Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands

Transcription

ParksWatch was created in 1999 as a program of Duke University’s Center
for Tropical Conservation to document the state of protected areas throughout
the Tropics, many of which present a dearth of information concerning their
biological riches and the problems they face.
Through partnerships with in-country NGOs and individuals, ParksWatch
conducts on-the-ground evaluations of protected areas, which analyze threats
to their conservation viability, identify strategies for overcoming those threats,
and help government agencies, NGOs and community groups succeed at
the ultimate goal of strengthening parks in their role as the world’s primary
instrument for the protection of biodiversity.
The publication of this report was made possible by a grant from the Critical
Ecosystems Partnership Fund (CEPF) and the contributions of anonymous
donors.
ParksWatch-Bolivia is member of the ParksWatch network of NGOs, headquartered
at Duke University, North Carolina, USA. ParksWatch has other active programs in
Mexico, Guatemala, Venezuela, Peru, Brazil, and Argentina, and plans to initiate new
programs in other countries and continents.
Published by ParksWatch-Bolivia, San Miguel, Bloque D, Calle Capriles, N°13, La Paz, Bolivia
Author: Stéphane Pauquet: [email protected]
Acknowledgements
This Park Profile was written by Stéphane Pauquet, Research Associate at ParksWatch. Data
collection was undertaken by a team composed of Mr. Pauquet, Dimitri de Boissieu (Ecologist),
Stéphane Doizon (Geographer), Pierrick Jean (Agronomist), and Menuka Scetbon-Didi
(Photographer and Ethnologist).
In parallel to our field observations, this report is based primarily on interviews and discussions with
the staff and managers of the Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and the Bolivian park administration
(SERNAP) in La Paz, as well as individuals assisting the park independently or as employees of
non-governmental organizations.
The author is extremely grateful to all the above-mentioned persons for the information, views and
insights that they shared and for their comments on the draft report. Informants were speaking
in their personal capacity and their views may not be the official policy of the organizations they
represent. Many other individuals have kindly contributed information included in the report
and the author would like to extend his thanks to them as well. The author has made his best
effort to ensure the accuracy of the information contained in this report and apologizes for any
inadvertent errors.
© All rights reserved. Reproduction of this publication for educational or other non-commercial
purposes is authorized without prior written permission from the copyright holder provided the source
is fully acknowledged.
Citation: Pauquet, S. 2005. Diagnosis of the Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands.
ParksWatch Park Profile Series [http://www.parkswatch.org/parkprofiles/pdf/plbr_eng.pdf].
An interactive version of this report is available in two languages (English and Spanish) at the following
URL: http://www.parkswatch.org/parkprofile.php?l=eng&country=bol&park=plbr
Designed by: Stéphane Pauquet
Photo credits: When not expressly indicated: ParksWatch archive. When initials are used: MSD:
Menuka Scetbon-Didi; SP: Stéphane Pauquet.
October 2005
Table of Contents
List of Acronyms and Abbreviations
Objectives and Methods
The National System of Protected Areas of Bolivia
The Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands
Summary
Description
Geographic location
Access
Physical description
Hydrography
Climate
Biodiversity
a) Flora
b) Fauna
Management
Background
Box N°1: A hazardous co-administration experiment with a foreign
NGO
Administration and staff
Local participation
Zoning
Infrastructure
Human Landscape
Human occupation
Social characteristics and organizational aspects
Economic activities and use of natural resources
a) Timber extraction
b) Collection of non-timber forest products
c) Agriculture and cattle raising
d) Hunting and fishing
Tourism
Box N°2: Ongoing ecotourism projects
1
4
7
9
10
12
12
12
15
15
14
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17
18
19
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20
21
23
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25
27
27
29
30
31
33
34
35
38
39
Conservation and Research Programs
Pressures and Threats
Pressures
Social conflicts and invasions into the reserve
Illegal logging
Hunting and fishing
Development projects in the reserve’s area of influence
Threats
Coordination problems between the reserve administration and
the CRTM
New human settlements - Landless Peasants’ Movement
Oil exploration
Recommended Solutions
Illegal logging
Hunting and fishing
the CRTM
Oil exploration
Conclusion
References
APPENDIX 1 - Institutional Framework of the SERNAP
APPENDIX 2 - Objectives of the Pilón Lajas RB-TCO
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List of Acronyms and Abbreviations
ACF Agrupación Comunal Forestal
AIPAC Asociación Integral de Productores Agropecuarios de Cascada
AOPEB Asociación de Organizaciones de Productores Ecológicos de Bolivia
APABIO Asociación de Productores Agroecológicos de Biomiel
ASIPA Asociación Integral de Productores Agropecuarios
ASPAE Asociación de Productores Agroecológicos
BOLFOR Sustainable Forest Management Project
BR Biosphere Reserve
BR-TCO Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands
CESA Centro de Servicios Agropecuarios
CI Conservation International
CIDOB Confederación de Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas del Oriente, Chaco y Amazonia
Boliviana
CIPLA Central Indígena del Pueblo Leco de Apolo
CIPTA Consejo Indígena del Pueblo Tacana
COSUDE Swiss International Technical Cooperation
CPIB Central de Pueblos Indígenas del Beni
CRTM Consejo Regional Tsimane Mosetene
CSUTCB Confederación Sindical Unica de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia
DED German Social and Technical Cooperation Service
DFID Department For International Development - British Embassy
DGB Dirección General de Biodiversidad
DGIS Dutch Cooperation Agency (now called NEDA)
DNCB Dirección Nacional de Conservación de la Biodiversidad
D.S. Decreto Supremo
EU European Union
FAICAB Federación Agropecuaria Integral de Colonizadores de Alto Beni
ParksWatch • Diagnosis of the Pilon Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands
FAN Fundación Amigos de la Naturaleza
FEACAB Federación Especial Agropecuaria de Colonizadores de Alto Beni
FEAPB Federación Especial Agraria Puerta del Beni
FECAR Federación Especial de Colonizadores Agropecuarios de Rurrenabaque
FECY Federación Especial de Colonizadores de Yucumo
FEPAY Federación Sindical de Productores Agropecuarios de Yucumo
FESPAI Federación Sindical de Productores Agroecológicos
GEF Global Environment Fund
GCT Gran Consejo Tsimane
ha Hectare or hectares
ICIB Instituto para la Conservación e Investigación de la Biodiversidad
IE Instituto de Ecología, UMSA
IMNA Integrated Management Natural Area
INC Instituto Nacional de Colonización
INRA Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria
ITTO International Tropical Timber Organization
KfW Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (German International Cooperation Bank)
LIDEMA Liga de Defensa del Medio Ambiente
MAB Man and the Biosphere (UNESCO)
MDSP Ministerio de Desarrollo Sostenible y Planificación
MHNNKM Museo de Historia Natural Noel Kempff Mercado
MST Movimiento Sin Tierra
NGO Non-governmental organization
NP National Park
NP-IMNA National Park and Integrated Management Natural Area
NTFP Non-Timber Forest Product
OCIT Organización de Comunidades Originarias Tacanas
PA Protected Area
PAF Plan de Acción Forestal para Bolivia
PRAIA Programa Regional de Apoyo a los Pueblos Indígenas Amazónicos
PRISA-Bolivia Proyecto de Implementación de Sistemas Agroecológicos en Bolivia
RGAP Reglamento General de Áreas Protegidas
RGGA Reglamento General de Gestión Ambiental
SA Superintendencia Agraria
SAN-TCO Saneamiento de Tierras Comunitarias de Origen
SAN-INT Saneamiento Interno
SAN-SIM Saneamiento Simple
SERNAP Servicio Nacional de Áreas Protegidas
SIF Superintendencia Forestal
SNAP Sistema Nacional de Áreas Protegidas
TAM Transporte Aereo Militar
TCO Tierra Comunitaria de Origen (Indigenous Communal Lands)
TES Turismo Ecológico Social
TI Territorio Indígena
TNC The Nature Conservancy
TREX Tropical Research and Exploration
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
USAID United States Agency for International Development
VAIPO Vice Ministerio de Asuntos Indígenas y Pueblos Originarios
VSF Veterinarios Sin Fronteras
WCS Wildlife Conservation Society
WWF World Wide Fund for Nature
Objectives and Methods
ParksWatch is a non-profit organization headquartered at Duke University’s Center for Tropical
Conservation in Durham, North Carolina, USA. Its mission is to protect biological diversity by
collecting, analyzing, and disseminating up-to-date information on the state of protected areas.
ParksWatch works through partnerships with individuals and local organizations in seven Latin
American countries (Mexico, Guatemala, Venezuela, Peru, Brazil, Bolivia and Argentina) to
conduct on-the-ground evaluations of protected areas, assessing their levels of implementation
and identifying threats. Results of each evaluation are compiled into cross-disciplinary diagnostic
reports called “Park Profiles.”
Each Park profile prescribes actions to abate or remove the most serious threats and lists
recommendations to improve each area’s management. These reports are posted on our website
(www.parkswatch.org) and printed copies provided to government agencies, conservation
organizations, and other stakeholders involved in the park’s management. Based on the results of
our findings, our partners undertake a variety of activities to support park management and raise
awareness among conservation specialists and the general public. Such activities may include the
organization of forums, meetings, and workshops or involvement in media campaigns, production
of video documentaries and the publication of newspaper articles.
With their journalistic style, widespread distribution, and photographic documentation, our
park profiles are also meant to inform citizens of existing threats to their nation’s protected areas.
Our ultimate goals are to help improve political support, foster adaptive management, promote
the adoption of best practices, and instigate the level of implementation needed to guarantee
effective biodiversity conservation inside protected areas.
Along with other studies, our reports contribute to the baseline information available for each
protected area, against which future evaluations and monitoring activities can be compared in
order to measure conservation outcomes. Furthermore, the use of a standardized methodology
allows us to draw comparisons between different protected areas within one country or between
different countries. Alas, we intend to revisit each park every three or four years to update our
database and measure changes in conservation status from a selection of key indicators.
Description of this evaluation
This evaluation started with the compilation of all the available reference material in the libraries
of the Bolivian Park Service (Servicio Nacional de Areas Protegidas, SERNAP), the Wildlife
Conservation Society (WCS), Conservation International, LIDEMA (Liga de Defensa del Medio
Ambiente), and Trópico (databases, technical and scientific reports, journal and newspaper
articles, etc.).
After this first revision, we planned our fieldwork with the reserve director (Juan Carlos Miranda)
for the various field visits, which concentrated on the park’s most relevant sites in the company
of park rangers and several other stakeholders (such as local NGO staff, researchers, and colonist
and indigenous leaders).
The interviews (mostly semi-structured) made to these and other stakeholders were based on
ParksWatch’s standardized survey form, a Scorecard-based questionnaire that considers a broad
range of aspects related to park management and focuses on both direct threats (such as land
invasions, deforestation, and oil exploration) and indirect threats (such as budget shortfalls, lack
of personnel, political interests, and macroeconomic forces).
The data obtained in this way were incorporated to the ParksWatch database and summed to the
results of our literature review for the elaboration of the present report.
Below is a brief description of description of the interviews conducted and sites visited, in
chronological order:
2003-2004
- Rurrenabaque: First meeting and interview with the director of the reserve. Planning of
field visits.
- Suapi Station: Interview with the three park rangers on duty and assessment of facilities.
Visit of the station’s viewing area, and inspection of the immediate surroundings. We were
able to note the abundant presence of peccaries and tapirs and even observed jaguar tracks.
During our descent of the Beni river back to Rurrenabaque ,interview with a group of
tourists returning from a tour to Madidi National Park. They informed us that they had
fished and built rafts during their stay - two activities supposedly prohibited in the park.
- Torewa Community (Madidi NP-IMNA): Visit of the surrounding forests with a local
leader, who described us the area’s ecotourism potential. During our hike, we came across
a troop of peccaries of at least 50 individuals. The following day, we attended a meeting
between the director of the reserve and the community about a community ecotourism
project currently under development. Other participants included members of INRA
(Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria), CIPTA (Consejo Indígena del Pueblo Tacana),
CIPLA (Central Indígena del Pueblo Leco de Apolo) and CIDOB (Confederación de
Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas del Oriente, Chaco y Amazonia Boliviana).
- Rurrenabaque: Interview with José Ayala, a consultant with Conservation International.
Review of available bibliographic material in the reserve’s principal office and in Conservation
International’s library.
- Alto Colorado Station: Interview with the rangers on duty at the Alto Colorado and Pino
stations, who assembled for an environmental education campaign in colonist communities.
In the evening, we attended the presentation of an educational video with those present.
Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Indigenous Territory (Pilón Lajas RB-TCO) and Madidi National Park and
Integrated Natural Management Area (Madidi PN-ANMI) are contiguous, and their main offices are close to one
another (in Rurrenabaque and San Buenaventura respectively, towns that are just separated by the Beni river). As
a result, these two areas were evaluated simultaneously, according to the availability of their respective directors
and park guards.
Visit of the area with two park rangers and 8 hour walk to Laguna Azul, site of several
ecotourism and resource extraction projects in the planning and development phase.
- Rurrenabaque: Interview with Roberto de Urioste, biologist and coordinator of a
social ecotourism project with ICIB (Instituto para la Conservación e Investigación de la
Biodiversidad). Interview with Daniel Robison (ex-scientific coordinator of Veterinarians
Without Borders’ Pilón Lajas Project), who supervised the elaboration of Pilón Lajas’ first
Management Plan (1998-2002) and the preparation phase of the new one. We met with a
representative of CRTM (Consejo Regional Tsimane y Mosetene) and conducted a second
interview with Mr. Juan Carlos Miranda. We attended a meeting of local indigenous leaders
and a conservation valuation workshop organized by Mario Diego Lilienfeld and Roberto
Daza, from the SERNAP. The following day, we organized a workshop about the threats to
the reserve with the six park rangers present. Final interview with the reserve director and
encounter with the person in charge of “ranking” ecotourist operators in Rurrenabaque.
- Km 34 and Km 30 (ranger station and Forestry Service control gate): Interview with
the rangers on duty and staff from the Forestry Service, involved in the resolution of a
conflict with a group of colonists trying to reclaim possession of seized timber boards and
threatening retaliation against any park ranger that would stand in the way of their sale.
2005
- Rurrenabaque and La Paz: Data update session with the director and series of interviews
with Marco Octavio Ribera, in charge of the Natural Resource Management Program of the
GEF-II Project and involved with the reserve since the early days of its implementation.
The National System of
Protected Areas of Bolivia
Despite the creation of the first protected area in 1939 (Sajama National Park), Bolivia’s National
System of Protected Areas (SNAP) is one of the youngest in Latin America. Established in
1992 through the Law of the Environment, its fundamental objectives are the conservation of
representative samples of the country’s major ecosystems and it is administered by the Servicio
Nacional de Áreas Protegidas (SERNAP), under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Sustainable
Development and Planning (MDSP). The SERNAP is responsible for defining and enforcing
the laws and regulations pertaining to the management of the country’s genetic and biological
resources, as well as to administer and implement the Convention of Biological Diversity signed
by Bolivia at the Rio Conference (1992) and ratified in 1994.
Although generally supportive of the creation of protected areas, the Bolivian government does
not support them financially. As a matter of fact, the management of the SNAP relies almost
entirely on international funding (GEF, Dutch government, KfW, IADB, etc.) and on the
manpower and additional resources provided by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (CI,
WCS, GTZ, TNC, CARE, WWF, FAN, Trópico, etc).
At present the SNAP is composed of twenty nationally recognized protected areas, covering
approximately 16.8 million hectares (15.3% of the national territory) and divided into National
Parks, National Reserves, Biosphere Reserves (a category still not recognized by the national
legislation), Wildlife Reserves and Integrated Management Natural Areas (equivalent to MultipleUse Zones). In parallel to the SNAP, there is a growing contingent of protected areas of lesser
hierarchy, such as Forest Reserves, Watershed Protection Areas, and Departmental, Regional,
and Municipal Parks and Reserves. Another important zoning category is the Reserva Natural de
Inmovilización, which corresponds to a temporary ordinance until a final status is defined based
on the area’s values and characteristics.
Each national or departmental protected area must form a Management Committee inviting
spokesmen of the various cultural groups inhabiting its territory or surrounding area to participate
in the decision-making process.
Since the creation of the Bolivian SNAP, significant achievements have been made in the
following management areas:
(i) planning;
(ii) design and implementation of a monitoring and evaluation system;
(iii) establishment of operational protection corps;
(iv) development of a training program for both park rangers and administrative staff;
(v) adoption of a set of policies for the public use of protected areas, and;
(vi) participation of local stakeholder groups in park decision-making.
Protected Areas of Bolivia
Management Category Number
Area (Ha)
National Park
National Park and Integrated Management Natural Area
5
6
2,592,029
7,133,336
National Park and Indigenous Territory
(or Communal Lands)
National Reserve
Biosphere Reserve
Integrated Management Natural Area
1
1,236,296
4
2
3
1,887,332
535,170
3,450,217
TOTAL
21
16,834,380
SERNAP’s policies and strategic agenda are presented in Appendix 1.
Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve
and Communal Lands
Date of last field evaluation
April 2005
Name
Category
Year created
Area
Main objectives
Pilón Lajas
Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands
1992
400,000 ha
- Conservation of biological diversity;
Location
- Improvement of living conditions of resident and
adjacent indigenous communities (see Appendix 2)
In the departments of La Paz (Sud Yungas, Larecaja and
Franz Tamayo provinces) and Beni (Ballivian province), in
their northern and western portions, respectively
Ecoregions
Montane Moist to Perhumid Evergreen Forest, Seasonally
Moist Lowland Tropical Forest
Habitats
Cloud forests, Sub-Andean rain forests, pluvial piedmont
forests, seasonally moist basal forests, riparian forests,
swampland palm groves, and edaphic savannas
Summary
Description
Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands (Reserva de Biosfera y Tierra Comunitaria de
Origen Pilón Lajas, RB-TCO) is located 350 km northeast of La Paz and 50 km west of San Borja.
It is found in the Mountainous Yungas and Madeira Moist Forest biogeographic subregions. Its
mountains shelter the headwaters of the Beni watershed, which feeds extensive cattle ranches in
the Beni Plains.
Biodiversity
Area-wide, systematic inventories of Pilón Lajas’ biodiversity have yet to be conducted, but
because of its similarity and proximity to Madidi NP and the diversity of habitats generated by
its high altitudinal gradients, Pilón Lajas is likely to harbor an exceptionally rich flora and fauna,
and is probably a hotspot for endemic species. Estimates suggest that Pilón Lajas may harbor
between 2,000 and 3,000 plant species. As of this writing, 73 mammal, 485 bird, 58 reptile, 36
amphibian, and 103 fish species have been recorded in the reserve.
Threats
Heavy pressure for land and natural resources in the surrounding areas has made land invasions
the principal threat to the protected area. In fact, if deterioration continues at its current pace,
it is feared that its most accessible areas will be colonized and many important conservation
targets will disappear over the mid-term. Social conflict, population growth, illegal timber
exploitation, poaching, unauthorized fishing, the landless peasant’s movement, and a number of
development projects in its zone of influence have created a situation in which Pilón Lajas BRTCO is considered threatened.
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Description
Geographic location
Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands is located 350 km northeast of La Paz and
50 km west of San Borja (Beni), between the departments of La Paz (Sud Yungas, Larecaja, and
Franz Tamayo provinces) and Beni (José Ballivian province). It lies between latitudes 14º25’ and
15º27’ South and longitudes 66º55’ a 67º40’ West, and encompasses approximately 400,000
ha.
In addition to boasting one of the highest suspected biodiversity indices in Bolivia, the Pilón
Lajas Reserve is part of a transboundary PA compound, approximately 4 million ha in extension,
connecting four protected areas in Southern Peru and Northwestern Bolivia.
On its eastern side, the reserve is flanked by the country’s main road to the North, and the El
Sillar-Yucumo-Rurrenabaque colonization zone, intermediate between the Alto Beni colonization
area to the southwest and the Iturralde de La Paz agricultural frontier to the north. On its
western side, the Beni river forms a natural border with Madidi National Park-Integrated Natural
Management Area, a largely untouched swath of 2 million ha of tropical forests.
Access
Two routes provide access to Pilón Lajas’ immediate surroundings: La Paz-Yucumo-San Borja and
Guayaramerín-Riberalta-Reyes-Rurrenabaque-Yucumo. Despite recent improvements, the state
of the road is constantly deteriorated by use, heavy rains, and the lack of proper maintenance.
Two airlines regularly use the small airport located in Rurrenabaque: TAM (Transporte Aereo
Militar) and Amaszonas.
From Rurrenabaque, access to the
reserve is via boat on the Beni river.
Streams and old forest roads off of the
Yucumo-Rurrenabaque road provide access to the entire eastern portion of the
reserve. These tertiary roads provide access to 74% of the reserve’s perimeter;
however, they are only practicable during the dry season.
Roads constructed illegally during
the logging era (between 1993 and
1996) provide access to the area from
the Quiquibey-Charal area, and
affect extremely fragile Sub-Andean From Rurrenabaque, the main access to the reserve is via the
ecosystems.
Beni river. Photo: SP
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Physical description
The area is located at the encounter of two biogeographical subregions: montane cloud forests
(Yungas) and the Madeira Humid Forest . Most of the protected area’s northern portion is
formed by the Pilón Mountain Range, while its southern portion extends over the Chepite and
Muchanes Mountains, reaching an altitude of 2,000 m. Flanking the wide alluvial valley of the
Quiquibey river, these mountains are the last of the Andean foothills before the floodplains of
the Beni department (with an average elevation of 300 m asl).
3D satellite view of the Pilón Lajas BR-TCO (EarthSat/Google Earth)
The geology of the area is extremely varied, with unevenly-aged strata and diverse chemical and
physical properties. Among the various geological formations are intrusive, sandstone, and lutite
rocks from the Devonian, Permian, Carboniferous, and Cretaceous Periods in addition to less
prevalent Silurian and Ordovician rocks. Tertiary formations are found primarily in synclines,
which occupy an important portion of the area. Lowland soils are primarily alluvial and colluvial
with quaternary sediments. The agricultural potential of the area is limited by these sandy soils
characterized by low organic content.
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Hydrography
Watershed protection is one of
the principal objectives specified
in the reserve’s declaration
decree.
Pilón Lajas’ hydrographic network
is part of the larger Amazon
basin. Specifically, it is part of the
Beni and Mamoré river basins’
drainage system. Because of its
orographic situation, the area is
divided in four sub-watersheds:
Quiquibey river basin (by far
the largest)
Yacuma river basin
Maniqui river basin
Beni river basin
The Yacuma and Maniqui rivers
are affluents of the Mamoré, and
the Quiquibey and other minor
rivers flow directly into Beni
river.
Climate
Hot and humid winds from the
northwest and the presence of
MODIS/TERRA Satellite view of the Pilón Lajas BR-TCO
mountains result in high annual
rainfall, between 1 ,800 mm to 3,500 mm. The Pilón range is the most humid, especially near
the town of Yucumo in the southeast, which is one of the most climatically unstable areas in the
country. Average annual temperatures range between 6 and 26ºC, depending on the altitude.
VSF. 1998. Plan de Manejo 1997-2001 - Reserva de biosfera y Tierra Comunitaria de Origen Pilón Lajas. Final
version. Veterinarios Sin Fronteras.
Terceros, L.F. and M. Sandoval. 1994. Caracterización física de la Reserva de biosfera Territorio Indígena Pilón
Lajas. Technical report. On behalf of Veterinarios Sin Fronteras. 41 pp.
Muñoz, R. 1991 . In VSF. 1998. Plan de Manejo 1997-2001 - Reserva de biosfera y Tierra Comunitaria de Origen
Pilón Lajas. Final version. Veterinarios Sin Fronteras.
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Biodiversity
Few biological studies have been conducted in the reserve, and as a result, the biota is poorly
known. Yet, because of the area’s geological heterogeneity and climatic conditions, biological
diversity and endemism are believed to be extremely high. In a permanent sample site, located in
the upper reaches of the Pilón mountains, Killeen (1993) registered the highest floristic diversity
in any studied Bolivian montane forest, and all of the other investigations conducted in the area’
suggest an extremely high biodiversity.
Of the reserve’s great variety of ecosystems, the most remarkable for their richness in species and
endemisms are: cloud forests, Sub-Andean rain forests, pluvial piedmont forests, seasonally moist
basal forests, riparian forests and swamp, palm groves (of Mauritia flexuosa palms) and edaphic
savannas at the summit some of the higher mountains.
Due to the difficulty of access, these mountains harbor the reserve’s most pristine ecosystems,
while the rest of the area has been subjected to human intervention for many decades, albeit at
different levels of intensity.
The Pilón Mountains harbor some of the country’s most diverse forest ecosystems. Photo: MSD
a) Flora
The reserve’s floristic richness is extremely high, estimated between 2,000 and 3,000 vascular
plants.
Killeen, T. 1993. Perfil ambiental del Territorio Indígena y Reserva de biosfera Pilón Lajas. Technical report.
SERINCO. Santa Cruz. 26 pp.
Ribera, M. O. 1999. Aspectos generales sobre la conservación de la biodiversidad y áreas protegidas en Bolivia.
100 pp.
Killeen, T. 1993. Perfil ambiental del Territorio Indígena y Reserva de biosfera Pilón Lajas. Technical report.
16
Of the approximately 162 timber
species found in the reserve, several
are precious hardwoods, including bigleaf mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla),
cedar (Cedrela sp.) and roble (Amburana
cearensis). An additional 26 valuable
timber species are also known to exist
in the reserve, including almendrillo
(Dipteryx odorata), cuchi (Astronium
urundeuva), ochoó (Hura crepitans),
palo maría (Calophyllum brasiliense) and
verdolago (Terminalia sp.); Finally, 33
less-valuable timber species have been
registered, including bibosi (Ficus sp.);
momoqui (Caesalpinia sp.), mara macho (Tapirira guianensis) and trompillo (Guarea sp).
One of the reserve’s distinctive floristic features is its palm diversity. Notable species include
pachiuva (Socratea exorrhiza), tembe (Bactris gasipaes), copa (Iriartea deltoidea), motacú (Scheela
princeps), various species of chontas (Astrocaryum spp.), jatatas (Geonoma spp.), and ivory palm
(Phytelephas macrocarpa).
Three of four macro-regions with nationally important floristic richness, as categorized by Moraes
and Beck, occur in the reserve. The same authors specifically mention the Beu Mountains and
its grasses growing on quartzite soils as an area of outstanding scientific interest.
Another area of interest is the high, dense/semi-dense forest found at intermediate altitudes, where
Cornejo (1994) found high natural rates of mahogany and cedar regeneration, a phenomenon
that has not been observed in any other part of the country.
b) Fauna
Even though the area has severely suffered from past human activities, the local fauna is as
exceptionally rich as its flora. A total of 755 animal species have already registered, including
73 mammals, 485 birds, 103 fish, 58 reptiles, and 36 amphibians10. Threatened species include
SERINCO. Santa Cruz. 26 pp.
Bascopé et al. 1996. En VSF. 998. Plan de Manejo 997-2001 - Reserva de biosfera y Tierra Comunitaria de
Origen Pilón Lajas. Final version. Veterinarios Sin Fronteras.
Moraes, M. and S. Beck. 1992. Capítulo III, Diversidad florística en Bolivia. En Marconi (Ed.). Conservación
de la diversidad biológica en Bolivia. CDC. La Paz. 574 pp.
Cornejo, G. 1994. Caracterización de la vegetación, Reserva de biosfera Territorio Indígena Pilón Lajas. Technical
report. On behalf of Veterinarios Sin Fronteras. 92 pp.
10 VSF. 998. Plan de Manejo 1997-2001 - Reserva de biosfera y Tierra Comunitaria de Origen Pilón Lajas. Final
17
black spider monkey (Ateles paniscus), lowland tapir (Tapirus terrestris), spectacled bear (Tremarctos
ornatus) - which appears to be restricted to open, high, cloud forests in the higher altitudes, jaguar
(Panthera onca) - one of the five felines registered in the area -, as well as giant otter (Pteronura
brasiliensis), and long-tailed otter (Lutra longicaudis), whose populations are slowly recovering from
the era of pelt hunting.
Other notable species include the harpy eagle
(Harpia harpyja), black and chestnut eagle (Oroaetus
isidori), giant armadillo (Priodontes maximus), red
howler monkey (Alouatta seniculus), Muscovy
duck (Cairina moschata), yellow-spotted Amazon
river turtle (Podocnemis unifilis) and black caiman
(Melanosuchus niger).
It is estimated that the protected area harbors
more than 700 bird species11. Among this group,
the parrot family (Psittacidae) stands out with
14 registered species, as does the tanager family
(Thraupinae) with 47 species, and 9 species of
toucans (Ramphastidae). There are also many
The giant otter (Pteronura brasiliensis) is slowly threatened species, mostly smaller birds, in
recovering from a near local extinction during the the protected area, such as Terenura sharpei and
era of pelt hunting in the 1970s and 80s.
Ampelion rufaxilla.
Photo: Lisa Davenport
Management
Background
The territory that is today Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve was originally proposed in 1975 as a
280,000 ha National Park. However, the Bolivian government only acknowledged its existence
in 1977, when it was recategorized and declared a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve12. For various
reasons, the first 8 years lacked any kind of administration.
11 Ribera, M. O. 1999. Aspectos generales sobre la conservación de la biodiversidad y áreas protegidas en Bolivia.
100 pp.
12 Robison, D., I. Brugioni, L. Marcus and E. Guayao. 1997. Aportes sobre experiencias de manejo de las areas
protegidas del Beni. Implementación de la RB-TCO Pilón Lajas: una experiencia de admnistración compartida de
un área de doble condición.
18
In 1978, the Yucumo-Rurrenabaque road was opened, which led to widespread colonization and
logging in the region.
During the 1980s, the Bolivian government promoted colonization in the region in the framework
of the “Yucumo-Rurrenabaque Colonization Project”. Overall, due in part to widespread
corruption in the land granting process, the government failed to comply with many aspects of
this policy, including technical assistance and provision of infrastructure and services.
On April 9, 1992, as a result of the 1990 March for Territory and Dignity and subsequent
demands by the local indigenous communities for the creation of a National Park and Indigenous
Territory - the Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve was declared by D.S. N°23,110 within the borders
of the newly created Pilón Lajas Indigenous Territory (now Communal Lands). Since that date,
the protected area officially encompasses 400,000 ha.
Box N°1: A hazardous co-administration experiment with a foreign NGO
Between 1993 and 1994, the French NGO Veterinarians without Borders (Veterinarios Sin Fronteras
- VSF)13, conducted the first evaluation of the Pilón Lajas area with funds from the European Union.
Results were used to help elaborate the reserve’s 5-year management plan the following year, with
financing from the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation’s (COSUDE) bilateral debt
swap fund. Unfortunately, due to lack of time and the disinterest on the part of the colonists, this
“participative” diagnosis was completed without their involvement, a move that would later fall
under heavy criticism.
In February 1996, VSF and the Ministry of Sustainable Development and Environment signed a
five-year, co-management agreement (via the DNCB, today’s SERNAP) that included an explicit
directive to respect the region’s development dynamics. With support from various European
Union donors14, VSF undertook the preliminary actions required to plan and manage the protected
13 VSF had been active in the zone since 1989, when they took on a project from Save The Children, providing
technical agricultural/domestic animal production assistance to colonist communities.
14 The Dutch Embassy (DGIS) (34%), the Embassy of Great Britian (DFID) (29.2%) and the EU (33.4%).
19
area.
During this same year, the Management Committee was formed and included grassroots
organizations, governmental agencies (DNCB, VAIPO, and the area’s administration), VSF and the
Municipal Government of Rurrenabaque. Shortly after its creation, additional members joined the
committee, such that it grew to have broad, local participation in accordance with the new Local
Participation and Decentralized Administration Laws.
The same period saw the promulgation of the National Agrarian Reform Institute Law (INRA).
In April 1997, this new land granting institution awarded the Pilón Lajas indigenous territory an
Executive Land Title called Indigenous Communal Lands (Tierra Comunitaria de Origen, TCO,
Title N°TCO-0803-0003). Compared to the previously mentioned legal entity (Territorio Indígena,
TI), this title consolidated collective use rights and access to the lands of the indigenous Chimane
and Mosetene groups, who were represented at the time by Tsimane Mosetene Regional Council
(CRTM). Since this time, the protected area and indigenous territory has been called Reserva de
Biosfera y Tierra Comunitaria de Origen Pilón Lajas (RB-TCO), or Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and
Communal Lands.
Eventually, however, serious conflicts between local organizations (indigenous and colonist)
compromised VSF’s management, and it was forced to return reserve administration to the
government (DNCB) in order to ensure the continuance of its development projects in the area.
“[...] Colonists and logging groups have permanently harassed VSF. In fact, it was so extreme that
some of its members were kept hostage when colonists stormed the NGO’s local offices in May 1996.
Apparently, to justify their acts, demonstrators blamed the lack of dialogue between VSF and local
colonist and logging organizations, but the underlying motive is that they [the loggers] wanted to
keep the status quo, maintaining open access to the reserve’s forest resources as they had in the past.
In early 1998, tensions with VSF intensified so much that the Ministry of Sustainable Development
decided that the DGB should administer the reserve instead of VSF15.”
This transfer of authority, effective in May 1998, led to today’s administrative structure, which
thanks to VSF’s continued financial support (through 2000) helped to successfully transform the
reserve from one of the most conflict-ridden regions to one of the best-implemented protected
areas in Bolivia16.
Administration and staff
Due to its dual categorization as both a Biosphere Reserve and Indigenous Communal Lands,
the mission of Pilón Lajas seeks to combine conservation of the reserve’s biological richness with
sustainable development of the area’s indigenous communities, who depend on a wide range of
natural resources for survival (either via direct use or commercialization).
15 Pavez, I. 1998. Rurrenabaque: motosierristas y dilemas para la conservación de los bosques. In P. Pacheco and
D. Kaimowitz (Eds.). Municipios y gestión forestal en el trópico boliviano. 489 pp.
16 MHNNKM. 2000. Análisis de la situación social e institucional y sistema de información geográfico de las
áreas protegidas de la Amazonia boliviana. Museo de Historia Natural Noel Kempff Mercado. 180 pp.
20
The management team is composed of a director, one chief ranger, 16 park rangers, one secretary,
and one driver (in charge of the vehicle maintenance). Recently, a social participation technician
was hired to strengthen relations between the different reserve stakeholders. A specialist in
environmental communication and education is planned to be hired with funds from a joint
CI-USAID project.
Due to a lack of financial resources over the last two years (the reserve’s image is less “prestigious”
than that of adjacent Madidi NP, and as a result has more difficulties raising money)17, the
protection corps’ activities have been restricted to control and patrol operations. This fails to
address the problem that improving relations between the reserve’s administration and local
people, particularly colonists, requires permanent dialogue and constant reminders regarding
the area’s objectives, development opportunities, and requests that they [the locals] support the
reserve with its most urgent needs.
Every year there is a delay in the payment installments of the GEF-II Project funds, which
represent more than 60% of the reserve’s annual budget. This delay has not only affected park
guard salaries (and staff salaries in general) during the first three to four months of the last three
years, but it has also caused interruptions in fundamental control and enforcement activities. In
many cases when park guards are absent, lawbreakers return to the area and resume prohibited
activities, including hunting, fishing, logging, and
slash and burn agriculture.
The fact that 70% of the reserve’s budget18
comes from foreign sources makes it vulnerable
to the whims of international aid, which could
compromise its ability to comply with the programs
outlined in the Management Plan. One of the
main problems associated with this situation is a
drastic reduction of promised grant money during
times of economic crisis, such as a 996 episode in
which the EU decided to withhold all of VSF’s
payments. Lack of financial resources also means
that the protection corps does not have basic
equipment needed to carry out its duties and
the SERNAP has not been able to complete its
training program.
The reserve director is cognizant of these problems
and worries a lot about them, especially since his
One of the reserve’s singularities is the presence of
a woman among the protection corps. Photo: MSD
17 Environmental Education and Interpretation, Infrastructure, Equipment and Maintanence, and Natural
Resource Management are only partially or indirectly funded via programs and projects sponsored by organizations
like CI, World Wildlife Fund (WWF), and Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS).
18 Pilón Lajas’ 2004 yearly budget was US$ 270,000 (US), principally from GEF-II (World Bank) and USAID’s
PL-480 Project. US$ 65,000 were earmarked to build an interpretation center and two new camps on the Beni
river.
21
upcoming year’s budget depends almost entirely on pending GEF funds for Bolivia’s National
System of Protected Areas (SNAP) (GEF-III). He expects yet another payment delay at the
beginning of 2006.
In spite of the lack of funds and personnel, the reserve’s staff has successfully initiated awarenessraising activities on the aspect of land titling (in the framework of the INRA Law), and six park
guards have been trained in environmental communication and education. They also participated
in a series of courses on forest fire prevention and management (with CARE-Bolivia), and in the
near future several rangers should receive training aimed at improving relations with the local
communities (both indigenous and colonist) and better interface with tourists.
The park transport infrastructure includes a jeep, a truck, five motorcycles, two four-wheelers,
and two boats (in poor condition) for patrols within and outside of the protected area. The
reserve is in the process of soliciting two new boats and CI financing to repair older vehicles.
The army occasionally collaborates with the reserve’s protection corps (in 2003, 60 soldiers were
called upon to stop an illegal settlement), but the logistical support required seriously limits
collaboration possibilities.
Recently, the reserve and its counterpart organization, Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS)
updated the Management Plan using funds from
CI. The new Management Plan, whose technical
assessment was being reviewed at the time of this
writing, emphasizes the reserve’s social components,
as is demonstrated by the series of “auto-diagnosis”
workshops conducted with the indigenous and colonist
communities. The colonist communities acknowledge
that they were consulted more during this process than
during the elaboration of the first Management Plan,
and are therefore more likely to approve it. The current
situation is consequently one of greater recognition
for the protected area (Biosphere Reserve) than for the
Communal Lands (TCO). In this context, recognizing
that one of the reserve’s priorities to involve local
people in the management process is the strengthening
of the Tsimane Mosetene Regional Council (CRTM),
another important milestone is the signing of an
agreement between this institution and the reserve’s
administration for a coordinated management of the
area.
Instead of planning new scientific studies, the team
One of the newly acquired motorcycles in front responsible for the drafting of the new Management
of the reserve’s central office in Rurrenabaque. Plan’s has chosen to systematize the dispersed scientific
The lack of vehicles is a serious impediment knowledge on the area.
to a proper surveillance of the area.
22
Local participation
Despite the many successes of the Management Committee’s (such as combating illegal logging
and improving stakeholder involvement in the Management Plan), it suffered from poor
representation by indigenous groups in front of the colonist voice. This imbalance has created
tensions between the two groups and led to the suspension of the Management Committe in
January 1998.
With the arrival of the current director in 2002, the Management Committee was reactivated,
and today indigenous organizations are better represented. The Management Committee includes
representatives from: i) four municipalities with jurisdiction over the area; ii) Tsimane Mosetene
Regional Council (CRTM) and Tsimane Great Council (Gran Consejo Tsimane, GCT); iii) six
indigenous communities of the area; iv) the reserve administration; and v) the SERNAP.
But there is presently another factor undermining the legitimacy of the Management Committee’s
decisions: as a result of problems in naming a person to represent the various colonist federations
present in the area, this sector currently has no representation on the committee at all. According
to the reserve’s director, the committee will probably have to allow three representatives (and
therefore, three votes) from the colonist sector in order to resolve this problem.
A final concern for the Management Committee is that the level of participation of the different
members is seriously imbalanced: during the meetings, municipal representatives have a much
more active role than the indigenous representatives, indicative of the traditional power structure
that the Law of Public Participation and Management Committees intended to dismantle. The
trend was accentuated by the recent transfer of the presidency from CRTM to the Municipal
Government of Rurrenabaque. Even though the indigenous people’s passive participation
during the Management Committee meetings is partially offset in quarterly Assemblies of
Indigenous Leaders, recent declines in relations between CRTM and the reserve administration
are contributing to a gradual erosion of the co-administration concept. This concern will be
discussed further in the Pressures and Threats section.
Zoning
The zoning plan proposed in 1997 was based on natural resource use patterns of that time, while
unauthorized loggers still operated in the Quiquibey river Valley. Their presence depressed faunal
populations, and pushed indigenous hunting areas further from the river. Once forestry activities
diminished, indigenous hunters were able to return to hunting around rivers and streams closer
to their communities19. The 1997-2001 Management Plan redefined the hunting zone based on
these changes, and reserved between 30,000 and 40,000 ha for forestry management in another
zone.
19 De Vries, A. 1998. Territorios indígenas en las tierras bajas de Bolivia: un análisis de su estado a 998. CIDOB/
CPTI/Dutch Development Cooperation Agency. 78 pp.
23
Current reserve zoning includes six distinct zones:
Zoning category
Core zone
Buffer zone
Extensive, extractive use
zone
Natural resource use zone
Authorized uses
Conservation and scientific research
Conservation and watershed protection
Hunting, fishing, and gathering by
indigenous communities
Sustainable development of indigenous
communities
Intensive, non-extractive use Tourism and recreational activities
zone
Special use zone
Public infrastructure
% of area
17
33
25
25
n/a
0,01
Approximately half of the reserve is
zoned for conservation (core zone
and buffer zone), while the other
50% is designated primarily for community natural resource management; the indigenous communities
have traditionally used this area.
As seen on the map, the 1997-2001
Management Plan identifies three
areas of special biological interest that
are proposed as core zones: 1 ) Beu
and Chepite Mountains (including
forest on alluvial terraces, close to the
Suapi river, which is the only example
of relatively pristine Amazonian forest
below 500 m asl; 2) the cloud forest at
the top of Pilón Mountain, which is
one of the most diverse forests in the
country; and 3) the Bala Mountains,
which despite the fact that they
were part of a forestry concession
(Monte Redondo), are still relatively
unaffected and unstudied because of
their inaccessibility.
The zoning map proposed in the 1997 Management Plan must be revised to take
account of the current human landscape.
Source: VSF, 1997
24
These three zones are the only areas where vegetation remains untouched by human activities.
As a result, they represent the only opportunity for preservation of pristine ecosystems in the
reserve.
Infrastructure
The management staff work
out of a central office in
Rurrenabaque and five field
stations:
Suapi
Asunción del
Quiquibey
Km 34 (VSF’s former
center of operations)
Alto Colorado
El Pino
Station conditions vary sensibly: Pino station (shown on
the picture) needs a complete
overhaul, while Suapi and Certain ranger stations, such as this one (Pino), need a complete
overhaul. Poto: SP
Colorado stations are in good
condition. There are not enough boats, and a new outboard motor is needed for patrolling the
Quiquibey river.
In order to increase control of timber exploitation and improve coordination with Madidi
National Park’s protection corps, there are plans for building a new station at Susy (along Beni
river), close to the reserve’s entrance, by the end of this year. An “usufruct” contract is about
to be signed with the community for the right to use the land. Funds are also available to build
another station at La Cascada, where administrators are thinking of buying land. In the event
that community relations deteriorate, they would still be able to continue operations from this
station.
Construction of the interpretation center (a joint ICIB and CI project, with USAID funding),
originally programmed for 2004, has been delayed until SERNAP’s central office grants approval.
Work on the station in Cascada (an area of intense colonization) was halted as well because of
delays in INRA’s appraisal process, associated with TCO’s land titling process in 2004.
Overall, while there have been some advances, the reserve still lacks adequate infrastructure both
for enforcement and tourism activities.
25
Human Landscape
Human occupation
The Pilón Lajas BR-TCO lies within the area of influence of the Rurrenabaque-Yucumo20
Colonization Project promoted by the Bolivian government at the end of the 70’s and concretized
by the construction of the road to Rurrenabaque21.
The initial plan projected colonization to cover more than 150,000 ha in the area, but due to a
lack of resources, projections were reduced to 75,000 ha. Nonetheless, analyses of satellite images
revealed that more than 75,000 ha have actually been colonized, essentially through unplanned
settlements22.
Four ethnic groups (Chimanes, Mosetenes and Tacanas, and some representatives of the Esse-Ejja
ethnic group) converge in this territory, and, since the last century, mestizos23 originating from
the Beni department and La Paz departments have settled in the area during the quinine bark,
rubber, fur, and logging booms. Over the last 25 years, and since the opening of the YucumoRurrenabaque road, the region has also undergone considerable changes associated with the
arrival of large numbers of colonists from the altiplano highlands, Yungas, and Alto Beni. In
addition, a number of logging companies operated inside the reserve until very recently (2001 ).
Principal population centers in this region of the Bolivian Amazon include:
Locality
Rurrenabaque
San Buenaventura
Yucumo
San Borja
Residents
4.959
1.670
1.400
1.670
Within the colonization area along the road, the most important settlements include: Nuevos
Horizontes, El Palmar, Charal, El Sillar, La Cascada and Inicua.
At the time of the census carried out in 1996 by VSF during the elaboration of the Management
20 CESA. 1985. Diagnóstico socioeconómico de la zona de colonización de Yucumo-Rurrenabaque. Technical
report. La Paz. 82 pp.
21 This road is part of a transoceanic road project that intends to unite Peru and Chile’s Pacific coasts with
Argentina and Brazil’s Atlantic coasts.
22 Rasse, E. 1994. Dynamique des modes d’exploitation agricole de la forêt sur le front pionnier de Yucumo en
amazonie bolivienne. Master thesis. ESAT/CNEARC/VSF, Montpellier, France. 171 pp.
23 Locally called “camba”, a result of intermixing between Amazonian indigenous groups and Spanish or Creole
peoples during the migrations that occurred since colonial times.
26
Plan, there were 1,380 indigenous people and 4,859 colonists living in approximately 25
communities within the reserve and adjacent lands (6 of the 25 communities were considered
to be within the reserve). The reserve’s population of approximately 650 people is divided in the
following demographic categories: 36.4% Chimán, 10.8% Mosetene, 33% Tacana, and 19.8%
Other (mestizo or non-indigenous)24. Almost all of the Tacana people live within reserve borders,
while most of the Chimanes live in the buffer zone25. These figures are compounded by a growing
number of colonists in the upper Quiquibey river (currently around 50 families). It should be
noted that these cannot penetrate lower valley zones because of the difficult topography.
Within the reserve, the indigenous communities are mostly located in the piedmont, close to
the road, and along the banks of the Beni river (four Tacana communities) and the Quiquibey
river (10 communities comprised of mostly Mosente families, and a few Chimane families).
Traditionally, the indigenous families carry out subsistence activities such as fishing, hunting,
agriculture, and in some Quiquibey river communities, they harvest jatata palm (Geonoma
deversa) for roof construction. Nonetheless, a significant number of indigenous people have
given up traditional farming in order to go work for colonist farmers. Some also collaborate with
chainsaw operators engaging in illegal logging.
The Chimane and Tacana people have occupied the zone in a semi-nomadic way for over 150
years. Traditionally, the Tacana’s ancestral territories extended more towards the north and
northwest. Today, there are eleven communities founded between 35 and 70 years ago, eight that
are between 6 and 34 years old, and only four communities that are 5 years old or less. Mosetene
communities vary in age between 25 and 50 years. Of the 25 settlements included in the 1996
census, 59% claimed that the abundance of bush meat attracted them to the area26.
The lands adjacent to the reserve’s eastern border are home to a large colonist population,
occupying approximately 200,000 ha along the Yucumo-Rurrenabaque road. These communities
impart considerable pressure on the protected area’s resources. Most settlers originate from the
altiplano and arrived in one of two migration waves: the first occurred between 1978 and 1980
when the Yucumo-Rurrenabaque road was built, and the second wave occurred between 1983
and 1987 as a consequence of both an intense drought in the department of Potosí and the
closure of the State mines.
Since the last census, it is believed that internal growth has led to an increase in the population
of the region, but there are no recent data available. However, a new census of the reserve and
area of influence is planned for this year (2005).
24 Robison, D. 2000. Los primeros pasos para un monitoreo social y medio ambiental de la Tierra Comunitaria
de Origen y Reserva de biosfera Pilón Lajas. In C. Miranda and I. Oetting. (Eds.) Experiencias de monitoreo socioambiental en Reservas de la Biosfera y otras áreas protegidas en la Amazonía. UNESCO. La Paz, Bolivia. 432 pp.
25 Silva, R. 1996. Primer taller de discusión con la población indígena para la elaboración de un Plan de Manejo,
RB-TI Pilón Lajas. Final report. Veterinarios Sin Fronteras. 8 pp.
26 Ibid.
27
Southeast of the reserve, the colonist town of
Yucumo is the main population center. Photo: SP
Social characteristics and organizational aspects
Tsimane and Mosetene Regional Council (CRTM), an affiliate of the CIDOB and Beni’s
Indigenous People’s Council (Central de Pueblos Indígenas de Beni - CPIB) leads and represents
the Pilón Lajas Communal Lands. CRTM’s office adjacent to the reserve’s administration until
2004 promoted a satisfying coordination between the two institutions, a situation which has
since deteriorated (see below). CRTM, as well as other local indigenous organizations (especially
the Great Tsimane Council, GCT), is relatively independent of the Municipal Government.
Their relations are limited to creating specific agreements for basic service improvements27.
CRTM and GCT have recently entered a conflict with the Tacanas People Organization
(Organización de Comunidades Originarias Tacanas - OCIT), which is laying claim to and demanding
the titling of its communal territory, which overlaps the northeastern portion of the Pilón Lajas
TCO.
Colonists living in the reserve’s area of influence are organized in thirteen centers, and are
grouped into four federations that represent their interests at the local and national levels: FECAR
(Federación Especial de Colonizadores Agropecuarios de Rurrenabaque), FEPAY, (Federación Sindical de
Productores Agropecuarios de Yucumo - ex-FECY), FEAPB (Federación Especial Agraria Puerta del Beni)
and FEACAB (Federación Agropecuaria Integral de Colonizadores de Alto Beni), located in Cascada.
These federations represent small farmers’ unions that are further grouped into rural centers,
according to the following distribution: FECAR represents six centers in Rurrenabaque
municipality: Capilla, Cauchal, Nuevos Horizontes, Piedras Blancas, Palmar and Collana; FESPAI
represents four centers: Palmar, Yucumo, Charal and Quiquibey; and FEACAB represents the
28
Central Cascada.
The colonists’ primary activities are
farming, timber extraction, smallscale cattle raising, and to a lesser
extent hunting and fishing. The
principal pressure they exert on the
reserve natural resources is through
the clearing and burning of the
piedmont forests to convert them
to agricultural land. This practice
affects almost the entire southern
and eastern portions of the protected
area.
The colonist population is obviously
increasing due to both internal
growth and the constant influx of new More than 10 years after its creation, a large share of the local
migrants. However, it should be noted population remains to be convinced of the legitimacy and
that this process may have slowed in
importance of the reserve. Photo: MSD
recent years due to a northern shift
of the colonization pressure (Ixiamas region and along the Beni river). The communities along
the Yucumo-Rurrenabaque road are even considered to be fueling this sustained colonization
wave, one of the most coveted destinations being the interior of the reserve28.
As was previously mentioned, a new census is planned for 2005 in order to provide accurate
statistics for the new Management Plan.
Economic activities and use of natural resources
The coexistence of different groups with conflictive interests along the reserve’s entire eastern
border has generated serious anthropogenic pressures that negatively impact not only the forest
resources, but also the indigenous communities which rely on those resources for survival.
A significant portion of the reserve has been subjected to intense human activity for many years.
The combination of past commercial hunting, the pressure exerted on the fauna by the timber
companies during their operations, and ongoing subsistence hunting as well as uncontrolled
land conversions have caused a significant depletion of the fauna, and have created extensive
areas of secondary growth and degraded soils.buscando reducir las presiones sobre la tierra con
la implementación de sistemas silvopastoriles y agroforestales que al mismo tiempo incrementen
los ingresos de los pobladores.
28 Ribera, M.O. 2002. Diagnóstico resumen - Reserva de biosfera - Tierra Comunitaria de Origen Pilón Lajas.
Unpublished.
29
a) Logging
At the time implementation of the reserve began (1996), there were nine timber companies
working in the reserve and its area of influence. None of them operated according to the Forestry Law in force at the time and they did not observe the regulations provided by the Supreme
Decree N°22,407 (1990 Ecological Historical Ban). In addition to extracting more timber than
permitted, most worked without forestry permits, technicians, management plans, or maps of
the reserve’s borders.
Without exception, these companies sought the most valuable species - mahogany (Swietenia
macrophylla), cedar (Cedrela sp.) and roble (Amburana cearensis). They did not implement any
reforestation or other recovery technique that could have led to sustainable use of the timber
resources. Instead, they depleted the richest stands found between in the piedmont, low montane,
and riparian forests (especially along the Quiquibey river).
Their predatory practices and secondary activities also generated serious environmental damage.
In order to extract timber, they built roads - many of which were unstable and unsafe as well as
environmentally destructive. These roads had no drainage systems; they were opened on steep
slopes; and small creeks were dammed with logs in order to facilitate the crossing of machinery.
The use of dynamite was also common to open passages along certain mountain stretches29.
The new Forestry Law of 1996 and the institutionalization
of the Forest Service in mid 1997 (with the opening of
local offices in Rurrenabaque and San Borja) precipitated
the exodus of questionable logging companies, which had
generated rejection in the local population because of
their systematic tax evasions. The two timber companies
whose concessions were retained under the new forestry
regime (Monte Redondo and Berna Sucesores) were
finally forced out several years later. Berna Sucesores
withdrew in 2001 after Conservation International,
Before its creation, a significant part of the with support from the Global Conservation Fund
reserve was exploited for its valuable timber and the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation, led a
compensatory negotiation with the company.
resources. Small-scale illegal logging is still
Individual illegal loggers (chainsaw operators) were also
taking place within the PA. Photo: SP
operating in the area. Typically, they worked for clients
from nearby towns or for timber companies. They penetrated the forest in search of valuable
timber species, opening new trails or using abandoned forestry roads, and were generally found
working in the former concession areas around Quiquibey river or in areas previously occupied
by Selva Negra and SERIMA Companies30. Locals from the Mosetene communities Asunción
29 Bascope, F., P. Saravia, B. Orosco and R. Saravia. 1996. Evaluación de impacto ambiental debido a la
explotación maderera en la Reserva de biosfera - Territorio Indígena Pilón Lajas y sugerencias para su manejo
integral sostenible. Technical report. On behalf of Veterinarios Sin Fronteras. 39 pp.
30
del Quiquibey and Gredal actively participated
in these activities, while Chimanes worked as
rumberos31.
When the chainsaw operators were unable to
find mahogany, cedar or roble, they sought the
following species: gabún (Otoba parvifolia), sangre de toro (Virola peruviana), tajibo (Tabebuia
sp.), verdolago (Terminalia sp.) and cachichira
(Sloanea cf. obtusifolia).
Overall, individual chainsaw operators cause
less environmental damage than logging companies and their heavy machinery. Yet, chainsaw
logging techniques are inefficient and waste a
considerable amount of wood per tree in the
process, meaning that more trees must be cut
using this method to reap the desired volume
of marketable timber. This lucrative activity,
despite its illegality, supplied most of the wood
consumed in the Beni Department32. Up until
the end of 1997, when the new Forestry Law
was implemented, all segments of the local population were in some way or another involved
in chainsaw logging, either directly or indirectly,
from indigenous people to local elites in RurRoads opened by logging companies operating inside
renabaque and other nearby towns.
the reserve until the end of the 90’s. The last timber
Implementation of the new forestry regime concession, owned by the Berna Sucesores firm, was
and a series of actions taken by the reserve’s
finally closed in 2001.
protection corps have successfully reduced
logging over the last few years. Nonetheless, the threat to the relict stands of valuable timber
remains high. Chainsaw operators are trying to legalize their situation and regain access to
the forest via establishment of Communal Forestry Groups (Agrupaciones Comunales Forestales
- ACFs). Given the fact that certain uses are permitted within the protected area and that the
‘Indigenous Communal Lands’ category grants the indigenous people a collective title to the
land, the question of banning loggers access to the reserve’s forestry resources is more a political
than a legal issue. Indeed, in spite of being legally allowed to prevent loggers from entering
their territory, there is no guarantee that the indigenous communities will be able to do so.
31 People who guide loggers to stands of valuable tree species within the forest.
32 PAF. 1995. Situación del sector forestal del departamento del Beni. Plan de Acción Forestal para Bolivia. La
Paz. 116 pp.
31
This problem is compounded by the fact that even within the indigenous community there
are individuals requesting the creation of ACFs (from both the Chimane and Mosetene ethnic
groups), creating intense division among indigenous leaders.
It should be noted that up until now, indigenous forestry has been focused on domestic and
communal use (for example building schools, banks, offices, and tourism lodges) and that
Tsimane Great Council’s proposal to commercialize timber from the zone has been rejected in
favor of ecotourism development as a source of economic growth33.
b) Collection of non-timber forest products
Indigenous communities gather a wide variety of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) such as
fruit, seeds, fibers, resins and latex, medicinal plants, honey, and turtle eggs.
There is a strong demand in local and regional markets for hearts of palm (from Euterpe precatoria)
and palm fronds (from Geonoma deversa, an understory palm) from species preferred for roof
construction. Both resources were once abundant in the area, but overharvesting has reduced
both species’ distribution throughout accessible zones. It does not appear that harvest techniques
damage the forest; however, once overharvest occurs - affecting and significantly reducing these
species’ natural regeneration - it can
transform the forest from primary (or
virgin) forest to a residual (disturbed)
forest.
Other NTFPs harvested (and sold locally)
include wild fruits like ocoró (Rheedia
sp.), achachairú (Rheedia madruno) and
paquió (Himenaea courbaril), and palm
fruits including motacú (Attalea princeps),
chima or tembe (Bactris gasipaes) and
majo (Jessenia bataua).
Used mainly in the fabrication of roofs, the jatata (Geonoma
deversa) palm frond is one of several NTFPs that have the
potential to yield economic benefits for the residents of the
reserve. Nonetheless, at present harvest rates this resource is
being rapidly exhausted. Photo: MSD
Some trees, lianas, grasses, and palms
are collected for handicrafts and medication, although their harvest is on a
much smaller scale than the previously
mentioned products. Local crafts include mats, baskets, bows, and wooden
boats, among others34.
33 Ribera, M.O. 2004. Reporte de sobrevuelo a la RB-TCO Pilón Lajas. Unpublished.
32
c) Agriculture and livestock raising
Agriculture is one of the most important subsistence activities for the indigenous people in
and around the area. The three main crops farmed after land conversion are rice, corn (maize)
and yucca; the first two are always farmed, but people from the East also grow yucca. To a
lesser degree, they grow other crops such as plantains, citrus, papaya, mango, annatto, cherimoya,
avocado, bananas, tomato, yams, beans, sugar cane, and pineapple.
Locations of agricultural plots prepared every year vary depending on the family and ethnic group,
but in general as close to the settlement as possible. The majority of the indigenous families farm
a total area less than 3 ha in size (summing up of all of their areas in active production)35.
Both the Mosetene and Chimane people conduct their agricultural activities at the nuclear family
level, although the most difficult chores, like parcel clearing and rice harvest, are usually done
with the help of extended family members36.
A current trend among some indigenous communities, especially the
Chimane communities located in
the colonization zone (El Dorado,
Caripo, Canaan, Yacumita, Río
Pando, Núcleo 24, Bajo Colorado,
San Bernardo, Chocolatal, and Santa Rosita), is to increase production
of crops in high demand in regional
markets (like rice, yucca, and plantain) in order to sell surpluses. As
a result, farm areas tend to increase
in size and crop diversity tends to
be simplified over time, leading to a
loss in agrobiodiversity37.
Raising livestock is not common
within the protected area, primarily carried out by the Chimane The average size of indigenous agricultural plots has tended to
communities settled along the road, increase in recent years, influenced by the market logic introduced
to the area by the colonist population. Photo: SP
using techniques adapted from the
35 Silva, R. 1997. Características demográficas y socioeconómicas de la población indígena: Recomendaciones
para un plan de manejo orientado a una mejora de su calidad de vida. Territorio Indígena Reserva de biosfera
Pilón Lajas. Technical report. On behalf of Veterinarios Sin Fronteras. 52 pp.
36 Balza, R. 1998. Análisis de la factibilidad social para el aprovechamiento de recursos maderables bajo
la responsabilidad de los indígenas de la TCO-RB Pilón Lajas. Informe final. On behalf of Veterinarios Sin
Fronteras.
Unpublished.
33
colonists.
Guided by market forces, colonists’ short-term productive cycles are based on the slash-and-burn
of primary forest and planting of rice and corn in Year One. In Year Two, they plant yucca. In
year three, the farm plot is left fallow or pasture grasses are planted for cattle. This typical cycle,
practiced on medium-sized parcels (between 2 and 6 ha), leads to soil erosion problems and lowered productivity. The use of agrochemicals is common among the colonists despite the scale of
operations38.
Several non-governmental organizations (VSF, DED, CESA) have been working with colonist
settlements, primarily promoting and implementing silvopasture and agroforestry systems in an
effort to reduce pressure on the land, and to help farmers increase their earnings, but most of
these alternative development projects have failed to provide viable solutions.
A clear trend from forest to cattle pasture can be seen in the agricultural landscape between
Yucumo and Rurrenabaque, in which the oldest communities (near Yucumo) have more pastureland dedicated to raising cattle than the newer settlements.
d) Hunting and fishing
Subsistence hunting is one of the main factors affecting the fauna of Pilón Lajas. Bush meat and
fish are the most important sources of protein for the area’s indigenous groups.
Commercial hunting of wildlife has significantly declined since the close of the pelt trade for
caiman, boa, otter, and cats39. There is still a local market for fresh and cured bush meat and for
river turtle eggs, as well as for live animals (especially birds and monkeys), which indigenous and
nearby inhabitants keep as pets.
In the past, hunting pressure exerted by timber company workers and illegal loggers seriously
affected medium and large mammals in the reserve (especially lowland tapirs, peccaries, deer,
monkeys, pacas, and tinamou). Today, the populations of these preferred prey are slowly
recuperating.
The lowest animal densities are found along the Rurrenabaque-Yucumo road, in zones of influence
surrounding logging roads, and in a 10-20 km belt surrounding navigable rivers. The only true
fauna refuges are found in inaccessible patches of primary forest.
Hunting and fishing complement agricultural activities year-round. Subsistence hunting
is intensified between March and May when the frugivorous animals are well-fed. Fishing is
intensified between August and December, during the dry season.
38 Escóbar, V. 1996. Estudio inicial de alternativas de industrialización y mercado para productos agroforestales de
la Reserva de biosfera y Territorio Indígena Pilón Lajas. Informe final. On behalf of Veterinarios Sin Fronteras.
39 Barrera, S., J. Guerra, F. Osorio, J. Sarmiento, and L. Villalba. 1994. Territorio Indígena-Reserva de biosfera
Pilón Lajas. Reconocimiento preliminar de la fauna. Technical report. CBF-IE/VSF. La Paz. 57 pp.
34
In addition to providing important protein in the diet, hunting and fishing provides a significant
means for maintaining group cohesion through the sharing of catches with family members. As
in other forested regions of the country, the use of firearms among the indigenous communities
along the Quiquibey river is on the rise, although all families still rely on bows and arrows40.
In the case of hunting territories, there is a certain degree of overlap between the different
communities’ hunting zones, particularly in areas with more prey. In the case of fishing territories,
the fishermen have introduced and respect relatively strict space distributions within and between
communities.
The most common traditional fishing methods include: bow and arrow, hand nets, traps made
out of chuchío or charo (Gynerium sagittatum) and poisoning with barbasco, a natural toxin
made from the leaves of the sacha bush (Tephrosia vogelii), or from resin of the ochoó tree (Hura
crepitans)41. Commonly-used, introduced equipment includes fishing poles and hooks, and thrownets called “malladeras”. Colonists, many of which come from mining zones, also use these nets
and dynamite.
Small-scale, illegal, commercial fishing occurs in the area to supply Rurrenabaque’s market
and other nearby areas. Desired species include the larger ones, such as barred sorubim
(Pseudoplatystoma fasciatum and P. tigrinum), sábalo (Prochilodus nigricans), dorado, mamure (Brycon
sp.) pacú (Colossoma macropomum), bagre (Pimelodus clarias) and blanquillo (Pimelodidae). These
species are found in the upper watersheds because of reproductive migrations toward Andean
and sub-Andean zones. Indigenous people also consume other, smaller-sized fish.
In the context of the dual categorization of Pilón Lajas as a Biosphere Reserve and Communal
Lands, it should be noted that governmental policies for populating the country’s lowlands
(mostly by highland colonists) over the last several decades have usually been accompanied by
the acculturation of the native population. Typically, indigenous people slowly adopt foreign
lifestyles that lack a vision of sustainable resource use (characterized by a predatory production
logic, intensive soil use, and social inequity). In addition, there are many reports of mistreatments
from colonists, examples of which include land invasions, discrimination, labor exploitation,
and even direct physical violence.
This acculturation phenomenon is particularly strong in Chimane communities along the YucumoRurrenabaque road (Alto Colorado, Núcleo 24, etc.), where a growing number of indigenous
families are adopting colonist-style production models, including the conversion of forest into
pastureland for cattle. However, because of the predominace of poor soils inappropriate for
agricultural development, production has turned extensive, with shorter rest periods and lower
levels of productivity, which threatens to lead to a ‘fallow crisis’42.
Unpublished.
35
The inclination towards accelerated development alternatives demonstrated by many indigenous
leaders and directors (who express, for example, their desire to bring television to their communities)
weakens the theory that indigenous groups will continue to act as protectors of the forest, based
on values and knowledge acquired over the centuries. In search of quick development, reserve
residents risk losing their traditional practices and the natural resource wealth that has allowed
them to survive until now.
Tourism
Tourism in the reserve is still incipient. Of the 13,000 national and international tourists visiting
the zone every year, only 200 to 300 people visit Pilón Lajas while practically 00% visit the plains
(pampas) east of Rurrenabaque and Madidi National Park43. Pilón Lajas faces two major difficulties for developing tourism: 1) it is hard to access during the rainy season, and 2) presents low
densities of charismatic animals, i.e. those species most frequently coveted by tourists.
In spite of these obstacles, the reserve’s tourism potential is very high. Attractions include several
navigable rivers, a beautiful lake (Laguna Azul), several archeological sites, and numerous indigenous settlements. Current tourism infrastructure and service offerings are only beginning, in large
part due to a 1999 decision by the indigenous people and the reserve administration to prohibit
tourism operations until there were regulations in place to control it. For now, the only tourist
activities permitted within the area are one ecotourism lodge, Mapajo, managed by the Chimane-
43 Robison, D. 2000. Los primeros pasos para un monitoreo social y medio ambiental de la Tierra Comunitaria
de Origen y Reserva de Biosfera Pilón Lajas. In C. Miranda and I. Oetting (Eds.). Experiencias de monitoreo socioambiental en Reservas de la Biosfera y otras áreas protegidas en la Amazonía. UNESCO. La Paz, Bolivia. 432 pp.
36
Mosetene
community Asunción del
Quiquibey, and two
other projects detailed
below.
Defining the criteria
on how best to open
Pilón Lajas to tourism
is a current topic of
debate. One document
has been drafted to
regulate ecotourism in
the protected area44,
placing special emphasis on the production of
tangible benefits for the
local communities. The
Municipal Government
of Rurrenabaque and
the tourism agencies
seeking access to the
area support the proposal.
The approval of this Tourism
Regulation Plan seems hindered by
a general lack of interest on the part
of certain indigenous communities
and even the CRTM (whose Strategic
Development Plan completely ignores
this issue). At the same time, some
tourist agencies have begun direct
discussions with certain communities
to start offering joint tourism packages.
These discussions weaken the hope
of coordinating efforts across the
indigenous territory, or exercizing any
effective control on this activity. A
limited number of tour agencies should
receive permits as an experiment, while
The jungle town of Rurrenabaque, main access point to Pilon the tourism development model wished
Lajas, receives more than 13,000 tourists annually. However, at for the area will be left to decide at a
present the reserve captures only a very reduced fraction of
this visitor flow. Photo: SP
44 Reglamento de Ordenamiento Turístico.
37
latter date. The reserve director considers that the indigenous people should have priority, but
not exclusivity, when it comes to tourism operations within the reserve.
Box N°2: Main ecotourism projects in and around the Pilón-Lajas
BR-TCO
The three ecotourism projects in the reserve and its area of influence are:
- Mapajo Ecotourism Lodge
This project began in 1998 with support from the embassies of the United Kingdom and
Canada, the Regional Amazonian Indigenous People Support Program (PRAIA), and the
United Nation’s Development Program. The investment totaled US$ 200,000 (compared
to the US$ 1.5 million investment in Chalalán in Madidi Integrated Natural Management
Area). Mapajo changed its status from that of project to a small community business when it
started operating two years ago (under its new name: Mapajo Ecoturismo Indígena S.R.L.),
paying rent to the communities for use of the infrastructure. This year, approximately 200
tourists arrived, traveling from Rurrenabaque on the Beni river. Conservation International
helps promote the lodge and PRAIA provides a technician. A product of joint efforts between
Asunción de Quiquibey and five surrounding communities, the emphasis differs from Madidi’s
Chalalán Ecolodge in that it focuses more on the area’s cultural values (all infrastructure reflects
and respects traditional styles and the community operates a crafts center). The fact that this
project has not yet benefited all communities has created several skeptics among the partners
who had hoped for quick results. Some of them have started their own lodges independently
of Mapajo, while others (Real Beni) have decided to abandon their tourist offering because of
the problems encountered in the distribution of incomes.
- Social Ecological Tourism Project (Proyecto de Turismo Ecológico Social, TES)
Supported by the Swiss international aid agency (PADER COSUDE) and the Vice Ministry of
Tourism and based on training courses offered by VSF several years ago, this is an agroforestry
project with the communities of La Unión, Playa Ancha, and Nuevos Horizontes. Community
members work to make forest products and crafts for sale to tourists.
- Agroecotourism Project in Cebú
This project is a result of a collaboration between VSF, DED, PADER COSUDE, the Vice Minister
of Tourism, and the Municipal Government of Rurrenabaque. Conservation International
and ICIB oversee and support the project with USAID funds. The project promotes visits
to agricultural and craft sites in Cebú (7 km from Rurrenabaque). Other activities including
horseback riding and construction of a canopy observation platform are planned.
38
Conservation and Research Programs
Since Ted Parker’s first ornithological
study (1989) of the area45, several
specific flora and fauna inventory
studies have been conducted in the
region. Information used to write the
1997-2001 Management Plan relied on
an exhaustive diagnosis conducted by
VSF in 1995 and a series of technical
studies carried out between 1996 and
1997 on the area’s flora and fauna,
natural resources, the legal situation
of logging companies, land tenure,
archeology, ecotourism, and the impact
of gold mining on local rivers46.
The collections of the Noel Kempff Mercado Natural History Museum (MHNNKM) built upon
Smith’s floristic inventories (conducted between 1998 and 1991) under an agreement to produce
a preliminary list of plant species for the reserve. The list was based on 1,300 specimens sampled
in the piedmont forests between Rurrenabaque and Yucumo, in the valley of the Quiquibey river,
and in the Pilón and Bala mountain ranges47. The authors of these species list drew attention
to significant information gaps, indicating that future efforts should focus on the southeastern
portion of the area (Inicuano) and the least accessible zones of the Pilón and Bala mountains,
where soil conditions have favored the development of matorrales rich in endemic species and
species with very restricted geographic ranges48. Concerning animal species, inventories are still
needed, especially of amphibians, reptiles, and small mammals (marsupials, bats, and rodents).
Interpreting Landsat satellite images (1990, 1:100,000 scale), Hinojosa (1994) created a preliminary
vegetation map for the area, composed of 11 classes. This map was updated by MHNNKM in
2000 and has since been refined by the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) team in La Paz.
Aside from the few studies mentioned, there has been limited scientific activity in the area, in
part because of nearby protected areas with active science programs. In 2003, there were two
theses conducted in the area: “The State of Conservation of Upper Quiquibey river’s Ichthyofauna”
45 Parker, T. 1989. An avifaunal survey of the Chimanes ecosystem program area of northern Bolivia. Technical
report. Conservation International, Washington, D.C.
47 Smith, D. and T. Killeen. 1994. Annotated checklist of the vascular plants of the Serranía de Pilón Lajas and
the adjacent piedmont, Ballivian Province, Beni, Bolivia.
39
and “Animals Used in Traditional Medicine in Asunción del Quiquibey and Alto Colorado Native
Communities“49.
Current research projects include an evaluation of the area’s reptiles (MHNNKM) and a study of
the fish associations and fishing practices in the colonization zone (led by the Colección Boliviana
de Fauna - CBF).
Because of the reserve’s high potential for applied investigation in ethnobotany and the
sustainable use of wildlife species, a person should be contracted to promote, coordinate, and
evaluate research, and to take further actions within the area based on results. Currently active
institutions concentrate efforts on strengthening the area and developing alternative economic
sources for local populations, both of which have produced few results to date.
Institutions with activities in the area include ICIB (Instituto para la Conservación e Investigación
de la Biodiversidad), German Aid (Deutscher EntwicklungsDienst - DED), WCS, and Conservation
International (CI). CI is supporting the constitution of an Interinstitutional Coordination
Council.
ICIB and CI are implementing the environmental communication and education component
of the larger “Carrasco National Park and Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve-Communal Lands Management
Strengthening Project”, financed by USAID. Part of their work includes creating the reserves’
environmental education and communication strategy, a work still in progress after the hiring of
an environmental education specialist was delayed. Other activities include:
natural resource management and support of sustainable economic initiatives (vanilla,
jatata, ecotourism);
strengthening of CRTM;
construction of a nature interpretation center (pending approval from SERNAP’s central
unit);
support to land titling; evaluation of tourist services (a comparative analysis of various
Rurrenabaque operators using a ranking system).
DED’s project focuses on social participation and management in the area corresponding to
the FECAR federation (in the Rurrenabaque area). They have two experts working to identify
and categorize women’s needs in the colonization zones in order to present the results to the
municipal government and other likely supporters.
WCS provides technical support in tourism (including self regulation of hunting activities around
the community) to Asunción del Quiquibey as part of its Living Landscapes Project. WCS is also
in the process of implementing a monitoring system in the reserve. In addition, WCS has used
the experience acquired with the drafting of the Madidi NP-IMNA Management Plan to lead the
update of the reserve’s own Management Plan.
49 “Estado de conservación de la ictiofauna en la parte alta del río Quiquibey” and “Animales utilizados en la
medicina tradicional en las comunidades originarias Asunción del Quiquibey y Alto Colorado”, respectively.
40
Other organizations working in the
area include PRISA-Bolivia, who
developed two small agroforestry
projects in the Yucumo area and
CARITAS who has promoted rural
development in Yucumo for several
years.
With funds from the Natural
Resource Management Component
of GEF-II Project, the SERNAP
is supporting AIPAC (Asociación
Integral de Productores Agropecuarios
de Cascada) plans to promote
ecological coffee production and a
beekeepers association (APABIO)
in the Cascada area.
Production of organic coffee in La Cascada. Photo: SP
41
Pressures and Threats
Pressures and threats to Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands include:
Pressures
Illegal logging
Hunting and fishing
Threats
Coordination problems between the reserve administration and the CRTM
Oil exploration
The expansion of the agricultural frontier into the reserve is
threatening its last remnants of piedmont forest. Photo: MSD
42
Pressures
The high demand for natural resources has caused a series of social conflicts between inhabitants
in and around the reserve. Some stakeholders have provoked and manipulated many of these
conflicts using misinformation to promote their own interests.
While the exodus of the logging companies at the end of the 1990s definitely resolved some
of the natural resource conflicts, today’s primary social conflict is related to land availability.
The two underlying factors for this conflict are: The impoverishment of land parcels (25 ha/
family), which were unfit for agriculture but which were nevertheless granted by the National
Colonization Institute (INC) during the 1980s; Natural population growth and continuous
increase in the demand for land, which has resulted in the division of the available land into
smaller plots, such as had already happened on the altiplano in the past decades, fuelling the
peasant’s migration to the lowlands when the size of the family plots had become insufficient to
feed all their members.
These circumstances, compounded by a lack of health and education services, lead to a
deteriorating quality of life. People in these circumstances tend to seek new lands, placing the
reserve’s foothills where soil is relatively fertile and slopes are moderate under increased invasion
pressure.
An overflight conducted in February 2004 in the framework of the Resource Management
component of the GEF-II Project provided insight on the alarming magnitude of the agricultural
frontier expansion into the reserve 50. Approximately 20% (15,000 ha) of the reserve’s eastern
side have apparently already been affected. This survey did not even include clearings in other
zones like Cascada or Carmen Florida close to Beni river, where requests for the degazetting of
the reserve are frequently issued51.
Over the last ten years, deforestation has converted forested land into a mosaic of agricultural
plots, stretches of fallow land, and planted pastures. Deforested areas in the south (Colorado river
and Yucumo) and secondary vegetation between the road and the mountains are contiguous in
nature (following a ‘fishbone’ pattern along access routes). Towards the north (Aroma - Villa
Imperial, Nuevos Horizontes, Playa Ancha), further from the road (2-4 km inside reserve borders)
deforestation still occurs in isolated patches.
51 Ten significant foothill and mountain ecosystems requiring intervention areas have been identified from
Rurrenabaque to the Casacada region: a) The area next to Rurrenabaque to Hondo river; b) Cebú; c) Rinconada
-Cauchal -6 de Julio; d) Nuevos Horizontes - Unión; e) Villa El Carmen - Playa Ancha - Collana - San Bartolomé;
f) Piedras Blancas - San Fermín - Ingavi; g) Aroma - Palmar - Yacuma - Hermanos Katari - Villa imperial, which
includes the area between the Colorado river and the Alto Colorado community; h) Canaan - Pacajes; i) Yucumo;
j) Quiquibey - Charal - Cascada.
43
Aerial photography from a February 2004 overflight, showing forest fragmentation in the
Canaan-Pacajes area, in the southeastern part of the reserve. Photo: M.O. Ribera
View of a stretch of the Yucumo-Rurrenabaque, revealing a fishbone deforestation
pattern and extensive encroachment into the reserve. Source: EarthSat/Google Earth.
44
There are three possible explanations
for this non-linear expansion:
(i) the presence of better soils
(although subject to erosion) in the
higher parts of the foothills;
(ii) people seeking to avoid control
measures; and/or
iii) people occupying areas in hopes
of obtaining a title to the land.
Poor coordination between the reserve’s
administration and CRTM almost The large number of sawmills along the Yucumo-Rurreninvariably benefited the colonists during abaque road is a clear indication of the lack of enforcement
of the new Forestry Regime. Photo: SP
INRA’s fieldwork in 2003 to determine
land titles. Many land holdings were
recognized and are to be titled in the future public results notification, in spite of the fact
that second generation colonists are almost entirely responsible for these encroachments, and
therefore illegal.
In the most affected zones including Playa Ancha, Piedras Blancas, Villa Imperial, Ingavi-Aroma,
Colorado river, and Yucumo, large, mixed-age agricultural mosaics prevail. They vary in size
between 50 and 200 ha, and often connect with one another to form extended, deforested zones
(one such zone spans more than 1,200 ha).
In addition to this situation, small- and medium-sized sawmills operate with or without permission
from the Forest Service. The mills purchase wood originating from these cleared parcels, often
employing the “habilito” credit system, in which the mill provides a cash credit or other products
or goods in exchange for wood. Species include ochoó, laurel, verdolago, mascajo, mapajo,
cachichira and other medium-quality species. It seems that raising cattle is no longer the main
motivation for extensive deforestation; rather this wood-for-cash/goods system appears to be the
Cattle ranching by colonists on indigenous lands inside the reserve. Photos: SP
45
main incentive. Low cattle densities in most of the deforested areas tend to confirm this theory.
Land encroachments not only cause large-scale habitat loss and impact fragile soils, they may
also threaten the customs and traditional living of indigenous peoples. Since colonization began,
many indigenous communities have had to abandon their territories or reduce their hunting
grounds because of problems cohabitating with colonists. In places, they have adopted productive
systems unsuited for the regional soil conditions including converting forests to pasture for raising
cattle.
As a result of these changes, colonists, and even cooperatives and associations, now occupy the
land most appropriate for agriculture in the reserve’s area of influence (lands that the indigenous
people used to occupy and manage). The colonists often do not cultivate these lands, yet they
exercise purported property rights when dealing with indigenous people52.
To stop this continuous encroachment and settle the land ownership, a land titling was proposed
soon after the designation of the Communal Lands - TCO) designation. VSF’s preliminary
efforts in 1997 (which were never completed because of serious conflicts between colonist and
indigenous representatives) identified 128 requests for property titles (87 in the Beni Department,
41 in La Paz), of which 60 were partially or entirely within reserve borders53.
Despite the urgency, the TCO land titling process (SAN-TCO) did not begin until the end of
2002 at CRTM’s insistence and under INRA’s direction. Today, the process has entered its final
phase: field work is being concluded, property titles are being legally validated, and results are
being publicly announced. In addition, the Agrarian Tribunal is reviewing several third-party
appeals.
Probable results of this process include:
1. A 10-15% reduction of the Pilón Lajas TCO in favor of colonists who were settled prior
to its creation. The Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve will not be reduced in size.
2. User rights of these private inholdings will be subjected to protected area regulations and
other restrictions as specified by the reserve’s administration.
This new division causes several new problems:
1. Colonists, who are about to receive property rights within the protected area, in general do
not acknowledge that these rights are still subject to the general Biosphere Reserve regulations,
which is not yet an official category within the National Protected Area Regulations (RGAP,
D.S. N°24,781 , July 31 , 1997).
2. FESPAI federation leaders’ interpretation of the SAN-TCO process has distorted the
agreements and has led to tensions with the reserve’s administration. Currently, colonists
52 Silva, R. 1997. Características demográficas y socioeconómicas de la población indígena: Recomendaciones
para un plan de manejo orientado a una mejora de su calidad de vida. Territorio Indígena Reserva de Biosfera
53 República de Bolivia. 2001. Situación forestal de los territorios indígenas de las tierras bajas de Bolivia. Serie
técnica XV.
46
are hoping for and Internal Titling (SAN-INT), which should have been done directly along
with the SAN-TCO.
3. Two colonist settlements, Piedras Blancas and Riberas del Quiquibey (Alto Quiquibey),
continue to expand their land holdings into the reserve, while refraining from participating
in the titling procedures. This is creating strong tensions with the indigenous communities,
who, according to those interviewed, are much less tolerant and even belligerent when it
comes to new settlements within the Communal Lands (TCO). This is confirmed by the
CRTM’s tendency to adopt progressively more radical positions.
4. The SAN-TCO titling process gave the indigenous people an important role in defining
the new TCO borders. Unfortunately, the communities selected a representative with
insufficient negotiation skills in front of the colonists’ demands. He even ceded significant
areas to a pressure group motivated by logging interests in the TCO’s southern zone
(12,000 ha)54. The indigenous communities are now questioning the titling results and the
administration has requested a new process (Simple Titling, SAN-SIM)55 to determine the
legitimacy of several third-party requests and to correct abuses. It should be noted that the
reserve now has a lawyer to work with INRA to correct these types of irregularities.
These four points are threatening the long-awaited land titling process as well as long-term efforts
to make peace with settlers, who have refused to accept the reserve’s existence from the beginning
and who demand revised demarcation (moving the reserve limits toward the mountain tops) and
even total dissolution (particularly conflictive are areas within reserve borders, but outside of the
TCO).
Another notable situation within these property rights conflicts is that members of the Tacana
ethnicity have not been considered in the Pilón Lajas TCO titling, and as a result, some Tacana
families risk eviction by certain uncompromising settlers (mostly in the Rurrenabaque zone). It
is expected that the SAN-SIM process will resolve this situation as well, but very few indigenous
families possess documents backing their property claims. Furthermore, the land titling procedures
are based on the colonist system (lots, plots, etc.), which is incompatible with the indigenous land
and resource use system.
54 In general, the TCO and Regional Council are unable to stand up to colonist demands; this situation is
complicated by the growing division between indigenous communities within the reserve (west of the mountain
range) and those that are close to the road, some of which are also within the reserve’s borders. These communities
have been aculturalized and are basically incorporated to the colonist economy, albeit with an underprivileged
status.
55 This process is exercized only if and when requested in cadastral areas when a conflict of overlapping rights
is detected in agrarian properties, national parks, state reserves, biodiversity reserves, and other legally classified
areas.
47
Illegal logging
The creation of the Pilón Lajas reserve in an area ridden with forestry-related conflicts basically
ensured that the protection of its remaining tracts of valuable timber would be no small feat56.
Even though the area’s zoning plan authorizes some logging activities in certain parts of the
reserve, the most interesting stands are also found in “core” or “watershed protection” zones.
Today, species depleted during the logging boom - mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla), cedar (Cedrela
odorata) and roble (Amburana caerensis) - only remain in poorly accessible areas, that is, on steep
mountain slopes. Mahogany, for example, has been entirely extirpated from the area’s piedmont
forests.
Even though chainsaw logging has diminished significantly over the last few years due to the
exhaustion of the precious woods, it still plays a significant role in the local economy (there
are more than 15 sawmills between Yucumo and Rurrenabaque). The following locations are
the most affected: Aroma-Villa Imperial, Nuevos Horizontes and Playa Ancha in the northeast
and Quiquibey-Charal-Cascada in the southeast (corresponding to the previously mentioned
deforested areas), where informants affirm that two truckloads of timber are removed daily57.
Other points of contention include recurrent cut permit requests in Eden, Puente Yucumo, and
San José and cases of illegal logging within the Chimane community of Alto Colorado (apparently organized by
the Huallata family,
a name associated
with other breaches of the reserve’s
regulations), which
led to tensions situation between the
reserve’s administration and the villagers when it came
to deciding the fate
of timber confiscated last year in this
community
(see
photo).
Even though indileaders
Uncertain fate of mahogany boards decommissioned within the protected area. genous
The reserve administration had a difficult time stopping the illegal sale of this claim to be against
timber. Photo: SP
56 Pavez, I. 1998. Rurrenabaque: motosierristas y dilemas para la conservación de los bosques. In P. Pacheco y D.
Kaimowitz (Eds.). Municipios y gestión forestal en el trópico boliviano. 489 pp.
Unpublished.
48
this demand and organized themselves to impede the sale of the timber (after an agreement had been
met with the reserve to use it for
communal purposes), when it came
to applying the regulations the community demonstrated a strong opposition, supported by the CRTM,
whose new president is also known
to be involved in the timber trade.
Another constant threat is Rurrenabaque Forestry Unit’s (SIF) continued complacency towards municipal
timber companies’ requests to access
the areas the old Management Plan Sawmill in the environs of the town of Rurrenabaque. Photo: SP
proposed as forestry use zones58. In
addition, SIF’s serious technical deficiencies to properly regulate and control extraction have
resulted in irregular and illegal logging within the TCO in order to supply wood to the local
sawmills59.
Notable deficiencies seriously limit the scope of the protection corps’ efforts, including weaknesses in the current Management Plan and the area’s forestry inventory, an insufficient number
of park guards, and repeated delays in budget payments. For example, because of a lack of operating funds at the beginning of 2004, almost all of the park guards had to retreat to Rurrenabaque,
thwarting the benefits of months, and possibly years of vigilance work in certain areas.
Additionally, limitations in the judicial system (for example, the inertia of the legal procedures,
which imply a minimum of 15 days for the processing of any offense) make decommissioning
illegal timber difficult, if not impossible, and the threat of violence an unavoidable reality. During our fieldwork, every park guard we met claimed to have been threatened by loggers at some
point.
Even though the TCO leaders support park guard control efforts, some of their radical actions,
such as the burning of confiscated timber in Cascada in April 2005, often tend to aggravate tensions.
Fronteras.
59 Ribera, M.O. Comunicación personal.
49
Hunting and fishing
Fishing is an important source of protein for indigenous communities, which all engage in this
activity and throughout most rivers. Fishing is most intense between September and November.
Unlike the indigenous people, who
mostly fish for personal consumption,
colonists fishing inside the reserve
frequently do so for commercial
purposes, against regulations. While
in the northern part of the reserve,
close to Rurrenabaque, the presence of
tourism operators results in a certain
level of control, since tour guides advise
A barred sorubim (Pseudoplatystoma fasciatum) caught by a park guards when they see infractions,
colonist in the vicinity of the Torewa community. Photo: MSD such protection is not afforded to the
southern part of the reserve (CharalPuente Quiquibey-Chonta), where dynamite and large nets are often used.
The most affected species include mamure pintado (Brycon sp.), sabalo (Prochilodus sp.), catfish
(Pimelodus clarias), barred sorubim (Pseudoplatystoma fasciatum), dorado (Salminus maxillosus), pacú
(Colossoma macropomum), piraiba (Brachyplatystoma filamentosum) and palometa real (Astronotus
ocellatus).
In contrast, the effects of hunting are felt the hardest in the reserve’s northern portion, because
of its closeness to Rurrenabaque, the main bush meat market. Colonist hunters enter and leave
the reserve at night in order to avoid the control measures implemented by both park guards and
indigenous residents, using generally rivers to penetrate the reserve’s core.
Species that are most threatened by illegal hunting include collared peccary (Tayassu tajacu),
white-lipped peccary (Tayassu pecari), tapir (Tapirus terrestris), nine-banded armadillo (Dasypus
novemcinctus), black spider monkey (Ateles paniscus), red howler monkey (Alouatta seniculus), South
American coati (Nasua nasua), giant armadillo (Priodontes maximus), deer (Mazama sp.), and Spix’s
guan (Penelope jacquacu). Signs of hunting are regularly noted within the reserve, but most affected areas are concentrated in the road’s area of influence and along the Beni river. Research is
needed in order to evaluate population status of the species most vulnerable to overhunting.
Towards the end of the dry season (between August and September), when animals are at their
lowest weights, most people dedicate efforts to collecting river turtle (Podocnemis unifilis) eggs
found on river beaches60.
60 Perry, A., A. Hennessey, B. Ríos y R. Silva. 1997. Evaluación del uso actual de la fauna en el Territorio Indígena
- Reserva de biosfera Pilón Lajas y su área de influencia. Fundación de Investigación e Exploración Tropical
(TREX). Proyecto Elaboración del Plan de Manejo TI-RB Pilón Lajas. On behalf of Veterinarios Sin Fronteras.
50
The advancing agricultural frontier and
its gradual encroachment into the reserve have spawned numerous development projects in the reserve’s influence
zone. Many of these projects, past and
present, have generated perverse incentives that led to a further increase in invasion pressure61.
For example, at the beginning of the
90s, the non-governmental organization
CESA provided cattle to people who
had established pasture on the forested
hills. An ongoing project in the Palmar- Cattle raised for commercial purposes inside the reserve.
Yucumo called the “Heifer Program,”
Photo: SP
financed by Heifer International and
managed by PROGYN, donates cows to settler families and builds feeding centers that stimulate
calf production. This project provides a direct incentive to convert primary forest to pastureland.
Another worrying aspect is the contradictory doublespeak of some development organizations.
For example, the organizations ASPAE (Asociación de Productores Agroecológicos in Yucumo) and
ASIPA (Asociación Integral de Productores Agropecuarios) support the expansion of grazing lands
in forested zones within the TCO, while at the same time expounding sustainability, ecological
production, and defense of the reserve. By granting deforestation permits for areas within the
reserve, the Agrarian Service acts as an accomplice to this organized pillage.
Threats
the CRTM
Since the Management Committee’s presidency transferred from the reserve to the Rurrenabaque
Municipal Government, relations between the reserve’s administration and the CRTM have
deteriorated notably, and led to a growing tendency to separate the Reserve and TCO concepts.
51
The joint administration of the Reserve and the TCO is proving to be a complex undertaking.
The Municipal Government of Rurrenabaque, in principle against the TCO for considering it “a
lot of land for few people”62, is comforted in its position by the ever more radical attitude adopted
by the CRTM towards the colonists’ aspirations to open new lands for farming. In the past year
this institution has even distanced itself from the reserve administration, using funds provided
by IBIS-Denmark63 to move its office away from the reserve property. Acts of violence from
indigenous people against a park guard have also perpetuated an increasingly uncooperative
situation.
According to the reserve’s director, the fundamental problem in the relationship in this
coordination shortfall is a lack of clearly-defined roles for the two institutions. Signing a formal
co-administration agreement would help divide and define roles for joint management, but the
director feels that the CRTM is not currently prepared to take charge of this responsibility.
Another problem is the deteriorating relations between indigenous communities and conservation
groups. Some of the problem can be traced to Giuseppe Lamele, one of the consultants in
charge of drafting the previous TCO Strategic Development Plan. Based on the perception that
the process lacked social participation, he is reported to have launched a campaign to discredit
conservation organizations, in particular Conservation International, with obvious negative
repercussions and impacts all the way to SERNAP’s headquarters in La Paz.
It is feared that further deterioration of relations between the two institutions with jurisdiction
over the area will convert the dispute into fertile ground for those sectors that are against the
reserve or the TCO, even when the recent municipal elections in December 2004 seem to have
placed the reserve in a more favorable position with municipal governments (especially in Palos
Blancos where the timber-dealing mayor left was replaced by a more neutral person).
The reserve’s 1997 Management Plan described the risk of new colonization to the area as
follows:
“Even though it appears that the colonization phenomenon in the area has stabilized, two current factors
could change this:
1.The new transoceanic road project, uniting Chilean and Peruvian ports with the Atlantic, and
Brazilian ports with the Pacific, which passes by Yucumo and Rurrenabaque and which could attract
new settlements.
2. A new unemployment crisis in the highlands that could provoke the arrival of new settlers, especially
towards Yucumo-Rurrenabaque and other areas in the north of the La Paz department.”
62 Juan Carlos Miranda (personal communication).
63 IBIS-Denmark is an NGO supporting the strengthening of indigenous peoples’ political and organizational
capacities.
52
In Bolivia’s current political and economic climate, both scenarios sound each passing day more
and more like astute predictions than pessimistic conjectures.
Lack of agriculturally-suitable land as well as the recent, brutal emergence of the Landless Peasants’
Movement (Movimiento Sin Tierra - MST) in Bolivia threaten the integrity of many protected
areas, especially those that present agricultural potential, like Pilón Lajas BR-TCO.
At the beginning of 2004, the MST sent a group of emissaries in an effort to recognize lands
for potential settlements near Laguna Azul. Its local leader, Eufrasio Jauregui is threatening to
invade the area with 300 people originating from the town of Caranavi (200 km southwest of
the reserve). This threat is not an isolated case. Fortunately, the municipal elections held in
December 2005 resulted in a rejection of this political affiliation.
It is worth noting that the conflicts generated by this recent threat may actually act as a reconciling
factor between indigenous communities and certain colonist federations, which are both fiercely
opposed to the arrival of new colonizer groups.
Oil exploration
The Pilón Lajas BR-TCO is located in a zone that oil companies consider potentially rich in
hydrocarbons. Gulf, Shell and TOTAL have carried out prospecting activities in the area since
the 70s. Extraction of the hydrocarbon resources from reserve soil has yet to occur, but one of two
new 2-D seismic exploration projects
in the region threatens to disfigure a
significant area.
If the first project, promoted by
REPSOL, would only affect Madidi NPIMNA by limiting the exploitation to
the Tuichi Block, the project promoted
by the Brazilian company PETROBRAS
in its concession (Río Hondo Block)
would affect both Madidi and Pilón
Lajas.
This project proposes two oil drills:
One drill outside of the protected
area (Southern Line) with base
stations in Palo Blancos, which
is approved and should begin
operations soon;
One drill within the protected
area (Northern Line), between
Núcleo 24 and Inicua river, in the Characteristic impact of an oil drilling field in a tropical forest.
Beu mountain range.
Photo: Pegasus/Visuals Unlimited
53
Implementing this project would result in severe environmental damage for the area. Specifically,
in order to carry out seismic drilling: 1) a corridor hundreds of kilometers long is needed, which
will cross four mountain ranges in the internal buffer and strict protection zones, areas supposedly
incompatible with hydrocarbon development; 2) dynamite will be used to perforate thousands
of wells; 3) complex infrastructure, including a network of heliports will have to be installed to
transport, unload, and store material and to house a large staff (ca. 150 people).
While colonist groups support the Northern Line because they see it as a source of employment,
the indigenous people and the reserve administrators strongly oppose it. Despite this opposition,
PETROBRAS is insisting on moving forward and is currently waiting for the Vice Ministry of the
Environment to approve its environmental license.
The fact that the project is illegal64 is an inconsequential detail when considering the political
power oil companies in Bolivia. PETROBRAS already operates illegally in other parts of the
country, including the Gran Chaco, with total impunity. PETROBRAS is also well known for
its poor record on maintaining its installations and conducting restoration - leaving old wells or
other infrastructure in precarious conditions.
The decision to open Pilón Lajas BR-TCO to hydrocarbon exploration depends heavily on current
changes to the national legislation. Concomitant with revising the Hydrocarbon Law (promoted
by the same popular movement that led to the resignation of Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada from
the presidency in October 2003) is an effort to promulgate a Law to replace the weak Protected
Areas Act (RGAP, D.S. N°24,781 ).
At present, there seems to be no way out of this situation, especially considering the focus of the
most recent protected area law project - unanimously rejected by all conservation organizations
- which proposed to not only legalize mining, logging, and oil exploration and extraction in
protected areas, but to also grant the promoters of these activities the status of legitimate
stakeholders within these protected areas’ Management Committees65. What is more, the Bolivian
legislation contains norms that seriously threaten the existence and integrity of protected areas
and Communal Lands (TCOs). For example, the Hydrocarbon Law authorizes expropriation of
land situated on a petroleum concession for prospecting and/or extraction. While homes and
their outbuildings are exempt from this norm, the INRA Law further establishes that “collective
properties can be expropriated in exchange for compensation”66.
Even under such tenuous legal standing, recent events have shown that jurisprudence can effect
64 The “Río Hondo” Hydrocarbon Concession was granted to PETROBRAS after the declaration of the Pilón
Lajas BR. According to its legal creation decree, oil exploration and extraction activities are strictly prohibited.
65 National System of Protected Areas Law Project, July 25, 2003 (Proyecto de Ley del Sistema Nacional de Áreas
Protegidas). This text would legalize mining, logging, and oil drilling in protected areas, except in core zones, parks,
and sanctuaries. However, given the dispositions for the revision of zoning plans and recategorization of protected
areas, even national parks and other strictly protected areas would become vulnerable to oil exploitation. In the
weaker categories, such as Biosphere Reserves, only small, redefined core zones would be protected.
54
conservation, such as in 2001 when national institutions and the civil sector of Santa Cruz
presented such a strong opposition that they forced ANDINA (an Amoco subsidiary) to abandon
its oil exploration project inside Amboró NP-IMNA. Pilón Lajas BR-TCO’s dual categorization,
coupled with its biological richness, may provoke a similar reaction, but to date the resistance has
not reached beyond the local sphere.
Recommended Solutions
In Bolivia’s currently highly unstable political, social, and economic situation, especially in the
north of the La Paz Department, the topic of land tenure has become a magnet of social conflicts.
Multiple syndicated colonist organizations are pressuring governmental agencies to address their
demands, causing a general weakening of democratic institutions. In the Pilón Lajas region, most
colonists resent the reserve because of the restrictions associated with it and because of what
they see as lack of communication and transparency about its regulations and objectives. In this
context, land invasions are virtually unstoppable, and the call for the protected area’s degazetting
issued by certain sectors constitutes a permanent threat.
Two additional weaknesses combine to
aggravate the problem:
a) the reserve borders
proposed without taking the
socio-cultural context and
area’s agricultural potential
consideration, and;
were
local
the
into
b) protected area staff do not know
where limits are and they do not
effectively control the limits that
are closest to the road67.
In areas where the decree stipulates
that the reserve limit is 5 km from
the mountain range, there is no Exercizes such as this conservation valuation workshop require
demarcation of this boundary, and it is very few resources and allow to capitalize on the protection
corps’ experience while providing valuable training.
Photo: Roberto Daza
67 Only a recent overflight shed light on the magnitude of the advancing agricultural frontier. Neither reserve
staff nor the indigenous council members were previously aware of its extent.
55
still necessary to come to an agreement with the closest settlers regarding the area’s limits.
In concurrence with other institutions, ParksWatch considers that the reserve was poorly
planned and the new Management Plan should revise the reserve’s category and zoning using
input and participation from the region’s stakeholders. In addition, since Biosphere Reserves are
not recognized in the Protected Areas General Regulation, the area should be recategorized to
one of the management categories defined in this document. We consider the Integral Natural
Management Area category to be the most compatible with its current management policies,
while emphasizing the need to include areas of high conservation value in core zones.
A Titling Adjustment Process (SAN-SIM) should be conducted to correct abuses that occurred
during the recent TCO titling process (SAN-TCO). Such a process will certainly be a delicate one,
considering that both colonists and indigenous communities have adopted very radical positions.
Based on this situation, we recommend that the park guards acquire a better knowledge of the
area and that the efforts of the reserve administration be concentrated on improving relations
with distinct social sectors and promote more participatory management via the Management
Committee, whose composition must be urgently completed.
In addition, the protection corps should be trained in topics such as conflict resolution,
disseminating information in local communities (environmental communication), environmental
education, and alternative economic activities (that are compatible with conservation). Given
SERNAP’s chronic limitations related to training, staff should be participating in workshops
organized by other entities at the local, region, national, and even international level. A recent
example was CARE-Bolivia’s training course for forest fire response and rescue.
Regarding recommendations for rezoning, the piedmont belt of medium and low lying hills in
the reserves’ eastern sector have been identified as one of the biologically richest Sub-Andean,
Amazon tropical forests in the country, and maybe the world. It is also extremely fragile due to
its geological and soil characteristics68, and is one of the reserve’s ecosystems most threatened by
colonization. In this sector, the following zones, where agricultural frontier expansion is the most
intense, should receive particular attention:
1) Colorado river’s valley and foothills (towards Alto Colorado), where the mountains
give way to rolling hills. Due to its easy accessibility, this area has seen the most extensive
encroachment into the reserve borders and is under heavy logging pressure, including from
indigenous families69.
2) The plains facing the colonist communities of Playa Ancha and Nuevos Horizontes.
3) The Cascada-Alto Quiquibey zone, where colonist expansion and illegal chainsaw logging
are progressing rapidly, facilitated by the reserve administration’s weak capacity and the
complacency of certain indigenous people.
Unpublished.
69 Especially the Huallata family.
56
The reserve’s entire highlands
should be designated as a
strict conservation zone
because of their importance
for watershed protection.
All of the communities in
the road’s area of influence
and a number of large cattle
owners in the Beni Plains
depend entirely on this water.
Without exception, any and
all products extracted from
this area should be confiscated
and those involved in their
extraction sanctioned.
Another recommendation is The cloud forests ensure a hydrological regulation function that benefits
to promote awareness about
all the region’s population. Photo: SP
and access to family planning
in order to stifle the unsustainable population growth rate. The land is being rapidly exhausted,
and it may not be long before all productive lands within the reserve are converted to human
use. Institutions promoting alternative activities to reduce such pressure on the land should work
with community members to develop awareness about the need to control family size.
Another serious problem detected is that many colonists waiting for property titles of reserve land
do not accept to place to their production for conservation purposes. ParksWatch recommends
two alternative solutions if negotiations between the reserve’s administration and these families
were to fail (both of which would be difficult to implement under current financial conditions):
a) Ecological service payments: funds could be raised to compensate property owners for
respecting certain regulations (for example, not selling their lands, not deforesting, not
burning, not littering, or not extracting natural resources).
b) Charges for grazing rights within the reserve: Guidelines and payment scales should
be established by the TCO administration (CRTM) for grazing rights within the reserve.
Not only would such a system establish a fair compensation mechanism for indigenous
people deprived of their traditional lands, it would help them acquire a concrete basis for
negotiating resource access with other groups. This model is a very common transaction in
private cattle grazing fields.
Additional solutions recommended to resolve the encroachment threat are detailed in the
Development projects section below.
57
Non-native immigrants looking to settle reserve land must be discouraged from arriving to
the area in the first place, otherwise dangerous precedents will be set. Awareness should be
raised regarding the negative effects new immigration waves would have on local development
opportunities. Colonists should be dissuaded from inviting relatives and friends to settle the
area, which is a common phenomenon in many colonist communities.
The area’s administration should strictly block any new settlements and contain existing ones,
seeking help from the police force or military if need be, as has already been the case in the past. One
possible strategy to block new settlements is to strengthen the CRTM-Reserve alliance70. Baseline
data on human population and deforestation are needed to monitor future land encroachment.
A new census has been conducted as part of the process of updating the Management Plan, but
according to the reserve director it does not reflect land use patterns in Tanaca communities near
Rurrenabaque (past the Susy park guard station), where the agricultural frontier is advancing at
a steady pace in order to meet the demand of local urban markets.
At the national level, the SERNAP must develop contingency plans and the capacity to enact
rapid responses against future offenses from the MST. Successful implementation would require
strengthening legal mechanisms for enforcing unauthorized trespassing and land invasions in
protected areas.
Illegal logging
The titling of the Pilón Lajas TCO and subsequent creation of the biosphere reserve forced
loggers to stop their activities, resulting in lost economic income for all those previously involved
in the timber industry in the region. However, these people are unwilling to forfeit remaining
commercial wood resources in the Quiquibey river valley and now seek to gain access via the
creation of ACFs (Communal Forestry Groups) under dispositions of the 1997 Forestry Law.
From a legal point of view, the only way neighboring communities of Rurrenabaque or other
companies could gain access to Pilón Lajas BR-TCO’s forestry resources is via a subsidiary
contract, voluntarily signed by indigenous people and the person(s) seeking access, as outlined in
Article 29° (forestry concession) and Article 78° of the Forestry Law71.
ParksWatch considers this option the best option to manage and use Pilón Lajas BR-TCO’s
forestry resources (in zones compatible with this use).
A serious obstacle for implementing sustainable forestry management is that commercial forestry
70 Proximity of SERNAP’s and CRTM’s offices should be taken advantage of so that indigenous people along
with park guards are trained to conduct protection and patrol activities. CRTM could elect representatives from
strategic areas to work with the park guards in control and vigilance operations.
Fronteras.
58
is not part of traditional indigenous culture, which is not familiar with concepts inherent to
sustainable commercial management, such as planning, investment, surplus generation,
marketing, and resource and personnel administration72. Therefore, a solid training component
and continued guidance with involved communities must accompany any timber extraction
authorization.
In order to better control logging within the reserve, a sufficient number of park guards should
be assigned to the new Susy ranger station (Beni river) and legal procedures for seizure should
be streamlined, since they currently hinder rather than help effective enforcement. We also
recommend strictly regulating colonists’ forestry activities in the reserve’s area of influence.
Contact persons should be designated (like special vigilance committees) in each community
to inform reserve personnel of any illegal extractions from the reserve. Park guards would then
verify the claims and take appropriate action. A culture of respect for the law and the reporting
of infractions should gradually be promoted, both to eliminate furtive logging and as a way to
involve more people in the protection of the reserve’s forests.
Interventions should be aimed at purchasers and transporters and should avoid sanctioning
communities, which would further deteriorate relations with reserve staff. Since putting park
guard stations at every access point from the Yucumo-Rurrenabaque road is not feasible, trenches
should be installed that would prohibit vehicle passage. It is also recommended to strengthen the
Forestry Service’s control posts in order to ensure a stricter control of truck cargo.
Finally, we also recommend that the area coordinate efforts with the President of the Tsimane
Great Council (San Borja), Jorge Añez. It seems that he is the only indigenous counterbalance
against logging in the reserve as it was he who promoted respecting the reserve according to
signed agreements during the March for Dignity (Marcha para la Dignidad).
Hunting and fishing
Even though hunting and fishing pressure is much less today than it was during the logging
boom, continued hunting and fishing of threatened and recovering populations represents a
serious threat for several species. We recommend researching the activity in order to recommend
and implement community control and fauna management measures.
Threats to the reserve’s fauna stem from lack of vigilance. As a result, neither prohibition of
inappropriate hunting/fishing methods (like dynamite use in the south) nor established hunting/
fishing seasons are enforced.
Since the protection corps is small, sustainable hunting and fishing strategies must be developed
in a participatory way with indigenous and colonist inhabitants, and their collaboration is needed
to control hunting and fishing by outsiders.
A basic understanding of the most sought after species’ biology and ecology (e.g. reproduction
72 Ibid.
59
periods and habits, local migrations, feeding habits) is a
must, such as the unveiling of local source-sink dynamics.
Building on these biological and ecological bases, the
reserve’s administration along with the communities
could establish fauna management and protection areas;
determine sustainable quantities, volumes, and catch sizes;
agree on hunting/fishing seasons and activity restrictions in
critical habitats; and develop territorial planning and other
restriction mechanisms using local consensus.
The fresh footprint of a tapir (Tapirus The hunting of vulnerable species such as Spix’s guan
(Penelope jacquacu), helmeted curassow (Crax unicornis), black
terrestris). Photo: SP
spider monkey (Ateles paniscus), and white-lipped peccary
(Tayassu pecari) should be significantly reduced and monitored, and totally prohibited for the
following species: spectacled bear (Tremarctos ornatus), giant otter (Pteronura brasiliensis), river otter
(Lutra longicaudis), jaguar (Panthera onca), puma (Puma concolor), gato de monte, as well as the black
caiman (Melanosuchus niger) and horned curassow (Pauxi unicornis) if it is found that populations
of these species still exist in the area). In addition, hunting should be prohibited in the core zone
and the ecotourism zone.
To reduce hunting pressure on the reserve, the communities should take on the responsibility
of managing and controlling habitats and key vegetative species important for fauna around
their communal territories. To do so, professionals are needed to advise and train them. Certain
actions should be considered, such as establishing species-specific hunting/fishing seasons,
not hunting animals with young, establishing minimum and maximum size limits for fish, and
restricting the use of firearms. Also, IPD-BENI (Instituto para la Promoción y Desarrollo del Beni) has
experience raising certain wildlife species. Learning from their experience could help implement
small guan- or paca-raising farms.
Regarding poaching and illegal fishing, the procedures for seizure and imposing sanctions outlined
in the General Protected Areas Act (RGAP) should be simplified in order to more reliably penalize
offenders. Implementing associated regulations requires close coordination between the reserve’s
administration and local authorities. In addition, sanctions for those found guilty should be
exemplary and severe in order to deter future offenders.
ParksWatch recommends implementing the Pilón Lajas BR-TCO Monitoring Program (as it was
designed at the SNAP level73) as soon as possible as we consider it indispensable. The park guards
could carry out the program during their patrols, and therefore would not depend on fluctuating
external financing.
Secondly, permanent transects should be established in the area. These transects should coincide
with park guard patrol routes so they can carry out permanent monitoring activities without
73 SERNAP’s monitoring program proposes concentrating efforts on the following four aspects of park
management : a) the state of the area’s principal conservation objects; b) threats; c) surrounding socioeconomic
situation; d) management effectiveness.
60
deviating significantly from their normal activities.
In addition, the protected area’s monitoring system should help track global change indicators,
such as precipitation and temperature (especially minimum temperature), whose variation could
seriously affect biodiversity and water quality in local bodies of water, including Beni river,
Quiquibey river, and Laguna Azul. These changes are usually the first indicators of ecosystem
change74.
The first stage of this monitoring program - the obtention of baseline data to map the most
sensitive areas and the training of park rangers in data collection and the use of GPS devices - is
already completed, but the implementation of the actual monitoring program has been put to a
halt due to the lack of GPS devices.
the CRTM
Any future improvement in the level of coordination between the reserve’s administration
and CRTM depends essentially on the development and signing of a collaboration framework
clearly specifying both institutions’ roles and responsibilities, defining common objectives, and
identifying the measures and resources needed to achieve them.
Concerning the accusations of poor local participation in the reserve’s decision-making, it is
recommended to strengthen the various entities responsible for stakeholder coordination, such
as the newly created Interinstitutional Coordination Council (Coordinadora Interinstitucional),
and to support initiatives promoting dialogue among different stakeholders (e.g. rural participatory
appraisals, municipal environmental planning workshops, Management Committee meetings,
training courses, environmental education campaigns, etc), emphasizing on the three main user
groups: indigenous people, cambas (mestizos of the country’s lowland areas, locally represented by
the Municipal Governments of Rurrenabaque and San Borja) and collas (native of the highlands,
principally represented by the colonist federations).
It is particularly recommended to provide the administration with resources to hire a technician
responsible for training and counselling CRTM staff on sustainable development alternatives,
with a view on harmonizing the reserve’s management objectives with the development aspirations
of the local population.
Oil exploration
Part of the conflict between the petroleum industry and protected areas is a deficient legal
74 Perry, A., A. Hennessey, B. Ríos, and R. Silva. 1997. Evaluación del uso actual de la fauna en el Territorio
Indígena - Reserva de biosfera Pilón Lajas y su área de influencia. Fundación de Investigación e Exploración
Tropical (TREX). Proyecto Elaboración del Plan de Manejo TI-RB Pilón Lajas, Veterinarios Sin Fronteras.
61
framework and a history of non-compliance. At least in the short-term, a potential solution is the
popular opposition, as was seen in Amboró NP-IMNA with the ANDINA Oil Company. The
indigenous community’s ill-will towards PETROBRAS’s exploration project75 was captured in a
letter signed by CRTM and other local development actors on July 29, 2004. SERNAP has for its
part rejected any type of oil exploration activity in the reserve since its creation decree; it opposes
granting this new concession; and, after analyzing PETROBRAS’ Environmental Impact Study,
has declared the two seismic exploration projects in the Río Hondo North Block non-viable76.
Given this context, we offer the following reflections and recommendations:
Mechanisms for disseminating information and public consultations should be implemented
concerning any petroleum-prospecting project in order to guarantee that all decisions are made
with local participation (via community representatives).
The conflict between protected areas and the petroleum industry should be interpreted as a
problem of decision-making within a mosaic of uses and not a Manichean problem (of yes or no).
Therefore, zoning studies must be completed that may consider recategorizing certain sectors
within the PETROBRAS oil concession without jeopardizing any sensitive area.
According to consultant Daniel Robison, scientific coordinator of VSF’s Pilón Lajas Project until
2000, it is not in SERNAP’s or its civil society allies’ best interest to take an intransigently negative
position when dealing with this conflict77. Considering that the legal framework does not favor
protected areas, ParksWatch agrees with this recommendation. Instead of entering a conflict that
could end up damaging other valuable conversation areas, it may be preferable to work towards
an agreement that would consider permitting oil exploration and extraction in certain areas as
long as proper environmental permits are secured. In this case, very strict regulations must be
in place as well as clear guidelines for compensating any irreversible environmental impact as
outlined in Title VI of the General Environmental Management Regulations (Reglamento General
de Gestión Ambiental, Law N°1,333). This alternative, carefully applied and agreed upon, could
strengthen the reserve’s management.
Before initiating any exploration activities in Pilón Lajas BR-TCO, an expert team should be
formed to help SERNAP78 carry out corresponding monitoring activities and to ensure that
those engaged in the activity comply with the environmental laws. Currently, SERNAP only has
one specialist focusing on environmental impacts of large projects.
75 Since petroleum royalties never reach local communities, the communities reject the petroleum industry.
They perceive their activities as foreign exploitation of national natural resources. This fact explains why the
communities tend to side with the protected area to push petroleum companies out and to support other economic
development alternatives that are more beneficial to their quality of life, such as tourism and watershed protection
for their crops.
76 Coello, J. Personal communication.
77 Robison, D. Personal communication.
78 Advances are being made in this way. SERNAP’s technical committee is giving priority attention to the
hydrocarbon conflict and has agreed to create a committee of specialists in order to take decisions related to this
topic.
62
The protected areas will remain vulnerable to hydrocarbon exploration studies (mostly seismic)
as long as Article 0 of the Hydrocarbon Law remains valid, which states that “any person, Bolivian
or foreign, can freely conduct in any part of national territory, surface inspections, including topographical,
geological, geophysical, and geochemical studies and other research or tests…”, thus opening up the
possibility of seismic studies in any part of a protected area. The only real defense is an alliance
between society, NGOs, and the press to carry out a massive opposition campaign to stop
exploration activities from occurring within protected areas. As already mentioned, this strategy
has already achieved positive results in Amboró NP-IMNA.
Another course of action is to push for resolution of the conflict through the upcoming
Constituent Assembly (Asamblea Constituyente). An effective lobby should seek to strengthen the
legal standing of protected areas and should try to consolidate the rights of Bolivian citizens
to live in a healthy environment. If lobbying activities resulted in better laws in the Bolivian
Constitution, then any citizen would be able invoke this legal tool when natural resources were
in jeopardy.
As for the indigenous communities, leadership abilities should be strengthened so that they can
effectively manage a participatory system and that they are able to come to the table and enter
discussions with powerful groups and transnational companies.
Pilón Lajas’ long-term conservation ultimately depends on the local population’s willingness to
trade unsustainable land use patterns for alternative production models that not only generate
economic income but also effectively conserve the natural resource base and ecosystems.
There are actually very few development projects in the zone, but some of those represent serious
threats to the reserve’s integrity. One project of particular concern is the “Heifer Program”, a
cattle replacement project that began in 2000. In the absence of appropriate mechanisms, the
reserve administration is incapable of monitoring or promoting integrated development projects
in its area of influence. Undoubtedly, if the reserve administration had been involved at the time
of project design, some of the impacts on the protected area could have been avoided.
This observation implies that the reserve director or other officer should be aware of all projects
being elaborated both within the protected area and in its area of influence, and he/she must be
able to anticipate problems that such projects may cause. Furthermore, he/she must participate
in planning to try to reduce potential negative impacts and assure that the projects are truly
relevant to resolving the zone’s problems. Institutions and organizations working in the region
need improved coordination in order to use available economic resources more efficiently and
to avoid duplicating efforts. Therefore, the recently formed Interinstitutional Coordination
Council should be strengthened.
There are also several technical deficiencies related to the process of assigning appropriate land
uses, and as a result some highly fragile ecosystems are threatened. For example, the Agrarian
Service certified land uses and even granted clearing permits for unsuitable land and reserve
land.
63
The subsidies provided for cattle raising in the reserve’s area of influence
foster the clearing of its piedmont forests. Photo: SP
This obvious infraction of reserve regulations resulted from a lack of coordination between
various agencies responsible for managing and controlling the area of influence and its resources
(including SERNAP, INRA, SA, SIF, VAIPO, Ministry of Rural Farmer Issues, among others). In
addition, gaps in the definition of each agencies’ jurisdiction and responsibilities have contributed
to enforcement failures. For example, in certain cases of illegal logging, the Forestry Service
claimed that responsibility fell on SERNAP, while SERNAP claimed the opposite. Therefore, it is
necessary to urgently delineate the specific duties and responsibilities of each agency operating in
the area. In addition, a legal challenge should immediately be filed against the Agrarian Service
(Superintendencia Agraria), and coordination efforts intensified so that this agency stops granting
clearing permits for reserve land.
However, an obstacle to implementing this recommendation is the weak legal establishment in
the region: there are very few lawyers in Rurrenabaque and other communities within the area
of influence. One suggestion to overcome this deficiency is that Pilón Lajas’ management could
take advantage of the expert hired by CI-ITTO’s project to support Madidi NP-IMNA or that
resources be provided to hire a dedicated lawyer.
Thus far, in trying to resolve conflicts and problems related to economic development in the
zone of influence, there have be no initiatives focusing on harvesting and commercializing low-
64
impact, non-timber forest products79. And, for example, VSF’s Pilón Lajas Project chose not to
focus on the understanding and improvement of existing productive systems (rice, yucca, cattle
raising) due to the fact that these activities are associated with slash-and-burn agriculture.
The failure of two of VSF’s alternative economic development programs demonstrates the risk
associated with promoting initiatives that are not closely related to local conditions or reality,
and/or that are elaborated without active, local participation. One project was tembe (Bactris
gasipaes) cultivation, a palm species from which the heart can be harvested without cutting down
the tree. It failed because it was not economically competitive relative to the products coming
from Bolivia’s Chapare region, Brazil, and Ecuador. The other project was pisciculture, but this
was and remains economically uncompetitive in the zone.
Future projects must be designed in consultation with local beneficiaries in order to identify viable
initiatives that people actually want. Consultations can occur and options be identified during
rural participatory appraisals, municipal environmental planning workshops, and Management
Committee meetings. The most important thing to remember is that dialogue between the three
principal groups of inhabitants must be promoted: the indigenous people, cambas and collas.
Using results from these consultation processes, a variety of projects can be developed that would
take advantage of a wide range of products. The following examples were identified in 1996
when the Management Plan was being elaborated80:
Crops for the local market: majo (palm), lime, ocoró (Garcinia madruno), annatto,
achachairú (Garcinia macrophylla), papaya, pineapple, passion fruit, and lemon grass (a plant
with medicinal properties);
Unprocessed crops that can be sold outside of local markets: jatata (Geonoma deversa)
- whose palm fronds are woven and used to make roofs in home constructions, achiote,
grapefruit, coconut, watermelon, and pumpkin;
Crops for specialty processing: honey, passion fruit, vanilla, and tobacco; Crops for
industrial processing: tembe palms, assai palm (Euterpe precatoria), pineapple, and cayú
(a fruit similar to an apple, whose seeds are valued for their high oil content. According
to the study’s author, this is one of the most promising products in terms of producer
convenience).
Additional specialty products that could be promoted in an effort to develop prospecting processes
and increase biodiversity value include pepper, cacao, and medicinal plants.
Although the area’s current productivity levels are not sufficient to install industrial processing
plants, several potential alternatives have been identified81:
Unpublished.
80 Escóbar, V. 1996. Estudio inicial de alternativas de industrialización y mercado para productos agroforestales de
la Reserva de biosfera y Territorio Indígena Pilón Lajas. Informe final. On behalf of Veterinarios Sin Fronteras.
81 Ribera, M.O. 2002. Diagnóstico Resumen - RB-TCO Pilón Lajas. Unpublished.
65
High density of Tembe (Bactris gasipaes) palms planted during the era of the Pilón Lajas Project,
many of which have since reached fruiting age;
Presence of old colonist families that have gained a certain level of understanding of the
region’s peculiarities and have achieved more stable and diverse production processes, especially
those implementing agroforestry systems using fruit trees or other useful trees, like papayas,
citrus trees, mango, cacao, and palms (motacú, tembe, asaí, majo).
Left: Natural vanilla near the Laguna Azul; Right: Jatata leaves (Geonoma deversa). Photo: MSD
Considering that serious financial support is needed for these initiatives (estimated at US$
40 million according to the person responsible for GEF-II’s Natural Resource Management
component82), Pilón Lajas Project’s evaluation report should be paid special attention, since it
concluded that the overall financial package awarded by the European Commission (approximately
US$ 4 million over 5 years, from 1996 to 2001) had been one of the main sources of conflict at
that time83. To avoid repeating the same errors, we recommend analyzing in depth the factors that
generated the stakeholders distrust of VSF, the institution in charge of managing the funds.
Before colonists can successfully adopt sustainable practices appropriate to local conditions, the
land use capacity maps (CUMAT) must be revised and a program providing solid, technical,
agriculture and forestry extension services implemented. It should be noted that achieving soil
sustainability in the Yucumo-Rurrenabaque belt requires not only improving soil use in the shortterm, but also strategies are needed to maintain fertility (maintain biomass levels and organic
material in the ecosystem) over the long term84. Indigenous inhabitants will also benefit from the
82 Ribera, M.O. Personal communication.
83 McKean, S. and D. Robison. 2001. Sistematización de la experiencia del Proyecto Pilón Lajas – Documento
Global. Agroecología Sierra y Selva, Rurrenabaque, Bolivia.
84 McKean, S. and D. Robison. 1994. El impacto del uso de la tierra en el área de influencia de la Reserva de
Pilón Lajas y las posibles alternativas. Technical report. Agroecología Sierra y Selva/VSF. Santa Cruz. 103 pp.
66
transfer of knowledge of advances in natural forest management.
The region is suited for a form of semi-mechanized agriculture that does not cause significant, negative
ecological damage. But, in intervened areas where forest is still part of the matrix (for example, in
Santa Rosa, Chocolatal, San Bernardo, Bajo Colorado, Río Hondo, Yacumita, Canaán, Caripo,
and El Dorado), we recommend forestry management and agroforestry using ACFs and Sustainable
Management Plans, Property Management Plans, and monitoring programs.
Opening Pilón Lajas BR-TCO to tourism is likely to bring economic benefits to the area and more jobs
for local inhabitants. Yet, future tourism activities could generate negative impacts. The construction
of infrastructure should be done in harmony with the landscape, following a careful planning that
takes the protected area’s double condition into account at all times (and therefore searching to
avoid negative impacts to both natural ecosystems and the indigenous peoples’ cultural integrity).
Keeping this in mind, we recommend promoting tourism-related training courses. Specifically, topics
should include managing community ecotourism businesses, improving transportation infrastructure,
signs and lodging. We also recommend defining and implementing animal reintroduction zones
specifically tied to tourism offerings. Health infrastructure should also be developed to combat
diseases like malaria, yellow fever, and leishmaniasis. With appropriate advertising in Rurrenabaque
tourism agencies, the planned interpretation center (in the reserve administration’s main office in
Rurrenabaque) can help drive the demand for tourism in the reserve.
In designing the region’s development strategy, the failures of the “Alternative Development Program”
(PDAR) in the Chapare province85 should be seriously considered, especially the continual lack of
access to markets.
Over the last few years, several institutions have helped to organize a crafts and local products
fair in Rurrenabaque, intended to increase exposure and sales. Unfortunately, the craftsmen and
producers lack the financial capital and capacity to tap into La Paz or foreign markets86. Some ideas
to boost access to larger markets include: undertaking a larger promotional campaign; some sort of
certification process for organic and socially-equitable products (like a Green Seal or Seal of Origin,
such as those used in Europe for products like cheese and wine); or the development of a brand name
for an association including all the regional craftsmen and producers, as used by AOPEB or Irupana
Foods. If international markets are to be sought, quality standards must be established, efficient
and flexible work methods must be created, and management capacities must be increased. The
producer must also keep related responsibilities in mind before setting off to market, for example, he
must deliver exact quantities, he must meet deadlines, and he must comply with the buyer’s agreedupon demands.
Finally, in considering regional development, conservation methods such as corridors and bioregional
management should be included in the reserve’s management. Pilón Lajas BR-TCO should also take
85 This program complements cocaine eradication campaigns led by the U.S. Government, and is being promoted by
institutions like the European Union, USAID, the United Nations, and many other organizations.
86 One of the main supporters of this initiative has been the Rurrenabaque Mayor’s Office in its “Productive Municipal
Government” program, which provides financial support to local organizations and small businesses working to develop
capacity for productive initiatives.
67
full advantage of its proximity to Madidi National Park, learning from its successes in channeling
funding for the region’s sustainable development.
Conclusion
The Pilón Lajas BR-TCO is one of the few protected areas in the country with shared administration,
which makes it a particularly interesting case for both the MAB-UNESCO program worldwide
and the SERNAP at the time of defining its strategy for future management of the national
system of protected areas. However, the co-administrating entity, the CRTM, has benefited from
a limited level of support in comparison with other such examples in the country (in particular
the Capitanía del Bajo Izozog in Kaa-Iya NP), reason for which it hasn’t yet fulfilled its role as
co-manager of the vast territory placed under its jurisdiction.
Another factor constraining the reserve’s management are the mistakes that were made at the
time of its creation and implementation. In spite of the ambitious diagnosis and data collection
effort undertaken (thanks higher than average financial resources) at its onset, this process
didn’t achieve the level of local participation warranted by the areas’s socioeconomical context,
in particular along the colonization axis bordering the reserve’s to the east between the towns of
Yucumo and Rurrenabaque.
The reserve’s third structural problem is political, determined by a growing opposition from
the country’s productive sectors and local elites to the figure of Native Communal Lands and
Indigenous Territories, whose legitimacy depends a lot on the facility of access to land and natural
resources, in other words on a condition which in a scenario of unplanned development and
rapid population growth deteriorates year after year.
Finally, due to a lack of direct income and governmental help, the reserve’s budget relies almost
entirely on foreign aid, making it vulnerable to the whims of international funding. This tends
to impose a short-sighted approach to decision-making and can thwart long-term efforts when
certain programs or activities need to be abandoned due to funding shortages, something which
has happened repeatedly in the past few years.
Despite these worrying aspects, the reserve displays a relatively impressive level of implementation
in regard of the challenges posed by the long distances, the chronic lack of resources and the
complexity of the human landscape in which it is immersed. Considering that the forests it
harbors are sufficiently important to secure a certain level of financial support, it can only be
hoped that this situation will be maintained until the achievement of financial sustainability.
68
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APPENDIX 1
Institutional Framework of the SERNAP
1/ Policies
The following outlines SERNAP’s political framework, which forms the basis for establishing its
objectives and selecting and implementing actions directed at meeting those objectives:
o Consolidate the SERNAP as an institution.
o Achieve financial sustainability for protected area management.
o Conserve biological and cultural diversity in the protected areas.
o Strengthen public participation in protected area management.
o Promote protected area management integration in national economic and social
policies.
o Contribute to improving the living conditions of local residents.
o Guide personal and collective values, attitudes and practices towards protected area
conservation.
o Promote protected area integration at the international level.
2/ Strategic agenda
The 2003-2004 Activity Report lists the following advancements in relation to the actions
outlined in the 2004-2007 strategic agenda:
o Strengthening of public participation via co-administration agreements with associations
of municipalities (mancomunidades) and farmer organizations.
o Joint establishment, among all SNAP stakeholders, of an effective, efficient, and transparent
management model focusing on “Parks with People”.
o Promotion and implementation of tourism strategies, policies, and activities in protected
areas, with tangible benefits for local people and communities.
o Development of a conflict management and resolution system for preventive action against
emerging conflicts within the SNAP.
o Launching of a national gap analysis to guarantee representation of the country’s ecosystems
within the SNAP and as a principal input for the design of its Master Plan.
72
o Laying the foundations for the achievement of financial sustainability and adoption of
financial management policies for donor funds or internal revenues.
o Strengthening SERNAP’s interinstitutional and intersectorial relations through
establishment of crosscutting principles, policies, and strategic management plan.
o Implementing productive uses (sustainable use of natural resources, tourism, etc.) and
land titling in protected areas.
Future work includes:
o Continue the prevention, management, and resolution of social conflicts related to
protected areas.
o Implement the agenda of the Constitution of the National Consultative Council as a
starting point for a social pact with grassroots organizations.
o Ensure the continuity of technical and financial support provided by such organizations as
MAPZA-GTZ, GEF-World Bank, BIAP-KfW and other technical/financial aid agencies, in
accordance with the SERNAP policies and strategic agenda and based on the harmonization
and complementation of processes.
o Propose and approve a Supreme Decree for the institutional reorganization of the
SERNAP in accordance with the reality and conditions determining the institution’s current
restructuring.
o Start the elaboration of a Master Plan for the SNAP.
o Conclude, adjust and initiate the elaboration of Management Plans in at least eight
protected areas.
o Adjust and improve public and institutional participation mechanisms in protected area
management.
73
APPENDIX 2
Objectives of the Pilón Lajas Biosphere
Reserve and Communal Lands
Legal basis: D.S. N°23,110 of April 9, 1992
Pilón Lajas BR-TCO is part of the National Protected Areas System (SNAP), whose objective is
“to conserve biodiversity incorporating public participation to benefit current and future generations” (D.S.
Nº 24,781 - Reglamento General de Áreas Protegidas).
The Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands was created to protect:
- a rich high diversity in animal and plant species;
- the headwaters of the region’s main water courses, including the Quiquibey, Colorado,
and Yacuma’ rivers;
- traditional lands of numerous indigenous communities of Mosetene and Chimane
origin;
- traditional knowledge of indigenous communities in western Bolivia.
Objectives of the Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve include:
1.- Conservation of biological diversity;
2.- Improvement of living conditions of resident communities;
3.- Improvement of living conditions of adjacent communities;
4.- Ensure and control the public use of the area.
Objectives as part of the international Man and the Biosphere Reserve Program (MABUNESCO):
.- Conservation function, “to contribute to the conservation of landscapes, ecosystems, species, and genetic
variation”. Actions related to achieving this objective include control and enforcement, scientific
research, and environmental monitoring.
2.- Development function, “to foster a economic and human development model that is socio-culturally
and ecologically sustainable”. Actions and policies related to this objective include creating local
74
management capacity, natural resource use policies, zoning proposals, community extension and
training, applied research, and ecotourism.
3.- Logistical function, “to provide support for research, monitoring, education, and information exchange
related to local, national, and global issues of conservation and development”. Actions and policies
related to this objective include pure scientific and applied research, environmental education,
and ecotourism.
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Pilón Lajas Biosphere Reserve and Communal Lands

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