Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies

Transcription

Journal of the
International Association
of Tibetan Studies
Issue 7 — August 2013
ISSN 1550-6363
An online journal published by the Tibetan and Himalayan Library (THL)
www.jiats.org
Editor-in-Chief: David Germano
Guest Editor: Karl Debreczeny
Book Review Editor: Bryan J. Cuevas
Managing Editor: Steven Weinberger
Assistant Editors: Naomi Worth, Ben Nourse, and William McGrath
Technical Director: Nathaniel Grove
Contents
Articles
• Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas in History: A Brief Note (pp. 1-16)
– Elliot Sperling
• Si tu paṇ chen and the House of Sde dge: A Demanding but Beneficial
Relationship (pp. 17-48)
– Rémi Chaix
• The Prolific Preceptor: Si tu paṇ chen’s Career as Ordination Master in Khams and
Its Effect on Sectarian Relations in Sde dge (pp. 49-85)
– Jann Ronis
• Purity in the Pudding and Seclusion in the Forest: Si tu paṇ chen, Monastic Ideals,
and the Buddha’s Biographies (pp. 86-124)
– Nancy G. Lin
• Si tu paṇ chen and His Painting Style: A Retrospective (pp. 125-192)
– Tashi Tsering
• Si tu paṇ chen’s Artistic Legacy in ’Jang (pp. 193-276)
– Karl Debreczeny
• Mercury, Mad Dogs, and Smallpox: Medicine in the Si tu paṇ chen
Tradition (pp. 277-301)
– Frances Garrett
• Si tu paṇ chen on Scholarship (pp. 302-315)
– Kurtis R. Schaeffer
• Notes Apropos to the Oeuvre of Si tu paṇ chen Chos kyi ’byung
gnas (1699?-1774) (4): A Tibetan Sanskritist in Nepal (pp. 316-339) (forthcoming)
– Peter Verhagen
ii
Other Articles
• Arriving Ahead of Time: The Ma ’das sprul sku and Issues of Sprul sku
Personhood (pp. 340-364)
– Marcia S. Calkowski
• The Significant Leap from Writing to Print: Editorial Modification in the First
Printed Edition of the Collected Works of Sgam po pa Bsod nams rin
chen (pp. 365-425)
– Ulrich Timme Kragh
• In the Hidden Valley of the White Conch: The Inscription of a Bhutanese Pure
Land (pp. 426-453)
– Bryan Phillips and Lopen Ugyen Gyurme Tendzin
Book Reviews
• Review of A Noble Noose of Methods, The Lotus Garland Synopsis: A Mahāyoga
Tantra and Its Commentary, by Cathy Cantwell and Robert Mayer (pp. 454-464)
– Giacomella Orofino
Abstracts (pp. 465-469)
Contributors to this Issue (pp. 470-473)
iii
Si tu paṇ chen’s Artistic Legacy in ’Jang
Karl Debreczeny
Rubin Museum of Art
Abstract: The influence of the brilliant scholar and painter Si tu paṇ chen chos
kyi ’byung gnas reached far beyond the kingdom of Sde dge (Dege 德格), extending
even into Yunnan Province of southwestern China, where Si tu traveled three times,
over a thirty-year period from 1729 to 1759. Almost from the moment that Si tu
established his seat – Dpal spungs Monastery – until his death, he became
increasingly involved and invested in ’Jang sa tham (Lijiang 麗江). I will use
several Tibetan sources to reconstruct Si tu’s engagement in ’Jang sa tham,
foremost being Si tu paṇ chen’s own diaries. These Tibetan accounts will be
corroborated and fleshed out using local Chinese records, such as contemporary
gazetteers, royal genealogies, and temple records. Within both Tibetan and Chinese
sources, one sees Si tu engaged in asserting his authority over monasteries in
northern Yunnan, through his participation in their founding, consecration,
ordination of monks, assignment of liturgies, and recognition of local incarnate
lamas. Si tu also arrived during a critical period of transition for the area: the
kingdom of ’Jang sa tham had just been abolished and Si tu cultivated the new
imperial authority in the region, the Qing-appointed magistrates, as new local
patrons. Visual evidence from the eighteenth century also suggests that the formerly
vibrant local painting workshops ceased to exist, and the monasteries looked to
Dpal spungs Monastery, with its prominent artistic traditions, as their new center.
Using visual evidence gathered in situ during fieldwork, I will demonstrate ’Jang
sa tham’s new incorporation into the Dpal spungs artistic orbit in surviving wall
paintings, which I argue drew directly from Si tu commissions that art historians
are only now able to reconstruct.
Introduction1
The brilliant scholar and painter Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas (Fig. 1) was
a deft and charismatic leader of the Karma bka’ brgyud order during a particularly
1
The following paper is largely based on my contribution to the Si tu paṇ chen exhibition catalog
“Bodhisattvas South of the Clouds: Situ Panchen’s Activities and Artistic Influence in Lijiang, Yunnan,”
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, no. 7 (August 2013): 193-276.
http://www.thlib.org?tid=T5748.
1550-6363/2013/7/T5748.
© 2013 by Karl Debreczeny, Tibetan and Himalayan Library, and International Association of Tibetan Studies.
Distributed under the THL Digital Text License.
194
Debreczeny: Si tu paṇ chen’s Artistic Legacy
volatile period in both Tibet and Yunnan. He was influential in multiple domains
of cultural and institutional life in eighteenth-century Tibet, making major
contributions to the fields of painting, literature, and medicine. As Si tu strove to
restore his religious tradition through his concerted artistic efforts he also revived
its court painting style, the Karma sgar bris, as well as the local artistic traditions
of his native Khams, causing them to “begin to shine again.” 2
Figure 1. Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas
(1700-1774) (detail). Khams Province, Tibet;
late 18th century (c. 1760). Pigments on cloth.
38 ½ x 23 ½ in. (97.8 x 59.7 cm). Rubin Museum
of Art, C2003.29.2 (HAR 65279).
Figure 2. Northern
Anandaroop Roy.
Yunnan.
Map
by
Si tu’s cultural reach extended far beyond his monastic seat, Dpal spungs, and
his native kingdom of Sde dge (Dege 德格). In particular Si tu devoted a
considerable amount of time and energy in the ’Jang (Lijiang) area of Yunnan
Province of southwestern China (Fig. 2), which in turn became influential in his
in David Jackson, Patron and Painter: Situ Panchen and the Revival of the Encampment Style (New
York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2009), 222-51. However, certain mistakes are corrected and translations
refined, higher quality images of the wall paintings in the main chapel discussed (Bkra shis chos ’phel
gling) are provided, and other aspects of Si tu’s involvement in the ’Jang (Lijiang 麗江) area are also
further explored and contextualized. Thanks to Pema Bhum, Elliot Sperling, David Jackson, Kristina
Dy-Liacco, Jann Ronis, Tenzin Norbu, and Zhu Runxiao for their help at various stages of preparing
this article. A Chinese translation of this article was published as “Pusa zai yun zhi nan: Situ Banqin
zai Yunnan de huodong yi qi yishu yingxiang li” 菩萨在云之南:司徒班钦在云南的活动以其艺术
影响力 [Bodhisattvas South of the Clouds: Situ Panchen’s Activities and Artistic Influence in Yunnan],
Gugong bowuyuan yuan kan 故宫博物院院刊 [Palace Museum Journal] 154, no. 2 (2011): 101-39.
2
mdo khams kyi phyogs ’di’i bzo rigs bris ’bur gyi srol yang gsal bar gyur/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen
Chos-kyi-ʼbyuṅ-gnas [Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas], The Autobiography and Diaries of Si-tu
Paṇ-chen [Tā’i si tur ’bod pa karma bstan pa’i nyin byed kyi rang tshul drangs por brjod pa dri bral
shel gyi me long], ed. Lokesh Chandra (New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1968),
158.1; Jackson, Patron and Painter, 12, 122, and 266 n. 349).
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, no. 7 (August 2013)
195
own areas of thought. Si tu traveled to Yunnan three times, increasingly investing
himself, over a thirty-year period, from 1729 to 1759. Evidence of Si tu paṇ chen’s
artistic legacy in ’Jang sa tham (Lijiang) can be most clearly seen at the temple
Bkra shis chos ’phel gling (Fig. 3), more commonly known locally by its Chinese
name, Yufeng si (玉峰寺), where I discovered a complete set of the Eight Great
Bodhisattvas (Nye ba’i sras chen brgyad) (Figs. 4 & 5) painted on six wooden
panels, which I argue are based on a Si tu commission. This study investigates
how these unusual compositions came to be on the walls of a temple in Yunnan
and explores the nature of Si tu’s involvement there.
Figure 4. Eight Great Bodhisattvas, east wall.
Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng si, Yulong Mountain,
Lijiang. Photograph by author.
Figure 5. Eight Great Bodhisattvas, west wall.
Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng si, Yulong Mountain,
Several valuable sources are available
to help reconstruct Si tu’s engagement in
’Jang, foremost being Si tu paṇ chen’s
own diaries, which included firsthand
accounts of his travels there, a rare
resource seldom available in Tibetan
studies. However, these accounts are often
just a list of places Si tu went and persons
he met, rarely elaborating on the personal
or social significance of what he recorded.
They are more chronologically arranged Figure 3. Main Hall, Bkra shis chos ’phel gling
notes to himself then a continuous (Yufeng si). Yulong Mountain, Lijiang, Yunnan,
China. Photograph by author.
narrative, and the reader is mostly left to
fill in the significance through context.3 This can be done to some extent through
the biographies of other Karma bka’ brgyud masters who had previously traveled
in the Lijiang (麗江, ’Jang sa tham) area – biographies written by Si tu together
3
It is unclear if Si tu’s sudden death prevented him from fleshing out his diary or if he had intended
his student ’Be lo to edit it in much the form we have today. Further, such lack of self-reflection is not
unusual to Tibetan autobiographies. See Janet Gyatso, Apparitions of the Self: the Secret Autobiographies
of a Tibetan Visionary; a Translation and Study of Jigme Lingpa’s Dancing Moon in the Water and
Ḍakki’s Secret Talk (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1998), xi-xiii, 107-14, 122-3.
Thanks to Jann Ronis for pointing this out to me.
196
with his close disciple ’Be lo.4 These are important not only in providing context,
but they also reflect what Si tu knew of the region, knowledge presumably gained
during these trips to Yunnan but not detailed in his own dairies. Further, the place
names, personal names, and titles Si tu used are a mixture of Tibetan and phonetic
renderings of Chinese and even the local Naxi (纳西) language into Tibetan, the
identification of which is just one of the numerous difficulties that such a study
entails.5 Yet with such cross-cultural complications also come opportunities, and
one can also corroborate and flesh out Tibetan accounts of Si tu’s activities in
Lijiang from local Chinese records, such as gazetteers, royal genealogies, and
temple records.6
4
Here I am referring to Si-tu Paṇ-chen Chos-kyi-’byuṅ-gnas [Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas]
and ’Be-lo Tshe-dbaṅ-kun-khyab [’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab], History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa
Sect: Being the Text of “Sgrub brgyud Karma Kaṃ tshang brgyud pa rin po cheʼi rnam par thar pa
rab ʼbyams nor bu zla ba chu śel gyi phreṅ ba.” [Bsgrub rgyud karma kam tshang brgyud pa rin po
che’i rnam par thar pa rab ’byams nor bu zla ba chu shel gyi phreng ba] (New Delhi: D. Gyaltsan and
Kesang Legshay, 1972), completed in 1775, vols. 11 and 12 of Si tu’s Collected Works, which contain
accounts of the lives of important Karma bka’ brgyud hierarchs, which was written by Si tu paṇ chen
and his close disciple and court scribe/secretary ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab. Si tu composed the
biographies of Karma pas one through five, and ’Be lo completed the rest, including Si tu’s own
biography, which is also included in this work. (See the colophon of Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History
of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 699). Also of significant use was Si tu and ’Be lo’s biography of
the Tenth Karma pa, which was excised from the above work (Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas
and ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab, Biography of Chöying Dorjé, unpublished (N.p., n.d., c. 1775),
hereafter referred to as the “unpublished Biography of Chöying Dorjé.” Another level of information
could be gleaned from the biographies and writings of Si tu’s contemporaries, such as ’Be lo, as well
as others who also traveled to Yunnan, including previous Si tu incarnations such as the Fifth Situ,
Chos kyi rgyal mtshan dge legs dpal bzang po (1586-1632) and the Sixth Situ, Nor bu bsam ’phel
(1658-1682, aka Mi pham phrin las rab brtan). However the biography of the Sixth Rgyal tshab nor bu
bzang po (1659/60-1698), who was born and rasied in nearby Rgyal thang (Zhongdian 中甸) and should
therefore provide a wealth of information on the region, is conspicuously absent from Si tu and ’Be
lo’s history. Kaḥ thog si tu chos kyi rgya mtsho (1880-1925) also includes northern Yunnan at the end
of his pilgrimage guide, Kaḥ thog si tu’i dbus gtsang gnas yig [Katok Situ’s Pilgrimage Guide to Ü
and Tsang] (Chengdu: Sichuan minzu chubanshe, 2001).
5
The works of the famous botanist and ethnographer Joseph Rock, who spent twelve years in the
Naxi areas of Yunnan, were useful in identifying place names and reconstructing Si tu’s itinerary,
especially: A ²Na-²khi-English Encyclopedic Dictionary (Rome: Instituto italiano per il Medio ed
Estremo Oriente, 1963), which includes a section on place names; The Amnye Ma-chhen Range and
Adjacent Regions: A Monographic Study (Rome: Instituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente,
1956); and The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1947), which includes detailed maps.
6
Foremost among these is the Lijiang fu zhi lue 麗江府志略 [Lijiang Prefecture Gazetteer], written
in 1743 (during Si tu’s visits) by the Qing appointed governor who knew Si tu; the Guanxu Lijiang fu
zhi gao 光緒麗江府志稿 [Guanxu Era Lijiang Prefecture Gazetteer Draft]; the Mushi huan pu 木氏
宦譜 [Mu Family Official Chronicle], the official Confucian style biographies of the Mu rulers of
Lijiang; and the Weixi wenjian lu 維西聞見錄 [Weixi Travel Record], the local Chinese gazetteer of
’Ba’ lung (Weixi 维西), written about 1769 (within ten years after Si tu’s last visit). See Guan Xuexuan
管學宣, Lijiang fu zhi lue, 1743 xylograph (Lijiang: Lijiang Naxizu zizhixian, 1991); Guanxu Lijiang
fu zhi gao, 1894 xylograph (Lijiang City Archive, Lijiang Old Town [government internal publication],
2005); Yunnan Sheng Bowuguan 云南省博物馆, eds., Mushi huan pu (Kunming: Yunnan meishu
chubanshe, 2001); and Yu Qingyuan, Weixi wenjian lu, in Yunnan beizheng zhi (c. 1769).
197
’Jang Background
Yunnan is a heavily mountainous area, and when Si tu visited in the early eighteenth
century, it was populated with diverse communities. Few of these communities
consisted of ethnic Chinese, who were just as likely to pattern their lives after the
Tibetan plateau to the north as to China’s central plains to the east. ’Jang, in remote
northern Yunnan (Fig. 2),7 was for centuries a powerful petty kingdom located
between Tibet and China, beyond direct imperial control. While ethnically and
linguistically related to the Tibetans, the local inhabitants, the Naxi, had closely
aligned themselves politically and culturally with the Chinese, depicting themselves
as Chinese officials in official portraiture (Fig. 6) and keeping records in Chinese.
As a result of military campaigns, the kingdom of ’Jang placed areas of northwestern
Yunnan and southwestern Sichuan, which were culturally Tibetan, under its
jurisdiction. At its height the kingdom extended west to ’Ba’ lung (Weixi 维西)
and north to Rgyal thang (Zhongdian 中甸), Spong tse ra (Benzilan 奔子蘭), Bde’
chen (Deqin 德钦), Smi li (Muli 木里), as well as Ba thang (Batang 巴塘) and Li
thang (Litang 理塘) (Fig. 2). Thus Lijiang’s influence extended well beyond its
modern borders, reaching into areas adjacent to the future site of Si tu paṇ chen’s
seat at Dpal spungs Monastery. During this peak period, when the kingdom of
’Jang controlled large areas of Tibetan territory, the Mu (木) ruling family began
to take an active interest in Tibetan Buddhism, which corresponded to an explosion
of temple building activity during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. By the
time of Si tu’s death in 1774, this enthusiasm had resulted in the construction of
thirteen Karma bka’ brgyud temples in the ’Jang area alone. Within the walls of
these temples, Naxi interest in both Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism found
expression in a hybrid of Tibetan and Chinese painting in style and subject matter
produced by vibrant local workshops (Fig. 7).8 One can well imagine that Si tu
would have been interested in this flourishing local tradition of painting, which,
like his own artistic interests, was a mixture of Tibetan and Chinese visual modes.
The rulers of Lijiang were so famous for their enthusiastic patronage of Buddhism
that they were known as the “Mu heavenly kings” (Mu tian wang 木天王) after
the martial Guardian Kings of the Four Directions. Several of the larger royally
sponsored temples, such as Fuguo si (福國寺, ’Og min gling) and Xitan si (悉檀
寺, Gsing than gsi, 1617), even contained shrines called “Mu Heavenly King Halls,”
which housed statues of the greatest king of Lijiang, Mu Zeng (木增, r. 1598-1624
[1646]), whose Tibetan name was Karma mi pham tshe dbang bsod nams rab brtan
(Fig. 10).9 While his robes are Chinese, the Amitāyus above follows a Tibetan
7
The map published in the 2009 version of this article was an early draft, this is the correct map.
8
For a discussion of this local Lijiang painting tradition, see Debreczeny, “Sino-Tibetan Synthesis
in Ming Dynasty Wall Painting at the Core and Periphery,” The Tibet Journal 28, no. 1 & 2 (Spring
& Summer 2003): 49-108; and Debreczeny, “Dabaojigong and the Regional Tradition of
Ming-Sino-Tibetan Painting in Lijiang,” in Matthew Kapstein, ed., Buddhism Between Tibet and China
(Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2009), 95-152.
9
See Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 162; and Li Lincan 李霖灿, “Xitan
si de mu zeng suxiang” 悉檀寺的木增塑像 [Xitan si’s Statue of Mu Zeng], reprinted in Shen you
198
model, an allusion to his Tibetan Buddhist practice. Thus, in a single portrait, Mu
Zeng is identified with both the Chinese and Tibetan traditions, a microcosmic
reflection of Lijiang patronage and rulership. The kingdom of ’Jang was prominent
enough within the Bka’ brgyud system to even warrant its own exclusive
multistoried regional dormitory (Grwa rgyun) to house approximately three hundred
Naxi monks, called the Yellow House of Lijiang (’Jang khang ser po), at the Bka’
brgyud mother monastery Mtshur phu in central Tibet, where they went for
advanced education.10
Figure 7. Mahāmudrā lineage, Dabaojigong.
Baisha village, Lijiang, Yunnan, China.
Composite image based on photographs by
author and Wang, Yunnan Wall Paintings, pl.
124.
Figure 6. Mu De (1714–1777), official portrait.
After: Mushi huan pu, 146.
’Jang Patronage of Karma bka’ brgyud
While the kings of ’Jang had close contact with the Bka’ brgyud order since at
least the early fifteenth century, the development of significant relations are
traditionally marked by both Tibetan and Chinese sources with the visit of the first
hierarch who personally interacted with Lijiang, the Eighth Karma pa mi bskyod
rdo rje, who visited in 1516, when he was but ten years old.11 A brief account of
Yulong shan 神游玉龙山 (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1999), 203-7. According to Rock the
chapel devoted to Mu Zeng at Xitan si was called “Chapel of Perfect Mu” (Mu tai shou ci 木太守祠).
10
Rin chen dpal bzang, ed., Mtshur phu dgon gyi dkar chag kun gsal me long [Descriptive Catalog
of Tsurpu Monastery, a Clear Mirror] (Lhasa, 1995), 161-2.
11
It is recorded in Si tu and ’Be lo’s biographies of the Karma pas that in 1473 the Seventh Karma
pa (1454-1506) received gifts from the king of Lijiang Mu Qin, and between 1485 and 1487, the Fifth
Mu hereditary chieftain (tusi 土司), Mu Qing (木青, 1442-1485), and the Sixth Mu hereditary chieftain,
Mu Tai (木泰, 1486-1502), both sent invitations to the Seventh Karma pa to come to Lijiang, but he
199
his seven-day visit is found in his biography by Si tu and ’Be lo, which recorded
that the Mu ruler dispatched four generals and ten thousand soldiers as escorts and
that he was met at the border by the king and royal family members riding on
elephants. As a result of his visit, the king of ’Jang promised that five hundred
boys would be trained as monks at his expense and that he would build “one
hundred temples.”12 Such a high profile visit from the Karma pa suggests the
existence of patronage of Tibetan Buddhism on a significant scale in the kingdom
of Lijiang in the early sixteenth century.
While contact and repeated invitations continued between the Karma pas and
the rulers of ’Jang, the next Bka’ brgyud hierarch to visit Lijiang was the Sixth
Zhwa dmar gar dbang chos kyi dbang phyug, who first visited Lijiang in 1610.
The single greatest result of the coming together of the material patronage of the
kings of ’Jang and the cultural expertise of the Zhwa dmar was the production of
the ’Jang sa tham edition of the Tibetan Bka’ ’gyur (now known as the “Litang
Edition”).13 This massive literary undertaking was begun at the request of the king
and completed by the Zhwa dmar during his second visit to Lijiang in 1621. This
was an extremely important project for the Tibetan cultural world as it was only
the second xylograph edition of the Tibetan Tripiṭaka (and therefore
mass-producible).14 As we shall soon see, it also played a prominent role in Si tu’s
involvement in ’Jang and his much more famous edition two centuries later. The
Sixth Zhwa dmar also took six Naxi disciples to Tibet to be educated, and they
later returned to help build the first Tibetan Buddhist monastery in Lijiang, ’Og
min gling, where Si tu would later stay.15
did not accept. For detailed historical studies of Naxi-Bka’ brgyud relations see Kristina Dy-Liacco,
“The Victorious Karma-pa Has Come to ’Jang: An Examination of Naxi Patronage of the Bka’-brgyud-pa
in the Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries” (MA Thesis, Indiana University, 2005); and Yang Fuquan
杨福泉, Naxizu yu Zangzu lishi guanxi yanjiu 纳西族与藏族历史关系研究 [Research on the Historic
Relationship Between the Naxi and Tibetans] (Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2005).
12
Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 17.
13
Bde bar gshegs pa’i bka’ gangs can gyi brdas ’dren pa ji snyed pa’i phyi mo par gyi tshogs su
’khor ba’i byung ba gsal bar brjod pa legs byas kyi rang gzugs kun nas snang ba nor bu rin po che’i
me long. Preparation was started in 1608 by Mu Zeng, and the Lijiang Tripiṭaka was completed in
1621. See Yoshiro Imaeda, “L’edition du kanjur Tibetain de ’Jang sa-tham,” Journal Asiatique 270
(1982): 176.
14
The first being the 1410 Yongle edition, made in Hangzhou. See Kurtis Schaeffer, The Culture of
the Book in Tibet (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 145. On the 1410 printing of the Bka’
’gyur see Heather Karmay, Early Sino-Tibetan Art (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1975); and Yoshiro
Imaeda, “Mise au point concernant les éditions chinoises du Kanjur et du Tanjur tibétains,” in Essais
sur l’art du Tibet, ed. Ariane MacDonald and Yoshiro Imaeda (Paris: Librarie d’Amerique et d’Orient,
1977), 23-51. While there had been earlier printings of individual texts, this is the first time the Tibetan
canon had been printed; previously it had been hand copied, which limited its ability to be reproduced
and disseminated.
15
The Sixth Zhwa dmar is also credited with building several Karma pa temples in the nearby
Lijiang-controlled area of Rgyal thang such as Zixia si (孜夏寺). See Feng Zhi 冯智, “Mingdai Lijiang
Mushi tusi yu Xizang Gamabapai guanxi shulue” 明代丽江木氏土司与西藏噶玛巴派关系述略 [A
Brief Introduction to Ming Dynasty Lijiang Mu Family Chieftain (tusi) and Tibetan Karma Kagyü
School Relations], in Zangzu lishi zongjiao yanjiu 藏族历史宗教研究 [Tibetan History and Religion
Research], vol. 1 (Beijing: Zhongguo Zangxue chubanshe, 1996), 62; Feng Zhi 冯智, Yunnan Zangxue
yanjiu 云南藏学研究 [Yunnan Tibetan Studies Research] (Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe, 2007),
200
Second only to Si tu paṇ chen in terms of the long-term cultural and social
impact on ’Jang was the Tenth Karma pa, Chos dbyings rdo rje, who spent many
years in Lijiang under very dramatic circumstances.16 The Tenth Karma pa took
shelter in ’Jang for approximately twenty-five years (c. 1646/7-1672) in the wake
of Güüshi (Gushri) Khan’s entry into the Tibetan civil war at the behest of the
Fifth Dalai Lama’s (1617–1682) regent in 1642.17 This Mongol onslaught resulted
in the destruction of the entire Karma pa encampment; the Karma pa barely escaped
and fled to ’Jang with only his personal attendant Kun tu bzang po. The king of
’Jang took the Karma pa under his protection, and proved himself a staunch
supporter of the Karma bka’ brgyud. In retaliation the king burned down local Dge
lugs monasteries in Smi li and several others all the way to Li thang, including
Byams pa gling (Litang si 理塘寺), which had been established with funds from
the king’s own great grandfather, Mu Wang (木旺, r. 1580-1596).
The Tenth Karma pa made ’Jang the base of his operations and center of Karma
bka’ brgyud activity, secretly traveling in disguise through Khams and A mdo to
bring several young incarnations of the major Bka’ brgyud hierarchs back to ’Jang
for education, including the Sixth Situ, insuring the survival of the Karma bka’
brgyud tradition.18 When the Tenth Karma pa gave final ordination to the Sixth
Situ incarnation in Lijiang in 1655, he also gave monastic vows and final ordination
vows to about a thousand monks of ’Jang.19 He even went so far as to recognize
the incarnation of the Sixth Rgyal tshab nor bu bzang po (1659/60-1698) in the
son of a local family, creating even deeper ties between ’Jang and the Karma bka’
brgyud.20 During the 1660 New Year’s celebration, the Karma pa, Zhwa dmar, Si
119. A previous Si tu in the same generation as the Sixth Zhwa dmar who also spent a significant
amount of time in the ’Jang area was the Fifth Situ, Chos kyi rgyal mtshan dge legs dpal bzang po,
who was invited by the king of ’Jang sa tham, someone not however well remebered in local histories.
See Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 253-255; Grags pa ’byung
gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub, Gangs can mkhas grub rim byon ming mdzod [Biographical Dictionary
of Tibetan Scholars] (Gansu minzu chubanshe, 1992), 1750. He died in Yunnan at Lho brag gur khyim.
During Si tu paṇ chen’s second trip to Lijiang in 1739 Si tu mentions a practice established in Lijiang
by a disciple of the Fifth Situ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 184).
16
See Karl Debreczeny, The Black Hat Eccentric: Artistic Visions of the Tenth Karmapa (New York:
Rubin Museum of Art, 2012); Irmgard Mengele, Riding a Huge Wave of Karma: The Turbulent Life
of the Tenth Karmapa (Nepal: Vajra Publications, forthcoming); and Shamarpa Chokyi Lodru, The
Golden Swan in Turbulent Waters: The Life and Times of the Tenth Karmapa Choying Dorje (Lexington,
VA: Bird of Paradise Press, 2012).
17
See Samten Karmay, “The Fifth Dalai Lama and his Reunification of Tibet,” in Lhasa in the
Seventeenth Century: The Capital of the Dalai Lamas, ed. Francoise Pommaret (Leiden: Brill, 2003),
65-80; Amy Heller, “The Great Protector Deities of the Dalai Lamas,” in Lhasa in the Seventeenth
Century: The Capital of the Dalai Lamas, ed. Francoise Pommaret (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 81-98.
18
He discovered the Seventh Zhwa dmar incarnation Ye shes snying po, recognized the Sixth Rgyal
tshab incarnation Nor bu bzang po in Lijiang; and collected the Fifth Dpa’ bo incarnation ’Phrin las
rgya mtsho and the Sixth Si tu mi pham chos rgyal ’phrin las rab brtan, and brought them back to
Lijiang for instruction.
19
Hugh E. Richardson, “Chos-dbyings rdo-rje, the Tenth Black Hat Karma-pa,” in High Peaks, Pure
Earth: Collected Writings on Tibetan History and Culture (London: Serindia Publications, 1998), 511.
20
Apparently this was his own son. There had long been rumors that the Tenth Karma pa fathered
a son among the Naxi. For instance the Fifth Dalai Lama records in his autobiography that he heard
the Tenth Karma pa is said to have lived the life of a layman during his long exile in remote Lijiang:
201
tu, Dpa’ bo, Phag mo zhabs drung, Zhwa sgom, and other incarnations were all
treated to entertainment provided by the king and ministers of ’Jang, demonstrating
that Lijiang was indeed both a haven and center of activity for the Karma bka’
brgyud in the seventeenth century.
Demise of ’Jang Kingdom
In the mid-seventeenth century, beginning at the time of the Tenth Karma pa’s
exile, the fortunes of the kingdom of ’Jang steeply declined. Starting in 1647,
shortly after the king Mu Yi (木懿, r. 1624-1669), whose Tibetan name was ’Chi
med lha dbang, rescued the Tenth Karma pa from Mongol troops, the area was
overrun by Chinese armies fleeing the 1644 sack of Beijing.21 Order was restored
in Yunnan only after Qing imperial troops arrived in 1659. According to the Tenth
Karma pa’s biography, many had been crushed by the Chinese army, the religious
community (saṅgha) scattered, and monasteries burned.22 Then shortly afterward,
the rulers of Lijiang became embroiled in a struggle with the Chinese general Wu
Sangui (吴三桂, 1612-1678) in Kunming and his Revolt of the Three Feudatories,
an open rebellion against the newly founded Qing dynasty.23 During this tumultuous
growing his hair long, dressing in local lay garments, and fathering a son. See Ngag dbang blo bzang
rgya mtsho, Fifth Dalai Lama, Za hor gyi ban de ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho’i ’di snang ’khrul
pa’i rol rtsed rtogs brjod kyi tshul du bkod pa du k’u la’i gos bzang [Autobiography of the Fifth Dalai
Lama] (Lhasa: Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang, 1989), 2:156, 359-61.
21
The peasant armies of Li Zicheng (李自成, 1605?-1645), leader of the revolt that sacked Beijing
at the fall of the Ming Dynasty, fled though Yunnan, throwing the area into chaos. See Rock, The
Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 133. Additionally the last pretender to the Ming throne
established his Southern Ming in Yunnan, which was crushed by Qing forces led by Wu Sangui (吴三
桂, 1612-1678) in 1659. The national strife of dynastic change that impacted northern Yunnan is also
corroborated in Tibetan sources with such statements as: “In that year (1657) a period of turmoil
occurred” (Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas and ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab, unpublished Biography
of Chöying Dorjé, folio 185a.1).
22
“The king and ministers of Lijiang offered new year’s festivities [1660]. They made such things
as the distribution of extensive gifts to those who were swept away by the Chinese army in that land
and gathered the scattered divisions of the religious community. They restored ruins of such things as
viharas consumed by fire.” sa tham rgyal po dpon blon rnams kyis lo sar phul/ yul der rgya dmag gis
bcom pa’i skye bo rnams la spyin gtong rgya chen dang/ dge ’dun gyi sde ’thor ba rnams bsdu ba sogs
mdzad/ gtsug lag khang mer bsreg pa sogs kyi zhig ral rnams gsos/ (Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung
gnas and ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab, unpublished Biography of Chöying Dorjé, folio 186a.1-3).
23
Wu Sangui was a major political figure in the Ming-Qing transition of Chinese history. Wu, a
former Ming Chinese general who was rewarded by the Manchus for leading Qing troops through the
Shanhai Pass in 1644 to defeat the peasant army led by Li Zicheng. Li Zicheng had overthrown the
last Ming emperor Chongzhen (崇禎, 1611-1644) and sacked Beijing. Wu Sangui pacified southwest
China, and overthrew Zhu Youlang 朱由榔, (Southern Ming Emperor Yongli 永曆), the last claimant
to the Ming throne, thus contributing significantly to the founding of the Qing Dynasty. For his services
to the Manchu state, he and two other generals (Geng Jingzhong 耿精忠 in Fujian and Shang Kexi 尚
可喜 in Guandong), were made local rulers in south and southwest China with a non-noble rank
equivalent to prince. In 1655 Wu was established as ruler of Yunnan and Guizhou, with his base in
Kunming. However, the independent power of the Three Feudatories in the south was increasingly
seen as a threat to the Kangxi (康熙, r. 1662-1722) emperor, and in 1673 he decided to take back their
fiefs. As a result, Wu rose up in revolt against the Manchus, expanding his rule into Sichuan and Gansu,
as well as much of Hunan and Shaanxi, starting the Revolt of the Three Feudatories (San fan zhi luan
三藩之亂). This revolt, which lasted until 1682 with the capture of Kunming, was the last serious
202
period of repeated rebellions and tremendous civil unrest, local power in Lijiang
was greatly compromised, and the king was even imprisoned for several years.24
Then, despite their loyalty to the new Manchu Qing regime, the last king of ’Jang,
Mu Zhong (木锺, 1687-1725), was forcibly deposed in 1723 by the central
government. This came about when, shortly after ascending the throne, a new
activist Manchu emperor, Yongzheng (雍正, r. 1723-1735), began to vilify
indigenous leaders who controlled Chinese border areas in Yunnan. He aggressively
and systematically replaced the local hereditary chieftains, such as the king of
’Jang, with imperially appointed bureaucrats.25 Thus, this abolishment of the
kingdom of Lijiang can be seen as part of a larger pattern, as reflected in the local
Lijiang gazetteer, where the local rulers are vilified and the people of Lijiang are
described as willingly joining the empire, being naturally attracted to Qing imperial
benevolence as “animals are attracted to sweet grass.”26 From this moment on, just
six years before Si tu’s first visit, ’Jang could no longer be called a kingdom.
The abolishment of the kingdom of ’Jang was extremely significant in regard
to Si tu’s interests in the region, as all of the temples and monasteries in Lijiang
until this point were exclusively founded and supported by the local kings, who
had not only been loyal patrons but also valuable political and military allies to
the Karma bka’ brgyud. Fragmentary evidence from temples built in Lijiang in the
eighteenth century also suggests that with the decline and fall of the kings of ’Jang,
and the consequent disappearance of their patronage, the local painting workshops
ceased to function. The following instability in the area created a local cultural and
political vacuum that religious institutions often fill. Local Naxi monastic
communities turned to Si tu’s monastery, with its prominent and rapidly developing
artistic tradition, as a model for emulation. Thus with Si tu’s arrival, we see him
taking charge, repeatedly asserting his authority over local monasteries in the area
internal threat to the establishment of Manchu rule in China. See Lynn A. Struve, The Southern Ming,
1644-1662 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984).
24
In establishing his kingdom in Yunnan and Sichuan, Wu Sangui allied with local chieftains and
Tibetans against the Qing government and ordered Mu Yi of Lijiang to secretly work with the Tibetans,
but Mu Yi staunchly remained loyal to the imperial government, creating great animosity between the
two. Almost half of Mu Yi’s official biography concerns his struggle with Wu Sangui. Wu Sangui had
this same king of Lijiang (Mu Yi), who had extended protection to the Karma pa, arrested on false
charges of conspiring with the Tibetans in retaliation for not joining Wu’s increasingly autonomous
kingdom, which eventually rebelled against the Qing in 1673. Mu Yi wallowed in prison for seven
years, where he almost died, but was released through Qing imperial intercession. Rock, The Ancient
Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 134-5.
25
For a discussion of the implementation of this campaign to abolish the native chieftain administrative
framework in favor of direct central government administration (called “gaitu guiliu”) in Yunnan, see
Patterson Giersch, Asian Borderlands: The Transformation of Qing China’s Yunnan Frontier
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006). This policy is specifically named in several of the prefaces
to the local Lijiang gazetteer, the Lijiang fu zhi lue, 13, 15, 21, and 22. Interestingly, at the same time
that Yongzheng was vilifying the local rulers and abolishing their offices in Yunnan, he was at the
same time bestowing new hereditary chieftain (tusi) titles in the Sichuan parts of Khams in order to
gain allies among the local Tibetan ruling elite.
26
Lijiang fu zhi lue, 20-2; Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 46. The Lijiang
fu zhi lue was written in 1743 by one of the first Qing appointed governors as part of a larger imperial
project to incorporate Lijiang directly into the Qing empire and should be read in that context.
203
and also gradually engaging and cultivating the new imperial authority in the
region, the Qing-appointed magistrates, as the new patron.
Collapse of Karma bka’ brgyud in Central Tibet
Another significant factor in the quickening of relations between Dpal spungs
Monastery and the temples of ’Jang was the collapse of the Karma bka’ brgyud
establishment in central Tibet. The Mongol entry into the Tibetan civil war in 1642
resulted in the almost total eclipse of the Karma bka’ brgyud tradition in central
Tibet, after which many Karma bka’ brgyud monasteries had been seized and
forcibly converted. Under the watchful and often hostile eye of the Tibetan
government, the Karma pa’s seat, Mtshur phu Monastery, remained suppressed
into Si tu’s time. Additionally, several prominent Bka’ brgyud leaders died young,
such as the Seventh Si tu (age sixteen) in 1698 and the Eleventh Karma pa (age
twenty-six) in 1702. This was followed by the sudden loss of both the Eighth Zhwa
dmar and Twelfth Karma pa in 1732.27 People of Khams and neighboring regions,
including ’Jang, now looked to Si tu paṇ chen as the ranking leader of the Karma
bka’ brgyud and to Dpal spungs Monastery as its new center. All of the Karma
bka’ brgyud temples built in the ’Jang area, which in the past had sent their monks
to distant Mtshur phu Monastery in central Tibet for training, quickly became
branch temples of Dpal spungs after Si tu’s successive visits.28 A history of Dpal
spungs states that it had thirteen satellite temples in ’Jang, and, as we shall see, Si
tu had either a direct hand in their founding or some significant involvement with
the five most prominent of them.29
One important question concerns why Si tu paṇ chen would leave for Lijiang,
on the edge of the Tibetan world, in 1729 when he had only just finished the
consecration of his new seat, Dpal spungs Monastery. At such a watershed moment,
one would expect him to stay and get his own house in order. The answer lies in
the fact that in 1729 Si tu was entrusted with the monumental task of editing the
Sde dge edition of the Bka’ ’gyur, whereupon he headed for the kingdom that had
27
The Twelfth Karma pa and Eighth Zhwa dmar died under questionable circumstances on the
Chinese border en route to meet members of Manchu imperial family. Two Dge lugs lamas of the
Kokonor area heavily invested in the Qing court, the Lcang skya and Thu’u bkwan incarnations, claimed
to have caused their deaths by use of magic, in order to deny them access to the most powerful patrons
of the time. Tashi Tsering, “Situ Panchen: His Contribution and Legacy,” Lungta 13 (Winter 2000).
28
This is not to say that southern Khams remained unaffected by sectarian strife, as monasteries in
areas formerly under Lijiang control/protection were burned down in 1674 by Mongol forces. As we
shall soon see, even Si tu got caught up in the midst of one such battle himself while traveling in the
area. Also in southern Khams, in the region of Cha ’phreng alone, 113 Karma bka’ brgyud monasteries
were destroyed. See Tashi Tsering, “Situ Panchen: His Contribution and Legacy,” 4.
29
This history lists nine Tibetan names: Mi ’gyur dgon, Gnyan dgon, Khra ’bur dgon, Lha shis dgon
(Zhiyun si 指雲寺), Bkra shis chos ’phel gling (Yufeng si), ’Og min gling (Fuguo si), Phun tshogs
gling (Puji si), ’Jang ri smag po dgon (Wenfeng si), and Shāk thub gling. See Karma rgyal mtshan,
Kong tshang yab sras dang dpal spungs dgon pa [Hierarchs of the Kongtsang and Pelpung Monastery]
(Chengdu: Sichuan minzu chubanshe, 1997), 283-284; also reproduced word for word in Karma rgyal
mtshan, ed., Dpal spungs thub bstan chos ’khor gling gi lo rgyus [A History of Pelpung Tupten Chökhor
Ling Monastery] (Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2007), 626.
204
produced the edition edited by the noted Bka’ brgyud scholar the Sixth Zhwa dmar.
However, the printing blocks for the aforementioned ’Jang edition of the Tripiṭaka
had been confiscated and moved to a Dge lugs stronghold in Li thang by Mongol
troops in 1698.30 Indeed, Si tu himself cites the ’Jang edition as the basis for his
own 1733 Sde dge edition of the Bka’ ’gyur.31 Thus, though he does not state it
directly, a primary reason for his first going to Lijiang would have almost certainly
been to consult the sources used for the compilation of the ’Jang Tripiṭaka, which
would serve as the exemplar for his own editing of the new Sde dge edition. Si
tu’s new edition would in turn become one of the most authoritive and widely
distributed versions of the Tibetan canon down to this very day, and one of Si tu’s
greatest legacies to the Tibetan cultural world.32
1730: Si tu paṇ chen’s First Visit to ’Jang
Interestingly Si tu’s first trip to Yunnan was not characterized as a trip to ’Jang
but rather as a pilgrimage to Chicken Foot Mountain (Ri bo bya rkang, Jizushan
雞足山). However, when examining the local names listed on his itinerary, one
sees that Lijiang was in fact a major part of this trip. Judging by the sites that Si
tu first sought out on the road in Yunnan, he was clearly interested in the life in
exile of the Tenth Karma pa there:
[In 1729] I visited the previous (local) and new (Qing appointed) district
officers of the Rgyal thang district. I met with the White Tantric Adepts (
Mahāsiddha). I arrived at the Five Buddha Families [Chapel] of Kho rtse.33 I
visited the sacred places and presented such things as offerings. I met with the
company commander (tsong ye)34 and stayed at the fortress (district official
30
In 1698 the printing blocks of the Lijiang edition were taken to Byams pa gling, a Dge lugs pa
monastery in southwest Sichuan, by a Mongolian army led by Dar rgyal bo shog thus, a grandson of
Gushri Khan. Later this edition was known as being printed in Li thang. See Imaeda, “L’edition du
kanjur Tibetain de ’Jang sa-tham,” 176. Similarly, other Bka’ brgyud works, such as the blocks for the
collected works of the Eighth Karma pa and the Second Dpa’ bo, were removed to prevent their teachings
from spreading. Such acts occurred all over central Tibet and Khams. See Yu Haibo 余海波 and Yu
Jiahua 余嘉华, Mushi tusi yu Lijiang 木氏土司与丽江 [Mu Family Chieftains and Lijiang] (Kunming:
Yunnan minzu chubanshe, 2002), 169; Tashi Tsering, “Situ Panchen: His Contribution and Legacy,”
5.
31
See Schaeffer, The Culture of the Book in Tibet, 145 and 212 n. 82-3, quoting Si tu’s forward,
414.1; Paul Harrison, “A Brief History of the Tibetan Bka’ ’gyur,” in Tibetan Literature: Studies in
Genre, ed. Geshe Lhundup Sopa, José Ignacio Cabezón, Roger R Jackson (Ithaca: Snow Lion, 1996),
82; and Rémi Chaix, “Si tu paṇ chen and the House of Sde dge: A Demanding but Beneficial
Relationship,” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, no. 7 (July 2013): 17-48,
32
According to Zhu chen tshul khrims rin chen (1697-1774), the Sde dge edition of the Bka’ ’gyur
was printed over 1,500 times in just the first ten years after its completion. See Schaeffer, The Culture
of the Book in Tibet, 92.
33
Kho rtse is the name of the small village in Rgyal thang known locally in Chinese as Kuoji 扩几,
where the chapel is located.
34
Tsong ye is a Tibetan transliteration of the Chinese title zong ye (總爺), an unofficial reference to
a company commander in the Chinese military forces called the Green Standards (Lu ying bing 绿營
205
residence). I met with the governor (thā ye).35 On the 12th day of the 2nd month
I resided at the Khang sar mgo. Having been invited to the fortress, I received a
Chinese style banquet.36
We know from Si tu’s biography of the Tenth Karma pa that this chapel, also
called in Si tu’s time the Chapel of the Buddhas of the Five Families of Gyeltang
(Rgyal thang rigs lnga lha khang), was founded by the Karma pa in 1661.37 This
chapel was built to house the larger than life-size Kashmiri-style sculptures of the
Buddhas of the Five Families cast by the Tenth Karma pa the previous year.38 This
must have been a delightful opportunity for Si tu, a great connoisseur of the arts
who was known to seek out rare and important works to examine. However,
according to local records (where it is known as Dabao si 大寶寺), this chapel was
forcibly converted to Dge lugs pa in 1674 when Mongol troops occupied the region
during the civil conflict that rocked the Tibetan cultural world. Si tu must have
been quite taken with this chapel, as he went so far as to enlist the aid of his
powerful longtime patron, the Sde dge king, who in 1771 sent a delegation of
eighteen led by a Karma bka’ brgyud lama named Rdo rje rnam rgyal to Rgyal
thang to petition the chapel’s return to the Bka’ brgyud fold.39 However, according
兵) which were widely employed in Yunnan during the Qing dynasty. See Charles O. Hucker, A
Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 535.
35
thā ye is a Tibetan transliteration of the Chinese title [xian] tai ye ([縣]太爺), which is a generic
Chinese honorific term for the ruler of an area. Here it seems used by Si tu for the imperially appointed
governor of a county.
36
rgyal thang rdzong gi sde pa gsar rnying rnams dang ’phrad/ sgrub chen dkar po dang mjal/ kho
rtse rgyal ba rigs lngar ’byor/ gnas mjal mchod pa sogs phul/ tsong ye’i mjal rdzong du bsdad/ thā’i
yes mjal/ bcu gnyis pa’i tshes gnyis khang sar mgor bsdad/ rdzong du bos nas rkya (=rgya?) yis gsol
ston zhus/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 148.4-5).
37
“[The Tenth Karma pa] established a workshop (las gra tshugs) for the building of this Po ta la,
the chapel where reside such images as the Buddhas of the Five Families, now called “Chapel of the
Buddhas of the Five Families of Gyeltang.” da lta rgyal thang rigs lnga lha khang zer ba sogs rgyal
pa rigs lnga’i sku sogs bzhugs pa’i gtsug lag khang poṭa la ’di bzhengs pa’i las gra tshugs/ (Si tu paṇ
chen chos kyi ’byung gnas and ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab, unpublished Biography of Chöying Dorjé,
folio 187a.2-4).
38
“His attendant (Kun tu bzang po) urged him, and the Karma pa made images of the Buddhas of
the Five Families in the particular manner (style) of the land of Kashmir a little over human size (mi
tshad lhag tsam), Buddhas of the Three Times, and Cittaviśrāmaṇa Avalokiteśvara (Spyan ras gzigs
sems nyid ngal bso) a little over human size.” rim gro pas bskul te rgyal ba rigs lnga’i sku yul kha
che’i bzo khyad ji lta ba mi tshad lhag tsam dang dus gsum sangs rgyas dang / spyin ras gzigs sems
nyid ngal bso’i sku yang mi tshad lhag tsam bzhengs/ (Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas and ’Be lo
tshe dbang kun khyab, unpublished Biography of Chöying Dorjé, folio 186a.7-186b.1). The fact that
Si tu describes this chapel and the life-size Kashmiri style sculptures in the biography he wrote of the
Karma pa reinforces that Si tu indeed visited this place.
39
See Yunnan Sheng Zhongdian Xian Zhi Bianzuan Weiyuan Hui 云南省中甸县志编纂委员会,
eds., Zhongdian xian zhi 中甸县志 (Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe, 1997), 233-4, 268-9; Feng
Zhi, Yunnan Zangxue yanjiu, 133, and 151; Suolang Jiachu 索朗甲楚, Suolang Jiachu Zangxue wenji
索朗甲楚藏学文集 [Sönam Gyatso’s Collected Writings on Tibetan Studies] (Kunming; Yunnan minzu
chubanshe, 2007), 41, 45, 71-72; and Fang Jianchang 房建昌 and Duan Zhicheng 段志诚, “Yunnan
Zhongdian Zang chuan Fojiao Gama Gaju pai Dabao si xiao kao” 云南中甸藏传佛教噶玛噶举派大
宝寺小考 [A Brief Study of Zhongdian, Yunnan, Tibetan Buddhist Karma Kagyü Sect’s Dabao Temple],
Sixiang Zhanxian 思想战线, no. 2 (1992): 91. The Chapel burned down during the Republican Period
and then was destroyed again in 1966 during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). It was rebuilt again
206
to local gazetteers, this request was rebuked and the site became hotly contested,
scuffles broke out, and a few monks on both sides were killed. This enraged the
king of Sde dge, who wanted to send in his army and seize the chapel by force
and, according to Chinese imperial court archival records preserved in Beijing,
Qing officials had to intercede to put an end to the chaos.40
As Si tu approached Lijiang in 1730, he stayed in “the [former] Rgyal tshab’s
paternal home,” which is likely an indirect way of saying that he visited one of the
homes in exile of the Tenth Karma pa.41 This is because in 1660 the Karma pa had
fathered a child with a local woman from Rgyal thang, whom he then recognized
as the Sixth Rgyal tshab, Nor bu bzang po. This would also have been an
opportunity for Si tu to examine paintings by the Tenth Karma pa, as we know
from Si tu’s biography of the Karma pa that he gave the Rgyal tshab’s mother
paintings he had made in 1661.42
From Si tu’s first arrival in the town of Lijiang, we see him engaging the former
king (Fig. 6) as well as the new Manchu governor (tha’i yas), Jin Zhiqi (靳治岐),
appointed as the fourth governor-general of Lijiang just the year before, in 1729,
by the Qing court.43 Jin was a Manchu bannermen of the Bordered Yellow Banner
(Xiang huang qi 镶黄旗). During Si tu’s first trip, the relationship between Si tu
and the new Manchu ruler of Lijiang is characterized by respectful but formal
behavior: first only Jin’s son gave Si tu a banquet and then later the governor, Jin
himself, treated Si tu to another feast.44 This cool attitude is understandable, as the
Manchus had just deposed the longtime loyal patrons of the Karma bka’ brgyud
in the area, the kings of ’Jang, and replaced them with this governor.
in 1984 and is now managed by monks from the local Dge lugs pa monastery, Rgyal thang dga’ ldan
sum rtsen gling (Songzhanlin 松赞林). For a history of Sum rtsen gling, see Bstan-pa-rgyal-mtshan,
Rgyal thaṅ yul luṅ dgon gnas daṅ bcas pa’i byuṅ ba mdo tsam brjod pa blo gsal mgul pa mdzes pa’i
rgyan: A History of the Rgyal-thaṅ Dgon-pa Monastic Complex and Its Environs (Delhi: Ṅag-dbaṅ
Thabs-mkhas, 1985).
40
Feng Zhi, Yunnan Zangxue yanjiu, 133, 151.
41
rgyal tshab pa’i yab tshang yin/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 149). The Sixth
Rgyal tshab, Nor bu bzang po (1660-1698), was born to a local Naxi woman from Rgyal thang in 1660,
apparently fathered by the Tenth Karma pa. See Mengele, “The Artist’s Life,” 61.
42
“New Year [of 1661] arrived. To the mother of the Rgyal tshab incarnation he gave paintings of
the Sixteen Elders painted by his own hand.” lo sar gnang / rgyal tshab pa’i ma yum la gnas bcu’i sku
thang phyag ris gnang / (Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas and ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab,
unpublished Biography of Chöying Dorjé, folio 186b.5). One wonders if it was through these trips to
Lijiang that Si tu knew of these paintings and other such works that he and ’Be lo detail in the Karma
pa’s biography.
43
tha’i yas is not a specific title, but a Tibetan phonetic transliteration for the Chinese tai ye (太爺),
a general honorific for a ruler, here the imperially appointed governor. In the local gazetteer (Lijiang
fu zhi lue, 128) they are referred to as zhifu (知府), or “governor-general.” Jin Zhiqi was the fourth
Qing governor of Lijiang, imperially appointed in the seventh year of Yongzheng (1729), just the year
before their meeting. Lijiang fu zhi lue, 128.
44
“At Mgo sbas (Dayanzhen 大研镇), in Sa tham, the son of governor Jin received me and arranged
for a banquet…” sa tham mgo sbas su cin tha’i yas bus gzhi len bcas jin tha yas kyis ’bul gsol btabs/
(Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 149-50).
207
Si tu’s relationship with the “king” of Lijiang (or more properly, the deposed
heir apparent) Mu De (木德, 1714-1777), is by contrast more personal. According
to Si tu’s portrayal in his own diaries, the kings of Lijiang were cultivated and
educated practitioners and patrons. Si tu recalls that the most famous of them, Mu
Zeng, composed praises to Tārā in Chinese, which Si tu translated into Tibetan.45
This would be evidence that Si tu had a solid grounding in Chinese even before
traveling to Yunnan. Notice that the “king” is now only referred to as the king of
the local Sa tham area (Lijiang proper), not of the greater ’Jang region (which
encompassed most of northern Yunnan), a much reduced status, reflecting the fact
that the kings of Lijiang had been recently deposed by the new Qing authority.46
Figure 8. ’Og min gling (Fuguo si). Lijiang,
Yunnan, China. After: Rock, The Ancient Na-khi
Kingdom of Southwest China, 108, pl. 64.
While in Lijiang proper, Si tu stayed
twice at ’Og min gling (Fuguo si 福國寺)
(Fig. 8), the first and most important of
the five major Karma bka’ brgyud
monasteries in Lijiang which was founded
in the early seventeenth century with the
help of Naxi disciples of the Sixth Zhwa
dmar.47 During Si tu’s second stay at ’Og
min gling during his 1730 tour, Si tu gave
transmissions for the monastic liturgy as
well as complete ordination vows to about
one hundred monks.48 Such large numbers
45
sa tham rgyal pos rgya skad du brtsams pa’i sgrol ma’i bstod pa bod skad du bsgyur/ (Si-tu
Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 150.3). This is also reproduced verbatim in Si tu’s biography
(Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 508.4). This event is also noted
in an entry for the Iron Dog Year (1730) in a much abbreviated biography of Si tu contained in a modern
history of Dpal spungs, which suggests that it was Si tu who translated the praise from Chinese into
Tibetan (sa tham sgrol bstod rgya yig bod skad bsgyur). Karma rgyal mtshan (2007), 86. Si tu paṇ
chen’s Tibetan translation of Mu Zeng’s praise to Tārā is preserved in his collected works: Si-tu Paṇ-chen
Chos-kyi-ʼbyuṅ-gnas [Si tu PaN chen Chos kyi ’byung gnas], Taʼi Si-tu-pa Kun-mkhyen
Chos-kyi-ʼbyuṅ-gnas-bstan-paʼi-ñin-byed kyi bkaʼ ʼbum = Collected Works of the Great Taʼi Si-tu-pa
Kun-mkhyen Chos-kyi-ʼbyuṅ-gnas-bstan-paʼi-nyin-byed [Tā’i si tu pa kun mkhyen chos kyi ’byung
gnas bstan pa’i nyin byed kyi bka’ ’bum] (Sansal, Dist. Kangra, H.P., India: Palpung Sungrab Nyamso
Khang, 1990), vol. 7: 439-43.
46
By this time there is no longer a king of Lijiang, therefore the new status of this “king” is ambiguous,
as sometimes Si tu refers to him as “the king of Lijiang” (sa tham rgyal po or ’jang rgyal po) and at
other times as the old king. This ambiguity is also reflected in local Chinese records, as Mu De is said
to have been the last hereditary “prefect” of Lijiang; yet it was actually his father Mu Zhong who was
forcibly deposed by Qing agents in 1723.
47
Fuguo si (also known as Jietuolin) was founded circa 1621-27 by the greatest of the kings of
Lijiang, Mu Zeng, with six Naxi disciples of the Sixth Zhwa dmar. While around the town of Lijiang
(Mgo sbas), Si tu also visited other temples and monasteries, including the Arhat Chapel (Hwa shang
lha khang, Luohan si 羅漢寺) and Ho kyin tai shan gong. He met with company commander Ben (Ban
tsang yes) and a feast and Chinese opera (chang shi) performances were provided. de nas mgo sbas
thad hwa shang lha khang dang ho kyin tha’i shyan kung / ban tsang yes mjal ston mo dang chang shi
gzigs mo gnang / (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 149). On the way back he also mentions
visiting even more temples.
48
Masked dances (’Chams) and the casting of ritual dough sculpture (gtor ma) were also performed.
’og min gling du ’byor chos spyod sogs kyi lung byas/ nyer lnga nyin grwa pa brgya skor la bsnyen
208
of monks taking the tonsure at the same time in a single monastery suggest a large
base of support for Tibetan Buddhism in Lijiang. The only available photograph
of an ’Og min gling wall painting before its destruction during the Cultural
Revolution (1966-1976) (Fig. 9) shows it belonged to Dpal spungs’s distinct artistic
idiom, the new Karma sgar bris style, reflecting the monastery’s status as a Si tu
cultural satellite. This painting is from one of the protector chapels where Si tu
probably performed the ritual propitiation to guardian deities (the “amending and
restoring” liturgy) in the spring of 1730.49 However, the wall painting probably
dates to after Si tu’s time, possibly to the 1882 restoration.50
Passing beyond Lijiang, Si tu went on to his stated objective, Chicken Foot
Mountain, a popular pilgrimage site for local Tibetans and Naxi located midway
between Lijiang and the ancient capital of Yunnan, Dali (大理).51 The mountain
is named for Kukkuṭapādagiri near Gaya (India) and believed to be the abode of
the Arhat Kāśyapa. Si tu recorded his itinerary on the mountain, which can be
traced on local pilgrimage maps:
On the 24th I arrived midway up Chicken Foot Mountain, and visited the
Vairocana Chapel.52 The following day, I arrived at Sban kwang gsi.53 That was
the place where in the 8th month, there [appeared] a tent of rainbow light in the
east. I visited such [monasteries] as Tin shar dgon pa,54 Sbu tyan,55 Kyang shang
rdzogs bsgrubs/ phyi nyin bskang gso tshugs/ nyer dgur ’chams dang gtor rgyag byas/ phyi nyin lha
bsangs btang / (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 150).
49
phyi nyin bskang gso tshugs/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 150). This was on the
26th day of the 7th lunar month.
50
Fuguo si was destroyed by fire in 1820 (some sources record 1864), rebuilt in 1873, and then
repaired in 1882. But as the original was a large temple complex with many buildings, it is unclear
how much of the original seventeenth-century images would have survived. During the Cultural
Revolution most of the buildings were reduced to rubble. In 1976 one of its few surviving halls, Five
Phoenix Pavilion, was moved into Lijiang’s tourist park, Black Dragon Pool, resulting in the loss of
all remaining wall paintings. See Qiu Xuanchong 邱宣充, “Lijiang Naxizu zizhixian” 丽江纳西族自
治县 [Lijiang Naxi Autonomous County], in Yunnan wenwu guji daquan 云南文物古迹大全 [A Large
Collection of Yunnan Cultural Relics and Monuments] (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1992),
672, and for more images of Fuguo si see Yang Zhou 杨周, ed., “Lijiang si shi bihua” 丽江寺史壁画
[Wall Paintings of Lijiang’s Historical Temples], in Yunnan minzu minjian yishu 云南民族民间艺术
[Yunnan Folk Art] (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1985), pl. 581, 583, 584.
51
Interestingly Tibetan sources refer to this site as Chinese Chicken Foot Mountain (Rgya nag ri bo
bya rkang). See for instance Karma rgyal mtshan, Kong tshang yab sras dang dpal spungs dgon pa
[Hierarchs of the Kongtsang and Pelpung Monastery] (Chengdu: Sichuan minzu chubanshe, 1997),
86.
52
Rnam snang lha khang may be a reference to Pilu ge (毗卢阁). See Gao Wenying 高奣映, Jizushan
zhi 鸡足山志 [Gazetteer of Chicken Foot Mountain] (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 2003),
257, 499.
53
Sban kwang gsi is almost certainly Fangguang si (放光寺). See Gao, Jizushan zhi, 232, 493.
54
Tin shar dgon pa could be Yingxiang si (迎祥寺), but this identification remains uncertain as it
appears on the opposite side of the mountain on local pilgrimage maps. See Gao, Jizushan zhi, 234.
55
This temple remains unidentified, however, Jianye dian 迦葉殿 (Gao, Jizushan zhi 鸡足山志,
228) is one of the most famous pilgrimage sites on the mountain, which Si tu does not mention and
could be a candidate.
209
yin ci,56 circumambulating (visiting all of) the peaks. I made offerings and
performed invocations in front of the cave where the relics of [the arhat] Kāśyapa
reside.57 Bright rainbow light shown forth, which was witnessed by all. On the
day of the 29th, I passed through Hwang yang gsi,58 Ta kyo gsi,59 and Wi cong
gsi60 [monasteries]. I stayed at Gsing than gsi and made offerings.61
The monastery where Si tu stayed on Chicken Foot Mountain, Gsing than gsi,
is the Naxi royal temple Xitan si, which is described in some detail in an important
early twentieth century Tibetan pilgrimage account by Kaḥ thog si tu (1880-1925)
as “the king of ’Jang’s temple on Chicken Foot Mountain,” beautifully decorated
with murals “painted by incomparable artists.”62 Deities mentioned in Kaḥ thog si
tu’s description of this monastery include a protector chapel devoted to Black
Cloaked Mahākāla (Ber nag chen), which suggests the presence of a Karma bka’
brgyud program, in what was likely a mixture of Tibetan imagery and Chinese
architecture.63 Xitan si was also a political power center for the Lijiang kings,
complete with a shrine to the Mu Heavenly Kings containing a statue of their
greatest king, Mu Zeng, and a copy of their royal genealogy. A painted portrait of
Mu Zeng dressed as a monk (Fig. 10) once installed at Xitan si attests to the royal
56
There is both a Guanyin si and a Guanyin ge (觀音阁) on Chicken Foot Mountain, but based on
local gazetteer records (Gao, Jizushan zhi, 260), Si tu’s itinerary, and local maps, Guanyin ge is a more
likely choice (Guanyin ge is very close to the Kāśyapa’s Cave, Guanyin si is far away and abandoned).
57
The Sixth Zhwa dmar also visited Chicken Foot Mountain, where he saw the footprint and mantle
of Kāśyapa, likely the relics referred to here. Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma
Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 275-6 (folio 138r-138v); Dy-Liacco, “The Victorious Karma-pa Has Come to
’Jang,” 40-1. In Chinese this cave is known as Huashou men. See Gao, Jizushan zhi, 219.
58
Hwang yang gsi is almost certainly Huayan si (華嚴寺). See Gao, Jizushan zhi, 230.
59
Ta kyo gsi is probably Dajue si (大覺寺). See Gao, Jizushan zhi, 230.
60
Wi cong gsi is probably Shizhong si (石鐘寺), see Gao, Jizushan zhi, 229. These last four
monasteries, Huashou men, Huayan si, Dajue si, and Shizhong si, are all on the road from the Kāśyapa
Cave to Xitan si, and thus these identifications are logical based on Si tu’s itinerary. They can be
identified on the map included in the Jizushan gazetteer (21,101). Thanks to Zhu Runxiao for her help
in tracing Si tu’s route on Chicken Foot Mountain and identifying some of the more difficult Chinese
temple names.
61
nyer bzhir ri bo bya rkang gi skad par sleb rnam snang lha khang mjal/ phyi nyin/ sban kwang
gser sleb/ zla ba brgyad dbar ’ja’ gur shar sa yin/ tin shar dgon pa/ sbu tyan kyang shang yin ci sogs
mjal rtse skor byas/ ’od srung gi sku gdung bzhugs pa’i brag sgor mchod pa dang smon lam btab/ kun
gyis mthong bar ’ja’ ’od dkar po shar/ nyer dgu’i nyin/ hwang yang gsi/ tā kyo gsi/ wi cong gsi rnams
brgyud/ gsing than gsir bsdad mchod pa phul/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 149).
62
’gran zla med pa’i lha bzos bris pa. Xitan si seems to be the same temple as Shyig shyi’i tan nan,
which is described in some detail in a short section on Chicken Foot Mountain in a later appended
chapter on Mdo khams added to the back of a pilgrimage account of Central Tibet that took place
between 1918-1920 by Kaḥ thog si tu, Kaḥ thog si tu’i dbus gtsang gnas yig, 515. This was the main
Naxi monastery on Chicken Foot Mountain built 1617. Emperor Tianqi gave a copy of the Tripiṭaka
and bestowed on this temple the name Xitanchan si (悉檀禅寺) in 1624. See Kaḥ thog si tu, Kaḥ thog
si tu’i dbus gtsang gnas yig, 515 (reprint 579-82). On Xitan si in the local gazetteer see Gao, Jizushan
zhi, 231, 491-3, and 528.
63
“On the left of the monastery, is the chapel of Black Cloaked [Mahākāla]” (Kaḥ thog si tu, Kaḥ
thog si tu’i dbus gtsang gnas yig, 515). The Guomindang scholar Li Lincan, who did research in the
area from 1939-1943, described “Tibetan style esoteric statues” and “tall Tibetan shaped [gilt] bronze
Buddhas” within Xitan si. See Li, “Xitan si de mu zeng suxiang.”
210
nature of this temple and its prominence on the mountain.64 Additionally, in a brief
note found among a collection of Si tu’s minor writings Si tu also stated that in
the Iron Pig year (1731), he went on pilgrimage to Chicken Foot Mountain and
ordered that a monastery be built, naming it Bkra shis rab brtan gling.65
Figure 9. Protector Deity in North Protector
Chapel. ’Og min gling (Fuguo si) wall painting.
Lijiang, Yunnan, China. After: Wenwu 12
(1963): 9.
64
65
Figure 10. Mu Zeng as a monk (木生白画像).
Xitan si Monastery, Chicken Foot Mountain.
Yunnan Province, China; 17th century. Pigments
on silk. 38 ¼ x 61 7⁄8 in. (97 x 157 cm). Yunnan
Provincial Museum, Kunming.
For more on this portrait see Debreczeny, The Black Hat Eccentric, 64, 80-2.
om swa sti si ngagham (?)/ dus gsum rgyal ba thams cad kyi ngo bo ’jig rten dbang phyug dpal
karma pa chen po’i zhabs kyi padmar sgo gsum gus pa chen po’i phyag ’tshal zhing skyabs su nye par
mchi’o byin gyis brlab du gsol/ de yang sngon lcags mo phag gi lor/ bdag ri bo bya rkang gi gnas mjal
du nye bar skyod pa’i skabs su yang thad gi bsti gnas su khra ’bo rje mo ’khor bcas byon nas ’di dang
gtan du bde ba’i bsod nams mngon par ’du bya ba’i ched du gtsug lag khang dge ’dun gyi sde dang
bcas ba bsgrub pa’i thugs bzhed chen’ang / nag phyogs kyi mi ma yin rnams kyis gegs su gyur pa la/
kho bos bden stobs brjod pa’i spring yig bsrings pas de dag gi rgyud ma rungs bzhi nas gtsug lag khang
’dus par bcas pa tshegs med du grub par ma zad yul de’i ’bru bcud phun sum tshogs pa dang / zhad
yams zhi ba sogs dge mtshan du ma mngon sum du grub par gyur pas yid bskul te/ spad nas nged me
lug lor kha ba dkar po’i gnas dang / nyi nag gi yul sogs su bgrod pa’i tshe/ ’ba’ lung gi skye bo spyi
dang yul gyi mi chen rnams kyis kyang bkra shis pa’i ched du gtsug lag khang ’dus nga’ bcas pa’i gzhi
’ding dgos tshul ched du smras par brten/ gtso bor/ gnam bskos ’jam dbyangs gong ma chen po’i sku’i
rim gro dang/ ’brel pa thogs tshad la dge legs kyi dpal yon chen po rgyun mi chad du ’byung ba dang
/ yul phyogs thams cad la bkra shis pa’i ched du sa gzhi byin gyis brlabs pa sogs tshul mthun du bsgrubs
nas/ da lta gegs med yid bzhin du ’grub cing kun la bde skyid phun sum tshogs par gyur pa’i dge mtshan
mngon sum du snang ba ’di lta nyid de/ da cha ming yang bkra shis rab brtan gling zhes btags de/ (vol.
tha (10) of his Collected Works, 167-9). Thanks to Jann Ronis for bringing this text to my attention.
211
Si tu went as far south as Dali, visiting the famous Three Pagoda Temple (Santa
si 三塔寺), where he met one of the highest-ranking imperially appointed figures
in all of southwest China during the Qing, the Provincial Military Commander for
Yunnan Province, who treated Si tu to extensive performances of Chinese opera.
Si tu’s hagiography, written by his disciple ’Be lo, contains an expanded account
of Si tu’s reception in Dali, which highlights his remarkable spiritual qualities:
On the 5th day of the 7th month Si tu arrived in Dali. He met with the
Provincial Military Commander (Ti du 提督). Hospitality was given with such
things as Chinese opera performances and banquets were extensively held. As a
great deal of Chinese alcohol was [constantly] offered to everyone, master and
disciples, but by turning [that party] into a tantric feast, Si tu dispelled the alcohol’s
potency so that it did not even numb his face, and when presented with a heap of
similar looking offering scarves and requested to tie protective knots, he managed
to return the scarves, which bore marks (recognizable only to their owners), to
each original owner without error.66
On his way back north to Dpal spungs, Si tu stayed in the town of Lijiang at
Lijiang Chapel (Mgo sbas lha khang).67 During this time in the area Si tu’s
biography recorded “each of the monasteries of the Lijiang region gave vast
offerings,” with an emphasis on others giving, while Si tu’s diaries emphasize what
he gives to the community.68 Si tu was invited to numerous chapels in the area,
66
bdun pa’i tshes lngar tā lir tha’i tu’i gam du phebs/ chang shi ’khrab pa sogs kyis bsnyen bkur
zhing gsol ston gzabs rgyas drangs/ dpon slob kun la rgya rag mang po zhus par rje nas tshogs ’khor
mdzad pas a rag gi nus pa bcom nas zhal ngo sbrid pa tsam yang ma byung ba dang / phyag mdud zhu
rgyur phul ba’i kha btags ’dra mnyam la kho rang tshos rtags log btab yod pa mi ngo so sor ma ’khrul
par gnang / (Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 508). Si tu’s own
account is more brief: “On the 5th day of the 7th month I arrived in Dali. I met with the Provincial
Military Commander [of all Yunnan]. Chinese opera (chang shi mo) performances were extensively
held. I visited the Three Pagoda Temple (Gsan tha gsi, Santa si 三塔寺) and the Yun thad kwan gyin
(Guanyin si 觀音寺). On the 7th day of the month, I visited Tā ming lha khang (Daming miao 大明
庙) of Gsan thong gsi (Santong si 三通寺). Wang pā tshong si invited me to Shang nyi’u kas. I arrived
at Hwa chin (Heqing 鹤慶), the royal family (of the Labu [Minjia]) arranged for a banquet.” zla ba
bdun pa’i tshas ngar tā lir slebs thī tu dang mjal/ chang shi ’khrab ston mo rgyas par byas/ gsan tha
gsi/ yun thad kwan gyin rnams mjal/ tshes bdun nyin gsan thong gsi tā ming lha khang mjal/ shang
nyi’u kas su wang pā tshong si bos/ tshes bcu gsum la hwa chin du ’byor rgyal rigs kyis gzhi len gzabs/
(Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 149-50). Heqing is a prefecture that borders Lijiang to
the south, perhaps the royal family that received Si tu is the Labu (Minjia) chiefs. See Rock, The Ancient
Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 248.
67
Lijiang Chapel may be Guiyitang, which once stood south of the Mu Palace in the town of Lijiang.
Guiyitang would have been of interest to Si tu paṇ chen as it is said that its wall paintings were finely
and skillfully done and all somewhat similar in technique to Tibetan painting (although without obvious
Tibetan painting influence). The inscriptions on the painting surface were recorded to have been done
in Chinese but on the large pillars of the main hall under a layer of red lacquer were also said to be
passages of Tibetan scripture written in cinnabar (zhusha zhi zangwen jingdian). As Guiyitang no longer
stands this is now impossible to verify. See Li Weiqing 李伟卿, “Lijiang Mushi tufu miaoyu bihua
chutan” 丽江木氏土府庙宇壁画初探 [A Preliminary Study of Lijiang Mu Family Governors’ Temple
Wall Paintings], Wenwu 文物, no. 6 (1960): 63.
68
mgo sbas su jin tha’i yes kyis bsnyen bkur zhus/ sa tham rgyal pos rgya skad du brtsams pa’i sgrol
ma’i bstod pa bod skad du brgyur/ la gshis su phebs/ ’jang phyogs kyi yul dgon so sos ’bul zhabs rgya
cher zhus/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 508).
212
including the Chokha Avalokiteśvara Chapel (Mcho kha kwan gyin lha khang,
Guanyin ge 觀音閣);69 and the Putsö Tripiṭika Chapel (Phu tshos bka’ ’gyur lha
khang), where a tripiṭika ceremony was held.70 Here Si tu presumably collected or
consulted source materials for the 1621 Lijiang Tripiṭaka by the Sixth Zhwa dmar
for use in his own impending editing project. Immediately upon his return, Si tu
began work on editing the Sde dge edition and completed it in 1733, just three
years after returning from Lijiang.71
1739: Si tu paṇ chen’s Second Visit to ’Jang
On Si tu’s second trip south Lijiang is his stated destination.72 Following the
itinerary given in his diaries one can see that Si tu traveled along the Lancan River
Valley, the main river in northern ’Ba’ lung.73 As Si tu entered Yunnan, he asserted
his control over local monasteries in the area. For instance, at Phun tshogs bstan
’phel gling Monastery in the ’Ba lam area, Si tu appointed monks in administrative
positions and wrote monastic customaries (bca’ yig),74 while his nephew Bsam
’phel acted as translator into Chinese.75
Upon his arrival further south in ’Ba’ lung, Si tu recounted participating in the
founding of several monasteries in the area:
69
Guanyin ge was outside of Lijiang’s south city gate, in Dayanzhen. See Lijiang fu zhi lue (1743).
70
de nas mgo sbas lha khang du bsdad/ mtsho kha kwan gyin lha khang / phu tshos bka’ ’gyur lha
khang sogs su bos/ sha ba legs mdzad sar bsdad/ rgya yi sman sbyor ’ga’ re bslab/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
Autobiography and Diaries, 150.1-2); mgo sbas lha khang phu tshos bka’ ’gyur lha khang rnams su
gdan/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 508). Notice it also says
that he studied numerous Chinese medical practices while staying with Legs mdzad of Sha ba. Then
when he returns from his second trip to ’Og min gling: “On the first day of the 8th month, I arrived at
the town of Lijiang. The Tripiṭaka ceremony was held. The following day, ritual propitiation of guardian
deities and a modest masked dance were performed.” nyer lnga nyin grwa pa brgya skor la bsnyen
rdzogs bsgrubs/ phyi nyin bskang gso tshugs/ nyer dgur ’chams dang gtor rgyag byas/ phyi nyin lha
bsangs btang / brgyad pa’i tshes gcig nyin mgo sbas su sleb/ sku rim bka’ ’gyur tshugs/ phyi nyin
bskang gso dang ’chams nyung zad byas/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 150).
71
Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 151.3.
72
“On the 25th [day of 10th month, 1738] I arranged incense and religious services propitiating and
pleasing local deities and protectors, set out for Lijiang.” nyer lngar bsangs dang bskang g.so bcas
’jang du btegs/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 180.4).
73
Si tu travels through Ku rdos (Gudu 姑独), Pulong, and ’Ba’ tis (Badi 巴迪), which can be followed
on local maps. Si tu also visits Kla pha’i dam pa’i gnas (Damo zushi dong 達摩祖師洞), site of a
meditational cave associated with an ancient Indian master. See Gama Jiangcun 噶玛降村, “Chu lun
Mushi tusi yu Gama Gaju pai zhi jian de guanxi” 初论木氏土司与噶玛噶举派之间的关系 [Preliminary
Discussion on the Relationship Between the Mu Chieftains and the Karma Kagyü School], in Lijiang
Mushi tusi yu Tian Chuan Zang jiao jue chu yu lishi wenhua yantao hui lunwen ji 丽江木氏土司与滇
川藏交角区域历史文化研讨会论文集 [A Collection of Essays from the Symposium on the Lijiang
Mu Family Chieftain and the Yunnan Tibet Intersection of Regional History and Culture], ed. Mu
Shihua 木仕华 (Beijing; China Tibetology Publishing House, 2009), 62.
74
A bca’ yig is an important document that functions as a kind of monastic constitution which states
the regulations of daily life.
75
bca’ yig dang tshogs su bca’ bsgrigs gi bkod pa byas bsam ’phel gyis lo tsā bsgyur ba yin/ (Si-tu
Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 181.7-182.7).
213
On the second day of the second month [1739] we arrived at ’Ba’ lam. The
company commander (tsong yas, zong ye 總爺) invited me. I resided at ’Be le
ku. During the day of the third day of the month, I placed the treasure-vases in
the ground for the founding of ’Ba’ tis phur Monastery and cast the great ritual
dough sculpture (gtor [ma]). The following day, for the sake of the country I
performed the hat ritual. On the 9th day, the company commander accompanied
me roaming the district, and I stayed in the household of the Bha governor. He
was the governor/district magistrate, called in the Naxi language “mo kwa.” I met
with the White Tantric Adepts. I arrived in Ku rdol and stayed with the governor.
I performed the “land appropriation” ritual for the founding of Pur Chapel (Phur
lha khang).76 I stayed at Jikor Nyazang Chapel (Ji skor nya bzang lha khang). I
went to the monastery founding and gave offerings of incense to the local gods.77
Si tu was invited by the local Qing company commander, who then accompanied
him as he traveled in the district, which may have been as much for his safety as
out of courtesy. Several curt references in Si tu’s diaries as he passed through
northern Yunnan suggests that strife was all around him, including mention of
armies seizing a monastery, and Si tu performing an enemy-suppressing liturgy.78
Even during his previous visit in 1730 one of Si tu’s last diary entries in Northern
Yunnan reads: “On the road [in Rgyal thang] we were attacked by bandits, but we
were able to fend them off.”79
76
This was presumably a later stage in the founding of the same monastery, the ’Ba’ tis phur dgon
in ’Ba’ lung above. In Si tu’s biography (Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma
Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 520) it gives the name of this monastery as Lung phur dgon pa, and treats it as
a separate monastery in Ku rdos (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries: Ku rdol): ’ba ’lam du
phebs/ tshong yes kyis gdan/ tshe gsum la ’ba ’ta’i phur dgon pa ’debs pa’i sa gzhir bum gter sbas/ ku
rdos su phebs/ lung phur dgon pa ’debs pa’i bum gter sbas/
77
dbo zla’i tshes gnyis la ’ba’ lam du ’byor/ tsong yas kyis bos/ ’be le kur bsdad/ tshes gsum nyin
’ba’ tis phur dgon sa ’debs pa’i bum gter gzhug pa dang gtor chen btang / phyi nyin yul spyis dbu zhwa
bsgron/ tshes dgur tsong yes kyis bskyal ru rdol du phyin bha mo kwa tshang du bsdad/ ’jang skad mo
kwa zhes pa rdzong dpon yin/ sgrub chen dkar po dang mjal/ ku rdol du ’byor mo kwa can du bsdad/
phur lha khang bzhengs pa’i sa ’dzin byas/ ji skor nya bzang gi lha khang du bsdad/ dgon pa ’debs
par phyin lha bsangs btang / (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 182-3). In Si tu’s biography
(Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 520) it gives the name of this
second monastery as Lung phur dgon pa, and treats it as a separate monastery in Ku rdos (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
Autobiography and Diaries: Ku rdol) from ’Ba’ tis phur dgon, possibly in ’Ba’ lung.
78
79
Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 181-2.
The full entry reads: “On the 13th day, I stayed at the house of the governor of Rgyal thang, Don
grub tshe ring. Then, company commander Lin (Lin tshong yes) offered a banquet and Chinese opera
performance, and Cang lo’u yes [also] offered a banquet and Chinese opera performance, etc. Governor
Go (Go tha’i yas) offered a feast. I stayed in the place of the regional commander (lding dpon) of the
upper district (Ru stod) [of Rgyal thang]. On the road we were attacked by bandits, but we were able
to fend them off. And in Lower Tsing I gave blessings and public preaching. On the 1st day of the 9th
month, I was invited by the phos ba and arrived in lower Gong (’Gong smad. Many people of Lijiang
arrived.” bcu gsum nyin rgyal thang sde pa don grub tshe ring khang par bzhugs/ de nas lin tshong
yes kyis ston mo chang shi dang / cang lo’u ye’i ston mo chang shi sogs zhus/ go tha’i yas ston mo
zhus/ ru stod lding dpon sar bsdad/ lam ser la brgal dgra tsag tsing smad du khrom dbang byas/ dgu
pa’i tshas gcig la phos bas gzhi len dang ’gong smad du ’byor/ sa tham pa rnams sleb/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
Autobiography and Diaries, 150-51). It is unclear if these “bandits” are brigands, soldiers, or Dge lugs
partisans.
214
’Ba’ lung became a major Karma bka’ brgyud stronghold in Yunnan. The local
Chinese gazetteer of ’Ba’ lung, the Weixi Travel Record (Weixi wenjian lu 維西
聞見錄), written about 1769 (that is, only ten years after Si tu’s last visit and still
during his lifetime), recorded Si tu’s impact on the area. It states that there were
thirteen sects of the “Red Lama Church,” and of these only the Karma [Bka’
brgyud] was found in Weixi. There were five Karma bka’ brgyud monasteries in
’Ba’ lung, with eight-hundred monks, all disciples of “Gema Sibao Lama” – that
is, Si tu paṇ chen. The adherents of the Karma pa sect were mostly Moso – that is,
local Naxi (not Tibetans). It also records that among them strife became daily more
common, as the Yellow lamas (Dge lugs pa) oppressed them considerably.80 This
same text also recorded that a high-ranking disciple (gaodi dizi 高第弟子) of Si
tu paṇ chen, the Shan Zhishi Lama (善知識喇嘛), was reincarnated in Weixi.81
When Si tu arrived in Lijiang for the
second time in 1739, he made more
significant ties with the new Chinese
governor-general of Lijiang, Guan
Xuexuan (管學宣), who had been
appointed three years earlier, in 1736.82
Guan was also the author of the local
Chinese gazetteer, the Lijiang Prefecture
Gazetteer (Lijiang fu zhi lue 麗江府志
略), which he wrote while still in office
Figure 11. ’Jang ri smug po’i dgon (Wenfeng
in 1743, just four years after first meeting
si). Lijiang, Yunnan, China. Photograph by
Si tu. Governor Guan recorded meeting
author.
Si tu, writing that in 1739, the Sibao
Lama (as Si tu is known in Chinese) persuaded him to give funds for the
[re-]building of Wenfeng si (文峰寺) (Fig. 11).83 Both Tibetan and Chinese sources
80
The Weixi wenjian lu was written circa 1769 by Yu Qingyuan, younger brother of the new Qing
ruler of Weixi. It is the 18th chapter of the Yunnan beizheng zhi. A section on the lama sects in Yunnan
can also be found in Yunnan tongzhi, ch. 204. This text is also known as the Weixi wenjian ji. Several
Tibetan Buddhist monasteries are also mentioned by name, including Shouguo si, Yangbajing si, and
Dongzhulin (15 recto) as well as a Bka’ brgyud monastery on the outskirts of town, Lanjing si (20
recto).
81
Weixi wenjian ji, 17 (verso). This disciple’s biography is also given.
82
Guan Xuexuan (literary name Wei Ting 未亭) was from Anfu 安福 in Jiangxi Province (meaning
he was ethnic Chinese) and received his jinshi (進士) degree in 1718. He was appointed governor-general
of Lijiang in 1736 and was still magistrate in 1743 when the Lijiang gazetteer was written. See Lijiang
fu zhi lue, 128, and Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 45.
83
Lijiang fu zhi lue, 205; Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 185. Wenfeng si
is also called Gsang sngags gar tse gling in Tibetan. This re-building of ’Jang ri smug po’i dgon was
also accomplished with funds raised by the monk Ming Ju, who was also involved in other Si tu building
projects such as Zhiyun si (on this monastery see below). According to a later nineteenth-century
gazetteer, the Guanxu Lijiang fu zhi gao (32 recto), the ancient name for this temple was Lingshou si,
or at least there was a temple on this site that had that name, thus Chinese sources suggest that this
temple was re-built. However, this former temple Lingshou si was likely a Chinese Buddhist temple
and in no way related to this new Karma bka’ brgyud institution Wenfeng si established by Si tu and
the governor of Lijiang in 1739.
215
reflect that Si tu developed a more personal relationship with this new imperial
governor on his second trip, cultivating him as a patron. This time the roles of king
and governor were subtly reversed – it is the governor who is now the pious patron
while the king only pays his respects, as the previous governor had in 1730. The
importance of Si tu’s impact on the region is further reflected in Governor Guan’s
gazetteer, as the only local lama monk (lama seng 喇嘛僧) who warranted a
biography in Guan’s history of the area, De Chi (的痴), was legitimized as worthy
of inclusion by Si tu’s praise.84
Si tu paṇ chen and Chinese Language
One particular instance found in Si tu’s account of this meeting with the governor
that not only suggests this close relationship but also implies a broader cultural
dialog, is this governor of Lijiang urging Si tu to compose a Tārā front generation
visualization sādhana in Chinese.85 Thus it would appear that by at least Si tu’s
second visit, he had at least a working knowledge of Chinese. Further evidence of
Si tu’s translating activities can be found in volume seven of his collected works,
which includes a praise poem translated from Chinese previously discussed.86 The
colophon records that it was composed by the dharmarāja of ’Jang sa tham, Bsod
nams rab brtan, and translated in Li kyang hu’i yul from a Chinese manuscript into
Tibetan.87
Si tu was also interested in Chinese systems of astrology, astronomy, and
medicine and seems to have translated some of those texts as well.88 Si tu does not
appear to have been fluent, as he also relied on translators at times, including his
84
Lijiang fu zhi lue, 180. This meeting between Si tu and the local lama De Chi (= bde skyid? bde
chen?), who resided in Taiji’an (太極庵, Tha’i ji), may have been recorded in Si tu’s diaries when he
stayed with the “tha’i ji dzwa ka”: sa ga’i tshes gcig la/ tha’i ji dzwa ka can du bsdad/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
Autobiography and Diaries, 184).
85
’di yis bskul bas sgrol ma mdun bskyed kyi sgrub thabs rgya skad du brtsam/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
Autobiography and Diaries, 183). Si tu’s biography (Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma
Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 520) specifies that this was due to Governor Guan’s (Kwan tha’i yas, Guan Taiye
管太爺; that is, Guan Xuexuan) urging. Two sadhanas to Tārā composed by Si tu are found among his
miscellaneous collected works: Sgrol ma rnal ’byor ma’i dkyil ’khor gyi sgrub thabs ye shes ’bar ba
(Si tu paṇ chen, Collected Works, vol. tha (10), 753-814) and Sgrol dkar yid bzhin ’khor lo’i sgrub
thabs (Si tu paṇ chen, Collected Works, vol. tha (10), 815-22). Another can be found in vol. 7, 423-36:
Sred med bus zhus pa’i gzungs sgrol ma’i mtshan brgya rtsa brgyad sangs rgyas klu byin gyi gzungs.
86
Si tu paṇ chen, Collected Works, vol. 7, 439-43. Also cited by Schaeffer in his contribution to this
volume: “Si tu paṇ chen on Scholarship,” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies,
no. 7 (July 2013). Thanks to Schaeffer for his help in locating this work.
87
ces pa ’jang sa thams chos kyi rgyal pos bsod nams rab brtan gyis mdzad pa ste / si tu bas li kyang
hu’i yul du rgya’i dpe las bod skad du bsgyur ba’o / / A local (modern) scholar also records that Si tu
translated into Tibetan a Chinese poem entitled Dumu song which was written by Mu Zeng the previously
mentioned king of Lijiang and greatest patron of Tibetan Buddhism in the region. See Gama Jiangcun,
Preliminary Discussion, 62.
88
Gene Smith first raised this question of Si tu knowing Chinese in his introduction to Si tu’s
Autobiography and Diaries, 11. Si tu’s involvement in Chinese medical texts and his translations is
also discussed in Frances Garrett’s article in this volume: “Mercury, Mad Dogs, and Smallpox: Medicine
in the Si tu paṇ chen Tradition,” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, no. 7 (July
2013), http://www.thlib.org?tid=T5749.
216
aforementioned nephew, Bsam ’phel, but even a basic knowledge of Chinese would
have given him access to a wide range of information on Chinese painting, including
printed copy books and painting manuals, which were both widely circulating in
China by the eighteenth century.89 Si tu does not mention that he studied Chinese
or how he learned it, but the same is true for his learning Nepalese, which he clearly
had. In such a multiethnic area as the Tibetan frontier with Sichuan and Yunnan,
conversance in various languages such as Tibetan, Chinese, and even Naxi was
part of daily life, as reflected in the many foreign language transliterations recorded
in Si tu’s own writings.
Si tu paṇ chen and Chinese Painting
During this visit, Si tu resided in the
former royal palace (Rgyal rnying pho
brang) (Fig. 12). We know from Si tu’s
other writings that the king of Lijiang’s
palace housed an extensive Chinese
painting collection with “many thousands
of paintings on silk,” which Si tu, as a
great connoisseur of the arts, no doubt
pored over as well.90 Surviving paintings
bearing collectors’ colophons with the
Figure 12. Mu royal palace. Photograph by Lijiang kings’ surname suggest that this
author.
collection included works (or copies) by
a few of the most famous Chinese painters and would have served as an excellent
study collection for an ambitious artist such as Si tu paṇ chen.91
Si tu was clearly interested in Chinese painting, as reflected in the commentary
he left outlining his own intentions in various works he painted, designed, and
commissioned. For instance in one of his most widely acclaimed sets, his
Kṣemendra’s one hundred eight morality tales (avadāna), Si tu started his dedicatory
inscription by describing his artistic vision thus: “I have followed the Chinese
masters in color, in mood expressed, and form…”92 In planning these paintings,
89
As mentioned above, in at least one instance his nephew Bsam ’phel translated for him, Si-tu
Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 182.7.
90
pho brang nang gi si thang stong phrag mang po ’dug pa rnams gzigs/ (Si tu paṇ chen chos kyi
’byung gnas and ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab, unpublished Biography of Chöying Dorjé, folio 179b.3).
Whether or not this is the same palace in Lijiang (as it appears that there were at least two from which
the kings ruled: one in Baisha, the old capital, and another in the town of Lijiang), this demonstrates
that the ruling family was in possession of a large collection of Chinese paintings and Si tu knew about
it. Si tu also visited Baisha village (see below).
91
See for instance Lü Ji (吕纪, act. 1475–1503) “Two Ducks” in the Lijiang Municipal Museum
(Lijiang shi bowuguan 麗江市博物館): Debreczeny, The Black Hat Eccentric, 123, Fig. 3.17; and
Debreczeny “Tibetan Interests in Chinese Visual Modes: The Painting Innovations of Chos-dbyings
rdo-rje,” in Mahāmudrā and the Bka’-brgyud Traditions, ed. Matthew Kapstein and Roger Jackson
(Halle: Institut Tibetan & Buddhist Studies GmbH, 2011), Fig. 11.
92
The full quote reads: “I have followed the Chinese masters in color, in mood expressed, and form,
and I have depicted lands, dress, palaces, and so forth as [I have] actually seen in India. Even though
217
Si tu clearly stated that it was his intention to execute the drawings, coloring,
shading, and outlining similar to those techniques found in Chinese paintings on
silk (rgya ris si thang).93 It is interesting to note that Si tu’s interest in naming his
sources, or “showing his work,” and clearly laying out his visual strategy in his
paintings was very much like his literary approach in Sanskrit translation, as
discussed by Kurtis Schaeffer, as well in the complementary literary and visual
strategies employed in his narratives as carefully tracked by Nancy Lin.94 One can
also see this desire in Si tu naming his iconographic textual sources, the Kālacakra
and Samvarodaya tantras, for images such as the twenty-seven tantric deities which
he designed in 1750.95
Another interesting example of Si tu’s interest in Chinese painting can be found
during his first trip in Yunnan. While traveling along the road at the turn of the
New Year of 1730, Si tu recounts creating several paintings upon request, including
the Six Ornaments of India (Fig. 13) complete with coloring (tshon mdangs bcas),
for his younger brother, Bla ma karma, who was apparently traveling with him.96
Si tu goes on to describe these paintings as “my new creation based on Chinese
scroll paintings.”97 It is interesting that Si tu would feel inspired to paint a set that
he clearly envisioned as based on Chinese painting while traveling through Yunnan,
where he made constant reference to observing Chinese material culture.
all the discriminating skill of Sman thang – [both] New and Old – and the Khyen ris tradition followers,
Bye’u sgang pa and the Encampment masters are present here, I have made [these paintings] different
in a hundred thousand [particulars of] style.” tshon dang ri mo’i nyams rnam ’gyur/ / rgya nag mkhas
pa’i rjes ’brangs nas/ / yul dang cha lugs khang bzang sogs/ / ’phags yul mngon sum mthong bzhin
byas/ / sman thang gsar rnying mkhyen lugs pa/ / bye’u sgang pa sgar bris pa’i/ / rnam dpyod de kun
’dir ldan yang / / nyams ’gyur ’bum gyi khyad par byas/ / (Translated by Jackson, Patron and Painter,
12).
93
Jackson, Patron and Painter, 11.
94
See Kurtis Schaeffer, “Si tu paṇ chen on Scholarship” (http://www.thlib.org?tid=T5752) and
Nancy Lin, “Purity in the Pudding and Seclusion in the Forest: Si tu paṇ chen, Monastic Ideals, and
the Buddha’s Biographies,” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, no. 7 (July
2013), http://www.thlib.org?tid=T5750.
95
See Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 305.2 (folio 153a);
Jackson, Patron and Painter, 13.
96
“Due to Dran thang sangs rgyas’s urging, I painted several paintings [for him], and for [my younger
brother] Bla ma karma, I painted the Six Ornaments [of India] complete with coloring.” dran thang
sangs rgyas kyis zhal thang ’ga’ re dang / bla ma karmar rgyan drug gi sku thang rnams tshon mdangs
bcas bris/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 148.7). In his biography it records “Due to
Bla ma karma’s urging, Si tu gave him the Aspirational Commentary on Mahāmudrā (Phyag chen
smon ’grel, by the Third Karma pa rang byung rdo rje) and paintings of the Six Ornaments [of India],
and several paintings to Dran thang sangs rgas [all] painted by his own hand.” klu chu mdor bzhugs/
rgyal lam yig zhu bar btang / sku’i gcung bla ma karmas bskul nas phyag chen smon ’grel dang / rgyan
drug gi sku thang / dran thang sangs rgas la zhal thang ’ga’ re phyag ris gnang / (Si tu and ’Be lo,
History of Karma bka’ brgyud, 507.6-7). For this complete set of compositions see Namgyal Institute
of Tibetology, Rgyan drug mchog gnyis [The Six Ornaments and Two Supreme Masters] (Gangtok,
Sikkim: Namgyal Institute of Tibetology), 1962. Jackson, Patron and Painter, 121-2.
97
’di rnams kyang bdag gi rgya thang la cha bzhag pa’i gsar spros yin/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
Autobiography and Diaries, 149.1).
To take one example from this set in
the Rubin Museum of Art collection, one
can see that this composition is especially
telling of Si tu’s familiarity with the
internal visual language of Chinese
painting. Here he pairs the greatest
scholastic authorities of Indian Buddhism
with bamboo, the Chinese symbol of the
scholar, which bends with the changing
political winds but does not break. This
is not a random decorative choice but
suggests that Si tu grasps the underlying
meaning of the Chinese conventions he
employs. Other Chinese references are
found in this painting as well: floating
down on clouds from White Mañjuśrī,
who is artfully integrated into the
landscape by transforming his luminous
body nimbus into the moon, is the
Chinese form of youthful Mañjuśrī riding
his shaggy blue lion associated with
Mount Wutai (Wutaishan 五臺山, Ri bo
rtse lnga), the earthly abode of the
Bodhisattva of Wisdom in China.
218
Figure 13. Nāgārjuna and Āryadeva. From Si
tu’s set of “Six Ornaments of India.” Khams
Province, Tibet; 19th century. 23 x 15 in.
Pigments on cloth. Rubin Museum of Art,
C2006.66.167 (HAR 174).
Si tu also repeatedly visited Baisha (白沙) village, site of famous wall paintings
by local workshops in an interesting hybrid of Tibetan and Chinese modes:
In Baisha, the shu yas invited me, and I went to the lower city (Bos grong
smad) protector chapel. This was erected by the Ninth lord [Karma pa]. The entire
region held feasts, and I arrived at Rock Base Chapel (Brag rtsa lha khang). [There]
I saw the Tenth Lord [Karma pa’s] footprints. On the 21st day I arrived at Sa
tham’s ’Og min gling. I gave the six-syllable [mantra] oral transmission to the
people of Baisha, etc. I gave basic ordination to fifty monks and full ordination
vows to about thirty. I performed the hat ceremony, and I gave the six syllable
mantra (Maṇi) oral transmission to a crowd of people. [I gave] the oral transmission
for the monastic liturgy. I donated rice fields as an offering to be used for
[generating] money for general monastic support (of ’Og min gling).98
98
sba sher shu yas kyis bos grong smad mgon khang du phyin/ ’di rje dgu pas bzhengs pa yin/ yul
spyis gzhi len dang / brag rtsa lha khang du sleb/ rje bcu pa’i zhabs rjes mjal/ nyer gcig nyin sa tham
’og min gling du ’byor/ sba she ba sogs la yig drug gi lung byas/ grwa pa lnga bcu lhag rab byung
dang sum cu skor bsnyen rdzogs byas/ dbu zhwa bsgron khrom la ma ṇi’i lung byas/ tshogs par chos
spyod kyi lung / dgon par spyi rten dngul dang mchod dpyad ’bras zhing sogs spam bstod bzhag/ (Si-tu
Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 183).
219
This protector chapel in Baisha village that Si tu visits is Hufatang (護法堂,
“Dharma Protector Hall”),99 which shares the same compound with (the largely
extant) Dabaojigong (大寶積宮).100 Although everything within the Dharma
Protector Hall is now lost, well preserved wall paintings in this adjacent hall are
an interesting mixture of Tibetan and Chinese modes in both style and iconography,
and the paintings in the back are Karma bka’ brgyud in content and consistent with
programs within the Dpal spungs system, including a lineage painting (Fig. 7).101
While the precise relationship between these two halls is unclear, Si tu’s diaries
place him within this compound, and it is safe to say that he saw these wall
paintings. Si tu adds an otherwise unknown fact: this protector chapel was erected
by the Ninth Lord Karma pa, who is the last labeled person among the minor figures
in this mahāmudrā lineage painting. Although he was repeatedly invited, the Ninth
Karma pa (1555-1603) is not recorded to have ever visited Lijiang, and Si tu knew
this, as the Ninth Karma pa’s biography is contained in his History of the Karma
Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect. It could be that a protector chapel was built in the old royal
capital of Lijiang, Baisha, by order of the Ninth Karma pa to one of his disciples,
possibly even carried out by the Sixth Zhwa dmar during one of his visits, or
someone in his entourage.102
99
Hufatang was built in the Wanli (r. 1573-1620) era by the king of Lijiang Mu Zeng in Baisha
village behind Dabaojigong and Liulidian. Its remains were said to show Tibetan influence. Now the
building has been converted into a private residence. Si tu’s biography more clearly states Si tu went
to the protector chapel in Baisha: “In Baisha, Si tu went to the protector chapel and Rock Base Chapel,
where he saw the Tenth Lord [Karma pa’s] footprints.” sba sher mgon khang dang brag rtsa lha khang
du rje bcu pa’i zhabs rjes mjal/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect,
520).
100
Joseph Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, states that Hufatang is another
name of Dabaojigong, and while this identification is still uncertain, both buildings share a compound
wall, and it may be that this cluster of buildings was known collectively as “Hufatang.” For instance
only Hufatang is given an entry in the local gazetteer (Lijiang fu zhi lue, 204), while the other two
temples in this compound, Dabaojigong and Liulidian, do not appear separately with their own entries.
101
For more on this hall and the local tradition of wall painting in Lijiang during the Ming, see
Debreczeny, “Sino-Tibetan Synthesis in Ming Dynasty Wall Painting at the Core and Periphery,” and
Debreczeny, “Dabaojigong and the Regional Tradition of Ming-Sino-Tibetan Painting in Lijiang.”
102
This new piece of information dovetails nicely with my previous suggestion that these wall
paintings at Dabaojigong were painted after the temple’s founding in 1582, during one of the visits of
the Sixth Zhwa dmar, or shortly afterward, circa 1610-1630 (see Debreczeny, “Dabaojigong and the
Regional Tradition of Ming-Sino-Tibetan Painting in Lijiang”).
220
Si tu also mentions visiting [the cave]
Rock Base Chapel, where he continued
to record his interest in the local life of
the Tenth Karma pa. This is likely a
reference to the Vajrayoginī Cave; (Fig.
14), which is located on the side of Wenbi
Mountain, behind ’Jang ri smug po’i
dgon, not far from Baisha. According to
local tradition this cave was established
as a meditation site by the Tenth Karma
Figure 14. Vajrayoginī Cave. Wenbi Mountain, pa, where he made a large clay sculpture
of Vajravarahi (or the twelfth-century
female master Ma gcig lab sgron, 1055-1153), and left his footprints in the rock.103
Later Si tu expanded it into a larger chapel. During the Cultural Revolution it was
filled in with dirt and trash, but recently the cave was excavated, and in 2005 a
chapel in Tibetan style was built at its entrance, where it is once again the focus
of local devotion. The cave is considered one of the twenty-four sacred places in
Tibetan Buddhist cosmology and opened only once a year to the public.
During his travels Si tu repeatedly records giving oral transmissions for the
monastic liturgy, ordaining numerous monks, and composing monastic customaries
for individual monasteries all across ’Jang. This activity was not unique to his
work in Yunnan, and can be seen as a larger pattern of Si tu’s mission to revitalize
monastic communities throughout Khams during his entire career, as discussed in
Jann Ronis’s contribution to this volume.104 Ronis notes, for instance, that Si tu
conferred ordinations every year between 1730 and 1760, roughly the same
thirty-year period of his direct involvement in ’Jang. Si tu had recently revised and
printed the collected liturgical texts (chos spyod) for the Karma bka’ brgyud – the
required liturgical texts used in every institution of their monastic order – to fulfill
the Twelfth Karma pa’s final request before his untimely death, and it would appear
that Si tu was then distributing it in Lijiang.105 In some cases it appears that the
regulations of these customaries were translated into Chinese and displayed publicly
in the monasteries on stele, as found on a tablet dated 1756, erected at another
monastery Si tu would become involved in, Nges don phun tshogs gling.106
103
For a history of this cave site see the local publication: Zhongba Ripoche 仲巴, ed., Nan zhan
diyi lingdong 南瞻第一灵洞 (Lijiang: self-published, c. 2008).
104
Jann Ronis in “The Prolific Preceptor: Si tu paṇ chen’s Career as Ordination Master in Khams
and Its Effect on Sectarian Relations in Sde dge” (http://www.thlib.org?tid=T5751) and in his dissertation
“Celibacy, Revelations, and Reincarnated Lamas: Contestation and Synthesis in the Growth of
Monasticism at Katok Monastery from the 17th through 19th Centuries” (Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Virginia, 2009), 167, notes that Si tu’s Collected Works, vol. tha (10) contains six different monastic
customaries, but this is by no means exhaustive as a number of customaries that he records making in
his diaries are not included in his Collected Works.
105
106
Tashi Tsering, “Situ Panchen: His Contribution and Legacy,” 5.
See Mu Shihua, Lijiang Mushi tusi yu Tian Chuan Zang jiao jue chu yu lishi wenhua yantao hui
lunwen ji, 60-1.
221
When Si tu paṇ chen reached Lijiang in 1739, he became heavily invested in
this newly built monastery in the nearby village of La gshis,107 Nges don phun
tshogs gling (or Lha shis dgon), more commonly known locally by its Chinese
name, Zhiyun si (指雲寺) (Fig. 15). On his second visit to the site during this tour
Si tu recalls:
On the 12th day of the 3rd month, I arrived at ’O rgya gzhi and stayed the
night, and arrived at La gshis. I performed preparatory rituals for the consecration
(of Nges don phun tshogs gling) according to the Cakrasaṃvara [system] with
the help of a picture painted on cloth. I asked that the sponsorship (of the
monastery) be divided between the king of Lijiang and Rab gsal. I gave about
one-hundred monks basic ordination vows and full ordination vows. I gave a
formal reading of the liturgy. I made a great amount [of donations] such as rice
fields and silver offerings which were designated for daily tea expenses. The Sa
tham governor (tha’i yas, tai ye 太爺) departed.108
The patron who Si tu put in charge of
supporting the temple along with the
former king, Rab gsal, may have been the
same local monk whose Chinese name
was Ming Ju (明具), with a similar
meaning, “Possessing Brilliance,” who
was recorded in the local gazetteer as
being appointed to a similar position in
raising funds for the rebuilding of
Wenfeng si (another one of Si tu’s
projects) in the same year.109 Considering Figure 15. Nges don phun tshogs gling (Zhiyun
that Si tu had already given ordination to si). Lijiang, Yunnan, China. Photograph by
about one hundred eighty monks at Fuguo author.
si, then here at Nges don phun tshogs gling another one hundred monks, and the
attrition rate in Khams and other parts of Tibet in this period marked by sectarian
warfare, Lijiang appears to have remained a vibrant island of Karma bka’ brgyud
activity. Si tu’s involvement at Nges don phun tshogs gling is corroborated and
expanded upon in local Chinese sources. Inscriptions engraved on the
aforementioned tablet dealing with monastic rules that was erected at the monastery
and dates to 1756 state that in 1730, on his way to Chicken Foot Mountain, Si tu
pointed out that in Lashi li (剌是里), in the cave of Luoshui dong (落水洞), where
107
La gshis (Lashi 剌是) is the district where Nges don phun tshogs gling is located. Rock, The
Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 41.
108
nag zla’i tshes bcu gnyis la ’o rgya gzhir sleb zhag mal bgyis la gshis su ’byor/ ras bris la brten
bde mchog gi sgo nas rab gnas sta gon bcas bsgrubs/ ’jang rgyal po dang rab gsal sbyin bdag bgos/
grwa pa brgya skor tsam la rab byung dang bsnyen rdzogs gnang / chos spyod kyi lung byas/ dus ja’i
rten ’bras zhing dang dngul mchod dpyad sogs spam chen bzhag/ sa tham tha’i yas phebs/ (Si-tu
109
Lijiang fu zhi lue, 206.
222
the footprints of the patron saint of Magadha are preserved,110 there should be a
temple built for the protection of the land and the people.111 He recommended that
silver in the value of seven hundred ounces of gold should be collected, and Si tu
himself gave two hundred taels of silver to buy the fields. This Chinese account
is further corroborated in Si tu’s diaries, as he did indeed record visiting La gshis
twice, back during his first tour of Lijiang in 1730 – once on his way toward
Chicken Foot Mountain, and a second time on the way back, when he stayed with
a member of the royal family.112 Nges don phun tshogs gling later became the seat
of Lijiang’s main local incarnation lineage, the Shar nor drung pa (Dongbao Fawang
東寶法王, d. 1785), a disciple of Si tu who was charged with the management of
the thirteen Karma bka’ brgyud monasteries in the area. 113
Bkra shis chos ’phel gling
Toward the end of his 1739 stay, Si tu continued to broaden his patronage of (and
assert his authority over) numerous local institutions, and even provided for the
rebuilding of destroyed monasteries. As just one example:
I was invited to Drikhung Hermitage (’Bri khung ri khrod) and arrived at Kla
phi bstan ’phel gling. (Doctor) Legs mdzad invited me. On the 6th of the [4th]
month, I made ritual preparation in the chapel for the Cakrasaṃvara consecration
ceremony. I circumambulated the peak of the holy sites and made pilgrimage. I
made incense offerings and cast the great ritual dough sculpture (gtor ma). I
performed the donning of the hat ritual. I performed the longevity empowerment
to a crowd. I gave a formal reading of the monastic liturgy. I took such actions
for the monastery as [giving] many materials for religious activities and established
110
These footprints at the modern site of Zhiyun si are mentioned in the Lijiang fu zhi lue, 91, under
the entry “Shen seng jiyi.”
111
Another Chinese account in the local gazetteer (Lijiang fu zhi lue, 205) asserts that Zhiyun si,
located on Mount Modu (18 km west of Lijiang in Ḷashi), was built in 1727 (5th year Yongzheng) with
a donation by Magistrate Yuan Zhancheng, not a native of the area, but commissioner of revenue of
Yunnan province, and funds raised by the “lama monk” Li Xiang, and others. This would make Zhiyun
si the first Buddhist temple recorded to have been built in Lijiang by an outside patron, an activity
previously monopolized by the kings of Lijiang (Qiu, “Lijiang Naxizu zizhixian,” 678). However Si
tu’s account suggests that the former royal family was still involved. According to yet another local
Chinese record, the Record of the Great Lama of Puji si (Puji si da lama jilue), Zhiyun si was founded
by a local monk Lou Seng (Blo bzang?) of the aristocratic He family (He shi 和氏) of Puji village, who
was studying the Tibetan Tripiṭaka (Fan jing sanzang 番經三藏) at Fuguo si when Si tu paṇ chen
arrived and stayed there. Zhiyun si was destroyed by fire and rebuilt in 1880. Originally Zhiyun si had
thirteen temples, but now only one large and three small halls survive.
112
“On the 9th day of the 6th month, I set out from Rgyal thang for Chicken Foot Mountain, traveling
in stages. On the 15th day I arrived at La gshis.” zla ba drug pa’i tshe dgur rgyal thang nas ri bo bya
rkang mjal bar btegs nas rim par phebs/ tshe bco lngar la gshis su sleb/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography
and Diaries, 149); and “On the 5th day of the month, I arrived at La gshis and stayed with a member
of the royal family.” tshes lngar la gshis su slebs rgyal rigs can du bsdad/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
113
The current Shar nor drung pa ho thog thu (Dongbao Zhongba Hutuketu 東寶仲巴呼圖克圖,
1967-) is the seventeenth incarnation born on January 18, 1967, and recognized by Si tu in 1991. His
official residence is Zhiyun si. The first Shar nor drung pa (considered the thirteenth in the lineage of
Nam mkha’ rgya mtsho, b. 1146) was contemporary with Si tu paṇ chen.
223
support (financial capital) of one hundred fifty ounces of silver, and established
a monastic customary.114
The Kla phi bstan ’phel gling described in this passage of Si tu’s diaries is
probably Bkra shis chos ’phel gling (Fig. 3), more commonly known as Yufeng
si, which was introduced at the beginning of this discussion, located five kilometers
from Baisha Village on the eastern slope of Jade Dragon Mountain (Yulongshan
玉龍山).115 On the walls of a small room at the rear of Shilixiang (十里香) Hall
(Fig. 16) is preserved the set of the Eight Great Bodhisattvas (Figs. 17, 19, 22, 24,
26, 29) painted on six wooden panels, introduced at the beginning of this discussion.
The vast majority of wall paintings at Bkra shis chos ’phel gling were destroyed
during the Cultural Revolution; this set seems to have been one of the few to survive
intact, as the small side chapel in which the paintings are found was used as a
storeroom at that time, and the wall paintings were protected by floor-to-ceiling
cabinets and uncovered only quite recently.
114
’bri khung ri khrod du gdan ’dren dang / kla phi bstan ’phel gling du ’byor legs mdzad kyis gdan/
tshes drug la stag on bcas lha khang la bde mchog gi rab gnas byas/ dam pa gnas kyi rtse skor dang
gnas mjal byas/ bsangs dang gtor chen btang / dbu zhwa sgron/ khrom la tshe dbang bgyis/ chos spyod
lung byas/ dgon par mchod cha mang po dang dngul srang phyed nyis brgya’i rten bzhag dang bca’
yig bkod ’dam sogs byas/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 184). rten bzhag can also mean
“to establish holy objects,” thus this passage could also be translated as: “I established sculpture(s)
made of 150 ounces of silver.”
115
Perhaps “kla phi” is a phonetic rendering of the local pronunciation of “bkra shis,” though it is
strange that such a common Tibetan word often used in temple names would not be recognized, unless
this is simply an error by Si tu’s posthumous editor or the woodblock carver. If this identification of
Kla phi bstan ’phel gling with Bkra shis chos ’phel gling is incorrect, then it would be the only temple
among the four major Karma bka’ brgyud establishments in Lijiang (麗江, ’Jang sa tham) already built
by Si tu’s last visit which is not mentioned in Si tu’s diaries. It is quite possible that the temple had a
different name in Si tu’s time, as temples are commonly renamed.
224
The central figures (moving clockwise
around the chapel) correspond exactly to
paintings in the Rubin Museum and
elsewhere (Figs. 18, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27,
28, 30), and were clearly modeled on a
set commissioned by Si tu paṇ chen in
1732. Si tu’s set, in turn, was based on
sixteenth-century paintings made by the
famous artist Dkon mchog phan bde in
the court of the Ninth Karma pa, and
teacher to Nam mkha’ bkra shis, founder
of the Karma sgar bris school of painting.
Si tu had the Kar shod painter Phrin las
rab ’phel trace them, and then had them
completed by a workshop of artists.116 Not
only does this set point to the existence
of strong Chinese figural and
Figure 16. Floor plan of Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng compositional elements in pre-Sgar bris
si. Yulong Mountain, Lijiang, Yunnan, China. school painting in the Karma pa
After: Lijiang Architecture, Fig. 3-111.
encampment in the sixteenth century but
also indicates what kind of models Si tu selected in the revival of this artistic style.
The set is unusual in design, and the figures do not follow textual descriptions, or
even other standard Tibetan visual conventions, thus their similarity cannot be a
mere coincidence. The discovery of these panel paintings at Bkra shis chos ’phel
gling also allows us to identify with certainty the complete set of bodhisattvas in
the scroll paintings, minus the ninth painting of the central figure of the Buddha,
who here would have probably been represented by a sculpture in the central niche
(Fig. 31). Unpigmented strips on the lower segments of the two flanking panels
(Figs. 22 & 24) further suggests that the furniture or architectural arrangement at
the front of the chapel was different when these images were painted on the walls,
or even that the panels were once in a different location and relocated to this chapel.
116
Jackson, Patron and Painter, 10-12.
225
Figure
18.
Sarvanīvaraṇaviṣkambhin.
Dimensions unknown. Courtesy of Shechen
Archives.
Figure 17. Sarvanīvaraṇaviṣkambhin, from set
of Eight Great Bodhisattvas. Painted wooden
panel. 57.5 cm wide x 131.5 cm tall. Northeast
panel by the door, Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng si,
Yulong Mountain, Lijiang, Yunnan, China.
Photograph by author.
Figure 19. Avalokiteśvara and Vajrapaṇī, from
set of Eight Great Bodhisattvas. Painted wooden
panel. 110.5 cm wide x 131.5 cm tall. Central
east panel, Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng si, Yulong
Mountain, Lijiang, Yunnan, China. Photograph
by author.
Figure 21. Vajrapaṇī, after Si tu-commissioned
set of Eight Great Bodhisattvas. Khams
Province, Tibet; 19th century. 31 ¼ x 20 ½ in.
(79.38 x 52.07cm). Rubin Museum of Art,
F1997.40.5 (HAR 586).
226
Figure
20.
Avalokiteśvara, from
Si
tu-commissioned set of Eight Great
Bodhisattvas. Khams Province, Tibet; 18th
century. 29 ½ x 20 ½ in. (74.9 x 52.1 cm). Rubin
Museum of Art, C2008.9 (HAR 65829).
227
Figure 23. Mañjuśrī, from Si tu-commissioned
Province, Tibet; 18th century. 20 x 13 ¾ in.
(50.8 x 34.9 cm). Rubin Museum of Art,
F1997.40.6 (HAR 587).
Figure 22. Mañjuśrī, from Si tu-commissioned
set of Eight Great Bodhisattvas. Painted wooden
panel. 57.5 cm wide x 131.5 cm tall. Southwest
panel by the altar, Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng si,
228
Figure
25.
Ākāśagarbha,
from
Si
century. 14 ¾ x 9 ¼ in. (37.47 x 23.50 cm).
Collection of Shelley and Donald Rubin,
P1999.29.11 (HAR 916).
Figure
24.
Ākāśagarbha,
from
Si
Bodhisattvas. Painted wooden panel. 58.5 cm
wide x 131 cm tall. Southeast panel on the other
side of the altar, Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng si,
Figure 26. Kṣitigarbha and Maitreya, from set
of Eight Great Bodhisattvas. Painted wooden
panel. 109.5 cm wide x 131 cm tall. Central west
panel, Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng si, Yulong
by author.
229
Figure 27. Kṣitigarbha, after Si tu-commissioned
Province, Tibet; 19th century. 20 ½ x 13 ½ in.
F1997.24.1 (HAR 341).
230
Figure 28. Maitreya, after Si tu-commissioned
Province, Tibet; 19th century. 25 x14 in. (63.50
x 35.56 cm). Rubin Museum of Art,
C2006.66.494 (HAR 960).
Figure 29. Samantabhadra, from set of Eight
Great Bodhisattvas. Painted wooden panel. 56
cm wide x 131 cm tall. Far northwest panel by
the door, Shilixiang Hall, Yufeng si, Yulong
by author.
231
Figure 31. Central niche, Yufeng si. back wall
296 cm; altar 60 cm deep, 2 side flanges 28.5
cm. Photograph by author.
Figure 30. Samantabhadra, from Si
century. 31 ½ x 20 in. (80.01 x 50.8 cm). Rubin
Museum of Art, F1997.40.4 (HAR 585).
These wall paintings are characterized by simple, open compositions, with the
addition of cloud wisps that unite the different panels. This set of the Eight Great
Bodhisattvas (Nye ba’i sras chen brgyad) was conceived of in three-dimensional
space (Figs. 4 & 5) as symmetrical pairings of offering figures wearing Indian,
Chinese, and possible local Naxi dress, compositionally uniting panels across the
chapel. The bodhisattvas flank an altar (Fig. 31), now empty, and the ceiling
contains a Vajrayoginī Maṇḍala (Fig. 32), and a set of the five Jina Buddhas flanked
by guardian kings. However, in 2004 this tiny hall was being renovated – with the
roof taken off – so it is unclear if this was the original ceiling, or a remnant from
another chapel. The entire area of this little chapel is only about 64 square feet
(side 237 cm [93.3 in], back 296 cm [116.5 in]).
The history of this temple and its wall paintings are not
Rock, there were no memorial steles in evidence when he
twentieth century.117 Local Chinese sources generally agree
’phel gling was founded sometime in the Kangxi (康熙, r.
117
clear. According to
visited in the early
that Bkra shis chos
1662-1722) period,
That is before the Cultural Revolution. Rock conjectures that the temple might have been founded
in the Ming Wanli period. In Rock’s time Yufeng si only had seven or eight priests, most he said were
addicted to opium. At the time Yufeng si had an incarnate lama, but he was in Tibet and the temple
was without the funds to bring him back. Rock described Yufeng si as in a most dilapidated condition
with a severely decayed floor and ceiling which made it dangerous to enter and containing a small
library. He concludes that it was the “most forlorn and forsaken lamasery I know of.” Rock, The Ancient
Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 209-10.
232
about 1700 – the year of Si tu’s birth. One modern account states that in 1681, the
Tenth Karma pa’s patron, the king of Lijiang Mu Yi, invited two bla mas from
Tibet, Duzhi (都知, Rdo rje) and Dingri (丁日), who began construction of the
monastery.118
Figure 32 (a). Ceiling with Vajrayoginī
Maṇḍala, the five Jina Buddhas, and guardian
kings. Yufeng si. Photograph by author.
Figure 32 (b). Vajrayoginī Maṇḍala. Ceiling,
Yufeng si. Photograph by author.
Like many temples in the area, Bkra shis chos ’phel gling was subsequently
badly damaged or destroyed in the intermittent warfare that rocked northern
Yunnan; it was rebuilt during the Qianlong (乾隆, r. 1736-1795) period. A building
permit (jian si zhizhao 建寺執照) dated the twenty-first year of Qianlong (1756)
suggests that major reconstruction of Yufeng si began three years before Si tu’s
last visit to Lijiang in 1759 and was likely still going on when he arrived. This
1756 permit names a local Tibetan Buddhist monk, the lama Ming Julu (明菊魯),
originally from Lijiang’s main Karma bka’ brgyud monastery, Fuguo si (福國寺,
’Og min gling), as overseeing the construction project.119
Over time, nine structures were built at Bkra shis chos ’phel gling, three of
which are extant: one main assembly hall (Fig. 3) and upper and lower monks’
118
Guo Dalie 郭大烈, Naxizu wenhua daguan 纳西族文化大观 [Grand View of Naxi Culture]
(Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe, 1999), 666. The author does not cite the source of this information
on Yufeng si’s founding. Mu Yi’s Tibetan name was ’Chi med lha dbang. He showed himself as a
staunch supporter of the Karma pa and provided for the re-establishment of the Karma pa encampment
as it existed in the old days. See Gtsang mkhan chen ’jam dbyangs dpal ldan rgya mtsho, Poetical
Biographies of Dharmakirti and the Tenth Karma-pa Chos-dbyi·ns-rdo-rje with a Collection of
Instructions on Buddhist Practice (Delhi: Lakshmi Press, 1982), 200, 204; Debreczeny, The Black Hat
Eccentric, 75 and 93; and Debreczeny, “Tibetan Interests in Chinese Visual Modes: The Painting
Innovations of Chos-dbyings rdo-rje,” in Mahāmudrā and the Bka’-brgyud Traditions, ed. Roger R.
Jackson and Matthew T. Kapstein, (Halle: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies
GmbH, 2011), 387-423.
119
Yunnan Sheng Minzu Yanjiu Suo 云南省民族研究所, Yunnan Naxizu shehui lishi diaocha. Naxi
zu diaocha cailiao 云南納西族社会历史調查. 納西族調查材料 [An Investigation of Yunnan Naxi
Social History. Naxi Survey Data] (Kunming: Yunnan sheng minzu yanjiu suo, 1963), 34. This was
the year before the famous ten thousand blossom camilla tree was planted, probably as part of the larger
reconstruction/expansion of the temple.
233
residences, where the paintings under discussion are located. The main hall
compound comprises four buildings, the gate, the hall itself, and left and right
flanking buildings, all together occupying a space of 1,175 square meters. The
main hall sits west and faces east and conforms to classic Chinese architecture,
with double-eave, hip-gabled roofs. Until recently within the main hall there were
twenty Buddhist figures painted “with an air of Tibetan thang ka painting,” and
the lower monastic quarters had four bays of paintings that Chinese scholars dated
to the Qianlong period, that is, from Si tu’s lifetime or just after.120
The 1756 reconstruction of Yufeng si probably included the lower monastic
quarters complex, called Shilixiang, where these wall paintings of the Eight Great
Bodhisattvas (Figs. 4 & 5) are located. As previously mentioned, Si tu paṇ chen
is recorded to have commissioned this set in 1732, about seven years before he
visited this temple. Si tu paṇ chen, as both the abbot of the mother monastery and
a famous artist, may have been involved with and/or consulted in the painting
program of Bkra shis chos ’phel gling when he arrived, either in 1739 when he
visited and consecrated the (newly rebuilt) main chapel (Fig. 3), as is mentioned
in the diary passage quoted above, or during his last visit to Lijiang in 1759, when
the major 1756 reconstruction of Bkra shis chos ’phel gling would have been well
under way. This seems especially likely given Si tu’s interest and active involvement
in reviving both the physical and moral structure of these local institutions.
However, as Bkra shis chos ’phel gling itself was a satellite temple of Si tu’s seat
Dpal spungs Monastery, theoretically the presence of paintings designed or
commissioned by Si tu paṇ chen might be expected but does not necessarily mean
he was directly involved in their painting. However, this is not one of Si tu’s more
famous commissions or commonly associated with Dpal spungs, and it is obscure
enough that it was the discovery of this very set of wall paintings that confirmed
its content.
120
Qiu, “Lijiang Naxizu zizhixian,” 675-6. Another set of later Qing-period paintings of the Four
Guardian Kings also survives in the main gate of this temple. See Debreczeny, “Bodhisattvas South
of the Clouds: Situ Panchen’s Activities and Artistic Influence in Lijiang, Yunnan,” Fig. 10.26 (p. 242),
and Wang Haitao 王海涛, Yunnan lishi bihua yishu 云南历史壁画艺术 [Yunnan Wall Paintings from
Previous Dynasties] (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 2002), 226-7. However, a recent inspection
in 2001 revealed that beyond this small store room, no extant paintings now remain. Yufeng si underwent
significant renovations in 1988 and was turned into a local Buddhist tourist trap, with caretakers dressed
as monks, soothsayers, and three monks brought in from Tibet to say chants for an air of authenticity.
Since 2004 the current (seventeenth) incarnation of the Shar nor drung pa rin po che (Dongbao Zhongba
東寶仲巴) has been boldly reclaiming these Karma bka’ brgyud monasteries of Lijiang from the tourism
bureau and converting them back into active places of worship.
234
The informant for Rock’s knowledge
of the succession of Karma pa hierarchs
was the abbot of this same Yufeng si
Karma pa Lamasery of Lijiang, who it
would seem was literate in Tibetan, and
judging by the layout of the “succession
tree” that Rock recorded, they were
looking at a lineage painting at Yufeng
si, presumably now lost.121Yufeng si was
also the source for a number of paintings
that Rock collected in Lijiang in the Sgar
bris style of Dpal spungs, including
several portraits of Si tu paṇ chen (Fig.
33).122 Interestingly, all seven paintings
collected by Rock from Yufeng si, now
in the Ashmolean Museum, are of Si tu
or his contemporaries, including the
Rgyal tshab incarnation, whose
predecessor was recognized in a local
Figure 33. Si tu paṇ chen and his previous child. The fact that all of these paintings
incarnations. Yufeng si, Lijiang; 18th century. collected from this local Lijiang
42 ½ x 23 5/8 in. (108 x 60 cm). Courtesy of
monastery feature Si tu and his students
Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford, EA
speaks to the tremendous lasting impact
1991.181 (HAR 81544).
that Si tu and his court had on the region
in the eighteenth century. Rock himself records that Si tu paṇ chen was so venerated
among the local Naxi that places were still being pointed out in the 1920s and
1930s where Si tu had rested on his journey two centuries before, and a staff in a
cave in nearby Yongning (永寧) was still shown as a relic of his presence.123
It is also during this second tour of Lijiang in 1739 when Si tu says that he
started his serious training in the medical arts. His diaries state simply that in Sha
ba (Shaba 沙霸),124 “I stayed at Legs mdzad’s [place]. Since my time of training
in the healing arts began then, I learned from Legs mdzad and translated to some
121
See Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 202.
122
See for instance: Jackson, Patron and Painter, 33 (Fig. 2.21) (EA 1991.181; HAR 81544). This
group of paintings are identified by the Ashmolean Museum as: three paintings of/including Si tu paṇ
chen (EA 1991.184; HAR 81545), (EA 1991.181; HAR 81544), (EA 1991.180; HAR 81546); the
Seventh Rgyal tshab dkon mchog ’od zer (1699-1765) (EA 1991.179; HAR 81543); the Thirteenth
Karma pa bdud ’dul rdo rje (HAR 81542); Seventh Dpa’ bo gtsug lag dga’ ba dbang po (HAR 81547);
and the Tenth Zhwa dmar mi pham chos grub rgya mtsho (EA1991.185; HAR 81548).
123
Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 204. For a photo of the cave see Ancient
Na-khi Kingdom, 396.
124
Sha ba is a sub-district of Lijiang. Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 177.
Si tu’s biography says this was in Ja kwa (Jiawa 加瓦).
235
degree [texts on] Chinese medicine and I watched the compounding of drugs.”125
Previously in 1730 Si tu had also stayed with this Legs mdzad of Sha ba,
presumably a local Naxi or Chinese doctor in Lijiang, where he learned various
Chinese medical practices and received a number of Chinese texts on
pharmacology,126 but it is this second visit in 1739 that Si tu marks as the beginning
of his serious pursuit of the medical arts. This is significant, as Si tu became one
of the most famous Tibetans for medical knowledge in the eighteenth century,
which from this passage suggests was grounded at least in part in Chinese medicine
learned in Lijiang. Si tu’s medical accomplishments and importance are beyond
the scope of this study and is explored in detail in this volume by Frances Garrett.127
As Si tu passed through Naxi areas on the road back toward Dpal spungs in
1739, he adds that he stopped the practice of blood sacrifice in ten villages.128
Eliminating the ritual taking of life was a constant struggle for Tibetan lamas in
border regions, where local indigenous religious practice, like the Dongba (東巴)
in these Naxi regions, often included animal sacrifice. While many local deities
and other aspects of indigenous ritual life were often incorporated into Tibetan
Buddhist practice in the conversion of a region, the taking of life, or the “red
sacrifice,” was strictly forbidden but often reasserted itself if there were no
prominent Buddhist teachers in the region.129
1759: Si tu paṇ chen’s Third Visit to ’Jang
On the last day of the eighth lunar month of 1758, having made an astrological
prognostication for the inhabitants of Lijiang, Si tu set out for Lijiang for the third
and last time.130 As he passed through northern ’Jang he was involved with Khra
125
legs mdzad can du bsdad/ skabs ’di nas bdag gi gso rig sbyangs pa’i skabs yin pas legs mdzad
nas rgya yi sman slob bsgyur ci rig byas sman sdum rnams ngo bltas/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography
and Diaries, 183).
126
“Si tu received various Chinese medical works/books on pharmacy from Legs mdzad of Shawa.”
sha wa legs mdzad las rgya yi sman sbyor ’ga’ re gsan/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the
Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 508).
127
Frances Garrett, “Mercury, Mad Dogs, and Smallpox: Medicine in the Si tu paṇ chen Tradition,”
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, no. 7 (July 2013),
128
yul tsho bcu’i dmar mchod bcad/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 185.4).
129
Joseph Rock, The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 210 and note 26, for instance,
tells of how chickens were sacrificed to a sculpture of Mahākāla in the Dharma Protector Hall (Hufatang
護法堂) in Baisha village. The shrine was kept closed except for the 20th day of the 1st moon when
all peasants from the Lijiang plain, as well as those from Axi, would come to worship. A live chicken
would be thrown into the box-like shrine as an offering where it was supposed to die instantly. The
stamping out of such rituals was a constant preoccupation of the Tibetan Buddhist clergy in both Eastern
and Western border regions. See for instance the chapter “Repudiation of the Red Sacrifice,” in Stan
Mumford, Himalayan Dialogue: Tibetan Lamas and Gurung Shamans in Nepal (Madison: University
of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 80-92.
130
Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries 371.1; Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the
Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 572.2.
236
’bu phun tshogs bstan ’phel gling (Hanpi si) and Ku rdos dar rgyas gling.131 Once
Si tu arrived in Lijiang in 1759, he returned to Wenfeng si (Fig. 11), the same
temple he had arranged for the patronage of the Qing imperial governor on his
previous trip in 1739. There Si tu twice performed rituals to end warfare and strife
in Yunnan:
I arrived at ’Jang ri smug po’i dgon. In order that no [more] warfare and other
[strife] arise in the Yunnan area, I performed the four maṇḍala ritual arrangement
for a rite of aid and propitiation to local deities and guardians (the “amending and
restoring” ritual). The whole congregation performed Tārā and the Bsam lhun
ma. 132
On the first of the month on the Buddhists’ [calendar], everyone who gathered
there went into White Tārā retreat. Throughout sa ga zla ba we were similarly
engaged.133 On the first day after sa ga zla ba (that is, the fifth lunar month) we
concluded with a brief fire offering. I received twenty-two juicy pears (Si li, shui
li 水梨) and twenty-two rosaries, this was a good sign for my lifespan. While I
was undertaking the performance of long-life services so that warfare would not
arise in Lower Yunnan, because [the monks of] Gyi ling gsi said that there was
a need to go, it failed to take effect. I performed the long life sadhana by [the
Fourth Karma pa] Rol pa’i rdo rje. Ritual dough sculpture offerings (captured
torma; gta’ gtor) and thanksgiving verses were extensively offered. I painted a
wheel of longevity (tshe ’khor). I came out of retreat. [The doctor] Legs mdzad
gave [me] a vajra and rosary. At Gnas rtse I made the great ritual dough sculpture
and incense offering for local deities.
Having circumambulated the mountain (Wenbi shan), I returned to the
monastery. I performed the donning the hat ceremony, and offered prayers for
long life. In the chapel, I completed preparatory rituals for samvara consecration.
To Legs mdzad and others, I gave oral commentary on mahāmudrā. I departed.134
Afterward Si tu went to the town of Lijiang, where he met with his patrons, the
imperial governor and the “former king,” Mu De, who offered him a banquet. In
Cho dhos, Si tu stayed in the paternal household of the [former] Rgyal tshab
incarnation, which is likely a reference to the Tenth Karma pa’s local household,
131
Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 376.5; Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the
Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 573.2; and Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 379.4-5. Ku rdos
is now called Gudu (姑独), a small village in Bati in Weixi, on the Lisu-Tibetan border.
132
Bsam lhun ma = Bsam don lhun ’grub ma, a ritual text?
133
sa ga zla ba is the fourth month, associated with monastic retreat.
134
’jang ri smug po’i dgon du sleb/ yun nan phyogs su dmag ’khrug sogs mi ’byung ba’i/ rim gror
maṇḍal bzhi chog dang bskang gso btang / tshogs mang gyi sgrol ma dang bsam lhun ma btang / nang
pa can gyi tshes gcig la lhan rgyas sgrol dkar gyi bcad rgyar bzhugs/ sa ga zla ba’i ring la’ang de
bzhin las/ sa ga phyi pa’i tshes gcig nyin sbyin sreg gi mtha’ bsdus shing ’bras si li nyer gnyis dang
phreng rdog nyer gnyis ster mkhan byung bas bdag rang la tshe’i rten ’byung legs/ mdo yun nan phyogs
su dmag ’khrug mi ’byung ba’i sku rim byed par brtsam skabs gyi ling gsis ’gro dgos zer bas gnad du
ma song/ rol rdor tshe sgrub cho ga btang / gta’ gtor gtang rag rgyas par phul/ tshe ’khor bris/ mtshams
grol/ legs mdzad kyis rdo rje dang phreng ba byin/ gnas rtser gtor chen dang bsangs btang / ri skor
brgyab nas dgon du sleb/ dbu zhwa bsgron/ zhabs brtan phul/ lha khang du bde mchog gi rab gnas sta
gon bcas bsgrubs/ legs mdzad sogs la phyag chen khrid bshad/ btegs/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography
and Diaries, 381).
237
which is called “A bzus.”135 We also see that a new temple rises to prominence
during Si tu’s third trip to Lijiang, Gyi ling gsi of Lijiang, which was not mentioned
earlier.136
As indicated by Si tu’s repeated performance of rituals to end warfare and strife
in Yunnan at Wenfeng si, the political situation seems to have been getting
increasingly tense in northern Yunnan in 1759. One immediately notices from Si
tu’s account of this later trip that he met many Chinese upon the road, and he had
several encounters with the Chinese army.137 In one such instance elaborated in Si
tu’s biography:
Si tu was invited to the Chinese [military] camp. He was welcomed with music.
He met with the company commander (tsang yes, zong ye 總爺) and governor
(tha’i yes, tai ye 太爺) (that is both military and civil officials). A banquet and
viewing many sports were offered. He was similarly invited, and went to the Rdza
na [Fort?] lieutenant’s (pā tsong)138 and the company commander’s places. Si tu
was served such things as offerings of Chinese cakes and Chinese merchandise,
and Chinese style sports [demonstrations].139
One is not only struck by the numbers of such encounters with Chinese but also
the more frequent references to Chinese material culture. This may reflect a larger
trend of social change in southwestern China – a massive influx of ethnic Chinese
settlers, merchants, and soldiers. In the early eighteenth century, when Si tu first
traveled south, the Chinese were a minority in Yunnan, but a little more than a
century later, they became a majority.140 Also, Si tu’s abrupt and terse statements
reveal that he was suddenly told that he had to leave just after arriving, suggesting
135
cho dhos la a bzus (bgrus?) tshang ste rgyal tshab pa’i yab tshang du bzhugs/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
136
Gyi ling gsi is identified as being in municipal Lijiang in Si tu’s diaries (p. 380), but the name,
while obviously a transliteration from Chinese, does not correspond directly to any Chinese names for
temples in local histories. The only close approximation to the name Gyi ling gsi in local records is
Kuilin si (奎林寺), what appears to be a minor temple listed in the late eighteenth – early
nineteenth-century local gazetteer Lijiang fu zhi gao (Guanxu Lijiang fu zhi gao), 1894 xylograph,
(Lijiang City Archive, Lijiang Old Town [government internal publication], 2005), 34 verso. The entry
reads that the temple is located thirty li west of the city in Lashi li, built in the Qianlong period
(1736-1795), subsequently destroyed by soldiers and rebuilt in the fifth year of the Guanxu period
(1879). The Qianlong period founding of Kuilin si does fit within the timeframe of Si tu’s narrative,
so it is possible that Gyi ling gsi is Kuilin si.
137
For instance: rgya ’jang mjal mkhan mang / rgya mang pos mjal/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography
and Diaries, 371.7). Also see Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 380.1; and Si-tu Paṇ-chen
and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 573.5, 573.7.
138
pā tsong is from the Chinese title bazong (把總), a lieutenant, squad commander or military
commandant of a minor place such as a fort. Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China,
360.
139
rgya sgar du spyan drangs/ rol mos bsus/ tsang yes dang tha’i kyis mjal/ ston mo dang rtsed sna
mang po gzigs phul song / gdan ’dren ltar rdza na pā tsong dang / tsang yes rnams kyi gam du phebs/
rgya zas kyi bzhes spro dang rgya zog gi ’bul ba rgya lugs kyi rtsed sna sogs kyis bsnyen bkur/ (Si-tu
Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 573).
140
Giersch, Asian Borderlands: The Transformation of Qing China’s Yunnan Frontier, 2.
238
a tension and uncertainty in the air, even within Lijiang at the time.141 For instance
when Si tu returned to Nges don phun tshogs gling to dedicate the monastery, the
Qing imperial army arrived:
Phu tshu Hermitage offered tea and I went to Ḷashi Monastery. I performed
the donning the hat ceremony together with the dedication ceremony (for the
monastery). I gave instructions on meditation. To the monks I gave general
teachings and initiations. I resided at Dhu lo ka. I gave explanations on
mahāmudrā. [While I was] together with the governor of Sa tham (Lijiang proper)
and [monks of] Gyi ling gsi, the army arrived at Ḷashi. We discussed such things
as the lamas of ’Og min gling.”142
Movement also seems more restricted, as Si tu now needs an order permitting
him to travel north back to ’Ba’ lung toward home.143 During this trip Si tu starts
being accompanied by local as well as Chinese officials with military escorts,
makes note of troop movements, and in Spong tse ra encounters another Chinese
military campsite.
Finally, Si tu is himself caught in the midst of a battle and siege near Rgyal
thang, close to the Yunnan-Tibet frontier. The conflict began while Si tu was
staying with a regional officer, when so-called “bodyguards” (bkag ma; literally
“ruffians”) of Sna bzang pa arrived, and a minor scuffle broke out.144 Then,
apparently dissatisfied with the outcome and looking for revenge, the armies of
Sna bzang pa, including riflemen, returned in force, and while the local lay and
monastic communities fought back, they were unable to defeat the invaders and
even paid them restitution to get them to leave:
The army of Sna bzang pa arrived, and although five-hundred soldiers of
[local] monks and laymen (ban skye) surrounded and attacked, they were unable
to defeat them. I made ritual dough sculpture offerings to [the protector deities]
Mahākāli and Mahākāla. The following day, the fighting was stopped by Lcags
mdud sku skye, Chos ’phel, and others. The gunmen [of Sna bzang pa] fled. They
made a [fortified] military encampment. As many border people gradually gathered
[at the] fortress, I granted an audience. A few people of Yunnan Province and
adjacent areas, the envoy of the governor of ’Ba’, commanders, treasurers, and
others having arrived, met. There was a letter [written by] the governor (sde pa),
141
For instance: “I arrived at Gyi ling gsi. Suddenly, they said ‘you must go.’ I offered a petition to
Thang tā zhing (His Excellency Tang [?]).” gyi ling gsi sleb/ ’phral du ’gro dgos zer/ thang tā’i zhing
la zhu yig phul/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 381).
142
phu tshus ri khrod du ja zhus bcas la gshis dgon du phyin/ rab gnas dang lhan rgyas dbu zhwa
bsgron/ sgom lung byas/ grwa pa tshor bstan pa spyi dbang byas/ dhu lo kar bzhugs/ phyag chen bshad/
sa tham tha’i yes dang gyi ling si bcas la gshis su dmag mi sleb pa yin ’dug/ ’og min gling pa’i bla
ma’i skor sogs bsgos/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 381.7-382.1).
143
“As I received an order permitting us to go to ’Ba’ lung, master and disciples set out.” nged ’ba’
lung du ’ong chog pa’i bka’ byung bas dpon slob rnams btegs/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and
Diaries, 382). We also see Si tu making protective knots (srung ’khor) (for soldiers) and offerings to
the dead (Mtshal ma gcod), as well as performing exorcisms to remove obstructing forces in the palaces.
144
ke shod lding dpon tshang du bsdad/ sna bzang pa’i bkag ma sleb/ rdo rdung byung song / (Si-tu
239
Ru yon commanders, and the chief of the town (grong dpon). The Naxi governor
of Bar pa, regional commanders (lding dpon), and others having discussed it,
thirty taels (srang) of silver and [other] property were given to reimburse the Sna
bzang pa for the things that were lost. They (the Sna bzang pa) having build a
bridge across the water, left.145
On this occasion, uncharacteristically bitter feelings come forth regarding
sectarian violence in Khams, which depresses Si tu:
Today I made ritual dough sculpture offerings to the protector deities and
prayed to the deities and dākinī (mkha’ ’gro) to stop at once fighting among
monks, wicked behavior which undermines laymen’s faith. And I became
depressed, thinking that [many uneducated local monks], greedy for the faith
offerings of the faithful laypeople, stingy ones with [only] the [outer] appearance
of a monk (ser mo ba), squabbling over monastic wealth (dkor)146 – whichever
tradition they belong to – and, in particular who, never mind understanding the
basic tenets of Buddhism, have never even seen the good behavior of the Dge
lugs pa monks of central Tibet, and having merely heard only the names Bka’
brgyud and Dge lugs take that to be a religious tradition and [proceed to] commit
bad deeds that monks should refrain from, bearing weapons aloft, committing
such actions as monks waging war on other monks. Generally, what they have
done grievously wounds the teachings of the Buddha, and in particular it is a great
disgrace to the matchless Tsong kha pa and his followers. That is all I thought
(when seeing it), but I did not show a displeased face or think of responding.”147
Si tu rarely expresses his feelings in his diaries as in this passage, and seldom
were such plain feelings about sectarian fighting discussed in Tibetan sources.148
145
sna bzang pa’i dmag mi rnams sleb nas ban skye’i dmag lnga brgya skor brgyab byung yang
phar bzlog thub/ ma mgon la gtor ma phul/ phyi nyin dmag byung bar lcags mdud sku skye dang chos
’phel sogs kyis ded nas me mda’ pa rnams bros/ kho rang rnams dmag sgar gyi rnam pa byas song /
bal dang / btsan rdzong so mtshams pa mang po rim par ’byor bas mjal kha gnang / phyag phreng ba
thar thor/ ’ba’ sde pa’i sku tshab zhal ngo bang mgon sogs ’byor bas mjal/ sde pa dang ru yon zhal
ngo dang grong dpon gyi yi ge ’dug/ bar pa mo kwa dang lding dpon sogs kyis gtam nas/ sna bzang
bar dngul srang sum cu dang khong tsho’i chas ka stor ba la ’tshab cha byin nas kho rang tsho chu la
zam pa btsugs nas thegs song / (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 384).
146
Dkor are misappropriated undeserved wealth horded to oneself which are intended as offerings
to a monastery or monastic community – a sin that must be paid for later.
147
de ring la bdag gis chos skyong la gtor ’bul dang lha dang mkha’ ’gror btsun pa nang ’khrug
khyim pa rnams dad pa ldog pa’i spyod ngan ’di kun da lta nyid du zhi ba’i gsol ba btab/ khyim pa
dad ldan rnams kyi dad zas za ’dod nas mi bkren pa rnamsser mo ba’i gzugs byas pa mang po zhig gis
dkor la rtsod pa byed mkhan mang po zhig rang gzhan su la’ang yod kyi ’dug mod/ lhag tu ’di phyogs
kyi grwa pa ’di kun lta ba grub mtha’ shes pa phar zhog dbus phyogs kyi ri bo dge lugs pa rnams kyi
kun spyod bzang po de tsam yang mthong ma myong ba’i kar dge zhes pa’i ming tsam thos pa de chos
lugs yin rgyu ba byas nas grwa pas mi bya ba’i spyod ngan go mtshon thogs nas btsun pas btsun pa
la dmag las byed pa sogs spyir rgyal ba’i bstan pa la rma chen po ’byin pa dang / khyad par dus deng
sang gangs ljongs ’dir bstan pa’i gzhung shing mnyam med/ / shar ba tsong kha pa yab sras brgyud
par bcas pa kun gyi bstan pa’i zhabs ’dren chen po ’di byas song bsam pa las khong rnams la ma dga’
ba’i rnams pa dmigs gtad sogs gang yang ma dran pa’i steng du rgyal ba’i bstan pa rin po che’i rtags
tsam ’dzin pa ’di yang dus ’dir mi gnas so snyam pa’i yid mug par gyur to/ / (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
Autobiography and Diaries, 384-5).
148
One major exception is the local history of nearby Smi li (Muli 木里), the Mu li chos ’byung, see
Tashi Tsering, “Situ Panchen: His Contribution and Legacy,” 4.
240
Based on the context of this passage, it would appear that Sna bzang pa is probably
a Mongol prince with militant Dge lugs ties who invaded the area, as there were
many such incursions by combined forces of Mongol and Tibetan Dge lugs partisans
that forcibly converted, harassed, or destroyed local Bka’ brgyud institutions, as
reflected in contemporary local gazetteers such as the one from ’Ba’ lung (the
Weixi Travel Record written in 1769) quoted above and the Mu li chos ’byung.149
The monks (ban de) of Rgyal thang Bka’ brgyud monastic institutions and the
local lay communities (skye) banded together to defend themselves against the
armies of Sna bzang pa, both of which fielded soldiers in this shameful display of
violent sectarianism. Si tu’s biography makes it clear that soldiers of the monastic
communities are involved here, and it is the “monastic assemblies that wage civil
war against [other] monastic communities” that especially sadden and depressed
Si tu:
Ruffians of Sna bzang pa, etc., and soldiers of the monastic community bearing
weapons etc, who appeared, having gone on the offensive were overcome/beaten
back. Si tu became sad and depressed thinking that the teachings of the Victorious
One (Buddha) will never remain, as soon as he encountered those possessing the
actions which turn away the faithful, [such as] the transgressions of a large force
which wield weapons such as rifles, monastic assemblies which wage civil war
against [other] monastic communities.150
Throughout Si tu tried to maintain a Buddhist equanimity and succeeded in
maintaining a calm deportment, resisting temptation to respond through harmful
or violent rituals, but he still confessed being deeply saddened in the end.
We may see the anxiety of Si tu’s life expressed in his paintings, altering
well-established iconographic conventions to meet the needs of his troubled times.
For instance, in this composition of “White Tārā Protectress from the Eight Fears”
(Fig. 34), a theme received from ancient India reflecting the cultural concerns of
that time and place, Si tu has changed the bottom left scene, replacing “Protection
from Fear of Lions” with a more relevant and pervasive predator, “Protection from
Fear of Enemy Armies” (Fig. 35).151 This “Fear of Enemy Armies” is not a pure
invention of Si tu but comes out of a larger set of sixteen fears. The long-life
goddess White Tārā was of special significance to Si tu, who is recorded to have
149
Local lamas and historians I consulted as to the identity of this Sna bzang pa did not recognize
the name, but they assumed Sna bzang pa must be an invading Mongol prince. However it is possible
that they are conflating this with the much earlier Mongol invasion in the seventeenth century which
devastated local Bka’ brgyud monasteries in the Rgyal thang area.
150
sna bzang ba’i bkag ma sogs dang dge ’dun rnams kyi dmag mi go mtshon ’dzin pa sogs byung
bar dmag log byas nas log song / dge ’dun nang ’khrugs pa’i dge slong gi dge ’dun me yi ’khrul ’khor
sogs mtshon cha ’dzin pa’i dpung chen khrim pa rnams dad pa ldog pa’i byed las can de rnams mjal
ba’i mod la rgyal ba’i bstan pa ye mi gnas so dgongs pa’i thugs mug par gyur/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen and
’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 574-5).
151
White Tārā is primarily associated with long life and removing of sickness. In this context Tārā
is also known for protecting from eight fears, which are: protection from snakes (top left), fire (mid
L1), elephants (mid L2), drowning (top R), bandits (mid R1), ghosts (mid R2), tyrants/imprisonment
(bottom R), and usually lions. To my knowledge this change was first observed by Jeff Watt.
241
painted her many times, starting a few years after this violent encounter: in 1762,
1763, 1764, 1766, 1768, 1769, 1772, and 1773.152 While there is no textual evidence
in his biographies or diary that Si tu designed this particular painting of White Tārā
as Protectress from the Eight Fears, it is widely accepted within the Bka’ brgyud
tradition by authorities on art such as Bstan dga’ rin po che (b. 1932) as a Si tu
composition.
Figure 35. Protection from Fear of Enemy
Armies (detail of Fig. 34).
Figure 34. White Tārā Protectress from the
Eight Fears. Khams Province, Tibet; 19th
century. Pigments on cloth. 30 x 26 ¼ in. (76.2
x 66.7 cm). Rubin Museum of Art C2006.66.524
(HAR 997).
Continued Contact with Lijiang
While Si tu never returned to Lijiang after 1759, he remained involved with his
new cultural satellite, even providing artists to make images in its temples.153 For
instance, in 1768 Si tu gave full ordination to a group of twenty monks of Lijiang.154
Then later in the same year he consecrated a number of paintings of a group from
Lijiang and performed the essential empowerment for peaceful and wrathful deities
to people from La gshis, a reference to La gshis Nges don phun tshogs gling, that
is Zhiyun si, one of the main temples in Lijiang that Si tu had helped found during
all three of his trip in 1730, 1739, and 1759. To pilgrims from Lijiang, Si tu also
152
See Jackson, Patron and Painter, 37, citing Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 458 (in
1763), 476 (in 1764), 489 (in 1764), 589 (in 1768), 613 (in 1769), 695 (in 1772) and 714 (in 1773).
153
Lama Shan Zhishi, who is called a “high disciple of Si tu paṇ chen” in the local gazetteer, was
born in Rgyal thang in 1759, the same year as Si tu’s last visit to Lijiang.
154
’jang grwa nyi shu la bsnyen rdzogs bsgrubs/ (Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 571.4;
Si-tu Paṇ-chen and ’Be-lo, History of the Karma Bka-ʼbrgyud-pa Sect, 586.4).
242
made gifts of protective knots and a banquet and sent treasure vases to Ḷashi.155
As previously mentioned Si tu also struggled in vain to have the Tenth Karma pa’s
chapel in Rgyal thang, the Chapel of the Buddhas of the Five Families of Gyeltang,
returned to the Bka’ brgyud fold, including a failed mission in 1771 sent by the
king of Sde dge.
Si tu’s last involvement with Lijiang is recorded in 1772, just two years before
he died, when he sent sculptors from É (E pa’i lha bzo) to Lijiang to erect a large
statue, or great deity (lha chen). From this same passage we also learn that Si tu
explained the preliminary practices for mahāmudrā to people from ’Jang, among
others, presented a banquet to those such as the guardians of all Lijiang (’jang kun
skyong), and presented them with such things as a clay sculpture with consecration
relics (gzungs gzhug).156 This monumental sculpture was probably intended for
Phun tshogs gling, known locally as Puji si (普济寺) (Fig. 36), the last of the five
major Karma bka’ brgyud monasteries to be built just the year before, in 1771, six
kilometers west of Lijiang.157
According to a Chinese text engraved
on a wooden tablet (mu bei 木碑) that
used to hang in the main incarnation’s
quarters, the Record of the Great Lama
of Puji si (Puji si da lama jilue 普濟寺大
喇嘛紀略), the monastery was built by
Dian Seng (典僧) of the local aristocratic
He family (He shi 和氏) of Puji village
Figure 36. Puji si. Lijiang, Yunnan, China.
155
Si-tu Paṇ-chen, Autobiography and Diaries, 586.3-5.
156
“[On] the seventeenth day, I explained the preliminary practices for mahāmudrā to those such
as people from ’Dzang dbon, Lijiang, Rgyal rong, Rdo, ’Phel tsha, and lamas. A banquet was presented
to those such as the guardians of all Lijiang. I presented them clay sculpture with holy relics (consecration
relics such as the cremated remains of a holy person [ring bsrel] and dhāraṇī which are put into a
chorten or statue).... I sent sculptors from É to Lijiang to erect a large statue, or great deity.” bcu bdun
nyin ’dzang dbon/ ’jang pa/ rgyal rong pa/ rdo pa/ ’phel tsha bla ma sogs la phyag chen sngon ’gro
bshad/ ’jang kun skyong sogs la ston mo gnang sbyin/ gzungs gzhug dam rdza sa sku ’dra sogs sprad/
snga ma gsum dang kun skyong sogs la lus sbyin rgyas par byas/ phyi nyin a khro dang skal don la rta
mgrin dbang byas/ e pa’i lha bzo rnams ’jang la lha chen bzhengs pa btang / (Si-tu Paṇ-chen,
Autobiography and Diaries, 695.4-5). Consecration relics (gzungs gzhug) are relics such as the cremated
remains of a holy person, and dhāraṇī scrolls, put into a statue for consecration.
157
Puji si has several Tibetan names, including: Thār pa’i lam ’dzin gling, Phun ldan dgon, or Phun
tshogs gling. Puji si is the only one of the five major Tibetan Buddhist temples not listed in the Lijiang
fu zhi lue, as it was founded after its writing. According to Qiu Xuanchong, Puji si originally had twelve
yuan (panels?) of paintings, and until recently only three were extant in the right gate (you shan men),
the protector chapel (hufatang), and the main assembly hall (da dian), all of which are now lost (Qiu,
“Lijiang Naxizu zizhixian,” 673). Puji si was largely destroyed by Chinese Red Guards during the
Cultural Revolution. The central buildings of Puji si have since been restored, but almost all their
images were lost. The remnants of a few paintings including Tibetan Buddhist deities such as Acala
remain on the outside doors of the main hall; Chinese scholar figures around the landing of the main
hall; and a decorative bat and cloud pattern, still found at the end of a lower corridor. One of Puji si’s
interesting qualities is that it functioned as both a Chinese and Tibetan Buddhist temple.
243
and nephew of the founder of Zhiyun si.158 According to this record, Dian Seng
was studying Tibetan scriptures with his uncle at Fuguo si when Si tu paṇ chen
arrived, and Si tu was so impressed with Dian Seng that he recognized him as an
incarnation of an arhat, incorporating him into the Tibetan incarnation system in
his middle age. After Si tu’s praise, Dian Seng built a small temple (Puji si) on a
mountain behind the village and became very popular, with many followers.
Presumably it was the main hall in this temple where Si tu sent artists to build the
monumental sculptures.
Three years after Dian Seng died at
age eighty, Si tu paṇ chen recognized his
reincarnation in a boy in the same family,
and, after being sent for education in
Tibet, he returned to Puji si to become
abbot, where he significantly expanded
the temple into a large monastery,
building monastic quarters and other
structures, and established a new monastic
Figure 37. The coming of Buddhism to Tibet discipline (probably a reference to another
(detail). Puji si, Lijiang, Yunnan, China. Painted
monastic customary which Si tu authored
wooden panel. Photograph by author.
for this local institution) before his death
in 1837. This local Chinese record clearly demonstrates Si tu’s continued direct
involvement in Lijiang long after his final departure. Most intriguing among the
few painting remnants to survive the Cultural Revolution at Puji si are two wooden
panels in an alcove to the left of the main hall across from the caretaker’s quarters;
they depict narrative scenes related to Padmasambhava coming to Tibet to convert
the land (Fig. 37).159 The architecture within these scenes, however, closely
resembles local Naxi temples, and Padmasambhava’s notched red hat resembles
Si tu’s famous badge of office, so that a visual conflation of the taming of the two
lands, ’Jang and Tibet, and the establishment of temples by these two saints seems
to be made here.
Evidence of Si tu’s continuing religious and artistic influence in Lijiang can be
found in a complete set of twenty-seven paintings portraying the twenty-seven
major tantric deities of the Karma bka’ brgyud order that Si tu designed in 1750,
copies of which I discovered and identified in the local Lijiang Municipal Museum
(Lijiang shi bowuguan 麗江市博物館) (Fig. 38).160 They are almost identical in
158
A hand copy of this stele, now preserved in the Special Collections division of the University of
Washington Library, was recently uncovered in 2005 by myself and the University of Washington East
Asia Library staff among a cash of lost/forgotten rubbings from Rock’s library. The stele in Lijiang
was destroyed in the Cultural Revolution, and this hand copy is the only known record. Also see Rock,
The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, 206-8.
159
The top of these panels are inscribed with passages in Tibetan of stories related to
Padmasambhava’s life and previous rebirths, such as the founding of the Bodhinath Stupa in Nepal.
160
The Lijiang Museum had previously identified this set (no. 2388.1-27) as seventeenth-century
works, see Li Xi, “Treasures of the Lijiang Dongba Cultural Museum,” Orientations (April 2003): 54.
I confirmed this identification when I was given a chance to examine the complete set of paintings and
244
every way to several copies of this set in the Rubin Museum of Art, such as the
first painting of the series depicting White Cakrasaṃvara (Fig. 39).161 Si tu paṇ
chen personally designed each painting, ensuring that their proportions agreed with
the systems prescribed in the Kālacakra and Samvarodaya tantras, the classic
Indian scriptures that served as the ultimate authorities on iconography. He then
commissioned their execution from the master painter Tshe dbang grags pa of Rje
stod at Lha stengs (in western Khams).162 Rje stod is in the same district as Karma
Monastery, Si tu’s previous seat, and Si tu often drew on the artistic talents of
painters from this region. The central theme of each painting is listed in Si tu’s
diaries, which I have largely corroborated with the inscriptions on the individual
paintings in the Lijiang Municipal Museum, though there are a few discrepancies.163
Figure 38. Cakrasaṃvara. One of twenty-seven
Tutelary Deities designed by Si tu in 1750. 98
x 68.5 cm. Lijiang Municipal Museum. After: Li
Xi (2003): 54.
Figure 39. White Cakrasaṃvara. One of
twenty-seven Tutelary Deities designed by Si tu
in 1750. Khams Province, Tibet; 18th century.
38.5 x 26.5 in. Rubin Museum of Art,
C2006.66.15 (HAR 432).
The deities depicted in this set were regularly propitiated in the monastic rituals
of Dpal spungs, and copies of these paintings would have been needed at local
their inscriptions in detail in the fall of 2008, after the Patron and Painter catalog had already gone to
press.
161
For a discussion of this set see Jackson, Patron and Painter, 13, 258 n. 61-63; 125, n. 350-1.
162
For more on Tshe dbang grags pa, see Jackson, Patron and Painter, 13, and 258 n. 55-56.
163
A few paintings lack inscriptions and there is not an exact one to one correspondence between
Si tu’s diary and the painting inscriptions, but it could be that alternate deity names are being used.
The old Lijiang Wenhua Guan records (before it became a museum) list twenty-nine paintings (two
now missing), suggesting this group must be approached with caution.
245
Dpal spungs satellites in Lijiang to follow in their own liturgies as established by
Si tu during his repeated visits described here. This theory is born out in this set
preserved in the Lijiang Municipal Museum originally from Zhiyun si, a local Dpal
spungs satellite, as well as other copies of this set that are recorded, such as when
in 1918 Kaḥ thog si tu recorded in his aforementioned pilgrimage account that he
had seen copies of this set at the Gser gdung chapel of Thub bstan phun tshogs
gling (in Lha thog district of northwestern Khams), calling them “tantric paintings
following the Dpal spungs model.”164
Chinese Painting at Si tu’s Court
One of the legacies of Si tu’s trips to Yunnan and his continued interaction with
Chinese material culture may have been a distinctive characteristic of Si tu’s court
at Dpal spungs Monastery: an interest in Chinese painting. Monochrome paintings
employing Chinese brush techniques, such as ink washes used to build up
landscapes, are extremely rare within Tibetan artistic traditions but can be found
in a few paintings with Karma bka’ brgyud themes, especially those found at Dpal
spungs. Such paintings likely reflect a wide conversance in Chinese art at the
monastery and its popularity among Si tu’s followers, such as the Thirteenth Karma
pa, Bdud ’dul rdo rje (1733-1797), who was also interested in painting and art
history.165
For instance, this unusual painting (Fig. 40) presents an eclectic group of great
scholars from various traditions and periods of history, featuring the Third Karma
pa, Rang byung rdo rje (1284-1339), at the top center in his signature black hat,
and ending with Si tu paṇ chen, wearing his red notched hat at lower right.166 This
grouping of figures from the different Tibetan Buddhist traditions suggests roots
in the so-called non-sectarian (ris med) movement, which arose in Khams Province
during the nineteenth century, led by scholars such as ’Jam mgon kong sprul
(1813-1899) of Dpal spungs Monastery. The goals of this syncretic movement
were to minimize the sectarian rivalry that had splintered Tibetan religious
communities and revitalize spiritual practice by drawing from the many different
Tibetan traditions represented in this painting. The Third Karma pa heads this
painted lineage, and it is his work Prayer to the Great Seal which played a major
role in the non-sectarian movements’ understanding of its intellectual roots in
164
rgyud sde’i zhal thang dpal spungs dpe ltar (Kaḥ thog si tu, Kaḥ thog si tu’i dbus gtsang gnas
yig, 8.4-5; Jackson, Patron and Painter, 13, 258 n. 62).
165
This suggests that there was an institutional interest in Chinese painting both in the late sixteenth
century, when the Encampment tradition was founded, and during the tradition’s revival in the eighteenth
century.
166
The figures are all labeled and are as follows (Moving clockwise from the center): Karma pa rang
byung rdo rje (1284-1339) (top); Ska ba dpal brtsegs (eighth-century student of both Padmasambhava
and Santarakshita) (top Right); Ṭā ra nā tha (1575-1634) (mid Right 1); Klong chen rab ’byams
(1308-1364) (= Dri med ’od zer) (mid Right 2); [Si tu paṇ chen] Gtsug lag chos kyi snang ba (1700-1774)
(bottom Right); Shākya mchog ldan (1428-1507) (inside Right); Sa chen kun [dga’] snying [po]
(1092-1158) (inside Left); G.yu thog pa [yon tan mgon po] (1126-1202), associated with Tibetan
medicine (mid Left 3); Thu mi sam bho ta (mid Left 2); Bo dong phyogs lam rnam rgyal (= Phyogs
las rnam rgyal, 1376-1451) (mid Left 1); and [Spar gor] ba’i ro [ca na] (top Left).
246
classical Tibetan thought, as visually spelled out here.167 The monochrome landscape
of soft ink washes and the careful control of its tonality to suggest atmosphere and
depth seldom are employed in Tibetan painting and draw on Chinese visual
strategies and brush techniques. A short inscription on the back states that this
work was intended to be the painting on the left, presumably as part of a larger set
in this unusual style. The slightly unusual brocade mounting style is also distinctive
of Dpal spungs, further connecting this painting to Si tu and his legacy.
Figure 40. Third Karma pa rang byung rdo rje
and other masters. Khams Province, Tibet; 19th
century. 20 x 13 ¾ in. (50.8 x 43.9 cm). Rubin
Museum of Art, C2005.34.1 (HAR 65562).
Figure 41. Eight Great Siddhas. Khams
Province, Tibet; 18th century. 9 ½ x 8 ½ in.
C2002.43.2 (HAR 65170).
Tibetan interest in Chinese painting is also expressed in this painting of the
Eight Great Tantric Adepts (Fig. 41), which is executed entirely in monochrome
ink and employs Chinese brush techniques for building up landscapes. It also
includes standard Chinese landscape tropes, such as the scholars crossing a bridge
in the bottom-left corner. Such visual conventions and brush techniques can be
directly traced to Chinese fine-line monochrome (baimiao 白描) and
monochromatic ink (shui mo hua 水墨畫) painting. Yet the subject matter and the
handling of the figures are based on Indo-Tibetan models. These ink paintings
often appear slightly naïve and less professionally executed than the highly polished
works associated with Dpal spungs workshops. Small, formal clues, such as the
modeling of the clouds, however, link these paintings to the Dpal spungs tradition.
They clearly were produced by Tibetan, rather than Chinese, artists.
167
Schaeffer, “Si tu paṇ chen on Scholarship.”
247
Conclusion
Almost from the moment that Si tu paṇ chen established his seat, Dpal spungs
Monastery, until his death, he became increasingly involved and invested in Lijiang.
Within both Tibetan and Chinese sources, one sees Si tu engaged in asserting his
authority over monasteries along his route through northern Yunnan, through his
participation in their founding, consecration, ordination of monks, and the assigning
of their monastic liturgies. All thirteen Bka’ brgyud monasteries in Lijiang became
satellites of Dpal spungs as a result of Si tu’s visits. Visual evidence suggests that
after the abolishment of the kingdom of ’Jang just before Si tu’s arrival, the formerly
vibrant local painting workshops ceased to exist, and the local institutions looked
to Dpal spungs Monastery, with its prominent artistic traditions, as its new center.
Lijiang’s new incorporation into the Dpal spungs artistic orbit in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries can be visually demonstrated in surviving wall paintings
at Bkra shis chos ’phel gling, which drew directly from Si tu commissions and
which art historians are only now beginning to reconstruct. Recent fieldwork such
as this, the exhibition catalog Patron and Painter, and the essays in this conference
volume are all substantial first steps toward this reconstruction.
248
Glossary
Note: The glossary is organized into sections according to the main language of
each entry. The first section contains Tibetan words organized in Tibetan
alphabetical order. Columns of information for all entries are listed in this order:
THL Extended Wylie transliteration of the term, THL Phonetic rendering of the
term, the English translation, the Sanskrit equivalent, the Chinese equivalent, other
equivalents such as Mongolian or Latin, associated dates, and the type of term.
Ka
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
kaḥ thog si tu
Katok Situ
1880-1925 Person
kaḥ thog si tu
Katok Situ
1880-1925 Person
kaḥ thog si tu chos kyi Katok Situ Chökyi
Gyatso
rgya
mtsho
Dates
Type
1880-1925 Author
Katok Situ’s
Pilgrimage Guide
to Ü and Tsang
kaḥ thog si tu’i dbus
gtsang gnas
yig
Katok Sitü Ütsang
Neyik
karma bka’ brgyud
Karma Kagyü
Organization
karma rgyal mtshan
Karma Gyeltsen
Editor
karma rgyal mtshan
Karma Gyeltsen
Author
karma sgar bris
Karma Gardri
Tradition
Text
karma nges don bstan Karma Ngedön
Tengyé
rgyas
Author
karma pa
Karmapa
Organization
karma pa bdud ’dul
rdo rje
Karmapa Düdül Dorjé
Person
karma pa mi bskyod
rdo rje
Karmapa Mikyö
Dorjé
1507-1554 Person
karma pa rang byung Karmapa Rangjung
Dorjé
rdo rje
1284-1339 Person
karma mi pham tshe
dbang bsod
nams rab brtan
Karma Mipam
Tsewang Sönam
Rapten
Person
kar shod
karshö
Tradition,
place
ku rdol
Kudöl
ku rdos
Kudö
ku rdos dar rgyas
gling
Kudö Dargyé Ling
Monastery
kun tu bzang po
Küntu Zangpo
Person
Place
Chi. Gudu
Hierarchs of the
kong tshang yab sras Kongtsang Yapsé
dang
Dang Pelpung Gönpa Kongtsang and
Pelpung Monastery
dpal spungs dgon pa
kwan tha’i yas
Kwan Taiyé
kyang shang yin ci
Kyangshang Yinchi
Governor Guan
Place
Text
Chi. Guan taiye
Person
Chi. Guanyin ge
Building
249
kla pha’i dam pa’i
gnas
Lapé Dampé Né
Chi. Damo zushi
dong
kla phi bstan ’phel
gling
Lapi Tenpel Ling
klong chen rab
’byams
Longchen Rapjam
1308-1364 Person
dkon mchog bstan
’dzin
Könchok Tendzin
Author
Cave
Monastery
dkon mchog phan bde Könchok Pendé
Person
dkor
kor
monastic wealth
Term
bkag ma
kakma
ruffians
Term
bka’ ’gyur
Kangyur
Textual Group
bka’ brgyud
Kagyü
Organization
bkra shis chos ’phel
gling
Trashi Chömpel Ling
bkra shis rab brtan
gling
Trashi Rapten Ling
ska ba dpal brtsegs
Kawa Peltsek
sku rim bka’ ’gyur
kurim Kangyur
tripiṭika ceremony
Ritual
skye
kyé
lay communities
Term
Wylie
Phonetics
English
khang sar mgo
Khang Sargo
khams
Kham
kho rtse
Khotsé
khyen ris
Khyenri
Chi. Yufeng si
Monastery
Monastery
8th
century
Person
Kha
Trabur Gön
khrom dbang
tromwang
mkha’ ’gro
khandro
Dates
Type
Building
Place
Chi. Kuoji
Place
Tradition
khra ’bu phun tshogs Trabu Püntsok Tenpel
Ling
bstan ’phel
gling
khra ’bur dgon
Other
Chi. Hanpisi
Monastery
Monasteyr
public preaching
Term
San. dākinī
Term
Ga
Wylie
Phonetics
English
gangs can mkhas grub Gangchen Khedrup
rim byon
Rimjön Mingdzö
ming mdzod
Biographical
Dictionary of
Tibetan Scholars
go tha’i yas
Go Taiyé
Governor Go
gyi ling gsi
Gyiling Si
Other
Type
Text
Person
Chi. Kuilinsi
grags pa ’byung gnas Drakpa Jungné
Dates
Monastery
Author
grong dpon
drongpön
chief of the town
Term
grwa rgyun
dragyün
regional dormitory
Building
dge ’dun chos ’phel
Gendün Chömpel
Author
250
dge ’dun rnams kyi
dmag mi
gendün namkyi
makmi
dge lugs
Geluk
dge lugs pa
Gelukpa
mgo sbas
Gobé
mgo sbas lha khang
Gobé Lhakhang
Lijiang Chapel
’gong smad
Gongmé
lower Gong
Place
painted by
incomparable artists
Term
’gran zla med pa’i lha drenda mepé lhapzö
dripa
bzos bris
pa
soldiers of the
monastic
community
Term
Organization
Organization
Chi. Dayanzhen
Place
Chi. Guiyitang
Building
rgya nag ri bo bya
rkang
Gyanak Riwo Jakang Chinese Chicken
Foot Mountain
Mountain
rgya ris si thang
gyari sitang
Chinese paintings
on silk
Term
rgyan drug mchog
gnyis
Gyendruk Choknyi
The Six Ornaments
and Two Supreme
Masters
Text
rgyal rnying
gyelnying
old king
Term
rgyal rnying pho
brang
gyelnying podrang
former royal palace
Building
rgyal thang
Gyeltang
rgyal thang dga’ ldan Gyeltang Ganden
Sumtsen Ling
sum rtsen
gling
rgyal thang rigs lnga Gyeltang Riknga
Lhakhang
lha
khang
Chi. Zhongdian
Place
Chi. Songzhanlin
Monastery
Chapel of the
Buddhas of the Five
Families of
Gyeltang
Building
rgyal tshab
Gyeltsap
rgyal tshab dkon
mchog ’od zer
Gyeltsap Könchok
Özer
1699-1765 Person
rgyal tshab nor bu
bzang po
Gyeltsap Norbu
Zangpo
1659/60-1698 Person
rgyal rong
Gyelrong
Place
sgar bris
gardri
Tradition
bsgrub rgyud karma
kam tshang brgyud pa
rin po che’i rnam par
thar pa rab ’byams
nor bu zla ba chu shel
gyi phreng ba
Drupgyü Karma
Kamtsang Gyüpa
Rinpoché Nampar
Tarpa Rapjam Norbu
Dawa Chushelgyi
Trengwa
Text
Person
Nga
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
Dates
Type
ngag dbang blo bzang Ngawang Lozang
Gyatso
rgya mtsho
Author
nges don phun tshogs Ngedön Püntsok Ling
gling
Monastery
251
Ca
Wylie
Phonetics
cang lo’u yes
Chang Louyé
English
Other
Dates
Type
bca’ yig
chayik
lcags mdud sku skye
Chakdü Kukyé
Person
lcang skya
Changja
Lineage
Person
monastic
customaries
Term
Cha
Wylie
Phonetics
cha ’phreng
Chatreng
English
chang shi
changshi
Chinese opera
chang shi mo
changshimo
Chinese opera
Other
Dates
Type
Place
Term
Term
chos kyi rgyal mtshan Chökyi Gyeltsen
Gelek Pelzangpo
dge legs
dpal bzang po
1586-1632 Person
chos kyi ’byung gnas Chökyi Jungné
Person
chos rje karma pa sku
’phreng rim byon gyi
rnam thar mdor bsdus
dpag bsam ’khri
shing
Chöjé Karmapa
Kutreng Rimjöngyi
Namtar Dordü
Paksam Trishing
Karmapa
Biographies
Text
chos spyod
chöchö
collected liturgical
texts
Term
chos ’phel
Chömpel
chos dbyings rdo rje
Chöying Dorjé
mcho kha kwan gyin
lha khang
Chokha Kengyin
Lhakhang
Chokha
Avalokiteśvara
Chapel
’chams
cham
masked dance
’chi med lha dbang
Chimé Lhawang
Person
Person
Chi. Guanyin ge
Building
Ritual
Chi. Mu Yi
r.
Person
1624-1669
Other
Dates
Ja
Wylie
Phonetics
ja kwa
Jaka
ji skor nya bzang lha Jikor Nyazang
Lhakhang
khang
English
Chi. Jiawa
Jikor Nyazang
Chapel
Type
Place
Building
’jang
Jang
’jang kun skyong
Jangkün kyong
guardians of all
Lijiang
Chi. Lijiang
Term
’jang skad
Jangké
Naxi language
Term
’jang khang ser po
Jangkhang Serpo
Yellow House of
Lijiang
Regional
house
’jang rgyal po
Jang Gyelpo
king of Lijiang
Term
’jang phyogs
Jangchok
Lijiang region
Place
Place
’jang ri smag po dgon Jangri Makpo Gön
Monastery
’jang ri smug po’i
dgon
Monastery
Jangri Mukpö Gön
252
’jang sa tham
Chi. Lijiang
Jang Satam
’jam mgon kong sprul Jamgön Kongtrül
rje stod
Place
1813-1899 Person
Jetö
Place
Nya
Wylie
Phonetics
English
nye ba’i sras chen
brgyad
Nyewé Sechen Gyé
Eight Great
Bodhisattvas
gnyan dgon
Nyen Gön
Other
Dates
Type
Buddhist deity
Monastery
Ta
Wylie
Phonetics
ta kyo gsi
Tajo Si
English
Other
Chi. Dajue si
Dates
Type
Monastery
tā ming lha khang
Taming Lhakhang
Chi. daming miao
Building
ṭā ra nā tha
Taranata
1575-1634 Person
tā’i
Té Situpa Künkhyen
si tu pa kun mkhyen Chökyi Jungné Tenpé
chos kyi ’byung gnas Nyinjekyi Kambum
bstan pa’i nyin byed
kyi bka’ ’bum
Text
tā’i si tur ’bod pa
karma bstan pa’i nyin
byed kyi rang tshul
drangs por brjod
pa dri bral shel gyi me
long
Tai Situr Böpa Karma
Tenpé Nyinjekyi
Rangtsül Drangpor
Jöpa Dridrel Shelgyi
Melong
Text
tin shar dgon pa
Tinshar Gönpa
gta’ gtor
tator
captured torma
Ritual
gtor ma
torma
ritual dough
sculpture
Term
gtor ma gta’ gtor
torma
rten bzhag
tenzhak
Chi. Yingxiang si
Monastery
Ritual
to establish holy
objects
Term
bstan dga’ rin po che Tenga Rinpoché
b. 1932
Person
Dates
Type
Tha
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
thā ye
tayé
governor
Chi. tai ye
thang ka
tangka
thang tā zhing
Tang Tazhing
His Excellency
Tang (?)
Chi. Tang da xing
Person
tha’i ji
Teji
Chi. Taiji’an
Monastery
tha’i yas
taiyé
governor
Chi. tai ye
Term
tha’i yes
taiyé
governor
Chi. tai ye
Term
thār pa’i lam ’dzin
gling
Tarpé Lamdzin Ling
thu mi sam bho ta
Tumi Sambhota
Term
Term
Monastery
7th
century
Person
253
thub bstan phun
tshogs gling
Tupten Püntsok Ling
Monastery
thu’u bkwan
Tukwan
Lineage
Da
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
Dates
Type
dar rgyal bo shog thus Dargyel Boshoktü
Person
don grub tshe ring
Döndrup Tsering
Person
dri med ’od zer
Drimé Özer
drung pa rin po che
Drungpa Rinpoché
bdud ’dul rdo rje
Dündül Dorjé
bde bar gshegs pa’i
bka’ gangs can gyi
brdas ’dren pa ji
snyed pa’i phyi mo
par
gyi tshogs su ’khor
ba’i byung ba gsal
bar brjod pa legs byas
kyi rang gzugs kun
nas snang
ba nor bu rin po che’i
me long
Dewar Shekpé Ka
Gangchengyi Dé
Drenpa Jinyepé
Chimo Pargyi Tsoksu
Khorwé Jungwa
Selwar Jöpa Lekjekyi
Rangzuk Künné
Nangwa Norbu
Rinpoché Melong
bde’ chen
Dechen
mdo khams
Dokham
Place
mdo khams dang rgya
nag yun nan ri bo bya
rkang sogs gnas skor
’ga’ la phyin pa’i lam
yig
’khrul snang
Dokham Dang
Gyanak Yünnen Riwo
Jakang Sok Nekor
Gala Chinpé Lamyik
Trülnang
Text
rdo
Do
rdo rje
Dorjé
rdo rje rnam rgyal
Dorjé Namgyel
lding dpon
dingpön
sde dge
Degé
sde pa
depa
governor
Phonetics
English
Person
Chi. Zhongba
Ripoche
Editor
1733-1797 Person
Text
Chi. Deqin
Place
Place
Chi. Duzhi
Person
Person
regional
commander
Term
Chi. Dege
Place
Term
Na
Wylie
Other
Dates
nam mkha’ bkra shis Namkha Trashi
Type
Person
nam mkha’ rgya
mtsho
Namkha Gyatso
nor bu bzang po
Norbu Zangpo
Person
nor bu bsam ’phel
Norbu Sampel
1658-1682 Person
gnas
né
gnas rtse
Netsé
gnas yig phyogs
bsgrigs
Neyik Chokdrik
b. 1146
sacred place
Person
Term
Place
A Collection of
Guides to Sacred
Places
Text
254
rnam snang lha khang Namnang Lhakhang
Vairocana Chapel
Chi. Pilu ge
Building
sna bzang pa
Nazangpa
Person
snam thang
Namtang
Place
Pa
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
pā tsong
patsong
lieutenant
Chi. bazong
po ta la
Potala
dpa’ bo
Pawo
dpa’ bo ’phrin las
rgya mtsho
Pawo Trinlé Gyatso
1649-1699 Person
dpa’ bo gtsug lag
dga’ ba dbang
po
Pawo Tsuklak Gawa
Wangpo
1718-1781 Person
dpal spungs
Pelpung
dpal spungs thub
Pelpung Tupten
bstan
Chökhor Linggi
chos ’khor gling gi lo Logyü
rgyus
Type
Term
Building
Person
Monastery
A History of
Pelpung Tupten
Chökhor Ling
Monastery
Text
[spar gor] ba’i ro [ca [Pargor] Bairo[chana]
na]
spong tse ra
Dates
8th
century
Pongtsera
spyan ras gzigs sems Chenrezik Semnyi
Ngelso
nyid ngal
bso
Person
Chi. Benzilan
Place
San.
Cittaviśrāmaṇa
Avalokiteśvara
Buddhist deity
Pha
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
phag mo zhabs drung Pakmo Zhapdrung
Dates
Type
Person
phu tshu
Putsu
phu tshos bka’ ’gyur
lha khang
Putsö Kangyur
Lhakhang
phun ldan dgon
Pünden Gön
phun tshogs gling
Püntsok Ling
phun tshogs bstan
’phel gling
Püntsok Tenpel Ling
phur lha khang
Pur Lhakhang
phos ba
pöwa
phyag chen smon
’grel
Chakchen Möndrel
Aspirational
Commentary on
Mahāmudrā
Text
phyag mdud
chakdü
protective knots
Term
phyag phreng
Chaktreng
Yunnan Province
and adjacent areas
Place
Monastery
Putsö Tripiṭika
Chapel
Building
Monastery
Chi. Puji si
Monastery
Monastery
Pur Chapel
Building
Term
phyogs las rnam rgyal Choklé Namgyel
Person
phrin las rab ’phel
Trinlé Rappel
Person
’phel tsha
Peltsa
Place
255
Ba
Wylie
Phonetics
ba thang
Batang
English
Other
bang mgon
banggön
treasurer
Term
ban skye
benkyé
monks and laymen
Term
ban de
bendé
monks
Term
ban tsang yes
Ben tsangyé
company
commander Ben
Person
bar pa
Barpa
ber nag chen
Bernak Chen
bo dong phyogs lam
rnam rgyal
Bodong Choklam
Namgyel
Chi. Batang
Bödu Kagyüpé Drupté
Sölcheshing Yünnen
Sakhüldu Jitar
Darkhyap Jungwa
Type
Place
Place
Black Cloaked
Mahākāla
Buddhist deity
1376-1451 Person
bod ljongs mi dmangs Böjong Mimang
Petrünkhang
dpe skrun
khang
bod du bka’ brgyud
pa’i grub mtha’i srol
phyes shing yun nan
sa khul du ji ltar
dar khyab byung ba
Dates
Publisher
Parsing the Tenant
System of the
Karma Kagyü in
Tibet and How it
Spread in
Yunnan
bod rigs kyi rus ming Börikkyi Rüming
dpyad pa
Chepa
Tibetan Name
Research
bos grong smad
bö drongmé
lower city
byams pa gling
Jampa Ling
bye’u sgang pa
Jeu Gangpa
brag rtsa lha khang
Draktsa Lhakhang
bla ma karma
Lama Karma
blo bzang
Lozang
Article
Chi. Zangzu
renming yanjiu
Text
Place
Chi. Litang si
Monastery
Person
Rock Base Chapel
Building
Person
Chi. Luo Seng
Person
blo bzang mkhas grub Lozang Khedrup
Author
bha
Bha
Clan
’ba’
Ba
’ba’ tis
Bati
’ba’ tis phur
Batipur
Monastery
’ba’ tis phur dgon
Batipur Gön
Monastery
’ba’ lam
Balam
Place
’ba lam
Balam
’ba’ lung
Balung
’be le ku
Beleku
Place
’be lo
Belo
Person
Place
Chi. Badi
Place
Chi. Weixi
’be lo tshe dbang kun Belo Tsewang
Künkhyap
khyab
’bri khung ri khrod
Drikhung Ritrö
sban kwang gsi
Benkang Si
Place
Place
Author
Drikhung
Hermitage
Monastery
Chi. Fangguang si
Monastery
256
sbu tyan
Butyen
Monastery
Ma
Wylie
Phonetics
ma gcig lab sgron
Machik Lapdrön
mi ’gyur dgon
Mingyur Gön
English
Other
Dates
Type
1055-1153 Person
Monastery
mi pham phrin las rab Mipam Trinlé Rapten
brtan
Person
mi tshad lhag tsam
mitsé lhaktsam
mu li chos ’byung
Muli Chönjung
me yi ’khrul ’khor
meyi trünkhor
rifles
Term
mo kwa
mokwa
governor
Term
dmag sgar
makgar
military
encampment
Term
dmag log
maklok
offensive
smi li
Mili
a little over human
size
Term
Text
Term
Chi. Muli
Place
Tsa
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
tsang yes
tsangyé
company
commander
Chi. zong ye
Dates
Type
Term
tsong yas
tsongyé
company
commander
Chi. zong ye
Term
tsong ye
tsongyé
company
commander
Chi. zong ye
Term
gtsug lag chos kyi
snang ba
Tsuklak Chökyi
Nangwa
btsan rdzong
tsendzong
fortress
Wylie
Phonetics
English
tshe ’khor
tsekhor
wheel of longevity
tshe dbang grags pa
Tsewang Drakpa
tshe dbang lha mo
Tsewang Lhamo
tshogs ’khor
tsokkhor
tantric feast
Ritual
tshon mdangs bcas
tsöndang ché
with coloring
Term
mtshal ma gcod
tselma chö
offerings to the
dead
Ritual
mtshur phu
Tsurpu
1700-1774 Person
Term
Tsha
mtshur phu dgon gyi Tsurpu Göngyi
dkar
Karchak Künsel
chag kun gsal me long Melong
Other
Dates
Type
Term
Person
Author
Monastery
Descriptive Catalog
of Tsurpu
Monastery, a Clear
Mirror
Text
Dza
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
Dates
Type
’dzang dbon
Dzangwön
Place
rdza na
Dzana
Place
257
Wa
Wylie
Phonetics
wang pā tshong si
Wangpa Tsong Si
wi cong gsi
Wichong Si
English
Other
Dates
Type
Person
Chi. Shizhong si
Monastery
Zha
Wylie
Phonetics
English
zhal ngo
zhelngo
commander
Other
Zhagom
zhwa dmar
Zhamar
Type
Term
zhu chen tshul khrims Zhuchen Tsültrim
Rinchen
rin chen
zhwa sgom
Dates
1697-1774 Person
Person
Person
zhwa dmar gar dbang Zhamar Garwang
Chökyi Wangchuk
chos kyi
dbang phyug
1584-1630 Person
zhwa dmar mi pham
chos grub rgya
mtsho
Zhamar Mipam
Chödrup Gyatso
1742-1792 Person
zhwa dmar ye shes
snying po
Zhamar Yeshé
Nyingpo
1631-1694 Person
Za
Wylie
Phonetics
English
Other
Dates
Type
za hor gyi ban de
ngag dbang blo bzang
rgya mtsho’i ’di snang
’khrul pa’i rol
rtsed rtogs brjod kyi
tshul du bkod pa du
k’u la’i gos bzang
Autobiography of
Zahorgyi Bendé
the Fifth Dalai
Ngawang Lozang
Gyatsö Di Nangtrülpé Lama
Röltsé Tokjökyi
Tsüldu Köpadu Kulé
Gözang
Text
gzungs gzhug
zungzhuk
consecration relics
Term
bzo gnas skra rtse’i
chu thigs
Zoné Tratsé Chutik
Water Droplets of
the Arts Collected
on the Tips of Hairs
Text
Wylie
Phonetics
English
’o rgya gzhi
Orgyazhi
’og min gling
Okmin Ling
’A
Other
Dates
Type
Place
Chi. Fuguo si
Monastery
Ya
Wylie
Phonetics
yun thad kwan gyin
Yünté Kengyin
English
Other
Dates
Chi. Guanyin si
g.yu thog pa [yon tan Yutokpa [Yönten
Gönpo]
mgon po]
Type
Monastery
1126-1202 Person
Ra
Wylie
Phonetics
rang byung rdo rje
Rangjung Dorjé
English
Other
Dates
Type
rab gsal
Rapsel
ri bo bya rkang
Riwo Jakang
Chicken Foot
Mountain
Chi. Jizushan
Mountain
ri bo rtse lnga
Riwo Tsenga
Mount Wutai
Chi. Wutaishan
Mountain
1284-1339 Person
Place
258
ring bsrel
ringsel
rin chen dpal bzang
Rinchen Pelzang
ris med
rimé
non-sectarian
Term
ru stod
rutö
upper district
Place
ru yon
Ruyön
Place
rol pa’i rdo rje
Rölpé Dorjé
Person
cremated remains
of a holy person
Term
Author
La
Wylie
Phonetics
la gshis
Lashi
English
Other
las gra tshugs
ledratsuk
li kyang hu’i yul
Likyang Hüyül
li thang
Litang
lin tshong yes
Lin tsongyé
lung phur dgon pa
Lungpur Gönpa
legs mdzad
Lekdzé
log song
loksong
overcome/beaten
back
Wylie
Phonetics
English
sha ba
Shawa
sha ba legs mdzad
sar bsdad/ rgya yi
sman sbyor ’ga’ re
bslab
Shawa Lekdzé Sardé,
Gyayi Menjor Garé
Lap
shāk thub gling
Shaktup Ling
shākya mchog ldan
Shakya Chokden
shang nyi’u kas
Shang Nyiuké
shar nor drung pa
Sharnor Drungpa
Chi. Dongbao
fawang
shar nor drung pa rin Sharnor Drungpa
Rinpoché
po che
Chi. Dongbao
zhongba
shar nor drung pa ho Sharnor Drungpa
Hotoktu
thog thu
Chi. Dongbao
zhongba hutuketu
Dates
Chi. Lashi
Type
Place
workshop
Term
Place
Chi. Litang
Place
company
commander Lin
Person
Monastery
Person
Term
Sha
shyig shyi’i tan nan
Other
Dates
Chi. Shaba
Type
Place
Text
Monastery
1428-1507 Person
Place
d. 1785
Person
Person
1967-
Shyikshyi Tennen
Person
Monastery
Sa
Wylie
Phonetics
sa ga zla ba
saga dawa
English
Other
Dates
Type
sa chen kun [dga’]
snying [po]
Sachen Kün[ga]
Nying[po]
sa tham
Satam
sa tham rgyal po
Satam Gyelpo
si tu
Situ
Person
si tu paṇ chen
Situ Penchen
Person
Term
1092-1158 Person
Chi. Lijiang
king of Lijiang
Place
Term
259
si tu paṇ chen chos kyi Situ Penchen Chökyi
Gyatso
rgya
mtsho
Author
si tu paṇ chen chos kyi Situ Penchen Chökyi
Jungné
’byung
gnas
Person
si tu mi pham chos
rgyal
’phrin las rab brtan
Situ Mipam Chögyel
Trinlé Rapten
Person
si li
sili
sum rtsen gling
Sumtsen Ling
ser mo ba
sermowa
monk
Term
srang
sang
taels
Term
srung ’khor
sungkhor
protective knots
Term
juicy pears
Chi. shui li
Name generic
Chi. Songzhanlin
Monastery
gsang sngags gar tse Sangngak Gartsé Ling
gling
Monastery
gsan tha gsi
Senta Si
gsan thong gsi
Sentong Si
Chi. Santong si
gsing than gsi
Singten Si
Chi. Xitan si
gser gdung
Serdung
Three Pagoda
Temple
Chi. Santa si
Monastery
Monastery
1617
Monastery
Building
bsam don lhun ’grub Samdön Lhündrupma
ma
Text
bsam ’phel
Sampel
Person
bsam lhun ma
Samlhünma
Text
bsod nams rab brtan Sönam Rapten
Chi. Mu Zeng
r.
Person
1598-1624
[1646]
Other
Dates
Ha
Wylie
Phonetics
hwa chin
Hachin
hwa shang lha khang Hashang Lhakhang
hwang yang gsi
Hangyang Si
lha chen
lhachen
lha stengs
Lhateng
lha shis dgon
Lhashi Gön
English
Arhat Chapel
Type
Chi. Heqing
Place
Chi. Luohan si
Building
Chi. Huayan si
Monastery
large statue, or
great deity
Term
Place
Chi. Zhiyun si
Monastery
A
Wylie
Phonetics
a mdo
Amdo
English
Other
Dates
Type
Place
a bzus
azü
Building
e
É
Place
e pa’i lha bzo
Epé lhapzo
sculptors from É
Phonetics
English
Place
Sanskrit
Wylie
Sanskrit
Acala
Dates
Type
Buddhist deity
260
morality tales
Tantric Adepts
Amitāyus
Buddhist deity
Arhat Kāśyapa
Person
avadāna
Term
Cakrasaṃvara
Buddhist deity
dhāraṇī
Term
dharmarāja
Term
Gaya
Place
Jina
Buddhist deity
Kālacakra
Text
Kṣemendra
Person
Kukkuṭapādagiri
Mountain
Magadha
Place
Mahākāli
Buddhist deity
Mahākāla
Buddhist deity
Mahāmudrā
Doxographical
Category
mahāsiddha
Person
maṇḍala
Term
six syllable mantra maṇi
religious
community
Ritual
Padmasambhava
Person
sādhana
Term
Santarakshita
Person
Samvarodaya
Text
saṅgha
Term
Tārā
Buddhist deity
Tripiṭaka
Textual Group
Vajrayoginī
Buddhist deity
Vajrayoginī
maṇḍala
Ritual
Chinese
Wylie
Phonetics
English
fine-line
monochrome
Chinese
Dates
Type
Anfu
Place
baimiao
Term
Baisha
Place
Beijing
Place
Chen Hua
Editor
Chengdu
Publication
Place
Chongzhen
1611-1644 Person
261
Preliminary
Discussion on the
Relationship
Between the Mu
Chieftains and the
Karma Kagyü
School
Chu lun Mushi tusi
yu Gama Gaju pai
zhi jian de guanxi
Article
main assembly hall da dian
Term
Dabaojigong
Building
Dabao si
Monastery
Dali
Place
Damo si
Cave
De Chi
Person
Dian Seng
Person
Dingri
Person
Dongba
Person
Dongzhulin
Monastery
Duan Zhicheng
Author
Praise to Tārā
Dumu song
Text
prince
fan
Term
Tibetan Tripiṭaka
Fan jing sanzang
Textual Group
Fang Jianchang
Author
Feng Zhi
Author
Fujian
Place
gaitu guiliu
Term
Gama Jiangcun
Author
Gansu
Place
Gansu minzu
chubanshe
Publisher
Gao Wenying
Author
gaodi dizi
Term
Gema Sibao lama
Person
Geng Jingzhong
Person
Guan Xuexuan
Person
high-ranking
disciple
Guangdong
Guanxu Era Lijiang Guanxu Lijiang fu
Prefecture
zhi gao
Gazetteer Draft
Palace Museum
Journal
Place
1894
Text
Guanyin si
Monastery
Guanyinshan
Monastery
Gugong bowuyuan
yuan kan
Journal
Guo Dalie
Author
Guomindang
Organization
Guizhou
Place
262
He family
Hangzhou
Place
He shi
Clan
He Zhiwu
Author
Black Dragon Pool Heilong tan
Dharma Protector
Hall
building permit
Vajrayoginī cave
Gazetteer of
Chicken Foot
Mountain
Building
Hufatang
Building
Hunan
Place
jian si zhizhao
Term
Jiangxi
Place
Jianye dian
Building
Jietuolin
Monstery
Jin Zhiqi
Person
Jingang haimu
lingdong
Cave
jinshi
Term
Jizushan zhi
Text
Kangxi
lama monk
Lake
Huashou men
r.
Person
1662-1722
Kunming
Place
Labu
Place
lama seng
Term
Lanjing si
Monastery
Lashi li
Place
Li Lincan
Author
Li Weiqing
Author
Li Xi
Author
Li Xiang
Li Zicheng
Person
1605?-1645 Person
Lijiang
Place
Lijiang
Publication
Place
The Baisha
Lijiang Baisha
Frescoes in Lijiang bihua
County
Text
Lijiang Prefecture
Gazetteer
Text
Lijiang fu zhi lue
A Preliminary
Lijiang Mushi tufu
Study of Lijiang
miaoyu bihua
Mu Family
chutan
Governors’ Temple
Wall
Paintings
Article
263
A Collection of
Essays from the
Symposium on the
Lijiang Mu Family
Chieftain
and the Yunnan
Tibet Intersection of
Regional History
and Culture
Lijiang Mushi tusi
yu Tian Chuan
Zang jiao jue chu
yu lishi wenhua
yantao hui lunwen
ji
Text
Lijiang Naxi
Dongba wenhua
bowuguan
Editor
Lijiang Naxizu
zizhixian
Publisher
Lijiang Naxizu
zizhixian
Article
Lijiang Naxizu
zizhixian wenhua ju
Editor
Wall Paintings of Lijiang si shi bihua
Lijiang’s Historical
Temples
Article
Lijiang Naxi
Autonomous
County
Lijiang Municipal
Museum
Lijiang shi
bowuguan
Organization
Lijiang xian
Xianzhibian weihui
Editor
Lijiang xianzhi
bangongshi
Editor
Lijiang Zhiyuan
Journal
Lin
Clan
Lingshou si
Monastery
Lisu
Ethnicity
Liulidian
Building
Luoshui dong
Lü Ji
Cave
act.
Person
1475–1503
Green Standards
Lu ying
Term
Green Standards
Lu ying bing
Term
Ming
Dynasty
Ming Ju
Person
Ming Julu
Person
Ming-Qing
Dynasty
Ming Wanli
Person
Ming zhi Qing chu
Yunnan Zang qu de
zhengjiao guanxi ji
qi tedian
Article
Ming to Early Qing
Dynasty Yunnan
Tibetan
Church-State
Relations and Their
Characteristics
264
A Brief
Introduction to
Ming Dynasty
Lijiang Mu Family
Chieftain (tusi) and
Mingdai Lijiang
Mushi tusi yu
Xizang Gamabapai
guanxi shulue
Article
Minjia
Clan
Minzu chubanshe
Publisher
Modu
Mountain
Moso
Ethnicity
Mu
Clan
mu bei
Term
Tibetan Karma
Kagyü School
Relations
wooden tablet
Mu De
1714-1777 Person
Mu Qing
1442-1485 Person
Mu Shihua
Mu Tai
Chapel of Perfect
Mu
Mu tai shou ci
Mu heavenly kings Mu tian wang
Editor
1486-1502 Person
Building
Term
Mu Wang
r.
Person
1580-1596
Mu Zhong
1687-1725 Person
Mu Family Official Mushi huan pu
Chronicle
Article
Mu Family Official Mushi huan pu
Chronicle
Text
Mu Family
Chieftains and
Lijiang
Mushi tusi yu
Lijiang
Text
Nan zhan diyi
lingdong
Text
Naxi
Ethnicity
Research on the
Historic
Relationship
Between the Naxi
and Tibetans
Naxizu yu Zangzu
lishi guanxi yanjiu
Text
A Brief History of
the Naxi
Naxizu jianshi
Text
Naxizu jianshi
bianxie zu
Editor
Naxizu shi
Text
History of the Naxi Naxizu shi
Text
Grand View of Naxi Naxizu wenhua
Culture
daguan
Text
A History of the
Naxi
Puji village
Puji
Place
265
Record of the Great Puji si da lama jilue
Lama of Puji si
Bodhisattvas South
of the Clouds: Situ
Panchen’s
Activities and
Artistic
Influence in
Yunnan
Text
Pulong
Place
Pusa zai yun zhi
nan: Situ Banqin
zai Yunnan de
huodong yi qi yishu
yingxiang li
Article
Manchu bannermen qi ren
Qianlong
Term
r.
Person
1736-1795
Qing
Dynasty
Qiu Xuanchong
Person
Revolt of the Three San fan zhi luan
Feudatories
1673-1682 Event
Shaanxi
Place
Shan yue wenhua
Publisher
Shan Zhishi lama
Person
Shang Kexi
Person
shen seng jiyi
Text
Shen you Yulong
shan
Text
shilixiang
Building
Shouguo si
Monastery
monochromatic ink shui mo hua
Term
Sibao lama
Person
Sichuan
Place
Sichuan minzu
chubanshe
Publisher
Sixiang Zhanxian
Journal
Suolang Jiachu
Author
Sönam Gyatso’s
Suolang Jiachu
Collected Writings Zangxue wenji
on Tibetan Studies
Text
Taibei
Publication
Place
Tianqi
Person
provincial military ti du
commander
Term
hereditary chieftain tusi
Term
Wang Gui
Author
Wang Haitao
Author
Wang Yao
Wanli
Weibishan
Author
r.
Person
1573-1620
Mountain
266
Weixi Travel
Record
Wei Ting
Person
Weixi wenjian lu
Text
Wenbi
Mountain
Wenfeng si
Monastery
Wenwu
Journal
Wu Sangui
1612-1678 Person
Five Phoenix
Pavilion
Wufenglou
Building
Bordered Yellow
Banner
Xiang huang qi
Clan
Xitanchan si
Monastery
Xitan si’s Statue of Xitan si de Mu Zeng
Mu Zeng
suxiang
Article
Appreciating the
Art of Tibetan
Painting: Analysis
of Pelpung
Monastery’s
Treasury of “Kagyü
Golden Garland”
Tangka
Xizang huihua
yishu xinshang:
Babang si zhencang
“Gaju jinman”
tangka shangxin
Text
Yang Fuquan
Author
Yang Jiaming
Author
Yang Xuezheng
Author
Yang Zhou
Editor
Yangbajingsi
Monastery
Yongning
Yongzheng
right gate
panel
Jade Dragon
Mountain
Place
r.
Person
1723-1735
you shan men
Term
Yu Haibo
Author
Yu Jiahua
Author
Yu Qingyuan
Person
yuan
Term
Yuan Zhancheng
Person
Yulong shan
Mountain
Yunnan
Place
Yunnan beizheng
zhi
Text
Yunnan Wall
Yunnan lishi bihua
Paintings from
yishu
Previous Dynasties
Text
Yunnan meishu
chubanshe
Publisher
Yunnan minzu
chubanshe
Publisher
267
Yunnan Folk Art
Yunnan minzu
minjian yishu
Text
An Investigation of
Yunnan Naxi Social
History. Naxi
Survey Data
Yunnan Naxizu
shehui lishi
diaocha. Naxizu
diaocha cailiao
Text
Yunnan renmin
chubanshe
Publisher
Yunnan Provincial Yunnan sheng
Museum
bowuguan
Editor
Yunnan sheng
minzu yanjiu suo
Publisher
Yunnan sheng
qunzhong yishu
guan
Editor
Yunnan sheng
Zhongdian xian zhi
bianzuan weiyuan
hui
Editor
A Large Collection Yunnan wenwu guji
of Yunnan Cultural daquan
Relics and
Monuments
Text
Yunnan Tibetan
Studies Research
Yunnan Zangxue
yanjiu
Text
Collected Essays on Yunnan zangxue
Yunnan Tibetan
yanjiu lunwen ji
Studies Research
Text
A Brief Study of
Zhongdian,
Yunnan, Tibetan
Buddhist Karma
Kagyü Sect’s
Dabao
Temple
Yunnan Zhongdian
Zang chuan Fojiao
Gama Gaju pai
Dabao si xiao kao
Article
A Brief
Introduction to the
Tibetan Tripiṭika,
the Lijiang-Lithang
Edition of
the Kanjur
Zangwen Dazang
jing
Lijiang—Litang
ban ganzhu’er jing
shu e
Article
Tibetan History and Zangzu lishi
Religion Research zongjiao yanjiu
Text
Tibetan, Naxi, and Zangzu, Naxizu,
Pumi Tibetan
Pumizu de
Buddhism
Zangchuan fojiao
Text
governor-general
zhifu
Term
Zhongdian xian zhi
Text
Zhongguo Zangxue
Journal
Zhongguo Zangxue
chubanshe
Publisher
Zhongyang minzu
daxue xue bao
Journal
Zhu Youlang
Person
268
Zhusha zhi zangwen
jingdian
Text
Zixia si
Monastery
Mongolian
Wylie
Phonetics
Güüshi Khan
Kokonor
English
Mongolian
Dates
gushri khan
1582-1655 Person
Type
Lake
269
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Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies

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