnival
prevailed for the governing elites, the people emerged and
remained present with their Street Carnival. Thus, they
consolidated a “subversive” space of resistance, struggle and
identity, which has now become the most important and
transcendent of the Dominican popular culture.
In more than 30 Dominican cities where the February-March
carnival is held, La Vega Carnival, declared “Folk Heritage of the
Dominican Nation” by the Senate of the Republic in 1977, is the
one that receives the largest number of local and national
visitors, and some tourists from abroad. This is due to a
successful process of marketing, publicity and
commercialization that has made La Vega the “Capital of the
Dominican Carnival”.
1
territories in the Caribbean and America, the European empires
legitimize the presence of France in the western part of the island
in 1697, which divides the island in two. Following the 1795
Treaty of Basilea and with the consent of Spain, France takes
hold of the entire island. Its pretensions fade due to the struggles
of the slaves who on the glorious January 1, 1804 proclaimed
their Independence. The triumphant Haitian Revolution for
liberty was the first of its kind in America and not only did it
redeem Haiti, but humanity as it broke away from slavery by
eradicating its insulting and shameful essence with dignity
banners proclaiming: Never again!
The development of this carnival has had a profound impact on
the local economy and the latter in turn has modified the
dynamics, symbols, contents and characters of the carnival,
giving way to new carnival expressions, modifying other
traditional ones and redefining its identity within a dialectic
process of transformation.
As a result of our investigation, we will analyze in this article
how a traditional community, with airs of modernity and where
the carnival was a spontaneous expression of simple enjoyment,
has turned into an economic socio-cultural process. This
collective expression becomes a cultural industry and an
entertainment that has a bearing on all the levels of its existential,
structural and seasonal dynamics redefining activities, contents,
actors and protagonists.
After the Haitian revolution attained an “Ephemeral
Independence” in 1821, and trying to survive from the resentful
and feverish danger of the French empire's efforts to destroy it,
Haiti occupied Santo Domingo in 1822 when the former Spanish
colony proclaimed its National Independence. This Dominican
autonomy lasted a short time, as it began to fade in 1861 when
Spain, a declining empire, annexed the country.
Moreover, the unexpected growth of commercialization
exceeding the expectations and the plans designed and hoped for
grew into a real snowball, making the organizers think about,
redefine and elaborate new proposals within the very whirlpool
of events. These unforeseen obstacles calling for new ways that
even today constitute challenges to be met and transformed
caught them by surprise.
The struggle for dignity and national sovereignty ends in 1865
with the pull out of the Spanish army and the proclamation of the
National Restoration. Again, why is it that the empires of the
moment are so obstinate and badly accustomed? In 1916, the
First North American Intervention of the Dominican Republic
took place and lasted until 1924 when it left in power the Trujillo
Dictatorship that extended until 1961. At this time, the conquest
of public liberties and the redefinition of the Dominican society
begin, and the people rise to the leading role, although the elites
become richer and the country submerges deeper into
dependence, neocolonialism and underdevelopment disregarding
the rate of modernization, in a process where everything
changes, but nothing is modified and much less transforms itself.
I.1. - The Dominican Republic.
The island of Santo Domingo, which the Dominican Republic
shares with Haiti, is located at the margin of the northern
hemisphere, right in the heart of the Caribbean, as an integral
part of the Greater Antilles. The Dominican Republic is exactly
located at 68 degrees longitude west and 18 degrees latitude
north. Its longest dimension is 265 kilometers from south to
north, and 390 kilometers from east to west. The island has
about 77,914 square kilometers, of which 29,472 correspond to
the Republic of Haiti and the remaining 48,442 to the Dominican
Republic, which in the last official census of 2002 reported a
population of 8,562,541 inhabitants made up of 4,265,216 men,
and 4,297,325 women.
I.2.- La Vega.
The structural transformations and the redefinition of Power and
social classes taking place in Europe at the end of feudalism
during the transition from mercantilism to capitalism called for
the “discovery and colonization” of America. Contrary to what
we have been taught through our countries' official history
books, this process was not an innocent adventure or Columbus's
whim, but the implementation of a commercial enterprise in
view of the need for geopolitical expansion in which commercial
exchange was the determining force, above all toward the eastern
territories that had become a legend due to their wealth.
The “conquest and colonization” of America entailed a process
of originary accumulation for Spain and for us in the island of
Santo Domingo, the domination and enslavement of its original
inhabitants, the distribution of their lands, the destruction of their
cultures, the plundering of their riches, and the exploitation of
gold, determining metal in the international commercial relations
of the time, and.
Santo Domingo emerged in Western history owing to the
commercial enterprise sponsored by the Spanish Crown during
the prelude of the process of structural transformation of
mercantilism in its transition from European feudalism to
capitalism. Though Admiral Christopher Columbus arrived and
explored part of the island of Santo Domingo on December 5,
1492, it is actually during his second trip while returning from
Spain that the Europeans started their “conquest and
colonization”. For us it is the beginning of the exploitation,
robbery, plundering, slavery, and genocides carried out in the
name of progress, civilization, God, the Virgin Mary and Saint
Santiago.
The exploitation of gold, in mines, rivers, streams, as well as the
sowing and industrialization of sugar cane, and livestock and
agricultural productions are going to shape the socio-economic
cycles responsible for the social formation of the island. This
process was characterized by the omnipotent imperialist presence
in an originary accumulation process of capital, based on the
ruthless plundering of wealth and the miserable exploitation and
killing of its original populations and slaves brought from Africa.
Christopher Columbus's second trip in November 1493, an
expedition made up of 1,500 men, initiated the “conquest and
colonization” which was actually the start of a process of
plunder, genocide, domination and exploitation. Finding that
Fort Navidad had been destroyed by the natives, Columbus
stationed his men in La Isabela, in the northern coast of the
island, near to what is now Luperón and Puerto Plata (Port
Silver). Though some of the seeds brought from Spain, among
them sugar cane, were planted there, exploration of the interior
In their struggle for the geopolitical distribution of the new
2
technology.
of the island began rapidly, since the Admiral learned from the
natives that gold, what they were really interested in and not
found in this region, was plentiful in the land of “Cibao”.
These realities defined the impossibility of going beyond the
sugar dream and caused the decline and the total abandonment of
Old La Vega to a point that, in 1520, it had become a “ghost
town” where fewer than 120 families still lived, and runaway
Negroes found spaces to survive in its surroundings. Then, in
1562, an earthquake completed the destruction of what had been
left standing of an impressive city whose splendorous life based
on the extraction and casting of gold had been transitory.
Given the need to find gold, Columbus began an aggressive
military march toward the gold lands of the interior. He began to
build military forts near native settlements as they adopted a
deliberate attitude of repudiation and struggle against the
invaders after becoming aware of the real plundering nature of
the Spaniards and understood that these men were not the saviors
of their prophecies.
Old La Vega was devastated and became a total ruin. Nearby, on
the bank of the Comú River, fewer than sixteen families dwelling
in straw houses raised livestock and lived on subsistence farming.
As in the rest of the territory of the Spanish colony, the panorama
of poverty did not really change during the XVII century and the
first half of the XVIII until the great development of the French
colony in the west encouraged economic exchanges based on the
sale of meat. Although this process began to transform the
economy in La Vega and its urban context, it was aborted by the
liberation war of the slaves against imperialist France and later by
the Haitian Revolution.
On their way to conquest and domination, and upon reaching the
Hidalgos Path, at the top of the Northern Range, the invaders
became astonished with the scenery of the huge and impressive
valley presenting itself before them. Columbus christened it
“Valle de la Vega Real” (Valley of the Royal Meadow). Here is
where the Admiral built the Concepción Fort, which he initially
assigned a military character. However, due to the exuberant
flora, the quality of the soil, the great number of rivers and
streams, Columbus initially considered it an agricultural center,
but the abundance of gold, which made his dream and the utopia
of his commercial enterprise of his discovery come true
compelled him to change his mind rapidly.
La Vega remained an excellent livestock producer thanks to its
natural conditions, food and water, but the policy of development
of the Haitian occupation (1822-1844) began to foster the
production of coffee, tobacco and cocoa that turned the former
Spanish colony into a major producer of these commodities. This
transformation of the economy in La Vega raised it to an
extraordinary height from the XIX on. It culminated with the
opening of the La Vega-Samaná railway making La Vega one of
the most developed, inhabited and progressive cities in the
country. This process brought about a cultural development that
had an impact on the carnival owing to the historical process of
social formation.
After the arrival of more Spanish settlers in 1502, and in view of
the initiative of Governor Fray Nicolás de Ovando to bring
specialized Spanish miners, a gold foundry was built in the
surrounding area of the military fort to exploit this metal. This
settlement, christened Concepción de la Vega, brought about an
initial process of socio-economic growth and development and
became the most important mining center of the island.
The creation of the gold foundry, concentrating all the casting of
the region, made La Vega the most important demographic center
of the island. Put in Casas words in 1510, though somewhat
exaggerated according to historian Frank Moya Pons (1), thee
were more 10,000 inhabitants, and besides the fort it had, a
cathedral, the special house of the Bishop, a convent and
hundreds of brick houses with fences.
La Vega is nowadays one of the 31 provinces of the Dominican
Republic (territorial unit of higher political and administrative
hierarchy in the country), which, together with Sánchez Ramírez
and Monseñor Nouel Province, from the Cibao Central Region.
This province has a surface area of 2273, 78 square kilometers.
According to the last census in 2002, it has a population of
385,101, of which 195,307 are men, and 189,794 women;
213,947 live in urban areas, and 213,947 in rural regions.
However, in contrast to mines, alluvium gold has the
disadvantage of wearing out rapidly, since it is the result of years
of drift in streams and rivers. Therefore, when this auriferous
production started decreasing in 1506, a real catastrophe set in
bringing about the dismantling of the economic life and the
destruction of the settlement. It was then necessary to turn to the
commercial exploitation of sugar cane, which Aguilón had been
successfully planting in La Vega since 1506 as part of his
experiments with the seeds brought from Spain by Columbus.
This type of sugar cane had originally been acclimatized in La
Isabela where a type of sugar that historian Emilio Cordero
Michel has identified with raspadura (hardened sugar) was
produced in a sugar mill.
The municipality acting as administrative center of this province
is located in the city of Concepción de La Vega on the bank of the
Camú River. With a population of 220, 279 inhabitants and an
extension of 651 square kilometers, it includes the municipalities
of Constanza, Jarabacoa and Jima Abajo.
I.3.- La Vega Carnival.
According to the Dominican folklorist Fradique Lizardo quoted
by Pedro Antonio Valdez in 1510, after the celebration of the first
new mass of America, officiated by Bartolomé de las Casas, “
carnival farces were celebrated” (2) in Old La Vega.
The success of the sale of this commodity led Miguel Ballester to
build, three years later, a second sugar mill with relative
commercial success, but it failed when he pushed forward with a
macro production to generate profits and wealth. Seeing that it
had a great market, sugar needed to be produced in large
quantities and required abundant hand labor, in contrast to the
limited local possibilities and because La Vega, an inland town,
did not have a port nearby or the transportation resources and
Several researchers, Mario Concepción, Francisco Torres Petitón,
Pedro Antonio Valdez, and Hugo M. Estrella Guzmán, among
others, agree that the charges formulated against the controversial
canon Álvaro de Castro accusing him of “having been seen on
horseback in the company of others on various occasions during
3
Mañón de Jesús Arredondo states that there are documents to
prove that the City of Santo was celebrating their carnival by
1520 (6) following the European model of Shrovetide in Spain,
which ended the Tuesday before Ash Wednesday.
certain feasts and taking Moorish and Christian surnames”, as
prove of the carnival games.
The architect José González has gone further when certifying
“that in the Concepción Square they were celebrating Shrovetide,
time when Ribbon Dances were performed among penitents and
members of the congregation dressed as devils”. (3)
Following the colonial tradition of ending the great historical and
religious events with a carnival, the popular festivity in honor of
the commemoration of the National Independence in the
Dominican Republic was rescheduled to February 27. It
acquired historical category by transcending the European
traditional Shrovetide and came to be known as “Independence
Carnival” or “February Carnival”.
There is no doubt that when development was booming during
the prime cycle of gold, Old La Vega was the most important
center of the population of the island and a variety of ludic, and
festive celebrations, both individual and collective, took place.
However, there is no testimony available, and to be perfectly
honest, the plot of Moors and Christians is a “gentlemen's game”
brought over by the Spaniards which is neither masquerade nor
carnival.
Similarly, the celebrations for the National Restoration, patriotic
anti-imperialist epic led by the people to expel the Spanish
invaders on their second incursion to control the national
territory in 1865, including the street carnival of August 16 came
to be known as the “Restoration Carnival”
According to what López Canto states in his book, “Feats and
Games in Puerto Rico (XVII century)”, the game of Moors and
Christians “played in many parts of Spain at the moment of the
discovery was not only taken advantage of as a ludic act in itself,
but was given the manifest goal of acculturating the Indian
population instilled with new beliefs. Nothing better to
indoctrinate and frighten while entertaining to exert a better
control over them. As a game, it was a farce aiming to
consolidate gentlemanlike values and to attain a prestige category
through entertainment and the manifest division at a religious
level of the “good”, identified with the Christians, and the
“bad”, who in our American context were later the “Indians' and
“Negroes”. (4)
According to researcher Francisco Torres Petitón in La Vega,
“Up to now, we have found no document confirming carnival
manifestations or masquerades from the start of the colonial
period to the end of the XIX century. However, La Vega
researcher Don Jovino Espinola notes that to due to the Guerra
Chiquita (Small War) (1879) in Cuba, some families emigrating
from that sister island established themselves in La Vega” (7)
bringing carnival expressions that enriched the existing local
ones.
Don Jovino Espínola, as quoted by Pedro Antonio Valdez, points
out that in 1897 “ a group of Cuban and Porto Rican immigrants,
together with other La Vega fellowmen, exhibited La Culebra de
San Juan (The San Juan Snake), a street display of a comparsa
(troupe of carnival revelers). It was of African inspiration and
integrated by ten or twelve artisans led by the young Juan
Francisco Hernández, alias Juan Fico, who coiled a crafted snake
around his body as the other revelers followed him. The plot,
like in every carnival act, was trivial: the snake took hold of the
man, who in his terror and in the midst of chants received the
help when the sorcerer Papá (Father) Lembé freed him using his
magical arts”. (8)
Furthermore, it deliberately shows Providence, God, on the side
of the “good”; the Spaniards with the support of San Santiago,
the Warrior Saint protecting the Conquerors, as it occurred in
Santo Cerro Battle, near La Vega. Virgin Mercedes, contrary to
the essence of Christian theology defending the poor, announced
the good news that she was on the side of the Spaniards and not
of the natives. In the unequal battle, she even made the avenging
arrows shot by the natives turn against them to allow the invaders
to win.
This battle is the result of a legend, since there has been no way
of finding historical prove. However, Virgin Mercedes, who
supposedly appeared before the battle, is the Patron Saint of the
country. A beautiful church with a hole, where according to
tradition Columbus planted a cross, was built on the Virgin's hill
where the battle allegedly to place. Likewise, a temple, erected
where Virgin Mercedes is said to have also emerged, has become
one of the most important centers of pilgrimage in the island.
The troupers started their street theater by singing:
“Calabazó, zoo, zó…
(“Squasho, sho, sho…)
La matán en el camino, (They kill it on the road)
Pero no la enterrán,
(But they don't bury it)
Calabazó, zoo, zó.
La culebra se murió
(The snake died)
ese negro la mató,
(That Negro killed it)
Calabaó, zoo, zó” . (9)
Written documents and testimonies of the existence of the
colonial carnival have been found neither in Old La Vega nor in
the town that developed afterwards on the banks of Camú, given
that the manifestations of the assumed carnival expressions are
part of the festive games brought over by the Spaniards. It is
both naïve and idyllic to think that the ribbon dance, arriving
much later, was danced in Old La Vega.
This African-Cuban comparsa enriched the existing carnival
because it was placed in the context of popular street
celebrations brought by Cubans identified with their African
ancestors, conscious and proud of their popular culture.
However, La Vega elites under Spanish influence saw
contradictions in these festivities.
Consequently, in 1910, catholic priest Armando Ramírez, out of
his racist and religious prejudices, took the initiative to transform
the San Juan Comparsa, as it represented one of the most popular
saints among slaves, into the San Blas Comparsa. For this
reason, he elaborated the literature and supplied the music on
Actually, according to researcher Carlos Esteban Deive, the
carnival did not appeared in La Vega, but in the city of Santo
Domingo in 1758, though he acknowledges that it already existed
for some people in 1553 (5). On the contrary, researcher Manuel
4
which he substituted the African sorcerer for a catholic friar, the
African falling victim of the snake for a native, and the rest of the
characters for Indians and hunters.
Consequently, the hall carnival was strengthened due to various
reasons. The dictatorship could control it more easily than the
street carnival; it could be used to get closer to the elite, and
because a great part of that class belonged to or was identified
with the established regime. “The hall carnival was the most
splendorous until the fifties. Since it was an indoor elitist
celebration easy to control, the Trujillo Regime could allow
certain ludic license, though never politic.
Consistent with their beliefs, Padre Ramírez's Indians were
indoctrinated and converted. That is why he says:
“Con la oración de San Blas, (“With San Blas's prayer,
atrajo el indio la culebra
(The Indian attracted the snake
mirenle la boca abierta
(Look at its open mouth
y la lengua colorá”. (10)
(And the red tongue.”) (10)
According to researcher Pedro Antonio Valdez, “the main hall
parties took place at Casino Central. The night of the awaited
masquerade, people took to the streets to see the parade of the
beautiful comparsas in different parts of the city heading toward
the Casino. Some carried torches to brighten the night; others
were accompanied by bands of musicians playing the contagious
paso doble rhythm to stir people to rejoicing; comparsas raised a
stream of candies and confetti along the way… In all of these
celebrations, the onlookers watched with unending delight the
painstaking genius of the color paper disguises, the brightness of
the velvet fabric, the young ladies with radiant faces under their
vivid makeup, and the young men with strong bodies augmented
by the humor of their disguises. The spirit of the carnival filled
the City briefly which in those day was only an intersection of
small streets surrounding the Cathedral and was concentrated in
the elegant and exclusive halls of the Casino Central.
At the beginning of the XX century, the number of comparsas
increased on the streets of La Vega, where the presence of the
zarzuela (traditional Spanish operetta) companies influenced
local imagination to present theatrical comparsas. At a popular
level, the Indian comparsas emerged in many parts of the
country. It was based on the street theater recreating the
encounter of Spaniards and natives from the perspective of the
latter. Similarly, other future comparsas also staged the struggle
between Indians and cowboys as if being in the American West.
The popular neighborhood of La Cigua (Guarionex) outstood as
an important carnival center, where some individual characters
such as Robalagallina (Chicken Thief) arose and have become La
Vega Carnival icons surviving up to the present. In addition,
according to Fradique Lizardo, influenced by the Cuban
immigration to La Vega, the “Baile del Monito” (Little Monkey
Dance) began to be recreated inducing carnival imagination to
guarantee participants to end up stripping, since all those who
became angry dressed and left.
Then under the lights of the hall, and driven by the gale of music
and laughter, the ball started at ten at night. Thirst was drowned
in the fresh virtue of the wine. The soft lights of glamour and
the flirt charm flooded the dance hall. Couples intertwined
affected by the joy of the rhythm of waltzes and dances imported
from Venice under the unceasing downfall of confetti and
streamers. The young ladies switched partners at each turn
before the exceptionally benign gaze of the chaperons. The party
went on noisily…until all of a sudden a member of the
congregation ordered the music to stop and loudly cried: “It's
midnight!” At that climatic moment, the participants, trapped by
euphoria and emotion, proceeded to take off their masks. With
their faces now uncovered and lit by surprise and laughter, each
one started to recognize the identity of the other. However, the
party was not over with such outcome. After the stupefaction,
the ball continued, not following the rhythm of dances and
waltzes, but with merengue rhythm…until dawn”. (12)
According to Don Mario Concepción based on a testimony
written by Virginia Gómez Heredia and countersigned by
Francisco Torres Petitón, Hugo M. Estrella Guzmán and Pedro
Antonio Valdez, among others asserts that Doctor Fernando
Arturo Gómez Yanguela and some of his friends started to
disguise themselves as Diablo Cojuelo, christened in our country
as “cajuelo”. The disguise became so popular that in 1906,
“about forty of them left the local Youth Club and since then they
have continued to disguise themselves in such a way more
frequently”. (11)
The arbitrary and repressive impositions during the intervention
of the Dominican Republic from 1916 to 1924 aborted the
popular carnival street expressions in La Vega Carnival and the
rest of the country. The democratic opening that seemed visible,
entrenched itself as a result of the North American intervention
in 1930 and the Trujillo dictatorship lasting more than 30 years,
whose nature contradicted the popular carnival and every street
demonstration.
Due to this elitist carnival movement, the symbol of power fell
upon the figure of “The Queen”. The election of a queen has
always meant the exclusion of the other parties. It was a
problem at first when the elite was small, but as it grew, to
maintain a reasonable balance of power within the micro powers
of the social institutions, each club, casino and social institution
elected its queen whom they shared with Casino Central, the
official institution of higher hierarchy.
Though carnival characters came out to the streets in La Vega as
an expression of resistance within a dimension of subversive
approximation, the dictatorship was an enemy and viciously
persecuted those in opposition in spite of the disguises many
wore. The tyranny feared any “conspirator” that could hide
behind a mask or a revolutionary executioner, as it occurred
several times in the city of Santo Domingo. Some of the Trujillo
police informers, known as “Calié”, established controls forcing
all those in disguise to register in the local police station and to
wear their identification number on a visible place while taking
part in the street carnival
Don Jovino Espinola, the journalist who originally made the
most important contributions, when many writers had
disparaging views of the popular carnival and its cultural
expression and identity and whose notes on the carnival should
be published and disseminated, asserted that La Vega Carnival
has elected its queen since 1909. On that year, Santiaguera I was
chosen by various social centers, then in 1910 the Recreational
Youth Club, Ladies Club and Camú High School elected Trina I
their queen.
5
The 70s was a decade of exploration and redefinition for La Vega
and the rest of the country. The national carnival became richer
and after the hall carnival disappeared, the higher and lower
middle class and the sons and daughters of the elite turned to the
popular sectors and started a process of polyclass participation.
In this way, what had been a typical cultural identity expression
of neighborhood masses was now a proudly exhibited artistic
manifestation of La Vega identity.
The first North American Intervention in 1916-24 interrupted this
process, as all carnival manifestations. It was later reestablished
during the Trujillo Dictatorship, as we pointed out before, when
they elected Violeta Espaillat queen in February 1932 and then
Mercedes Antonia Guzmán Fernández.
Casino Central Inc. became the dominant place among the social
centers of the La Vega elite. Having the official support of the
Trujillo government, Celina Cosme was elected Carnival Queen
in 1957. In February 1960, three months before the people
overthrew the fierce dictatorship, they elected Lilían Gómez
Grullón, the last queen under this government.
Until then, La Vega Carnival was extraordinarily rich and with
such diversity that its comparsas and characters eventually
became icons. Researcher Francisco Torres Petitón, made an
important account up to end of the 60s: “ Since La Vega
Carnival is renown for the Diablos Cojuelos , we have neglected
the comparsas and the carnival characters that we will now
mention: Juan Fico's San Juan Snake; Pepín Rodríguez's San
Blas Snake; Abelardo Valdez's (The Chief) Indians; Agustín
Fernández's (Cantinflas) Indians; Teófilo Arias's (Teo) Cain and
Abel; Santiago Abreu and Manuel's (The Haitian) The Bear and
the Tamer; Santiago (Chago) and Andrés Abreu's The MonkeyMan; Francisco Moreno's (Pachico); Bolivar Capellan and
Pusin Pena's The Mummies, The Blackened Ones, and Chicken
Thief ; Manuel Mantilla (Paimanolo) and Eugenio Abreu's
(Gengito) characters and donkey; The Woman with the Hoop
(Emilio Concepción-Milito); Mamá Tingó, The Carnival
Madman, The Man and the Mummy (José Francisco EsqueaQuico); the Woman on the Bicycle (Luis Conil); Morelia, The
Garbage Collector, The Wounded, The Carnival Old Man
(Cristían Rosario); Dr. Balaguer and his bodyguards (Henry
Rafael Báez); Fidel Castro (Vicente Castillo), and Hitler: my
special mention to Alberto Antonio de Jesús y García (Tony)
creator of characters such as the Eye Blink, Minotaur, Dino, The
Chubby Devil, The Hanged Devil, and The Headless Father”.
(14)
In 1990, when La Vega Carnival is experiencing a rebirth that
started in the 80s, UTECE, today UCATECI, organized a carnival
reign and elected Gladis Alberto queen.
The carnival reigns in La Vega became so important for the elites
that queens were heightened with such excellence and distinction
that a renowned poet attended their coronation. For example,
when Flérida I was crowned, Emilio García-Godoy the best
Dominican sonnet writer from La Vega was present.
Among other things, Don Emilio García-Godoy declared:
“In a love conspiracy all humans
Demand that in my boisterous
Reign as a capricious tyrant
The most beautiful among women”. (13)
Forty-four (44) years later, on February 2004, Orlando Lora, now
President of La Vega Carnival Union (LVCU), took the initiative
to reintroduce the election of the Carnival Queen. Since then, it
has been carried out as a public event with a plural jury and a
democratic dimension.
Likewise, of particular relevance was the presence of The Death,
The Ribbon Dance comparsa, the Cute Old Lady, the musicians,
and irreverent Parmanolo's comparsa. The latter, dressed as a
serious gentleman of the period with an impressive frock coat, a
top hat, gloves, and an impeccable noble cane, and uttering bold
phrases innocently and making mischievous mimics that would
astound the most respectful ladies of the time.
In 1988, they started to elect the Carnival King as the Queen's
partner after La Vega Carnival Union (LVCU) came into being.
That is why the real symbols of La Vega Carnival are a King and
a Queen.
Overthrowing a fierce 30-year-long dictatorship and restoring
public liberties for democratic government, was a process of
rupture and contradictions within a reengineering of micro
powers and the rationalization of the authority and social classes.
Nevertheless, it was damaged by the 1963 coup d'état and the
1965 armed revolution leading to a year of street struggle in a
besieged and invaded capital full of trenches and tanks when the
Second North American Intervention took place.
I.4.- The institutionalization of La Vega Carnival.
Toward the end of the 70s, once concluded the repression of the
illustrated dictatorship of President Joaquín Balaguer (66-78),
popularly known as “Balaguer's twelve years”, begins a period
of respect for public liberties that reflected itself on popular
manifestations. Thus, the carnival was redefined and began a
process of growth and transformation at a national level that
ended in 1983 with the celebration of the National Carnival
Parade, which has continuously been taking place making it an
icon and a popular vindication.
The period following the Homeland War and the April
Revolution was a process of persecution, death and state
terrorism, which had a negative influence on the cultural process,
particularly, on the development of the national carnival and on
La Vega as well. The 60s was a decade of ideological maturing
inducing national awareness, but causing the stagnation of street
and public manifestations common to popular culture and the
carnival. Even so, the carnival remained alive, appearing on the
streets of La Vega and throughout the country as a “subversive”
expression. It was a space for resistance and identity
consolidation. The rise of the people to the leading historical
role, mainly after the April Revolution, definitely buried the hall
carnival and kept alive the popular carnival within the possible
spaces.
The National Carnival Parade of 1983, when La Vega with its
400-member delegation won the First Place for Comparsa, First
Prize for Traditional Character, and together with Ali Baba's
Babies, First Place for Fantasy, is prove of the positive impact
that the process of transformation had on La Vega.
Preparations to set up the Organizing Committee of La Vega
Carnival starting in 1985 end in 1988 with the creation of La
6
II.- COMMERCIALIZATION ANTECEDENTS
Vega Carnival Union, made up by Diablo Cojuelo comparsas,
and other individual carnival characters. Later, as of 1991, the
Organizing Committee of La Vega Carnival (OCLVC) that
includes the Municipal City Hall, whose president chairs the
committee, and La Vega Carnival Union, whose Vice-President
acts as the committee's Vice-president, are responsible for the
organization of the carnival each year.
Since 1983, when the First National Carnival Parade moved
along George Washington Avenue in the city of Santo Domingo,
the carnival's commercial potential really started to attract the
attention of the companies producing alcoholic beverages (rum
and beer) and soda.
The disruption of the spontaneity of the local cultural activity
with the purpose of turning the carnival into a commercially
planned show and reduce it little by little to a profit merchandize
started naively with good intentions on Sunday, February 28,
1988. It was then that the “The Great Apple”, one of the most
popular orchestras in the Dominican Republic was presented to
the La Vega public on a dais of the Flowers Little Park after the
carnival parade. This was sponsored by La Vega Brewery Ltd.,
and the J. Armando Bermúdez distillery firm, the most important
and popular rum factory of the region and of the country at that
moment.
This Organizing Committee outlines a carnival route and an area
in the city where several comparsas will have their special spaces
of identification, called “Caves”, devises participation and
security regulations, organizes a program of activities, gives
economic support to the comparsas, puts up shows, and finds the
necessary economic resources through a process of
commercialization.
Diablo Cojuelo comparsas are basis of La Vega Carnival, which
may have up to a hundred members and between thirty or forty
as an average. Besides the economic support of the Organizing
Committee, they raise funds on their own and receive
contributions from their members.
The people welcomed this novelty with great enthusiasm
allowing them to enjoy the performance of their favorite artists
and orchestras for free. It rapidly increased to surpass all the
more the organizers' expectations.
The calendar of carnival activities includes five sessions: every
Sunday in February and February 27, Independence Day.
Diablo Cajuelo, the principal character of the carnival Dominican
Republic, is popularly accepted not because he is an educated
devil, but because he belongs to a hierarchical satire when the
world turns upside down in an extraordinary festivity at a social
level.
Radio, the most important communications means at the local
level, introduced in the 70s and strengthened in the 80s, played a
determining role in the dissemination and promotion of this
artistic and cultural event. Television and the press also
contributed to give it a national dimension in a country lacking
shows and cultural celebrations where culture is only a
merchandize for the elites to enjoy.
The carnival character was brought by the Spaniards and derived
from Luis Velez de Guevara's picaresque genre. He is a
boisterous, relaxed, mocking, satiric devil full of music and fun.
Cervantes describes him in chapter XI (The Death Courts) as
presenting himself full of bells and bladders before Don Quixote
several days ahead of Corpus Christi.
Here is where the magic variables coincide: in a dimension of
liberty and democratization, the people become the protagonists
of the carnival. It is the only free event in which the populace
can enjoy artists and orchestras performing in exclusive places
otherwise unaffordable for them. The call for this space has
become a provocation.
This devil that Martí pedagogically identified as an antiimperialist symbol in Cuba in 1893, appears in Santo Domingo
in early colonial times. He appeared dressed with a red, green or
blue outfit, ornament bells, a tail, a bladder, and mask with two
small horns following a medieval image where he was the figure
identifying evil and theatrically expressed in the self- sacraments.
The fact that this carnival could attract the low, middle and
middle-high classes to the same spot, “episodically
democratized” with very little economic investment of the
commercial sector, but with the people paying all the expenses,
became an object for commercialization.
1.5.- Diablos Cajuelos.
The hall carnival for elites, dismantled by the rise of the people
to the leading role and now a popular expression of identity
meant a vindication for the people and made the elites transfer
their scene to the streets. They started using their great
economic resources to start transforming the traditional costumes
and masks with innovations of fabric, materials and expensive
sparkly ornaments, making the Diablo Cojuelos in La Vega the
brightest, most colorful and shocking of the country. Ideal for
commercialization, the carnival presented itself as a show of
magic and fantasy, whose subliminal dimension reminded the
carnival in Río de Janeiro, Brazil, climax of carnival imagination
in the world.
This devil modified itself as a carnival character, with the
creativity of the Negroes after the National Independence and
Restoration, but above all, when the people rose to the historical
leading role. In each city or town of the country, the devil
acquired a different name and identity, thus wearing diverse
masks and costumes. For example, in Santiago de los
Caballeros, it is known as “Lechones” (Hogs); in Cabral and
Barahona, “Cachuas”; in Salcedo and Bonao, “Macaraos”; in
Navarrete, “Judas”; in Montecristi, “Toros” (Bulls), and in La
Vega and Santo Domingo, “Diablos Cojuelos”.
Existing documents place the appearance of La Vega devils in
1906. Each year, their numbers increased, their costumes and
masks changed, and became the central character of La Vega
Carnival.
The belief of what is “expensive” is “beautiful” developed and
made La Vega Carnival turn into the model to follow, the
“dazzle” for the poor local carnivals, though rich in identity. For
the dealers, La Vega Carnival represented the ideal merchandize
7
one has to “sell” and market because you are selling “illusion,
magic and fantasy”.
III. - THE CARNIVAL, ITS COMMERCIALIZATION AND
IMPACT ON THE ECONOMY.
In addition, it was an ideal icon for the social system to imitate
because all the resources were concentrated in the process of
privileging the presence of “Diablo Cojuelo”. Thus by making it
the main attraction, this devil became La Vega Carnival itself. It
gained identity, image, a trade name, and a greater admiration
than other devils in the country, but it became impoverished
when it lost diversity of characters and comparsas. The rise of
the "Diablo Cojuelo" to the leading position also made La Vega
Carnival ideologically “inoffensive” and took away its
“subversive” contents, as it lost all of its rebellious possibilities
typical of a popular carnival.
3, 1.- Economic cycle.
In the 70s, some companies started to sponsor carnival groups of
La Vega Carnival in a significant way. For example, rum
producers sponsored comparsas such as Bermudez's “Cat Face”
and the “Brugal Devils”, while cigarette manufacturers
sponsored “Montecarlo Devils” of master, artist and mask maker
“Father of La Vega Carnival”, the huge ever-present Felipe Abreu
“In 1992, the idea of commercializing the carnival area is born
due to the suggestion Mario Peña Batista (Head Waiter) made to
Juan Heriberto Medrano Basora (Caqui). They submitted it to
the City Hall, LVCU and OCLVC and it was accepted. Micro
Ondas Nacionales (National Micro Waves) and Mario Peña
Batista are the first to negotiate with the City Hall represented by
the Trustee, Eng. Euclides Sánchez. Elías Brache Park (Flower
Park) was divided into two rectangles (the larger sides facing
Independencia and Padre Adolfo Streets), then diagonally (the
diving line ran from Padre Adolfo and 18th Streets to
Independencia and Diverge Streets). Micro Waves presented
merengue artists and Mario Peña Batista bachata (Dominican
rhythm) artists”. (16)
The attempt was successful. “National Micro Waves agreed to
promote and broadcast the carnival in 1993. Since then, fourteen
stations spread over the country air hundreds of radio
commercials. The live coverage of the event was broadcast by
Mario Peña Batista and Rubén de Lara Fernández through a
network of radio stations. Subsequently, the latter and Roberto
Rodríguez, true carnival manifestation promoters, have been in
charge of the broadcast.” (17)
The live broadcast of one of the most popular and listened to
programs, “The Fat Guy of the Week”, with Freddy Beras Goico,
heightened the carnival in 1995. It had an international
frequency reaching several countries, particularly the United
States where there is a huge Dominican community.
Since then, several local TV channels air live events of the
carnival each Sunday, and reports also appear on the major TV
channels and in national newspapers, making the festivity
accessible to the whole country. Since the minute the carnival
became a national event, a war broke out to gain control of the
sponsorship and commercialization rights, and a morbid curiosity
for a live view arose generating unprecedented local tourism
reaching the thousands of people. Everyone in the country and
abroad felt the need to go, watch and take part in La Vega
Carnival!
Although some mask workshops and the producers of small
souvenirs, such as masks and devils, work the whole year round
on a permanent basis, the real work cycle of the carnival has a
slow start in November, increases in December, and ends in
January or February. The carnival takes place on each Sunday in
February, with a special celebration the 27, National
Independence day.
The carnival dynamics transcends until the month of March,
when La Vega carnival delegations take part in the National
Carnival Parade in the city of Santo Domingo and in several
other carnivals of the country.
3.2.- Economic structure of the carnival organization.
There are three determining structures in the economic of La
Vega Carnival
? La Vega Carnival Union (LVCU) composed of the heads of the
comparsas, important figures, and carnival activists. Nowadays,
OCLVC has 150 affiliate groups or comparsas, with a rough total
of three thousand members, the principal performers of this
cultural event.
? The Organizing Committee of La Vega Carnival (OCLVC)
made up of LVCU and the Municipal City Hall. The OCLVC
President is the Trustee, Eng. Fausto Ruiz now holds this
position, and the Vice-President corresponds to the UCAVE
President, who is now Arch. Orlando Lora.
? National Micro Waves Group, running Channel 105, Super K,
La Vega Radio, Olympic Radio and Mircovision Channel 10,
responsible for the promotion and broadcast, mainly live, of all
the social and cultural activities of this event.
Each year, LVCU elaborates the budget for the carnival. It is
discussed and approved by National Micro Waves, and managed
directly by OCLVC.
Through a contract signed between the parties, Micro Waves
advanced LVCU $240,424.24 in the month of January of 2007
for the start of the carnival. Micro Waves is in charge of
negotiating the commercial agreements with the sponsors. At
the end of the carnival, Micro Waves, LVCU and OCLVC receive
equal shares of the benefits the carnival yields.
If there are losses, they are paid off the following year. The
LVCU administrative staff's salary comes out of the profits. The
board members are honorary, except for the treasurer, who
receives fifty thousand pesos for his job during the carnival
month.
3.3.- La Vega Carnival Financing.
The economic involvement of the private, public and popular
sectors finances the carnival. However, national and local
commercial enterprises, and performers also participate.
Beer is the alcoholic beverage most consumed due to the warm
weather. For example, estimates indicate that only the most
popular and traditional beer enterprise of the country sells 14,000
liter cases during La Vega Carnival, an equivalent of $515,
151.51.
After beer come water, rum and soda, though for the latter two,
with the exception of Red Rock, very little is invested in
publicity. It is worth noting the naivety and creative capacity of
the people facing modernity. “Wiston Bazuca” is a low cost
homemade beverage brewed following a formula of a private
salesman who managed to make 1060.00 dollars selling his
product this year. “Wiston Bazuca” is also present in the great
festivities outside the carnival during the year.
Informal trade of homemade goods has developed in the carnival
area. It only operates during carnival Sunday, when the people
sell beer, soda, water, pizza and sandwiches in their house
galleries and gardens. Even stores and carnival groups rent
houses or rooms that can reach some $1,515.00 during the
carnival month. In addition, there are numbers of peddlers that
either set up small stands in key places or move around the
carnival area.
According to the Monetary Law, financing is done using the
Dominican peso, which has an exchange rate of 33 to 1 US
dollar. City Hall does not give cash to the Organizing Committee
or to the National Micro Waves. It employs it to aid performers,
publicity, stands, attention to visitors, etc. As the commercial
enterprises have an agreement with National Micro Wave, they
spend part of their investment on publicity and promotion
through the national media. Private entities spend their money
on promotion and the construction of stands, which are always
crowded with visitors to watch the carnival on Sundays.
National Micro Waves advances its share so that LVCU can
speed up their carnival activities, mainly with the comparsas.
3.5.- Expenses of the organizers.
Setting up the carnival as a show requires the Organizing
Committee to make important investments and expenses to cover
the pre-carnival, carnival and post-carnival stages.
It is interesting to note that in a presidential country, where the
government is present everywhere and in every important
activity, the central government does not appear to influence or
support this carnival with economic resources. Through the
National Customs Office, the government grants tax-exemption
for fabric, ornaments, etc. brought to be used in carnival
costumes and masks. For example, out of ninety thousand yards
of fabric used in 2007, forty-five thousand were tax-exempt, the
rest were sold through La Vega stores.
3.4.- Investment of Comercial sectors.
It is interesting to observe that the greatest investment to finance
the carnival comes from enterprises selling alcoholic beverages
and from communication enterprises in a country with over a
million people carrying mobile (cellular) phones, especially
young people.
It must be underlined that the organizers support groups and
comparsas by advancing funds to mask and costume workshops
allowing them to start work since December. LVCU and
OCLVC must see that the costumes and shoes are ready early in
January for both the election of the Carnival Queen, in which 20
9
fraud not only in the history of the country, but also in the
world.
candidates take part, and the Children's Reign.
The Organizing Committee offers City Hall an incentive of $757,
57 to have the garbage collected and therefore guarantee that the
city will remain clean after each Sunday carnival. The same
policy applies to the other public service institutions such as state
security (the National Police and National Army), the Red Cross,
Civil Defense, and Firefighters.
3.5.- Workshops and employment generation.
Various reasons made it difficult to obtain data and
documentation related to the quantity of regular and temporary
jobs that the socio-economic impact of commercialization and
the development of La Vega Carnival generate. In the first
place, the field research was carried out after the event.
Secondly, the spontaneous and traditional relationship
established was unsuccessful. Finally, because those with
private and public responsibilities were not sufficiently
cooperative and do not promote information for fear of taxes.
Eighteen representations of carnivals from other parts of the
country take part in the closing parade, which includes more than
1,200 participants invited by the Organizing Committee covering
their transportation, board and lodging. These guests participate
in the National Carnival Parade the following day in Santo
Domingo.
3.6.- Investment of performers.
The quality and quantity growth of La Vega Carnival has had a
great impact on the transformation of the costumes and masks, as
well as on the structure and organization of the comparsas.
Traditionally, the fabric used for the devils had been simple and
cheap, but when commercialization stepped in, they were
substituted by bespangled fabric in February 1989. Later in
1992, artist and designer Orlando Lora introduced sparkly fabric
to make pink, silver and bright red costumes.
Following Ana de Cruz, Elisa, Ángel Cruz, Jhonny García and
Gabriel Faña (Quírico) appeared the great artist, master and
couturier Ángel Fidelio Jorge, known as Fillo, then Orlando
Lora, La China, Sofía Vélez, Marcos La Boa, and finally Luís
Rivas that has caused great commotion for his creative and
innovative capacity in La Vega Carnival.
It is a fact that the commercial activity during the carnival is
transforming the city and that there is an increase of temporary
employees in stores requiring extra personnel to sell more than
forty-five thousand yards of fabric, over a million bells,
thousands of tennis shoes, gloves, bladders, and a great many
accessories such as feathers and rhinestones for mask
ornaments.
Taking into consideration the purchasing power of the people, the
costumes in La Vega, ranging from $454.00 to $1,500.00, are the
most expensive in country. However, a Diablo Cojuelo besides
the costume, needs an impressive mask, appropriate shoes,
gloves and a bladder.
Similarly, there is a great demand for food and drinks on
carnival Sunday, since 60 percent of visitors go to restaurants.
A number of carpenters and other laborers work full time to put
up daises and stands, but have not been registered yet.
Maintenance and security of these constructions require
temporary personnel. For example, all daises and stands need
protection as well as organizers for each Sunday parade. LVCU
alone employs 100 security guards and pays them $12,121.21
for their services during the season.
There are very specialized jobs requiring temporary
employment. For example, after some of the workshops make
rough bladders, “painters” charge more then fifteen dollars to do
their job. The same procedure is applied to costumes. In this
case, there are people known as “bell stickers” who earn a rough
total of $121,212.12.
At least 46 artisans make “bladders” visitors buy during the
carnival season and peddlers sell in other carnivals around the
country allowing them to earn ten thousand dollars. In the same
way, there are over a hundred artisans making small masks and
little devils bought as carnival souvenirs and that logically have
a greater demand during the month of February.
3.6.- People attending the Carnival.
La Vega Carnival Union (LVCU) has registered a hundred and
fifty groups or comparsas with an average of 20 members each,
adding up to three thousand Diablo Cojuelos, who invest about
$2,190,870 on their costumes and masks.
Only a few receive exclusive sponsoring from stores. An
example was the group “Baninter Devils” that received more
$303,030.03 only for their costumes. However, the bank has now
been accused of money laundering and of the greatest banking
The first Sunday in March, during the National Carnival Parade,
more than half a million people gather in an avenue called
Malecón extending more than four kilometers in the city of
10
Santo Domingo. A great many people attend the closing carnival
parade in La Romana, Baní, San Cristóbal, Azua, Bonao,
Salcedo, Santiago, Navarrete and Cotuí.
Undoubtedly, the greatest number of visitors goes to La Vega
during the carnival season, which has been substantially
marketed.
28
3.8.- Las “Caves”.
In the carnival area, some groups, 20 in 2007, have spaces,
called “caves”, with stands, set designs, and decorations
symbolizing the essence of each comparsa, where artistic
activities are presented and from where the devils start their
street parade.
The most interesting feature of this event is the level of
awareness of the carnival that people have reached in the
province of La Vega. It has really become a true passion and an
exacerbated pride leading citizens to think that their carnival is
“the best in the country” while fans classify it as “the best in the
Caribbean, America and in the world”.
Having the support of the Body of Officials in the Municipal
City Hall, LVCU is responsible for assigning the “caves”.
Commercial enterprises and comparsas themselves sponsor
these spaces. Some groups receive support, as for instance Las
Fieras that got $90,909.09 for their cave in 2007, which is
exceptional and exaggerated. With the exception of Las Fieras,
entrance to the “caves” is free.
One thing is true, people from all walks of life, especially
youngsters, massively attend and support all La Vega Carnival
activities. For instance, there were more than six thousand
people inside the basketball arena, but two thousand outside
unable to get in but following the result of the election of the
Carnival Queen in 2007.
These “caves” employ an important number security guards,
cleaning staff, and audio technicians. Almost all groups have
their own musical theme.
Its striking to see how an interesting event draws great numbers
of visitors from all over the country to La Vega each Sunday, and
how little by little the amount of foreign tourists increase, though
not quite as numerous as the first, but that represent an important
potential to consider.
3.9.- Daises and stands.
The number of private and state enterprises and institutions
installing daises for their guests to watch the carnival increases
each year. These constructions are decorated following their
own characteristics.
The infrastructure that could require the presence of many people
during the carnival is weak, insufficient, and symbolic. It is
practically inexistent in the hotel industry due mainly to the fact
that visitors and tourists do not stay over in La Vega and return to
their places of origin. There are five motels in the city with
greater demand during carnival Sundays.
In 2007, there were 40 daises of different sizes. According to
LVCU, the construction, decoration and maintenance of each
dais costs $7.575.75, thus there was a total investment of
$303,030.03.
3.7.- Expenses of carnaval participants.
The Organizing Committee builds stands seating three thousand
people from the public and a runway for the parade of the
carnival groups. Entrance to the stands cost $3. With this price,
LVCU does not make a profit. It is only interested in revering
the investment made on construction and maintenance.
The majority of the people attending La Vega Carnival belongs to
the middle class and uses public transportation: buses. Some are
high middle class and use their own vehicles, which increases
greatly the consumption of gasoline in the city.
This means that the number of visitors, 559,000, have an
economic impact not only on La Vega, as we have already seen,
but also along the routes where buses stop to allow passengers to
buy meals, drinks and confectionery.
IV.- ECONOMY AND CARNIVAL.
The growth and commercialization of La Vega Carnival has had
a tremendous impact on the transformation of the economy of
the city. From a simple spontaneous cultural manifestation, it
evolved into a “cultural industry”, a show where thousands and
thousands of people from La Vega, the rest of the country and
from abroad come each Sunday in February.
11
Carnival within an atmosphere of luxury, opulence and power.
All of this has generated the emergence of an aesthetic ideology
claiming “beauty” to be brilliance and dazzlement, prettiness
what is expensive, all of which has influenced the type of fabric
and final design of masks. The carnival has gained splendor, but
has lost identity, and the possibilities for democratization, the
essence of the carnival, have diminished.
At the same time, this economic development has influenced the
carnival symbols, essence, characters, costumes, and masks.
These effects worry several of the organizers and researchers
whose questions intend to find ways of preventing the carnival
from losing its essence and identity.
La Vega carnival researcher Hugo Máximo Estrella Guzmán has
bravely made three reflections in a climate of intolerance toward
criticism, and in which the misbehavior of some minority groups
can only be accepted in a narrow ideological triumphant
fundamentalism.
The original paraphernalia are only nostalgia and memories.
According to Francisco Torres Petitón, Hugo Máximo Estrella
Guzmán and myself, the dynamics of the commercial show
selling La Vega Carnival as “dazzling luxury and fantasy”
lessens its spontaneity and richness of liberty. The increasing
expense of costumes and masks makes them almost inaccessible
to the popular sectors and creates an ever-growing minority
class.
?
“From a timid carnival presentation in those days, based
on games to bar or trap others, and on blows with bladders, with
some “macaraos” (disguised people from the Cibao region)
wearing simple and light costumes and flat masks of only one
color, we have turned to a show of fantasies, characterized by a
competition for the best presentation of luxury, and of rare and
expensive innovations, which have an impact on the audience”.
(18)
Commercialization is important as it has transformed La Vega
Carnival by introducing innovations to the economy of the city.
However, it has also affected the essence of the event by turning
it into a merchandize and show. We believe that
commercialization cannot do away with its originality and that
organizers should find formulas to safeguard the essence and
symbols of this carnival, which is undoubtedly the most
significant expression of the Dominican popular cultural, the
nation's heritage, and an icon of La Vega and the country's
identity.
?
“One can see, that many of the elements that have
contributed to the excessive growth of the carnival have been the
basis for its denaturalization, particularly, according to the
opinion of those who have been able to value both stages of the
precious game, and who still reminisce as superior, the one
already gone ”. (19)
V.- FINAL CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS.
?
“Today, we only look at the shiny and artistic costumes
in harmony with the successful masks, but with the virtual
absence of the game disappearing gradually.
?
La Vega Carnival is an important example of the
process of “modernization” within the spaces and ideology
where capital logic prevails in a culture of material dynamics
that can be seized by commercialization to gain profits, and
where economic earnings remain in the hands of company
minorities, which will denaturalize its essence, symbols and
identity.
Experts on the pastime think that the prominence of the people
has been overtaken by the great enterprises knowing how to use
the show to project themselves to the limit, and that the efforts of
the true main actors of the event have turned trivial, or rather,
imperceptible”. (20)
?
Enterprises and investors have a tendency to turn a
beautiful cultural manifestation into a commercial show of
visual images to strip the carnival from its subversive
dimensions and reduce it more and more to a homogenous
ready-to-sell merchandize. For this reason, the process of
commercialization has privileged the devil as the main character
in La Vega Carnival bringing about the disappearance of the
variety of traditional characters as significant expressions and
leaving them only as relics.
The harsh researcher of La Vega Carnival, Francisco Torres
Petitón, expresses the same opinion when he says:
“A somewhat curious process is developing in our carnival. In
the first half of the XX century, we had two carnivals, the hall
carnival or that of the high society, owner of what the powers the
economy offer, and the low society or street carnival. The latter
absorbed the members of the disappearing hall carnival. Today,
the original protagonists of the street carnival are being displaced
by the descendents of those who enjoyed the hall carnival”. (21)
?
Mercantilism and the emergence of luxury aesthetics as
an expression of beauty has reduced the democratization of the
carnival since only minorities can purchase the expensive
costumes and masks. On the other hand, as the poor have to
pawn their belongings and spend all their savings, they will
become poorer after the carnival. Consequently, only the groups
related to those in power can obtain good sponsorship and
impressive “caves”
The process of selling an image-trade mark of a carnival of
fantastic devils elaborated with marketing techniques has made
La Vega Carnival employ brightness and fantasy as dazzling
effects allowing the minorities of this event to have greater
economic possibilities and more relations with those in power,
since they have the best sponsors and therefore are the most
“spectacular”. An example of this was a comparsa that managed
to get $909,090.09 in support to build a ”cave” or “Baninter's
Dukes” that had multi-million sponsorships from representatives
of an insolvent bank robbed and sacked by white collar
professionals members of the traditional elites of the country.
?
Unrestricted commercialization, where luxury and
investments prevail within an ideological aestheticism of
“brightness, as Jorge Güigni puts it,” disables the people's
creative possibilities. Therefore, wearing a costume becomes a
matter of economic resources, purchasing expensive sparkly
fabric such as velvet and fantasy ornaments, instead of just
Furthermore, some comparsas live in the United States and
Switzerland and come each year to participate in La Vega
12
imagination while using the existing materials to make them.
BIBLIOGRAPHIC QUOTES
?
We believe that there is still time to channel La Vega
Carnival, a mass phenomenon in our country, towards a
commercialization under the control of the organizers. They can
establish terms generating increasing democratization and
creative possibilities that will allow the “subversive” contents to
surface, and the expressions, symbols and identity essence to
strengthen.
1.- Frank Moya Pons, History of La Vega, Casas Reales
Magazine, No. 8, p. 4.
2.- Pedro Antonio Valdez, History of La Vega Carnival, p. 23.
3.- José González, quoted by Pedro Antonio Valdez, p.24.
4.- Ángel López Canto, Feasts and Games in Puerto Rico (XVIII
century), p.169.
5.- Carlos Esteban Deive, Carnival and Society, p.45.
6.- Manuel Mañón de Jesús Arredondo, Chronicles of the Prime
City, p.81.
7.- Pedro Antonio Valdez, op. cit., p. 27.
8.- Jovino Espinola, quoted by Hugo M. Estrella Guzmán, On
the Route of La Vega Carnival: Essay on Folklore, p.29-30.
9.- Jovino Espinola, op. cit., p.34.
10.- Jovino Espinola, op. cit., p.54.
11.- Mario Concepción, Origins and Path of La Vega Carnival ,
p.14.
12.- Pedro Antonio Valdez, op. cit., p.33-34.
13.- Emilio Garcia-Godoy, Poems, p.70-71.
14.- Francisco Torres Petitón, History of La Vega Carnival: A
Historian's Retrospective, p. 5.
15.- Hugo M. Estrella Guzmán, op. cit., p.40.
16.- Francisco Torres Petitón, op. cit., p.1017.- Hugo M. Estrella Guzmán, op. cit., p. 155.
18.- Hugo M. Estrella Guzmán, op. cit., p.191.
19.- Hugo M. Estrella Guzmán, op. cit., p. 193.
20.- Hugo M. Estrella Guzmán, op. cit., p. 194.
21.- Francisco Torres Petitón, op. cit., p. 11.
GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS:
1.- On the ground that the parade in La Vega, where performers
can exhibit their costumes and masks, is at present a chaotic
march frustrating the actors and spectators, LVCU and OCLVC,
organizers of the carnival, should carry out a series of critical,
open and democratic workshops with the performers to listen to
their views and suggestions with the purpose of improving their
participation and the organization of the event.
2.- They should organize meetings with researchers to gain
insight as to Where is La Vega Carnival going? , and set goals
and strategies to guarantee its true identity course.
3.- This research is a first approximation exploring the relation
between economics and carnival. La Vega Carnival lacks
research work on the economic dimensions and their socioeconomic impact, and so do all the other carnivals of the country.
As no analysis of this kind has ever been done before, there are
no exiting documents or systematic information on this issue.
This type of analysis and research should be continued to
produce radiography of the carnival, especially of its dimension
and economic impact, its actors, current tendencies, and
perspectives. Proposals for future actions showing the course it
could take are also advisable.
BIBLIOGRAPHY USED
? Conception Mario, THE CONCEPTION OF LA VEGA:
Historical Relations, Taller Publishing House, Santo Domingo,
1981.
? Concepción Mario, ORIGINS AND PATH OF LA VEGA
CARNIVAL, Managerial and Fiduciary Bank, Santo Domingo,
1990.
? Despradel Batista, Guido, HISTORY OF THE CONCEPTION
OF LA VEGA, The Word Press, La Vega, 1938.
? Estrella Guzmán, Hugo Máximo, ON THE ROUTE OF LA
VEGA CARNAVAL: ESSAY ON FOLKLORE, Herniquillo
Press, La Vega, 2003.
? García-Goodoy, Emilio, POEMS, Caribbean Printing House,
Santo Domingo, 1976.
? Lora Orlando, BRIEF REVIEW OF LA VEGA CARNIVAL,
LVCU, La Vega, 2007.
? López Canto Ángel, FEASTS AND GAMES IN PUERTO
RICO (XVIII CENTURY), Center for Advanced Studies of
Puerto Rico and the Caribbean, San Juan, 1990.
? Mañón Arredondo, Manuel de Jesús, CHRONICLES OF THE
PRIME CITY, Corripio Printing House, Santo Domingo, 1988.
? Moya Pons, Frank, HISTORY OF LA VEGA, Casas Reales
Magazine, No. 8, Santo Domingo, 1979.
? Maggiolo-Deive-Lizardo-Guerrero-Tejeda, THE CARNIVAL'S
CARNIVALS, INDEFOLK, Santo Domingo, 2003.
?Tejeda Ortiz, Dagoberto, THE CARNIVAL'S CARNIVALS,
INDEFOLK, Santo Domingo, 2003.
?“
“
“ PICTURES FROM THE 2001 EASTERN
CARNIVAL , INDEFOLK, Santo Domingo, 2002.
?“
“
“FOLK ATLAS OF THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC, Editorial Publishing House, Santo Domingo, 2003.
?“
“
“ POPULAR CULTURE AND NATIONAL
4. - Likewise, to have a diagnosis based on firsthand information,
there is a need for developing an opinion study and survey to find
out: the percentage of people that go to the carnival for the first
time and are unlikely to return; those who would not come to this
carnival, and their reasons for making these decisions.
5.- There is little knowledge about the history of La Vega
Carnival and its reality, that is why the organizers should also
promote research, publications and the elaboration of thesis
dealing with this cultural expression.
13
IDENTITY, INDEFOLK, Santo Domingo, 1998 (Volume I)
? Tejeda Ortiz, Dagoberto-Mariano Hernández, THE
DOMINICAN POPULAR CARNIVAL, Popular Bank, 2007.
? Torres Petitón, Francisco, HISTORY OF LA VEGA
CARNIVAL, Carnival National Seminary , LVCU, La Vega,
2005. (Photocopied)
? Valdez, Pedro Antonio, HISTORY OF LA VEGA CARNIVAL,
Hojarasca Editions, La Vega, 1995.
14
United Nations
Mónica Lacarrieu
Graduate in Anthropological Sciences,
University of Buenos Aires. 1980. Doctorate
in Philosophy and Letters (Orientation Social
Anthropology). Consultant and investigator.
Authors multiple investigations and text books
United Nations
THE ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS OF THE BUENOS
AIRES CARNIVAL: IMPACT OR ECONOMIC ASSESSMENT?
Mónica Lacarrieu
Summary:
1. Processes of historical formation: the city of Buenos Aires
and the carnival
The carnival of the city of Buenos Aires refers almost exclusively to a story of
misunderstandings and tensions in which its “devaluation” as both testimonies
selected for this introduction show has been both simultaneous and contradictory,
one of the features the “murgueros”, its leading characters” value most. Both the
socio-political prejudice that this festivity associated with “Negroes” has brought
about, and its popular character make it a contradictory celebration for its
participants as it is built upon the idea of “open to the entire world” although it is
despised by those in power. The carnival permanently emerges as a conflicting
space where the citizens of Buenos Aires debate about the public place it should
have and whether it belongs to the field of culture or not. Hence, the carnival, a
festivity comprising the “murga” as a carnival group, has been a matter of conflict
among the legitimate expressions and practices of cultural matters. Going back
to Hernán Morel (2007:130), “the carnival expressions [were] inherited from a
social imagery that identified and stigmatized them at the level of marginal and
peripheral culture in the city”. As we have been able to see in the testimonies
gathered, though the authors refer to the urban relegation of the carnival and its
expression in the murga as something of the past, and even recognize some of the
changes linked to the period at the end of the 90s, the cultural exclusion is felt by
the leading characters and doers of the festivity on a of daily basis. From this
perspective, it is a necessary expression and practice resulting from the
“opposition” to such stigma. Likewise, disputed spaces and socio-politically
recognized ones perceived as negative symbolically “others” are conditions for
the revaluation of the carnival and the murga.
1.1. Continuity/discontinuity: the carnival between savagery and
civilization
The tension between “its disappearance and continuity” (Martín
2001:7), from which the carnival is made up in the city of
Buenos Aires, finds its origin according to several authors in the
end of the XIX century and remains as its mark throughout the
XX century though its climax occurred during the last military
dictatorship (1976-83). This is not a minor issue in a
contemporary analysis about the Buenos Aires Carnival, and it
even has something in common with the history attributed to the
Montevideo carnival at least on the last decades of the XIX
century and in the process of modernization during the beginning
of the XX (Alfaro 1998).
Its tendency towards extinction finds ground in some aspects
reaching our days that help sustain some theoretical arguments
about the carnival in general, though with different sociohistorical and political consequences according to the national
context we refer to. Attributed largely to the civilizing “hard
core” from which the city of Buenos Aires attempts its
modernization and progress as the capital of the nation, the
control, and the social, moral and cultural discipline the various
stages of the carnival festivity go through affirms themselves in
view of this cultural expression associated with the people which
integrates into the savagery of the interior, and thus in the excess
the carnival has been used to conceptualize itself with, and in the
complement allowing the transition from its “festive” to its “nonfestive”, or to its controlled festive nature among a national
project in which Buenos Aires took part passionately.
The cultural relegation with serious consequences on the social, political and
economic aspects undoubtedly go together with the processes of the making up of
the city of Buenos Aires that, since its origins and especially since the end of the
XIX century, strives to recreate itself as the “pretty and spoiled girl” of the
Argentinean nation. In this way, the carnival festivity like many others is set up
quite differently from the production of a stereotyped “non-festive” Buenos Aires,
though they have seemed to extinguish time and again since their appearance. In
contrast with the notion “Brazil is feast”, that according to Rita Amaral means “in
Brazil everything ends up in carnival”, the Argentinean nation, though especially
its capital, is shown as anti-festive. In this sense, rethinking the Buenos Aires
Carnival implies taking into consideration this context of production associated
with stereotypes, prejudices, continuity and discontinuity features in which the
festivity takes place.
In this context, our interest is to deal with one of the most problematic and at the
same time crucial aspects today. We are referring to the economic role the
production and reproduction of the Buenos Aires Carnival plays. Starting from
the premise indicating that the context of production, mentioned in the preceding
paragraphs, has greatly led to put emphasis on other components of the festivity,
which has had visible consequences on the research studies hardly dealing with
the Puerto Alegre Carnival from this perspective, we embark on our preliminary
analysis of the weight and/or lightness of which the “dark or darkened” side of
the Buenos Aires Carnival economy is made up. To understand the scarce
incidence of this component of the local feast, we will refer to the historical and
ethnographic processes that form them. We think that only tackling the festivity
synchronically in its present observation will dim the tensions, conflicts and
disputes only comprehensible if integrated in a diachronic perspective. s y
disputas sólo comprensibles si se le integra una perspectiva diacrónica.
Paradoxically, and in some way, the process is not unidirectional,
but the tension itself between the continuity and discontinuity
features attributed to the Buenos Aires Carnival is more complex
than what it appears to be. The savagery characterizing the
carnival at this stage can be assimilated by its “popular feast”
character from which it locates itself in the public place, in the
view of the people that become essential and homogeneous. On
1
so characteristic of the Buenos Aires of those years. The
legitimized date of 1920 marks a time before when a carnival
existed though it was denied due to its savagery the local
Government Carnival Commission's webpage does not include it
, and a time after coinciding with the changes taking place in the
city where the carnival becomes civilized. For some authors, the
period covering the end of the XIX century should be taken into
consideration because it signals the start of the process.
However, since the carnival is still following the African tradition
and integrates gaucho comparsas one must not forget the gaucho
is, at least at that moment, the image of savagery, it should be
depicted as a past time to be overcome to pursue a future that
will dilute the savagery form the feast.
the other hand, it defines itself as excluded and peripheral,
consequently as opposed and occasionally resistant to the order
of the “official” power/authority (cfr. Zubieta 2004). This is a
crucial quality reaching the present when it comes to defining the
carnival theoretically as well as from the experiences of the
leading characters. The carnival scheme is looked upon as the
inversion of the ordinary world into an extraordinary one
expressing itself in created spaces and times “outside and beyond
the daily world”. The liberty ascribed to the street as a space
given to liberty and disorder is also a possible scene for
improvised and spontaneous dramatization (Da Matta 1978).
Thus, inversion is given by the opposition that this author just to
mention one establishes between the street seen as “lack of
control and massive participation” where “dancing samba” is
allowed, and the home, object of “control and authoritarianism”
(Op.cit:92, n/translation). This option is completed with the
characters recreating the carnival time and space from the world
of the illicitness and marginality. If, as we will see later, the
carnival savagery is nowadays valued by those possessing the
carnival knowledge and practice, the pretended civilizing reform
in the context of the above-mentioned stage is contradictory.
Porcel (2001:103) points out that “since the times of the
viceroyalty, slaves used to go out on the streets during the
carnival season to dance to the beat of the drums…”, and adds:
“…also since that time , these popular feasts annoyed the
prestigious sectors of the city”. Some reports reach 1600 to track
the “liberating feasts of the Negroes” from where it is possible to
reencounter the customs still alive in modern murgueros. Others
recreate the myth of the origin in colonial times appealing to
European traditions, especially Hispanic in those days, to
relegate the African character others claim with the hope of
reinventing the festivity based on their order and control
precepts. In this way, the Afro-colonial tension is resolved in the
institutionalization of a key milestone for the making of the
nation with Buenos Aires at its background: the European
immigration issue at the end of the XIX and beginning of the XX
centuries as a political, social and cultural project. Then, it is
possible not only to track dissimilar origins, but also to highlight
that the process of disciplining exerted by the authorities
precedes the so-called civilizing stage, and as we will see, the
prohibition having antecedents dating further back than the end
of the XIX century has been the key to the recent years we refer
here to the annulment decree of the carnival holidays imposed by
the last military dictatorship in 1976.
On the one hand, this contradiction can be seen as the
crystallization of a “non-festive” Buenos Aires, which being both
a city and civilized metropolis, does not accept the popular and
the marginal aspects associated with the carnival. On the other,
unlike tango, the carnival is not identified as a symbol of the
modern nation. Although tango emerged from a world separated
from those in power, it is operated in its process of
transformation from its own “primitivism” that once dismissed it,
operation that takes place in the 1920s and 1930s and makes it a
national symbol (cfr. Garramuño 2007).
In this sense, Argentina, as opposed to Brazil, is not generally
considered as a festive country and much less the city of Buenos
Aires. Likewise, unlike the Brazilian carnival specially the
Cariocan the local carnival did not transmute into a symbol of
national identity, but as a controversial object as far as Buenos
Aires is concerned. The virtue that the carnival participants
ascribe to the carnival, associated with the disorder, liberty, feast,
and the appropriation of the public place for recreation, would
constitute, in symbolic terms, a “defect or weakness” in view of a
nation and city stereotyped in progress and in need of an order
that sometimes seems unreachable.
Viceroy Vértiz's (governor of Buenos Aires) 1771 decree is said
to be the first restriction and prohibition. It censured dances
performed at the beat of the drums with which Negroes
accompanied their parades along the city streets. The control
appealed to whip and prison punishments, and confined the
dances to enclosed places. Strikingly enough, officials such as
Vértiz that repressed the festivities, were keen on celebrating and
playing in the carnival, consequently the church became the
dictatorial arm exerting the control mechanism. Since that time,
different prohibitions attributed to the colonial government and
consequent permits that occasionally allowed the festivities
again, as in 1830, marked the tendency towards their
disappearance, and at the same time to their reappearance. It is
clear that in the prohibitions and normative controls of the
carnival and during the festivity itself, it is possible to find the
social reality of the time and the crystallization towards the
future of that reality founded on a socio-economic matrix with
impacts on the field of culture: the discrimination of Negroes,
that extended to indigenous groups and later to the “little black
heads”immigrants in Buenos Aires coming from the interior of
the country in the middle of the XX century, and immigrants
from bordering countries. This discrimination was carried out by
“honest people” that enjoyed themselves in a different way and
relegated the ludic space to the carnival that had popular
overtones, was offensive towards the authority, and exhibited an
The reform of the carnival in a civilizing context is associated to
a “cultural disciplining process” (Alfaro 1998:15) taking the
form of prohibitions, censure, regulations, edicts, a series of rules
closely linked with the modernization authors place between the
end of the XIX and beginning of the XX centuries, and
especially for Buenos Aires in the so-called “generation of the
80s” (1880). This point of inflection in which the origin of this
social control process of the festivity is placed coincides with the
“official history” attributed to the Buenosairean Carnival and
ignores the previous stage where not only the carnival feast had
its place, but also the sum of discontinuities over which it was
eventually emerging. The institutionalization of this origin
legitimized in the last years by local public authorities allows a
type of carnival modeled from a “civilizing paradigm” embodied
by…the “immigration issue” (Svampa 1994:132/3), sanitization,
progress, and the urban expansion, the latter associated with the
emergence of the neighborhood, a crucial component in the
history of the murga, a form of group arising in this local space
2
the “classification” (Pollak 1989:9) of its past, and has reached
the present marked by a series of referential milestones assumed
as common and generators of “history” that have allowed the
elaboration of a common memory among the murgueros and their
followers. However, as the testimony also shows, Buenos Aires
Carnival has many stories, though only one has been legitimized.
This was seen in the preceding section, but it is also possible to
observe in the classification the leading characters of the carnival,
as well as numerous authors that have written about it, make of
the most recent years. The referential matrix that significantly
delimits the development of the carnival from the mid 70s
onward is strictly related to the military dictatorship ruling the
country during those years. The year 1976 is one of these
references, because the dictatorship decreed the end of the
holidays, but the idea that murgas were repressed and censured
during this period reflects concurrence with the “death” of the
public space as a spot for encounter and meeting. This was a
relevant milestone, not only for the carnival, but for the entire
society, however, seen by some of the main characters of the
festivity as a representation of an invented myth since the murgas
did not come out to perform on stages nor have parades as they
were was not allowed. The groups from the capital would go to
the province of Buenos Aires, or as it is highlighted on the
Carnival Commission Webpage, there were parades until 1981,
but it was difficult for the murgas to perform, since what was
really under control was political criticism, that is, the lyrics of
their songs.
unimaginable chaos as an expression of the street with its
masquerade, costume feast, and the parade of the comparsas. It
should be added that since 1810 the festivity became popular
among a great part of the inhabitants of the city, who also played
with water, eggs stuffed with ashes, etc. Since its origins, the
Buenosairean Carnival is the representation of what this city does
not want to see or know about itself or at least what the
authorities decide to stigmatize and deny; a social representation
assumed as crucial for the urban shaping of Buenos Aires. In this
way, the different repressive regulations appearing between 1700
and the end of the XIX century tried to explain the carnival as
survival of the savagery opposing the moral values of the time, or
as an 1830 official poster read, “alien to the educated people”
that Minister Tomás Guido allegedly made. The greatest
prohibition of the time took place under the government of Juan
Manuel de Rosas in 1844, it extended for a decade and when
abolished another regulation for registering masks was
established. Between 1860 and 1880, there are changes in the
carnival that allow specializations typical of the participating
sectors: the popular carnival takes to the streets, while elites
remain in social gatherings and clubs. In 1889, it was said that
“the carnival [had] died” and that only some government officials
“were interested in reviving them” (García Rosada; 1990:62).
The “whitening” of the Buenos Aires Carnival triggers the
process towards its civilizing character. Negroes lose
prominence but not their traditions that live on in some features
of the festivity while the customs of the immigrants brought form
Europe are included. Beyond the fact that the first official
carnival parade had taken place, it is from this moment on that
the feast with these Europeanizing elements contributes to the
recreation of a new social matrix linked to the festivity from two
different spaces tat will survive in the future: the social dances in
enclosed areas and the street carnival parades. The civilizing
equalization, then, becomes the transition of what is ethnic as a
principle of original delimitation to something belonging to the
neighborhood area in the form of an axis that still goes through
the carnival model today. Related to this issue, the appearance of
the murga, composed of groups of youngsters socializing on the
neighborhood streets and corners, contributes to this blending.
Making a main carnival parade official generally organized on
Mayo Avenue but sometimes on July 9th Avenue and Corrientes
, and a number of other important neighborhood carnival parades
promotes the organization of the festivity, something that is
extremely visible in the light of the 1910 Centennial.
Thus, the murguero himself found his own way of classifying a
symbolically significant past when it came to defining the
development of the carnival, therefore displacing the significance
of the dictatorship in negative terms towards a past mainly related
to Peronism, classified as positive. He told us: “The moments of
splendor were those of Peronism…the same hold true for the
murga. During the 40s, 50s and in 73 the Peronist Youth armed
the murgas. The 1972 carnivals were very important. Since 55,
cultural resistance”. While those were the flourishing years for
this murguero, the account made by government reflects that
since the liberating revolution all the military administrations
(preceding 1976) tried to control the feast, even when they paid a
price for limiting the carnival. For some authors such as Devoto,
the 50s are the years of the decline of the parades, the 60s the
flourishing years of the carnival including water games on the
street, and the 70s and the beginning of the 80s, the years of
decline again. In this sense, dictatorships in general, and
especially the last military one, dim other possible references and
other multiple stories of the carnival life.
In the following years, when the murga specializes and converges
on the so-called murga center towards the 40s group that
reintroduces features of its history and makes it standard practice
until the present, the carnival moves between its zenith in the
years between the wars (Devoto Op.cit.) and its decline at least in
the public space after the 50s (Carnival Commission Webpage).
Hence, the continuity-discontinuity feature will be the most
relevant imprints to analyze the Buenos Aires Carnival.
This account alone depicts the last years of the XIX century, the
beginning of the XX, and the 90s, while considering the temporal
nature of the last dictatorship. A long period of the XX century is
omitted, and it is subjected to different interpretations difficult to
classify, as it happens with the final years of the 80s. It is even
striking to observe that although the advent of democracy in 1984
is observed as the period of cultural revival, the carnival is not
seen as part of that movement. The murgueros place the year
1997 as the time before and after this festivity. This is an
obligated reference to revalue the devalued murga, in favor of the
knowledge of what the Buenosairean murga used to be, unknown
by many until that moment, and for the institutionalization
marked by the incidence of the legislative and executive powers
for future organization and execution tasks. In spite of the fact
1.2. Classified memory: milestones and references in the shaping
of the contemporary Carnival
“Contrary to what is read, the history of the murga is fragmented.
It is not a carnival history, but of differences depending on the
neighborhoods” (Testimony of a murguero)
As our interlocutor points out, the carnival has been the object of
3
carnival artistic associations/groups (murga centers, comparsas,
humorist groups, rhythmic groups and/or other similar ones)
develop are within the city area” and authorizes the Government
of the City to “take the necessary measures for these artistic
groups to prepare themselves, rehearse, and perform throughout
the year in the municipal area that can be adapted for these
purposes or to make arrangements for places in clubs and
promotion societies when the circumstances require them”.
Article 7° of the Ordinance implies the creation of the Carnival
Commission that started operating at the former Culture
Secretariat, today the Ministry of Culture of the City
Government.
that since 1984 the cultural policies put the stress in shaping the
Cultural Program in Neighborhoods, which as its name indicates
pretended to give neighborhood expressions participation, the
murga was excluded, or as a murguero put it “it was not
considered as something cultural”. The former director of the
program emphasized: “this proposition to organize a murga for
the carnival was rejected as it was not considered a cultural
activity. What gave you prestige was to belong to the classical
dance workshop” (Haurie 1991:55, cited by Canale 2007:114).
That is to say, that although the program aimed at strengthening
the cultural expression at the neighborhood level, the murga, a
practice born in the neighborhood space, was contradictorily
described as foreign to culture, a matter that even had a bearing
on the identification of the murgueros as “cultural nonproducers” in the distant past of their origins, as we have seen
before.
It should be stressed that this declaration of the immaterial
heritage is previous to Law 1227 of the Cultural Heritage of the
City of Buenos Aires (2003) of which Article 4° refers to the
assets and expressions of the intangible heritage, and that it is
attained in a context in which the idea associated with this type
of patrimony was practically unknown in the region. Hence, the
murgueros themselves ascribe the authorship of the ordinance to
the groups of murgueros that, as some emphasize, managed to
meet for the vindication, defense and drawing-up of the
ordinance together with other legislators supporting the initiative.
In this way the so-called process of institutionalization that in
some way contributes to this change from which the history of
the Buenos Aires Carnival can be rewritten takes place in the
middle of the 90s. For some, the most direct antecedent is the
controversial inclusion of the murga in the workshop space of
cultural centers and schools that, among other places, came about
at the end of the 80s and beginning of the 90s. It was the
appearance of the workshop for murgas, groups and comparsas
that Coco Romero organized at the Rojas Cultural Center
allowing the insertion of the murgas in the workshop of the
Cultural Program in Neighborhoods. For many, the birth of the
“new murgas” in 1995 was the time when the novel way of
“doing murga” is consolidated. However, for the majority, the
obligated reference is the first murga march (due to the
comeback of the carnival holiday at a national level, conflict that
stills remains since it was only granted to the city of Buenos
Aires) allowing the reencounter of groups on the streets and in
power center itself (Mayo Ave or Corrientes Ave) simultaneously
under Ordinance 52.039.
We believe it is necessary to analyze briefly how the carnival has
acquired the category of heritage and the conflict and ambiguity
emerging from this activation in the heart of the murguero
setting. In general terms, on the one hand, the acquisition of the
heritage category was a strategic instrument of legitimization of
the activities taking place in a murguero setting without
appealing to the activation of the Carnival as a festive expression.
This digression is of interest since the individuals and their
practices were placed before the feast, as it usually happens in
other declarations of the intangible heritage. Nevertheless,
beyond the criterion followed, many murgueros found relevant
that the Buenosairean murga “is part of the culture of Buenos
Aires” since the ordinance was issued because it had only been
related to soccer, the neighborhood, and others such elements
until then. Its renomination as an expression and cultural
practice has meant to relocate is members as individuals that
produce and reproduce an artistic expression now recognized by
the state. In this sense, the acquisition of the heritage category
allows the incorporation of a dominant set of symbols taken out
of their context by highlighting the good and/or the chosen
expressions, and turning them into something “uncommon”.
From this perspective, the ordinance is observed as a strategic
instrument from which the murga consequently the carnival feast
in its present form will not be able to be eliminated from the
urban cultural production.
1.3. The Buenos Aires Carnival and its activation as
cultural heritage
Dedicating some space to the Ordinance is sensible if we
consider two main aspects: 1) the content and significance of the
ordinance, 2) the role it played as a direct state incentive for the
festivity. In this section, we will develop the first point, and
leave the second for our analysis of the economic dimensions of
the Buenos Aires Carnival.
As we have mentioned, the ordinance is the point of inflexion for
the transition from the devaluation to the reevaluation of the
festivity, murga and murgueros. However, during the various
interviews conducted, the opinions always referred to the
discrimination and relegation that the process of revitalization
and legitimization has always experienced. The ordinance is
unsuccessful in placing the carnival unlike the tango as a symbol
identifying the city and the citizens as a whole. In other words,
the symbolic attribution the regulation grants is not sufficiently
effective and unquestionable as is the case with other
declarations and norms associated with the cultural heritage, as
we will see.
This is a problematic issue even at the level of the murga
practices and the murgueros as main actors.
However, the very conception of heritage is problematic. Firstly,
the activities developed by the groups during the carnival season
have been selected by the authorities before they are completely
lost, and therefore included in the matrix that binds the cultural
production within the framework of the city of Buenos Aires.
The process of inclusion, which invariably leaves out other
expressions and individuals, needs to include the reflection about
the murgueros, and the recognition and revaluation of a
perspective associated with both terms above while praising what
is popular, cultural and what belongs to the neighborhood. But
at the same time, in the course of this same process in which the
authorities decides ambiguous as it may seem which version of
the carnival reality should be legitimized, which components
Indeed, Ordinance 52.039 declares in 1997 “ the activity that the
4
present…”(murguero de “Alucinados de Parque de los
Patricios”: murguero from the Patrician Park Hallucinated
People). A testimony strengthened by the words having the same
perspective. “…I don't think we need to follow a policy of let's
recover this, people alone will manage to recover and bring back
again to the present facts they consider significant for their place,
not as a policy intending to go and look for. Not as memory
militancy, I don't agree with memory militancy, I'm interested in
the building of the memory…” (Testimony of a murguero from
“Alucinados de Parque Patricios”).
should be exhibited, and who should the individuals and groups
worthy of expressing themselves be. In short, the cultural
heritage is a determined activation certain sectors of power
assume to classify and delimit with precise though occasionally
rigid boundaries. They decide what activities are to be seen,
which the “official” groups are, which parades take part in the
“official” circuit, how much money is assigned to each group,
generating both an inclusion and exclusion policy, material and
symbolic, internal to the field of the acquisition of the heritage
category. Therefore, the heritage is not a neutral instrument, but
a political and administrative one operating over the prevailing
socio-political reality. We may even speculate by saying that the
heritage regulates as norms of the past prohibiting games,
masquerades, costumes, or eliminated holidays, thus defining not
only the social control, but largely, all the hierarchies and social
inequalities visible in the field of culture.
The selected accounts explain the relevance the historic view of
the heritage still has today, and that is closely associated with the
tangible heritage. In this sense, the “Los Chiflados de Boedo”
(the Boedo Nuts) murga emphasized: “what are we talking
about? Going to put a wreath beside a statue? …Because
afterwards there is really no other thing that we can see as virtue,
how can we say if we really are heritage, if the people
recognized us, if the state really feels it is something really
important. They recover a building and have a party just because
they rescued a dome, a building, because it is something historic,
because this, because that, but…and everyone goes…half of the
government has a party because of that and…never ever a single
person, a representative or someone from the government came
to the carnivals to say what we are doing is nice…” The
discussion about which asset and/or expression the government
legitimizes more does not only refer to the “traditional” sense of
heritage, but also to the biased recognition the state makes when
it generates heritage activations. Biases that exceed regulations
and declarations, because as these murgueros say, the ordinance
is not enough if the government representatives do not bet for
recognition with their own presence or in the neighborhood
context when the Boards of Historical Studies or the schools
themselves legitimize the carnival past disregarding their
relationship with the murgas of the present. In a certain way,
they appeal to a pubic debate about how the past is used and the
transparency deriving from that convenient past reaching the
present with the determination of being classified as legitimate
and always in a biased way in the ordinance “all the activities
and groups” are practically conditioned to some “groups with
certain characteristics”. Obviously, the main characters not only
those belonging to “non-official” murgas, but also delegates of
the Carnival Commission do not place in the center of the debate
the fact that they contribute to the wording of the ordinance and
help transmit the “traditional” genre defined as such by those
producing the expressions, thus defining from there what is
included and excluded from the carnival festivity.
The acquisition of the heritage category at a city level is not
enough for an integral recognition of each group and/or
murguero performing in the different neighborhoods. Likewise,
as we have already said, the legality granted by the acquisition of
the heritage category does not imply a generalized legitimization:
in the field of the carnival itself, there are groups that meet the
requirements offering them symbolic prestige and possibilities to
belong to the “official' circuit, while others, either due to their
“opposition” to the lack of antagonism of the heritage or because
they do not have the necessary conditions, are left out and should
generate and organize their own places of expression by
themselves. The testimony of the murgueros from “Fileteando
Ilusiones” (Filleting Illusions) reflects the marginal place many
of them occupy, feature contributing to its definition as “cultural
non-producers”. In the same way, this matter reflects the role the
regulation has been taking as a legal instrument over the
economic and symbolic production and reproduction of those
making up the murguero space and wishing to perform each year:
“the matter is that we started last year, then you had to present a
certain number of roles and among them you had to have the
CUIT to collect your money…Then when we started with the
murga last year, none of us had the CUIT, well you had to get it
and regretfully we did not get it, and then you are left out, but
you go on and perform for free because you don't get paid for
not presenting that paper, in order words we is[are]a murga that
does not exist for the government”
Likewise, and even the groups included in the selective matrix of
the carnival activation are marginalized and devaluated beyond
the carnival space and time because they belong to
neighborhoods with other type of assets classified as heritage of
greater legitimacy. These different situations finally make the
heritage issue more complex, yet they are originally applauded
by those that rehabilitated the ordinance. In this sense, different
groups dispute the sense given to the heritage. Some testimonies
highlight the “opposition” main characters exert, sometimes with
the purpose of subverting the “official” order, but in others only
to negotiate a better place where the groups can perform:
Once declared heritage, if a historical building, a ruin or
monument becomes unquestionable, the carnival activities at
least in Buenos Aires continue to take place between the
legitimacy and illegitimacy, probably because in the center of the
expressions related to the so-called intangible heritage, the
individuals and social groups are visible and loquacious in their
practices and speeches, showing social stigmatizations and
hierarchies probably invisible when the cultural expression was
not heritage, a matter not posing a problem to the material assets
in which people deny themselves and exit from the heritage
context.
“…the heritage is more [than] a stamp…it needs the public
recognition, memory does not need to be publicly recognized by
any entity, but memory is much livelier, stronger, affective, more
binding, it is filled much more with sense…because if you turn it
into heritage, it is going to be registered, that's what heritage is,
at bout 50 years from now it won't have any value, but is still in
the heritage register, on the other hand, memory exists in the
Hence, the regulation allowing the legitimization of the carnival
activities and groups by means of the acquisition of its heritage
category has been welcomed and even strongly supported by
5
those with related knowledge and practices. However, on the
other hand, the regulation itself conflicts with the carnival
setting.
when the candombero Negroes formed part of the feast.
However, these expressions later adapted to Europeanizing styles
when the Negro elites separated themselves from the
candombero style. The original matrix does not include styles
and groups with little representation in the public space of the
contemporary carnival this exclusion is not only caused by the
acquisition of the heritage category, but by the decisions made
by some individuals related to the Buenosairean Carnival, among
them the murgueros. In fact, associations and groups are divided
in percentage terms nowadays as the following carnival genres
show:
2. What is the Buenosairean Carnival?: ethnographic dimensions
of the festivity
The Buenos Aires Carnival is a public feast forming part of the
liturgical calendar of the Catholic Church. However, it originates
as a mixture that managed to combine African and European
elements at different periods of times. The street, neighborhood,
its popular and even lower class character, being free of charge,
its spontaneity and improvisation are crucial features for those
that take part, organize, live and have to define the identity of the
Buenosairean Carnival. These are also aspects that operate as
“common places” or pre-concepts of the essential determining
factors for the Buenosairean Carnival to remain as such and
preserve its idiosyncrasy and traditional nature. These are the
characteristic effectively conjuring against an economic appraisal
the main participants make. They are permanently ambivalent in
their views about the economic benefit the carnival festivity can
offer, as they constantly emphasize the ludic activity, as a game
carried out by themselves in their closest environment (family,
neighbors, and friends). “There are no demands in the
Buenosairean murga: all those that wish to participate are
allowed” highlights a press release differentiating this murga
from the Uruguayan, whose specialization and professionalism
outstands.
Certain aesthetics and style characterized the carnival space up
to the mid XX century. To some extent, this aesthetics has
continued in time, and has come down to the present. The
groups must differentiate and identify themselves by one or more
colors. The issue of identifying colors is of such significance
that it is one of the registration requisites, because colors may be
a source of conflict between murgas: there are rivalries
frequently associated to soccer teams. The aesthetics is
completed with a type of costume including frock coat, bright
color those of the murga trousers or skirt made of satin, with
spangle embroidered appliqué or similar decorations. Braids, hat
and gloves may be added. Although it is something not used by
the majority of the murgas, some add imitations banners,
carnival figures with large heads, etc. and costumes. The basic
instrument the murga adopted from the Spanish immigrants it is
also said that the popular neighborhood chose it as typical in the
40s was the bass drum with a bonze cymbal.
The “authentic” murga and murguero are distinctive elements of
the Carnival form River Plate, and therefore from Buenos Aires.
However, the word murga seems to include and unify different
types of groups of which the murga-center is the one having
remerged in the last 10 years. It is defined as a group with a
Buenosairean traditional murga style. Made up of men, women
and children, it participates in opening and exit parades with a
structure carrying the standard and in which the murgueros are
disguised with the so-called fantasies. They play percussion
instruments and carry banners, carnival figures with large heads,
and umbrellas located at different places of the parade. The
characteristic instrument making up 70 % of the percussion is the
bass drum with a cymbal to which the whistle is added. The
murga group is similar to the murga-center (its style is based on
the Buenosairean murga), but modifications can be made as to its
members. For example, they do not always have mascots, men
and women can mix together, though 70% of the instruments
have to be bass drums with cymbals. They can also play melodic
musical instruments, and the arrangements cannot remind styles
not representing those of Buenos Aires. Not very common
nowadays, the musical humorist group was originally formed in
la Boca neighborhood whose members took photographs of the
immigrants, peculiarity that defined this group. Its members may
very from 40 to 100, disguise themselves as various characters,
make parodies, and all of them generally sing along their streets
routes. It is worth saying that the mentioned genres are classified
as “ordinary and traditional” by the ordinance of the
Buenosairean Carnival which refers to the construction of a
prescriptive matrix to determine which the authorized genres of
the local festivity are. The ordinance contains other genres such
as those considered “non original” as expressions of the Bolivian
Carnival that are only included in the 7% quota allowed in each
festivity and the “traditional” comparsa of great significance
among the first carnival expressions in Buenos Aires at a time
The show is composed of: Opening Keynote, Opening Song,
Critical Song; Exit Keynote and Exit Song. The songs are
popular or composed by a murga member himself. A soloist
sings the verses and the chorus the refrain of songs that are
critical of the movement, ironical, or double talk. The parade is
important for the groups with many members (one must not
forget this fact, as we will see it has an economic impact, since
there are murgas with 15 and other with 200 or more members).
Dancing is a key factor among those that identify themselves as
authentic murgueros: some even say that they only attend the
carnival to dance. The steps and rhythms are presumably a
mixture the date back to the origins of the murga among African,
such as the candombe and the parade steps.
These are some characteristics of the “street murga”. It is the
public space, the ultimate setting in which the city carnival
happens: from the rehearsals to the “performance” in the parade.
This is a place only for murgas organized and delimited along
one or more blocks in different neighborhoods of the city where
the stage and some street vendors' stands are set up. It is where
the various murgas coming from different parts of the city parade
and act, where the snow foam game intermingled with the
performance brings children and adults together; everything
happens in the neighborhood, the square and the street. Further
back in time, the water games, the float parades and even the
costumes the children wore in parades and carnival dances in
6
money at stake, what primarily circulates is knowledge, ability
and prestige” acquired on the street. Like in the don system
developed theoretically and empirically by Mauss in the
indigenous societies, the murgas are re-evaluated as a system of
transaction, interchange and circulation where things become a
symbolic force. Through this circulation indicating prestige and
symbolic order, the murga groups become active in establishing
hierarchies, granting power above all when this dynamics is
build around the leaders and/or murga leaders. The other
purposes of these groups are interaction, reproduction of the
space, and the creation of a collective identity of belonging as
the testimony of a murguero shows “giving the cloth [to a new
member for him to make himself a suit] is like welcoming him”
or to tell him “you're one of us”. Things get mixed between
people and money, and as the main actors also say, they circulate
at the same level as objects what is charged in a private event, or
for performances during the carnival season goes back to the
murga, whether to restart the preparation and organization cycle
for the following festivity, or to carry out other types of events
related to the neighborhood or the people in need. Though in a
voluntary and uneven way according to each murga and
compulsory at the same time as it is part of “being a murguero”
what circulates is a system of signs, values and beliefs associated
with the murga and the murgueros. System that allows directly
evading the economic aspect and magnifying the carnival
expression “it's bad business” at least for those reinvesting the
meager incomes obtained in the murga, and that conceive money,
business and economics as the direct way for losing the meaning
of the carnival as associated with the “neighborhood culture”.
neighborhood clubs also took place within the public space.
According to some murgueros, this is the feature the murga has
assimilated since its origin in the neighborhood with the soccer
field, but also with Peronism, due to its popular character. And
this analogy of murga/neighborhood gives it a sense of
spontaneity and improvisation that deepened since the origins of
the “workshop-murga” (appearing in the 90s) . The
neighborhood is what also moves it closer to certain
transgression and away from the order and detail attributed to the
expression learned at the workshop. The link with the
neighborhood was, and still is, the essence of the definition the
murga, which ascribed it to its marginal side: “before the
ordinance no one was considered as part of any type of
culture…you did not live as something cultural”, pointed out a
murguero referring to the antagonism produced and reproduced
from within the murga and towards the feast. This was the result
of the opposition of expressions that, previous to the acquisition
of the heritage category, took place in enclosed and institutional
locations originating circuits of learning in workshops.
The point of inflection the majority people see in the ordinance is
clearly seen in the appearance of the murgas existing nowadays.
The temporal cut going from 1950 to 2004 shows the principal
increase took place in the 90s, and more specifically after the
year 2000:
Of the same opinion, the director of Los Duendes de la Cortada
(Cortada Globins), cited by Ferreiros (2001:25), states: “the
murga…was not organized to make money…money is not the
engine. The murga is formed as a way of changing the routine of
having to work, pay and pay. Nobody makes a living out of the
murga...” This is where underlies another representation of what
work means within the murga. In short, it means working for the
feast, though it does not imply a conception of modern and
industrial work. In addition, we must see the value given to free:
the director himself says that with the murga “many things can
be done free, as opposed to the actor that charges for his
performance. Shows are free 95% of the times…” (Op.cit.26).
3. The Buenos Aires Carnival between the economic and the
socio-political
Working for free, the differentiated sense of work, the system of
services, transactions and the murguero circulation in general
contribute to make those playing a leading role struggle between
the dilemmas and tensions in which the economic issue conflicts
with the meaning with which they have legitimized the murga
and the carnival. The political and social sense fed into the
murguero space, does not only relegate, but devalues the
economic aspects that are undoubtedly alive. The socio-political
legitimacy acquired by the local carnival even exceeds the
murgueros, as it already happened during the administration of
the preceding Carnival Commission, when their members
emphasized: “For us the Carnival is a tool of the cultural policy
for social transformation…”, central idea of the I Congress of
Participatory Administration of the Buenosairean Carnival held
in August 2007. In that respect, the social matter acquired such
relevance that the productive aspect was left to its minimal
expression. Topics such as linked to the “murga as a natural
space for inclusion”, and instrument for the social work also
minimized the contradiction that has to be endured between
The invisibility of the economic dimensions attributed to the
Buenosairean Carnival, not only relates to the insufficient
institutional data, but also to the role that the main actors assign
to this aspect. Talking about the economic field surrounding the
local carnival and over which it is made up seems to be one of
those topics the main characters perceive and experiment as
taboo. It is not a well kept secret as Barrientos has stated for the
Oruro Carnival (2007) seeing that the actors involved in the
organization and development of the Buenos Aires Carnival
know and recognize that the economic order underlies the sphere
of the feast. However, it simultaneously reinforces a peculiar and
essential
logic of this
carnival. As
Ferreiros
(2001:21)
had sated
“…if there
is really
7
economic ups and downs and the resources they receive today,
especially from the government, “the alternative…is
professionalization, that is the incorporation of the murguero
sphere to the cultural industry”, and at the same time
incorporating a type of mercantile logic (Gómez; 2001:66,
n/highlighted). Although, the administration of the preceding
Carnival Commission reappraised the values linked to what was
free, popular and pertaining to the street, it also had the purpose
of making the city carnival the best example of a participating
cultural administration, and at the same time it hoped to make it
a tourist attraction and a cultural industry allowing its
community to develop economically the department of General
Administration Commission for Festivities and Events partly
explains this purpose. The appearance of this logic in the local
conflict of the carnival and the murga, its main character par
excellence, is prove of concrete professionalization following the
“workshop murgas”, or a potential one since the ordinance was
sanctioned and the series of conditioning elements linked with it
that jeopardizes the spontaneity, crucial attribute when it comes
to defining the local carnival scheme.
being part of a festivity, and the social needs and demands
characteristic of an improvised city, in whose neighborhoods,
where the popular sectors gain spaces, the murga seems to turn
into the counterpart of poverty. The murga space is lived almost
like a “militant state”: as stressed in the congress “the children
that come to dance are undernourished, they don't eat well” the
murgas “are always working among the masses” trying to
prevent the children from dying for a paco, and not only to
“come out looking pretty in February”. In this sense the murga is
filling the social void that used to cover the promotion society,
the basic unit, the radical committee. Likewise, the murgas takes
part in the “official circuit” such as Los Chiflados de Boedo.
They emphasize those that do not participate in this circuit, as the
murga born in Emergency Village at 31 Retiro St., whose
objective was exclusively social. In this conception, the
associated notion of culture is understood beyond certain
assistance and willingness such as “we take a puppeteer show to
town”, to appropriate themselves of the “autonomous”
mobilization generated by the activity leading to the carnival.
The tension produced by deciding whether to participate as
artists, conflict of identification caused since the event has
become a show, or to remain as “neighborhood people” is
complemented with other tensions such as the conception people
have of labor, and the meaning they ascribe to professional and
industrialization. On the one hand, they consider themselves
“artists”, however they do not claim to be one as they do not
charge to perform fallacy, as we will see; in the last years they
have been charging. On the other hand, they feel like neighbors
linked to the values of their neighborhoods the street, what is
popular, mate, the old lady, etc. The dilemma of being an artist
or not invariably leads to the idea of show necessarily present ,
situation being questioned as it is the very same undermining the
murga spirit. According to those playing a leading role, it is
located in the social nature in the congress some of the speakers
warned against “… selling the soul in the murga”. Turning the
murga into a show, reviled as it leads to the idea of doing
business, is one of the dilemmas making the current dynamics of
the Buenos Aires murga more complex. A constant feature in
this sense is the distinction between the carnivals of the different
regions Gualeguaychú in Corrientes, Montevideo in Uruguay or
Rio de Janeiro in Brazil constantly drawn that deepens the
contradiction from which the Buenos Aires Carnival is still
produced: between business, tradition, and /or identity from
where the festivity springs, which corresponds to certain values
such as the neighborhood, the street, and the public space.
2.1. Impact or economic, social, political and cultural
assessment?
Since the so-called “intangible cultural heritage” appeared in the
cultural scene, a number of specialists have been talking about
the need for cultural indicators with the purpose of linking these
expressions to the economic growth. However, when it comes to
measuring these types of expression, appears a complex
environment of problems associated with the “invisibleincorporeal” character, and with the subjective dimension
tending to cover the objective and observable factors. The
inquiries to determine the aspects of a feast that can be
quantified, when values, beliefs, emotions, social prestige or
social status signs are a fundamental part of their expression, is
largely the heart of the matter (cfr. Cevallos; 2005). Yet, the
study conducted by Andrés Bello Agreement established some
considerations that allow defining the range from which to
measure, quantify and/or qualify the economic dimensions of
expressions such as the carnival.
In this case, it is necessary to discern from which place we will
be assessing the economic dimensions of the feast, given that the
difficulties mentioned, the type of emphasis put on the study of
these expressions, and the significance offered to the local
carnival's main characters as we have seen in the preceding
section are those that have contributed to the invisibility of these
dimensions. It would be possible to estimate and evaluate “the
perception of the potential users over the economic, cultural, and
social values of the feast (potential contribution)” following
Zuleta and Jaramillo (2004:64), as well as the impact or the real
contribution of the Buenosairean Carnival to the economy of the
city. The deduction made, as many authors point out, is that a
feast with a great economic impact does not necessarily result in
high economic, social and cultural values. In this sense, it means
following the case in question by departing from the supposition
that the little economic impact of the local carnival does not
deny but increases the economic, social and cultural assessment.
In this way, the evaluation offered by the participants beyond the
price that must be paid to participate or attend,the disposition of
the citizens to support it, even contributing resources and taking
part in the feast, the potential presence of “consumers-clients”,
but above all, the place given by the main characters to certain
It is speculated that professionalization is introducing itself in the
sphere of the murga in two ways. The first one is through the
emergence of the workshop murgas and their participation in the
neighborhood Cultural Program, at schools and cultural centers,
among other places. The second one is by turning the murgas
into a show, which is closely related to the process caused by the
regulation and the constitution of an “official circuit” of parades,
and by the murgas taking part in the carnival. It is necessary to
present a performance of “quality” to qualify to participate. In
the first option “…there is a re-elaboration of the practice that
could make it a cultural undertaking, and therefore submit it to
the calculations of opportunity earnings and costs that involve a
professional artistic career” (Canale; 2007:120, n/highlighted).
Simultaneously, those taking part in the activity, agree on the
idea drawn from the economic view to allow the murga to reach
February and perform the social tasks of each neighborhood and
impoverished sector. The second option, in view of the
8
from the market, and by an unrestrictive boom of the festivity in
private places. This situation seems to change spasmodically
towards the end of the decade. The collections and influx of
people to clubs account for a carnival with economic impact yet
inclined to this type of space and with an important imbalance as
the municipality assigns a budget for parades and comparsas for
at least a year. Dances are also successful during the 70s, which
were also held in clubs, hotels and associations. We can
speculate that the massive tendency “towards the inside” is due
to the reduction of parades in public places and the prohibitions
and economic crises, as for examples that of the 70s, that
considerably affected the market of party novelties there was a
shortage of confetti, masks, and carnival articles were
excessively expensive. In the beginning of the 80s, at the decline
of the dictatorship and when democracy was on its way, the
parades acquired fresh vigor with a relative increase of
participants. More than 350,000 people participated in the 1980
official parade and watched nearly a dozen comparsas, some of
them with up to 300 members.
incentives that in the case of Buenos Aires are fundamental
nowadays, leads us to put more emphasis on the potential
evaluation than on the real impact considering, in addition, that it
is from a strong evaluation that the expression may live on in
time. On the other hand, the principal characteristic of this
carnival is that its enjoyment, consumption and appropriation
take place at a local sphere, that is, in the city and especially in
certain neighborhood spaces. Of no less importance, if we take
into consideration that a great number of specialists usually
assign a major economic impact to those expressions that, as the
tango for this city, are successfully promoted around the world, is
the reversion movement that goes from the global to the local
level. In the case of the Buenosairean Carnival, its organization
guarantees an important participation and identification of those
preparing and implementing it, though with a lower degree of
participation and identification among the population as a whole,
situation that, however, guarantees the economic benefits, though
also, the social and cultural ones, and its continuance in time in
the local scene despite all the discontinuities it has had. As
Zuleta y Jaramillo (Op.cit.:63) point out, a globalization imprint,
the support of enterprises, and the influx of tourists can all
account for a greater economic impact, but at the same time lead
to certain standardization and even to the “loss of the support of
the local citizens”. This evaluation will necessarily be analyzed
considering the tensions and dilemmas facing not only the feast,
but principally the actors implied and their practices.
As we have seen, since the 90s the free and outdoor festivity
acquires greater relevance in 1990, the municipality spent
60,000,000 australes on the carnival organization, although the
route had been reduced to 6 blocks due to financial reasons. As
the routes of the official parades have increased in the last years,
the carnival has expanded to other neighborhoods of the city,
which has reduced to zero the cost of participating in the feast,
and has shortened the movement to a minimum, making possible
a greater participation of people since they can disperse among
the different local parades (however, the rough estimates usually
done are those of the total number of people attending all the
feasts). In the last years the general situation has been the
following:
2.2. Retrospective and present: between what is free and private
As we have mentioned, the value the murgueros give the carnival
for being free and held outdoors is crucial for its social
evaluation, however it does not allow a direct economic
assessment. It is worth pointing out that the 1989 parade on
Mayo Avenue when the entrance fees for the main grandstand
was 20 australes and 10 for the popular bleachers (1 US$=4.450
A) seems to be an exception. Looking back in time allows us to
observe that the parades, especially those on Mayo Avenue, were
discontinued or reduced in number from the 60s to the 80s. The
festivity remained in the social and sports clubs of the different
neighborhoods where there were paid shows and entrance fees
that allow us to calculate the direct economic benefits generated
by the collections. As for example, the collections in 1964 were:
3. Organization, Financing and Economic Cycle
3.1. Regulation: direct state incentive
Since Ordinance 52.039 was sanctioned in 1997, and the
Carnival Commission was created following the regulated
Buenosairean Carnival Program of the Culture Secretariat
Executive today the Culture Ministry of the City of Buenos
Aires, the Buenosairean Carnival has had a local state instrument
or incentive of direct financial support through a budget
operating as subsidy for the yearly activities. This does not rule
out the situation of total self-financing that an important number
of murgas not included in the “official circuit” remain, and that
of partial self-financing of those murgas included that still carry
out a series of tasks. In sum, the regulation declaring carnival
activities cultural heritage of the city not only allows recognition
that the murgueros still claim it to be scarce, however. Some say
that local authorities do not attend the carnivals, but they do
attend other types of inaugurations. The murgueros also claim
the government does not take the murgas to private places such
At that moment, men paid $110 and ladies $60, which allows us
to calculate about 49,000 participants for Centro Lucense, 70,000
for Velez Sarfield, and 37, 500 for Comunicaciones. For the
year 1960, four years earlier, the Municipality provided all the
parades and comparsas with ornaments for $50,000 each (the
exchange rate was 84 australes for a dollar). Even in the 1966,
collections increase as the hired artists and orchestras became
more famous and successful (Comunicaciones rose to $ 11,
705,400). A browse over the 60s seems to show the endless
agony of the carnival in the public space. The discontinuity of
the official parades, though others remained in the
neighborhoods, were followed by economic and certain political
restrictions that made streamers, masks and costumes disappear
9
Pre-inscription
Buenosairean Carnival
as La Trastienda (The Back Room) where the Uruguayan Murga
is hired to perform, and that they even order and regulate support
and incentive for such places. As we have seen, before the
ordinance was sanctioned, the municipality intermittently
contributed resources in a direct way through financing an
indirectlyas a result of urban maintenance tasks and with
concrete contributions. However, the festivity was strongly selffinanced by its main characters. Although authorities today
admit that there is still permanent investment from within the
murgas (that is self-financed) for costumes, makeup, instruments,
etc, on the other hand, they also emphasize the present
dependence on the state, which has become the carnival sponsor.
However, the murgueros the ones that have joined the circuit and
those that have not see the delay of this financing that has to be
renewed each year. The need for the self-management of the
groups springs from here, and it is based on “family and
neighborhood networks” (Ferreiros; 2001:16).
Pre-Carnival
CARNIVAL
Qualification by Juries
Although these are the principal and crucial stages, we should,
however, add intermediate steps that help articulate them: 1) at
the end of each year's festivity everything that happened is
reviewed and evaluated; 2) an election for the substitution of
delegates takes place in May; 3) the organization of the precarnival begins in June; 4) in a normal situation, the pre-carnival
is held in September with the establishment of the new juries
that classify the murgas; 5) then the parades are planned. Each
“original” or other type of group should fill in a card to meet the
requisite for the pre-inscription. These groups can cover 7% of
the total number of those classified to join the “official circuit”
and include for example the Coporales (Corporals) from Bolivia
and the Uruguayan Murga, among others. They should also
decide upon the colors that will represent them, and offer other
information about the person in charge of collecting the subsidy
payments. This last information is not an unimportant matter
the case already referred to shows that due to this requisite many
murgas are left out. That is to say, that even though they are
elected by the jury to perform, they end up acting for free,
because without CUIT and an invoice it is impossible to receive
subsidies. The people from “Fileteando Illusions” used to say:
“we are a murga that does not exist for the government” and
observe that they are not recognized for being legitimized as
heritage, but as citizens producing a type of cultural expression.
The regulation, then, acts as a legitimating factor of expression
and at the same time as a social and productive instrument of
exclusion. It also operates in this process as an entrance door to
a different “working world” since needing a CUIT and an
invoice places the murgueros in a position of precarious
workers, in a context where they themselves do not recognize
the murga space as industrial work. What is more, all of this
contradicts the social and economic background of those that
are called by the street and neighborhood murga, usually young
people from popular sectors that are generally relegated by the
traditional labor system. Thus, the pre-carnival is the moment
and space where, on the one hand, the murgas perform, and on
the other, they risk a place in the carnival. The evaluations
made by the jury are numeric and conceptual: for a group to join
the carnival, it should get from 327 to 654 points, and those that
do not fall in this range should attempt to be classified in the
pre-carnival the following year.
The annual budget is voted year after year and includes a sum for
the subsidies and another for the production hired personnel,
stages and sound, as well as for bathrooms, billboards, the
organization of campaigns, and other things. The Commission,
though not included in the budget and depending on the person in
charge of it, is responsible for making connections with other
sections of the Executive to grant authorization for rehearsals in
public places, guarantee hygiene and security, etc. The former
director of the Commission explained the complexity that this
connection demands: “the claim is due to the lack of security,
cleanliness, coverage, and for better lightning. And there are a
bunch of things that do not depend on us, nor could be afforded
with the carnival budget. Then they depend on the Environment
Ministry, they depend on enterprises involved with hygiene, they
depend on the lighting and public spaces, they depend on the
CGP, they depend on a bunch of things that have to be connected
from here…” The following table shows the 2007 budget and its
relationship with the preceding ones”
For this budget to materialize in an economic cycle that ends up
being mainly “official and federal”through the annual approval
by the City of Buenos Aires Legislature that later the Carnival
Commission belonging to the Local Executive Government
should implement there is a series of stages an requisites to
follow and comply. Firstly, the Carnival Commission made up of
representatives from the Legislature and the Executive, and of
delegates from the murga groups large of small according to the
number of its members agrees on the budget by consensus.
There is an annual chronogram accompanying this agreement
from which an economic cycle leading to the celebration of the
feast in February-March is developed:
Once classified by the jury, the murgas receive a budget as
“subsidy” according to the characterization made by the city
Legislature. There is certain ambivalence in determining
whether it is a subsidy, contractual payment, or performance fee,
which gives rise to many contradictions among the main
characters when they struggle to establish the role of the
murguero and the murga as opposed to the artist and the
show/event. As can be seen, this controversy arises from the
characterization the legislative body makes of the budget it votes
for. Once the above-mentioned evaluation cycle has been
completed, the carnival commission offers it. However, until
recently, this controversy also originated by the dependence of
10
the commission on the General Administration for Central
Festivals and Events of the Ministry of Culture, organization that
arranged film, theater and tango festivals, that is from which the
cultural industries of the city were run as shows and or/events.
This placed the carnival as one more “festival” among the group
mentioned. It is worth noting that in point 3 we referred to the
conflict the murgueros stated explicitly in this respect, which
they even took before the official management, something that
will have a bearing on the alternative between becoming a show
and/or cultural industry, or going down the road of popular
expression that apparently takes place in an environment beyond
the productive sphere. There are murgueros that specifically
state: “we don't take it as a subsidy. If I don't work at the
carnival, I have nothing. If I don't perform, or perform at least
once, it is taken away from my salary, because I get paid for the
number of performances and the number of members. We see it
as a fee, as a payment to artists, we are cultural workers” (Diego
Robasio's testimony). Then, the budget is authorized as a
“subsidy”, definition that implies “answering to anyone”, as if it
were a “bonus” once the process of evaluation and classification
was over. However, the system of evaluation and by jury is a
classifying method from which finally stems a distribution of
performances according their “functions” within the parades
belonging to the “official circuit”, and the fees for each show.
Then, the difference is established in the following way: if there
is a $1,000,000 budget, the subsidy will be distributed equally.
Suppose that 100 murgas classifies, then each murga will receive
$10,000. However, the regulation establishes another kind of
monetary distribution following a complex system of
categorization. Once they have been classified as “originally
from the city” or not, the matter will have a bearing on the genre
by which they will be evaluated. The system includes the
following classifications and categories.
aforementioned 100% of the total budget.
Although some murgueros recognize that there is a great control
over the numeric system (members + score) nowadays, they
have stated the faults derived form this combinatorial system
materializing itself in money that has led some murgas in
greater need to receive lower incomes as compared with those
needing less. For example, Los Amantes de la Boca (Boca
Lovers) murga with 400 members received a portion of the
budget to rent 3 microbuses, though they needed 7. Yet, a small
murga of 20 members that can use their own cars received an
amount for 1 microbus. The last time Los Amantes were paid,
they collected $ 12.000, which is not a significant sum as it had
more members, over 150, than what the regulation establishes.
Therefore, this murga earned exactly the same amount as other
murgas with 150 members, and as we mentioned before the
fault is clearly seen in the number of microbuses needed, in this
case 9. On the other hand, there are murgas that make decisions
as to the number of members when they register. For example,
in the year 2007, Resaca Murguera registered as a murga with
50 to 100 members, however, they had more than 100 (there
were over 140 in the form, 105 on the day of the evaluation, but
110 in the Mataderos parade). From this first position, it can be
inferred that having been evaluated ideally in Category A, they
could have collected $14.000, however they only received about
$ 9.500. As we will see, hiring of microbuses as a means of
transportation is included as a main aspect in these decisions,
something that is not only economically important, but also
organizationally complex. During the last carnivals in which the
budget increased in $ 500.000, an estimate average payment of
$5000 to $10.000 for a murga appearance, taking into
consideration that a murga with 150 members and having the
highest category would receive $ 20.000 for 17 performances
money that is said to be invested in costumes, bass drums, food,
and hiring microbuses to go to the parades.
The corresponding payment of each murga is done in a differed
way: once the carnival is over, the formalities start. For
example, in 2007, 50 murgas got paid in July and other 50
towards the end of August or September. Payments are done
through a Banco Ciudad (City Bank) account, official bank of
the Government in the City of Buenos Aires.
The following classification of 4 categories should be added to
the categorization above, according to the result of the general
calculations of the evaluation:
As we have mentioned, the regulation, drafted with the
contribution of the murgueros, conflicts with the sense of the
carnival seen as feast-show. In spite of the fact that the
murgueros reiterate the festive meaning, the state tends to
establish a dilemma between both terms. In this way, the
murgas are understood as artistic groups of the carnival,
definition from which the complex conditions and requisites are
reflected: 1) As they are carnival artistic groups, they are
expected to have certain spirit of perfection, improvement and
growth as far as the show quality offered in each parade is
concerned. 2) This matter operates over the idea of acting
appearing in the regulation and in the dynamics of the cycle as a
result of the spectacular sense the carnival has associated with
the street space where a stage is put up, and where there is
always an audience deciding whether to value the show or not.
3) This view is conflicting for the murgueros that still see the
street and the feast as part of an improvised situation where they
dance out of joy, and where they are not interested in the quality
or in the audience. This idea lies face down as the state
considers that they are paying some artists that should think in
The first three categories directly classify for the Carnival of the
following year, while those in category D need to be classified
satisfactorily at the Pre-Carnival of the following year. That is,
the combination of the number of people + score (emerging from
a quantitative and qualitative analysis) placing each group in a
specific category according to an “artistic evaluation” establishes
the number of functions corresponding to each one. After the
festivity, they evaluate if each murga carried out what was
assigned them, and make calculations to prepare a module to
distribute not equally, but following the guidelines
11
Commission Board.
growing artistically for the audience the idea of a fee prevails
over subsidy, though the latter is institutionally and economically
in use. 4) The “artistic growth” articulates clearly with the
evaluation system described previously: the jury evaluates the
singing of songs, the lyrics, dancing, costumes, sound, and the
general presentation of the show. 5) The dilemma of the
situation itself makes some murgueros appeal to the distinctions
typical of each neighborhood, so they establish differences that
range from aesthetics to kinds of idiosyncratic songs typical of
each place. 6) They have tried to neutralize the peculiar
improvisation of the murgas through the regulation itself since it
establishes a regime of conditions and punishments that have
ended up exerting control as if it were a theatrical performance.
For example, if a group does not observe the time stipulated for
the beginning and duration of the performance, it is punished
according to the seriousness of the situation and the number of
times the action has been repeated something that the Carnival
Commission must evaluate. Also, the groups should comply
with what they registered, that is, having the exact number of
members, 70% of percussion instruments (in this case the
Commission can slash 50% of the scores given for percussion),
etc. Likewise, the time of the performance is associated with the
number of members:
The Movement of Carnival Groups serves as an intermediary
between the murgas and the state for several matters, and
specially the economic ones: the annual budget, collection of
money, etc. They claim success for the increase of the budget
between 2006 and 2007, the request for a higher budget for the
organization and parades, maintaining the same budget for the
murgas, processing the collection of money, and for budgetary
matters to hold special events associated with the murgueros and
the state, such as the 2007 Congress, among other things. They
also deal with the internal dynamics of the movement, like the
collection of the monthly fees.
Let us see an example of the 2007 Summary of Incomes and
Expenses of the movement.
3.2. M.U.R.G.A.S
Sanctioning the regulation has allowed a reorganization of the
field: on the one hand, the legislative and economic content, and
on the other, a redefinition of the role of participating characters,
which has decreased in some cases, while in others it has
increased. As to the emergence and renovation of the characters,
the Movement of Carnival Groups, M.U.R.G.A.S ( United
murgas recovering and always finding happiness), is of great
interest as it has come into being all along these years in a group
between the Carnival Commission and the Murgas. In spite of
the fact that the movement appeared before, it was not until 1999
when they established: 1) a Principle Agreement containing the
general goals of the group (largely in defense of the murgas and
the carnival of the city, and particularly, to guarantee a space for
the murgas to rehearse, the existence of outdoor and indoor
parades and stages for performances, the corresponding payment
each group should receive for exhibiting their artistic expression,
and mainly to make sure the movement is serving to relate
themselves to governmental and non-governmental institutions).
2) The inner structure (from registering groups to the method
used to elect representatives: one for each murga despite its size;
delegates to represent murgas before the Ministry Culture of the
Central Government in Buenos Aires; and other representatives
of the Commission Board of the group. Among the latter, the
treasurer is crucial because he is in charge of registering the
economic situation of the group on a monthly basis and deciding
the existence of funds and actual needs to inform the assembly).
3) The inner organization /regulation (establishes that only
groups from the City of Buenos Aires take part with weekly
meetings; its members should have a 75% monthly attendance
record and pay the monthly fee to have the same benefits and
rights as others groups in events and festivals organized by the
movement). Today 46 murgas make up the movement, and 10 of
them have representatives in the various positions of the
The table shows the incomes and internal expenses of the
movement. The incomes are generated from the monthly fees of
the member murgas, while the expenses are associated with the
domestic economy of the group, in both cases, during the events
such as the 2007 Participative Congress. Since the organization
of this event was covered by the Carnival Commission,
M.U.R.G.A.S acted as intermediary and gave information about
the budget the state was willing to use for this event, $ 3.885,
and about matters they would deal with, such as written
materials, travel tickets, and accommodation of participants
coming from the interior of the country, etc. not necessarily
were these matters taken care of. Also, besides being an
intermediary, M.U.R.G.A.S is a facilitator and a space to put
forward to the state questions that have resonance for the
member murgas.
3.3. The murga and the murgueros: incidence of the
economic component in its dynamics
As we have seen up to here, the Buenosairean Carnival does not
come about in terms of a mercantile logic, nor does it seem
feasible for it to become an enterprise as it happened to the
“Country Carnival” of Gualeguaychú in the Province of
Corrientes privatized feast leading to the project of murga
parade as an alternative popular response (cfr. Crespo; 2006:71).
Murgas, like Los Chiflados de Boedo, insist in stressing that “it
is not really a business for us that all of a sudden invest our
12
income in the murga. It is not business, it is to say, we covered
all the expenses. In this sense, more than receiving state funds,
this murga administers itself, as many others do, in the most
suitable way its finds. Therefore, the creation and management
of a civil association can be an economic strategy of support
serving as “letter of introduction” for the Chiflados (Nuts). By
becoming a civil association, they can operate legally as can be
seen in their letters and notes (they do not present themselves as
a murga, but as an association working in the neighborhood and
having an inscription number and address), and in the economic
contributions or materials they request before the beginning of an
event. In other cases, the movement described before gives the
murga-civil association “family air”: charging its members a
social fee implies giving them a sense of belonging to it. We will
see in the parade organization why becoming a civil association
is essential. But here, it is important to emphasize that this is a
strategy to obtain their own resources by means of fees, as if it
were a club or use them as a legal reference awarding certain
legitimacy that cannot be obtained through the murga.
As it may be inferred from the table, the fees vary according to
the person doing the hiring (in the second case it was a Producer
owned by Juan Carlos Baglietto, a local rock musician that did
the hiring for Boca Juniors' 100th Anniversary, team that was
presided at the time by Mauricio Macri, today Head of the City
Government). Fess also vary according to the changes murgas
make taking into consideration their antecedents and experience
(in the first case they increased their fees because the show was
too late, and in the second, they charged less because it was their
dream to perform in a soccer field). An important proportion of
the money is used to cove the expenses of the daily reproduction
of the murga, rehearsal, and other related matters of the festivity.
For example, there are expenses that are not permanent.
Ferreiros (2001:19) refers to the case of a murga that acted in
1997 in the International Theater Festival, earned $5,000, and
used it to buy sound equipment. There are other expenses that
are part of the dynamics and the annual cycle: freightage,
microbuses used for rehearsals, the purchase of small umbrellas,
cloth, costumes, the production of flags, etc. The earnings
coming from this type of performance allow supporting the
murga and maintaining the equipment, stage, etc. until the
government provides the subsidy, which is said to be invested in
the carnival. Of course, not all murgas form part of the private
circuit of performance, so their annual maintenance is covered
with debts they acquire and pay once the state incentive is
collected as long as the murga can join the “official circuit”. We
can speculate with the establishment of an “almost circular”
economic cycle that includes only those murgas recognized in
different spheres (both private and state).
Although the idea of a carnival /enterprise is formally rejected at
least by the majority of the murgueros the economic and
productive logic does not go without contradictions. On the one
hand, the carnival as a festivity produces and reproduces itself
from the regulation serving as an instrument of state incentive to
support the murgas for the celebration of the feast. On the other
hand, the murgas try to reproduce themselves beyond the
regulation with the purpose of “surviving” and paying for the
space needed before and after the festivity. Hence, the
murgueros insert themselves in private spaces to perform where
the economic logic prevails, though tinged by the social
perspective they tend to emphasize.
As for the first question, for some, murgas charge a lot of money
that could be reinvested in their reproduction. However, this
support is still seen as problematic: as a way of “extinguishing
fires” that does not result in the insertion of this type of cultural
production in the field of the local “official” culture (murgas are
not usually called for other events for which other professional
artists, generally national rock singers, are hired for large sums of
money). For example, the prevalence of amateurs here generates
less income than in the Uruguayan Carnival that ends up
smothering many murgas that do not meet the requirement of the
contest. As far as “surviving” is concerned, beyond the carnival
festivity, the murga becomes a resource that guarantees the
survival of the space and its members. As the majority or people
say, murgas are hired outside the carnival period for private
events at enterprises, birthday parties, weddings, etc. They are
also called to appear in schools, squares and clubs, though there
is a distinction between the private places and the social ones.
Some say that in schools, for example, they only ask for a
microbus and drinks for the children, or that they cover the
public feasts or those related to social issues with what they earn
at private events. As when Los Chiflados de Boedo organized
the Children' Day in 2007 not only was it celebrated with the
money collected in private presentations, but also with
contributions and donations coming from labor unions such as
the bakers. Let us see two cases in which murgas are privately
hired and collect a fee
Private
Performances
Canival
Performances
Social Events (free of charge)
Payment of state subsidy
The role of the parade in the context of the carnival should be
added to this cycle. However, as we will see, the parade does
not involve all the murgas, since only some of them organize this
type of outdoor “cultural space”. Those that do organize the
neighborhood parade use part of the money they charge for
matters related to the carnival (wiring, sound, stage, etc.), and as
we will see, what the parade generates is used for paying the
microbuses and other things.
13
The suits are handcrafted, and are frequently made by mothers
or relatives that know the trade. There are few designers only
three are known working for the murgas. The latter usually
have a stock of suits they renew, although the suits given to the
new members are taken from here. Something similar happens
with the tops hats. Although there a few artisans, the murgueros
themselves make their own top hats. There are only a few
commercial enterprises dedicated to the production of costumes
and makeup. The “Casa de las Murgas” (Murga House),
practically the only renown place for this matter, was put up by
a “traditional murguero” in the Villa Crespo neighborhood, and
carries everything needed for the murga. Family, especially
mothers, and neighborhood networks, guarantee these items. In
particular, makeup issues were not mentioned in the interviews
conducted, and we think that is because they are undertaken by
the murgueros themselves or by the networks that compose the
groups, whether they perform or not. It is possible that the
paints they use to tattoo their faces are those women normally
employ, and in that sense their cost is considered null. On the
other hand, everything that has to do with instruments fall into
specific commercial spheres in which bass drums, cymbals,
snare drums, chimes, rings, helmets, drumheads, drumsticks,
tensors, as well as repairs are offered. There are murgas, such
as Chiflados de Boedo, that pay high prices for the percussion
instruments (drumheads, drumsticks, and cymbals), and believes
the group should have instruments made as they are handcrafted
for example, in this case they buy the bronze and send it over to
the artisan.
Some murgueros talk about “expenses”, others about
“investment'. Both terms are used indistinctively to refer to the
needs the murga has to cover to guarantee the carnival festivity,
as the state budget is not enough. Although self-management
and the networks of family and neighbor interchange are a
crucial part of this dynamics, the director of each murga has to
consider different expenditures to acquire some resources. The
sense “being free of charge” has also forms part of the murga's
internal framework: the welcome ritual for a new member
includes providing cloth for the murguero outfit, as if it were a
“don”. However, the director of the murga has to buy the cloth
using the group's money and as Ferreiros (Op.cit:25) puts it:
“not all are dressed as they should be, but we cannot expend
more…”observe that this murguero talks in terms of “expense”.
As Morel (2001:98) points out, the murga covers the “expenses”
(transportation, costumes, drinks, musicians, etc.) with the
incomes it receives (from state subsidy, and by also generating its
own private events, organizing raffles or performances in which
they “pass the hat around”). Besides reinvesting in infrastructure
(microphones, amplifiers, sound, etc.), they use what is left for
recreational activities (roasts, parties, etc.). Let us briefly see the
cost of some necessary items for the murga to reproduce itself .
Transportation is an item that is especially mentioned due to its
high price and its indispensable nature murgas have always
known that it is necessary to earn money to cover the costs of
microbuses.
These are some of the “expenses/investments” that have to be
made for a murga to go out on the street. If the management of
the internal economy depends on each murga, then these factors
(to which obtaining resources, services and their distribution
must be added) are not alien to the artistic and social
performance of the groups (cfr.Martín;1997). Generally
speaking, the provision of cloth, spangles and overlays (though
sometimes they receive nothing more than cloth) starts in
October/November, months when they collect their subsidy (It is
also the time to pay back if they borrowed money.). The suit
cloth is the only asset given to the new murga members. For
example, Resaca Murguera also offers bags of spangles, gloves
to the younger members, and sometimes even top hats and other
hats. The Chiflados de Boedo murga buys the cloth, hats, etc. for
all its members. In the murga that Ferreiros worked in, they not
only offer the cloth, but also pay for the tailoring and even
suggest that members should have some money saved to buy
gloves and/or make roasts. In other cases, the members should
find ways of getting their own outfit. Diego also said that “each
murguero finds what embellishes by himself; the spangles,
fringes, ribbons, and small mirrors.” More than the producers and
wholesalers, the murgueros today see the notions store as an
important place to get their consumables during the carnival
season. In regards to the instruments, the situation is different.
Murgas generally buy their instruments, except when the drum or
others melodic instrument players, such as the trumpet or guitar,
have their own instruments. However, the murga usually pays for
instrument repairs.
The freightage for transporting the musical instruments is not
motioned much. It is because it is solved through negotiations
with friends or other people the director or other members of the
murga have established relationship with.
3.4. Parades and paraders
The parade is the ultimate cultural and economic space of the
annual local carnival festivity. Each parade mobilizes a specific
economic system, which has varied and can be characterized in
a differential way in a time before and a time after the
abovementioned regulation was sanctioned. The parades are
carnival events that take place in different neighborhoods of the
city according to murgueros' testimonies, the neighborhood is
the essence of the definition of parade from which streets
transmute at “uncommon places” during the carnival days and
the weekends that follow (for example, the festivity days this
year 2008 were the first days in February, that is why they were
prolonged to the end of the month). Delimiting these spaces
help organized the area, so streets are closed off and decorated
in a way that they can be easily spotted. In this way, the city
and neighborhoods transform themselves during a brief time of
14
the year into an organization having to do with the carnival
scheme. Though apparently improvised, spontaneous, and
uncontrolled, this space is the result of certain control and order
where parameters linked to a particular town planning is
established. The parade is the result of the joint action, though at
times separate, of several agents associated with the field of the
carnival: in the past, the paraders in a direct way, and more
indirectly the government. Nowadays, nonprofit civil
associations, the government, murgas and occasionally the
paraders are the ones that delimit, guide, classify, order, and even
project the parade-product and their material and symbolic
aspirations-desires.
As this murguero reveals, “technically speaking the parader no
longer exits”. This matter, defined in such a way after the
regulation was sanctioned, does not include the “official” parade
on Mayo Avenue still organized by the Association of Friends
that serves as dealers on this route, and the legitimized parades.
However, both of them have the support of the local government.
As a consequence, although the diagramming is made together
with the Carnival Commission, the parades are not always
organized by the murgas, but by associations that murgueros
consider inappropriate because things like timetables and
rivalries between murgas are unknown to them. Hence, there are
joint organizations, that is, murgas that guarantee the parade with
the support of civil associations, and murgas with legal status
constituting themselves to organize their neighborhood parade
(for example, Chiflados de Boedo or the murga located at Mutual
Homero Manzi, which, in addition, receives fees from members
of the association). Some murgueros also think the annual
budget received as a subsidy should be increased as well as the
money used for the organization of parades. There are those that
express that the government should spend more money on
assessed parades as having better technique, lighting and sound,
and on the new ones to supply them with toilet cabinets, security
and lighting.
Following Alicia Martín's (1997:105) analysis of the festivity,
previous to the sanctioning of the regulation, that context required
a contractor and murga organizers as ”skilled administrators with
outside contacts to obtain advantageous contracts”. As we have
seen, the managers of neighborhood clubs act as contractors.
These clubs and the paraders, organizers of the street parades, had
a significant representation in festivities of the past, mainly in the
60s and 70s. Thus, before the regulation, once the year was over,
the murga leaders started to look for contracts for the following
year in a changeable market, as Martín puts it, requiring
murgueros to advance the money they only collect after the
presentation is over. In that past, the “good management of the
equation between expenses and contracts [depended] on the
balance of the season”, which was generally unbalanced as the
author's example shows: “the murga's total expense this year was
1,200 australes (=U$S 1200), and it was not enough to collect
800”, as they affirm because the contract was handled wrongly
(Op.cit.:113).
For years, the parades have been limited to 40, but last year, only
36 took place. As the table shows, just over half of them were
organized by murgas. On other hand, the number of parades is
not enough for murgas to perform more and increase their
prestige. On the other hand, as it is not “good business” for the
associations, the reduction of parades and evenings in which they
take place, makes murgas insist on an increase of the number of
murgas associated to civil institutions to reach 40 parades the top
number established by the government. Hence, a murga told us:
“Well, imagine supporting a murga, 200 people year round, then
the eight nights are not enough for a parade to come out each
night…, if you have a show, for example, a show costs 500
pesos…I spend 200 pesos in the murga for each microbus…five
microbuses are 1,000 pesos, that is, I'm losing 500 pesos,
understand? Then consider the food, drinks…then you at least
need the number of shows to correspond to the expense you have
each night, understand? Then, as there is no parade, there is no
way of having the number of shows a murga needs to cover the
expenses. And a capable civil association makes a profit from
what he earns. It is not good for those not interested in the
carnival…it's not good.” However, for others, although they
have to be in charge of the sound, stage, toilet cabinets and
authorizations to sell chorizos and snow foam, many people go
the parades and have to be controlled, that is why alcoholic
beverages are not allowed to be sold or consumed, in the
surrounding areas and buy choripan and snow foam, which helps
recover an important part of the expenses. However it must not
be forgotten that the government usually lends the stage and the
sound, thus helping to reduce the expenses of the “parader”
(murgueros and institutions).
As the former director of Los Amantes de La Boca points out
“doing the parade meant taking the parade from the paraders”.
That happened after the Ordinance was sanctioned, when the
parades managed by the neighborhood institutions and the
government support begin the first year only 2 parades were
carried out under those conditions. Paraders are self-employed
people they are practically non-existent today, though some
remain in the province of Buenos Aires that profit from the parade
and are in charge of requesting closing off streets,
“compromising” with the voluntary fire fighters and the local
government compromise means negotiating to get some money or
having good relationships to do lobby with the authorities, and
with the murgas in an “instance of negotiation, bargaining, and
pressure” (Op.cit:119). The parader pays the murga, but the
negotiation between them is complex. The number of instruments
and feathers, and even the content of the songs can cause
censorship or lost of prestige. In this way, the paraders decide
who gets up on the stage (for example, Los Amantes had a song in
1992 criticizing the conquest of America and against the
Spaniards, so they were not able to take part in the Mayo Avenue
parade), and since they are paid 400$ or 300$, it implied having a
struggle with the murguero, something that happened until in the
city not so long ago. According to the leader of Los Amantes, the
paraders of the capital paid trifles that the neighborhood murgas
had to accept to survive. They paid better in the Province of
Buenos Aires, despite the fact that the parader made the final
decision about the parade program, which was frequently based
on a cumbia show while the murga was relegated. Since the real
parade business in based on additional businesses, the sale of food
and snow foam, the parader handles it.
The joint administration allows the parade to be not only a
private business in which security and lighting is insufficient, but
for it to have 5 choripan stands, 10 snow foam stands, and only
2 including 10 to 15 youngsters for security. But, as Los
15
on sound, thus decreasing the expense of the organization of the
parade.
Chiflados de Boedo have stressed, it is more productive for the
murga to become a civil association to avoid recurring to other
institutions. This distinction will offer a different view of the
organization of this space. For any association, the parade is
business, for the murga, it is not because it reinvests its earnings
in the murga itself. As they point out: “there are different
interests…we say, well, let's invest in small lamps for the year to
come, and it is probable that the other association will say no we
want the money, we don't know if we are going to be together
next year” . Only the parade organizing murgas receive extra
income to carry out such activity. Though the parade is a free
cultural space, those that organize it must invest and at the same
time collect. It is difficult to get proper information about the
economic impact of the parade. Its organizers mainly the
murgueros are the ones that refer their assessments about the
investments and earnings. Let us see some economic data.
Taking into consideration the commercialization stage, everyone
thinks that the most profitable product is the snow foam. That is
why many organizations try to reach an agreement with the
kiosks and businesses in the area to determine who sells it, how
much it sells for, which brands are sold, etc. The snow foam was
formerly provided by the suppliers, but today only by “El Rey
Momo” (Momo King) a mono-political fusion, according to the
murgueros interviewed. Obviously, if this and other smaller
items like the sale of food are not profitable, the expenses of
each parade night and those of the murga cannot be covered.
That is the reason why the organizing murga should foresee at
least five months in advance how it is going to operate taking
into consideration that it may rain although transportation,
infrastructure services will have been paid for ahead of time,
which will require a specific modality of labor and investment.
The other possible profit (because as they say food does not
generate a yield, it is always granted as concession, and
concessions are no good) can come from publicity, but this is a
minor area, since very few dealers agree to use the parade and
carnival as a means to advertise however, the local newspapers
do collaborate in some neighborhoods. Even with these
differences in each area, it is admitted that the parades can
generate profits, although it obviously depends on each
organizer, the place where it takes place, the night, and the
amount invested. If due to the investment the parade improves
its quality (something the former Carnival Commission tried to
emphasize), there are fewer profits. Those that do not invest
generate more profits, and the organizer can keep or reinvest
them in the murga itself, in a party, etc. If the organizer works
with or for the government, he can negotiate the stage, sound or
to improve the profits. For some, and as far as money is
concerned, the impact is not very big. It is rather a draw between
what is spent and what is earned, even though the much needed
sponsors are found to cover some expenses and bring the
necessary experience to manage this festivity. Yet, if we were to
follow the ideas of the former Carnival Commission officials,
good sponsorship plus the development of the cooperative mode
could allow a collective dynamic that would bring about greater
quality, and therefore better prices and fewer expenses. One of
the parades mentioned as an example was the Parternal, which
seems to produce profits because the investment is already
authorized. Many years of experience have allowed them to
create an ideal infrastructure (from giant screens to baseball
players for children) so as to have fewer annual expenses and
more profits. There are parades like the “official” the one called
“dream parade” by some murgueros that, however, do not invest
though they are organized by the dealers of the avenue but
receive money from the production category of the official
budget. There are other small, familiar and neighborhood
parades only surviving with the people's efforts and with little
aid from the government. They do not generate resources but the
investment must be the same or else they would not be
authorized.
These figures vary according to different factors such as the
organizer, that is, if the parade is small, big, familiar or from the
neighborhood; if certain services are given concession, and if the
infrastructure is rented or acquired through donation systems,
barter or various exchanges. Even taking into consideration
these variables, everyone admits that certain profits come from
the parade, in spite of the expenses/investments that have to be
made to organize it. The organization of the parade requires an
important number of people for the decoration different from any
other festival, though not so expensive, but needing extra
dedication , and to put up the racks, which can be granted in
concession, but it is usually done by the murga to avoid
generating losses. As the table shows, even security is generally
hired separately because the government only assigns a couple of
police officers to close off the streets for the parade, but increases
the number of patrol cars when the parade is over. It should be
noted that citizens from the “more violent neighborhoods”,
especially those considered the greatest troublemakers, are
contacted to carry out protection duties. The local government
offers support for certain minimal services through the Carnival
Commission, such as contracting Edesur/Edenor, insurance for
possible accidents, and the abovementioned police service.
Lately, they put up toilet cabinets and occasionally make a
general payment to the SADAIC. However, the 4 evaluating
parades covering all their expenses with the production category
of the annual budget do not receive this support. There are
personal and/or labor relationships between some murgueros and
murga leaders that help procure some services and an
infrastructure: being members of a union opens the doors to the
leader of one of the murgas interviewed to join other unions that
contribute with stages and security, or cover half of the expenses
The business sector is hardly inclined to offer various
contributions to carry out the festivity. Some consider that if the
parades improve their quality and infrastructure, it will not only
bring about a greater recognition of the feast, but will also
motivate the commercial and business sectors to become
interested in them. More specifically, in neighborhoods like
16
Boedo (in the southern area) and in Devoto (in the northeast),
dealers establish a good relationship with the organizers,
obviously taking part in the sale of soda, tidbits and sandwiches.
Indeed, since it is organized by dealers, the parade on Mayo
Avenue is the most convincing example of a feast heading
towards economic profits. Although with a poorer infrastructure,
they have more shows, the snow foam is more expensive, and
they receive important contributions from the government, even
greater than other neighborhood parades.
us that “the carnival itself does not generate employment”,
however other murgas talked about the generation of labor
drawing from concrete situations, and the Carnival Commission
itself spoke about seasonal employment. We could then,
speculate with, at least, four considerations about this theme.
1) The majority of the murgas have agreed to try to be hired
privately during the year, though it may not involve all its
members, to be able to reproduce themselves as murgueros, to
contribute to the celebration of social and free events, and to
invest in the preparations to arrive at the festivity with
appropriate conditions.
The sponsorship the Commission claimed last year seems
improbable, at least as far as big enterprises are concerned. Only
one case revealed that Carrefour sponsored the Boedo parade in
2004 because one of its branches was located in this
neighborhood. However, this supermarket did not contribute
money, but with carriages of merchandise that were drawn by
lots among the audience. This example should have served as an
example for other enterprises to offer contributions. However, it
did not even mark the beginning of a strong relationship with this
enterprise. The murga asked itself: “and what civil association is
going to have four, ten of those enclosed spots put away the
whole year for eight carnival nights?” The commercial and
business sector's lack of guarantee can vary at some point with
some small dealers placing themselves at the roadside of the
parade. Nevertheless, it is with this type of participants
organizers should permanently negotiate the items to sell and
their prices, that is regulate the sales to avoid them from reverting
negatively over the profits of the organizer. For example, if the
organizer has the authorization to sell only a brand of snow foam,
an agreement must be reached with the kiosk, drugstore, etc. to
sell the authorized brand at the same price. It is speculated that
in this way the profits are shared because more consumption and
sale of snow foam brings about greater sales of hot dogs, soda
and the massive eating of confections.
2) The great majority agree that the parade is the cultural space
from which employment stems, and that due to this same reason
it is temporary and seasonal.
3) Bound by the letter of the Ordinance, which expresses
“facilitate, stimulate and develop the creation of neighborhood
micro enterprises related to cultural industries dealing with the
carnival” (subsection C, Article 3°) and “negotiate loans with the
authorities of Banco Ciudad for the abovementioned
neighborhood micro enterprises” (subsection D, Article 3°),
employment is associated with certain government actions and
initiatives.
4) Some murgueros remark that permanent employment
possibilities are inferred from murga internal relations, but that
they are not necessarily directly linked with the carnival space of
the murga. Many of these ambivalences resulting from the
theme can be attributed to the ambiguous sense with which the
state itself classifies them as “murguero-workers”. As we have
seen, to collect the “subsidy”, any murga leader or member must
have CUIT and an invoice, and be included in the category of
Single taxpayer, Non-registered Leader, VAT Exemption, or
Registered Leader. Although this situation does not apply to all
murgueros, the state is obviously trying to legalize it in a
precarious contractual way, though in a labor environment, to
make murgueros dependent, which, as we have seen,
marginalizes or includes on condition that at least one member
of the murga gains access to the formal employment.
See great parader government
4. The local Carnival…does it generate employment?
As can be inferred from some of the topics already analyzed, the
Carnival in Buenos Aires can generate temporary and seasonal
employment. However, the contradictory conceptions of the
main characters lead them to think they are “working for free”
(Morel: 2001:97), and that they have to rehearse at least once a
week, take part in the preparations, and some must even
participate in the organization of the parades. As the author
points out, it has to do with other conceptions related to value
and labor different from the “homo economicus maximizador
model” (Op.cit:98). Thus, on the one hand, there is an appraisal
of how “workers” are conceived in a cultural production context,
not necessarily interpreted as a job with economic benefits, but
rather as the possibility of being socially relocated and no longer
recognized as shitty niggers. On the other hand, before more
specific inquiries, there are speculations arising from the
estimation the impact of the carnival mainly has on the labor
situation.
That is why it important for us to concentrate on the aspects
motioned in points 2, 3 and 4, but especially in number 2. The
parade is a relevant economic source, and although the
participating public expends money, its impact is not reflected
very much or only indirectly because it is a free outdoor event.
For some of the main characters, there is indeed a genuine
circuit of employment created around the parades. This type of
festivity generates temporary jobs usually extending up to a
month. During that month, as the interlocutors have said, from
50 to 100 people work each day, though the number may vary
according to the type of parade. However, being temporary and
seasonal makes it have a relative impact. That is why the main
characters think it is necessary to prolong the sources of
employment derived form the murguero space. Those that are
hired are generally kids linked to the murgas, neighborhoods,
people working in security, and others in charge of the sound,
food stands, and of selling snow foam, as Morel comments on
the 2001 Villa Urquiza parade: the young man reaches a stand
because he knows a friend that has another stand. Let us see the
figures of the temporary jobs the author has gathered.
This case is interesting because it explicitly states a form of
These ambivalent conceptions arising between the non-labor,
working for free, and the temporary and seasonal employment
makes the labor issue linked with the carnival festivity and the
murgas look contradictory. The murga, “Resaca Murguera”, told
17
people and have access to jobs not found in the “formal” labor
world. Young people start learning how to make sounds, and can
end up creating murga micro-enterprises (making polar divers),
or participating in other micro-enterprises outside the murga as
associates. They can organize events, hiring young murga
people for assemble and disassemble jobs and to work in the
kitchen (the person giving us this information said that he had
hired 20 young men). There are other jobs deriving from those
that do have permanent employment outside the murga world. A
murga leader's husband worked for a union where 15 people
were employed. That is, according to testimonies, there is a
distribution of resources linked to employment circulating
between the relationships established within the murga.
5. Buenosairean Carnival: A festivity without tourists?
“P: Is the carnival a tourist attraction?
E: It is a natural form, but the idea is also working with tourists
to try to turn it into a policy…”
informal work of absolute dependence on the organizer of the
parade dependence even observed in the loan that the organizer
asks the salespeople to pay for other services such as sound and
transportation. This type of employment also serves to establish
neighborhood and friendship networks. At the same time, it is a
dependence that can break due to dissatisfaction and lead to still
more informal new labor mechanisms:, hawkers linked to the
sale of snow foam, for example, that leave out the organizer and
makes “illegal sales (not authorized” (Op.cit.:99). Different
levels of sale spaces overlap and distinguish themselves
generating various forms of labor: from the authorized stand to
the non-authorized and marginal hawker (it is allowed outside the
limits of the parade, but it generally takes place within the
limited space). Even the kiosks or drug stores of the region
selling the same items also fall into this category in these cases
the employees are usually permanent personnel working
throughout the year, though someone may be hired to work
temporarily at night. The conflicts between organizers and
employees are foreseeable since the labor relationship is instable
and temporary. According to the main characters state and
murgueros this type of employment instability and flexibility
could be corrected by creating micro-enterprises that can
developed themselves during the year as the Ordinance provided
for. For example, they can be in charge of making costumes,
instruments and billboards, of putting up stages and sound
workshops. As the former commission administration put it,
these enterprises “could guarantee the mobilization of the people
for something that has to do with the carnival during the year”.
They specifically said that if $ 60.000 were spent on billboards,
and considering there are so many unemployed people
participating in the murgas, a space could be created for them to
learn how to solder and cut pipes. This type of micro-enterprise
would make it easier for the unemployed people in the
community to have access to jobs, and discourage hiring mega
enterprises, such as those that hire the Rolling Stones. This point
of view introduces the idea of the murga as a labor resource and
social containment, at least to develop the festivity.
The ambiguous answer of the former head of the Carnival
Commission explains two aspects: 1) the supposition that the
feasts with tourists/visitors have the greatest economic impact
and therefore, their economic factors need to be analyzed; 2) the
idea that the state should intervene almost exclusively in the
feasts with tourists/visitors to increase the preexisting economic
impact in the case of the tango, the state has increased its
participation as business has grown. Both suppositions omit
matters such as the following: 1) festivities without tourists may
not generate a great economic impact, but they can lead local
participants to make a relevant economic assessment; 2) the lack
of economic increase/impact produced by the absence of tourism
does not elude an increase/impact and the assessment of the
festivity made on a daily basis due to “governmental…”
financing “…or caused by changes in the economic performance
of the inhabitants” (Zuleta and Jaramillo;2004:72).
Consequently, the testimony tries to take an intermediate
position by recognizing the Buenosairean Carnival as nontourist, but that it will be possible and necessary to reconvert it
into a festivity attracting tourists by developing a governmental
and political effort to the extent that Law No 1527 providing for
the Creation of the “Buenosairean Carnival” Program, states this
objective in subsection B of Article 3° “Promote the tourist value
of the Buenosairean Carnival Festivities by designing tourist
circuits and activities in collaboration with the Production,
Tourism and Sustainable Development Secretariat of the City
Government”.
From this perspective, the tourist profitability of the
Buenosairean Carnival is debatable and relative. Some
characters interviewed think that some carnivals close by are
tourist attractions. Gualeguaychú is eminently a tourist carnival,
that of Montevideo is seen as popular and of interest for tourists,
or the one in Rio de Janeiro, however, “did not always have
profitable enterprises” , and had to put aside its popular character
to become profitable. However, as for the Buenosairean
Carnival, the outgoing authorities considered that even with the
objective of making it a cultural event, the local carnival should
retain its traditional neighborhood and street character, remain
free of charge, popular and social. The main characters question
the production of a carnival for tourists (testimony given by a
Similarly, there are murgueros that say that the problem could be
solved by encouraging the relationships within murga: “but what
happens is that they generate relationships, and the relationships
always generate employment. That is what murgas have, they
generate relationships and the relationships generate
employment…” In this case, the murga is a resource to meet
18
a murguero perspective, this proposal can be of interest to
improve the parades for the inhabitants of the city, and then
recommend the tourists what Buenosairean do. The truth of the
matter is that even when some peculiarities of the local carnival
can be highlighted, such as playing with snow foam, the
costumes, colors, and bass drums, the tourist attraction is
stressed in its space/neighborhood dimension. In this sense, it
could only have and indirect economic impact because the
business would not belong to the groups of businessmen, but to
the coordination between the government, murgueros and
neighborhood organizations. In other words, as an official said:
“distribution would be more democratic allowing the
development of the neighborhoods and small neighborhood
industries that are connected to the carnival”.
murguero), but at the same time they accept the current
participation of tourists or the possible inclusion of tourism in the
future, as long the Buenosairean Carnival doe not end up in a
paradedrome. The perspective associated with this type of
privatized space is related to festivities such as Rio
(sambadrome) or to the one in Gualeguaychú, called “Carnival of
the Country” celebrated since 1997 in a paradedrome built in the
municipality (cfr. Crespo; 2006:68). But the paradedrome
conceived for Buenos Aires in 1997 by the legislative authorities
implies the lost of its neighborhood character, as well as its
legitimization and legalization as an official space the murgas
should go through. According to testimonies, many would not
belong to the carnival circuit any longer necessarily imposing
self-management on the neighborhood parades, and the
establishment of a murga circuit between neighboring parades.
The paradedrome would be the spear head to turn the
Buenosairean Carnival into a tourist attraction: everyone would
be placed in an enormous place, the focus of attention would be
placed on hiring comparsas like those from Gualeguaychú, and
the entrance fee would be U$S 150.
6. Conclusions
The analysis of the economic dimensions of the Buenos Aires
Carnival makes it possible to arrive at some partial conclusions:
- The festivity is mainly organized over political and social
considerations. This perspective leads to the devaluation of its
economic features, though they are recognized.
- The Buenosairean Carnival and the murga as a basic group are
shaped around a system of assistance, donations, and exchanges
of material and symbolic goods where the idea of enterprisebusiness and money are undervalued.
- This carnival of little interest for tourists, but with an influx of
visitors/tourists arriving at it by chance and in a disorganized
way, has local repercussion.
- The Buenos Aires Carnival is economically, socially,
politically, and culturally appraised by the people involved in its
organization (prove of it is the presence of the murga in
different spaces during the whole year, which exceeds the
festive season). However, it has little direct impact on the
economy of the festivity, the main characters, society, and of the
city as a whole.
- The Buenosairean Carnival produces and reproduces itself
from the local state regulation. The feast and the murgas receive
an important incentive for the organization of the economic
cycle through direct financing of the government.
- This carnival generates employment. Yet, it is seasonal,
temporary and unstable employment.
- Although the economic dimensions play a relevant role in the
production and reproduction of the murga and of the annual
festivity, they emerge with tension between the feast and the
show, improvisation and professionalism, spontaneity and labor,
the street and the private space, what is free charge and what is
not, and between what is social and what is economic.
Even though tourism does not have an impact on the
Buenosairean Carnival, and neither has this festivity on tourists
arriving in Buenos Aires even when their numbers have increased
since 2002 due to the economic devaluation those taking part in
the carnival agree that there are “many tourists in the parades”.
In this sense, we could speculate that it is neither a direct nor an
induced impact, and that the relation tourism/ carnival is not a
result of a political proposal, or of the planning of the tourist
market. Before the economic devaluation, there was a
governmental initiative to create a circuit that could attract to
Buenos Aires tourists from the Rio Carnival by using the tango
and the carnival. This idea was never put into action. As some
murgueros pointed out: “they go out of their way because they
rent a room in a hotel here on Mayo Avenue, and all of a sudden
they go out on the street and find…7,000 or 50,000 people
parading, you say oh! To the parade, to the city, because there are
parades in the city and because it is something that is happening,
but I think the Tourist Secretariat does not want to promote it and
the government would rather avoid it. They are the only ones
that don't see it, because then the entire world sees it. The
neighbors see it. The tourists see it”. Thus, fate calls the
tourists, who think there is no carnival in Buenos Aires until they
move around the tourist spaces such as Mayo Avenue, La Boca
or San Telmo in the festive season, and stumble across the murga
that evidently calls their attention. At times, the carnival was
promoted from the tourist spots of the city for example, during
the Fernando de la Rúa government (1996-1998), however, they
were short periods that have not reached the present murgueros
complain about the lack of publicity, and say that they
themselves often take the programs to the hotels.
The outgoing authorities, as well as the murgueros prefer to
organize carnival tourism starting at the neighborhoods and
ending at tourist spots. A kind of Buenosairean Carnival circuit
whose peculiarity is its neighborhood nature; in other words,
having the “100 Buenosairean neighborhoods” as tourist
attractions during the carnival season and not the other way
around, the carnival in the Buenosairean neighborhoods. The
route of a parade from Núñez to Villa Lugano, passing by San
Telmo, and ending at Mayo Avenue is an itinerary that, according
to those presiding the commission, allows knowing and
recognizing what a neighborhood in Buenos Aires is. Seen from
19
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20
United Nations
Yen E. Lam González
MBA aspirant.
Graduated from the University of Havana in
Economics,2005.
Master of Business Administration
Niurka Cruz Sosa
A specialist in economic research and tourism
Aspiring Master Tourism Management, CETUR,
University of Havana, Cuba
United Nations
OF THE SANTIAGO DE CUBA CARNIVAL
Yen E. Lam González / Niurka Cruz Sosa
SUMMARY
1. INTRODUCTION
The Santiago de Cuba Carnival originated as a local project, and
is celebrated by the Municipality of the same name. However, it
has become one of the most important popular festivities of the
nation. It draws approximately a million people during the
weeklong festivity, which doubles the number of the population
in Santiago de Cuba municipality.
There are many carnival festivities in Cuba. The most important
carnivals are those in Santiago de Cuba, Camagüey, and the City of
Havana, which due to their joyfulness and collective participation
are considered to be popular and famous feasts.
The comparsas, congas and dummies are the most important
distinctive features, which together with the African drum, the
Chinese horn, and gibe chants make the Santiago Carnival one of
the most authentic and singular popular festivities in Cuba.
The Santiago de Cuba Carnival is a budgeted activity, and the
Municipal Government is in charge, among other things, of
hiring artists, buying fabrics for the costumes, and of organizing
the artistic program for the days of the feast. The social
inclusion through amateur groups belonging to Culture Homes,
and the local people representing their neighborhoods bring
about a cultural project where great numbers of people take part.
A considerable number of people go to the carnival during the
festive days, yet the summer season, school vacations, and the
celebration of other cultural events make participation increase
even more. National and foreign visitors generate a favorable
dynamic for the development of economic activities in the territory,
and help raise the existing ones. Hence, there is need to learn how
this project is conceived and how it relates to the economic
activities of the territory. In this sense, the study deals with themes
such as financing, the investments it generates, employment, its
importance to boost local economy, and how this tourist attraction
produces an economic dynamic.
This event is the main driving force for the cultural talents of the
province as it enhances the value of multiple musical groups
from Santiago and from neighboring provinces, all of whom are
represented by the Provincial Music Center.
The carnival is also a complex economic process. The economic
management conceived to be centralized at the local
Government, the participation of the state enterprise system, the
private activities, and the flow of tourists in the territory are key
elements to understand the economic environment in which the
carnival develops.
2. SANTIAGO DE CUBA CITY
The geographic context
The city of Santiago de Cuba was the capital of the nation at the
early stages of the colony, and nowadays of the province having the
same name and eight other municipalities.
The province of Santiago de Cuba has an area of 6 162, 1 km2. It is
located in the south of the Eastern region of Cuba, limiting to the
north with Holguín, to the west with Granma, to the east with
Guantánamo, and to the south with the Caribbean Sea. Santiago is
surrounded by the Sierra Maestra (Maestra Range) having the
highest elevation of the country (Turquino Peak rising 1,974 meters
above the sea level).
1 Contramaestre
2 Mella
3 San Luís
4 Segundo Frente
5 Songo La Maya
6 Santiago de Cuba (Capital)
7 Palma Soriano
8 Tercer Frente
9 Guama
The province can be accessed by land (road or railroad) and air
through “Antonio Maceo” international airport.
1
The municipality of Santiago de Cuba has a territorial extension of
1, 025, 68 km2, and covers 16.7% of the total area of the province.
It has an irregular relief, and its plain topography is located in its
basin that is about 400 km2; the rest of the territory is mountainous.
The complex relief that characterizes the municipality makes
climate conditions vary significantly. Hence, there are permanent
summer conditions. Santiago de Cuba bay, one of the most
beautiful in America, has an extension of 8.3 km long by 2, 8 Km
wide, and a maximum pier depth (anchorage) of de 9.1 m and 8.8 m.
The facilities of Guillermón Moncada Port (OTE, 2007) are located
here.
.
The socio-demographic context
Before the Revolution, Santiago de Cuba province had a population
of 166,384 people, which had the third largest urban and denser
population of the country. Nowadays, it has 1,044,791 inhabitants,
and a density of 169, 7 people / km2 (OTE, 2007). The City of
Santiago de Cuba has 47.3% of the total population of the province
and the largest population density.
Table 1. Socio-demographic data of Santiago de Cuba Municipality,
2006
beginning of the XIX century settled in Santiago and greatly
influenced the development of the city, especially its agriculture.
These immigrants settled in the deserted fields within the
jurisdiction of the city's sugar mills, coffee and cotton plantations.
The immigration was so profitable that only the export of coffee,
which had never reached 8,000 arrobas, immediately increased to
80,000, and to 300,000 five years after their arrival in Cuba. The
city benefited, and a new and strong growth span dating back to that
period initiated. (Pérez Rodríguez, 1960).
Nowadays, Santiago de Cuba proudly holds the title of Heroic City
of the Republic of Cuba. Several relevant historical events have
taken place in this territory. The most significant was on July 26,
1953, when a group of young men led by Fidel Castro attacked the
Moncada Garrison, action that marked the beginning of the
decisive stage in the struggle for national liberation.
The economic context
This province has always been considered the second industrial and
commercial center of the country after Havana, and was mainly
recognized for its coffee production since the principal warehouses
and coffee-huskers were located there. The major rum factories,
as Rovira and Francisco Palau, were also in this region before the
triumph of the revolution, which led to the creation of a national
industry with an international category, accredited mainly by
Bacardi Rum. The prevailing economic activities of the province
take place in the sugar and coffee industries, and in the port, though
the raising of cattle, pigs and goats is also exploited. The number of
enterprises and cooperatives in its territory makes it the second
most important province with economic activity in the country.
In the municipality of the same name, food and construction
industries are the sectors that contribute more mercantile
production, with a 24.3% quota. The main exportable items are
honey, tobacco, and non-ferrous and ferrous scrap.
The historic context
The capital city of the Province of Santiago de Cuba founded in
1514, after Baracoa, is the second Cuban settlement officially
recognized. Despite the fact that the foundation of Bayamo,
Trinidad, and Puerto Príncipe (Camagüey) had been decided, and
becoming aware of the position of this site, its capabilities for
communications with the island of Santo Domingo, seat of the
Western Indies government of the time, the great abundance of
mineral traces, and the marvel of its nature, Governor Diego
Velázquez decided to anticipate and personally founded Santiago.
Table 2. Main Economic Indicators of Santiago de Cuba Municipality,
2006
In 1514, it was moved to its present location. In its origins, French
and English pirates and corsairs captured the city, and it served as a
center for the smuggling taking place in the British Antilles. In
1520, its cathedral was built, but a fire destroyed it six years after.
During the first half of the XVI century, Santiago de Cuba was the
capital of the country and the official residence of the Spanish
governors, until Havana replaced it in 1553.
Its first economic activity was the search for gold that was soon
exhausted. The discovery of copper deposits allowed the
exploitation of the first mine of this mineral in Cuba at El Cobre
(Copper) region, near Santiago de Cuba, which spurred the greed of
pirates and corsairs frequently attacking city. The most famous
assailant was the French Jacques de Sores. To protect themselves
from such attacks, the authorities started the construction of a
defensive system around the city in 1633. The Socapa battery, the
Estrella (Star) Castle, and the San Pedro de la Roca (today known as
the Morro) have survived up to our days. The latter, was declared
Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO in 1997.
Frenchmen escaping from the slave uprising in Haiti at the
2
Santiago de Cuba Municipality reports an approximate 75% of the
sales of the province, which explains why the monthly economic
indicator of the municipality in very similar to that of the province
(see Chart 1). During the year 2006, sales grew in the municipality
by 10.5% in respect to 2005.
Traditionally, July has been the second month of greater sales of
goods, with a 9% quota for Santiago de Cuba Municipality,
followed by December (10%), which suggests that events such as
the carnival, and all of those that stimulate consumption are
favoring trade incomes in the territory.
Table 3. List of the main cultural institutions in Santiago de Cuba
province
Chart 1. Monthly distribution of the sales of goods in Santiago de
Cuba Municipality and Province, 2006
Leyenda
Provincia=Province
Municipio=Municipality
Ventas de Mercancías = Sales of Goods
Enero= January Febrero=February Marzo=March Abril= April
Mayo= May
Junio= June
Julio= July
Agosto=August
Septiembre=September
Octubre=October Noviembre=November
Diciembre=December
State enterprise representations of the province are varied, and
many of them are located in the provincial capital. The most
important hotel, gastronomic and commercial chains of the country
have delegations in this territory: Cubalse, Palmares Extra Hotel
Enterprise Group, ARTEX, with a network of commercial units
carrying a variety of products; and hotel chains such as Cubanacán,
Gaviota Ltd., Gran Caribe and Isla Azul.
The cultural context
Like in no other region in the country, races and cultures mix and
enrich themselves in Santiago de Cuba. Music is an essential
component of the spirit of the people from Santiago de Cuba, and
the province has been the cradle of important musicians and
musical genres that are Cuban labels in the world. Santiago is
recognized as the cradle of the conga, son, bolero, and of the
troubadour movement that had José Pepe Sánchez as its most
distinguished initiator. Religion is also a vital part of the lives of the
people from Santiago. Virgen de la Caridad (Caridad Virgen),
patron saint of the island, is at Cobre (Copper) Sanctuary, basilica
built in 1927 in north-eastern Santiago. The Afro-Cuban features
have left their mark on the music as well as on popular feasts,
especially during the carnivals.
The diversity of cultural institutions in the province of Santiago de
Cuba gives proof of the importance of the cultural dimension in the
development of the territory (See Table 3). Museums, main history
exponents, are consistent with all the events that have characterized
this province. Spread throughout the municipalities to make them
accessible to all the population, bookstores have another important
value. Other cultural sources also have important representation
since they specialize in the principal popular traditions, such as the
Tumba Francesa, and others. Artistic education centers have also
developed greatly in recent years as their students have increased
thanks to the incorporation of graduates from the Art Instructor
School, branch of education promoted by the Cuban government.
3
As a provincial capital and founding villa, the city of Santiago de
Cuba concentrates a great part of the historical-cultural values of
the province and the main events of the year. Among its historic
and cultural exponents are Heredia's Birth Home Museum,
National monument of the XVIII century; Moncada Garrison
attacked by Fidel Castro leading 135 men in 1953; the ancient
Santiago prison, today Historical Archive; Major General Antonio
Maceo Revolution Square and its Holographic Museum; the
Troubadour Home; Santa Ifigenia Cemetery dating back to 1868,
of an immense historical and architectural value, declared National
Monument, and where the mortal remains of José Martí, National
Hero, rest; Emilio Bacardí Museum, the first public museum dating
back to 1899, and the Carnival Museum recreating the essence of
this festivity.
The city of Santiago de Cuba also has a rich architectural, historical
and cultural heritage although only few remnants of the first
Table 5. City Hotel Facilities of Santiago de Cuba Province.
settlements are left. The city was attacked, burned and exposed to
the inclemency of nature such as tremors and hurricanes until the
XVIII century. Hence, a new construction system was born, a very
singular architecture, where the Mudejar-Andalusian style
emphasized the peculiarity of the Santiago landscape. Its streets
are unusual, they interrupt abruptly and give way to alleys, a
stairway, or the intersection of a corner breaking the urban
symmetry. Among the most renowned are Heredia Street, formerly
known as Cathedral Street, six blocks of which are full of domestic
and public architecture; Aguilera Street, the longest street in
Santiago; Enramada whose stores makes it the most popular; and
During 2006, the Statistics Territorial Office (STO, 2007) of the
Padre Pico stairway, with over a century of existence.
province of Santiago de Cuba reported a figure of 372, 341
tourists/days (8% of the country), with 3, 6 days of average stay at
During the carnivals Padre Pico stairway or Trocha witnesses the
most genuine cultural expressions of the people in Santiago, where the tourist area. The incomes related to tourism for this same year
were over 44 million CUC, and the highest participation quota
music and dance are the leading characters. The VI International
corresponded to the hotel activity (See Table 6).
Symposium on carnival design takes place from July 17 to 27
within the framework of the Santiago Carnival. The event is
Table 6. Income distribution for tourist activities in Santiago de Cuba
sponsored by the Provincial Committee of the National Union of
(2006).
Cuban Writers and Artists (NACWA) , and attended by national and
international creators.
The world famous International Caribbean Film Festival is another
relevant cultural event of the city of Santiago de Cuba. For twenty
years, Santiago has been celebrating this event in July exhibiting
the music, dance, poetry and plastic arts of the region. Many
outstanding artists, groups and intellectuals of the region take part
as they are called by the Caribbean Home, and the Ministry of
Culture with the support of the Cuban Institute of Friendship with
Nations, and the Union of Cuban Writers and Artists.
After its eighth edition, the International Mural Meeting (InterNos)
has added Mural City, to Heroic City, Cradle of the Revolution, and
Cradle of Son and Bolero, epithets of the City of Santiago. This
meeting has been taking place biannually in the months of
December or January for the last 16 years, and has generated 38
mural paintings throughout the province thanks to the inspiration
of foreign and Cuban plastic artists that have put together their
creations and work.
The tourist context
Santiago de Cuba, traditionally called the Cultural Capital of the
Caribbean, due to the great number of celebrations it organizes,
harmoniously mixing the cultural, historical and natural values that
make it one of the most singular tourist destinations in Cuba.
Nightlife in Santiago de Cuba is very lively due to the diversity of
extra-hotel offers, such as bars and cabarets, Tropicana Santiago,
and the Troubadour Home among the most famous, charged in
CUC, where people can enjoy the rich cultural life of the city
(shows, recorded music, live presentations, and gatherings). It all
combines with varied gastronomy distributed in more than 20
facilities including a range of offers that go from traditional Creole
to international gourmet food.
There was a 3, 6% income growth during 2006, however, the
utilities reached 20%, and once more the hotel sector contributed
more to this behavior (See Chart 2). According to the figures of the
Statistics Territorial Office (STO, 2007), the mean incomes per
tourists/days in Santiago de Cuba are 100 CUC.
Chart 2. Utilities of the tourist activity in Santiago de Cuba.
(Source: personal elaboration based on the data taken from the 2006
Statistical Yearbook, OTE, Santiago de Cuba, 200)
“Antonio Maceo” airport allows the arrival of international flights
in the province that can also be accessed by land and railroad. It has
car rental service. The attractions of the province are available
through tourist bureaus in hotels, and representations of travel
agencies in the territory, as Cubatur, Havanatur and Cubanacan
Viajes. The province also has 26 tourist accommodation facilities
with 2,514 rooms in the city, on the beach, and in the mountain area
(ONE, 2006), about 32% of which can be classified as city hotels.
4
Leyenda
Hoteleras = hotel
Extrahoteleras=extra-hotel
Totales= total
Utilidades=Utilities
(Miles de CUC = Thousands of CUC
Seven countries generate 54% of overnight stays in Santiago de Cuba. The
group is headed by Canada, which is also the first market for the country.
Chart 3. Main tourist markets in Santiago de Cuba.
“These feasts followed different models and motivations than those
in Havana, though they are close to several dates in which various
festivities are celebrated. In the eastern city, the feast of collective
participation became more egalitarian, and was characterized by
not being a spectator event without an officially set route to be
watched from the outside, and which depended on concentration
sites and the streets connecting them, for which the topography of
the city lent itself with its small squares, only a few steps one from
the another, arranged as a fan in the space that was formerly the
city” (Feliú Herrera, 2003).
The popular feast and the embryo of the present carnivals began to
emerge when the mamarrachos , those masked at the end of the
procession, the cabildos, and groups of parranda lovers
accompanied by tabors, rattles, mandolin, and chachás, sang their
catchy quatrains and refrains.
There were certain features distinguishing this feast from other
international ones during the colonial time (Pérez Rodríguez,
1960):
Leyenda
Canadá = Canada
Alemania = Germany
Francia = France
España = Spain
Reino Unido = United Kingdom
Italia = Italy
México =Mexico
Otros =Others
2.ORIGIN OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA CARNIVAL
The Santiago Carnival results from years of the accumulation of a
process of customs, needs, obligations, and prohibitions, in short,
of an array of events that have constantly evolved in time and have
modified to become what they are today. Almost since the
beginning of colonization, Santiago de Cuba has celebrated great
feasts on January 1 of each year to appoint regular mayors, and
express allegiance towards the Spanish authorities and church, thus
the townspeople were allowed all types of entertainments (Cruz
Guibert, 2007).
Many of these customs gradually disappeared as the Cuban
economic, political and social situation turned more degrading,
there were even periods when the festivities were suspended. For
example, since 1894 to 1899, members of Los Hoyos, El Tívolí,
San Agustín, and other comparsas took advantage of the carnival to
Towards the end of the XVII century, other celebrations were
prepare themselves to join the armed struggle that was soon to
added: processions moved along the street surrounding the
come. During the mediatized Republic, the carnivals were not
Cathedral to celebrate the day of St. James the Apostle (July 25), the celebrated for some years either, at times due to the uprising of the
days of Saint John (June 24), Saint Peter (June 29), Saint Christine liberals, and in others because of the situation brought about for the
(July 24), and Saint Ann and San Joaquin (July 26).
people in Santiago de Cuba as a result of their struggle against the
existing political system of the country.
The carnival develops a character of citizen participation after the
XVIII century with free slave trade in Cuba (Pérez Rodríguez,
A clearly popular element of the panorama in Santiago was the so1960). The African and Franco-Haitian contribution covers all the
called theater of “relations” that ridiculed the customs and ways of
expressions of the festivity noticeably reflected in the dance, music, the authorities and bourgeoisie. It was a perfect vehicle to satirize,
costumes and plastic elements. Negro slaves were only allowed to and at the same time, protest against the political, economic and
sing and dance in their barracks and plantations, but in time they
social policies with laughter, a very common Cuban behavior
gained other spaces. After the Negroes attained their liberty, they
(Feliú Herrera, 2003). The theater of relations started at the
organized the so-called Cabildos, organizations that acquired
beginning of the XVII century, and was a type of popular
certain authority, and requested permission to also attend the
ambulatory theater that could either use a square as its stage, or the
festivity to give thanks and swear allegiance to the government
interior of a private home, the latter being the most used and
officials. In time, this feast would expand and organize better.
preferred as the owners always rewarded the authors and actors
Encouraged by the rivalry, the Cabildos wore particular costumes,
with some money. It was a type of popular drama art extending to
insignias and flamboyant ornaments, carried standards, and played the XX century when it gave way to parades and comparsas.
music. Other townspeople joined them on their way to the palace,
Nowadays, the theater of relations performs in parks, squares,
which gave rise to what later came to be known as the comparsa
along the streets, and appears in some comparsas represented in the
with its conga (Cruz Guibert, 2007). Thus, although the Carnival
cabildos.
crystallizes as an urban cultural institution, its deeper roots are
found in the country, in the plantations.
5
The comparsa parades emerged to represent neighborhoods
previously authorized by the City Hall for the competition. Almost
all the comparsas emerged from the existing Tumbas Francesas and
African cabildos in many neighborhoods. The French cultural
influence coming from Haiti made an impact through the Cocuyé,
Carabalí Isuama, Carabalí Olugo, Cabildo Lucumí, Cabildo del
Tivoli, Cabildo Vivi San Salvador de Horta, Cabildo de Congos,
and other cabildos (Feliú Herrera, 2003).
The feasts and comparsa appearances were of economic interest for
politicians, mainly during the Republic. They were authorized or
prohibited according to the interests of the government officials of
the moment. Other consequences derived from the American
capitalist penetration in Cuban industry and trade after the proclamation
of the 1901 Constitution must also be considered. As in the majority of the
festivities of the country, politicians saw the possibility of obtaining
sufficient votes for their election, and the military accumulated gains
through bribe, and the tolerance of criminal actions.
In 1910, the introduction of the bocú (brought from Havana) represented an
innovation for the comparsas. Before this time, only the drum, tamborita,
and the tabors were used. The drum of Bantu origin, different from those
used in the west, and the Chinese horn (arrived in 1915) were introduced in
1916, and gave Santiago congas their typical feature. Some of the metals
and their rhythmic bases are also exclusive, and their original sonority has a
more syncopated character. In 1950, the city decided to take the carnival as
a way to forget and criticize. Many of the customs were forgotten, and the
gibe comments became the main characters of the social space.
It is worth mentioning that since colonial times and up to well into the
Republic, the carnivals were celebrated in February, the so-called winter
carnivals. They were of European influence and were enriched by the
elegance and splendor the French had brought from Haiti at the beginning
of the XIX century. However, these carnivals were just dances only fully
enjoyed by a small part of the population: the well-provided for that time.
The Municipal City Hall promoted the main economic activity
carried out by the Festivity Administration (which in turn assumed
payment responsibility with the City Hall). It was based on the
celebration of private kiosk contests that represented their products
and paid a registration fee. “Sponsorships” of comparsas or floats
in exchange for placing ads in the most visible places for the public,
lanterns, standards, capes, hats, disguises, and musical
instruments, was the most usual financing method in those days;
As they had insufficient official support to cover their expenses and
lacked their own funds, they were forced to accept this “protection
system”.
After the triumph of the Revolution, the carnival is not seen as the
great business generating economic profits, but as the means to
revitalize its cultural components. “From this moment on, July 26,
due to its historic relevance, became the carnival national
celebration date for all the provinces of the country. Nowadays,
however, each of the popular feasts has retaken their original dates
following the current cultural policy of the nation” (Feliú Herrera,
2003). At this stage, new ideas such as giving a festive atmosphere
to parks, squares and streets with traditional musical groups known
as Piquetes Soneros, and the Children Carnival appearing in 1992
as a separate parade from that of the adults, and held at a different
time, have been arising. Contests such as Cartel del Carnaval
(Carnival Poster), Música del Carnaval (Carnival Music), Adornos
de Calles (Street Ornaments), Mascaras a Pie (Masks on Foot),
Disfraz (Disguise), Instrumentos (Instruments), Coreografía
(Choreography), Vestuarios (Costumes), Carrozas (Floats), etc.
have also arisen. Today, the carnival is a seven-day celebration of
the month of July including the 25, 26 and 27 national holidays.
Garzón Avenue is the principal parade area.
4. CHARACTERIZATION OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA
CARNIVAL
During the first half of the XX century, the Santiago Carnival became a
business whose core was Bacardí rum, Hatuey beer, and Edén cigarettes.
There were different ways of financing the carnival at that time:
The comparsas and promenades, the mamarrachos, the floats, the
town cries, and of course the congas that fill the city streets and
squares with matchless jubilation are the essential distinctive
? The government offered donations (ranging from 20, 000 to 30, 000 pesos
elements of the Santiago Carnival.
in the 50s.)
? The Municipal City Hall provided credit to the Festivity Administration.
? Private enterprises made contributions in the form of donations (Bacardi
and Hatuey companies promoted their products through these donations,
the Electricity Company invested in the lighting of the city at this time, and
other private companies served as sponsors).
Diagram 1.
Economic flow
of the Santiago
de Cuba
Carnival before
the triumph of
the Revolution
Municipal
City Hall
Donations
-Debt payment
-Loan
Festivity
Admin.
-Organization
-Celebration
of contests.
Private
Enterprises
A promenade is a comparsa that announces its entrance with
lanterns and penduleros. According to the neighborhood, they can
extend to more than 3 full blocks to demonstrate their skill and may
even reach the point of giving life to lanterns and penduleros. Next
come dancers presenting choreographies related to Caribbean
traditions and to life in Santiago, showing their traditional
comparsa step dance performed with precision by professionals.
The allegorical dance costumes with their range of colorful
splendor and luxury cover the Santiago streets. The floats close the
Promenade with beautifully decorated, fantasized allegorical
vehicles on which several dancers illuminated by light effects
perform.
The parade goes along different streets and the
townspeople enjoy it from hallways and balconies. A provisional
stand on Garzón Avenue receives thousands of people and the Jury
in charge of selecting the most outstanding comparsas.
The congas are the true processions that draw a sea of people
singing and dancing improvised refrains at the beat of drums, the
Chinese horn, and other percussion instruments along different
streets of the city. The musicians leading the “procession" get lost
among the people that gradually join in. The congas close the
promenade representing each neighborhood. The mamarracho is
the character wearing his conga or promenade's disguise. The
Donations
Subscription
Funds
Carnival
Celebration
Sponsorship
6
congas start in their neighbourhoods on June 24, San John's Day,
and continue with their rehearsals and drum beats that only end
after the last carnival.
period costumes and dancing to the rhythms of those times. They
are majestic, religious and mystic, but each retains its original
feature. Finally, the promenades and congas come about. The
parades and kiosks are two activities occurring at the same time.
The competition between neighbourhoods is the basis for the
congas, and their rehearsals are in full swing since the month of
June. Many of the participants are members of families that have
been participating in these celebrations for generations, and take
their neighbourhood's name with pride. The classic conga of Los
Hoyos, over a century old, disputes the first place each year with
those of Agustín, Paso Franco, San Pedrito, Alto Pino, and others.
The caperos (those wearing capes) parade forms part of the congas.
It is an exhibition of splendorous hand designed and embroidered
capes that are true works of art.
Table 7. List of presentations of the Santiago de Cuba Carnival (July
24 27, 2007)
The mamarrachos and big dummies parade before and/or after the
congas for the delight of children and grownups. Carried by men,
the big dummies are usually characters taken from literature or
from the children's world (i.e. the wolf, Little Red Riding Hood,
Pinocchio, Elpidio Valdez, etc.).
In several open spaces of the city, the best musical groups of the
moment delight the people happily moving from one place to the
other in search of their favourite rhythms by playing different types
of music (son, traditional music, salsa, merengue, rock, pop, disco,
etc.). Near this area, a few places sell light food, refreshing beer,
and delicious cocktails made with Cuban rum. As a result of the hot
climate and the idiosyncrasy of the people from Santiago, the sale
of agricultural products and edibles on the streets gave birth to the
town criers in the carnivals. It must not be forgotten that people
from Santiago have always been close to the cries of street vendors,
and that there are very famous ones as “El Manisero” (the Peanut
Vendor), and “Frutas del Caney” (Caney Fruit).
There are traditional dishes and drinks in the Santiago Carnival,
many of which have passed from one generation to the other. Some
of them are anisette, chicha (pineapple peel put in water) sugar cane
aguardiente, saoco, crème de menthe, prú, etc. Among the dishes,
codfish fritters, chicken stock, ajiaco, congri, roast pork, , goat
fricassee, vegetables, crab stew, ayaca, mariquitas, cotton sugar,
wind cracklings, fruits of all kinds, etc.
Unlike in any other city in the country or world, the Santiago
Carnival, which is held in the summer season, is not only celebrated
on three or four streets, but it covers the four cardinal points of a city
also celebrating relevant historical events at this time, i.e. the
founding of the villa on July 25, 1515 (Saint James Day, Patron of
the city), the Day of National Rebellion on July 26, milestone that
reminds us of the Attack on the Moncada Garrison in 1953 by a
group of young revolutionaries led by Fidel Castro. Therefore,
these festivities intertwine with tributes to these dates.
It generally begins at the main night (July 21) with a parade of big
dummies dancing and leaping toward the spectators while the
children run to hide or to touch them. The Little
Star Float representing the children comes behind, and is followed
by the float exhibiting the Santiago beauties, the Carnival Star and
her Bright Stars
There are 6 parade days; from July 21 to 27 (except for July 26 in
which tribute is paid to the Attack on the Moncada Garrison). The
general parade of all traditional presentations and of those taking
part in the competition takes place on the first day. Then they are
divided into partial parades where competing participants leisurely
present their performances from the 22 to the 25. The specialized
jury announces their decisions on the 27, the last day of the parade,
known as award giving parade.
However, the festive atmosphere practically extends to the whole
month, though it is not considered as a carnival official date. In
2007, the total number of direct presentations (it refers to the
carnival shows, excluding the presentation of musical orchestras)
increased to 26, among floats, promenades and comparsas, which
is shown in table 7.
Comparsas parade along the streets from twilight until late at night.
There are three comparsas that characterize the Santiago de Cuba
Carnival: Carabalí Isuama, Carabalí O´lugo, and Tumba Francesa.
These are centenarian comparsas integrated by people parading in
5. ORGANIZATION OF THE CARNIVAL
The celebration of the carnival is in the hands of the Municipal
7
Government in Santiago de Cuba, since it finances completely
(payment of all costumes, salaries, contracts, etc.). It also
conceives the organization of the festive days through the
Municipal Culture Administration. Hence, this institution plays a
central role in the organization of the carnival. However, there is a
work group made up of specialists from different branches of the
Provincial Government that approves and guides the strategies of
the Municipality.
Hence, one of its principal tasks is to guide the development of the
Santiago Carnival as the most important cultural tradition of the
territory. It plans the Carnival Budget to pay for floats, promenades
and comparsas, and it guarantees the hiring of orchestras and
dancers, and the gastronomic offers, charged in national currency,
during the festive days. It also conceives the total design of the
show.
Also, there is an organizational system that contributes to the
elaboration of the artistic elements of the carnival by carrying out
cultural events. These include artists integrating the complex
process of organizations made up of Culture Homes of the
province, the Cuban Music Institute, and the Provincial Music
Center, among others.
Provincial Government
Its functions are geared towards observing and enforcing the laws
and other general dispositions adopted by the upper levels of the
State, approving and controlling the implementation of the plan and
the ordinary budget of revenues and expenses of the province, i.e.
the sum of those of the municipality, and participating in the
organization and control of the implementation of the technicaleconomical plan. Thus, it is the organization approving the Culture
Budget of the Municipality of Santiago de Cuba and guaranteeing
the efficient and coordinated use of the budgeted funds.
Santiago de Cuba Municipal Government
It performs its duties through its main administrations to ensure
efficiency in the development of the production and service
activities, and to satisfy the medical, economic, educational,
cultural, and social needs of the population by promoting a great
popular participation and local initiatives to solve the arising
problems. Among other activities related to culture, the Municipal
Government looks after the development of the popular festivities,
and community cultural programs through the Municipal Culture
Administration.
For example, this is reflected in the advertising poster of the
carnival, which each year follows a current theme: the Power
Revolution taking place in Cuba in 2007 was the central theme of
the year. Symbolizing one of the most important programs of the
Cuban Revolution, was a huge colorful energy saving bulb (lamp)
that went along happily together with its drum and a message
reading: “People of Santiago, let's go on”, in reference to the song
“Yearning for the Conga” sung by “Sur Caribe” group,
The Cuban Music Institute belongs to the Ministry of Culture, and
is responsible for applying the development policy, and promoting
the music and shows, both national and international. It fosters
comprehensive management to stimulate high quality
development, as well as the marketing of music in its diverse forms.
As part of a complimentary cultural program, it is in charge of
providing all the popular feasts celebrated in the country with
musical groups. The Cuban Music Institute traditionally supplies
two top-level musical groups to Santiago de Cuba. The Municipal
Culture Administration hires these musicians directly.
Provincial Center for Culture Homes
The Provincial Center for Culture Homes has the mission of
rescuing, preserving and promoting the Popular and Traditional
Culture by developing respect and recognition towards the
diversity of creative expressions and processes. At the same time, it
applies the strategies of the National Center for Culture Homes that
guides its representatives throughout the nation. Thus, through
Culture Homes, schools and the community of the province of
Santiago, it develops participative processes of art and literature
appreciation, creation and promotion helping guarantee the
spiritual enrichment of the population, mainly of children,
teenagers and young adults. It also strengthens the movement of
amateur artists, and consolidates cultural identity. The following
list describes its course of action.
Municipal Culture Administration
Its main objectives are not only to transform the environment
through artistic creation, but also to help human beings enrich their
spirit. This task requires self-denial, and involves cultural agents
contributing to the community to improve the sociocultural
processes originating a harmonic and educated development of the
people in Santiago. This organization works together with the
following cultural representations to apply its working strategies:
All of these elements are materialized through a system made up of
25 Culture Homes distributed throughout the 9 municipalities of
8
the province that the Provincial Center for Culture Homes
methodically supervises. The responsibility of these homes is to
offer technical advice to their representatives through arts
instructors, choreographers and artistic directors, to act as members
of the contest juries, and to represent the children and adult cultural
promenades.
The participation of the Culture Homes of the province in the
carnival is summarized in table 8. They take part in an exhibition
non-competitive traditional children and/or adult promenade. All
the registered amateur young adults, as well as choreographers and
directors take part in these promenades. There are 9 culture homes
in the Municipality of Santiago de Cuba. However, only “Miguel
Matamoros” takes part in carnival show contests, and goes out on
the annual Culture Promenade of the Santiago Carnival.
Provincial Heritage Center that serves as the memory archive of
these popular festivities and as a cultural promotion tool in the
territory. It organizes annual pre-carnival theoretical workshops
where specialists on the matter discuss the most coherent designs
for the costumes, big dummies, floats, etc. However, this institution
is interested in making the results of these discussions the key
factors for the organization of the festivities.
6. ECONOMIC PROCESS THAT GUARANTEES THE
CELEBRATION OF THE CARNIVAL
The study of the economic dimensions faced certain difficulties and
limitations. Firstly, the insufficient amount of information about
the topic, as there are no previous economic studies that specify the
statistics of their evolution and development. The government
information available does not cover the required level of economic
detail, and the local state companies are not allowed to offer
numerical information as a source for research. All the data was
obtained at the Municipal Culture Administration, the head offices
in Havana, and during interviews with specialists in the topic
working in this city.
Table 8. Participation of the Culture Homes of the province in the
carnival.
Themes such as financing, the investments it generates,
employment, its importance to boost local economy, and the
economic dynamics produced as a major tourist attraction are the
main aspects to tackle.
It is important to know that there are two types of currencies
circulating in Cuba, which implies certain economic management
complexities in the enterprises, and therefore in the understanding
of any economic process, which does not exclude the traditional
festivities.
Financing that guarantees the celebration of the carnival.
The Carnival is budgeted by the Municipal Government. The main
asset of the Carnival Budget is made up by the “Festivity Account”
created from the funds provided by the Municipal Culture
Administration.
Regulation 293 from the Economy and Planning Ministry
establishes total autonomy for the Municipal and Provincial
Governments to conceive, develop and materialize cultural projects
in each territory. Hence, they themselves must conduct the entire
process of financing, budget conformation, and organization to
submit it to their superior levels for approval.
The Santiago de Cuba Carnival is not an exception since the
Municipal Culture Administration must elaborate a Budget
including the cost of the popular feast, as well as the value of what it
is able receive during the carnival celebration and other cultural
events throughout the year. This proposal must be presented to the
superior levels, and in this way the budget approval will depend on
the self-financing possibilities of the carnival.
Provincial Music Institute of Santiago de Cuba
The Provincial Music Institute is the entity in charge of promoting
musical talents of the province of Santiago. One of its
contributions to the carnival is to represent the orchestras of
excellence playing music you can dance that belong to the
excellence catalogue of the institute and that have the potential to
become famous at a national level, and the curtain groups. These
groups are approved by the Cuban Music Institute, and may come
from neighboring provinces such as Granma, Holguín, Las Tunas,
and Guantánamo. There may be as many as 30 groups playing
music you can dance in the month of July.
The concerts take place on the streets having bandstands (paid by
the Municipal Culture Administration), or in Cultural Promotion
Centers of excellence in the territory. The Provincial Music
Institute also participates by sending musicologists as members of
the carnival jury, and the orchestra chosen to play the musical theme
of the carnival each year. With the purpose of selecting the theme,
group, and song for the carnival, the Municipal Culture
administration calls all aspiring orchestras and those belonging to
the Provincial Institute to participate in a kind of contest every year.
It is worth mentioning the Carnival Museum, dependent on the
9
The Municipal Government has to carry out economic activities to
generate carnival self-financing as it is a fundamental premise for
the approval of the Budget. This encourages the Municipal
Government to innovate mechanisms to collect off-season funds in
national currency.
The Municipal Culture Administration is authorized to generate all
possible sources of incomes to achieve self-financing:
Diagram 2. Sketch of the Carnival Budget Conformation
To carry out these duties, the Santiago de Cuba Municipal
Government has created the Festivity Account where all these
incomes are deposited. For example, the Government appropriates
1 CUP for each bottle of beer sold for 10 CUP. In the year 2006, the
equivalent of 350,000 cases of beer was sold in their different
presentations (bottled, in bulk or draft) (Gainza Chacón, 2006).
Assuming that 10% of this value corresponds to bottled beer cases,
the sale reaches 350,000 CUP, of which the Government
appropriates 35,000 CUP in respect with bottled beer only.
Admission fees for the stands and box seats are charged in Cuban
pesos. Box seats are 5 CUP for adults and 3 CUP for children.
Adults are charged 3 CUP at the stands, and children 1 CUP.
During the 2006 Carnival, 7,000 seats were sold (Gainza Chacón,
2006). Assuming that 90% of the tickets were sold, and that the
remaining 10% were given out as invitations, the estimated income
would be 31,500 CUP. This value is generated each day of the
parade.
Hence, during 2007, the Municipal Culture Administration was
able to collect 5,138,200 CUP. The value of the Budget approved
by the Municipal Administration Council for this same year rose to
5,054,200 CUP. This process is repeated each year, and, in
economic terms, guarantees the celebration the carnival.
The Municipal Culture Administration plans the use of these funds
in detail since the attainment of the proposed objectives, the
magnitude of the festivity, and the quality of the carnival requires
using the resources with great efficiency, or else they become
insufficient. “In 2007, 6 floats took part in the carnival, though one
of them had to be rented as the economic limitations have initiated a
tendency to reduce their production”. (Galano Vilma, 2008).
Preparation, organization
and celebration expenses
of the Carnival.
Carnival
Budget
Incomes generated by
the Municipal Government
of Santiago de Cuba
Also observe that there has been a change in Carnival financing
since its principal economic structuring before the Triumph of the
Revolution (See diagram 1), which is mainly due to the strategies
conceived by the Cuban state to develop certain sectors.
However, some state enterprises sometimes also contribute with
some floats and other components. This financing is not steady
since the value and types of enterprises providing it vary. “The
poster announcing the 2006 Carnival, for example, was sponsored
by Havanatur and CIMEX, two Cuban enterprises also financing
the reproduction of the Children Carnival Poster made by an
elementary school student”
The government makes the majority of payments in national
currency though there may be some consumables only available in
foreign currency. State regulations stipulate that Provincial
Governments are authorized to request a budget from the Central
Government if the resources generated in CUC are insufficient to
cover the expenses of the carnival. In this case, the Budget
received from the Central Government was a little over 70,000
CUC, which was employed, among other things, to buy fabrics for
the costumes and float components not available in national
currency, and to pay for the fireworks.
However, there is no evidence to show that the Municipal
Government is able to collect funds in foreign currency from the
activities taking place during the carnival, in spite of the fact that
there is a state enterprise system that operates in CUC in this area
during the carnival season. Mainly, cabarets and the gastronomic
The entry for the main expenses this Budget is used for the payment offers are favored by the influx of visitors, not necessarily foreign,
of:
paying with this type of money. The utilities of the state enterprise
system of the municipality in foreign currency are appropriated by
their headquarters in the capital of the country, and then go to the
State Budget. Also, donations and cooperation are other two
mechanisms to collect funds in this context. The existence of
certain cultural or production activities related to the carnival
throughout the year could also contribute an incremental net flow.
The Provincial Government should also control the efficiency of
the economic management of the resources used in the carnival by
auditing the Municipal Government and reporting how the
Carnival Budget is spent.
7. GENERATED EMPLOYMENT
It is only possible to have rough employment estimates because a
complete record of the jobs generated by the carnival is lacking.
However, it is worth noting that during this time, hundreds of
people dedicate themselves to different tasks to take advantage of
the occasion and earn some money. Musicians belong to a type of
employment of great importance for the feasts due to the number of
groups hired. The majority of the other people having technical
10
jobs in the carnival belongs to a state enterprise and receives a
monthly salary regardless of their participation in the carnival.
The number of direct jobs, generally related to the state, remains
invariable throughout the year, or, one can say, indifferent to the
celebration of the carnival. There is no reference to the number of
people from the government, state enterprise system (tourism,
trade, gastronomy, production, etc.) private jobs, security and
protection (police and doormen of the presidents' buildings),
medical assistance (Red Cross), and others, because they belong to
the sector of permanent employment, and fulfill their duties during
the festivities.
The Community Services, in this province as well as in the capital,
require more hand labor at the end of the festivities, so Aurora
enterprise hires workers temporarily mobilized for these tasks.
This enterprise pays these laborers out of its budget.
In spite of the fact that the Santiago Carnival brings about a
movement of thousands of “dancers” (10,000 children and adults in
2006), it does not generate salary expenses for the Government
since all the dancing operations in the congas, promenades and
comparsas are carried out by the townspeople and/or the amateur
movement of the province though they are directed by
choreographers, directors and designers from the Culture Homes.
Thus, this sector is not considered an economic effect generated by
the carnival, but one of social inclusion, so it is dealt with in the
local development section.
However, certain dancers are hired to participate in the float parades
even though they are not amateurs; “It is common to hire
youngsters for our floats, and prepare them to stage the show before
the judges, professionals or not the majority belongs to the
communities”. (Galano Vilma, 2008)
For certain complex presentations, the Municipal Culture
Administration hires professional dancers from the several cabarets
in Santiago de Cuba.
Musicians
Up to 40 national and provincial musical groups from the Cuban
Musical Institute and the Provincial Institute can take part in the
Carnival week (Orozco Vital, 2003)
The Cuban Music Institute, as mentioned before, provides top-level
musical groups of two different genres, “Salsa” groups with 15 or
20 members, and another type having only 5 musicians. Each
group generally makes two presentations, and receives an average
of 25,000 CUP for each one.
In the year 2006, Sur Caribe, Cándido Fabré, Yumurí and his
Brothers, and Revé Orchestra, groups with high ratings on national
radio and TV, participated in the Santiago de Cuba Carnival. Due to
the importance of this event of national nature, the Institute
guarantees greater quality presentations. There are other less
important and known groups also participating, but their numbers
and genres in the last few years are not recorded. The groups
usually receive 25,000 CUP for each appearance. If the Institute
sends at least 4 national popular orchestras having an average of 17
members apiece, then a minimum of 70 jobs are generated.
The Provincial Musical Institute generates a greater number of
jobs, because it provides an average of 25 musical groups playing
music you can dance during the carnival week. As previously
11
mentioned, orchestras of excellence and curtain orchestras are
presented. The first have about 13 members and charge 14,000
CUP as an average. The Institute has informed that as an average
12 of these groups appear in each carnival. As for the latter, they
are made up of about 10 musicians, and charge 10,000 CUP for
each show. The Municipal Culture Administration hired about 15
orchestras in 2007. If we consider an average of 11 members for
each one, then they generated 165 jobs.
It is worth mentioning that all these appearances are first approved
by the Municipal Cultural Administration in charge of paying for
the contracts made out of it own budget and conceiving the
program of the show.
There are also musicians accompanying the comparsas, congas,
etc. that may be amateur or even locals generally playing wind and
percussion instruments, who are neither paid nor registered.
Table 9 presents a list of musicians that could associate themselves
to the show appearances in each Carnival.
Table 9. Estimate number of generated jobs with respect with musical
groups in 2007
The cost of hiring orchestras in the 2007 Carnival amounted to
2,803,300 CUP representing 55% of the Carnival Budget, which
demonstrates the great significance it has on the expenses of the
Local Government.
Other sectors
These comprise a large group of people that employ themselves on
a temporary basis to work in the carnival. Some are self-employed
workers, and others work for several public enterprises. For
example, this group is made up of temporary workers of this
municipality, i.e. float makers, audio technicians, electricians, and
carpenters among others. Regretfully, there are not records for this
type employment.
Instructors, directors and dance choreographers also have
temporary jobs to organize the shows and parades. The instructors
belonging to Culture Homes are not paid for what they do in the
carnival, but directors and choreographers are. We can say that the
9 Provincial Culture Homes are only paid for what directors and
choreographers (about 27 people in all) do. The rest are permanent
jobs related to the carnival, and are paid by the institution to which
they are subordinated.
The Santiago de Cuba Carnival generates from 700 to 900 direct
jobs each year to make floats, set up audio and lights, guarantee
transportation, etc., and to hire artistic talents (Galano Vilma,
2008).
8. INVESTMENTS IT GENERATES
In this context, the concept of investment may be understood as the
expense made by the government, enterprises and individuals that
are later translated into a commercial activity. That is, all the
expenses made that have an income associated with the
development of the carnival as a cultural event.
The Municipal Culture Administration makes a direct investment to
make the development of all the carnival economic activities viable,
and at the same time supports itself on investments made by state
production enterprises to guarantee the supply of goods. Hence,
its investment may be considered in two ways; hiring the stands to
spectators, and guaranteeing the commercial and gastronomic
offer.
representations of several enterprise chains located in the
Municipality could also invest to anticipate the level of sales.
Many of them could receive incremental flows, and therefore make
extra investments to buy consumables.
Spectators
Watching a carnival is entirely free, since admission is not charged
in the areas where parades take place. Remember that this is a
popular festivity held around the main streets of the city where
anyone in the province can go, including national and foreign
visitors.
Cubalse Chain, widely represented in the territory, has about 50
establishments, of which 56% are stores and sales spots, 19%
cafeterias and bakeries, 10% gas stations; and the other services,
workshops, real state agencies, etc. Since it has a great
representation in the municipality and province, we decided to
analyze the seasonal nature of the total expenses of the years 2006
and 2007. The result was that July is not precisely the month with
greater expenses, which corresponds to the significant decrease in
sales as compared to the other months, such as December and
January in which they reach their climax. The tendency of these
indicators is similar to the seasonal nature of the tourist sector in
Cuba, and it coincides with their high season (November-April).
In turn, the commercial offer of this chain can also be inferred to be
incoherent as far as demand expectations for the month of the
festivity are concerned
These enterprises have not made studies related to this topic, but
the statistical results of other years serve as a basis for them to
anticipate the requirements of consumables, and to face the
On the other hand, it must also be stressed that the Municipal
potential demand growth. It is worth remembering that in this
Culture Administration spends a great many resources on fabrics
case, the festive month coincides with summer, vacation season
for costumes, and other materials to make floats, big dummies,
(June-August), so the increase of their activity is not necessarily
lamps, etc., which does not yield any profit, and therefore is not
caused by the celebration of the carnival, though it is true that
considered an investment but an expense, though it is conceived as a during the carnival week, the flow of pedestrians in Santiago de
an essential part of the cultural project.
Cuba doubles .
However, for those that wish to watch the show seated, there are a
great number of seats (stands and box seats) available generally
placed next to the presidency of the festivity, and on stands set up
for the occasion in the area where the evaluating Jury is located.
There is no available information as to the amount of government
investment to hire these structures, but it is known that what is
generated by the sale of these seats (See section “Financing that
guarantees the celebration of the carnival”) is deposited in the
Festivity Account of the Municipal Government.
Chart 4. Cubalse Chain's monthly expense structure in Santiago de
Cuba, 2006- 2007
Gastronomic Offers
Establishing the structure of the areas of kiosks on the main streets
of the festivity (the internationally known Trocha, Paseo Martí,
Santa Úrsula Street, and Sueño Neighborhood) make up a popular
revelry framework of colors. For example, there are 50 sale spots
each year only on Trocha Street, but a total 200 in all the carnival
area. In this way the Municipal Government guarantees the
gastronomic offers for which it gets some benefits.
Alcoholic drinks take a leading place among the gastronomic
offers. The great demand for beer during these days must be met at
reasonable prices to make it available to the entire population.
Hatuey brewery is in charge of supplying part of its annual output
during these days. It meets the challenge of providing 350,000
cases in the carnival week, and makes investments on its
presentation forms: in bulk, bottled, or draft. In this way, the
Municipal Culture Administration receives incomes from these
sales (See section “Financing that guarantees the celebration of the
carnival”), thus contributing to the generation of its own monetary
flows.
Leyenda
En= January Feb=February Mar=March Abr= April May= May
Jun= June Jul= July Ago=August Sep=September Oct=October
Nov=November Dic=December
Año =Year
Also, these kiosks offer food at reasonable prices thanks to the
prices at which they buy them from the MINAGRI production and
commercial units. There are other similar products, though sold in
CUC, which are supplied the Palmares Chain of the enterprise
system. There are 120 restaurants located on the main streets of the
city (Orozco Vital, 2003).
ARTEX is the Cuban mercantile society par excellence that deals
with artistic and literary promotions. Doing business is among its
main tasks. Through Commercial Lauros, it exports, imports and
distributes goods for the cultural industry and artistic creations,
and it places its products in the commercial representations of the
national network of stores throughout the country.
Enterprise system
It is important to point out that besides the direct investments
government and the state production enterprises make, commercial
In Santiago de Cuba, it is widely represented by 24 establishments
including kiosks, bazaars, and wholesalers. An analysis the
expenses of the year 2007 shows a similar behavior to the
12
preceding year (Chart 4), but the month of August has a much
higher value than in the high tourist season (November-April).
However, this behavior is in keeping with the type of products sold
in stores (these chains lead the sales of sound equipment, backpacks
and office supplies), and with the summer season and the
preparation for the new school year.
Gran Piedra forest enterprise is in charge of the afforestation of the
province where it is located. Its actions should be in line with the
Provincial Physical Planning Administration, the Provincial
Cultural Heritage Center, Museums and Monuments,
City
Protector's Office, and the Ministry of Tourism (MINTUR) to
cooperate in applying integrated work strategies.
Chart 5. ARTEX's total expense behavior in Santiago de Cuba, 2007
Madesa is an enterprise that produces and markets mainly wooden
furniture, and is located in the province. It includes style and office
furniture, modern line, and for restaurants and hotel rooms ranging
from two to five stars or plus quality. The furniture built by this
enterprise is gaining market space in the Caribbean, Germany and
Spain. Imperio rocking chair won best product prize in the latest
edition of the International Hall of Furniture, Decoration and
Lighting held in the Cuban capital. In recent years, it tried to
penetrate markets in Martinique and Dominican Republic with its
comfortable Don Pancho rocking chairs, while it presented replicas
of furnishings from the Cuban restaurant La Bodeguita del Medio.
Both enterprises are hired each year to build the structure of the
stands in the area of the jury. They make a commitment to work for
the carnival each year although it is not very profitable.
Leyenda
En= January Feb=February Mar=March Abr= April May= May
Jun= June Jul= July Ago=August Sep=September Oct=October
Nov=November Dic=December
Celia Sánchez Manduley or "Turquisa, the textile industry in
Santiago de Cuba offers its services of specialized technical
assistance in flat knitting, spinning, and textile finish, as well as
This could be caused by the lack of correspondence between the
other
specialties related to this field. These services include
offer of theses establishments and the population demand during
practical
training at any level, and one year development courses in
the month of the festivity, which does not allow a great economic
technical
schools. Specialized technical assistance services could
activity. Even though these are very daring conclusions, we can
also
be
agreed
upon in the form of cooperation with the interested
assume that the strategy of the enterprise system of the province
party.
This
industry
is in charge of making the cotton fabrics for the
does not include the celebration of the carnival and the benefits they
carnival
costumes
in
Santiago d Cuba.
provide. If it were incorporated, just the flow of people to the
territory could generate greater benefits for these enterprises.
The shoe factory in the province of Santiago de Cuba appeared
thanks
to the friendship ties, cooperation and solidarity uniting the
Fitting out the main streets and roads, urban spaces, etc. is not
governments
and people of Cuba and the People's Republic of
considered as an investment associated with the carnival because
China.
Its
line
of wok is the production of sports shoes. Its 162
the Municipal Government's investment in this sector are seen as
workers
produce
from 800 to 1,000 pairs of shoes daily in two
another line of work.
shifts. According to plan, it should make a million shoes a year
when it reaches full capacity. It provides shoes for the paraders of
9. PRODUCTIVE CHAINING
the carnival with part of its output.
By productive chaining, we mean the activation of other economic
sectors not linked directly to the Carnival that increase their benefits
at the time they are held. It includes the participation of several
sectors with economic activity, such as the state company system
(commerce, gastronomy, accommodation), and private activities in
the territory. In addition, the Municipal Government is authorized
to accept and promote the participation of local enterprises in
festive activities as long as their retailing business is authorized by
the corresponding commercial license.
Reference should be made to the Hatuey brewery and the
MINAGRI basic units of food production as they are the state
enterprises directly in charge of supplying the carnival with
gastronomic consumables following their production plan. They
also receive an incremental economic activity for their
involvement, even though theirs is an informal participation as it is
decided by the State.
The main line of chaining can be classified in that group of entities
of the state enterprise system that are direct carnival suppliers, and
which the Municipal Government pays for their service.
13
There are other enterprises that work for the carnival. Some build
the daises for the musical groups, Servi Poal makes the costumes,
and local industries produce specialized fabrics.
Turarte Ltd, recognized as the Artistic Show Agency par
excellence, belongs to MINTUR. Its main goal is to guarantee the
artistic services the tourist development of the country requires in
Cuban or abroad. Although in a low scale, it benefits from offering
certain services to the carnival.
The main needs the organization meets are the marketing of shows
(super productions as those presented in TROPICANA outstand),
and musical groups; the elaboration of high quality exclusive
costumes for the world of entertainment; the scenographic
production; the provision of professional artistic services; and the
recreation of environments, which includes the production of
consumables needed for this purpose.
The principal clients of TURARTE Ltd. can be outlined in the
following list:
The participation of TURARTE Ltd in the Santiago de Cuba
Carnival has been limited to making costumes and decorations
allegorical of the feasts. During 2007, it made costumes for:
Leyenda
En= January Feb=February Mar=March Abr= April May=
May Jun= June Jul= July Ago=August Sep=September
Oct=October Nov=November Dic=December
Estructura mensual de ingresos brutos CUBLASE = Monthly
structure of gross incomes CUBLASE
The Municipal Culture Administration paid TURARTE Ltd. about
190,000 CUP for its services, and in all cases, there was a 20%
profit margin over the production cost. In other words, it generated
productions for the Santiago Carnival that increased the level of its
workshops, and obtained a 20% incremental net flow.
Also, Palmares Chain financed and set up a Carnival Cabaret to
stage a low profile show with the participation of the TROPICANA
cast. It was a summer offer extending up to August 31. This show
was part of the cultural tourist offer (charged in CUC) of the
territory. It was planned to coincide with the Carnival season to
take advantage of the “sales” it could bring. However, it had
nothing to do with it. There is no evidence of Government
appropriations of the generated flows.
There are also enterprises that do not contribute to the carnival, but
that can obtain benefits from it since it draws a lot of people that
become their consumers. If we analyze the seasonal nature of the
monthly gross income of the enterprise system in the territory for
the year 2007 through the chains that we have been evaluating, we
will discover that the month of July is not the one of greater
economic activity. Therefore, we may conclude by saying that, in
general terms, there is no “connection” between these services and
the carnival.
Monthly structure of total incomes, Cubalse and Artex in Santiago de
Cuba, 2007
On the other hand, private sellers are also located along the main
streets where the carnival takes place. During the festive days, their
business is levied with an extra tax paid for the number of meters
they take up. They are willing to pay this price due to the level of
their sales, and because the types of goods they sell differ from
those sold at government kiosks.
There are other enterprises as Cubanacán that will be dealt with in
another section below referring to the correspondence of the tourist
development in the territory with this carnival, since it largely
focuses on the hotel accommodation sector.
10. BOOSTING THE LOCAL ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT THROUGH THE CARNIVAL
The information allowing to make a rigorous evaluation of the
impact of the carnival on the local economic development of the
territory was not available during the research. It is not common
practice for local institutions to analyze and follow the behavior of
the carnival to understand or infer its contribution. However, there
are some key factors to conceive the local development.
Participation is an essential factor. The right of all the population
over that which influences their lives implies the distribution of
power in society and the transformation of the concept of
development. The latter should focus on the human being that
comes to be considered the engine of development and attributed
the capacity and need of participating actively in the processes of
widening their own opportunities. Hence, the human being is an
end, but at the same time, a means of development: its objective and
essential agent.
Thus, we may venture to say that the process of participation of the
people and the popular support of the cultural festivity is well
conceived in the process of evolution of the Santiago Carnival.
“The parades come one after the other in the Carnival each day with
their two versions: the children's parade during the morning hours,
when children from Santiago neighborhoods reinterpret the
movements of grown-ups in traditional congas and parades of the
festivity; and the parade of the adults during the evening hours,
which turns the area surrounding Garzón avenue into a center of
two striking shows of purely folk roots, which involves about 5,000
children, and, at night, some 5,000 men and women.
14
This can be classified in two ways. Those movements that the
neighbourhood residents perform out of tradition through the
comparsas and congas, and the ones related to the representative
parades carried out by amateur groups from Culture Homes.
the seasonal nature behavior is very similar to that of Cuba as a
whole (See Chart 8).
Chart 8. Seasonal nature of Tourism in Santiago de Cuba. 2002-2006
Average.
The training of amateur groups from Culture Homes becomes
increasingly important throughout the province as they are able to
mobilize thousands of children and adults working all year to
present their performance.
These groups do not only limit
themselves to the celebration of the carnival, since they are the most
direct promoters of the cultural talent of the territory through other
activities they prepare. Table 10 lists the number of children and
adults that as an average take part in the celebration of a carnival
through these cultural amateur groups in entire province.
Table 10. Average movement of amateurs taking part in the annual
Carnival Parades in the province of Santiago de Cuba
11. THE SANTIAGO DE CUBA CARNIVAL AS A FOCUS
OF TOURIST ATTRACTION
Leyenda
Mayo= May Junio= June Julio= July Agosto=August
Octubre=October
Noviembre=November Diciembre=December
% de estadisticas = statistics %
A great part of the tourist activity of this destination concentrates
from November to April (65% tourists/days of the year). The
vacation period follows from July to August, totalizing 15%
tourists/days of the year, with very similar figures in both months
(an average of 28,000 tourists/days). The month of July is full of
important motivating factors for traveling. One of them is school
vacation that mobilizes a significant flow of national and foreign
tourists throughout the island. On the other hand, the renowned
Caribbean Festival is held in July, which somehow favors the level
of participation in the Carnival. This Festival has, however,
managed to position itself as a tourist offer, and is promoted and
structured in tourists programs by travel agencies and tourist
operators mobilizing all the participants of the tourist chain ranging
from transportation to accommodation entities.
The carnival is one of the extraordinary attractions of the province
of Santiago de Cuba. More than 90% of the population takes part,
and it is also an incentive for national and foreign tourists.
According to estimates, it draws a million people during the week,
which doubles the number of inhabitants of the municipality, of
whom 50,000 are tourists from neighboring provinces and from
others around the country, and 5,000 are foreign tourists (Galano
Vilma, 2008).
According to the views of some inhabitants and tourists published
in web logs, the carnival is a unique opportunity to enjoy the
deepest roots of the Cuban culture, and to exchange with local
residents, national and foreign tourists taking advantage of the
festivities and school vacation to visit the city. Traditionally, many
visitors from provinces such as Camagüey, Las Tunas,
Guantánamo, Holguín, Granma, and the rest of the municipalities
of the province of Santiago de Cuba arrive.
However, the foreign tourist sector is not precisely the most
exploited. At present, the different tourist entities do not have a
strategy directed at making the Carnival a motivating travel
purpose, although it is never left out of the descriptions they make
of this destination.
Undeniably, the tourist flow generated by the various attractions,
including the carnival, during the month of July has an important
economic impact for the tourist sector and other entities of the
territory such as: accommodation facilities, transportation
services, restoration facilities, trade, travel agencies, and
communications service entities. Nevertheless, we could not
establish the particular significance the carnival has for these
entities, though we infer that it differs according to the entity and its
activity.
Therefore, not only can this factor be considered as a simple
inclusion of social sectors in cultural activities, but also as an
opportunity to participate in what is being represented and
structured through institutions cultural training.
The Cuban State regulations establish that local talents must be
prioritized when hiring orchestras for popular feasts. In the
Santiago de Cuba Carnival, boosting musical talents of the territory
takes a leading role through the presentation of local orchestras
aspiring to national recognition. This, in turn, generates a high
potential of employment.
We could not learn about the existence of detailed statistics of the
tourist flow and incomes generated by the Carnival, nor of
promotion actions. However, the monthly behavior of tourists/days
in the province of Santiago de Cuba indicates that July is not the
most favored month by the tourist movement in the territory. In
spite of the cultural component of the tourist offer in the province,
For example, the behavior of indicators such as tourists/days, and
the Cubanacan Chain city hotel incomes differ from the province
average. In this case, the month of July is slightly higher than
15
August, and may even be the same for some months of the so-called
Table 11. Santiago de Cuba Carnival References
high-season (November-April) in respect with the concepts
tourists/days and incomes, which can only allow us to say that
Cubanacan is one of the tourists agents most favored in the province
during the month of July.
Chart 9. Cubanacan Tourist Indicators in Santiago de Cuba. 20042007 Average.
Leyenda
Mayo= May
Junio= June
Julio= July
Agosto=August
Octubre=October Noviembre=November
Diciembre=December
Turistas/días= tourists/days
Ingresos turísticos = Tourist incomes
Travel agencies have no interest in the Santiago de Cuba Carnival as
a permanent offer in their product portfolio. Like the rest of the
other city attractions, they are referred to as places of interest or
attractions serving as a promotion hook to rent rooms in Santiago
and motivate a trip to Cuba. However, we cannot overlook the
precise actions of the tourist bureaus during the festivity
stimulating the movement of foreign visitors towards the city,
especially those from nearby destinations, although the incomes
and number of visitors they generate have not been quantified.
Caribbean Promotion Investment Corp. (http://www.procar.co.cu)
is the only company identified with a program of offers for the
Santiago de Cuba Carnival. The program is inserted in their
popular Cuban feast offers, and is in keeping with the interest of the
group, but it generally includes 7 days and 8 nights, arrival in
Havana, and departure for Santiago de Cuba the following day. The
third day includes a sightseeing tour around the carnival areas,
information about the comparsas and parades, as well as the
programmed events for those days. There is a lunch meeting with
the municipal authorities and carnival managers, and a visit to the
Carnival Museum. During days four, five and six, participants go to
the carnival in the evening, and in the daytime they visit attractions
of the province such as Virgen del Cobre Sanctuary, and Moncada
Garrison, where they learn about the events taken place in July 26,
1953, and their relationship with the Santiago Carnival. On the
seventh day, they return to Havana, and on the following day, go
back to their country. The number of travelers and the incomes
generated by this offer could not be specified.
The Santiago de Cuba Carnival is also used as a tourist promotion
element by tourist offices and directories, hotels chains, and family
houses. Table 11 shows a list of some of the Internet sites that refer
to the festivity.
For example, at Yahoo Viajes website, the Santiago de Cuba
Carnival appears as one of the main attractions of the province:
“…it is the best confirmation that the whole city has become a true
feast. Even the radio stations vary their programs. The congas
emerging in the area of the Trocha, or on any other street is what
characterizes the festivity more. At the beat of the drum and the
Chinese horn, people from Santiago and visitors launch themselves
to “arrollar” (dance along the streets) after the contagious rhythm.
Several popular orchestras travel to the city, and renowned
comparsas as Los Hoyos” take to the streets during the carnivals.”
Aragoneses Viajes travel agency deals with the Santiago Carnival
in its festivities section: “July is the feast month par excellence, it is
the month of the carnivals. The Santiago de Cuba Carnivals are
characterized by being an explosion of popular enjoyment. The
most representative feature is the congas, the African rhythm that
makes the whole population go crazy. Aguardiente and rum are
never missing to help withstand the relentless heat of the island. At
the end of the month, the Anniversary of the Moncada Attack, or the
Day of National Rebellion is celebrated.”
The Cuban tourist website (http://www.cubatravel.cu) mentions
the Santiago Carnival together with the Remedios Parrandas, the
Bejucal Charangas, and the Carnival of the City of Havana as
famous Cuban popular feasts in its entertainment and leisure
section.
For its part, the Tourist Directory of Cuba
(http://www.dtcuba.com) offers 4 reports in its news and reports
sections that promote the Santiago Carnival as one of the most
important festivities of the country. One of them especially
dedicated to the summer feasts in the island explains “…the
Santiago de Cuba Carnivals are among the popular feasts of greater
recognition in the country with the presence of century old
institutions linked to the event. The African and Caribbean
components particularly outstanding in this type of celebration are
reflected in the rhythms and dances accompanying the revelry
along the streets. These popular festivities are different from those
in other parts of Cuba mainly due to the mixture of Spanish, African
and Franco-Haitian influences in their origins. This combination
of cultures imposed a greater dancing and rhythmic diversity, the
use of disguises, and other distinctive elements making these
celebrations a show of great charm”.
The International Cuban Tourist Fair (ICTF), the most important
event of the Cuban tourist industry, will dedicate its 2008 edition to
16
the theme of culture-tourism integration. Hence, there have been
propositions to associate the theme to the Heritage Cities of Cuba,
and promote the cultural attractions and strengths distinguishing
these tourist products. In this way the city of Santiago de Cuba can
be included among the places for tourist operators and invited
personalities of the event to visit as part of the familiarization tour
program.
In spite of the fact that there are no figures of the direct benefits for
tourism generated by the Santiago de Cuba Carnival, the behavior
of this sector in the month of July, the assessments made by tourists
on the Internet, and the perception of local authorities and
townspeople place the Santiago de Cuba Carnival among the most
important tourist attractions of the country. This resource may turn
out to be vital for the development of cultural tourism in Cuba,
particularly in the form of cultural events, as well as for the
economic development of the city, which requires domestic and
foreign tourist agents to plan national and local strategies to make
the country a cultural tourist destination, and to adapt offers and
services to make them available for tourists.
It is important to emphasize that the participation of foreign artists
and orchestras, from Martinique, Dominican Republic, Holland,
England, Jamaica, and México among other countries, included in
the cultural program of the Carnival generates arrivals and tourist
expenses in the City of Santiago de Cuba. Despite its little
significance, this specialized segment of cultural tourism
contributes to culturally enrich the festivity, and constitutes an
effective means for its advertisement because these travelers
become promoters in their respective countries. It is also an open
space to activate the economic flows convenient for financing the
carnival.
the existing ones, which will allow to increase its financial
availability
carnival, even when it does not entail an extra salary payment, the
number of musical groups either national or foreign making their
presentations as complementary activities, and the activation of the
private sector have an economic and social impact on the
employment potential associated with the carnival. It generates
between 700 and 900 direct temporary jobs, just to give an
example.
in the city carnival, and it is also a space for the national and foreign
tourism. According to estimates, it draws a million people during
the week, which doubles the number of inhabitants of the
municipality, of whom 50,000 are tourists from neighboring
provinces and from others around the country, and 5,000 are
foreign tourists.
retail sale potential for the state enterprise system of the local
commerce; however, this contradicts its economic results. It can be
inferred that demand during the festive days is not in keeping with
the commercial retail offer.
Sate
entities guarantee all the population the
gastronomic offer at reasonable prices in national currency, from
which the Municipal Administration receives benefits.
Sate
enterprises of this sector located in the Municipality also provide a
gastronomic offer in CUC.
They take advantage of these
celebrations to increase their incomes, though they do not
contribute to the Carnival.
12. CONCLUSIONS
town and rural area, where musical, dancing, theatrical, cooking,
and other traditions are integrated. But the Santiago Carnival
together with the Carnival of the City of Havana, and the Remedios
Parrandas are the most renowned in the country.
Spanish, African and Franco-Haitian influences, and the presence
of distinctive features such as its dancing and rhythmic diversity,
the mamarrachos, and the conga. The competition between
neighborhoods and the presence of a specialized jury that selects
winners are other important features of the festivity.
Culture Administration is in charge of the Carnival Budget to
guarantee all the components that make up the cultural program
during the days of the feast. The economic magnitude of the
expenses the Carnival originated for the Municipal Government
requires an efficient use of the budgeted funds, or they would be
insufficient. The amount of the 2007 budget was 5,054,200 CUP.
carnival as a self-financed activity, and it is authorized to generate
all the sources of financing that correspond to the essence of the
festivity. Consequently, its budget will be authorized for the
popular feasts. The Municipal Culture Administration was able to
collect 5,138,200 CUP in 2007. There is a possibility for it to
generate other financing mechanisms for the popular feasts besides
the Culture Homes have of being the main characters of the artistic
presentations, and the promotion of local musical talents constitute
the main impact of the carnival on the development of the territory.
tourist benefits of state and private entities, in respect with
accommodation,
gastronomy,
transportation
services,
communications, and others. These benefits are generated by the
inhabitants of the municipality, tourists staying in private and state
accommodation facilities, and the national and foreign visitors
coming to the city to enjoy the festivity or for other purposes during
the carnival season. However, we can not say that the benefits of
these sectors during the month of July are largely associated with
the festivity because this month coincides with school vacations
and other internationally renowned events, such as the Caribbean
Festival.
represent a key action in the current strategy of diversification of
the Cuban tourist offer and promotion of cultural tourism. The
carnival, as other popular festivities in the country could improve
the tourist management, moderating the seasonal nature of the
sector and generating great direct incomes in specialized programs
including feasts and optional offers for tourists staying in the
country during the festivity due to other reasons. However, it will
require the joint action and coordination of all the agents of the
tourist chain and the local authorities managing the Carnival.
17
United Nations
Martha G. Quiñones Domínguez
Graduate of Bachelor of Arts. Ph.D. in
Economics and Business Administration from
the University Complutense of Madrid. Master
of Arts.
United Nations
TRADITIONAL FEASTS HONORING ST JAMES
THE APOSTLE IN LOÍZA ALDEA:
Martha G. Quiñones Domínguez
The Traditional Feasts Honoring St James the Apostle of Loíza
Aldea are the oldest holidays in Puerto Rico. The three
processions attract from 15,000 to 20,000 people daily –both
national and foreign participants– that include traders, musicians
and local residents. About $195,446, American dollars (USD)
were invested for the three days of the procession. In addition to
the in-kind contributions of municipal authorities, the principal
sources of financing are made by saint preservers that receive
collections from the community and make their private grants.
1. INTRODUCTION
The Traditional Feasts Honoring St James the Apostle of Loíza Aldea is a
festive socio-cultural prototype combining religious syncretism that
interweaves different historical moments (Hispanic, Christian and African
elements, up to the present) and different dimensions of social life
(religious, psychological, economic, political, etc.). For a traditional feast
with a great cultural identity to have outlived globalization and the
particular colonial subordination of Puerto Rico to the United States (a
very different profile from what happens in other countries), gives these
celebrations a different connotation.
The feasts generate very few temporary jobs since people with
permanent occupations carry out most of the work. Tourists are
reported to consume in local establishments and participate in the
increasing apartment rental market.
The Traditional Feasts Honoring St James the Apostle of Loíza Aldea
(from now on referred to only as the Feasts) mean cultural resistance, the
people speaking, acting and claiming their own place; its their historical
and cultural project that imposes a black culture in a Hispanophile society.
This is why the Feasts in Loíza have their devotees among the black
population of African origin, the mullato, the brown, and the Creoles.
Historian Ricardo Alegría (1954) points out, “There is such a link between
James and the community in Loíza Aldea that when studying the feast
interesting aspects of the cultural life of the town and the changes that have
been taking place here unfold before us”.
Therefore, the traditional Feasts Honoring St James the Apostle are
annually celebrated in Loíza Aldea in the month of July by recreating the
old Spanish, African and local traditions. It is a ritual where the main
components of the celebration are the novenas in honor of St James the
Apostle and the three processions in which the image appears.
The reason, beliefs and customs for these Feasts to subsist are the ethnosocial homogeneity of the local residents and the age of its town (Alegría,
2007) besides their isolation and persistence in a globalized world
imposing foreign fashion and concepts. A unique characteristic of the
island is that it is a feast of the black people mobilizing and concentrating
thousands of domestic and foreign visitors. The motto is that every
spectator is part of the feast, no matter whether they attend out of religious
devotion, for fun or due to social-cultural obligations. Spectators are part
of the festivity that exposed to the music, crowd and rituals share this social
event with relatives, friends, strangers and visitors. The experience has
been recorded and photographed by foreign tourists and taken abroad as
part of a unique traditional culture.
The Feasts have diverse connotations, and their meaning is related to the
catholic devotion to St James the Apostle and the celebration of a black
cultural heritage underlying in the mental and social structures of the black
population in Loíza. The feasts are religious, but also convivial.
Enjoyment, devotion and tradition mix in the celebration of the victory of
good over evil. During the festive days, men wear costumes and masks and
1
Rico with the arrival of the USA has its own political and economic goals,
which were aimed at changing our lives in favor of foreign social and
economic interests (the building of a civilizing homogeneity). This same
process together with the imposition of external values and customs geared
at eliminating cultural heterogeneity, especially the Afro-Caribbean
culture, jeopardized the historic-cultural sense of the town of Loíza. The
social, economic and cultural isolation delayed this civilizingmodernizing process and allowed the conservation of traditions, which,
though transformed, still survive. In this way, the US conservative
evangelizing project could not due away with the Feasts of Saint James the
Apostle and their syncretism.
move about the town streets and neighborhoods singing and dancing while
the crowd joins in.
We wish to present the Traditional Feasts Honoring St James the Apostle,
unique in the Island due to their Afro-Caribbean character and because we
understand that they are important for the local development of the
municipality. First, we must understand the Feasts' spatial, historicreligious, and cultural-traditional features. Then we will see its economic
nature.
1.1 Spatial
The geographic context of the town of Loíza Aldea determined part of its
history. It is located on the northern coast of Puerto Rico, between the
mouth of Loíza Grand River and Herrera River. Its history can be traced
back to the Conquest of the indigenous population to whom, according to
legends, it owes the name of Loíza. In 1692, Loíza was appointed urban
party, and in the year 1710, the Spanish government acknowledges its
existence by declaring it a town. The town's Saint Patron is Saint Patrick
and its Temple the Church of San Patrick and the Spirit.
Ungerleider (2000) points out that in spite of the cultural resistance in
Loíza, exaggerated consumption causes ambiguity in cultural meanings
and in its social-religious devolvement, which has unleashed processes of
transculturation in the Puerto Rican society, and has introduced strange
elements in the Feasts, such as commercial costumes. The film produced
by Ricardo Alegría in 1954 is an excellent evidence of the changes taken
place in the Feasts. The devotion, comparsas and way of celebrating have
all changed, but there still remains enthusiasm for the Feasts of Saint
James. Municipal Ordinance No. 25, Series 1999-2000 tried to solve the
problem facing the costumes by prohibiting the use of non traditional ones
and regulating the consumption of alcoholic drinks on the streets.
Loíza covers an area of 19.4 square miles and its outstanding geographic
features are points Maldonado and Vacía Talega besides Torrecillas and
Piñones lagoon. It has the largest mangrove swamp of the island, Piñones
National Forest, a hydrologic and historical link to San Juan, the capital.
1.2 Historic-religious
Ricardo Alegría made the first study on the Feasts of Saint James the
Apostle in Loíza between 1948 and 1949. Alegría describes the Feasts as a
spontaneous activity of the town neighbors, where the official participation
of the church and the municipal government was very limited, and all the
initiatives came from the people safeguarding the images of the Saint. He
also points out that “The feast is not only the most Hispanic-catholic of
those celebrated in Puerto Rico, but also the one that has the most African
elements”. This is where the importance of these Feasts lies: being the
celebration that best depicts the essence of Puerto Ricans, a blend of races
(white, black and indigenous). The feasts also outstand for the color of
their costumes and masks (Alegría, 2007).
Loíza belongs to the geographic region called the coastal plains of the north
or of the Atlantic coast. Its relief is flat and does not rise over 328 feet
above the sea level. It was a target of frequent attacks by the Caribbean
Indians and European corsairs.
To avoid the plundering and destruction of the village, the Negroes and the
Spaniards are said to have taken up arms to defend themselves from the
invaders. In this way, Negroes associated the Warrior Saint Spaniards
invoked for help in combat with the African war gods (Alegría, 1954),
hence James the Apostle and not the Patron Saint of the municipality is
worshipped.
The antecedents of the feasts may be traced back to the celebration of Saint
James the Apostle, Warrior Saint of the Spaniards that African Negroes
identified with their war gods. According to Cuban, Fernando Ortiz and
Puerto Rican, Ricardo Alegría, there is a type of famous syncretism that
fused the Hispanic-Christian and African elements and identified James
with Shango, god of lightning, thunder and war. Ortiz (1952) states: “It is
the Feast of the Jameses that is celebrated each year in Loíza Aldea with
ecclesiastical processions and rites and with the attendance of the devils
and other masks. Undoubtedly, it is a popular festivity born from the
African-Hispanic syncretism.” These historians agreed that the Feasts
have many elements of Spanish tradition, such as the “vejigas” (bladders),
after which the devils take the name of “vejigantes”, the horse races, riders
with banners of ancient tournaments, the knights representing the Moors
and the Christians, etc. “…of an unmistakably African nature”, ritual
elements, music and choreography are also introduced. Loíza is renowned
for its musical instruments and “bomb” dances of Negroid influence.
These Negroid elements are the features that have made the Feasts popular.
For years, this region remained isolated as the only way to reach it was by
crossing the cove, though there has been a bridge connecting Piñones with
Loíza and San Juan metropolitan area since 1987. The other route to take
was going over the bridge on highway PR3, somewhat distant from the
town.
According to various sources, the predominant industries in Loíza are
tourism (formal and informal), fishing, trade, and government jobs. It is an
economically depressed town caused by to the decline of agriculture.
However, due to its proximity to the San Juan area, local and foreign
tourists come to its coasts for recreation (sun and beach), gastronomic
consumption of ethnic foods (fritters), enjoyment of culture and music
(bomba dance and handicrafts) and the Feasts of Saint James the Apostle.
Though it has never been measured or registered, it is obvious that these
Feasts and the constant visits of local and foreign tourists contribute to the
tourist sector. This is inferred from the figures obtained by the Federal
Census of the year 2000, which show that the majority of the people are
employed in services and sales, and 8% in the arts, entertainment,
recreation, and accommodation and food services.
1.2.A. The Three Jameses
The origin of the saint's images has its legends, which Afro-Caribbeanize
James the Apostle. These legends coincide with the fact that Little James
(that of the children) appeared miraculously many years ago. Alegría
(1954) tells the stories. I will only relate two. One of the stories tells that
an old lady was bathing on a beach in Medianía when she sees the image
and tries to seize it but can't. Then, looking for help, she goes to the priest,
who makes a spell and manages to catch it. However, for Ungerleider
(2000) the story has changed. He states that it was a fisherman that saw the
image. Here is a change in oral memory from 1954 to the year 2000,
though it still retains the fact that the image was taken to the town church.
Strangely enough, the following day the image appeared on the beach.
This incident took place three times, and then a Medianía family was
chosen to be the guardian of the image.
Loíza is considered to be a town with a black population. In 1950, the
population was 87% black and according to the Federal Census of the year
2000, 62% of the people were identified as black. In the middle of the XIX
century, the coast of the town was known as "Las Medianías”, and it is
acknowledged that there was a large concentration of blacks. The isolation
of the coast of Loíza caused by the cove allowed the preservation of the
identity and the community relations existing in these populations.
According to David Ungerleider Kepler (2000), there is a need to analyze
the cultural expressions of the town of Loíza in comparison to the
unrestrained modernization of the island and the economic and cultural
globalization. The civilizing-modernizing process imposed on Puerto
2
–Promises) and sing plenas accompanied by comparsas of vejigantes and
masks.
Another story narrates that Atiliano Villanueva, who was plowing with
oxen on Mrs. Juana Lanzó and Mr. José María Villanueva's farm, found the
image under a cork tree near the beach in Medianía. The tiny image was
taken to the church three times, but the image kept disappearing and
appearing on the roots of the cork tree in Medianía. Since then Little James
(Picture 1- Little James) was declared Patron of High Medianía and of the
area where the tree, known as “Carreras”, is located, which is the place
where the procession ends and horse races are held. Mrs. Juana decided to
donate part of her estate to celebrate the Feasts, which take place every year
and include processions going from the homes of the guardians to the
church and then over to the cork tree.
1.3.A. The “bomba” dance
The bomba dances (Picture 3–Bomba dance) are among the typical
activities in Loíza. Bomba is drum, dance and chant, with the drum taking
the leading role. It is the ability to listen to and dance the bomba following
the beat of the drum while improvising steps stimulated by the dialogue
with the drum. One sings with the bomba, and though it doesn't have many
words, it narrates part of the unwritten story. The ritual is communication
between sound and movement to tell the story. The rhythm of the dance
and the lyrics of the songs have a recognizable African root. The word
bomba means drum in Africa, or festive mystic dance. According to
Cesáreo Rosa Nieves (1967), it is a “hot” dance, threatricalized, with
sensual movements, and at times employing undecipherable language due
to the use of African words.
Later, two of families from the town order two new images from Spain in
the XIX century, and this is how the brotherhoods, the guardians of the
saints, come into being. These brotherhoods are in charge of organizing
the three component parts of the Feasts: fund raising, celebration of
novenas in honor of the Saint, and the processions in which the image
appears. Ortiz (1952) expresses that the existence of the three Jameses,
those for men, women and children, is due to the African traditions. We
quote Ortiz: “Also the three brotherhoods that the feasts in Loíza share
seem to be of African tradition. Three Jameses are remembered there,
three different images: the James of the men, the James of the women and
the Little James of the children. This seems to preserve the ancestral and
social groups from over the Atlantic by ages and sex.”
For some sectors of the population, dancing bomba is a way of joining the
community (Ungerleider, 2000). Organizing comparsas to dance bomba,
particularly when passing by the Ayala family's house (or hamlet),
specialists in this field, is one of the activities of the procession and the
Feasts. People in Loíza dance bomba for fun on Sundays (Picture 4 –
Bomba dance in an establishment), and as part of the popular ritual feast.
The dance includes percussion instruments such as the maracas, the cuás
and the guiro, and can be danced alone or with a partner.
There is a symbolic, mythological and ritual interpretation that can be
associated with the end of the sugar cane harvests, as it occurs in Santiago
de Cuba (Ortiz, 1952). The reinterpretation that the inhabitants made of
James to adapt him to the evangelizing rituals of the colonizers allowed the
simultaneous depiction of James on horseback and with a sword, who is
also mimetic with the warrior god of the Afro-Antilleans. Ortiz points out:
“…the Ogún of the Yorubas and Dahomeans, the Zarabanda of the Congos.
Wherever the Negroes found the catholic devotion to James alive in
America, they assimilated him as their god of war.” They integrate the
devils “…as the demons of the European white people, with extravagant
costumes that remind the bat…” whose origin can be traced to Guinea.
Another African element, “…mad women sweeping the streets and
balconies of Loíza with their brooms …” that perform the rite of cleaning
“…is done annually in many African small villages...” During the days of
the Feasts, men disguise themselves with masks and walk the streets of the
town and its neighborhoods while singing and dancing, a spontaneous
activity sparking from the locals.
It is one of the cultural events the remains throughout the year. Besides
using and handling the musical instruments, dancing and learning to dance
bomba is one of Loíza's potential industries. One has to understand the
meaning of the drum to dance and respond through it.
“Dancing “bomba” is the art of knowing how to speak with he drum
and each dancer stamps the dance with his or her own personality.”
1.3.B. The novenas and processions
The novenas start from July 16 to 24 and end with James' Feast on the 25
when the saint is carried to the church. The parade in commemoration of
James of the Men takes place on July 26. The aggressive face of the image
reflects a stronger character, the cape is higher up due to the posture of the
horse. Under the knight, there is a head representing a Moor. The James of
the Women parade comes about on July 27. It is a larger image with a more
passive character and two heads representing the Moors under the legs of
the horse. The most important parade, James of the Children, is held on
July 28. The image of James of the Children, on a donkey over the head of
a Moor, is defined by its seize. Its face gives it the closest resemblance to
the Latino culture, and according to tales, it is the image that emerged in
these lands. Since its appearance, the image became the core around
which religious festivities revolve in Loíza.
Though the Church does not take part in the celebration, it acquires a
marked religious character with the introduction of the novenas. There are
nine nights of chanted prayers dedicated to James before the Feasts in
memory of his pilgrimage. The prayers are chants representing and
narrating James´ story during his pilgrimage. The singer sings the stanzas
and the visitors follow up in the chorus. At the end of the chants, fireworks
are displayed to signal that the nine nights have come to an end. All these
initiatives are left to those guarding the three images of the Saint. The
members of the families should undertake responsibilities with the Saint to
prevent him from passing over to the church (tradition is still alive today).
There is devotion to each of the James, and ribbons representing promises
made by visitors and citizens are placed on each saint during the procession
or in the home of the guardian every year. Each image has small pieces of
silver representing parts of the human body and at the same time promises
or cures requested to heal the part of the body offered.
1.4 Methodology and structure of the article
The main limitation to study the economic dimensions of the Feasts is the
lack of registered and detailed information about their costs and incomes.
This deficit of information makes us recur to participatory action research
to obtain it, interview guardians and municipality staff, and at the same
time, take part in the Feasts to make average estimates of participation and
sales.
Two of the Saint guardians that raise funds for the novenas, the procession
and the Feasts of each of the Jameses were interviewed. Some of the
municipality staff named the different sources of financing existing for
the Organizing Committee of the Patron Saint's Feasts. We also took part
in the processions to collect information about the number of people
participating and the movement of sales and businesses on the streets.
1.3 Cultural and traditional events
The Feasts consist of a parade including musicians of the community
playing Puerto Rican dances, while the people sing and dance. It starts at
2:00 p.m. and ends at the home of the guardians with a party and firework
salvoes that can last until midnight, according to how much the Saint is
worshipped. Guardian relatives and friends are those who have the honor
of carrying the image of the saint on their shoulders. When a saint
procession passes by the guardian's residence, they salute with emotive
rituals of flags and fireworks. The saint's flags are red and yellow, the
colors of the Spanish flag. After the salutation, the guardian joins the
procession and accompanies them throughout the route. The public joins
in during the parade. Residents make promises to the saints (Picture 2
In view of the scarcity of information, we decided to calculate averages
based on the costs that guardians declare. We estimated consumption
averages of food and drinks of the event, of sales in the established
businesses, as well as of peddlers located at some homes. We also
observed the activities that some of the residents had for their visitors. We
saw that there was a reception with live music, food and drink at the end of
the day's Feasts. In the case of Little James, there were games for boys and
3
management of the Feasts in two ways: in-kind and direct contribution.
They are responsible for the people arriving, that is why they cover the
expenses for tax, security, dais, float, decoration, installation of lights, and
prepares the Feast of the Absent Loiceños on July 25 and other feasts in the
public square. This in-kind contribution of the municipality is important
for the organization of rosaries and processions and to prevent security
inconveniences. Loíza Municipality hands each guardian directly a yearly
contribution of $2,000 (USD) to subsidize fireworks.
girls, clowns and other amusements for children. According to the
guardians, the feast that requires fewer expenses is James for the Men, and
the most expensive is James for the Children.
Tourism data have not been gathered because the Tourist Company of the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico (CPR) does not consider these Feasts as a
tourist-generating source. This contradicts the fact that one day we saw
American and European tourists taking part in the Feasts together with
Puerto Ricans residing either on the island or in the US, who bring along
other visitors. It is also curious to find that official FAS reports admit that
tourism is one of the main sources of income in Loíza, though statistics
about the Feasts are not compiled to validate these facts.
The municipality establishes norms of behavior for the Feasts to maintain
order, noise control, hire the music, issue permits for sale of alcoholic
drinks, and to regulate the use of costumes. The people in Loíza live and
enjoy celebrations following their own culture in the company other Puerto
Ricans and foreigners.
We hope that these results serve to evaluate the economic dimension of
James Feasts and their potential for the local development of Loíza. It is
important to point out that the mayor of Loíza has bought the globalizing
project and that of the sun and beach tourism with the purpose of extending
the tourist area from San Juan to Piñones on the Loíza coast. These
projects pretend to dominate the indigenous spaces of spontaneous popular
expression as an alternative for the economic growth of the people. The
lack of vision as to how to achieve local development has not allowed to
consider the potential these Feasts have at a small scale and among the
people in Loíza.
2.1.B Organizing Committee for the Feasts in Loíza
The Feasts Honoring St James the Apostle have substituted St Patrick's
patron saint's feasts (March 17) in Loíza and the Organizing Committee is
in charge of their organization. The Feasts in Loíza are not part of the
novenas and the processions. The feasts are carried out by the Organizing
Committee under the Municipality. They are responsible for finding the
sponsorships and organizing the festive activities and other exogenous
elements such as reigns, town parties with music and recreation machines
(called machinas in Puerto Rico), the Feast of the Absent Loiceños, and the
parade or car convoy to receive the absent Loiceños. The Organizing
Committee has nothing to do with the Feasts Honoring St James the
Apostle, which are celebrated simultaneously.
In this paper we will learn about the financing, investments and jobs that
the Feasts generate. The objective is to gain insight into the potential of
these Feasts as source of promotion for local development, and into the
economic growth they could produce by encouraging a greater tourist
attraction. This paper is a description of the traditional feasts and their
organization by the community and its people. It is a preliminary research
to institutionalize economic studies of the feasts. As Ungerleider (2000)
affirms, Loíza is an alienated and historically discriminated town, which is
capable of adjusting to the demands of the commercial, political and
ecclesiastical powers, and is able to withstand external influences. Loíza is
a town with a historic-cultural project that reinforces and dignifies its own
identity. What still remains to be done is to direct that potential in the
economic spheres without changing the religious-festive-traditional sense
of these feasts.
2.1.C. Tourist Company and the Puerto Rican Institute of Culture
(PRIC)
There are no investments coming from both institutions that should
acknowledge the cultural contribution of these Feasts: the Puerto Rican
Institute of Culture and the Tourist Company of the Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico. Apparently, the cultural and tourist project of the government
does not match the cultural project of the people in Loíza, who are AfroPuerto Rican. The contribution of the black culture in Puerto Rico has
been denied for years. The official cultural project only stresses the
Hispanic and indigenous contribution and hides or minimizes the role of
the black population. The marginalization of that of African origin is so
obvious in this cultural project, that since 1849, when Manuel A. Alonso's
El Gíbaro (The Indomitable), the first work relating to local customs, was
published, the author recognized that there were only two forms of dance
in the island: one pertaining to the upper crust, a repeated echo from
Europe, and the doodle, characteristic of the country. He added “…some
from Africa are also known: introduced by the Negroes of those regions
though they have never been widespread, called bomba dances, after the
instrument used to play their music.” Feasts are also referred to in the same
book, but not those in Loíza, thus denying the African contributions to the
Puerto Rican culture since the XIX century. The Feasts of James the
Apostle and their bomba dances are hidden in the same way that black
culture has been concealed from the people of Loíza, but in spite of it, they
have survived and imposed themselves. Nowadays, the bomba and the
vejigantes are part of our identity as a people.
2. Organization
We must establish a difference between the Traditional Feasts honoring
James the Apostle organized by the community and the guardians, and the
patron saint style or carnival feasts. The latter are arranged by the
Organizing Committee and promoted by the municipality in charge of
raising funds from anniversaries and other festive events, apart from the
Feast of the Absent “Loiceños” on July 25. The Feast of the Absent
Loiceños is for emigrants that come back to town to participate in the
Feasts. These other feasts tend to be commercialized with the presence of
Queens, public dances with music, mechanical games, and the sale of
beverages and food around the town.
However, the James the Apostle's Feasts have another sign and are
organized in a different way. The guardians and their families set up night
meetings, sing and express their griefs and hopes. We will concentrate on
this aspect, where the Afro-Puerto Rican nature of the Loíza Feasts stands
out, showing the transnationalization or globalization of cultures that took
place five centuries ago and that the people turned into feasts.
The letter sent by the Tourist Company to organizer Sylnic Cruz Fuentes
suggests that this expression of culture does not generate tourism and thus
there is no reason to invest funds on it. In view of this historic reality of
those trying to downplay the value of and manipulate the expressions and
cultural involvement of the Afro-Puerto Rican population in Loíza, the
reality of the cultural project of this town speaks for itself, as it helps to
continuously create and recreate its cultural space. For the Loiceños the
Feasts are expressions of affirmation of their values and of the AfroCaribbean culture. It is the enjoyment of the community and the bliss of
social exchange. The ongoing visits of domestic and foreign tourists are
all too evident. Considering the complaints Mr. Cruz made and the
evidence of tourists arriving and participating in the Feasts, the Tourist
Company decided to invest only $800, contribution the municipality
Entrance to the Feasts is open to the general public, even when held in the
homes of the guardians. Participation in the processions is open and all
those present take part in the parade dancing and singing. The slogans are
part of the street comparsas and of the culture.
“Prucutá, prucutá y bueno que está” (“Prucutá, prucutá, how good it is”)
2.1 Organizers
2.1.A. Municipal Government
The Municipal Government in Loíza contributes with the logistic
4
song books, chair rentals, music, food, soda, appetizers, desserts, power
service, fireworks, mass, clowns, and children's games. The total expenses
of the guardian are $44,600. This amount is not nearly as much as the
guardians claimed in the interview. On the one, hand because many of
these services include hand labor contributions or the reduction of prices as
a way of cooperating with the feasts, and on the other, because the expenses
they themselves make in their homes are not included.
receives for the Feasts. When the Legislature of Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico contributed, it only used to supply $1,000 or even $1,500,
insignificant amount considering the expenses of the Feasts. According to
Mrs. Rosa Calcaño, the guardian of James of the Children, to request funds
from the Legislature, she had to make so many arrangements that 1,000 or
$1,500 could not compensate for the travel and paperwork expenses she
made. In sum, receiving funds or not does not generate any difference for
the guardians
Though their prices may range, the most expensive disguises are those of
the knights, vejigantes, elders and mad women and receive an average
contribution of $200.
2.2. Financing
There are two sources of financing for the Feasts: that coming from the
guardians, and fund-raising in the community and the municipality. The
main source of financing to cover these expenses comes from the
guardians and commercial loans. The greatest contribution is the in-kind
made by the municipality.
The main costumes are those of the Spanish knights (Picture 5 – Knights):
Their purpose is to imitate the costume with which the Saint appears, the
images representing him, and the traditional clothing of ancient Spanish
knights. The cost is high and since it is customary for the knight to appear
on horseback, it becomes even more expensive. The costume includes a
jacket and breeches. A short cloak, usually decorated with small spangles
or ribbons of various colors, is worn over the jacket. The mask, made of
wire over which the supposed features characterizing a Spanish knight are
painted, hides the face. The knight also wears a national straw hat shaped
traditionally and lined with the same cloth used for the suit. The costume
can cost between $250 and $350. If there are 40 knights expending an
average of $300 each, the total cost would be $12,000.
2.2.A Financing coming from the guardians
Mr. Sylnic Cruz, guardian of James of the Women, states that to cover the
organization of the feasts funds are raised during the whole year with the
distribution of envelopes requesting contributions, and that loans are
received to complete the total amount needed. Fund-raising depends on
the current economic situation of the community, which allows people to
contribute from $1.00 to $10.00.
The vejigantes (Pictures 6 and 7 – Vejigantes): They traditionally
represent evil, the devil and the Moors that James the Apostle and the
Spanish knights fought against. The costume of the vejigantes includes an
outfit with broad sleeves joined to the body of the garment to resemble a bat
or devil when the arms are raised. The masks are made of coconut on
which the grotesque face is carved. The upper part of the mask is made
with chunks of coconut bark or of wood painted in different colors. Local
artisans make these costumes. Their cost made range from $150 to $220.
If there are 100 vejigantes expending an average of $185 each, the total cost
would be $18,500.
The elders wear damaged, worn-out or old clothes, and their masks, made
out of shoe boxes, cardboard, or coconut, are different from those worn by
the vejigantes since they have no horns. The elders join the music and form
musical groups that play along the streets of the town. Costs may vary,
however they are least expensive.
The mad women (Picture 8 – Mad woman): These are men disguised as
women appearing to be mad. The go around the town with cans and
brooms sweeping and cleaning the streets. They wear clothes with loud
colors, adopt their bosom artificially, generally paint their faces in black,
and wear no masks. Costs may vary according to the paint, accessories and
other artificial items that can cost between $50 and $75. From four to five
mad women take part in the parade, which would represent a total cost of
$250.
Mrs. Rosa Calcaño, guardian of James of the Children, remembers when
fund-raising was carried out on highways, but are not allowed now. The
novenas and the Feasts are costly and the calculated amount of investment
required is between $6,000 and $15,000, which is a lower estimate than the
actual cost, as they do not include in-kind contributions made by people
that offer their labor or reduce the price of their products. Moreover, they
do not include expenses made every two years on the maintenance of the
Saint, his clothing and portable platform.
The number of knights and vejigantes can reach 140 people for the three
days, plus four or five mad women, plus the elders who depend on the
number of musicians taking part. However, if we average 40 knights, 100
vejigantes and 4 mad women the total cost of costumes would be $30,500,
to which we could add another $500 for the elders and mad women.
Each guardian receives a contribution of $2,000 from the municipality,
however they also need commercial loans to cover the total amount of
expenses. This income adding up to $24,000 appears in Chart No.1.
The municipal government contributes the dais, the hand labor to make it,
improvement of the public lighting, payment of guards and security
patrols, health services, health unit, state police, collection of disposals,
truck rentals to collect solid disposals, insurance, allusive ornamental
figures, refreshments, float and driver, and the coordinating meetings of
the event. The total expenses of the municipality and the state government
may reach $119,846.
2.2.B. Expenses
In our analysis, we will assume that expenses or debits are the same each
year. The expenses are broken down into the tasks of guardians, the
activities of the disguised people, and the contribution of the municipality.
Chart No. 2 shows the total expenses reaching $195,446.
The expenses of the guardian include those made for the novenas, the
procession and the Feasts, among which are: the arrangement of the saint,
his clothing, maintenance of the portable platform, ribbons, flowers, flags,
5
The municipality does not consider these expenses as assigned resources
for the Traditional Feasts Honoring James the Apostle, but as part of the
general annual budget. Likewise, the entry for the assigned State Police is
registered under annual expenses. During an interview with Mr. Julio
César Millán, security employee of the municipality, he stated that this
participation is not an additional expense, since they receive their salaries
and these activities are regarded as part of their annual budget.
In this way we may calculate that expenses made on beverages and food on
the street to reach $135,000, at establishments about 150,000, and in
restaurants some $225,000, for a total of $225,000, as seen in Chart 3
The investment each business makes to sell during these feasts should be
calculated because they benefit from the processions, and continue to
invest in the municipal area. What is more, the multiplying effects that
these profits have on the economic development of the municipality should
also be calculated.
2.2.C. Sales
An important entry of this activity that has not been recorded is the one
including those goods sold by local dealers during these days. Here we
exclude the expenses generated by the sale of materials used to make
costumes or for related activities. We concentrate our analysis on the sale
of beverages and food during the three days of the procession. This event
draws an average of 45,000 people during the three days, and, as we were
able to observe, they consume beverages and food throughout the
procession. The municipality did not offer the data about the stores
existing in the area, nor the licensed or unlicensed temporary ones.
Therefore, we will again make use of the average based on our observation
as a procession participant, taking into consideration the heat, sun and the
route. We can calculate the minimum expenses for beverages and food to
be an average of $3.00 per person on the street, and a maximum of $30.00
in establishments. The reason is that some people only bought drinks but
not food, while others stopped to eat at establishments or in other
improvised places, as well as in restaurants of the area. Taking into
consideration that this is a family affair and that as an average four of its
members participate, a family would expend a minimum of $12.00.
In addition, private initiatives in some 20 residences that invest about
$4,000 to serve food and drinks and charge their guests an average $200
should also be taken into consideration.
A systematic and serious study of the whole economic process and the
multiplying effects of the Traditional Feasts Honoring James the Apostle
will allow the assessment of the type of financing that can be made to
generate economic growth. Additionally, whether the Tourist Company
should finance this event according to the contributions that tourism makes
on the island and on the economy in general, should be reconsidered.
2.2.D. Generated jobs
In a depressed economy such as the one in the municipality of Loíza, we
can only calculate jobs, since the municipal authorities did not provide the
number of dealers or the job register. During this time of the year,
hundreds of people turn to diverse occupations to earn additional income,
though the majority of jobs are permanent and call for extra hours to cover
the Feasts.
According to the organizers, revenues and participation was low this year,
but our estimates indicate that about 45,000 people took part in the
processions during the three days.
The municipality covers the majority of jobs with its permanent personnel
that are in charge of assembly tasks, cleaning, decoration, security and
medical services, and as I pointed out, these are recorded in the annual
entry of expenses, which amount to 65 people. At a state level, permanent
police contingents, including from 250 to 400 members, are mobilized
during the week of festivity. The majority of jobs are generated for the sale
of drinks and meals along the route of the procession, where there are about
50 permanent businesses (employing five people as an average) and other
50 unlicensed. The mobilization of other sectors, as for example those
selling clothing, cloths, materials, food and drinks for private parties, or
meals for guests home visitors, is neither reported nor observed.
If we calculate that each person spent $3.00 on drinks and food on the
street, then the estimate for the 45,000 participants would be a minimum of
$135,000.
We believe that a third of the people, that is 15,000, eat at establishments
and spend as an average $10.00 each, totaling $150,000. It is worth noting
that consumers that buy on the streets can also be included among the
15,000 that stop to eat in establishments.
According to our calculation there are from 7 to 10 artisans (Picture 9 –
Artisans) in charge of making clothes and masks. There are from 15 to 50
musicians and 10 to 20 dancers.
We calculate that some 15,000 people will have lunch or dinner in
restaurants during the three days of the feast and continue to party. Each
will spend an average of $15.00, so we will have a total estimate of
$225,000.
Tourist services have not been calculated because the Department of
Tourism does not consider it a priority in its agenda.
6
importers and wholesalers from outside the municipality are those that
benefit in this case.
The maximum totals appear in Chart No.4. The generated jobs do not show
a rising tendency due to the little importance ascribed to these feasts. The
creation of temporary jobs in sales emerges as a spontaneous private
initiative and it is not reported by the government. The activity having the
greatest tourist potential is the bomba dance, typical of hamlets where
families of dancers and musicians of this rhythm live. This activity can
generate a tourist movement all year round. At present, bomba dances can
be seen in places where drinks are sold. Also, bomba schools have a good
potential to attract tourists wishing to learn this mystical dance.
4) Unlike any other time of the year, national and foreign visitors flow to
Loíza during the Feasts, making them the main tourist attraction. Though
the municipality acknowledges that Loíza draws tourism, the Tourist
Company still does not see it as part of the national project, so the statistics
and estimates of the tourist movement have not been carried out yet.
Therefore, the possible economic movement of the enterprises involved
with tourism, that is, transportation, restaurants, accommodation facilities,
receptive tour operators and telecommunications enterprises, is unknown.
Some investors (from out of town) are still promoting plans to develop and
turn the coastal area into a tourist oasis, with great hotels, condominiums,
etc. They pretend to use the beaches as attractive spaces for wealthy
tourists and people from San Juan in need of a resting place, and displace
the indigenous communities by offering them jobs as exotic people at the
service of the tourists.
The above suggests that there is no significant contribution to the economy
in this respect, but there is for the Region. Thus, while elaborating the
economic and social plans, it is important to take into account that the
Feasts are a driving force contributing to the economy.
3. Local Development Potential through the Feast
The economic and social contribution of the Feasts to local development in
Loíza should be understood. The feasts draw economic sectors, which
could strengthen other industries that contribute to the local and regional
economic growth and development during the year, provided they integrate
in a regional economic plan. The Feasts are the main cultural event of the
island during the season of greater flow of tourists (summer), therefore
there is a need to strengthen a tourist industry making possible visitors to
develop open, spontaneous, friendly and festive relationships with the
people. However, tourism must allow the conservation of the identity of
the inhabitants with their flavor and warmth, the vejigante masks, the
sound of the drum, and the bomba dance.
2.2.E. Induced productive chaining
Various economic activities need to be activated for the celebration of the
Feasts. The lack of economic planning for the management of the intra and
inter-sectorial relations does not allow to establish a permanent process of
this nature to benefit the municipality of Loíza. In addition, the historic
problem of colonial subordinating of Puerto Rico to the United States,
which disallows the design of strategies leading to the creation of intra and
inter-sectorial relations benefiting national industries, makes it possible for
foreign sectors to obtain part of the benefits
The Feasts are the economic activity that boosts economic growth and can
help improve living conditions. Hoverer, it is necessary to have a greater
inter-institutional coordination, draft transparent and detailed economic
reports, set up databases allowing a systematic assessment of the process in
a way that economic surpluses are transferred to Loíza to improve living
conditions and make the generated economic growth turn into local
development. Nowadays, many of these surpluses leave the region
because a clear understanding of the importance these feasts have in
thrusting the economy is lacking. For this reason, the creation and
strengthening of government and non- government levels of municipal
promotion, as well as the commitment of increasing financing of local
development through the national budget is required.
Different economic sectors, such as industries producing beverages,
foodstuffs, clothes, other tourist companies, restaurants, and essentially, an
ample sector of trade (formal and informal) take part in these Feasts. The
lack of relations between economic activities only allows each one to
obtain individual benefits with the production and circulation of the
consumables mentioned:
2) Beverages: There are two types: alcoholic and non-alcoholic that
include soda (Coca Cola or Pepsi Cola), juice and bottled water. Both
water and alcoholic drinks are those in greater demand during the Feasts.
The products in greater demand are beer and bottled water. It should be
noted that none of the commercial trade marks producing alcoholic and
non-alcoholic drinks acts as sponsor of the event. This is due to the fact that
these companies do not identify the Feasts as an economic niche equal to
others in the island that they do pay attention to in their market analysis.
These products arrive through distribution agencies or direct purchases of
people in great commercial centers outside the municipality of Loíza.
Making use of the Feasts for local development means understanding the
consequences of cultural changes and the challenges that the notions of
fairness, social justice and life quality have today in Puerto Rico. It must
not be forgotten that for the Loiceños the Feasts are an expression and
assertion of their values and culture, the amusement of the community, and
the enjoyment of social interchange. This is what gives it a unique
character and makes it different from other festivities. For this reason, care
must be taken to prevent the celebration from turning into a festival of
amusement lacking devotional-religious-cultural content. In this way, the
feasts will not become a mere show for foreign and domestic tourists, a
business for a few traders and the municipality, which could bring about
ambiguity of the cultural significance of the Feasts Honoring James the
Apostle. Dealing appropriately with local development and the Feasts, is
the key to articulate development with the economic, social and
environmental growth in Loíza. However, it calls for planning to set the
course and study the links that can be strengthened.
3) Artisans turn to the great commercial centers to purchase the materials
and implements needed for the elaboration of clothes. Therefore,
In the case of Loíza, geographic, economic and social marginalization
made their contribution on the development of that Afro-Caribbean
1) Foodstuffs: The main beneficiaries are the great commercial platforms
(commercial centers) and the food distribution chains outside the
municipality of Loíza, and the loiceño middlemen such as small oxen and
fish breeders, and in a smaller scale bakers of typical desserts.
7
3) The Feasts could generate more jobs if they became an activity
promoting the local development of the municipality and region. The
majority of jobs are permanent and taken by public employees, though
several occupations, artisans, musicians and dealers, belong to the most
numerous sector that can be accounted for. Boosting native enterprises
depends on the Loiceños' capacity to find ways of developing them.
identity that characterizes it. The local development would be a strategy of
national development aimed at attaining political, social and economic
equity, but it may be aggravated with the colonial impossibility that Puerto
Rico has to determine its economic policies. That is why innovative
strategies should be designed at the regional level, within the legal and
economic order existing in the island, to strengthen the national industries.
The local actors are the ones that would have to articulate the market
demands (of cultural tourism) with the civil society (community) and the
government, in a way that the benefits are distributed fairly and justly, so as
to help strengthen the community ties and avoid the lost of their AfroCaribbean identity.
4) Jobs benefit the local population, although there are profits that leave the
municipality.
5) The Feasts generate trade for some business people (beverages and
food). These dividends should be invested to boost and improve local
businesses.
This local development should be defined as a coordinated project by the
various actors; a participatory project with a clear definition of the roles
and powers, and with defined spaces. It means conceiving the territory and
understanding development as the idea of economic growth with a
beneficial social impact. Loíza has proved to have the local participatory,
visionary and productive management capacity to maintain a tradition
with a people's historic-cultural sense.
6) Financing comes from two sources: the contributions of the saint
guardians themselves and the municipality, though registered under a
different entry. Sponsoring sources to help with the celebrations should be
found, but the contribution of the community making the Feasts special
should not be lost.
7) Tourism related to the Feasts is not a much exploited field at the local
level. Government institutions have not developed policies for the Feasts,
nor have visible enterprising actions been taken by the local business
sector. A clear example of this is the absence of detailed income records
registering the tourism generated by the feast. There is no investment on
publicity and promotion, and the conditions for the development of the
tourist activity benefiting the region with the celebration of the Feasts
Honoring James the Apostle have not been structured.
There are many areas with a potential for native enterprises related to
culture that have not been taken into consideration or have been poorly
developed in Loíza. They need the municipality to exert a greater
economic and political control to protect and define them as its own.
Studying the possibility of marketing these areas in the country and abroad
is also essential. There is also the need to obtain the origin denominating
stamp that will enable the creation of micro industries for the sale of
handicrafts like masks, of industries to make food, musical instruments
typical of Loíza, and costumes, among other things. The bomba dance,
comparsa schools as well as the sale of musical shows to be exhibit abroad
must be promoted. For the tourist industry, the dance is the niche that
attracts visitors and makes the difference.
On the contrary, the concept of generating sun and beach tourism not
including or integrating the Loiceños and their feasts is a dominating factor
in government policies for tourist development. The data of the guardians
show that the majority of foreign visitors arrive during the Feasts, but there
is no account that would help understand the economic impact tourism has
on the town during the days of the Feasts.
The industry of gastronomic services has been explored, but calls for
expansion to include cookbooks containing Loíza recipes, television
programs, cooking lessons, and other forms of highlighting what can only
be found in Loíza. All of this can become very seductive for the tourists
industry.
8) All the above represents a considerable effect on the local economy,
though there is little awareness of it. Studies of the Feasts only concentrate
on the sphere of culture and not on the economy. The economic
contribution of the Feasts, and much more so, their potential for local
development, is not clear for the people and the municipality in Loíza. The
current perception is that they do not make any economic contribution and
that they are costly, but in reality, there are no studies measuring the
economic potential. That is why it necessary for the feasts to be managed
appropriately and considered an important factor for the local economic
development. Therefore, some aspects should be improved: greater interinstitutional coordination, transparent and detailed economic reports,
establishment of databases allowing constant assessment of the process,
and the elaboration of an economic plan coordinating the Feasts with the
local economy.
Likewise, tourism should be a sector where Loíza imposes some of the
criteria on how to manage each of the participants and what their benefits
will be. Loíza alone offers everything a tourist comes looking for: sun,
beach, food, history, ecology and festivities.
Therefore, the Loiceños should gain awareness of the potential they have
and explore other forms of enterprise they can develop. However, it should
be clear that all of these businesses ought to invest in the municipality to
make the potential rise. For its part, the government should make these
initiatives easier to develop, and support them with an initial investment to
guarantee the Loiceños the ownership of the whole process.
The Traditional Feasts Honoring James the Apostle in Loíza is an example
of cultural resistance living on for centuries. This is a significant feature
within the lack of political power existing in Puerto Rico due to its colonial
situation, the modernizing cultural project, and the economic and cultural
globalization process. That is the reason why it is necessary to continue
sponsoring these Feasts and attain benefits that will have a bearing on the
Loiceños' welfare.
4. Conclusions
The development of this research has allowed establishing some
conclusions that we consider important:
1) For the Loiceños the Feasts are an expression and assertion of their
cultural values and taste. The Feasts have various connotations. Their
meanings are related to the catholic devotion for James the Apostle and the
celebration of black cultural heritage. They are not a show for foreign and
domestic tourists; every participant is part of the festivity. The Feasts draw
an average of 45,000 people during the three days of the procession. They
are devotional feasts of the people that share with all those who arrive.
5. Bibliography
Interviews:
Mr. Sylnic Cruz, James of the Women, July 27
Mrs. Rosa J. Calcaño, James of the Children, July 28
Mr. Julio César Millán Calderón, security
Prof. Rosa Mary Berrios, artist and professor of Communications at the
University of Puerto Rico in Arecibo.
2) The costs of the Feasts involve an investment of about 195,446. It is
necessary to keep records of all the expenses and incomes of the Feasts to
be able to assess their potential.
8
Pictures and collaborators Iván Elías and Rosa Mary Berríos Hernández.
Data verified with Professor Rosa Mary Berrios, art and culture scholar
from Loíza.
--------------------- (2002) Feasts of James the Apostle. Retrieved from
http://www.prfrogui.com/home/loizacar2.htm on November 1, 2007.
And from http://www.prfrogui.com/home/loizacar.htm on November 1,
2007.
Alegría, Ricardo (1954) The Feast of James the Apostle in Loíza Aldea.
Madrid ARO
--------------------- (1981) Tape 30 min. Sound cassette. Puerto Rican
Foundation for the Humanities, and Folklorist Research Center in Puerto
Rico.
--------------------- (1959) The Feast of James the Apostle in Loíza Aldea.
Journal of American Folklore, Vol 69, April, 1959. PP. 123-134
---------------------- (1974) The Feast of James the Apostle in Loíza Aldea.
Master's Thesis (M.A.) UPR Río Piedras
---------------------- (July, 2007) The Feasts of Loíza. Taken from the Loíza
Yearbook 2007.
Alonso, Manuel (1967) El Gíbaro. Department of Public Education of the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. First Edition of the work published in
Barcelona, 1849.
--------------------- (s.f.) Feasts of James the Apostle in Loíza. Retrieved
from
http://www.mapr.org/webcast_educacion/toco_toco/carnaval_loiza.htm
on November 1, 2007.
--------------------- (s.f.) The Vejigantes of Loíza. Retrieved from
http://www.encarnaval.com/PuertoRico/loiza.asp on November 1, 2007.
--------------------- (s.f.) Bomba at
http://www.musicofpuertorico.com/index.php/generos/bomba/ on
November 1, 2007
Rosa Nieves, Cesáreo (1967) Folk Voice from Puerto Rico. Troutman
Press, Connecticut.
Álvarez, Luis Manuel y Quintero Rivera, Ángel G. (s.f.) Bambulaé sea allá:
the bomba and the plena. Historic-social compendium. Retrieved from
http://www.tradicionmusical.com/pdf/compendio_final.pdf
on
November 1, 2007.
Arriví, Francisco (1974) Vejigantes. Drama in Three Acts.
Publishing House, Río Piedras, P.R.
Ungerleider Kepler, David (2000) Feasts of James the Apostle in Loíza:
The Afro-Puerto Rican Culture Facing the Hybridization and
Globalization processes. Isla Negra Editors, Dominican Republic.
Cultural
USA (2000) Federal Census of the USA. 2000 Retrieved from
http://www.gobierno.pr/NR/rdonlyres/C7827EE9-1270-4C83-93124E2A59065D1D/0/LoizaMunicipio.pdf on November 15, 2007.
Bonfill, Guillermo (1989) Battle of Deep Mexico: A Denied Civilization.
Grijalbo Editorial, México
Callejo, Fernando (1971) Music and Puerto Rican Musicians. Coquí
Editions, San Juan, P.R. 1st. Edition, 1915.
Vargas, Miriam (s.f.) Masks from Puerto Rico. Retrieved from
http://www.preb.com/apuntes3/mascaras.htm on November 1, 2007.
Díaz Soler, Luis M. (1995) Puerto Rico since its Origins up to the End of the
Spanish Domination. UPR Publishing House, Puerto Rico. Second
edition, 1st. Ed. 1994.
Videos of Loíza retrieved on November 1, 2007
Bomba in Loíza en http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6QS-PXr-_5g
Bomba at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hOiklBomoM&feature=related
Bomba from Loíza at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X1sc9gheLHI&feature=related
Cepeda Family at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Ut-LPtsZI&feature=related
James' Feast, Loíza Aldea July 1949 by Ricardo Alegría at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vPCnx-GXs4M
Loíza at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8-9GLDVY50&feature=related
González, José Luis (1980) The Country of the Four Floors. Huracán
Publishing House, Puerto Rico.
Irizarry Mora, Edwin (1996) The Hidden Dimension of Globalization,
Dialogue, San Juan, Puerto Rico, Dic/1996, p.16
López Cruz, Francisco (1967) Folk Music in Puerto Rico. Troutman Press,
Connecticut.
Ortiz, Fernando (1952) Prologue The Little Black Devils of Puerto Rico in
the Feast of St James the Apostle in Loíza Aldea, by Ricardo Alegría
(1954), pp. XII-XX. Havana, January 28, 1952
Chart 1 Approximate revenues or incomes of the three guardians
Page 11
Chart 2 Approximate expenses or debits Page 13
Chart 3 Estimate sales of beverages and food Page 14
Chart 4 Permanent and temporary jobs Page 16
--------------------- (1953) The Puerto Rican Bomba. Asomante, IX, April –
June/ 1953. Pp. 8 – 12.
Picture 1 Little James Page 5 (P7280041 JPG)
Picture 2 Promises Page 6 (P7280066 JPG)
Picture 3 Bomba dance in a hamlet Page 7 (P7280092 JPG)
Picture 4 Bomba dance in an establishment Page 7 (P7140021 JPG)
Picture 5 Knights Page 12 (P7280089 JPG)
Picture 6 Vejigantes Masks Page 12 (P7280045 JPG)
Picture 7 Vejigantes Masks Page 12 (P7280068 JPG)
Picture 8 Mad woman Page 13 (P7280075 JPG)
Picture 9 Artisans Page 15 (P7280096 JPG)
Picó, Fernando (1988) General History of Puerto Rico. Huracán
Publishing House, Puerto Rico. Fifth edition. First edition in 1986.
Quintero Rivera, Ángel G. (1982) Economy and Politics in Puerto Rico
(1900-1934) Some Regional-Structural elements of the Sugar Growth and
the Analysis of the Policy towards the Workers. CEREP, SJPR 1982
Ramos Mattei, Andrés (1981) The Sugar Estate. Its growth and Crisis in
Puerto Rico (XIX Century). CEREP, Puerto Rico.
Pictures and collaborators: Iván Elías and Rosa Mary Berríos Hernández
Silen, Juan Ángel (1973) History of the Puerto Rican Nation.
Publishing House, Puerto Rico.
Edil
Without author (2004) Patrons Saint's Feasts of James the Apostle, Loíza.
Dedicated to the Loiceño youngsters in the International Year of the Youth
(s.n) (s.d.)
9
United Nations
Alberto Mir Medina
Director of the Association "Los Guaracheros de Regla"
and the Carnival of Veracruz in Mexico. Graduated
from the Higher Institute of Economy and Planning
Course Artistic Director.
Number 5
february 2009 / march 2009
United Nations
ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS
OF THE VERACRUZ CARNIVAL
Alberto Mir Medina
world, bringing along with them different ways to see the carnival
and get involved in it.
INTRODUCTION
The Veracruz Carnival is the heir to the European carnival, mainly
of the Spanish carnival which is, in turn, the child prodigy of
Christianity.
Without the establishment of Lent it would not exist as we know it
today. The Hispanic tradition is consistent with the European model
of spring celebrations. In this way it was taken from Europe to
America. Among its characteristic elements
are: the
personification of the carnival spirit and its subsequent burial, the
election of a king, the costumes, the satire to the officers, the street
dances, dances, rituals, the use of masks, and the local cuisine ,
among other features.
During the 9 days of festivities, sometimes the port of Veracruz has
received an estimate of one million people, and on Saturdays and
Sundays during its first 3 parades, the port houses an incalculable
number of people due to its magnitude and the various ways and
places of participation.
"Brief historic overview"
On April 22, 1519 Hernán Cortés landed on the beach of
Chalchicueyecan, in the dunes where the port and city of Veracruz
are located today. Veracruz is named after the arrival of the
conquistadors, the dinner on Thursday and the landing on the holy
cross on Friday, the reason why they named it Villa Rica de la Vera
Cruz. The inhabitants of this land were Totonacas from the preHispanic culture of the same name, who then were under the
jurisdiction of a more civilized and powerful culture, the Mexica
culture led by the emperor Moctezuma. Cortés, the Spanish
conqueror, with cunningness and intelligence, and helped by the
fanaticism of the aborigines -who confused him with the god
QUETZALCOALT- made alliances with more than 30 Totonaca
villages. He plotted strategies to gradually take over of the
mainland, to finally conquer the entire Prehispanic Mexican nation.
The city was geographically changed several times in 1925 to
where the municipality of the Antigua is today, in the left bank of
the Huitzilapan River, and at the north of the city founded in 1519.
In 1599, it was permanently changed again to its original site,
where it currently resides. In 1767, with the expulsion of the Jesuits
from the Spanish domains, the notable Veracruzan historian
Francisco Javier Clavijero wrote from the exile his "Ancient
History of Mexico", thus providing a broader understanding of
indigenous culture in the new Hispanic historiography.
The city and the port of Veracruz are located in the state of Veracruz
in Mexico. Geographically they are located at 19º 12' north latitude
and 06º 09' west. Its east coast borders the Gulf of Mexico. Other
latitudes are limited by conurbations in the same state.
Its population is a mixture of several cultures, among them the preHispanic, the European, mainly the Spanish, and the African which
was more represented because of the African settlements in
colonial times. Among its popular festivities is the carnival of the
port of Veracruz, which all Mexicans identify as the largest in
Mexico. It has been celebrated for 84 years until present times but
its origins date back to the sixteenth century. According to the
research conducted by anthropologist Guido Munch Galindo (1),
the tradition of these celebrations goes back to the very foundation
of the city.
Over time, these carnivals were expressing the characteristics of
emerging societies. The background of the carnival parades of
Veracruz dates since 1866 when the dancing fans of Veracruz
marched through the main streets of the port to the ballrooms where
they enjoyed masks and costumes. In the course of time, these
parades became more extensive and crowded, and in 1925 the first
organized carnival and the first carnival parade were officially
planned.
The Spanish influence was progressively noticed in the social and
cultural life of the fledgling society of Veracruz as the Spanish
Shrovetide festivities began after Christmas and ended on Ash
Wednesday. In this way the carnival embryo is introduced due to
the celebrations in Spain. The incipient carnival adsorbed very little
of the pre-Hispanic celebrations, except for one or two
coincidences on the date of the carnival with the religious
celebrations of ancient Mexican cultures.
Currently, the carnival of Veracruz is visited by attendees from
different places of the Mexican republic and from other parts of the
1
composed by Veracruz society representatives, government
officials and a committee of ladies that do the protocol and welfare
work. This institution is responsible for the affiliation, discussion
and evaluation of all matters related to the party.
The background to the present carnival date back to 1789 where, by
decree of a new monarch, it is decided to celebrate 3 days of lavish
festivities in the city. Several events and a grand parade are
organized by the existing unions, which involved rolling machines,
an artillery regiment with its band, scenographic rolling carts,
fireworks and processions. Extramurally, blacks and Indians
danced to the rhythm of sones and drums in the style of the West
Indian celebrations, thus creating what it is the carnival parade
today.
Over time, the carnival was held in the ballrooms with parades that
brought the attention of participants and residents of that period.
With the influence of liberalism from France and Italy, the carnival
was transformed into mask and costume dances. This brought about
that people started celebrating carnival for themselves, and then the
figure of Juan Pueblo emerged John Carnaval. By 1925, carnival
was organized by decree.
With this purpose the Board is supported by a Municipal
Committee of the Carnival, which is the executing agency and the
essential operator for the implementation of the guidelines from
the Council. The Carnival Committee is responsible for conducting
the steps to be carried out at different stages of the work. It is
formed by a President, a General Artistic and Operative Director,
and an Administrative Coordinator or Treasurer. This
nomenclature is supported by a staff of specialists with the ability
to interact among them to ensure that the preparations march
orderly in their different stages of planning, preparation,
implementation and post-production.
It starts working six months before the beginning of the carnival
with about 13 people. With time the necessary staff will be
incorporated up to 286 people at the date of completion.
In this context, the central character of the carnival became the
people and the most enhanced image was the freedom, symbolizing
the queen as the Homeland and, at a local level, as the hometown.
Thus, the parties welcomed the participation of all citizens and the
exercise of all their individual's liberties. It should be noted that, in
the general context, it was very complicated from 1800 to 1900 in
Veracruz.
Among its most important functions are: the launching of Carnival
and its timing the elaboration of the plans for the various stages of
the carnival and the required tasks for its organization the
developing and launching of the calls that will govern throughout
the carnival the developing of the art project the developing,
proposition and implementation of the civil protection plan, a
fundamental tool for the safety of spectators and participants in the
event
In a sea of stormy political events under the empire of Maximilian,
on February 6, 1866, the City Council issued a regulation for
Veracruz Carnival. In its content it was officially stipulated that the
city carnival was a set of costume and mask balls full of joy.
The religious significance of the Catholic carnival remained even
then, which was in symbolic opposition to the period of Lent as a
time of abstinence, and to the Easter season as a period for penance
and purification. According to some sources, there were carnival
balls from February 11th to 22nd of that year and 1246 people were
registered to use masks and costumes.
In 2008 the Veracruz carnival was held from January 29 to
February 6, with the theme "Culture, Nature and Fantasy" in a
scenario of 4.6 kilometers on the Boulevard Manuel Ávila
Camacho. It has been estimated that more than a million people
attended the nine days of carnival and the 64 programmed events.
Among the most important events are: on January 29, the day of the
bad mood burning with the reading of its solemn proclamation. On
this occasion, a figure representing the Seven Deadly Sins was
burned. On January 30, was the coronation of infantile kings. On
January 31, the crowning of the King of Joy took place and on
Friday, February 1, the coronation of the Queen of Carnival was
held. From February 2 to 5 six carnival parades were carried out.
On Tuesday 5, the award ceremony of comparsas and floats took
place, and on Wednesday 6, the traditional burial of JUAN
CARNAVAL was carried out, where his will was read. That was the
occasion for inviting locals and foreigners to participate in the 2009
carnival which will be held from February 17 to 25, 2009. Other
various activities were also conducted throughout the city
including the neighborhood carnavalitos, folk dances and massive
events.
It is noteworthy that during the week prior to the carnival, there was
a program of cultural activities with photographic and painting
exhibitions, book launches, lectures, panel discussions and cultural
performances. It should de noticed that this council and the
carnival committee are not stable; both change every three years,
the period of the Administration in turn. Sometimes the carnival
committee and for different circumstances, is changed during the
three-year period.
During the nineteenth century, with the new air of freedom,
carnivals gained relevance in Mexico. In 1925, under the
government of General Heriberto Jara Corona and with the
development of the capitalization of the port, the organized carnival
of Veracruz was born. The new carnival would help to establish a
new social pact between government, employers and union
workers, with the aim of reviving the commercial life of the port,
and with it, the reappearance of the commercial life of Veracruz.
Since its birth, the carnival was sponsored by the Veracruz State, as
well as commercial companies and unions. Its main income was
from emerging companies and trading houses which, while
developing, provided an increasingly economic sustainability to
the Veracruz Carnival. Its organization was supported by a
committee chaired by prominent figures and businessmen from
Veracruz society who worked hard to obtain funds for this purpose.
It was not until the 70s when the municipality assumes the
leadership of this committee but maintaining the same canons of
1925, so that these events would remain sponsored by commercial
companies, thus avoiding expenditures from the public purse.
ORGANIZATION AND DEVELOPMENT
ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS OF THE VERACRUZ CARNIVAL
According to research, the 2008 Veracruz Carnival produced an
economic movement estimated in 550 million Mexican pesos.
However, there are difficulties in making such estimates because,
The Veracruz carnival is organized and directed by the municipal
government. To this effect a Board of Directors and a Carnival
committee were created. The Board is chaired by the Mayor and
2
throughout the nine days of the carnival and in the 64 related
events. Among the strongest companies are beer, beverage, and
food industries.
among other reasons, there are no available statistical series on the
income generated from the carnival, in all its magnitude. According
to many experts, some stakeholders do not show their real results so
as not to be compelled to cover the costs associated with the
preparation and execution of the carnival.
The float entries refer to the revenue collected by the
participation of local and national commercial floats, unions, and
educational and dancing schools. These contributions are given
by a tab price that varies depending on the above mentioned
category.
The information compiled about the revenues collected for the
activities of the Carnival, are estimates made by the experience
gained by its organizers. The informative bases for the estimates
have generally emerged from the supplier companies for these
celebrations, the participant artists, comparsantes, musicians and
others within the field of art.
Information has also been obtained from other sources that have
been involved in the organization, and link with the expenditures of
the festivities. Another source of information was offered by the
authorities who gave data on the financial results of the event. All
the previous information has been reflected in the final report that is
prepared to inform people and authorities, to the greatest possible
extent, about the correlation between income and expenditure in the
carnival festivities.
For varied permissions is known the revenue due to the approval
of granted permissions for the sale of various handicrafts and
food retail. There is a tab that governs the price depending on the
product to sell.
For granted concessions is identified the revenue collected by the
payment of rent for the installation of stands for spectators of the
carnival, and for the installation of the fair rides.
II .- Number of direct participants in the Carnival
Table No.2
It is fair to say that both the state government and the municipal
presidency have worked very hard to give Veracruz and the world a
major cultural festival. It is great fun and healthy public safety,
despite the fact that the audience has exceeded all previous
expectations.
Participants
Estimate of spectators
Comparsa Participants and others
Kindergarten Participants
Float Participants
Operative staff of Carnival Committee
Operative trade workers
Administrative staff from other units
Rescue and security forces
Total of Direct participants
I.SOURCES OF FUNDING
TABLE No.1
CONCEPT OF INCOME
Royal Court registration and votes
Contributions from sponsors
Float registration
Varied permissions
Granted concessions
Bank yields
Total Income
AMOUNT
883750.00
17,743,000.00
345000.00
713,488.00
558,391.00
4014.00
20,247,643.00
Number of Persons
1000000
3413
1946
800
284
160
500
4500
1,011,603
As we can see from the above table, to the estimate of spectators
are added eleven thousand six hundred and three participants that
are directly in the scene. They are divided into segments
according to working interests for each of the 64 events planned
in the nine days of carnival.
The elements of the security force are grouped as follows:
This funding has as its main objective to provide this popular
festivity with the necessary resources and to generate a surplus.
Therefore the amount collected is an indicator of the magnitude
of the party. It should be taken into account that there are other
sources of funding in kind which are not reflected in this table
because it is very difficult to estimate their amounts. Among
them are the expenses that the federal government, state
government and local government spend in the security of the
event.
TABLE No. 2.1
Federal Forces
Secretariat of the Navy
Road Federal Police
Federal Preventive Police
State Forces
Secretariat of Public Security
Veracruz-Boca Del Rio intermunicipal Police
Civil State Defense
Transit State Secretariat
Health Secretariat
Municipal Forces Municipal Transit Directorate
Municipal Civil Protection Directorate
Welfare institutions
Red Cross
Green Cross
Amber Cross
Esnum
Private Security Companies
The following provides some elements on each of the key areas
of income that are detailed on Table 1:
For registration and royal court votes, revenue is identified by the
votes of those candidates who register to occupy the throne of the
carnival. This include, the carnival queen, the children kings and
the king of joy, who, per call, have to obtain a given number of
votes to remain within the royal court or to be the sovereigns of
the party.
For contribution from sponsors is known the income received
from companies that provide financing for the festivities after a
bidding process or an invitation. They can display their products
3
there were economic benefits from the carrier companies,
derived from transportation expenses of the stands, whose
amounts were impossible to calculate.
The major artistic units are related by category as follows:
Table No2.2
IV.- Costume, Shoes & Accessories Making
Category
Comparsas
Batucadas
Floats
Bastoneras
Bands
Costumes
Other Foreign Units
Kindergartens
Total
Amount
43
7
35
4
8
12
15
19
153
Table No. 4
It should be noticed that these participants are divided into two
groups, the first relates to the children parade with 1946
participants and the second refers to the carnival parades with
4413 participants.
III.- Assembly and dismantling of stands
The company AMSAMEX of Mexico City has a concession for
the installation, maintenance, leasing and dismantling of seats for
the last 15 years.
This company is able to assemble 130,000 seats along the 4.6 km
of parade, providing 1.5 million pesos for the rights of floor, thus
contributing to the funding source. It also issues a bond for 3.0
billion pesos for gallery security, thus creating temporary jobs for
over 1,500 people. This includes a concrete benefit to the
economy of the territory.
Number of Artistic Units
Number of people involved
Costume Cost per Person
Total Costume Cost
Families' Income and Created Jobs
According to a survey done to fourteen directors of artistic units,
it is estimated that each comparsa has between 45 and 120
members. Estimates were reflected on table No.4. It should be
known that the making of costumes is done with the efforts of
the own comparsantes and institutions that participate. These
comparsas require dressmakers that create sources of jobs. They
involve craftsmen of a wide range of specialties including
seamstresses, embroiderers, cobblers, attrezzo, manufacturers
and repairers of musical instruments, among other trades that
are specific to different Carnival activities. This movement
generates an economic benefit for a public sector in times of
precarnival for approximately 60 days of work.
Table No.3
Benefited Families
Created jobs
Seat capacity per parade
Public price per six parades
Economic impact in Mexican pesos
462
1386
130 000
135
17, 550,000.00
As for the sales of the seats in the installed stands, 462 families
were benefited and 1300 temporary jobs were created. This
meant a benefit of 17 550 000.00 Mexican pesos for those
people.
Income for assembling and dismantling of stands. Temporary
jobs created by the Ansamex Company
Demo Table
Created jobs
Revenue from artisans in Mexican pesos
General revenue in Mexican pesos
Table No. 3.1
Tabular Sampling
V. - Float Decoration and Scenography
Created Jobs
Laboured days
Daily salary
Total salary per employee
Economic impact
60
3023
$ 2242.86
$ 6,780,165.78
178
36
100.00
3,600.00
640,800.00
360
18,833.81
6, 780,165.78
Different specialties are involved in the decoration of floats and,
as a consequence, each ornament is peculiar and unique. The
income the makers earn is directly proportional to the specific
work they do. Among the most common specialties are:
blacksmiths, sculptors, electricians, carpenters, designers,
painters, makers (molders) attrezzo, and labelers, among others.
The decoration of floats generates 350 temporary jobs in 60
days of work.
In addition to these economic implications generated by the
installation of the stands -which can reach an estimate of 18 190
800.00 Mexican pesos- and the 1564 temporary jobs created,
4
participating in the carnival parades or in any of its 64 side
events is not uniform. By means of a process of observation and
surveys, the expenditures were estimated according to the
spectators' geographical origin and their economic level.
An average of approximately 10 companies of the branch is
involved in this activity. They are from different states of the
country, mainly from Mexico City, from the port of Mazatlán in
Sinaloa state, from San Rafael and Minatitlan, both in the state of
Veracruz. There are also other local companies that basically
decorate cultural and educational institutions at a local level.
1. Local state spectators 50.00 per day
2. National foreign spectators 150.00 per day
3. Low income local spectators 30.00 per day
4. High income spectators 100.00 per day
Different amounts of money are paid for the decoration of floats
although the economic indicators of this activity are not
available. The information available to the reader was estimated
from elements provided by the designers, except those expenses
incurred by the carnival committee on the royal and official
floats.
This structure is the starting point to estimate the approximate
expenditure by groups of spectators attending the event and the
expenses per person. These two parameters reflect raw data
estimated in a very simple way. They deserve a deeper research
and a more accurate statistical processing. Nevertheless, these
data suggest a substantial flow of revenue obtained by the
commercial service sector of different kinds, which are in the
area surrounding the events. It should be noticed that these
revenues may be higher because there are restaurants in the port
spread throughout the carnival area and most of them are
working at their full during the nine days of carnival.
For a better understanding, data have been grouped in four
blocks. The list reflects average prices.
? Nine floats of
? Four floats of
? Six floats of
? Sixteen floats of
$160,000.00
$450,000.00
$300,000.00
$160,000.00
The revenues of these companies will not only represent an
increase on the income of owners and employees of the transport
network. Forty percent of the revenue is intended for the
purchase of materials. This represents an increased demand for
supplier companies. Among the most purchased materials are:
rods of various sizes, fiberglass, carbon fiber, plaster, varnish,
paint, blankets, cardboard, cloth, electrical and hydraulic
mechanisms, among others.
Expenses incurred by participants
Table No.6
Number of spectators 1,000,000
Average per capita $ 82.50
Total expenditure $ 82 500 000.00
The analysis and study of the economic dimensions of the
carnival of Veracruz become very complex and difficult for
several reasons, among them are:
1. The absence of a procedure of official and systematic
statistical information that allows establishing trends and
projections.
2. The dispersion of the little available information due to the
lack of its collection and processing. The lack of information has
prevented the execution of permanent studies and analysis on the
economic dimensions of the festivities and their potential impact
on the economy of the territory as well as their possible selffinancing. This time, the collection of information was
conducted through interviews with the direct actors in each of
these areas, as well as through more than 1,000 surveys carried
out from the beginning of the preparation of the carnival to its
end. These interviews have been collected through notes passed
orally by interviewees.
Building cost/ floats
Table No.5
The cost of the Scenography does not have a direct impact on the
total general profit because it is performed by some few (5)
workers of a single company.
Created jobs and Income obtained by these Companies
3. The inability to gather experiences in the Carnival Committee
teams due to their constant changes makes the verification or
renewal of the economic practice difficult. This neither allows
promoting actions towards the improvement of the mechanisms
that contribute each year to a steady increase of economic
resources to benefit the local economy.
Table No. 5.1
As can be seen, no new jobs are generated under the concept of
“Materials”. This is because the workers of these companies
receive an additional payment for overtime work. In the same
way, the profits from the sale of these materials are not
significantly increased and remain within the planned ranges.
VII. Temporary and permanent jobs generated by the
Carnival
The considerations on this important issue have been based on
figures available to the carnival committee, the interviewed
companies and the direct participants who have contributed to
VI.- Spectators' expenses on food and drink
The consumption of food and beverages by spectators when
5
the collection of information about the carnival.
The movement of jobs that the carnival is able to generate could
be much higher than what is projected in the official figures.
There are thousands of people who are engaged in productive
activities or services, thus creating a vast network of
intersectorial relationships that can offer a final product to the
consumer, whether direct or indirect participants.
It is also important to note that during the carnival, many families
in the towns take advantage to generate extra temporary income,
whether they are involved or not in the production of goods and
services. The Carnival generates a great movement because the
number of people who convenes and therefore it is able to
produce a variety of goods and services.
Veracruz Carnival generates temporary jobs in different sectors,
such as dressmakers and artisans of various kinds for the making
of wardrobe for comparsas, batucadas, bastoneras and bands.
It also creates temporary jobs for the repair and decoration of the
floats, such as blacksmiths, designers, welders, molders, painters,
and electricians, and promotes the creation of jobs in various
branches of the economy such as services, trade, agriculture,
tourism and other productive sectors.
TABLA No.7.1
TABLA No.7.2
The number of temporary jobs generated could be higher because
of the movement of functions, viewers and collaborators
participating during the days of Carnival, but the lack of
information does not provide enough information to substantiate
claims in more depth.
Below we list the sectors or companies that generate temporary
and permanent jobs
Here are some elements about two of the sectors that generate
most jobs. Namely,trade and tourism.
SUMMARY OF JOBS GENERATED: TEMPORARY AND
PERMANENT
TRADING SECTOR
In the town of Veracruz, there are 11,000 stores of different types.
For example in the field of gastronomy you can find from large
restaurants, small restaurants, tacos and cold cuts stalls, grocery
stores to street vendors.
TABLA No.7
JOB
TEMPORARY
PERMANENT
NUMBER
15.769
40.372
There are also large international shops, 19 department stores or
shops, such as: Shopping Chedraui, Comercial Mexicana, Giant
Bodegas, Bodegas Aurera, Cosco, Sams Club and Wal Mart.
Many of these establishments, in normal times, have on their
payroll about 200 employees. During the tourist season,
including the carnival, they hire temporary staff to fulfill the
needs of thousands of locals and foreigners during the 9 days of
carnival.
Among the shops are also large stores of textiles, haberdashery
stores and small shops of costume jewelry. All these products are
widely used by the actors on stage, especially when making their
costumes, so the increase in demand for these products begins
since the pre-carnival time. This mixture of retail stores includes
paints, building materials, among others. Of course, the increased
activity in these centers is already covered in their sale plans
during this time of year. However, it is presumed that the entire
business sector is able to generate a large number of temporary
jobs and keep the permanent ones that will be needed at other
times of the year.
TOURIST SECTOR:
By means of a professional survey performed in the tourist
sector, official information about the number of tourists
6
participating in the period of the Carnival is now available.
TABLE No 7.3
ECONOMIC IMPACT OF TOURISM
These surveys reflect an approximate expenditure of 250 pesos per
tourist which combined with the estimate of 960 000 registered
tourists, gives an estimate of approximately 240 million pesos. The
carnival area has 182 hotels with 8000 rooms; 5000 rooms in guest
houses and private houses and 3500 capacities in beach areas which
house tourists. This generates service employment although in an
informal and uncontrolled way. It is worth noting that the tourist
sector in this area is well developed. This encourages tourists'
arrival to the Veracruzan Carnival, in addition to the security
provided by the state and this conurbation in particular (3).
The most crowded days are on Saturday -when the first major
carnival parade takes place- and on Sunday, when two parades are
held, the second largest parade at 10 am and the third one at 6 pm
when over a million people are estimated in the parade area. Large
number of temporary jobs are generated during these days to fulfill
the demand of these participants.
It is fair to say that around the parade area there are hundreds of
restaurants and grocery stores that sell beer and liquor and stalls and
kiosks selling beer and soft drinks. They were created for the
occasion by sponsoring companies. The 2008 carnival was favored
by a holiday bridge. It is also necessary to highlight that the tourists
that visit Veracruz belong to a middle class tourism coming from
neighboring states such as Mexico City, Mexico State, Oaxaca,
Puebla, Tamaulipas, Tlaxcala, and from cities around Veracruz and
other cities of the state. All this movement provides an important
source of employment and creates an important economic
movement. The Carnival is considered as the driving force of
tourism. The chairman of the hotel chamber declared that hotel
occupancy in the Veracruz - Boca del Rio area was 100% on
Saturday, Sunday and Monday. On the remaining 6 days, the
occupancy was between 70% and 90%. Strikingly, the statements
made on the results of the Carnival, do not emphasize on the
economic impact that these days of celebrations have in this
outcome.
As can be seen, local participants reached the 58% and foreigners
the 42%. The thirty percent of all attend the carnival daily, 29%
range from 4 to 5 days and 38% participate during 1 or 2 days.
Carnival parades are the main attraction of carnival festivities.
Productive relationships generated by the Carnival.
The Carnival of Veracruz, as any macro event, triggers a large
number of services and productive relationships that intertwine
with the sole aim of reaching the consumer, the last link in this
chain. This goes from the production base to the finished product, in
the form of products or services, such as meals, drinks, floats,
comparsa costumes and others.
As can be seen, the creation of these goods and services involve
various sectors of the economy, such as the food industry,
agribusiness, heavy industry, the textile industry, the hotel industry
and the advertising industry, among others.
The graphics below were made by the Municipal Tourist Office
supporting the assertions made about the role of the national
tourism in the Carnival celebrations and its permanence during
most of the festivities.
Most of the productive relationships that are created by the carnival
are not stable. They will rise at random according to the productive
needs of the event at a given time. Every year the needs change and
also the suppliers and producers of services such as restaurants,
which generate the biggest movement. They create the largest
productive relationships involving the majority of the sectors
devoted to meet the food demands of the participants in the
festivities. In this production chain, the transport sector must be
considered essential to move goods such as materials, food and
people involved in the carnival, causing a large movement of
Surveyed Visitors
7
money.
final link, the consumer. This industry is able to create very
important temporary jobs because, in order to sell their products in
carnival times, they create a network of more than 250 kiosks, each
operated by a minimum of 3 persons. They also generate a number
of jobs of the so-called cubeteros, which are people that take the
products to each of the spectators on their seats that do not go to the
kiosks.
These relationships create income for the productive sectors which
directly or indirectly are involved in the production process. This
can be appreciated at the end of the productive chain through the
produced goods. Next, you can find detailed information about the
most benefited sectors in these productive relationships:
Productive chains of the service sector during the Carnival
Produc
ers
Large
supply
market
ss
Consum
ers
Restau
rants,
shops
C. Productive relationships in the artistic sector
For the wardrobe making and the decoration and reconstruction of
floats, designers, builders and managers of floats and comparsas go
to the retail network where these products are made and decorated.
In the case of wardrobe, they go to fabric warehouses because the
material is 90% of the inputs of the final product. The fabric is
bought in the retail network of the port, causing an increase in sales
of the material. The cost of the fabric for the carnival is not
expensive since it is based on the purchase of tulle, organza, poplins
and satin. In very few cases, Tergal muslin and other little more
expensive fabric are used. The reason for this is that, in the majority
of the comparsas and other shows, artists wear these costumes just
during the 9 days of carnival and in activities related to the
DIAGRAM OF PRODUCTION CHAIN
In the restaurant and food services are involved farmers, fishermen,
food industry, soft drink industry, breweries, liquor industry,
bakeries, tortilla makers and veal, poultry and pork breeders,
among others.
culmination of these celebrations in nearby places. This means that
the wardrobe is used, fundamentally, during the festivities and not
on a permanent basis. This does not mean that it lacks quality and
beauty. On the contrary, it often has great originality and high
artistic quality. This is complemented with the footwear and
atrezzo.
Brewing, liquor and beverage industry:
Because of the Veracruz weather -where the average maximum
temperature is 39,5 °C and during carnival time is between 33 °C
and 39 °C- it should be recalled that the carnival date changes as it is
governed by the liturgical calendar. The main drink is beer followed
by soft drinks. This habit is also influenced by the geographical area
in which the port is located, the area of the Gulf of Mexico in the
Caribbean Sea, where the consumption of beer is not just a carnival
tradition but an all year round practice. This explains why the
official sponsors of the event are the beer and soft drink brands SOL
and Coca Cola, clustered in the FEMSA group.
It is important to note that from the purchase of fabric and other
materials, the production chain is created until the completion of
the final product, either for the comparsas wardrobe or the
completion of the floats. This productive interaction makes it
possible that, in addition to the permanent jobs, temporary jobs are
created. Because of this interrelationship, there is a considerable
economic impact for people who engage in this activity –so
important for staging- during carnival time. It tributes benefit not
only to the traditional folk culture, expressed in the carnival of
Veracruz, but to the economy of the territory.
In fact, productive relationships with this industry are of high
significance. Links are established with other sectors that
apparently are not related to this industry, but that are directly
involved in the carnival such as the textile industry and the sector of
artistic companies -with 9 floats and advertising material through
television spots, press messages and all that constitute the
commercial image of the biggest carnival of Mexico. These
productive relationships are not perceived by simple observation,
but have an important economic impact.
Diagram of the productive relationship chain
As can be seen, productive relationships are broad and start from
the production of materials until the final product reaches the
spectators's view through the artistic image that direct actors
project in the scene.
This industry supplies the consumption of thousands of people
every day, during the 9 days of the carnival. This generates an
important source of employment with a significant economic
impact since the beginning of the productive relationships until the
The use of advertising materials is another link that triggers
8
productive relationships between companies, since they require
specialized inputs to carry out their work. Although this does not
generate temporary jobs, it makes it possible that companies reach
a higher level of sales than at any other time of the year. Besides, the
relationships established with the graphic sector produce an
increase on its sales at this time of the year. Its workers receive an
extra salary during these days that brings about welfare for their
families. Other benefited companies are advertising companies,
television and radio companies, flat press and companies in the
chemical industry, among others.
solvency and to offer a better carnival with greater security and a
better staging, a study to set the benefit ranges for each of the
sectors involved in the Carnival could de conducted. It could help
the authorities to establish the necessary institutional mechanisms
to enable these sectors to contribute according to the income
obtained during the festivities, and thus collaborate with their
financing. This support would bring about a better and more
splendid carnival and would allow the most benefited with the
event to contribute to its magnificence.
As we have shown the carnival of Veracruz generates a chain of
inter-sectorial relationships that are of great benefit to local
industry and its employees. A good example of this is reflected in
the design and making of costumes and in the decoration of floats
for the stage direct performers, which link the industries of
construction materials, chemical industry and the craft sector,
among others. They also bring together many sectors of other
branches of the economy to ensure the supply of final products for
consumers. As can be seen, the carnival encourages the production
processes, the inter-sectorial relationships and the overall
economy.
The Carnival is a cultural event and not just fun and recreation. The
carnival is culture, as it is the most genuine expression of the
popular culture of a people. Their traditions and identities are
reflected on the carnival. At present, the oldest residents in the port
and the elderly feel that the carnival has lost its roots, thus
prevailing its commercial features. It is necessary to maintain a
long-term and stable projection of the carnival which retains its
identity as a popular traditional festivity. The carnival has its own
codes that are inviolable so that the cultural product that is shown
has all the richness that the identity of the place offers as well as the
expected cultural impact.
In addition, Veracruz is a tourist center with a growing
development over the years that ensures a progressive economic
income during carnival season and also in other times of the year
such as Easter and summer holidays among others. Multiple
service sectors such as hotels, restaurants, transport and other
service providers are highly benefited. Therefore, Veracruz
Carnival is one more of the events that are held in the port along the
year. It contributes to the support and continued growth of tourism.
As can be seen the carnival of Veracruz is one of the most important
cultural events of the Port and the State, capable of generating a
significant movement in all economic sectors of the port, also
involving national companies. This movement can stimulate the
local economy by allowing a good portion of its citizens with
working skills and also with disabilities, get new income during this
event, thus improving their standard of living. In short, the
Veracruzan Carnival generates a series of productive relationships
that are an important incentive for the local economy.
In short, the carnival represents a significant injection to the local
economy. The whole process of preparation, implementation and
post-production creates a number of temporary and permanent
jobs. It also produces a significant impact on the economic benefits
received by business and community sectors due to the economic
requirements involved, such as job creation, inter- sectoral
relationships and production and consumption of goods and
services. All this has resulted in a greater welfare of community
life.
The carnival of Veracruz produces an economic movement
exceeding 550 000 000.00 Mexican pesos. The most benefited are
the hotel and food services, in addition to other benefits on a smaller
scale. Most or nearly 90% of these sectors do not contribute to the
sources of carnival financing. In order for the event to have financial
The continued analysis and economic evaluation of what is here
presented, could increase the contribution of the productive and
service sectors in the organization of the carnival, and thus help to
improve and magnify these festivities. These studies may shed
9
light on the need for stable and proportional contributions which
would result in a more solvent carnival and with more solid
financial support to provide people with a better and larger
celebration. The Carnival is a cultural event, which emerge from the
people and stays in their memory until the new celebration. It is an
imperative that in the carnival conception, the commercial and
cultural dimensions are complemented and that all cultural
manifestations combine in a creative fashion.
SUMMARY
The Carnival of Veracruz is a macro event that, in its modern
version since 1925, has been crucial to encourage the economy of
its port. From its beginnings, this has been one of its basic premises,
in addition to the entertainment, the recreation and the cultural
exhibition. In the 2008 version it generated a movement of 1 011
603 participants among spectators, artists, security and operative
elements, among others. The carnival of Veracruz reached the
amount of 20 069 367.00 Mexican pesos in its realization. Its
sources of financing have contributed with the amount of
20,247.643 Mexican pesos and, among their main concepts of
financing are: sponsorships, royal court registrations, float
registrations, various permissions and concessions in addition to
the interest on bank yield. All this is managed and carried out by the
municipal committee of the carnival, attached to the municipal
government. In short, this is a cyclical process that has occurred
every year since its first edition until this one, its 84th edition in
2008.
The carnival of Veracruz was able to generate the amount of 55 000
temporary and permanent jobs. In this celebration the most
important sectors of the economy in the service area, such as hotels,
restaurants, retailers and transporters, among others, are
intertwined. As a part of this chain were also the agricultural and the
industrial productive sector, which were able to generate an
economic benefit above the 550000,000.00 Mexican pesos.
Although this economic income supports the growth of the local
economy and benefits many people, it is not involved in financing
the expenses of the celebrations, as the direct beneficiaries do not
contribute to the sources of financing except the official sponsor.
Tourism, with its infrastructure of over 74,000 capacities spread in
182 hotels, 5000 guest houses and 3500 accommodations on
beaches, is capable of providing a service to make visitors feel the
comfort and safety to attend the carnival of Veracruz. Its cuisine,
with more than 6,000 establishments to taste regional and
international dishes makes the visitor feel pleased.
The security offered by this event is recognized by the participants
and guaranteed by the State Government. Its history, its people, its
tourist development, its gastronomy and security, make visitors feel
comfortable and safe witnessing the "World Happiest Carnival."
10
United Nations
David Viciedo Gómez
Economist, Master in Business Administration.
Ricardo Núñez
Economist and expert in investment analysis and
project development. He works as Program Official at
UNDP Office in Cuba.
United Nations
AN ECONOMIC VIEW
OF THE HAVANA CITY CARNIVAL
Ricardo Núñez
David Viciedo
Introduction
The economic value associated to a cultural event
The carnival events are part of the traditions and cultural heritage of
our nations and communities. They constitute an expression of the
people's identity who find in carnivals the time and place to give
free rein to their needs of recreation and enjoyment, in a process in
which the same individuals are the actors and participants of the
festivity. Carnivals express the health of the popular cultural
manifestations of a territory and they are part of the historical
memory of the communities and constitute a symbol of their
identity.
Those who daily work on economic issues related to culture, are
aware that the links between culture and economy usually occur
through a relationship of mutual complaints: the first argues that the
second prevents the realization of its dreams by not ensuring the
achievement them, the second argues that to make those dreams fly
it is necessary to have wings and a clear path, in the first place.
"When you consider the artistic and literary creation as an
entertainment- forgetting its value as a reflection and synthetic
expression of emotions and values of society- and the economy as
the mechanism producer of material welfare, human nature is being
diminished, the most valuable of its own creation which is the
thought that generates prosperity and spirituality."(2)
"The carnival is defined as a festivity that occurs in large open
spaces in an urban environment, which is celebrated by the general
people without distinction of classes, creed or race. It has a movable
character as its characteristic elements such as comparsas, bands,
floats, characters and others are constantly moving from place to
place. At the same time it is an expression of almost all the popular
and traditional cultural manifestations that have gone through a
process of transculturation and development, which are
characteristic of the idiosyncrasies of the community. "(1)
The fact is that, in the relationship between culture and economy,
one without the other constitutes incomplete elements without the
real possibility of fulfillment and success.
The economy deals with the processes of production, distribution,
marketing and consumption of goods and services produced in any
society. In any study on the economic variables associated to a
cultural event, it is sensible to consider the extent, at least from a
conceptual standpoint, of its value. This relies on the clear and
correct definition of the product and on the analysis of the variables
that affect the supply and demand of the product to be consumed.
It should be noted that these activities occur in a broad process of
integration that involves most of the sectors that are part of the
community. These are not only cultural entities but also involve
other social sectors that complement the cultural activity, which
constitutes the axis itself.
The carnivals exert a cohesive function as they can be the space for
the collective initiatives generated by the community which creates
and sustains them. They also reflect the organizational forms and
structures present in the community. That is why the economic
dimension of the carnivals plays an important role by giving the
festival a real opportunity to turn community's aspirations into
reality.
The carnivals and other festive activities can be classified as
cultural products. Cultural products in general are characterized by
their high level of uniqueness because they meet their own
qualities that are inherent in the cultural codes of the human
communities that generate them. This made them carriers of a sense
of identity that marks them on their relationship to the market where
they are offered. This even happens in a world as globalized as this
of our own times, where products of the so-called cultural industry,
such as the audiovisuals, tend to be swept by a homogenizing
stream derived, basically, from the transculturation and the
hegemony of the media.
The topic addressed in this paper focuses its analysis, from an
economic perspective, on the Havana City Carnival, an event that
has a great history of popular mobilization. It is a traditional festival
in the history of the city and, in recent times, it has been affected by
the economic and social crisis the country has gone through,
leading the event to a state of stagnation and insecurity which still
remains, despite the efforts of the institutions related to the subject.
This uniqueness along with the aesthetic quality that often cultural
products carry, mark an essential quality that values the cultural
1
product when its behavior is analyzed in terms of offer. The
specificity and other characteristics, such as certain attributes, can
raise the value of a product or service, as it is a distinct, recognized
and understood quality, and therefore, it is usually reflected in the
market through prices.
symbolic and social relationships rooted in the society where the
festival takes place, which give body to its content.
The carnival has among its defining characteristics and by its own
nature to be an event of mass gathering. This characteristic favors
the behavior of the demand for its extensive potential, as well as
strengthens the differentiating elements that its own consumers
contribute when they participate in the event as actors, thus
fostering a greater value in the offer. The latter is due to the fact that
the massive festivities of carnival-type are cultural products of
genuine and high autochthonous value because, by nature, they are
events “very little industrialized” and with a high degree of social
participation, which gives them a level of authenticity that is
difficult to imitate and/or reproduce in prefabricated or controlled
environments. This is true even if in their organization and artistic
contents are present, in some cases, transnationalized elements.
The interaction with the community present at this event differs
from any other in another context.
This sometimes tends to be identified with the value that in the
practice is added to the existing material value. It often relates to the
symbolic value or identity quality that it contains. This surplus is set
in the award by social recognition, which incorporates the price of a
product or service. Among the intangible features that alter the
value are the prestige, the aesthetic quality, the professionalism, the
cultural value, the historical memory, etc.
Also when a given product is analyzed in terms of the offer, it must
be taken into account how few are the qualities that it provides.
Even when in the value of a product it is also considered its
attractiveness and the magnitude and qualities derived from the
process and technologies of elaboration, its shortage also affects the
final price as an element that forms the consumers' criterion of the
value attached to the product. From the standpoint of the offer, a
product or service of easy availability and a broad market presence
tends, in general, to decrease its value which is reflected in its price.
However, if the condition of the product is that of a severe shortage,
the price the consumers are willing to pay tends to rise.
Economic value associated to a cultural event
Carnival
Cultural
content
Festive
atmosphere
scarce
singular
universal
restricted
offer
raises
the value
recognition
of intangible
assets raises
the value
Temporary
character
Moreover, the analysis of the demand is another essential element
for the elaboration of goods or products intended to enter any
market. It has an impact on the value insofar it expresses the patent
need that future beneficiaries demand on the good or service.
Opposite to the offer, the demand pushes up the price of the good or
service insofar it is broader and universal.
The demand for cultural products in modern times tends to be
broader. This is the result of the desire of humans to learn and
expand their universe of knowledge derived from the expansion of
educational levels and the possibilities that technology has made
available to human civilization especially since the second half of
the twentieth century. The increased importance given to leisure
and the use of free time also contributes to this phenomenon. The
most eloquent exponents of this increasing trend on the demand for
cultural products can be found in the rise of tourism, and within it,
its cultural aspect as well as in the growth levels of the products
derived from the audiovisual industry. Men increasingly want to
know more how their peers live, their customs and traditions. At the
same time they want to fully enjoy their free time and the pleasures
that life provides.
Limited and
recognized offer
High value
Broad and
varied demand
In this way, we have in one the one hand an event that takes place
once in a year, as was mentioned above, to which it is added a
cultural content that gives it peculiar attractions and enough
uniqueness as to raise the value as a "prize". This also contributes to
the recognition of its immaterial assets associated with the cultural
traditions of the place where the festival takes place. These two
elements (those of a temporary nature and cultural content)
generate a time limited offer that is also recognized by their artistic
and sociocultural values.
The carnival as an economic event
The carnival has its own demonstrations against these criteria. First,
when analyzing the offer side it can be considered as a productservice because it is a relatively scarce event that normally occurs
only once a year.
Moreover, the festive atmosphere of the carnival makes it a creditor
of a universal demand once it can accommodate, by its own nature,
a wide spectrum of social sectors, which expect to find in it a space
and an opportunity to consume products and services of a wide
range and diversity.
The celebration of carnivals or festivals in other cities in the region
or even in the country itself need not affect or be affected by its
singular relative scarcity, as the city and the socio-cultural context
where the carnival is normally developed mark their difference.
This combination of features makes the carnival, from a conceptual
point of view, an event of high economic potential. However, this
"potential" should not be confused with the "economic impact" that
is obtained from it. Its economic impact, positive or negative,
becomes a consequence of a proper connection and combination of
economic factors and dimensions that will be reflected, one the one
The above mentioned is explained by aspects that define the
attributes or own attractions that the carnivals may have such as the
aesthetics, the music, the rhythm, the color, the light, the taste and
the odor, among other qualities derived from the cultural roots and
2
hand, on the costs that should be incorporated to achieve the
objectives of the carnival. On the other hand, it will reflect the
income levels that are reached in the management of the carnival,
insofar they organize and coordinate the procedures that guarantee
that all this potential finds its proper channel.
The comparsas were the bearers of the traditions and more
autochthonous cultural expressions that took place in the carnivals.
Their roots were deeply rooted in the neighborhoods that gave
origin and protection to them. Each comparsa represented a
neighborhood from the capital and they were the places from where
comparsas went out to participate in the carnival representations
annually.
To the above it should be noted that, in the case of the carnivals,
there is a particularity since they bring a number of other processes
and services that form a collection of varied activities that take
place around the same objective. This provides a synergy that leads
to an effective assembly and coordination as long as those involved
play their role. In the same way the failure or malfunctioning of one
or more of these elements can lead to a breakdown or even the
collapse of the carnival. Among these factors involved in the
activities that make up the Carnival, especially the Havana carnival,
those which are not involved directly in the cultural activity but
constitute essential complements of it should be highlighted. They
are the food services, the commercial activity, the security services,
the public transport facilities and the services for packaging and
urban hygiene.
In this way the working-class neighborhoods like Los Sitios, Jesús
María, El Cerro, Cayo Hueso, Atarés, Belén and others, were
represented in the carnival through their comparsas named Las
Bolleras, The Gardener, The Scorpion, Los componedores de
Batea, The Marqueses or Los Dandys. These neighborhoods gave
life to the comparsas not only because their members lived in them
but because the communities participated in their supplying and
economic support by collecting things, doing garage sales, and
other forms of popular support. In this way the comparsas prepared
their presentations in the neighborhoods where they had their
mainstay.
In the early decades of the twentieth century, a new element is
incorporated to these feasts following the first North American
influence in the Republican period: the floats, which would add
more complex elements in the scene and atmosphere of the carnival
and, at the same time, would add more color and majesty to it,
stressing the commercial aspect that gave floats a place in these
festivities.
Background of the Havana City carnival
According to scholars, the Havana carnival has its roots in the
European origin celebrations of the Shrovetide. Since the
seventeenth century, in mid-February, tours from white
neighborhoods and, parallely of European origin groups of
disguised black people, took to the streets. The other source of
nourishing value was the Epiphany celebration, held since the early
nineteenth century, when masters let their slaves free for a day to
have their dances and traditions, to take part in those celebrations
and to organize their cabildo. (Nota del traductor al final )
Clubs near the area of the carnival were integrated to this festive
atmosphere including the arcades of hotels. Female orchestras,
mainly, delighted the population.
Associations, neighborhood or aristocratic clubs performed
carnival dances. The latter not only did their carnival festivities but
also organized comparsas integrated by club members that varied
the topic of their performances every year. The interesting fact is
that they almost always ended up parading in the carnival. (4)
From the fusion and symbiosis of these two events comes the
Havana carnival.
In 1902 the first Havana carnival of the twentieth century is
organized. The provincial government issued a regulation for this
celebration. In 1908 the election of the Queen of the Carnival and
her Ladies happened for the first time.
The carnival parades took place in different parts of the city, the
Calzada de La Reina, the Alameda de Paula, and the Paseo del
Prado, were arteries where Havana festivities occurred throughout
the colonial period and the first half of the Republican twentieth
century. The streets were decorated for the occasion and, mostly in
the 40s and 50s, when its commercialization gained prominence,
the surroundings of the Paseo del Prado and the Parque Central
turned carnival nights into lit evenings with major size
commercials, and making use of aesthetic resources of the
commercial advertising that were placed on walls, fences and the
floats participating in the carnival.
In 1914 the Republican government banned the parades of
traditional comparsas. These groups remained active in their
neighborhoods until 1937, when they come to participate in the
celebrations again.
These celebrations have evolved over time, making them a feast of
broad roots and popularity. People from all social classes joined
them. Over time they became more open and inclusive for all races,
social classes and genders.
Havana carnivals were marked by the comparsas, which identified
the capital districts.
"La Comparsa Habanera is simply a company of members dressed
to represent a collective theme. It has its music, dances, songs,
pantomimes. It represents a folk event, street theater performance
or a step of procession."
The core activity of comparsas had its center in the various districts
of the city. In the early twentieth century they left aside their cabildo
features to take on new issues related to their socioeconomic and
cultural contexts. The 40's mark the moment when the comparsas
parade in a stable fashion, with their lamps, choreographed dances,
songs, music, to the rhythm of the congas that express the Cuban
identity with unique nobility.(3)
After the political change occurred when the triumph of the
Revolution of 1959, the capital carnival continued being a great
festivity that did not escape from the new imprints that took place in
the country.
Sponsorship offered by business entities and companies soon
began to die out as they were withdrawing from the country or were
nationalized. Then the state funds that were intended to promote
and ensure - through the organizations created for this purpose - the
performance and promotion of the growing cultural and
recreational life of citizens occupied the place of the former
sponsors.
3
1996 (6). However, taking them up again has had numerous
setbacks and challenges in addition to those that already came over
from the late 80's.
With the passage of time traditions like the election of the so-called
Queen of Carnival and their Bright stars were abolished as it was
considered incompatible with the ideological and cultural
developments that were taking place in the Cuban society. The
timing of the carnival also changed several times, according to
economic trends and policies, setting aside the religious motives
that gave rise to these festivities.
In poll results published by the magazine Bohemia, in September
2006, consulted residents in the capital criticized "the disruption,
the difficulties when buying tickets, the difficulties for dancing
along with the favorite comparsa or the excessive centralization of
the Carnival in one area of the city, besides the great majority of
complaints about fights and drunkenness”. Later it adds "contrary
to what happens in other parts of the island, the capital citizens have
practically no sense of belonging for their carnivals” (7)
However, according to experts, the decades of the 60's and 70's
were the period of greatest glory of the carnival in the capital. This
period coincides with the time when new social forces that emerged
from the revolutionary victory overflowed their space also to the
cultural fields, as a result of a cultural policy destined to this.
Many of these difficulties have an economic cause, but others have
to do with the own identity of the carnival and with its design as a
cultural product.
The floats were assumed by the ministries, standing out by their
aesthetic beauty, originality and variety of their designs. The
emergence of artistic comparsas belonging to labor unions and
student centers did not undermine the essence of the popular
participation of the party, but harmonically enriched the basic
elements of it, confirming that tradition is not a dormant or finished
product, but a dynamic process. Comparsas parades, floats parades,
muñecotes, and the election of Queens and their Bright stars, were
compliant with the neighborhood comparsas that, at that time, were
considered traditional. (5)
While some of the present problems in the carnival are derived from
the implementation of measures taken in the light of certain
economic situations..., others partly come from wrong
interpretations or the ignorance of the character, behavior and
mechanisms of self protection and self preservation in all
traditional folk culture. (8)
Among the most important problems are the passive role ascribed
to the participants and people in general in the design and execution
of these events, mainly reflected in the restrictions of movement
and participation of the audience.
With the prominence achieved in the carnivals by unions, mass
organizations, students and workers, the new social actors enriched
the life of the carnival with their initiatives and resources within
their reach. They added to the motivation for their participation in it,
a sense of belonging to the place of study or work, a characteristic of
the psychology and the new ways of thinking of the new times.
The carnival has been changing from a festive event to a
predominant theatrical show of walks and parades. The principles
of the festivity such as the sociocultural and participatory process,
which were the foundations for the party, started to distort.
Performances ceased to be for the people, and began to be
performed for the Panel of Judges, instead. (9)
Another commendable novelty was then appreciated with the effort
to include children in the rescue of carnival traditions with the Kids
Carnival. These events were dedicated and performed by the
children, a sample of what has been achieved in this endeavor.
This tradition has been disrupted by a great outdoor cabaret show
which has represented, therefore, a partial triumph of trivialization.
(10)
In this way the carnival was able to keep its place in the popular
imagination. It became an outstanding option in relation to the
recreation and entertainment for the people of the capital.
The above is a crucial element in the fate of the carnival.
As an adverse element it can also be mentioned the intermittency in
the execution of the Havana carnival, held annually or according to
the situation. There are also changes on its timing, thus
disconnecting it from its religious origin. All these factors produce
a deep uncertainty about the festivity.
Some problems with the present Havana carnival
However, at the end of the 80's and mainly in the 90's, Havana
carnivals fell into an economic and organizational decline which,
deep into the first decade of the twenty-first century, they show their
cumulative adverse outcomes. Their integrity as cultural events,
their image before the citizens and the diversity of functions and
offers that they once provided, are seriously deteriorated.
To the above mentioned it can be added that, when the carnival
takes place, the propaganda about its execution is virtually nonexistent or of very limited dissemination. For this reason, these
events take place without experiencing a festive atmosphere in the
city. The information in the media is almost always pure
informative reviews and news, not creating, therefore, a "carnival
atmosphere" around what should be the greatest feast of the nation,
so as to encourage people's awareness and participation in the
event. In this sense, the banners, signs, posters, urban billboards
and advertisements, design competitions or television spots are
generally absent in these celebrations.
The acute economic crisis that emerged in the early 90's, following
the demise of the Soviet Union and the allies of the socialist
countries of Eastern Europe- led the Cuban economy and the entire
society to suffer the consequences of the abrupt loss of markets for
raw materials suppliers and recipients of major Cuban export.
The Cuban GDP fell by over 30% and imports fell by 80%. These
realities shook the socioeconomic structure of the Cuban nation,
contributing to this the measures taken by the U.S. administrations
on the reinforcement of the economic blockade aimed to limit even
more the already restricted maneuvering capacities of the Cuban
State.
The services related to the carnival like food, which are of a great
importance in these events, generate dissatisfaction because of
their material and organizational constraints. Food and beverage
stalls are often overcrowded. The sales of beverages have
At this scene of crisis, the Havana carnivals celebrations were
suspended for several years since 1991 resuming them again in
4
sometimes been oversized or poorly managed, thus causing
disturbances that have marked many of the capital citizens with an
unfavorable image of the carnival.
in terms of potential resources, predominating opportunities for
entities that are subordinated to a branch or sector compared to
those of territorial subordination. So, the possibilities of the entities
and units subordinated to local government levels are much more
limited on the issue of the collection and distribution of resources,
particularly in the case of the CUC currency. This naturally affects
the carnival once its organization is basically territorial and the
entities involved in it operate from the local area and budget.
Economic context since the 90's and its relationship with the
Havana carnival
Undoubtedly, the development of Havana Carnival has been
affected by the dynamics, patterns and situations in which the
Cuban society in general, has been immersed. This has been
particularly unfavorable since the 90's.
To cope with these difficulties in recent years the country has made
up what are known as Prioritized Programs, consisting of projects
of primarily social interest which are endowed with an extensive
financial and logistical support. Many of these programs include
objectives that have impacts at a local or community scope. To be
inserted in the logic of the Prioritized Programs becomes a
challenge because there are projects whose social and strategic
impact are key to the City and the Nation
From the institutional point of view, the Cuban economy has an
organizational support marked by the weight of the state and a high
centralization. The economic actors are essentially state-owned
companies whose profit margins and action areas are very well
defined. Other non-profit organizations provide services according
to the capacity their assigned budgets predetermine. The scope of
those entities whose role is to generate earnings in convertible
currency is very well defined as well as those which should
generate revenues in national currency to manage the process as
companies.
Since the 90's the Cuban economy is based on the income from
tourism. Sectors such as the productive and of the services have
been revitalized around the tourist industry. The impact has made
this sector to become the locomotive for the Cuban economy.
The difficulty related to the parallel existence of two currencies (the
Cuban peso, CUP and the Cuban convertible peso, CUC) in the
commercial circulation, which are not freely convertible to each
other in the inter-managerial relationships, creates for the Cuban
economy a great number of difficulties in its practical development.
If it is difficult to explain and understand the interaction of
quantities measured with different currencies in the same economic
body, it is even more difficult to interact with this reality by
imposing the same operational constraints that are supplied with
distributive mechanisms of allocations and of bureaucratic nature.
Although the policy of developing tourism in Cuba has been to
favor the tourist poles of sun and beach, from just over 2 million
tourists who come to our country, over 50% spend the night in the
capital during their stay in Cuba, expressing their will to learn and
accumulate experience in the Cuban capital in various ways and
forms .
However, tourists who visit Havana find few options for their
enjoyment and entertainment. The participation in evening
activities is concentrated on around twenty cabarets or other
centers where the presence of nationals is limited and whose social
composition is not always representative of the local population.
The Havana carnival is normally absent in the offers and options
provided by the organizers of tourism.
The dual currency in the business case is characterized by the
inability of legal persons to change Cuban pesos for other
currencies and also for the overvalued official exchange rate of the
Cuban peso; for legal persons one Cuban peso equals one CUC.
The dual currency damages businesses that operate in Cuban pesos.
The functioning of these enterprises is limited by the fact that they
can not buy foreign currency or convertible pesos with Cuban
pesos. For the companies that take in Cuban pesos it is very difficult
to make the necessary imports to complete their economic cycle.
Havana carnival organization
At present the Havana Carnival is organized through the
coordinated action of the cultural institutions responsible for it,
which belong to the Provincial Office of Culture of Havana city.
This entity, subordinated to the city government through its
institutions and agencies, gather the artists and participants in the
organization and execution of the carnival.
Because of these restrictions, the companies have the incentive to
commercialize everything in convertible pesos. The business sector
leaves or does not devote all its efforts to develop very important
activities for the country. It has the limitation that goods should be
marketed in Cuban pesos. These resources can not be used for the
companies, due to a lack of an exchange mechanism for the Cuban
peso in this sector. (11)
Among the institutions with a relevant role in the carnival execution
is the Center for the Production of the Carnival and Cultural Events
of Havana City, an institution whose purpose is clearly linked to the
organization and carrying out of the Havana Carnival festivities.
Having originated in 1977 with the name of Show and Carnival
Provincial Budgeted Unit, this institution has 12 artistic units,
including 7 traditional comparsas and 4 contemporary comparsas.
It also holds a part of the logistics for events of massive cut in public
areas such as platforms, boxes, stands, guard railings, chairs and a
limited capacity for audio.
The above mentioned facts impact the Havana Carnival. In its
execution the carnival needs imported goods or some others present
in the internal CUC market. As it was previously mentioned, their
acquisition is difficult because most of the national currency
earnings that are generated in the carnival do not smoothly allow the
acquisition of the foreign currency required for the appropriate
purchase of the necessary goods to complete the natural economic
cycle of this event.
For the organization of the Carnival each year an Organizing
Committee is formed. It is made up by the above entities as well as
others which, within the context of the city, are important for the
carnival execution. In this way it is assured the participation of each
of the institutions responsible for the event regarding with urban
Furthermore, the subordination of each entity is another aspect to
consider in the economic context and in many cases it is definitive
5
To measure some figures that reflect the economic management of
the carnival, the authors of this paper were based on the document
presented by the Provincial Office of Culture to the "Validation of
studies and proposals for the revitalization of the Carnival of
Havana" Workshop that was developed in March 2006 at the
UNESCO's request. The above mentioned investigation, the
"Financial Situation of the 2001, 2003 and 2005 versions of the
Havana Carnival provides data of the economic results obtained in
these editions. These are the only data available for analysis
because those of the 2007 and 2008 versions were not possible to
obtain from the public information sources until present.
sanitary services, public transport, food, security and public order
among others.
The relationship that can be achieved between the organizers of the
carnival and food companies is of crucial importance. The
contribution that these companies make from their income to the
finances of the carnival is of an outstanding importance.
The Havana carnival has taken place in areas of the Malecón in last
decades. It spreads out mostly from the Paseo del Prado to the area
of The Piragua. (12) The parade of floats and comparsas goes
through the Malecón Promenade at night. This vital artery of the
capital is closed to the vehicular traffic since the end of the
afternoon. Boxes are placed along sidewalks and promenades from
Belascoaín Street to the 23rd. Street for the enjoyment of the show.
The box of the Panel of Judges is also placed there.
In the 2001, 2003 and 2005 editions the carnival available budgets
have not exceeded 8 million Cuban pesos. It is also mentioned that
in each edition, the carnivals have had a fund of 100, 000 Cuban
convertible pesos.
On the north and the south sidewalk of the Traditional Malecón as
well as on other surrounding festivity areas, stands, kiosks and sales
areas of food are usually alternately placed. On the perimeter
covering the green areas that are located between 23rd Street and
the Monument to the Maine, opposite the Piragua esplanade, are
food options of higher specialization.
In these budgets should be highlighted as significant the entries for
the payments of artistic talent and the salaries used to pay around
4500 (13) people working in the event with an amount that exceeds
one and a half million pesos. Then by their level of importance,
follow the assurance of food services involved in the festivities as
well as transport and others of less importance.
In all this area there are also located a dozen small shops and food
services from different chains (Habaguanex, Palmares and
CUBALSE) that offer their services in convertible currency and
that, in times of festivities, keep their services, although most of
them are not organically linked to the activities of the carnival.
CARNIVAL 2001-2003-2005
Expenses execution
Financing and Economic Management of three editions of the
Havana City carnival
The Carnival celebrations have been suffering for some time
several difficulties that affect their production. The necessary
resources for their development do not easily flow and they are not
properly managed. This pure economic factor, as has been
mentioned before, is influenced, according to some experts, by
other criteria that qualify, or at least do not consider as absolute, the
economic origin of the dysfunction of the Havana carnival.
To the above mentioned, it should be added that the management of
the Carnival has proved to be disadvantageous in terms of
economic sustainability. The income obtained for the execution of
the carnival is from the sale of boxes (a number that fluctuates
around 6000 capacities), as well as from the contribution that the
kiosks and stalls run by food companies that are placed temporarily
in the areas of the carnival do. According to the previous
information the income obtained from these concepts are not
sufficient to cover the budget provided for the carnival production
being the State the one which assumes and covers these losses.
As it was already explained, these festivities are financed by the
Cuban state since the 60's through entries of the Provincial Budget,
which finances the activities of the carnival through the budgets of
the institutions involved.
The different artistic groups participating in the carnival are paid by
the state institutions that represent them, the commercial
sponsorship is not allowed. Thus, insofar the State has had financial
difficulties, particularly critical since the decade of the 90's, they
have affected the art institutions participating in the carnival.
CARNIVAL 2001-2003-2005
INCOME AND EXPENSES
It should be noted that the greatest difficulties are found in the
ability to finance the convertible currency components to cover the
costs of materials that are necessary to obtain with this currency.
For this reason the areas most affected are those related to the
clothing, the atrezos, floats, audio equipment and other elements
which need, beyond the knowledge and artistic talent, the material
and technological component that influence the quality and
brilliance of an event that by definition should be colorful,
appealing, where the brightness, color and the grandiloquence of its
scenic proposals distinguish it.
6
CARNIVAL 2001-2003-2005
SOURCES OF INCOME
Economic assessment of the present Havana carnival.
In the light of the elements described above, a look at Havana
carnival from the economic perspective, poses adverse results for
its assessment.
Firstly, Havana carnival is presented as a product with design
problems. Its organizers' concept has difficulties to take on the
needs of the public it is aimed at and it is not able to integrate these
needs in the way people expect. There is a clear contradiction
between the demanded and the offered product.
Income from food is considered insufficient taking into account
that in past events revenues from this source were much higher. If
2001 carnival is taken as a reference, which was already very
limited, contributions from food were higher in 4 million pesos than
those of the editions that followed. According to the authors the
causes of this decline were due to the low offer of products. They
also put forward the lack of control on the affidavits of sale from
food outlets.
Another element to consider is the insufficient level of the offers
provided by the carnival, both qualitatively and quantitatively. The
cultural offers that try to rescue the tradition and to include
contemporary elements in their proposals, suffer restrictions in
their staging because of the material constraints that artistic groups
and ensembles have in their production. Apart from the lack of
supplies, food offers have also suffered the severe subjective
limitations that have most of the services offered by such food
companies in the capital. Offers from closed areas designed for the
performance of musical orchestras have been reduced and have
suffered from the same factors mentioned above. There are no other
offers which deserve the people's attention to meet their
consumption needs.
As can be seen the sources of revenue for the Havana Carnival
become scarce. It should be noted that since the 90s, carnival
marketing is limited to the sale of boxes, food and beverages.
Allegorical and typical carnival elements such as masks, pullovers,
whistles and streamers, among others, have been absent from the
Havana carnival for more than a decade.
Havana carnival 2008
As previously stated, the economic statistics that have been
expressed in this paper correspond to the 2001, 2003 and 2005
editions of the Havana carnival. In 2007 and 2008 carnivals were
both held in the months of August, but it was not possible to gain
access to their public statistics. Nevertheless, it should be
considered of great importance the fact that the pattern of
contribution from food companies, especially with beer, changed.
Now the carnival received 70 cents per beer sold. This has favorably
had a great impact on the economy of these festivities by making
them become a sustainable event with no losses.
The uncertainty in the timing of the carnival caused a deterioration
of its solvent demand. The editions under previous analysis were
held intermittently in three different months (August 2001,
November 2003, February 2005, August 2007 and 2008). When
events become traditional, their followers plan and keep their
resources to purchase the offers these activities provide. Despite
being a traditional event the Havana carnival does not have this
advantage effectively, among other reasons due to their mobility in
time and the latent uncertainty about its execution.
The decision of limiting the sales in convertible currency in the
carnival restricts the range of the offer by declining the capacity of
demand that exists in this currency. Even though this situation is not
optimal, it has been a reality for Cubans for more than a decade.
In the 2008 edition, devoted to the 50th anniversary of the Triumph
of the Cuban Revolution, and to the centenary of three of the
traditional comparsas, some improvements made in the staging of
comparsas and performances were observed. It was also noted the
progress in the quality of some of the floats as well as in the
wardrobe of some artistic ensembles.
Prejudice, founded or not, that remains in people about the carnival
atmosphere associated with the social composition of the
attendants and with the social indiscipline, decreases people's
participation, especially from a middle-solvent sector in the
carnival festivities which as a whole, reduces the effective demand
in the areas of the celebrations.
Twelve traditional and contemporary comparsas participated in the
latest edition. Other groups of different artistic media such as the
Ballet of the Cuban television, and from various cabarets of the
capital also enriched the show. Representatives from the National
Circus, the National Folk ensemble, and from the Acrobat Corps of
the Motorized Police also participated, among others.
On the other hand it has to be taken into account that according to
the available data obtained by the authors from their research and
from interviews on this topic, the services and retail businesses
located permanently in the spot of events do not receive a special
benefit, if any, for the celebration of the carnival in their areas and
that the increases obtained by the sales made during carnival time
are not directly due to the celebration itself, and may, in some cases,
represent a decline in income. The managers of these places often
complain that the carnival will cause more inconveniences than
benefits.
The press noted the improvement in urban transport and in the
secure environment of the streets in which there was a significant
progress.
In the last edition it was necessary to reduce significantly the area of
the parade, thus being limited from La Marina Street to La Piragua.
This resulted in last minute organizational changes that reduced the
number of boxes and stands available to attendees.
These facilities offer most of their services in convertible currency.
In times of the carnival the offers provided in the kiosks and outlets
located along the perimeter of the carnival and its nearby areas are
sold in national currency and in affordable prices for the average
Finally, it can be noted that while the recent editions have taken
steps forward with respect to previous editions, they have not been
able to overcome some previously identified difficulties on this
work.
7
citizen. This diverts certain level of customers from convertible
currency retail outlets to temporary national currency ones. The
atmosphere and the type of clientele that flows into these areas
during Carnival, does not often match with the one that usually
attends the carnival. This entire unfavorable situation of divorce
between the interests of those facilities and the reality that is
imposed to them during carnival has its cause in that the products
and services offered by them do not fit the logic with which the
carnival is organized.
Cultural facilities in service on December 31st, 2007
However, in recent decades, Havana has become a city with a
marked lack of recreational options (especially of a festive
character). This lack is evident in the eagerness with which Cuban
people receive any new cultural offer. Depending on the type of
activity this will generate an audience that sometimes exceeds the
available capacities. In this respect, among the recreational options
that are available in the capital there are two Houses of Music from
EGREM. They have large air-conditioned rooms which offer the
performances of orchestras and groups of diverse content and
format. In the absence of live music they offer recorded music as
well as light food services. Although a part of the services these
centers provide are primarily commercialized in convertible
currency and among the audience the international tourists are
present, the regular audience is mostly local. We should not lose
sight of the fact that these places have a monthly average income of
80 thousand CUC that is equivalent to about 2 million pesos
according to the current exchange rate, (1 CUC = 25 CUP) .
All the above mentioned elements show on one side a low level
offer and by the other side there is a depressed level of demand,
which brings about an event of low economic value.
Havana carnival potential
In spite of the above considerations about the Havana carnival, it
has conditions and potentialities- considering its opportunities to
generate resources- to become not only a significant cultural but
also a sustainable event .
It should be noted that the Havana carnival can enjoy the inherent
advantages of being held in the Cuban capital. The carnival takes
place in the most cosmopolitan and internationally-known city of
Cuba, Havana city. This element adds a notorious and free
intangible value to this carnival without any cost. When the
recognition of the uniqueness exceeds the boundaries of a city or a
country, as it should be in this case, a very favorable logic in trade
and economic terms is produced, as the intangible value of the
product or service becomes clearer and higher.
Considering the size of the possible demand of the Carnival, it
should be known that the Cuban capital accounts for the highest
core population of the country with over 2 million inhabitants.
More than 600 thousand of them are between 20 and 40 years,
being this the age group most prone to demand the type of activities
that is provided in the carnival. It should also be taken into account
the group of population that resides in the capital whose ages are
between 15 and 19 years amounting to 152 thousand inhabitants
and those who are between 40 and 50 years that exceeds 300
thousand persons, who, to a lesser extent, can be considered as
potential consumers of the type of services offered at the carnival.
On the other hand, the recognition of designation of the Havana
carnival can be internationally benefited from already notorious
products or names positioned in the international market such as
Old Havana neighborhood, the Cuban cigars and the Havana Club
rum.
Havana is a city that has the highest participation on the national
economy accounting for 17% of the enterprises and economic
organizations as well as an almost absolute control of all foreign
trade representations. It is the province with the highest average
salary (a 5.6% higher). The 19% of its population participates in the
30% of retail trade, which gives an idea of its consumption capacity
compared to the rest of the nation.
COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION (15)
Age groups from 15 to 50 years
Havana city also concentrates the largest number of educational,
cultural and recreational institutions of the country. Three
renowned cultural activities have also taken place in Havana for
three decades: the International Book Fair, the International
Festival of the New Latin American Cinema and the International
Ballet Festival. These events, beyond the significance they have
outside Cuba, mobilize annually in their editions (especially the
first two) several thousands of citizens eager to consume the
cultural products that these events offer.
With these data we could estimate that the target population to
which the carnival should reach amounts to 1.1 million of Havana
inhabitants. It might be taken as a point o reference that to the latest
editions of the Book Fair -an event of a different nature but that also
requires the mobilization of people to meet their needs for cultural
entertainment and recreation- have attended about 600 thousand
people, at a rate of 60 thousand people daily.
However to achieve this level of participation and acceptance, the
Havana carnival must change some concepts. It is necessary to
redefine controversial points such as the starting points and
8
concepts underlying the carnival, the location and timing, the actors
who lead the organizing process and the financing schemes. All
these elements affect in one way or another, the value of the
carnival.
Regularity and timing
The regularity and timing of these celebrations are another reason
for complaints and controversy around the Havana carnival.
The annual cycle has been subjected to the dictates of the
circumstances so that the tradition in the carnival execution has
ceased. During the 90s these celebrations did not to take place on 5
occasions, coinciding with the most difficult years of the Special
Period. In the period 2000-2008 the carnival has been cancelled 3
times. In this way, the certainty of whether or not there will be
carnival becomes diffuse, which also affects it economically. This
uncertainty causes disruption in the carnival organization; it brings
about unnecessary expenses as well as breaks the possible
consumption habits of the followers of these public celebrations.
The scene
The carnival has passed through various stages throughout its
history. Since the 60's the carnival seemed to find its permanent site
along the Havana Malecón and the extension of its route has varied
at different stages.
In the last decades the perimeter of the development area of the
carnival extends 2.6 km along the Malecón from the La Punta
Castle to the area of La Piragua.(16) Of this extension 1.3 km
corresponds to the stretch called Malecón Tradicional. In one of its
sidewalks there are old residential buildings with a high level of
deterioration, so that the carnival activity in this area is limited in
space and intensity of use. The areas for the location of boxes span
half kilometer from Parque Maceo up to the 23rd street and the
maximum width between sidewalks -the path where floats and
comparsas must parade- can reach up to 15 meters in some sections.
Moreover, in the 6 years that these festivities have taken place in the
past decade, they have been held in 4 different dates.
The truth is that the tradition marked February as the time when the
carnivals took place. This date had a religious origin and
motivation. However, for the most of the people in Havana the
custom dates this celebration in the holiday season between July
and August, because the majority of the population has celebrated
the carnivals in these months. There are also favorable criteria for
the execution of the carnival in February, not only to rescue the
tradition, but with the aim to make the most of the tourist season
and to avoid the disruption caused by summer rains.
The decision to move the carnival to the holiday period so as not to
affect the productive work, basically, the sugar harvest, could be
reassessed in the present circumstances. However, whether the
carnival is celebrated in February or in July or August, it would be
appropriate to reach a consensus and define the timing of these
festivities so as to eliminate the level of uncertainty that affects the
credibility of the celebration. When timing the event, it should be
taken into account the current circumstances and other realities that
mark the relevance of the change.
This artery has undoubtedly some of the essential qualities to
function as the scene of the Havana carnival. Known as the Balcony
of Havana, the Malecón is a central location very close to
residential areas with high commercial, tourist, cultural and health
benefits. The fact it is bordered by three other municipalities -one of
them being the most densely populated in the capital- makes this
artery a location with a high level of accessibility. The degree of
identity that Havana people have with this promenade is very high.
The memories of the great carnival parades that took place in this
site remain in the memory of many generations of Cubans. This
symbolism may be the biggest barrier in the effort to give the
carnival a new location.
However, experts believe the Malecón is no longer a good place for
the execution of the carnival. Scenographic difficulties and
limitations of space that conspire against public accessibility to the
carnival area are among the reasons which support this idea.
This contrasts with what happens in the Film Festival. It is well
known that many people plan their holidays for the first half of
December in order to enjoy with more intensity the Seventh Art
offers provided by this event.
Some specialists consider the Plaza de la Revolución as an
alternative scene, including the stretch of the Avenida Paseo from
Zapata to Veinte de Mayo streets (17). This area is also accessible
and centrally located, but not as the Malecón, and the public would
not associate it with this type of festivity.
However, this new link between event and venue could be achieved
with proper promotion. The most obvious example is the Book Fair.
Many would not have conceived the Cabaña Fortress as the
appropriate place for this popular literary event because of its
previous use as a prison and military unit. Today the association
between this area and the above mentioned event is very well
assimilated by people who attend it, despite the difficulties of
access to the place.
Changing concepts
One aspect that may promote the development of the Havana
carnival, as we said earlier, is that it takes place in the nation's
capital. However, this fact is the source of some complexities
arising from the socio-economic context, as in Havana the
importance of the local events is often displaced or absorbed by the
importance of events of national connotation developed in the
capital. And here is one of the elements that must be changed in
order to give the Havana carnival the place it deserves.
The Havana carnival should transcend beyond the province where
it takes place. Being Havana the capital of the Cuban nation, the
connotation of its carnival, its biggest celebration, is remarkable. It
exceeds the framework of a municipal or provincial carnival. The
various sectors that make up the society of the capital, and the
actors who represent them, must become aware of the importance
that the carnivals have for the city. Consequently, they must assume
the roles that correspond to them in the event. In this sense, it is
relevant and necessary to give a hierarchical structure to this
celebration very well and to put on its organizers' hands the real
possibilities to carry out their task by making available the
The proposal of the Plaza as a new carnival location has the
advantage of having a continuous path of 30 meters in width
without central separators along one kilometer. This multiplies, at
least by 3, the possibilities for the placement of boxes, which also
increases public participation and leads to an increase of income for
this concept.
This area of over 3000 mts ², gives the possibility of offering other
types of activities and services in its entire extension as well as in
the avenues that give access to it.
9
resources and opportunities for the coordination, the management
and the call, above all.(18)
Arribo
de Turistas
a Cuba
Tourists'arrival
to Cuba
2,500,000
In any scene the carnival should cease to be only a matter of the
authorities of the provincial government and its culture entities to
become the concern of all institutions and sectors that are in the city.
The mechanisms for participation in the management, preparation
and implementation of the carnival should accommodate the
various ways in which the Cuban society is organized. This
includes the community groups (19) (making the assumption that
the carnival is a festival that people give to themselves) as well as
the organizations of the central state administration that support the
event with their resources. The best memories about carnivals are
those when the workplaces, unions, and students' organizations
actively participated in these festivities.
2,000,000
1,500,000
1,000,000
500,000
0
90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04 05 06 07
International
tourists'
arrival 2007
Arribo
de Turistas
Internacionales
2007
180,000
Only in this way, calling, and involving all members of the Havana
society and its economic actors, the carnival will find means and
resources for its medium term implementation, increasing the
possibilities and quality of the offers and diversifying the sources of
the resources.
160,000
140,000
120,000
Resto del País
La Habana
100,000
80,000
60,000
40,000
During carnival time Havana must feel a party atmosphere. Nobody
should feel excluded and the interests of each part of the capital
should be taken into account. The cultural, gastronomic and
commercial life of the city must be literally "moved" to the site of
the celebration. This should generate coordinated actions to enable
those who are active on a regular basis in the area, with a source of
income to cover expenses incurred by the temporary movement of
their activities, at least for a time.
The best restaurants and food and commercial centers in the capital
should be present in the areas of the carnival, the best of our culture
and our art should be represented there. The parades of floats,
comparsas, masked balls, masquerades and the Cuban traditional
dances are the events that gather more people and which produce
the primary energy of this show. The artistic ingredients of the event
might be increased with dance, drama, non-dancing music, fashion,
and circus, among other attractions.
20,000
0
ene feb mar abr may jun
jul ago sep oct nov dic
Almost half of the tourists who come to Cuba, enter through the
airport in the capital although all major tourist poles have
international airports. The importance of the capital in the visitors'
arrival becomes greater between May and October, coinciding with
the months of lowest presence of sun and beach tourism.
Havana city is in the second position in the number of tourists/days,
only preceded by the tourist pole of Varadero. In 2007, the figure
rose to 3.0 million tourists/days representing 20% of the total
number in the country. Havana city also occupies the second place
in the number of rooms for international tourism with around
10,509 rooms, which represent 22% of the capacities in the
country. (20).
In this way, the Havana carnival -through its plurality- can raise its
uniqueness favored by the rich national culture and the assimilation
of the intellectual and innovative capacity created by the nation,
thus raising the quality and consequent value of the offered cultural
product.
If this event is well organized and promoted, it will generate a
notable flow of people. From the point of view of the demand, the
carnival has the virtue of its universality. Therefore, the greater and
broader range of options, the greater the chance of capturing
unsatisfied demands. The notable flow of people will no doubt have
a favorable effect on the finances of the carnival.
Tourism: option and challenge
As was previously mentioned tourism was the path chosen in the
Cuban strategy for its development since the last decade of the last
century. In this endeavor the approach was to develop - in a
privileged fashion- tourist poles of sun and sand, which are far from
the capital. But life has shown the interest of tourists to visit and
stay in Havana
10
Capacities of accommodation in tourist poles, 2007
Establishments
Rooms
Capacities
Establishments
Rooms
Capacities
to complement those that are necessary to give the carnival the
splendor and dignity it deserves.
However, the length of stay index of international tourism in the
capital in 2007 amounted to 2 days which is considered very low.
This affects negatively the number of tourists/days reported by the
hotels of the capital that reveal stagnation compared to the reported
increasing tendency in this index in the rest of the country.
The inclusion of the carnival in the tourist packages and programs
that the product Cuba offers is not only a need for the organizers of
the carnival, but also a need for the tourist authorities whose tourist
product in Havana city suffers from the lack of options. This
inclusion might be of great interest for the international tourism as
it strengthens the options for a tourist pole that has been at a
standstill since 2002. (21)
While the hotels in the capital have not had the growth in capacities
that other tourist resorts in the country have had, the capital has
reported an increase in the number of physical tourists. So the
stagnation in the behavior of the tourists/days index indicates the
deterioration of the tourists´ stay in Havana hotels.
We should point out, however, that the Havana carnival must avoid
the dangerous path of becoming a spectacle designed for tourists.
This can be prevented by keeping its participatory character, and
avoiding privilege within specific segments of its potential
consumers. It should be kept in mind that the Havana carnival is a
gift that capital residents make for themselves. Tourists are only
visitors. However, the possibilities offered by tourism must be seen
as a challenge rather than a danger.
Tourists/days 2007
Havana city
A possible scene
Measuring and assessing a hypothetical scene for the Havana
carnival is difficult but possible. It can be done on the basis of
assumptions but not certainties which are beyond our scope,
although according to our criteria, these assumptions might be
probable or possible.
rest of the country
The first supposition is based on an obvious need: part of the profits
generated in the carnival should be reinvested on it. This is an
authentic source of accumulation.
Among the reasons for which tourists become interested in coming,
stay, but leave Havana quickly, it is the lack of options in the capital.
Taking into account the above mentioned demographic data of the
Havana city, we can estimate that, under regular conditions, around
375,000 Havana inhabitants could attend this festivity (just over
35% of the potential defined audience). We could also estimate that
one third of these attendees would repeat their visit once more. This
would result in a total of 500 000 people. These celebrations would
last about 10 days so this would mean a daily audience of 50,000
attendees. The event would need to expand its schedule starting
earlier in the day, taking into account the concept of a broader and
more comprehensive celebration that would extend the carnival to
locations outside its main area.
The incorporation of the carnival into the logic and operation of
tourism must become an option the capital must take advantage of
in order to improve the quality of the offers provided to the
international tourism and at the same time to attract new resources
If the capital inhabitants that attend the carnival celebrations
consume an average of 60 CUP in goods or service it produces a
gain of 35%, leaving a profit of 21 CUP/person. (22) This would
favor the carnival income with 10.5 million net CUP. (23)
11
goods for the development of a given activity or subsidies for the
regular operations of the activity.
If these people from Havana would consider possible the purchase
of products for lees than 3 CUC or if half of them consume slightly
less than 6 CUC with a marginal utility of 35%, the carnival could
count with a profit of half a million CUC.(24)
Managed income during carnival
This is the income which is available mostly during the carnival. Its
origin can be as diverse as the carnival itself and its final destination
can be as different as the number of actors and entities that converge
in the execution of the carnival.
If the possibility of the celebration of the carnival in the Plaza de la
Revolución is taken into account, it might be an income of about
800 000 CUP only for the increase in boxes (more than twice the
highest figure in the information above)
- Rental or fees for the use of public spaces
- Entry to the carnival area
- Sales of boxes
- Food service
- Sales of allegorical and festive objects
- Costume rent and sales
- Entry to spaces with programmed shows
- Other services
If from the nearly 90 000 foreign tourists arriving in the capital in
August, half of the 30 thousand who arrive during the 10 days of the
carnival will decide to attend it, this would represent about 15
thousand tourists visiting the carnivals throughout the period. If
these tourists would decide to have a food offer of 25 CUC with a
convertible currency trade margin of 50%, the carnival would get
187 500 CUC of net income for this concept.(25) If half of the
above mentioned tourists who decide to enjoy the carnival from a
box –for which they have to pay 6 CUC- the carnival would obtain
45 000 CUC for this concept.(26) In 10 days of carnival it would be
received just over 232 000 CUC.
Rights on the marketing of special products
These are rights to commercialize products in the area of the
carnival whose benefits or part of them are considered unique for
the support of the festival. This might involve slight increases in the
prices of the chosen products. Specific products are also those
whose offer is exclusive to the organizers of the carnival but that are
sold by third parties in the carnival areas.
If these assumptions are met, this hypothetical carnival edition
could move a budget of 11.3 million CUP and around 700 000 CUC
annually.
Donations
They can be divided into two according to their origin: donations
from foreign or national entities and private donations. Private
donations for these purposes usually take the form of collections to
finance specific aspects, as well as the monetary contributions of
associations and groups of contributing people.
As can be seen the most sensitive parameter in terms of financial
impact is the amount of public that are mobilized to the carnival. It
determines the volume of money that can be handled taking into
account a basic premise, the diversity of offers that are there to
spend on, in both quantity and quality.
Possible financing ways of the carnivals
Loans
It is the mobilization of financial resources of authorized entities
according to specific conditions of financing. The capture of loans
is linked to the credibility of the requesting entity, to the destiny
where the resource is located, and to the warranties that may be
offered. The dimension and terms of the loan will be based on the
risk-return analysis.
The successful development of major events would not be possible
without the specific, careful and well calculated design of their
financial support. One can even state that in many places these
festivities are conceived within a framework that serves as a
container for a wide range of options, organized around an
economic dynamics more than a cultural one or to the existence of a
genuine tradition.(27)
Conclusions
While the essence and purpose of the carnival lies in its cultural and
artistic content, its economic connotation is boosted as it is an event
that can reach great intensity and massive participation and where
different activities, factors and actors are interwoven.
The carnivals are typically organized by entities formed or
authorized by the local governments of the cities where they will
develop. They may or may not be of an entrepreneurial character.
Funds usually come from private donations, budgetary allocations
of government entities, duties or fees for concessions, licenses for
the use of public spaces that are charged to individuals or
corporations, as well as the collection charge of some services.
The carnival as an economic event must have its own logic which is
decisive in distinguishing it from other economic activities. This
distinction assumes that this is a temporary activity but that it
concentrates a great variety of options, and thus creates a context of
scale economies, and promotes and facilitates the consumption of
goods and services. Its structure as well as its functional logic must
be articulated in a temporal and spatial framework to have a
festivity of true singularity.
Some of the sources that can be identified to achieve the funding of
the carnival, as for any other activity to be funded are:
- Public Transfers
- Managed income during the carnival
- Donations
- Contributions or special rights
- Bank Loans
The universe of activities –principal and complementary- that is
developed during a carnival defines it as a mega product that can
generate a significant financial movement only depending on its
integrative capacity, its quality, variety and design. These aspects
can make a carnival change from being a simple opportunity into a
great stronghold.
Transfers
Public transfers are divided into two types. According to the
circumstances there may be transfers of capital to purchase capital
12
necesaria”.Centro de Investigación y Desarrollo de la Cultura
Cubana Juan Marinello. Taller: “Validación de estudios y
propuestas para la revitalización del Carnaval de La Habana”,
Ciudad de La Habana, 28 -30 de marzo del 2006
In the present situation the Havana carnival has a number of
weaknesses that increase the threats of its complex environment. Its
organizers should rethink the carnival as a whole. Not only have the
economic problems affected the event. They, undoubtedly, have a
heavy impact on its execution as they can act as a driving force to
lessen motivation when organizing the carnival.
- Miguel Barnet y Jesús Guanche: “El Carnaval de La Habana:
pasado, presente y futuro”.Fundación Fernando Ortiz. Taller:
“Validación de estudios y propuestas para la revitalización del
Carnaval de La Habana”, Ciudad de La Habana, 28 -30 de marzo
del 2006
It is vital that the carnival recover its participatory content, its fate
depend on it. It is also true that in the case of designing a festive
activity repeatable over time, it is essential that it be equipped with
economic instruments and financial sources that allow its design
and development, and that can face the necessary and progressive
renewal of its infrastructure.
- Bermúdez Domínguez, José Ramón: “Situación Financiera de las
versiones 2001, 2003 y 2005 del Carnaval de La Habana”.
Dirección Provincial de Cultura de la Ciudad de La Habana. Taller:
“Validación de estudios y propuestas para la revitalización del
Carnaval de La Habana”, Ciudad de La Habana, 28 -30 de marzo
del 2006
The demand and participation of national public can be assured by
providing artistic shows of high quality and a range of quality offers
in national currency (CUP). Two other aspects of carnival
celebration that should be guaranteed for its success are the safety
and the transport.
- Colectivo de Autores: “La fiesta, la otra cara del patrimonio.
Valoración de su impacto económico cultural y social”. Edición del
Convenio Andrés Bello, 2004
The market demand of tourists can be guaranteed as long as the
national demand is successful, as the tourists come to Havana to see
the city and its people, and all celebrations with high public
participation attract them powerfully. A variety of cultural events of
high quality must be provided, with a range of commercial and
service offer of international quality that guarantee tourist presence
as well as the consumption in the carnival area. In this sense, the key
will be not to separate both offers with physical, psychological or
spatial barriers, but mix them throughout the entire site that houses
the great urban festival.
- Colectivo de Autores: “Patrimonio Cultural en la Tradición del
Carnaval. Serie: La Fiesta, Cartografía de la Memoria”. Instituto
Iberoamericano del Patrimonio Natural y Cultural, IPANC. 2007.
Quito.
- García Canclinni, Néstor: Economía y Cultura: Los países latinos
e n l a e s f e r a p ú b l i c a t r a n s n a c i o n a l . w w w. c a m p u s oei.org/tres_espacios/icoloquio11.htm
- Pavel Vidal, Alejandro: “Redimensionando la dualidad
monetaria”. www.ecaminos.org
The carnival can become, without any doubt, one of the largest
entertainment attractions in the city. It should be an anticipated
desired event that will be long remembered until the next delivery.
At the same time, it should allow the increase of the capacity in the
tourist income collection of the country and promote increasing
flows of tourists and visitors to this particular festivity. Above all,
the carnival should be a plural, supportive, and a non-privileged
event that provides the possibility of free choosing. The Carnival
deserves it. Havana people too.
- Domínguez, Sergio: “Tras la farola de Oggun, un Carnaval a La
Ceiba”, Revista La Jiribilla 199. Febrero 2005.
- Salazar, Alberto: “Carnavales sin sombras en La Habana”.
Cubarte, 16 de noviembre 2003.
- Soto Smith, Alicia: “La Habana a ritmo de carnaval”. Cubarte, 9
de julio 2007.
Bibliography
- Feliú Herrera, Virtudes: “Valoración histórica de la gestión del
Carnaval de La Habana”. Dirección Provincial de Cultura de la
Ciudad de La Habana. Taller: “Validación de estudios y propuestas
para la revitalización del Carnaval de La Habana”, Ciudad de La
Habana, 28 -30 de marzo del 2006
- Lam, Rafael: “Carnavales en La Habana”Cubarte, 1 de Agosto
2007
- Expósito, Yudi: “Llegaron los carnavales al Malecón Habanero”
31 de julio del 2008, www.radiorebelde.com.cu
- García Lorenzo, Tania: “La economía de la cultura y el desarrollo:
creación y mercado”.Centro de Investigación y Desarrollo de la
Cultura Cubana Juan Marinello. Revista Temas No. 54
- Oramas, Ada: “Contrastes y antagonismos en el Carnaval de La
Habana” CubAhora, 15 de agosto 2008.
- Cesar, Antonieta: “Una serpentina para el carnaval” CubAhora, 14
de julio 2008.
- Mejuto Fornos, Margarita: “Diagnóstico acerca de la
participación comunitaria en el Carnaval de La Habana”. Consejo
Nacional de Casas de Cultura. Taller: “Validación de estudios y
propuestas para la revitalización del Carnaval de La Habana”,
Ciudad de La Habana, 28 -30 de marzo del 2006
- Lam, Rafael: “Fiesta de carnaval en La Habana” CubAhora, 31 de
julio 2008.
- Edith, Dixie: “Carnavales: opción con polémica”.
www.cubaprofunda.org
- Oramas, Ada: “Un carnaval siempre cuestionado” CubAhora, 30
de julio 2008.
- Dennis Moreno, Caridad Santos Gracia, Martha Esquenazi
Pérez: “Carnaval Habanero. Metódica para una reanimación
- Sánchez Cervera, Adonis: “Carnaval Habanero 2008: lo mismo
con lo mismo?” Revista El Caimán Barbudo. Octubre 2008.
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